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BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY
HISTORY OF THE POPES
VOL. Ill
GEORGE BELL AND SONS
LONDON: PORTUGAL ST., LINCOLN'S INN
CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO.
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.
BOMBAY : A. H. WHEELER & CO.
THE HISTORY OF
THE POPES
DURING THE LAST FOUR CENTURIES
BY
LEOPOLD VON RANKE
MRS. FOSTER'S TRANSLATION REVISED IN ACCORDANCE
WITH THE LATEST GERMAN EDITION BY
G. R. DENNIS
VOL. Ill
LONDON ,
GEORGE BELL & SONS
1908
PRINTED BY
WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
LONDON AND BECCLES.
CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill
APPENDIX
SECTION I
FIRST PERIOD— TO THE COUNCIL OF TRENT
NO. PAGE
1. Address of the Curia to Nicholas V (1453) ... 3
2. Instructions of Sixtus IV to his Nuncios to Charles V (1478) 5
3. Report of Polo Capello to the Venetian Senate (1500) . . 6
4. Death of Alexander VI ....... 9
5. Report of Polo Capello (15 10) 11
6. Report of Domenego Trivixan (i 510) . . . .12
7. Report of Marin Zorzi (1517) ...... 14
8. Report of Marco Minio (1520) ...... 18
9. Diary of Sebastiano de Branca de Telini . . . .19
10. Life of Leo X 21
11. Historical Notices of the pontificates of Leo X, Adrian VI,
and Clement VII 2i
12. Report of Aluise Gradenigo {1523) ..... 22
13. Report of the Venetian Ambassadois to Adrian VI . .24
14. Conclave and Election of Clement VIE .... 26
15. Instruction to Cardinal Farnese, Legate to the Emperor . 29
16. History of Italy by Vettori 30
17. Report of Marco Foscari (1526) 34
18. Report of Caspar Contarini on his embassy to Clement VII
and Charles V (1530) 37
vi CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill
19. Instruction to the Emperor by Cardinal Campeggio at the
diet of Augsburg (1530) 38
20. Diaries of Martinelli and Firmanus . . . . .40
21. Report of Antonio Suriano (1533) 42
2ia. Report of Antonio Suriano (1536) 44
SECTION II
CRITICAL REMARKS ON THE HISTORIANS OF
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT
Fra Paolo Sarpi ........ 47
Sforza Pallavicini . . . . . . . • ^5
SECTION III
TIMES OF THE CATHOLIC RESTORATION DOWN
TO SIXTUS V
22. Instruction from Paul III to his Nuncio at the Council of
Trent (1536) 80
23. Instruction for selecting a city wherein to hold the Council
of Trent (1537) 81
24. Instruction to Cardinal Montepulciano, Legate to Charles V
(1539) .82
25. Instruction to the Bishop of Modena, Nuncio at the Council
of Spires (1540) - . .86
26. Instruction to Cardinal Contarini, Legate in Germany (1541) 87
27. Report of Matteo Dandolo {1551) 87
28. Life of Marcellus II, by his brother . . . . .88
29. Life of Paul IV, by Caracciolo . , 89
30. Report of Bernardo Navagero (1558) . . . . .91
31. Report of Aluise Mocenigo (1560) . . . . •93
32. Report of Marchio Michiel (1560) . . . . •95
33. Despatches of Venetian Ambassadors (1560-61) . . -95
CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill
Vll
NO.
34. Trial of Cardinal Carafifa (1560) ....
35. Report of Girolamo Soranzo (1563) ....
36. Instruction to the Spanish Ambassador, Alcantara (1562)
37. Instruction to Carlo Visconti, Nuncio to the king of Spai
(1563)
38. Report by Commendone to the Legates at the Council (1563)
39. Report of Cardinal Morone (1564) . . .
40. Antonio Canossa on the attempt to assassinate Pius IV
41. Report of Paolo Tiepolo (1568). . . .
42. Report of Michiel Suriano (1571) ....
43. Account of Pius V .
44. Rome under Gregory XIII (1574) ....
45. Second Report of Paolo Tiepolo (1576)
46. Commentary on the pontificate of Gregory XIII by Cardinal
Vercelli
47. Report of Ghisilieri to Gregory XIII
48. The Court of Rome, by Cardinal Commendone .
97
97
98
100
100
102
102
102
103
104
104
107
108
no
III
SECTION IV
SIXTUS V
I. Critical Remarks on Leti and Tempesti,
Biographers of Sixtus V
Gregorio Leti .
Casimiro Tempesti
112
121
II. Manuscripts
49. Autograph Memoirs of Sixtus V
50. Life of Sixtus V, corrected by himself
51. Anonymous Life of Sixtus V .
52. Memoirs of the Pontificate of Sixtus V
53. Life of Sixtus V, by Gualterio .
54. Life of Sixtus V, by Galesini .
123
132
134
140
142
145
viii CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill
NO- PAGE
55. Anonymous Life of Sixtus V 146
56. Report to Sixtus V 147
57. Report of Lorenzo Priuli (1586) 148
58. Report of Giovanni Gritti (1589) 149
59. Report of Badoer (1589) 150
60. Venetian Despatches (1573-1590) . . . . • 151
61. Report of Spannocchi on the Ecclesiastical affairs of Poland 153
62. Minucci on the Restoration of Catholicism in Germany (1588) 158
SECTION V
SECOND PERIOD OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL
RESTORATION
63. Conclaves 160
64. Life of Cardinal Santaseverina ...... 163
65. Lifeof Clement VIII 169
66. Instruction to Powsinsky, on his embassy to Poland (1593) ;
and Report of the King of Poland's entry into Sweden
(1594) 170
67. Report on Poland (1598) 170
68. Report on the political and religious state of Sweden (1598) 171
Intercalation— Remarks on Bentivoglio's Memoirs 172
69. Report to Cardinal d'Este . . . . . '174
70. Report of Delfino (1600) 17^
71. Report of Venier (1601) 179
72. Instruction to the Spanish Ambassador, Viglienna (1603) . l8l
73. Malaspina on the Empire, and the provinces infested with
heresy ......••• 182
74. Report on the Churches of Saxony (1603) . . • .184
75. Instructions to the Nuncio Barberini on his proceeding to
France {1603) 185
76. Life of Paul V . . . . . . . .187
CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill ix
77. Report on the unhappy state of Germany by the Nuncio
Ferrero . . . . . . . . .188
78. Report of the Embassy of congratulation from Venice, on the
accession of Paul V (1605)
79. Instruction to Cardinal Gessi, Nuncio to Venice (1607)
80. Milensio, Report of the Diet of Ratisbon .
81. Report of Giovanni Mocenigo {161 2)
82. Report from the Swiss Nunciature j and Report of the Car-
dinal of Aquino on the Grisons ....
S^. Instruction to Diotallevi, Nuncio to Poland (16 14) ,
84. Account of Bologna (1595) .....
85. Instruction for a Legate at Bologna ....
86. Payments of the Vassals of the Roman Barons to the Pope,
and Imposts paid to the Barons ....
87. Revenues of Roman Nobles .....
88. Proposals for the relief of the Apostolic Treasury by Malvasia
(1606)
89. Grants from Paul V to his family ....
90. Report on the States of the Church (161 1 )
91. Pitaro on Maritime Commerce (1612)
92. Report from Romagna ......
93. Campanella on Ecclesiastical Government
Intercalation — Remarks on Certain Jesuit Histo
RIANS
94. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Gregory XV (1621]
95. Life of Ludovico Ludovisio
96. Instruction to the Bishop of Aversa, Nuncio to Ferdinand II
(1621) . .
97. Instruction to the Patriarch of Alexandria, Nuncio to the
King of Spain (162 1 ) ......
98. Instruction to the Archbishop of Antrinopoli, Nuncio to
Poland (1621)
99. Instruction to the Bishop of Nola, Nuncio to Poland
100. Report of La2ari to the Propaganda (1622) . ,
loi. Instruction to Leo Allatius on going to fetch the Palatine
Library (1622) ,,,,.,,, 234
X CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill
NO. PAGE
102. Instruction to Don Tobia Corona (1622) . , . , 236
103. Report of Rainiero Zeno (1623) 239
104. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Urban VIII (1624) 243
105. Instruction to the Bishop of Gravina, Nuncio to Spain
(1624) 246
106. Instruction to the Archbishop of Damiata, Nuncio to France
(1624) 248
107. Instruction to the Bishop of Cesena, Nuncio to Savoy (1624) 250
108. Report on the state of Religion in Bohemia (1624) . , 252
109. Report to Urban VIII, by the Bishop of Nicastro (1624) . 260
no. Instruction to Luigi Caraffa, Nuncio to Cologne (1624) . 263
111. Report of Pietro Contarini (1627) ..... 266
112. Report of Caraffa on the Empire and Germany (1628) . 273
113. Report on the Diocese of Augsburg (1629) . . . 278
114. Report of Caraffa on the Rhine and Lower Germany (1634) 278
115. Report of Aluise Contarini (1632-35) .... 282
116. Death of Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini (1638) . . 289
117. Report of Zuanne Nani (1641) 290
118. Report of Spada on the Roman Government . . . 295
119. Disputes of the Barberini family with Odoardo Farnese . 297
120. Life of Urban VIII, by Andrea Nicoletti . . . 298
SECTION VI
LATER EPOCHS
121. Life of Cardinal Cecchini, by himself .... 311
122. Diary of Deone (1640-44) , 317
123. Report on the State of Rome 321
124. Compendium of events from Gregory XIII to Clement IX . 322
Remarks on "Gualdi Vita di Donna Olimpia
Maldachina" (1666) 324
125. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Innocent X (1645) • 325
126. Report of Aluise Contarini (1648) . . . , . 328
CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill
XI
NO.
127. Memorial to Innocent X from the city of Fermo (1648)
128. Report of Giustiniani (1652) . , , , .
129. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Alexander VII (1656)
130. Life of Alexander VII, by Pallavicini , ,
131. Report of Casati on the Conversion of Queen Christina
132. Report of Corraro (1660) .....
133. Report of Sagredo {1661)
134. Report of Pietro Basadona (1663) ....
135. Life of Alexander VII (1666)
136. Report of Giacomo Quirini (1667) ....
137. Report on Rome, to the King of France (1669)
138. Report of Antonio Grimani (1670) ....
139. Report on the State of Rome (1670)
140. Life of Clement X, by Cartari ....
141. Life of Clement X, by a Jesuit ....
142. New Government of Rome under the Pontificate of Clement X
143. Report on the State of Rome, by Federigo Rozzoni
144. Report of Piero Mocenigo (1675)
145. Treatise on the Government of Rome
146. Life of Innocent XI ... .
147. Memorial to Innocent XI (1680)
148. Satirical Ode against Innocent XI .
149. Discourse on the Suppression of the College of Apostolic
Secretaries by Innocent XI . .
150. Political, moral and satirical writings on the Maxims and
Government of the Jesuits .
151. Report of Giovanni Lando (169 1 )
152. Confession of Alexander VIII
153. Report of Domenico Contarini {1696)
154. Report of Nicolo Erizzo (1702)
155. Report of Giovanni Francesco Morosini (1707)
156. Report of Lorenzo Tiepolo (17 1 2) .
157. Report of Andrea Corner (1724)
158. Report of Pietro Capello (1728)
159. Observations on the present condition of the States of the
Church
410
Xll
CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill
1 60. Autograph instructions for officials .
161. Regulations for Commerce
162. Report of Aluise Mocenigo IV (1737)
163. Reportof Francesco Venier (1744) .
164. Report of Aluise Mocenigo IV (1750)
165. Report of Girolamo Zulian (1783) ,
INDEX
PAGE
412
414
420
420
423
425
n
APPENDIX
CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS USED,
WITH SUPPLEMENTARY EXTRACTS
AND CRITICAL REMARKS
SECTION I
FIRST PERIOD, TO THE COUNCIL OF TRENT
No. I
Ad S. Z^'" Nostrtwi Poniificem Maximum Nicolmim V con-
formatio curie romajie loquentis edita per E. S. oratorcni
Joseph. B. doctorem cum kumili semper rccom7nendatione.
(1453.) [The Address of the Roman Curia to his
Hohness, Pope Nicholas V, set forth and presented by
Doctor Joseph B., Orator of the Holy Church.] Vatican
Library, No. 3618.
A LAMENT over the well-known conspiracy of Stephen
Porcari, which, although not presenting any more minute
details concerning it, yet places before us certain important
circumstances explanatory of the general position of things ;
it gives intimation, for example, of the principal object pro-
posed to himself by Nicholas V in his architectural under-
takings.
"Arces fortificat muris turrimque superbam
Extruit . . . ne quisque tyrannus ab alma
Quemque arm is valeat papam depellere Roma."
Previous popes had frequently been compelled to quit
their capital. Nicholas built that he might be prepared to
defend himself against all assailants, whether from within or
from without. There is further exhibited in this document
the condition of Rome as compared with that of other Italian
cities.
*'Si tu perquiris in omnibus illam [libertatemj
Urbibus Italiac, nullam mihi credo profecto
Invenics urbem quae sic majore per orancm
Libertate modum quam nunc tua Roma fruatur,
VOL. III. 3 r. 2
4 APPENDIX-SECTION I [No. i
Omnis enim urbs dominis et bello et pace coacta
Praestita magna suis durasque gravata gabellas
Solvit, et interdum propriam desperat habere
Justitiam, atque ferox violentia civibus ipsis
Saepe fit, ut populus varie vexatus ab illis
Fasce sub hoc onerum pauper de divite fiat ;
At tua Roma sacro nee praestita nee similem vim
Nee grave vectigal nee pondera cogitur ulla
Solvere pontifici ni humiles minimasque gabellas :
Praeterea hie dominus tribuit justissimus almam
Justitiam cuicunque suam, violentaque nuUi
Infert : hie populum prisco de paupere ditem
Efficit, et placida Romam cum pace gubernat."
The author reproaches the Romans for labouring to
attain the freedom of ancient Rome. It is indeed estab-
lished beyond a doubt that the papal rule was milder than
that of any other Italian government ; and the knowledge
of this fact contributed largely to the territorial extension
of the States of the Church. Our author considers it un-
pardonable that the citizens should oppose resistance to
that Church from which they obtained so many benefits both
spiritual and temporal.
" Qui bus aiiri copia grandis
Argeniiqueferax, aeternaque vita salusque
Provenit, uc nulli data gratia tam ardua genti."
The pope is advised to provide still more effectually for
his safety, to increase his fortifications, and never to go to
St. Peter's without a guard of 300 armed men ; he is^ at the
same time, recommended to aim at securing the affections
of the Roman people, and to support the poor, more par-
ticularly those of good descent, " vitam qui mendicare
rubescunt ; "
" Succurre volentibus artes
Exercere bonas, quibus inclyta Roma nitescat ; "
which was indeed a counsel scarcely needed by Nicholas V.
This little work is moreover referred to in the " Vita
Nicolai V a Domenico Georgio conscripta, Romae, 1742,"
p. 130.
No. 2] APPENDIX- SECTION 1
No. 2
Imtnutiones datae a Sixto IV RE. PP. Z>«'*/- ^^ Agnellis
protojwtario apostolico ct Anf de Frassis S. palatii cau-
sariim audi tori ad M. Imp er at oris, i Dcc'^ 1478. [In-
structions given by Sixtus IV to the nuncios sent to the
Emperor, etc.] Bibl. Altieri, VII. G. i. 90.
The oldest Instruction that I have found among the MSS.
that have come under my observation. It begins thus —
" Primo salutabunt Serenissimum Imperatorem."
The attack of the Pazzi on the Medici had taken place
on the 26th of April, 1478. All Italy was thrown into
commotion by this outrage. " Ecclesia justa causa contra
Laurentium mota, clamant Veneti, clamat tota ista liga."
The ambassadors were instructed to prevent the emperor
from giving credence to a certain Giacopo de Medio, whom
the Venetians had sent as their emissary to the imperial
court. " Est magnus fabricator et Cretensis : multa enim
referebat suis, quae nunquam cogitaveramus neque dixera-
mus." They were to request the mediation of the emperor :
the king of France had already offered his intervention, but
the pope preferred to reserve the honour of that office to the
emperor. " Velit scribere regi Franciae et ligae isti, osten-
dendo quod non recte faciunt et parum existimant Deum et
honorem pontificis, et quod debent magis favere ecclesiae
justitiam habenti quam uni mercatori, qui semper magna
causa fuit quod non potuerunt omnia confici contra Turcum
quae intendebamus parare, et fuit semper petra scandali in
ecclesia Dei et tota Italia."
This affair was all the more perilous for the pope from the
fact that a purpose was entertained of opposing his temporal
assumptions by means of a council. " Petunt cum rege
Franciae conciUum in Galliis celebrari in dedecus nostrum."
We are hereby reminded of the attempt that was in
fact made some years later to convoke a council, and by
which the archbishop of Carniola acquired a certain repu-
tation. Johann von Mliller has given a few pages to this
subject in the 5th vol. of his History of Switzerland (p. 286),
6 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 3
but he does not make the secular motives by which the advo-
cates of this demand for a council were actuated sufficiently
obvious. Cardinal Andreas was not altogether so spiritual
as Miiller's work would make him appear. The ambassadors
of Florence and Milan sought the cardinal in Basle, present-
ing themselves in the name of the entire league, which had
taken the field against Sixtus. They found in him — we have
their own report — great experience and knowledge of the
world (" gran pratica et experientia del mundo "), together
with a vehement hatred to the pope and his nephew. " E
huomo per fare ogni cosa purche e' tuffi el papa e '1 conte."
[He is a man capable of doing anything, provided he can
but ruin the pope and the count.] See Baccius Ugolinus
Laurentio Medici in Basilea a di 20 Sept. 1482, in Fabroni
Vita Laurentii, ii. 229. We here perceive that the spiritual
opposition of the princes was undertaken from purely secular
motives. They also possessed spiritual weapons, and these
they brought into action against those of the pope.
No. 3
Relatione fatta in pregadi per Polo Capello el cavalier vemito
orator di Roma, 1500, 28 Sett. [Report presented to the
Venetian Senate by Polo Capello, regarding his embassy
to Rome.] In the Archives of Vienna.
This is the first report that I have found on the papal
court by a Venetian ambassador. It does not appear in the
Venetian archives; and it may be inferred that the reports
were not at that time presented in writing. It is given in
the Chronicle of Sanuto, in which may be usually found
whatever was transacted in the senate (or pregadi).
Polo Capello promises to treat on four subjects : the
cardinals, the relations or dispositions of the pope towards
the king of France and towards Venice respectively; the
intentions (el desiderio) of his holiness, and what they might
expect from him ; but as this division of his subject was not
founded on any very accurate distinctions, he does not
rigidly adhere to it.
He remarks in the first place, that neither Venice nor
No. 3] APPENDIX— SECTION I 7
France was in particular favour with the pope ; the former,
because, having seized on a part of the Milanese territory,
fears were entertained lest the remainder of Italy should be
also attacked ; the latter, because the king of France did not
keep his promises to the pope. In this document we find
the conditions of the treaty formed in the year 1498 between
the king and the pope. The pope granted the king a dis-
pensation permitting him to separate from his wife. In
return, the king engaged to confer a domain on Caesar
Borgia, the pope's son, that should yield him a revenue of
28,000 francs, a wife of the blood-royal (Navarre?), and the
renunciation of all attempts on Naples, except in aid of the
Borgia family (" del regno di Napoli non se impazzar se non
in ajutar il papa ") ; whence we perceive that the pope had
himself, even at that time, designs on Naples. But these
promises were not kept. The matrimonial alliance proposed
to Caesar Borgia was not exactly what had been desired.
The pope went so far as to purchase an estate of 12,000
francs, as a security for the dowry, but the young bride
remained in France. It was only by the superior force of
the king that the pope was held to peace. " Quando il
S"" Lodovico intrb in Milan," says Capello very significantly,
" publice diceva (il papa) mal del roy." [When S"" Ludo-
vico entered Milan, the pope publicly spoke ill of the king.]
Alexander was enraged because the French would not give
him aid for the expulsion of Bentivoglio from Bologna.
This report, in common with all those which are taken
from the Chronicle of Sanuto, has been printed in the Floren-
tine collection of Venetian Reports, vol. vii., 1846; and I
should have abbreviated or omitted my extracts from it, but
for the fact that the copy of Sanuto at Venice from which
the reprint was made, presents some differences from the
original which I used at Vienna. Thus in the sentence just
given " il re Ludovico " is printed, and " di lui " instead of
" del roy." In this case, " il re " is opposed to the sense
and makes the whole passage unintelligible.
Not only does the report give an insight into the inner
workings of the papal policy of those days, but it is also
valuable for its personal descriptions.
The author first alludes to the death of Alexander's
8 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 3
son-in-law. Caesar Borgia had already wounded him. "By
way of precaution he sent to Naples for physicians : the
wounded man was ill thirty-three days, and Cardinal Capua
received his confession ; he was nursed by his wife and sister,
who was married to the prince of Squillaci, another son of the
pope ; they remained with him, and prepared his food in a
small vessel with their own hands, for fear of poison, because
of the hatred felt towards him by the duke of Valentinos,
the pope causing him to be guarded lest that duke should
kill him ; and when the pope went to visit the sick man, the
duke did not accompany him, once only excepted, and then
he said, ' What has not been done at dinner shall be done
at supper.' Accordingly, one day, — it was the 17th of
August, — he entered the room, the patient having already
risen, and made the wife and sister go out ; then Michiele
came in, as if called^ and strangled the said youth."
" The pope loves his son the duke, but is in great dread of
him ; he is twenty-seven years of age, remarkably handsome,
very tall and well made, evert exceeding King Ferandin"
(Ferdinand, the last king of Naples^ that is, who was con-
sidered extremely handsome). " He killed six wild bulls,
fighting with the spear on horseback, and in regard to one,
he struck off his head at one blow, which seemed a prodigy
to all Rome; he has most regal habits and spends very
largely, for which the pope is displeased with him. Besides
this, he slew M. Peroto at another time under the very mantle
of the pope, so that the blood burst over the face of the pope ;
which M. Peroto was a favourite of the pontiff. He also
murdered his brother, the duke of Gandia, and caused the
body to be thrown into the Tiber. All Rome trembles at
this duke, and every one fears assassination from him."
Roscoe, in his Life of Leo X, has endeavoured to clear
the memory of Lucrezia Borgia from the scandalous impu-
tations heaped upon her. To the accusations brought
against her earlier life, he has opposed a crowd of favourable
witnesses respecting the latter part of it. But even the
German translator of his work is not convinced by his argu-
ments, believing rather that Lucrezia had amended her
conduct. The report we are now examining is, however,
further remarkable, because it affords a favourable testimony
No. 4] APPENDIX— SECTION I 9
to the character of Lucrezia, even in her earlier days ; its
words are — " Lucrezia la qual b savia e liberal " [Lucrezia
who is wise and generous]. Caesar Borgia was rather her
enemy than her lover. He despoiled her of Sermoneta,
which had been granted to her by the pope, remarking that
she was but a woman, and would not be able to defend it :
" ^ donna, non lo potra mantenir."
No. 4
Among the various documents to be found in the fifth
volume of Sanuto, the following appears to be the most
important.
" This is the inanmr in which Pope Alexander VI cafne
to his death.
" The cardinal datary D"° Arian da Corneto, having re-
ceived a gracious intimation that the pontiff, together with
the duke of Valentinos, designed to come and sup with him
in his vineyard, and that his holiness would bring the supper
with him, the cardinal suspected that this determination had
been taken for the purpose of destroying his life by poison,
to the end that the duke might have his riches and appoint-
ments, the rather as he knew that the pope had resolved to
put him to death by some means, with a view to seizing his
property, as I have said — which was very great. Consider-
ing of the means by which he might save himself, he could
see but one hope of safety — he sent in good time to the
pope's carver, with whom he had a certain intimacy, desiring
that he would come to speak with him ; who, when he had
come to the said cardinal, was taken by him into a secret
place, where, they two being retired, the cardinal shewed the
carver a sum, prepared beforehand, of 10,000 ducats, in
gold, which the said cardinal persuaded the carver to accept
as a gift and to keep for the love of him, and after many
words, they were at length accepted, the cardinal offering,
moreover, all the rest of his wealth, at his command — for he
was a very rich cardinal — for he said he could not keep the
said riches by any other means than through the said carver's
aid, and declared to him ' You know of a certainty what
lo APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 4
the nature of the pope is, and I know that he has resolved,
with the duke of Valentinos, to procure my death by poison,
through your hand,' — wherefore he besought the carver to
take pity on him and to give him his hfe. And having said
this, the carver declared to him the manner in which it was
ordered that the poison should be given to him at the
supper, but being moved to compassion he promised to
preserve his life. Now the orders were that the carver
should present three boxes of sweetmeats, in tablets or
lozenges, after the supper, one to the pope, one to the said
cardinal, and another to the duke, and in that for the cardinal
there was poison ; and thus being told, the said cardinal
gave directions to the aforesaid carver in what manner he
should serve them, so as to cause that the poisoned box of
confect which was to be for the cardinal, should be placed
before the pope that he might eat thereof, and so poison
himself and die. And the pope being come accordingly
with the aforesaid duke to supper on the day appointed,
the aforesaid cardinal threw "himself at his feet, kissing them
and embracing them closely ; then he entreated his holiness
with the most affectionate words, saying, he would never
rise from those feet until his holiness had granted him a
favour. Being questioned by the pontiff what this favour
was, and requested to rise up, he would first have the grace
he demanded, and the promise of his holiness to grant it.
Now after much persuasion the pope remained sufficiently
astonished, seeing the perseverance of the said cardinal and
that he would not rise, and promised to grant the favour.
Then the cardinal rose up and said, ' Holy Father, it is not
fitting that when the master comes to the house of his
servant, the servant should eat with his master like an equal
(confrezer parimente),' and therefore the grace that he
demanded was the just and honest one that he, the servant,
should wait at the table of his master, and this favour the
pope granted him. Then having come to supper, and the
time for serving the confectionery having arrived, the carver
put the poisoned sweetmeats into the box, according to the
first order given to him by the pope, and the cardinal, being
well informed as to which box had no poison, tasted of that
one, and put the poisoned confect before the pope. Then
No. 5] APPENDIX— SECTION I 11
his holiness, trusting to his carver and seeing the cardinal
tasting, judged that no poison was there, and ate of it
heartily ; while of the other, which the pope thought was
poisoned, but which was not, the said cardinal ate. Now at
the hour accustomed, according to the quality of that poison,
his holiness began to feel its effect, and so died thereof: but
the said cardinal, who was yet much afraid, having physicked
himself and vomited, took no harm and escaped, though not
without difficulty. Farewell."
This account, if not an authentic one, is at least a very
remarkable description of Alexander's death, and is, perhaps,
the best we have relating to that occurrence.
No. 5
Sommario dc la relatiofie di S. Polo Capello^ vemiio orator
di Roma, fatia in CoUegio 15 10. [Summary of Polo
Capello's report of his embassy to Rome, delivered
to the College 15 10.]
After the great misfortunes suffered by the Venetians in
consequence of the league of Cambray, they soon contrived
to win over Pope Julius II again to their side. Polo Capello
brings forward certain details hitherto unknown, in regard
to the manner in which this result was produced. The pope
was anxious in respect to the consequences that might
ensue from a meeting then projected between Maximilian
and the king of France. " Dubitando perche fo ditto il re
di Romani et il re di Francia si volcano abboccar insieme et
era certo in suo danno." It is true that for a certain time
he enforced on the Venetians the necessity of resigning
those towns which, according to the terms of the league,
should have fallen to the emperor ; but when he saw that
the enterprise of Maximilian came to so bad a conclusion,
he ceased to press further on that matter. The pontiff held
a very mean opinion of Maximilian : " E una bestia," said
he ; " merita piu presto esser rezudo ch' a rezer altri." [He
is a stupid animal, and rather deserves to be bridled himself
than to bridle others.] It was considered on the contrary
12 APPElNDiX— SECTION I [No. 6
very greatly to the honour of the Venetians, whose name
had been looked upon in Rome as already extinguished,
that they had stood their ground. The pope gradually
determined to grant them absolution.
Capello entertained the most profound respect for the
personal qualities of the pontiff. "E papa sapientissimo,
e niun pol intrinsechamente con lui, e si conseja con pochi,
imo con niuno." [He is a very wise pope ; he permits no
one to influence his judgment, and takes counsel with few,
or indeed with none.] The influence possessed by Cardinal
Castel de Rio was but a very indirect one. " Parlando al
papa dira una cosa, qual dita il papa poi considererk
aquella." [When in conversation with the pope, he will
make some remark, which being uttered, the pope will
afterwards consider it over.] At that moment, for example,
the cardinal was opposed to the Venetians, yet the pontiff
concluded his agreement with them none the less. Capello
considered him to be well supplied with money^ thinking
he might have 700,000 ducats, if not a million, in his
treasury.
No. 6
Sommario di la relatione di Domenego Trivixan, venuto
orator di Ro7?ia, in pregadi 15 10. [Summary of
Domenego Trivixan's report of his embassy to Rome,
presented in the Senate 1510.]
The report given by Capello in the college is continued
by Trivixan to the senate, but with this difference, that
while the former develops the concealed motives of action,
the latter contents himself with giving a general sketch : this
also is, nevertheless, worthy of notice.
He agrees with the estimation of his colleague of the
moneys to be found in the papal treasury, but adds the
remark that this sum was destined by the pope to be used
in a war against the infidels. " II papa e sagaze praticho :
ha mal vecchio galico e gota, tamen e prosperoso, fa gran
fadicha : niun poi con lui : aide tutti, ma fa quello li par. —
E tenuto e di la bocha e di altro per voler viver piu
No. 6] APPENDIX-SECTION I 13
moderatamente." [The pope is a man of great practical
sagacity, but has long suffered from disease of the liver and
gout ; he is, nevertheless, still active, and endures labour well ;
he permits none to govern him, listening to all, but doing
what best pleases himself. He is held, both by word and
otherwise, to resolve on living more moderately.] I under-
stand that it was beHeved that he would be more moderate
in eating and drinking, as well as in every other respect.
From the Venetian copy the words are printed thus :
"e ritenuto della bocca e di altro." — "A modo di haver
quanti danari il vole : perche come vacha un beneficio, non
li da si non a chi (ha) officio e quel officio da a un altro, si
che tocca per esso assai danari; ed h divenudo li officii
sensari piu del solito in Roma." [He has a method of
procuring whatever money he pleases : for whenever a
benefice falls vacant he confers it only on one who already
has an office, which office he also confers on some other,
so that by this means he draws a sufficiency of money ; and
offices have become more than commonly venial in Rome.]
That is, the offices that men actually hold have become
brokers or procurers for other benefices. For the reading of
the other copy, " sul vender gli uffici ci sono sensali," seems
to be merely an arbitrary alteration due to misunderstanding.
" II papa a entrado, due. 200,000 di ordinario, et extra-
ordinario si dice 150 m." [The ordinary revenue of the
pope is 200,000 ducats, and the extraordinary is said to be
150,000.] That is, the popes have usually so much, — " JMa
questo ha di do terzi piu di extraordinario, e di ordinario
ancora I'entrade " [but this pope has two-thirds more, both
of the ordinary and extraordinary revenue] ; so that he
must have had about a million. He proceeds to explain
this as follows : — " Soleano pagare il censo carlini X al
ducato e la chiesa era ingannata : era carlini XII U el due.
vole paghino quello convien, et a fatto una stampa nova
che val X el due. e son boni di arzento, del che amiora da
X a XlII^ la intrada del papa, e diti carlini si chiamano
Juli." [It was customary to pay the taxes at the rate of ten
carlini to the ducat ; but the Church was hereby defrauded,
for the ducat was worth thirteen carlini and a half; then
the pope determined that a just payment should be made.
14 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 7
and he has issued a new coinage, the value being ten pieces
to the ducat, and these are of good silver. The pope's
revenues are improved from ten to thirteen and a half, and
the said new carlini are called Juli.] We here see what was
the origin of the small coins current in the present day, for
it was not until recent times that the paoli now in use have
superseded the name and use of the Juli. The carlini, by
which accounts were computed and which were the common
medium of exchange, had become so much debased and
depreciated that the treasury sustained a serious loss by
them. It was thus for the interest of his exchequer that
Julius II issued a good coinage.
" Item e misero : a pocha spesa. Si accorda col suo
maestro di caxa : li da el mexe per le spexe due. 1,500 e
non piu. Item fa la chiexia di S. Piero di novo, cosa
beUissima, per la qual a posto certa cruciata, et un solo
frate di S. Francesco di quello habia racolto ditti frati per
il mondo li porto in una bota, due. 27,000 si che per questo
tocca quanti danari el vuol. A data a questa fabrica una
parte de I'intrada di S. M. di Loreto e tolto parte del
vescovado di Recanati." [Item, he is penurious and spends
little; he makes an agreement with his house-steward, to
whom he gives 1,500 ducats for the expenses of the month,
and no more. Item, he is building the church of St. Peter
anew, a very beautiful thing it is, and for this he has established
a sort of crusade, and a single Franciscan friar brought him,
in one sum, 27,000 ducats, which those friars had gathered
throughout the world. He has, besides, given to this fabric
a portion of the revenues of Santa Maria di Loreto, and
has taken for the same purpose a part of the bishopric of
Recanati.l
No. 7
Sommario de la relatione di S. Marin Zorzi, dotor, venuto
orator di corte^fata in pregadi a dl i^j Marzo, 15 17.
[Summary of Doctor Marin Zorzi's report of his
embassy to the court of Rome, etc.]
■ Marin Zorzi was chosen ambassador to the court of
No. 7] APPENDIX— SECTION I 15
Leo X on the 4th of January, 15 14, and, after he had
declined the office, was again elected to it on the 25 th of
January. If it be true that his commission had particular
reference to the expedition of Francis I, as we learn from
Paruta (lib. iii. p. 109), it must have been about the
beginning of the year 15 15 that he first proceeded to
Rome.
His report refers to that period. It is tlie more im-
portant because he proposed to give information in this
document in regard to matters on which he had not ventured
to write while in Rome. " Referira," says the summary,
which appears to have been written subsequently, " di quelle
cose che non a scritto per sue lettere, perche imUta occurnuit
quae iwn stmt scribendar
These are chiefly in relation to the negotiations of the
pope with Francis I, which were.- not known even to Paruta
himself, and of which the best information, so far as my
knowledge extends, will be found in this document.
Allusions are occasionally made by different writers to a
supposed desire on the part of Pope Leo for a crown to be
conferred on his brother Giuliano, but how this was to be
effected has never yet been made clearly apparent. Zorzi
assures us, that at this time Leo proposed to the king of
France — " that with regard to the kingdom of Naples, it
would be well to take it from the hands of the Spaniards
and give it to the most noble Giuliano, his brother." He
adds : " and about this affair he gave himself no little pains,
for he was not content that his brother should be a duke,
but resolved to make him king of Naples. The most
Christian king would have given him the principality of
Taranto, with other territories ; but the pope was not
satisfied with that. Whereupon there came divers ambas-
sadors to the pope ; Mons"" di Soglei and Mons" di Borsi
among others ; and the pope said, — ' If the king will consent
to this arrangement, then we will be for his majesty.' And
here these matters came to a pause ; the most.Christian king,
desiring that the pope should not be against him, determined
to proceed to Italy in great force ; and so he did, but the
pope suddenly leagued himself with the emperor, the Catholic
king, the king of England, and the Swiss."
1 6 APPENDIX -SECTION I [No. 7
The letters of Canossa, printed in the " Archivio Storico
Itahano," m the year 1844, declare that this project was
seriously discussed; but it will be manifest that the affair
was not so entirely unmentioned by " domestic and foreign
historians " as the editor imagined.
The notices given by Zorzi in relation to the time of the
campaign, I have already communicated, either in the text
or in the notes.
But how strongly the pope was in secret opposed to the
French, is rendered manifest by the fact that he not only
reproached the Venetians for the decided part they took in
favour of the French, during Maximilian's enterprise of the
following year, but also by the further proof of his having
secretly assisted Maximilian himself : " O che materia," he
remarked, " a fatto questo senato a lassar le vostre gente
andar a Milano, andar con Francesi^ aver passa 8 fiumi, o
che pericolo e questo " [Oh what a business this senate has
made of it, to let your people go to Milan, to permit your
troops to join the French, and cross eight rivers in their
cause — Oh what a danger is this !] ; and further : "II papa
a questo subito mandb zente in favor del imperador e sotto
man dicendo : M. Ant. Colonna e libero capitano a soldo
del imperador." [Thereupon the pope suddenly despatched
troops to the assistance of the emperor, but underhand, and
saying that Marc Antonio Colonna was a free captain in
the pay of the emperor.] The ratification of the treaty of
Bologna was meanwhile delayed. The king sent ambas-
sador after ambassador to demand its completion. At
length the pope on his part despatched his emissary to
France, and the treaty was sealed.
Francis I soon found an opportunity to avenge himself.
The pope encountered unexpected opposition from the
duke of Urbino. In relation to which the Venetian ambas-
sador here assures us that, " il re non si tien satisfacto del
papa : e contento Francesco Maria prosperi " [the king does
not consider himself well treated by the pope, and is desirous
that Francesco Maria should succeed].
He then gives a more minute description of the pope.
" A qualche egritudine interior de repletion (the Venetian
copy has ' anteriore di risoluzione ') e catarro ed altra
No. 7] APPENDIX— SECTION I 17
cosa, non licet dir, videl. in fistula. E horn da ben e liberal
molto, non vorria faticha si'l potesse far di mancho, ma per
questi soi si tao faticha. E ben suo nepote ^ astuto e apto
a far cosse non come Valentino ma pocho mancho." [He
is disturbed by some inward complaint arising from reple-
tion, catarrh, and other causes which we do not enume-
rate. He is a worthy man, and very liberal; not willing to
give himself much labour, if he can avoid it, but he exerts
himself readily for the sake of his kinsmen. As to his
nephew, he is shrewd enough, and gives himself no little
license — not as did Valentino, but yet little less.] He alludes
to Lorenzo de' Medici, and he asserts positively what others
(e.(^. Vettori) have denied, that Lorenzo himself had eagerly
striven to possess himself of Urbino, Giuliano is reported to
have entreated the pope only two days before his (Giuliano's)
death, that he would spare Urbino, where he had been received
and sheltered so kindly after his expulsion from Florence,
but the pope would not listen to him : he replied, — " Non e
da parlar deste cose " [This is no time to be talking of these
matters] ; and this he did because, " de altra parte Lorenzin
li era attorno in volerli tuor lo stato " [on the other side,
Lorenzo was pressing him to take possession of the duchy].
Among the advisers of the pope, he first alludes to Giulio
de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII, whose talents he does
not estimate so highly as others have done. " He is a good
man, but of no great ability, although the principal manage-
ment of the court is at this time in his hands. He was for-
merly at the court of Portugal." He next speaks of Bibbiena,
whom he considers to be in the interests of Spain, because he
had been enriched by Spanish benefices ; and lastly he men-
tions Lorenzo, " qual a animo gaiardo " [an active spirit].
The name of Lorenzo leads him to speak of Florence.
He says a few words in regard to the constitution, but adds,
■ — " At this time all order is disregarded : what he (Lorenzo)
wills, that is done. Yet Florence is rather disposed towards
the French than otherwise ; and the party opposed to the
Medici cannot make an alteration, although this state of
things does not please them." The militia and regular troops
had been partially disbanded. The revenues consisted,
first, of the dutieg paid at the gates and in the city, which
VOIv. Ill, c
i8 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 8
amounted to 74,000 ducats ; secondly, of the sums drawn
from the towns tributary to Florence, amounting to 120,000
ducats ; and thirdly, of the balzello^ a direct impost and sort
of tithe, producing 1 60,000 ducats.
This brings him to the revenues of the pope, which he
estimates to be altogether about 420,000 ducats; and he
then returns to the expenditure and personal qualities of the
pontiff. " He is learned in classic literature and the canon
law, and above all is a most excellent musician : when he
sings with any one, he causes that person to be given 100
ducats, or more ; and, to mention a circumstance previously
forgotten (by him, the ambassador), the pope derives from
vacancies some 60,000 ducats, or more, annually, which is
about 8000 ^ ducats per month ; and this he expends in gifts,
and in playing at primero, a game in which he delights
greatly."
These examples suffice to shew the lively and graphic
character of Zorzi's report : it is given with infinite simplicity,
and in an easy conversational style, so that the reader seems
to hear and see all that the author describes.
No. 8
Summary of the Repoi't of Marco Minio^ returned from the
Cotirt {of Rome), June, 1520. Sanuto, vol. 28.
Marco Minio was the successor of Zorzi, but his report
is unfortunately very short.
He begins with the revenues, which he finds to be in-
considerable. " The pope has but a small income from the
papacy, and the revenues are of three kinds : first, the
annates, from which he derives 100,000 ducats annually;
but of the consistorial annates, which are drawn from the
bishoprics and abbacies, the one half belongs to the car-
dinals : from the various offices he draws about 60,000 ;
and from compositions 60,000 ducats a year. He has no
ready money, because he is very liberal, and cannot keep
money; and, moreover, the Florentines and his relations
* So says the copy, but it cannot possiblj^ be right.
No. 9] APPENDIX— SECTION I 19
will never permit him to retain a penny ; and the said
Florentines are greatly detested at court, because they
thrust themselves into every thing. The pope remains
neutral between France and Spain ; but he, the speaker,
considers the pope to be inclined towards Spain, because
he was restored to his native city by Spain^ and even owes
to the Spaniards his elevation to the papacy. Cardinal de'
Medici, his nephew, who is not of legitimate birth, has great
influence with the pope ; he is a man of much practical
ability. — (We perceive from this remark, that the cardinal's
reputation had increased since the time cf Zorzi.) He
possesses great authority, yet he does nothing of importance
without first consulting the pope : he is now at Florence,
where he holds the government of the city. Cardinal
Bibbiena is also in considerable esteem with the pope, but
this Medici does every thing."
The ambassador assures his countrymen that the senti-
ments of the pope are tolerably favourable towards them
(the Venetians). He did not certainly desire to see Venice
greater than she was, but would not permit the republic to
be destroyed for any advantage in the world.
No. 9
Diary of Sebastiano de Branca de Telini. Barberini
Library, No. 1103.
This diary is comprised in sixty-three leaves, and ex-
tends from the 22nd of April, 1494, to 15 13, in the time
of Leo X. It is certainly not to be compared to Burcardus ;
and since very little of what was passing was known to the
writer of it, we cannot use it even for the rectification of
that author's observations. Branca de Telini saw nothing
more than was seen by all the world.
Thus he describes the entrance of Charles VIII, whose
army he estimates at from 30,000 to 40,000 men. He con-
siders Charles himself to be the most ill-looking man he had
ever beheld; but his people, on the contrary, he thought
the handsomest in the world : " la piu bella gente non fu
vista mai." Telini must not be taken literally ; he is fond
20 APPENDIX-SECTION I [No. 9
of expressing himself in this manner. He relates that a
man had paid as much as 300 ducats for a horse.
Caesar Borgia was the most cruel man that ever lived.
The times of Alexander were marked and distinguished by-
atrocities, famines, and exorbitant iiuposts. "Pope Alex-
ander ordered the whole revenues of all the priests, and all
the public officers, and all the churches both within and
without Rome, to be set aside for three years, for the pur-
pose of a crusade against the Turks, and then he gave the
total amount to his son for the more effectual prosecution of
the war." According to Branca, Caesar Borgia gave audi-
ence to no one but his executioner Michilotto. All his
servants went richly clothed : " dressed in brocade of gold
and silver even to their stockings ; their slippers and shoes
were made of the same."
Telini was a great admirer of Julius II. "Non lo fece
mai papa quello che have fatto papa Julio." [Never did
any pope so much as has been done by Pope Julius.] He
enumerates the cities that he" subdued, but is of opinion that
by his wars he had rendered himself guilty of the death of
10,000 men.
Next came Leo : he began with promises, *' that the
Romans should be free from imposts, and that all offices
and benefices within the city of Rome should be conferred
exclusively on Romans : all which occasioned great rejoic-
ings throughout Rome."
Our diarist occasionally brings forward individuals in
private life; and we are here made acquainted with the
boldest and most renowned of procurators. *' Ben*° Moccaro,
il piu terribile uomo (the most powerful, most violent),
che mai fusse stato in Roma per un huomo privato in
Roma." He lost his life by means of the Orsini.
Even in this, otherwise unimportant work, we see the
spirit of the times and of the several administrations reflected
as in a mirror. We have the times of terror, of conquest,
and of tranquillity, as exhibited under Alexander, Julius,
and Leo, respectively. Other diaries, on the contrary, that
of Cola Colleine for example, extending from 1521 to 1561,
Qontain nothing whatever of importance,
Nos. id, ii] Appendix— SECTION i a
No. 10
Vi/a Leofiis X Pontificis Maxlmi per Franciscnm N'ovelhini
Roma?iwn^ J, V. Professorem. Barberini Library.
" Alii (says the author) longe meHus et haec et alia mihi
incognita referre, et describere poterunt." Without doubt
they could j his little work is altogether insignificant.
No. II
Quacdam historica quae ad notitiam temporiim pertinent pon-
tljicatmmi Leonis X, Adn'ani VI, dementis VII. Ex
libris notariorum sub iisdem pontijicibus. [Certain his-
torical notices pertaining to the pontificates of Leo X,
Adrian VI, and Clement VII, taken from the books of
the notaries under the said pontiffs.] Extracted by
Felix Contellorius. Barberini Library. 48 leaves.
Short notices of the contents of the instruments ; as, for
example, *' Leo X assignat Contessinae de Medicis de
Rudolfis ejus sorori due. 285 auri de camera ex introitibus
dohanarum pecudum persolvendos."
I have occasionally made use of these notices. Perhaps
the most interesting and remarkable, as having hitherto
remained without mention, is the following extract from a
brief of the nth of June, 1529 :— Certain valuables belong-
ing to the papal see had been given in pledge to Bernardo
Bracchi, and at the time of the sacking of the city Bracchi
thought it advisable to bury them in a garden. He con-
fided the place of their concealment to one man only, a
certain Geronimo Bacato of Florence, to whom he told it,
to the end that some one might be able to point it out in
case of any mischance befalling himself. Some short time
after this confidence was made, Bernardo Bracchi was seized
by the Germans and grievously maltreated ; Geronimo then,
believing that his friend had died under the torture, imparted
22 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 12
the secret in his turn to one sole person, and from a similar
motive. But this man was not so discreet : the Germans
heard of the concealed treasure, and by renewed and more
severe tortures they compelled Bracchi at length to discloise
the place of its deposit. To save the valuables, Bracchi
entered into an obligation to pay the sum of 10,000 ducats;
but Geronimo considered himself as a traitor, and killed
himself from shame and rage.
No. 12
Sommarlo di la relation fatta in pregadi per S. Alnixe Gra-
denigo, vefwfo orator diRoina^ 1523, Marzo. [Summary
of Aluise Gradenigo's report of his embassy to Rome,
etc.] In Sanuto, vol. 34.
He first speaks of the city, which he declares to have
increased in a short time by about 10,000 houses : next he
proceeds to the constitution. Of the conservators he re-
ports, that they claimed precedence of the ambassadors,
who refused to allow the claim ; with regard to the cardinals,
he says that Giulio de' Medici had risen still higher in re-
putation; he calls him, "hom di summa autorita e richo
cardinale, era il primo appresso Leon, hom di gran ingegno
e cuor : il papa (Leone) feva quello lui voleva " [a man of
the highest authority and a very rich cardinal, he ranked
before all with Pope Leo, a man of great powers and high
spirit : the pope (Leo) did whatever he desired to have
done]. He describes Leo X as "di statura grandissima,
testa molto grossa, havea bellissima man : bellissimo parla-
dor : prometea assa, ma non atendea. ... II papa si serviva
molto con dimandar danari al imprestido, vendeva poi li
officii, impegnava zoie, raze del papato e fino li apostoli
per aver danaro " [of very lofty stature, with a very large
head and a most beautiful hand: he was an admirable
speaker, and made great promises, but did not keep them.
The pope had very frequent recourse to borrowing money ;
he then sold the different offices, pledged the jewels and
No. 12J APPENDIX-SECTION I 23
valuables of the papacy, and even the apostles, to procure
himself money]. He estimates the temporal revenues at
300,000 ducats; the ecclesiastical at 100.000.
He considers the policy of Leo to have been decidedly
adverse to France. If at any time it seemed otherwise, the
pope was only dissembling. " Fenzeva esso amico del re
di Francia." But at the time to which our report refers,
he was openly and avowedly opposed to France, the cause
of which, according to Gradenigo, was that, '' disse che M'
di Lutrech et M' de I'Escu havia ditto che '1 voleva che
le recchia del papa fusse la major parte restasse di la so
persona." Does this mean that he desired to have nothing
remaining of the pope but his ears ? Certainly a very coarse
jest, and in extremely bad taste. Leo took it very ill. On
receiving intelligence of the conquest of Milan, he is related
to have said, that this was but the half of the battle.
Leo left the papal treasury so completely exhausted,
that it was found needful to employ for his obsequies the
wax candles that had been provided for those of Cardinal
S. Giorgio, who had died a short time before him.
The ambassador awaited the arrival of Adrian VI. He
describes the moderate and regular habits of that pontiff's
life, and remarks, that he had at first maintained a strict
neutrality between the two great parties. " It is said that
the pope, as regards his own opinion, is neutral, although
he is dependent on the emperor, and has it much at heart
to effect a truce, that he may the better attend to the affair
of the Turks. These things are inferred from his daily pro-
ceedings, as well as from the discontent of the viceroy of
Naples, who repaired to Rome in the hope of prevailing on
the pontiff to declare himself for the emperor; but his
holiness refused to do so; whence the viceroy departed
without arriving at his ends. The pope is deeply intent on
the affairs of Hungary, and desires that an expedition should
be set on foot against the infidels. He is afraid that the
Turk may effect a descent upon Rome, and is therefore
anxious to see the Christian princes united, and to make
universal peace, or, at the least, a truce for three years."
24 Appendix— SECTION i [no 13
No. 13
Stmimario del viazo di oratori nostri andorno a Roma a dar
la obedientia a papa Hadriano VI. [Summary of the
journey of our ambassadors to Rome to tender allegi-
ance to Pope Adrian VI.]
This is the only report which possesses the interest of
a traveller's description^ and which also alludes to subjects
connected with art.
The ambassadors describe the flourishing state of An-
cona, and the fertility of the March. In Spello they were
hospitably received by Orazio Baglione, and proceeded
thence to Rome.
They also describe an entertainment given to them by
Cardinal Cornelio, a fellow-countryman. The account they
give of the music they heard while at table is worthy of
notice : " A la tavola vennero ogni sorte de musici, che in
Roma si atrovava, li pifari excellenti di continuo sonorono,
ma eravi clavicembani con voce dentro mirabilissima, liuti
e quatro violoni." [There were brought to the table every
kind of musician to be found in Rome : excellent flute-
players performed continually; there were harpsichords
producing most wonderful tones^ with lutes and four violins.]
Grimani also invited them to a feast. ^' Poi disnar venneno
alcuni musici, tra li quali una donna brutissima che canto
in liuto mirabilmente." [Then at dinner there were musicians,
and among them a most ill-favoured woman, who sang to
the lute most admirably.]
They next visited the churches ; at that of Santa Croce
certain ornaments were in course of preparation for the
doors : " Alcuni arnesi e volte di alcune porte di una preda
raccolta delle anticaglie." Every little stone that was being
wr6ught there deserved, in their opinion, to be set in gold
and worn on the finger. They next proceed to the Pantheon,
and there an altar was in process of erection, at the foot of
which was the grave of Raphael. They were shewn decora-
tions, apparently of gold, looking as pure as that of the
Rhenish gulden ; but they were of opinion that if the gold
No. 13] API^ENDIX— SECTION 1 25
had been real, Pope Leo would not have permitted it to
remain there. They express their admiration of the columns
— larger than their own in St. Mark's. "Sostengono un
coperto in colm'o, el qual e di alcune travi di metallo."
[They support the roof, which is a dome, and is formed by
certain beams of metal.]
They give themselves up, with infinite simplicity, to their
admiration of the Roman antiquities. I know not whether
this book will fall into the hands of antiquaries. The follow-
ing description of the colossal statues in the Quirinal (on
Monte Cavallo) is, at least, very striking. " Monte Cavallo
is so called, because, on the summit of the hill, which is
very well peopled, there is a certain structure, formed of a
piece of very rough wall (a rude pedestal), on one of the
angles of which there is a horse of stone— apparently Istrian
— very ancient and corroded by time, and on the other
corner is another horse, both of them modelled from the
middle forwards, the head, neck, fore-feet, shoulders, and
half the back; beside them stand two great giants, men
double the natural size, naked, and each holding back one
of these horses with one arm. The figures are very beauti-
ful, finely proportioned, and of the same stone as the
horses ; and the horses are also beautiful, — equally so with
the men : under one of them are inscribed the words ' Opus
Phidiae,' and under the other ' Opus Praxitelis,' both inscrip-
tions being in handsome capital letters." The ambassadors
then visit the Capitol, where they find, among many other
beautiful statues, " a peasant in bronze, drawing a thorn
from his foot, made in the natural rustic manner; to those
who look at him he seems to be lamenting the pain of the
thorn — a work of absolute excellence." They next proceed
to the Belvedere, where they admire above all things the
Laocoon. The German landsknechts have hitherto been
charged with having rendered it necessary to restore an arm
to this masterpiece of art, but we here find that the arm
had disappeared before the sack of the city. " Ogni cosa
b Integra, salvoche al Laocoonte gli manca il brazzo destro."
(So also in the copy, p. 116.) They are in an ecstasy of
admiration. And declare of the whole group that " it wants
nothing but life." They describe the boys extremely well :
26 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 14
" One of them is labouring witli his Httle arm to free
his leg from the fierce serpent ; but finding that he cannot
help himself, is turning his weeping face imploringly towards
his father, whose left arm he holds with 'his other hand.
A different sorrow is perceived in each of these boys ; the
one is grieving for the death that he sees so near him, the
other because his father can give him no help, but is
himself suffering and his strength faiUng." They add the
remark that King Francis I had requested the gift of this
noble work from the pope, when they met at Bologna ; but
his holiness would not consent to rob his Belvedere of the
original, and was having a copy made for the king. They
tell us that the boys were already finished, but that if the
maestro lived five hundred years and laboured a hundred
at his copy, it would never attain the perfection of the
original. In the Belvedere they also found a young Flemish
artist, who had executed two statues of the pope.
They next inform us of the pope and of his court.
The most important fact they communicate is, that the
cardinal of Volterra, who had previously been able to re-
press the Medici, had been arrested and was held in prison,
because letters of his had been seized, wherein he exhorted
King Francis to venture an attack on Italy at that moment,
seeing that he could never hope to find a more favourable
opportunity. This enabled Cardinal de' Medici to rise again,
and the imperial ambassador Sessa supported him. The
change in Adrian's policy may very probably have been
determined by this incident.
No. 14
dementis VII P. M. conclave et creatio. Barberini Library,
No. 4, 70 leaves.
We find the following remark on the title-page : — ** Hoc
conclave sapit stylum Joh. Bapt. Sangae, civis Romani, qui
fuit dementi VII ab epistohs." But this opinion may be
rejected without hesitation. Another MS. in the Barberini
Library, bearing the title, " Vianesii Albergati Bononiensis
No. 14] APPENDIX— SECTION I 27
commentarii rerum sui temporis," contains nothing but this
conclave. It forms the first part of his " Commentaries,"
of which there is no continuation to be found. We may-
assume, therefore, that the author of the above-mentioned
conclave was Vianesio Albergati.
But who was this author? Mazzuchelli names many
Albergati, but not this one.
In a letter of Girolamo Negro, w^e find the following
anecdote. A native of Bologna caused information to be
given to Pope Adrian VI, that he, the Bolognese, had an
important secret to communicate to his holiness, but had
no money to defray the cost of his journey to Rome.
Messer Vianesio, a friend and favourite of the Medici,
made interest for him, and at length the pope told him he
might advance the twenty-four ducats required by the
Bolognese for his journey, which should be returned to him.
Vianesio did so ; his man arrived, and was brought into the
palace with the utmost secrecy. " Holy Father," said he,
" if you would conquer the Turks, you must prepare a vast
armament both by land and sea." This was all he had to
say. " Per Deum ! " exclaimed the pope, whom this greatly
irritated, the next time he saw Messer Vianesio, "this
Bolognese of yours is a great cheat ; but it shall be at your
cost that he has deceived me ; " and he never returned the
twenty four ducats expended by Vianesio. This Albergati
is in all probability the author of the Conclave in question ;
for in the little work before us he says that he had acted as
intermediary between the Medici and the pope — " Me etiam
internuntio." He was well acquainted with Adrian, whom
he had previously known in Spain.
He has, nevertheless, erected to the memory of this
pontiff the most inglorious monument that can well be
conceived. His remarks serve to shew us the extent and
depth of the hatred which Adrian had awakened among
the Italians. " Si ipsius avaritiam, crudelitatem, et princi-
patus administrandi inscitiam considerabimus, barbaro-
rumque quos secum adduxerat asperam feramque naturam,
merito inter pessimos pontifices referendus est." He is not
ashamed to repeat the most contemptible lampoons on the
departed pontiff. One, for example, where Adrian is first
28 APPENDIX— SECtlON I [No. 14
compared to an ass, then to a wolf: "post paulo facienl
induit lupi acrem ; " nay, finally, even to Caracalla and
Nero. But if we ask for proofs of this imputed worthless-
ness, we find the ill-used pontiff fully justified, even by what
Vianesio himself relates.
Adrian VI had a room in the Torre Borgia, the key of
which he always kept in his own possession, and which
those around him named the " Sanctum Sanctorum." This
room was eagerly examined on the death of the pontiff".
As he had received much and spent nothing, it was sup-
posed that his treasures would be found in this chamber ;
but the sole contents were books and papers, with a few
rings of Leo X, and scarcely any money. It was then at
last admitted, " male partis optime usum fuisse."
The complaints of this author as to the delays interposed
in public business may be better founded. It was Adrian's
habit to say, " cogitabimus, videbimus." It is true that he
referred the applicant to his secretary ; but after long delays,
this officer also referred him to the auditor of the treasury,
who was indeed a well-intentioned man, but one who could
never bring any matter to a close, bewildering himself by
an excessive, but ill-directed activity. " Nimia ei nocebat
diligentia." The applicant returned once more to Adrian,
who repeated his " cogitabimus, videbimus."
But in proportion with his abuse of Adrian is the eulogy
he bestows on the Medici and Pope Leo X. His goodness,
the security enjoyed under his government, and even his
architectural labours are all lauded in turn.
From the remarks of Albergati, I conclude that the
Arazzi of Raphael were originally designed for the Sistine
Chapel. " Quod quidem sacellum Julius II opera Michaelis
Angeli pingendi sculpendique scientia clarissimi admirabili
exornavit pictura, quo opere nullum absolutius extare aetate
nostra plerique judicant ; moxque Leo X ingenio Raphaelis
Urbinatis architecti et pictoris celeberrimi auleis auro pur-
pura que intextis insignivit, quae absolutissimi operis pulchri-
tudine omnium oculos tenent."
No. 15] APPENDIX— SECTION I 2q
No. 15
Ifistnittione al Card^ Rev^ di Farnese, che fu poi Paul II T^
(jtiando a?ido legato aW Imf" Carlo V doppo il sacco di
Roma. [Instruction to the most reverend Cardinal
Farnese, afterwards Paul III, when he went as legate
to the Emperor Charles V after the sack of Rome.]
I first found this Instruction in the Corsini Library, No.
467, and afterwards obtained a copy in the handwriting of
the middle of the sixteenth century.
This document was known to Pallavicini, who refers to
it in his " Istoria del Concilio di Trento," lib. ii. c. 13;
but the following chapters make it obvious that he has not
made so much use of it as his words would imply; he has
taken his narrative from other sources.
These instructions are highly important, not only as
regards the affairs of the papacy, but also concerning the
whole of European politics at a most momentous period.
They also contain many weighty particulars not to be found
elsewhere. I therefore thought it advisable, in the early
editions of this work, to print the document in full. Since
then, however, it has been printed in the " Papiers d'e'tat du
Cardinal Granvelle" (vol. i. pp. 280-310) — a collection
which no student of the history of this period can neglect :
I have therefore not considered it necessary to reprint it,
and content myself with repeating the introductory remarks
on the origin and contents of the Instruction.
In June, 1526, the pope had issued a brief, wherein he
succinctly enumerated all the points on which he felt ag-
grieved by the emperor. To this the emperor made a very
animated reply, in September, 1526. The state-paper which
appeared at the time under the title " Pro divo Carolo V . . .
apologetic! libri " (see Goldast, Politica Imperialia, p. 984),
contains a circumstantial refutation of the pope's assertions.
The instruction before us is connected with these papers.
It consists of two parts : one in which the pope is spoken
of in the third person, probably composed by Giberto, or
gQme oth^r confidential pnnister of the pontift', and of the
30 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. i6
utmost importance in relation to past events, both under
Leo and Clement : the second is much shorter, and begins
with the words " Per non entrare in le cause per le quali
fummo costretti " (Papiers d'etat, p. 303) ; and here the
pope speaks in the first person : it was therefore most prob-
ably drawn up by himself. Both are prepared with a view
to the justification of the measures taken by the Roman
court, and are calculated to place the proceedings of the
viceroy of Naples, on the other hand, in the worst possible
light. It would, without doubt, be inadvisable to trust
them to the letter on each separate point, for we occasion-
ally find misrepresentation of facts. It would be desirable
to know what was the reply of the imperial court to the
charges here made. Yet, in general, not only the papal
policy, but also a considerable part of that of Spain, is
elucidated by this document. We find, for example, that
even so early as the year 1525, there were some thoughts
of annexing Portugal to Spain.
No. 16
Sommario dcW Istoria d! Italia dalV anno 15 12 insino a
1527. Scritto da Fra?icesco Vet fori. [Summary of the
history of Italy, from 1512 to 1527; written by Fran-
cesco Vettori.]
This is a very remarkable little work, by a sensible
man, the friend of Machiavelli and Guicciardini, and one
intimately acquainted with the affairs of the house of Medici,
as well as with those of the Italian peninsula in general. I
found it in the Corsini library in Rome, but could only take
extracts ; I should otherwise have requested permission to
get it printed, which it well deserves to be.
The plague of 1527 drove Vettori from Florence, and it
was at his villa that he wrote this review of the most recent
events.
His attention is directed principally to Florentine affairs :
in opinion he approximates closely to those of his friends
above mentioned. In treating of the modes of government
No. 16] APPENDIX— SECTION I 31
adopted in his native city by the Medici, in the year 15 12,
which were such that every thing was in the hands of Car-
dinal de' Medici, afterwards Leo X, he says, " Si ridusse la
citta, che non si facea se non quanto volea il card' de' Me-
dici." [The city was reduced to this, that nothing could be
done there, excepting only what it pleased Cardinal de' Me-
dici to do.] He adds, that this was called tyranny, but that
he for his part knew no state, whether principality or republic,
wherein there was not something tyrannical. " Tutte quelle
republiche e principati de' quali io ho cognitione per his-
toria o che io ho veduto mi pare che sentino della tiran-
nide." The example of France or of Venice may be
objected to him ; but in France the nobles held the prepon-
derance in the state and monopolized the church patronage.
In Venice 3000 men were seen to rule, and not always
justly, over 100,000 : between the king and the tyrant there
is no other difiference than this, that an upright governor
deserves to be called a king, a bad one merits the name of
tyrant.
Notwithstanding the intimate terms on which he stood
with both the popes of the house of Medici, he is far from
being convinced of the Christian character of the papal
power. "Whoever will carefully consider the law of the
gospel will perceive that the pontiffs, although they bear
the name of Christ's vicar, yet have brought in a new re-
ligion which has nothing of Christ but the name : for
whereas Christ enjoins poverty, they desire riches; while
he commands humility, they will have pride; and where
he requires obedience, they are resolved to command all
the world." It will be manifest that this worldliness of
character, and its opposition to the spiritual principle, con-
tributed largely to prepare the way for Protestantism.
The election of Leo is attributed by Vettori above all
else to the opinion entertained of his good nature. Two
terrible popes had preceded him, and people had had enough
of them. Medici was chosen. " Havea saputo in modo
simulare che era tenuto di ottimi costumi." [He had known
so well how to dissemble, that he was considered a man of
excellent moral conduct.] The person who took the most
active part in his election was Bibbicna, who knew the
32 APPENDIX-SECTION I [No. 16
inclinations of all the cardinals, and managed to win them
over even in opposition to their own interests. " Condusse
fuori del conclave alcuni di loro a promettere, e nel con-
clave a consentire a detta elettione contra tutte le ragioni."
The expedition of Francis I in the year 15 15, with the
deportment of Leo during that campaign, are admirably
described by Vettori. That no more unfortunate conse-
quences resulted from it to the pope he attributes princi-
pally to the clever management of Tricarico, who entered
the French camp at the moment when the king was mount-
ing his horse to oppose the Swiss at Marignano, and who
afterwards conducted the negotiations with the utmost
prudence.
Then follow the revolt of Urbino. I have already de-
scribed the reasons alleged by Vettori on the part of Leo.^
" Leone disse, che se non privava il duca della stato, el
quale si era condotto con lui e preso danari et in su Tardore
della guerra era convenuto con li nemici ne pensato che era
suo subdito ne ad altro, che non sarebbe si piccolo barone
che non ardisse di fare il medesimo o peggio : e che haven-
do trovato il ponteficato in riputatione lo voleva mantenere.
Et in veritk volendo vivere i pontefici come sono vivuti da
molte diecine d'anni in qua, il papa non poteva lasciare il
delitto del duca impunito."
Vettori composed, besides, a life of Lorenzo de' Medici.
He praises him more than any other writer has done, and
places his administration of the Florentine government in a
new and peculiar light. That biography and the summary
we are now considering complete and explain each other.
He treats, also, of the election of the emperor, which fell
within that period, affirming that Leo assisted the efforts of
the king of France only because he was previously convinced
that the Germans would not elect him. The calculation of
Leo, according to Vettori, was that Francis I, in order to
prevent the election of Charles, would give his interest to
some German prince. I find the unexpected declaration,
which I do not, indeed, desire to have implicitly accepted,
that the king really did at length endeavour to secure the
' See vol i. p. 66.
No. i6] APPENDIX— SECTION I 33
election of Joachim of Brandenburg. " 11 re . . . haveva
volto il favore suo al marchese di Brandenburg, uno delli
electori, et era contento che li danari prometteva a quelli
electori che eleggevano lui, dargli a quelli che eleggevano
dicto marchese." It is certain that the conduct of Joachim,
on the occasion of that election, was very extraordinary. The
whole history of this occurrence — strangely misrepresented,
both intentionally and unintentionally — well merits to re-
ceive, once for all, a satisfactory elucidation.^
The treaty of Leo with the emperor Charles was con-
sidered by Vettori to have been imprudent beyond all
comprehension. " La mala fortuna di Italia lo indusse a
fare quello che nessuno uomo prudente avrebbe facto."
He lays the blame of this more particularly on the per-
suasions of Geronimo Adorno. Of the natural considera-
tions by which the house of Medici was influenced he does
not choose to speak.
Of Pope Leo's death he relates certain of those par-
ticulars which I have adopted (in the text). He does not
believe him to have been poisoned. " Fu detto che mori
di veneno, e questo quasi sempre si dice delli uomini grandi
e maxime quando muojono di malattie acute." [It was Jiaid
that he died of poison ; and this is almost always said of
great men, more especially when they die of acute diseases.]
He is of opinion that there was more cause for surprise at
Leo's having lived so long.
He confirms the assertion that Adrian refused, in the
first instance, to do any thing against the French ; it was
only after receiving a pressing letter from the emperor that
he agreed to contribute some little aid towards opposing
them.
It would lead us too far if we were here to adduce all
the remarks made in this work with relation to the subse-
quent course of events; it is nevertheless remarkable and
worthy of attention, even in cases where the author does
but express his own opinion. In these, as we have said,
he makes a near approach to Machiavelli, and has an equally
bad opinion of mankind. " Quasi tutti gli uomini sono
* I have since endeavoured, in my German History, to approach
nearer to the truth. — Note to the second edition.
VOL. III. D
34 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 17
adulatori e dicono volontieri quelle che piaccia agli uomini
grandi, benche sentino altrimenti nel cuore." [Almost all
men are flatterers, and are ever ready to say what is likely
to please great men, even though they may think very dif-
ferently in their hearts.] He declares the violation of the
treaty of Madrid by Francis I to have been the best and
most noble action that had been performed for many cen-
turies. "Francesco," he says, "face una cosa molto con-
veniente, a promettere assai con animo di non observare,
per potersi trovare a difendere la patria sua." [Francis did
a very proper and suitable thing in making large promises
without any purpose of fulfilling them, that he might put
himself in a condition to defend his country.] A mode of
thinking worthy of the " Principe."
But Vettori proves himself to have had a kindred spirit
in other respects with the great authors of that age. The
work before us is full of originality and talent, and is ren-
dered all the more attractive by its brevity. The author
speaks only of what he actually knows, but that is of great
importance. It would require a more circumstantial exami-
nation than we have given to do him justice.
No. 17
Sommario di la relatione di S. Marco Foscari^ venuto orator
del sommo pontefice a di 2 Marzo^ 1526. [Summary of
the report of Marco Foscari's embassy to the pope, etc.]
In Sanuto, vol. 41.
Marco Foscari was one of the ambassadors who pro-
ceeded to Rome to offer allegiance to Pope Adrian VI.
He appears to have remained in Rome from that time
until 1526.
He treats, to a certain extent, of the times of Adrian ;
but his remarks in relation to Clement VII are all the more
important from the fact that, in consequence of the close
connection existing in those days between Venice and the
pope, he had uninterrupted and animated intercourse with
th-at pontiff.
No. 17] APPENDIX— SECTION I 35
He thus describes Clement : " A prudent and wise man,
but slow to resolve, and thence it is that he is irresolute
and changeable in his proceedings. He reasons well, and
sees every thing, but is very timid. In matters of state,
no one is permitted to influence him ; he hears all, but then
does what he thinks most fitting. He is a just man, a man
of God ; and in the segnatura, which is composed of three
cardinals and three referendaries, he will never do any thing
to the prejudice of others, and when he signs any petition
he never revokes what he has granted, as Pope Leo used to
do. This pontiff does not sell benefices, nor bestow them
simoniacally. When he gives benefices, he does not take
offices in their place that he may sell them, as Pope Leo
and other popes have done, but will have every thing pro-
ceed regularly and legally. He does not squander the
revenue or give it in presents, nor does he take from others ;
hence he is reputed to be parsimonious. There is, likewise,
some dissatisfaction in Rome on account of Cardinal
Armellino, who has devised many expedients for raising
money and has imposed new duties, even taxing those who
bring thrushes and other eatables into Rome. . . . He is
extremely continent, and is not known to indulge in any
kind of luxury or pleasure. ... He will have no jesters,
comedians, or musicians; nor does he hunt. His only
amusement is the conversation of engineers^ with whom he
talks about waterworks and such matters."
He next speaks of the pope's advisers. He would not
permit his nephew to exercise any power; even Giberto
had very little influence in state affairs. " II papa lo aide,
ma poi fa al suo modo." [The pope hears him, but then
proceeds in his own manner.] He considers that Giberto —
"devoto e savio" — is favourable to the French, but that
Schomberg — " libero nel suo parlar " — was disposed to the
imperialists. The emperor had a firm adherent also in
Zuan Foietta, who was less frequently in attendance on the
pope from the time that Clement had formed his league
with France. Foscari alludes also to the two secretaries
of the pope, Giacopo Salviati and Francesco Vizardini
(Guicciardini) ; he considers the latter the more able man,
but quite in the French interest.
36 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 17
It is worthy of remark, that the pope was not on much
better terms with the French than with the imperiaUsts. He
perceived clearly what he had to expect at their hands.
He felt himself to be truly allied with Venice alone.
"Conosce, se non era la Signoria nostra, saria ruinada e
caza di Roma." [He knows that if it were not for our
Signory, he would be ruined and hunted out of Rome.]
Pvome and Venice maintained and fortified each other
in their efforts for Italian interests, and considered their
honour to consist in upholding them. The pope was proud
of having prevented Venice from coming to an under-
standing with the emperor. Our ambassador, on the other
hand, directly asserts that it was himself (Foscari) by whom
Italy had been made free. He tells us that Clement had
already determined to acknowledge Bourbon as duke of
Milan, but that he had so earnestly dissuaded him from
doing so, as at length to prevail on him, and he changed
his purpose.
He affirms that the pope would grant the emperor the
dispensation needful for his marriage only on certain con-
ditions ; but that the emperor had contrived to obtain it
without these conditions.
There is a certain peculiarity to be remarked in respect
to this " Relatione." When the ambassadors were directed
at a later period to prepare and present their reports in
writing, Marco Foscari did so as well as the others, but we
are instantly struck by the fact that the second relation
is infinitely feebler than the first. The latter was written
immediately after the occurrences described in it, and while
all was fresh in the recollection of the writer ; but so many
important events took place afterwards, that the recollection
of the earlier facts had become faint and obscure. We
learn from this how much we are indebted to the diligence
of the indefatigable Sanuto. This is the last report, of
which my knowledge is derived from his chronicle. There
follow others which were preserved in private copies revised
by their authors.
No. 18] APPElNDIX- SECTION I 37
No. 18
Relatione riferita net consigUo de pregadi per il clarissimo
Gaspar Cofitarini^ ritor?iafo ambasciatore del papa Cle~
mente VII e dal imp"' Carlo V, Marzo, 1530. [Caspar
Contarini's report of his embassy to Clement VII, and
the emperor Charles V, etc.] Information! Politiche, 25.
Berlin Library.
This is the same Gaspar Contarini of whom we have
had occasion to speak so highly in our history.
After having been already engaged in an embassy to
Charles V (his report of which is extremely rare — I have
seen one copy of it only in the Albani palace in Rome), he
was chosen as ambassador to the pope in 1528 before the
latter had returned to Rome, after so many misfortunes and
so long an absence. Contarini accompanied the pontiff
from Viterbo to Rome, and from Rome to the coronation
of the emperor at Bologna. In the latter city he took part
in the negotiations.
Of all that he witnessed in Viterbo, Rome, and Bologna,
he here gives a relation, to which we have but one objection,
namely, that his narrative is so extremely brief.
The embassy of Contarini took place at the important
period when the pope was gradually becoming disposed
again to enter into such an alliance with the emperor as had
formerly been concluded between that monarch and the
Medici. The ambassador very soon remarks with astonish-
ment, that the pope, notwithstanding the grievous injuries
and offences he had received from the imperialists, was yet
more inclined to give his confidence to them than to the
allies, a disposition in which he was confirmed principally
by Musettola ; " huomo," says Contarini, " ingegnoso e di
valore assai, ma di lingua e di audacia maggiore." While
the fortune of war remained undecided, the pope would
come to no resolution ; but when the French were defeated
and the imperialists gradually evinced a readiness to resign
the fortresses they had occupied, he no longer hesitated.
In the spring of 1529, the pope was already on good terms
with the emperor, and in June they concluded their treaty,
38 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 19
the conditions of which Contarini could not obtain sight of
without great difficulty. .
Contarini also describes the persons with whom he acted.
The pope was rather tall, and was well formed. He had
at that time scarcely recovered from the effects of so many
misfortunes and from a severe illness. " He is neither
affected by strong attachment nor violent hatred," says Con-
tarini ; " he is choleric, but restrains himself so powerfully
that none would suspect him of being so. He is certainly
desirous of relieving those evils by which the Church is
oppressed, but does not adopt any effectual measures for
that purpose. With regard to his inclinations, it is not easy
to form a positive opinion : it appeared for some time that
he took the matter of Florence somewhat to heart, yet he
now suffers an imperial army to march against the city."
Contarini remarks that many changes had been made in
the ministry of Clement VII.
The datary Giberto always retained a larger share than
any other person of his master's confidence ; but after the
measures adopted under his administration had resulted in
so disastrous an issue, he retired of his own accord, and
thenceforward devoted himself to his bishopric of Verona.
Niccolo Schomberg, on the contrary, after an embassy on
which he had been sent to Naples, had returned to take
active part in the most important affairs. Contarini con-
siders him to lean greatly to the imperialists, a man of good
understanding and beneficent habits, but violent withal.
Giacopo Salviati had also great influence, and was at that
time still believed to be in the interests of France.
Although this paper is very short, it nevertheless supplies
us with much instructive matter.
No. 19
Instrudio data Caesari a rev"^" Campeggio in diet a Angus tajta,
1530. [Instruction given to the emperor by the most
reverend Cardinal Campeggio at the diet of Augsburg,
1530.] MS. Rome.
Up to this time political affairs have been treated as most
No. 19] APPENDIX— SECTION I 39
important, but ecclesiastical matters now gradually obtain
the larger share of attention. At the very beginning of
this document we meet with that sanguinary proposal for
the reduction of Protestantism of which I have previously
spoken ; it is here even called an " Instruction."
The cardinal remarks, that in conformity with the posi-
tion he holds and with the commission of the Apostolic See,
he would proceed to set forth the measures which, according
to his judgment, ought to be adopted.
He describes the state of affairs in the following
manner : " In certain parts of Germany, all the Christian
rites which were given to us by the ancient holy fathers
have been abrogated in accordance with the suggestions
of these scoundrels ; the sacraments are no longer adminis-
tered, vows are not observed, marriages are contracted
irregularly, and within the degrees prohibited by the
laws," &c. &c., for it would be superfluous to transcribe
this capiicinade.
He reminds the emperor that " this sect " would not
procure him any increase of power, as he had been pro-
mised ; and assures him of his own spiritual aid in the event
of his adopting the counsels suggested. "And I, if there
shall be need, will pursue them with ecclesiastical censures
and penalties, omitting nothing that it may be needful to do.
I will deprive the beneficed heretics of their benefices, and
will separate them by excommunications from the Catholic
flock. Your highness also, with your just and awful imperial
ban, will subject them to such and so horrible an extermina-
tion, that either they shall be constrained to return to the
holy Catholic faith, or shall be utterly ruhied and despoiled
both of goods and life. And if any there be, which God
forbid, who shall obstinately persevere in that diabolical
course, . . . your majesty will then take fire and sword
in hand, and will radically extirpate these noxious and
venomous weeds."
To the kings of England and France, also, Cam-
peggio proposes the confiscation of all property held by
heretics.
He generally keeps his attention fixed, however, on Ihc
affairs of Germany ; and shews how it was believed that the
40 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 20
articles of the treaty of Barcelona, to which he continually
recurs, might be interpreted. " It will be well and to the
purpose, that when this magnificent and Catholic undertaking
shall have been put firmly and directly on its way, there
should be chosen, some few days after, efficient and holy
inquisitors, who, with the utmost diligence and assiduity,
should go about seeking and inquiring if there be any, quod
absit, who persist in these diabolical and heretical opinions,
nor will by any means abandon them, ... in which case
they shall be castigated and punished according to the
rule and practice observed in Spain with regard to the
Moors."
In Wilh. Maurenbrecher : " Karl V und die deutschen
Protestanten " (App. No. i) the report of Campeggio is
given in full from the Archives of Simancas. I notice a few
slight differences ; e.g. in the Spanish transcript, instead of
" assiduita," as in the Italian version, " desteritk " is urged on
the Inquisition. Such variations always occur.
Happily all were not of Campeggio's opinion ; nor
indeed do such schemes appear frequently in the documents
that we have examined.
No. 20
Diariornm cerimonialium Masii Baronii de Martinellis V. j.
D. et caerimoniarum apost. maglstri (liber) 1518-1540.
Diarium Joannis Francisci Firmani Capellae SS'"' /)'"' ;/;/.
Papae cerimoniarum derici sub Clem. VII., Fmilo III,
Marcello II, FaiUo IV et Fio IV, Fontificibtis. British
Museum, 8447.
Notes for the inner history of the papal household, not
so valuable as some earlier documents, but still worth con-
sideration, MartineUi frequently finds himself in opposition
to what actually takes place. If his advice had been followed
at the coronation of the emperor, everything would have
been done in a more worthy manner; but he has only
brought down on himself the hatred of the imperial party.
He is much displeased because Pope Clement does not allow
No. 20] APPENDIX— SECTION 1 4t
the young daughter of the emperor to kiss his feet, but kisses
her himself : " non placuit mihi, Ucet puella X annorum."
The most remarkable thing in both MSS. is the authentic
information which they give of the presence of Charles V in
Rome, in April, 1536, and of his speech on April 7.
Martinelli says : " Nota, quia Imperator voluit venire in
cameram paramentorum, ubi Papa induitur paramentis, in
qua jam omnes Cardinales venerant, et in circulo inter eos
colloquendo expectavit Pontificera, quern venientem vene-
ratus est et a sinistra illius vocari fecit Cardinales omnes ad
circulum et oratores principum et alios principes qui reperie-
bantur, et in conspectu Pontificis et praesentia praefatorum
Dominorum longum habuit sermonem in modum querelae
et protestationis, contra Christ'" Regem Franciae lingua
vulgari itala, narrando multa gesta et contenta inter ipsum et
praefatum Regem et qualiter et in quibus defecerat sibi et
modo magnum exercitum paraverat contra eum et ducem
Sabaudiae, ejus affinem et feudatarium, perturbando et impe-
diendo expeditionem, quam ipse Caesar jam ceperat contra
infideles, et continuabat : quod si inter eos et exercitus
illorum dimicandum foret, ex quibus vel uterque exercitus
vel alter tantum rueret, et strages Christianorum tot seque-
rentur, timendum erat de pernicie totius Christianitatis, in
qua de facili irrueret rabies Turcharum ; quod adeo ne talia
succederent existimabat expedire reipublicae christianae, ut
Altissimus tam ipsum quam regem Franciae tolleret de
medio, vel quod ipsimet inter se lites et contentiones diri-
merent, ne tota Christianitas pateretur."
J. Frz. Firmanus gives much the same information^ and
continues as follows : " Papa vero condoluit et promisit se
semper laboraturum pro pace et quiete ipsorum et illud a
deo supplicationibus petiturum ; cum vero Papa iret ad
capellam, orator regis Franciae rogavit Imperatorem, ut
dignaretur dare in scriptis quae dixerat ut posset ipsi regi
insinuare, cui respondit, quod nihil secum agere debebat,
sed Pontifici et aliis dixisse quae sibi visa fuerant opportuna.
— Die Martis (post feriam 2. Resurrectionis). — Fuit illo
mane intimatus cardinalibus recessus imperialis prohora 18.
qui omnes convenerunt dicta hora in locum in quo fieri solent
consistoria et Imperatorem exspectarunt, qui dicta hora ivit
42 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 21
ad Papam qui occurrit Sti Marci (?) usque ad aulam Ponti-
ficiam et insimul cameram secretariae intrarunt et steterunt
per mediam horam colloquentes, cumque exivissent ad anti-
cameram Imperator vocatis Cardinalibus Praelatis proceribus
et oratoribus dixit Papa praesente, quod ea, quae praece-
dente die in camera paramentorum contra regem Franciae
protuleratj non animo et intentione ipsum injuriandi dixerat,
sed ut manifestaret intentionem suam bonam circa salutem
et quietam christianae religionis, nee fuerat ejus animus vel
intentio provocare praedictum regem ad duellum, sed voluit
inferre quod melius fuisset si ambo morerentur quam tota
respublica Christiana damna perniciem et continuas ruinas
pateretur, et multa his similia et super his dixit, quae ego
audire minime potui propter frequentiam Cardinalium et
aliorum nob ilium, quibus dictis hora 20. discessit associatus
a Pontifice usque ad primam scalam per quam itur ad cortile,
ubi habuit benedictionem a Papa, et in cortile ascendit
equum album et abiit."
No. 21
Relatio vir'i nobilis Aniojiii Stiriani doctor is et equitis, qui
reversals est orator ex curia Roma 71a ^ presetitata in col-
legio 18 Jiilii, 1533- [Report of Antonio Suriano,
doctor and knight, of his embassy to Rome.] Archivio
de Venetia.
" Among the most important particulars," he begins by
remarking, " that ambassadors accredited to' princes are
bound to observe, are the personal qualities of those
sovereigns."
He first describes the character of Clement VII. He is
of opinion that if the regularity of this pontiff's life and
habits be principally considered, his unwearied diligence in
giving audience and assiduous observance of all ecclesiastical
ceremonies, he will be supposed to have a melancholy
temperament ; but that those who know him well declare
him to be rather of sanguine disposition, only cold at heart
— so that he is very slow to resolve, and readily permits
himself to be dissuaded from his resolutions.
No. 2i] APPENDIX-SECTION I 43
*'Io per me non trovo die in cose pertinent! a stato la
sia proceduta cum grande dissimulatione. Ben cauta : et
quelle cose che S. S'* non vole che si intendano, piu presto
le tace che dirle sotto falso colore." [For my own part, I
do not think that in matters pertaining to the state, his
holiness has proceeded with any great dissimulation, being
cautious indeed ; but such things as his holiness does not
wish to be known, he passes over silently in preference to
describing them under false colours.]
With regard to the ministers of Clement VII, those to
whom the earlier reports allude most frequently are no
longer in power — they are not even mentioned. Giacopo
Salviati, on the other hand, comes prominently forward^
holding the principal administration of Romagna and direct-
ing the government of the ecclesiastical dominions generally.
With respect to these matters, the pope relied implicitly on
him. It is true that he perceived him to have his own
interests too constantly in view, and had complained of
this even in Bologna, but he permitted him to remain
employed in public affairs.
But precisely for that cause Salviati was detested by the
other connections of the pope. They considered him to
stand in their way ; and when Clement was less liberal to
them than they desired, they ascribed it to Salviati. " Pare
che suadi al papa a tener strette le mani ne li subministri
danari secundo h lo appetito loro, che e grande di spender
e spander."
But the kinsmen of Clement were also very much at
variance among themselves. Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici
would have preferred remaining in a secular state, but the
pope did but remark, in relation to this matter, that he was
"a foolish devil, and did not wish to be a priest." " L'^
matto diavolOj el matto non vole esser prete." It was,
nevertheless, exceedingly vexatious to the pope when Ippo-
lito really made attempts to expel Duke Alexander from
Florence.
Cardinal Ippolito lived on terms of strict friendship with
the young Catherine de* Medici, who is here called the
*' duchessina." She was his " cousin, in the third degree,
with whom he lives in great aftection, being equally beloved
44 APPENDIX— SECTION I [No. 2ia
by her in return ; there is no one in whom she more con-
fides, and in all her wants and wishes she applies to no one
but to the said cardinal."
Suriano describes the child who was destined to hold so
important a position in the world as follows : — " Her dis-
position is lively, her character firm and spirited, her manners
good. She has been brought up and educated by the nuns
of the Delle Murate convent in Florence, ladies of excel-
lent reputation and holy life. She is small in person and
thin, not pretty, with the large eyes peculiar to the house of
Medici."
Suitors from all quarters presented themselves to seek
her hand. The duke of Milan, the duke of Mantua, and
the king of Scotland, desired her as their consort; but
various objections were made to all these princes : the
French marriage was at that time not yet decided. "In
accordance with his irresolute nature," remarks Suriano,
" the pope speaks sometimes with greater, and sometimes
with less warmth respecting this match."
But he thinks that the pontiff is certainly disposed to
conclude the French alliance, in order that he may win the
French party in Florence to his own side. On other points
he treats of the foreign relations of the Papal See very
briefly, and with much reserve.
No. 2ia
Relatione di Roma d'* Antonio Suriano^ 1536. Foscarini MS.
in Vienna and the Library of St. Mark's, Venice.
In the copies of this report the date varies from 1535
to 1539. The correct date I consider to be 1536; first,
because the emperor's return to Rome is mentioned in the
report, and this took place in April, 1536; and next, be-
cause there is a letter extant, from Sadolet to Suriano, dated
Rome, Nov. 1536, which proves that the ambassador must
have left the papal capital before that date.
This is a letter (Sadoleti Epp., p. 383), of which the
purport is greatly to the honour of Suriano : *' Mihi ea officia
No. 21^] APPENDIX— SECTION I 45
praestitisti, quae vel frater fratri, vel filio praestare indulgens
pater solet, nullis meis provocatus officiis."
Three days after the presentation of the preceding report
Suriano was again appointed ambassador to Rome (July
21, 1533).
The new report describes the further progress of the
events previously alluded to, more particularly the conclu-
sion of the French marriage, which does not appear to have
been satisfactory to all the pope's relations. *' I will not
conceal that this marriage was contracted against the wish of
Giacopo Salviati ; and still more against that of the signora
I.ucretia, his wife, who laboured to dissuade the pope from
it, even to the extent of using reproachful words." This was
doubtless because the Salviati were then disposed to favour
the imperialists. Suriano further treats of the remarkable
interview between the pope and the emperor, to which we
have already called attention. The pope conducted himself
with the utmost caution and forethought; and would not
pledge himself to anything in writing. " Di tutti li desiderii
s'accommodo Clemente con parole tali che gli facevano
credere S. S** esser disposta in tutte a He sue voglie senza
pero far provisione alcuna in scritture." The pope wished
to have no war — none, at least, in Italy ; he desired only to
keep the emperor in check : " con questi spaventi assicu-
rarsi del spavento del concilio." [By means of these fears,
to secure himself from the dread of a council.]
Gradually the council became the principal consideration
of the papal policy. Suriano discusses the points of view
from which the Roman court considered this question, in
the commencement of the pontificate of Paul III. Already
Schomberg declared that it would be agreed to only on con-
dition that whatever was brought before it should be first
submitted to the pope and cardinals, to be examined, dis-
cussed, and determined on in Rome.
SECTION II
CRITICAL REMARKS ON SARPI AND PALLAVICINI
The council of Trent, its preliminaries, convocation,
twice repeated dissolution, and final assemblage, with all
the motives contributing to these events, engross a large
portion of the history of the sixteenth century. The im-
measurable importance of its effect on the definitive estab-
lishment of the Catholic faith, and its relation to that of
the Protestants, I need not here insist on. This council
forms precisely the central point of the theological and
political discords which mark the century.
It has accordingly been made the subject of two elaborate
historical delineations, both original, and both in themselves
of great importance.
But not only are these works directly opposed to each
other, but the world has quarrelled about the historians no
less than about their subject. Thus, even in our own times,
Paolo Sarpi is received by one party as honest and trust-
worthy, while Pallavicini is accounted fallacious and un-
worthy of belief; by the other party, Pallavicini is declared
to merit implicit credence, while Sarpi is afifirmed to be
almost proverbially mendacious.
On approaching these voluminous works, we are seized
with a sort of terror. It would be a sufficiently difficult
task to make oneself master of their contents, even did they
treat only of authentic and credible matters ; but how much
more formidable is that task rendered by the fact that we
have to be on our guard at every step, lest we should be
falsely directed by one or the other, and drawn into a
labyrinth of intentional deceptions !
It is, nevertheless, impossible to test their authenticity
step by step, by means of facts better known to other
46
APPENDIX— SECTION II 47
authorities ; for where could impartial information respect-
ing this subject be found? — and even could we find it,
fresh folios would be required before we could effect a
satisfactory investigation.
There is, then, nothing remaining to us but to attempt
to gain a clear comprehension of the method pursued by
each of our authors.
For all that appears in the works of an historian does
not necessarily belong to himself, more particularly in works
so comprehensive and so rich in matter as those in question.
He receives the great mass of his facts from various sources,
and it is in the mode of treatment to which he subjects his
materials, and the mastery he obtains over them, that we
first become acquainted with the individual man, who is
himself the pervading spirit of his work and in whom its unity
must be sought. Even in these folios, from which industry
itself recoils in terror, the presence of a poet makes itself felt.
Storia del Concilia Tridentino di Pietro Soave Folano. The
first edition, free from extraneous additions. Geneva,
1629.
It was in England, and by the agency of Dominis of
Spalatro, an archbishop converted to Protestantism, that
this work was first published. Although Era Paolo Sarpi
never acknowledged himself to be the author, there is yet
no doubt that it is due to him. It may be gathered from
his letters that he was occupied with such a history. There
is a copy in Venice, which he had himself caused to be
made, and which has been corrected by his own hand ; and
it may be affirmed that he was the only man who could,
at any time, have composed a history such as that now
before us.
Era Paolo stood at the head of a Catholic opposition to
the pope, the hostility of which proceeded originally from
political motives ; but this party held views similar to those
of the Protestants on many points, from having adopted
certain principles of St. Augustine, and were indeed oc-
casionally charged with Protestantism,
48 APPENDIX— SECTION II
But Sarpi's work is not to be at once regarded with
suspicion on account of these opinions. The whole world
may be said to have been then divided between decided
adherents and decided opponents of the council of Trent ;
from the former there was nothing but eulogy to be expected,
from the latter nothing but reproach. The position of Sarpi
was, upon the whole, removed from the influence of both
these conflicting parties ; he had no inducement to defend
the council on every point, nor was he under the necessity
of wholly condemning it. His position secured to him the
possibiHty of examining passing events with an unprejudiced
eye ; it was only in the midst of an Italian Catholic republic
that he could have gathered the materials requisite for that
purpose.
If we desire to attain a correct idea of the mode in which
he proceeded to his labour, we must first recall to memory
the methods by which great historical works were composed
before his time.
Writers had not then imposed on themselves the task
either of gathering materials into a complete and uniform
body, a thing always so difficult to do, nor yet of subjecting
them to a critical examination ; they did not insist on ex-
ploring original sources of information, nor, finally, did they
elaborate, by intellectual effort, the mass of matter before
them.
How few, indeed, are they who impose on themselves
this labour, even in the present day !
At that time, authors were content not only to take those
authorities which were generally considered authentic as the
basis of their histories, but they proceeded further, and even
adopted whole passages, simply completing the narration,
where that was practicable, by means of the new materials
which they had brought together and which were inter-
polated at the points requiring them. This done, their
principal care then was to give all this matter a regular and
uniform style.
It was thus that Sleidan formed his work out of the
documents relating to the history of the Reformation, as he
could best procure them; these he then linked together
without much discrimination or critical labour, transforming
APPENDIX— SECTION II 49
them by the colouring of his Latinity into one uniform
whole.
Thuanus has transferred, without scruple, long passages
from other historians to his own pages. He has taken
Buchanan's Scottish History, for example, has separated
its various parts, and inserted them amidst the different
portions of his work. His English history was supplied to
him from materials sent by Camden ; the German he takes
from Sleidan and Chytraeus, the Italian from Adriani, and the
Turkish he has borrowed from Busbequius and Leunclavius.
It is true that this was a method whereby there was but
little chance of securing originaUty, and, as one of its con-
sequences, the reader frequently receives the work of another
author instead of him whose name is on the title-page. It
has been revived and again adopted in our own day, more
especially by the writers of French memoirs, who are,
indeed, altogether without excuse^ for it should be the peculiar
characteristic of these works to communicate the unaltered
original.
To return to Sarpi. In the very commencement of his
work he places before us the following undisguised account
of his own position.
" It is my purpose to write the History of the Council
of Trent. For, though many renowned historians of our
age have touched upon separate points thereof in their
various works, and Johann Sleidan, a very accurate writer,
has related the causes which gave rise to it (' le cause
antecedenti ') with infinite diligence, yet were all these mat-
ters put together, they would not present a circumstantial
narration. As soon as I began to concern myself with the
affairs of mankind, I felt a great desire to obtain a thorough
knowledge of that history ; and when I had gathered all
that I found written regarding it, and also the documents
which had been printed or had been scattered about
in manuscript, I began to seek further among the papers
left by the prelates and others who had taken part in the
council, and so to examine such intelligence as they had
furnished in regard to the matter, with the votes they had
given, as recorded either by themselves or others, and all
information transmitted by letters from the city of Trent at
vol., m. j;
50 APPENDIX— SECTION II
the time of the council. In doing this, I have spared no
pains or labour, and have had the good fortune to procure a
sight of whole collections of notes and letters from persons
who took a large part in those negotiations and transactions.
When I had thus brought together so many documents,
furnishing more than sufficient materials for a narrative, I
resolved to put them in order and form a connected rela-
tion of them."
Sarpi has here described his position with evident
simplicity. We see him on the one side placed amidst the
historians whose accounts he arranges and links together,
but which he does not find sufficient, and on the other side
we perceive him to be provided with manuscript materials,
from which he completes what has been left deficient by his
printed auxiliaries.
Unhappily, Sarpi has not supplied us with a detailed
enumeration of these authorities, whether manuscript or
printed, neither had that been the method of his predeces-
sors ; he gave his whole care, as they had done, to the purpose
of weaving a well-ordered agreeable history, which should
be complete in itself, out of the mass of intelligence that he
had found.
Meanwhile we are enabled to ascertain of what printed
historians he availed himself, even without requiring these
particulars, and we find that these were for the earlier periods
Jovius and Guicciardini ; next Thuanus and Adriani, but
principally Sleidan, whom he has moreover mentioned by
name.
For example, in the whole of his narrative describing
the state of affairs at the time of the Interim, and after the
transfer of the council to Bologna, he had Sleidan before
him. It was but in a few instances that he consulted the
sources whence that author had derived his information ; in
all other cases he has nothing but Sleidan.
It will repay our labour to examine his mode of proceed-
ing, and will conduct us a step further in the examination
we have undertaken.
He not unfrequently gives a direct translation of Sleidan,
— a free one certainly, but still a translation. In regard to
the negotiations of the emperor with the princes, for example,
APPENDIX— SECTION II 51
as touching their preliminary submission to the authority of
the council of Trent (Sleidan, lib. xix. p. 50) : —
" Et Palatinus quidem territatus fuit etiam, nisi morem
gereret, ob recentem anni superioris offensionem, uti diximus,
cum vix ea cicatrix coaluisset: Mauricius, qui et socerum
landgravium cuperet liberari et nuper admodum esset auctus
a Caesare, faciundum aliquid sibi videbat. Itaque cum
Caesar eis prolixe de sua voluntate per internuncios pro-
mitteret, et ut ipsius fidei rem permitterent flagitaret, illi
demum Octobris die vigesimo quarto assentiuntur. Reliquae
solum erant civitates ; quae magni rem esse periculi videbant
submittere se concilii decretis indifterenter. Cum iis Gran-
vellanus et Hasius diu multumque agebant; atque interim
fama per urbem divulgata fuit, illos esse praefractos, qui
recusarent id quod principes omnes comprobassent : auditae
quoque fuerunt comminationes, futurum ut acrius multo
quam nuper plectantur. Tandem fuit inventa ratio ut et
Caesari satisfieret et ipsis etiam esset cautum. Etenim
vocati ad Caesarem, ut ipsi responsa principum corrigant,
non suum esse dicunt, et simul scriptum ei tradunt, quo
testificantur quibus ipsi conditionibus concilium probent.
Caesar, eorum audito sermone, per Seldium respondet, sibi
pergratum esse quod reliquorum exemplo rem sibi permit-
tant et caeteris consentiant." . . . (Sarpi, lib. iii. p. 283.)
" Con I'elettor Palatino le preghiere havevano specie di
minacce rispetto alle precedenti offese perdonate di recente.
Verso Mauricio duca di Sassonia erano necessita, per tanti
beneficii nuovamente havuti da Cesare, e perche desiderava
liberare il lantgravio suo suocero. Perilche promettendo
loro Cesare d'adoperarsi che in concilio havessero la dovuta
sodisfattione e ricercandogli che si fidassero in lui, final-
mente consentirono, e furono seguiti dagli ambasciatori dell'
elettore di Brandeburg e da tutti i prencipi. Le citta ricu-
sarono, come cosa di gran pericolo, il sottomettersi indiffe-
rentemente a tutti i decreti del concilio. II Granvela negotib
cort gli ambasciatori loro assai e longamente, trattandogli
anco da ostinati a ricusar quello che i prencipi havevano
comprobato, aggiongendo qualche sorte di minacce di con-
dannargli in somma maggiore che la gih, pagata : perilche
finalmente furono costrette di condescendere al voler di
52 APPENDIX— SECTION II
Cesare, riservata perb cautione per I'osservanza delle pro-
messe. Onde chiamate alia presenza dell' imperatore, et
interrogate se si conformavano alia deliberatione de' pren-
cipi, risposero che sarebbe stato troppo ardire il loro a voler
correggere la risposta de' prencipi, e tutti insieme diedero
una scrittura contenente le condition! con che avrebbono
ricevuto il concilio. La scrittura fu ricevuta ma non letta,
e per nome di Cesare dal suo cancellario furono lodati che
ad essempio degli altri havessero rimesso il tutto all' impe-
ratore e fidatisi di lui : e I'istesso imperatore fece dimostra-
tione d'haverlo molto grato. Cosi I'una e I'altra parte voleva
esser ingannata." [Entreaties to the Elector Palatine were
a kind of menace, on account of his recent offences, which
had been lately pardoned : in the case of Maurice, duke of
Saxony also, there was a necessity for compliance, because
of the many benefits that he had just received from the
emperor, and also because he desired to liberate the land-
grave, his father-in-law. For which causes, and on the
emperor's promising them that he would take measures to
secure them all due satisfaction from the council, at the
same time that he requested them to confide in him, they
ultimately consented to do so, and were followed by the
ambassadors of the elector of Brandenburg, and all the
other princes. The cities refused, considering it a dangerous
thing to submit themselves indifferently to all the decrees
of the council. Granvelle negotiated much, and at great
length with their ambassadors, charging them indeed with
obstinacy for refusing to agree to that which had been
approved by the princes, adding a sort of threat that they
should be condemned in a larger amount than that already
paid. Wherefore they were finally compelled to yield to
the emperor's will, but taking care, nevertheless, for. the
observance of the promises. Then, being called into the
presence of the emperor, and questioned as to whether they
would conform to the resolution of the princes, they replied
that it would be too bold in them to wish to correct the
answer of the princes, and together with this, they gave in a
written statement of the conditions on which they would be
willing to receive the council. The paper was received but
not read; and they were commended by the chancellor, in
APPENDIX— SECTION II ^3
the emperor's name, for having remitted all to the emperor,
and confided themselves to him according to the example
of the others : the emperor himself also made a show of
being much pleased with this. Thus both parties chose to
be deceived.]
Even in this translation it is obvious that Sarpi does not
adhere with strict truth to the facts laid before him. It is
not affirmed by Sleidan that Granvelle threatened the cities ;
what the German describes as a mere common rumour, the
Italian puts into the mouth of the minister. The expedient
adopted in the matter of the cities is more clearly expressed
in the original than in the translation, and as in this instance,
so it is in innumerable other passages.
If that were all, there would be nothing further to remark ;
the reader would merely require to bear constantly in mind
that he had a somewhat arbitrary paraphrase of Sleidan before
him : but we occasionally meet with alterations of a more
important character.
In the first place, Sarpi had not acquired an accurate idea
of the constitution of the empire ; he has, in fact, always in
his thoughts a constitution consisting of three estates, — the
clergy, the temporal sovereigns, and the cities. He not un-
frequently alters the expressions of his author, for the purpose
of bringing them into harmony with his own peculiar and
erroneous conception of the matter. Sleidan, for example
(hb. XX. p. 108), discusses the votes given in respect of the
Interim in the three colleges, i. In the electoral college.
The three ecclesiastical electors are in its favour, the three
secular electors are opposed to it : " Reliqui tres electores non
quid em ejus erant sententiae, Palatinus imprimis et Mauricius,
verum uterque causas habebant cur Caesari non admodum
reclamarent." 2. By the college of princes : " Caeteri prin-
cipes, qui maxima parte sunt episcopi, eodem modo sicut
Moguntinus atque collegae respondent." 3. " Civitatum non
ita magna fuit habita ratio." Now, from this Sarpi makes
what follows (lib. iii. p. 300) : the votes of the three ecclesi-
astical electors he gives as Sleidan has done, but proceeds
thus : " Al parer de' quali s'accostarono tutti i vescovi : i
prencipi secolari per non offendere Cesare tacquero : et a
loro esempio gli ambasciatori delle cittil parlarono poco, nh
54 APPENDIX— SECTION II
di quel poco fu tenuto conto." [To the opinion of whom,
all the bishops attached themselves : the temporal princes
remained silent, that they might not offend the emperor;
and, led by their example, the ambassadors of the cities
spoke little, nor was any account made of that little.] Thus,
what Sleidan has said of two electors, is here extended to all
the temporal princes. The bishops are made to appear as
if giving their votes separately, and all the odium is thrown
upon them. The great importance to which the council of
the princes of the empire had at that time attained, is com-
pletely misunderstood. Even in the passages cited above, Sarpi
affirms that the princes had gone over to the opinion of the
electors ; while the fact was, that they had already expressed
a decision of their own, which differed from that of the
electoral princes on very many points.
But it is of still higher moment that Sarpi, whilst adopt-
ing the statements he finds in Sleidan, and inserting them
together with statements which he finds elsewhere, and which
he extracts or translates, has also interwoven his own remarks
and observations through the whole course of the narrative.
Let us examine the nature of these, for this is extremely
remarkable.
For example, the worthy Sleidan (lib. xx. p. 58) repeats,
without the least suspicion, a proposal of the bishop of
Trent, wherein three things are demanded : the recall of
the council to Trent, the despatch of a legate into Ger-
many, and a regulation, fixing the manner in which pro-
ceedings should be continued, in the event of a vacancy
occurring in the papal see. This Sarpi translates literally,
but interpolates the following remark : " The third requisition
was added," he says, " to remind the pope of his advanced
age, and his approaching death, that he might thus be
rendered more compliant and disposed to greater conces-
sions, for he would surely not wish to leave the resentment
of the emperor as a legacy to his successor."
Such is the spirit of his observations throughout the
work : they are steeped in gall and bitterness, one and all.
" The legate summoned the assembly, and gave his opinion
first ; for the Holy Spirit, which is wont to move the legates
in accordance with the wishes of the pope, and the bishops
APPENDIX— SECTION II 55
in accordance with those of the legates, inspired them on
this occasion in his usual manner."
According to Sleidan, the Interim was sent to Rome, —
** for there was still something conceded to the Protestants
in it." According to Sarpi, the German prelates insisted on
this, " for," says he, " they have laboured from old times to
maintain the papal authority in reverence, because this was
the only counterpoise that could be presented to that of the
emperor, which they could not withstand but with the aid of
the pope, especially if the emperor should once compel them
to do their duty according to the practice of the primitive
Christian church, and should seek to restrain the abuses of
the so-called ecclesiastical liberty within due limits."
It is obvious that Sarpi differs widely, upon the whole,
from the compilers who preceded him. The abstract that
he makes, the epitome he gives, is full of life and spirit. In
spite of the foreign material that he works on, his style has
an easy, pleasant, and agreeable flow ; nor does the reader
perceive the points of transition, when he passes from one
author to another. But with these qualities there is, without
doubt, connected the fact that his narration assumes the
colour of his own opinions : his systematic opposition to the
Roman court, his ill-will or his hatred towards the papacy, are
constantly apparent, and so much the greater is the effect
produced.
But Paolo Sarpi had, as we have seen, materials wholly
different from any to be found in printed authorities ; and
from these it is that by far the most important part of his
work has been derived.
He has himself distinguished the " interconciliary " and
preliminary events from the proper history of the council.
He tells us that he desires to treat the former more in the
manner of an annual register, or book of annals ; the latter in
that of a diary. He has also made another difference, which
consists in this, that for the former he has for the most part
adhered to the well-known and current authors ; while for the
latter, on the contrary, he has drawn from new sources, and
used original documents.
The question first, in regard to these authorities, is, of
what kind and nature they were.
56 APPENDIX— SECTION II
And in reference to this, I cannot believe that he could
obtain much information as to particulars from such a man
as Oliva, secretary to the first legate sent to the council ; or
from Ferrier, French ambassador to Venice, who was also at
the council. With respect to Oliva, indeed, Sarpi has com-
mitted a great error, since he describes him as leaving the
council before he really did so. The French documents
were very soon printed. The influence of these men, who
belonged to the malcontent party, with Sarpi, consisted in
this, that they confirmed and strengthened the aversion he
felt to the council. The Venetian collections, on the other
hand, supplied him with the original acts and documents in
great number and completeness : letters of the legates, for
example, as those of Monte ; notes of secret agents, such as
Visconti ; reports of the nuncios, Chieragato, for example ;
circumstantial diaries, that had been kept at the council ; the
Lettere d'Avisi, and other memorials in vast numbers, and
more or less authentic. Sarpi was in this respect so fortu-
nate, that he had opportunity- of availing himself of some
documents which have never since come to light, and which
Pallavicini, notwithstanding the important and extensive
aid afforded him, was not able to procure. For these, the
inquirer into history must have recourse to the pages of Sarpi
through all time.
There now remains only the question of how he employed
these materials.
He has, without doubt, directly transferred some portions
of them to his own work, with very slight modifications.
Courayer assures us, that he had held in his hands- a manu-
script report on the congregations of the year 1563, which had
been used and almost copied by Sarpi : " que notre historien
a consultee, et presque copiee mot pour mot."
I have in my possession a manuscript " Historia del S.
Concilio di Trento scritta per M. Antonio Milledonne, Seer.
Veneziano," which was also known to Foscarini (Lett. Venez.
i. p. 351) and to Mendham, by a contemporary and well-
informed author; and this, notwithstanding its extreme
brevity, is by no means unimportant, in relation to the later
sittings of the council.
Now, I find that Sarpi has occasionally adopted this
APPENDIX— SECTION 11 57
manuscript word for word. For example, Milledonne says :
"II senato di Norimbergo rispose al nontio Delfino, che non
era per partirsi dalla confessione Aiigustana, e che non accet-
tava il concilio, come quello che non aveva le condition!
ricercate da' protestanti. Simil risposta fecero li senati di
Argentina e Francfort al medesimo nontio Delfino. II senato
di Augusta e quello di Olma risposero, che non potevano
separarsi dalli altri che tenevano la confessione Augustana."
The following are the words of Sarpi (p. 450) : " II noncio
Delfino nel ritorno espose il suo carico in diverse cittk. Dal
senato di Norimberg hebbe risposta, che non era per partirsi
dalla confessione Augustana, e che non accettera il concilio, '
come quello che non haveva conditioni ricercate da' protes-
tanti. Simili risposte gli fecero li senati d' Argentina e di
Francfort. II senato d'Augusta e quello d'Olma risposero,
che non potevano separarsi dagli altri che tengono la lor
confessione."
Sarpi refrains from following Milledonne only where
the latter has used terms of praise, even though these
eulogies are wholly unprejudiced.
Thus Milledonne remarks, that " II O Gonzaga prattico
di negotii di stato, per aver governato il ducato di Mantova
molti anni doppo la morte del duca suo fratello fino che li
nepoti erano sotto tutela, gentiluomo di bell' aspetto, di
buona creanza, libero e schietto nel parlare, di buona mente,
incHnato al bene. Seripando era Napolitano, arcivescovo
di Salerno, frate eremitano, grandissimo teologo, persona di
ottima coscienza e di singolar bontk, desideroso del bene
universale della christianitk."
Sarpi is much more reserved and frugal of praise in
regard to these men : he remarks, for example (p. 456),
" Destino al concilio Fra Girolamo, C Seripando, teologo
di molta fama." That he considers to be enough.
The letters of Visconti, which Sarpi had before him,
were subsequently printed, and we perceive, on comparing
them with his pages, that he has in some places kept very
close to them. Take as an example Visconti, Lettres et
Negotiations, vol. ii. p. 174: — " Ci sono poi stati alcuni
Spagnuoli, li quali parlando dell' istituzione de' vescovi e
della residenza havevano havuto ordine di afifirmare queste
58 ^ APPENDIX— SECTION 11
opinioni per vere come li precetti del decalogo. Segovia
segui in queste due materie I'opinione di Granata, dicendo
ch'era veritk espressa la residenza ed istituzione delli vescovi
essere de jure divino e che niuno la poteva negare, soggi-
ungendo che tanto piu si dovea fare tal dichiarazione per
dannare I'opinione degli heretici che tenevano il contrario.
Guadice, Aliffi e Montemarano con molti altri prelati
Spagnuoli hanno aderito all' opinione di Granata e di Se-
govia; ma piacque al signore dio che si fecero all' ultimo
di buona risoluzione."
Compare Sarpi, viii. 753: — "Granata disse, esser cosa
indegna haver tanto tempo deriso li padri trattando del
fondamento dell' instituzione de' vescovi e poi adesso trala-
sciandola, e ne ricerco la dichiarazione de jure divino, dicendo
maravegliarsi perche non si dichiarasse un tal punto verissimo
et infallibile. Aggionse che si dovevano prohibire come
heretici tutti quel libri che dicevano il contrario. Al qual
parer adheri Segovia, affermando che era espressa verith,
che nissuno poteva negarla, e si doveva dichiarare per dan-
nare I'openione degli heretici che tenevano il contrario.
Seguivano anco Guadice, Aliffe et Monte Marano con gli
altri prelati Spagnuoli, de' quali alcuni dissero, la loro
openione esser cosi vera come li precetti del decalogo."
We perceive that Sarpi was no common transcriber, and
the more we compare him with his sources, the more we
become convinced of the talent he possessed for completing
the connection of his materials, and for giving force and
elevation to the manner of his authorities by some slight
turn of expression. But equally obvious are the efforts he
makes to strengthen all impressions unfavourable to the
council.
His unprinted sources are treated precisely in the same
manner as his printed materials; nor could we indeed
expect that it should be otherwise.
But it will be readily perceived that this method has
occasionally much influenced his mode of presenting matters
of fact. This appears among other instances in his account
of the most important of the German religious conferences,
— that held at Ratisbon in 154 1.
He here again follows Sleidan, and very closely ; he had
APPENDIX— SECTION II 59
also, without doubt, the report which Bucer drew up in
relation to this conference before him.
But in his mode of using these German authorities he
again commits the same faults. The states twice returned
replies to the proposals of the emperor in this diet, and each
time they were divided among themselves. The electoral
college was favourable to the emperor's purpose ; the college
of princes was opposed to it. But there was a further
difference, namely, that the princes gave way the first time,
and did not do so on the second occasion ; on the contrary,
they returned a dissentient reply.
Sleidan seeks to explain the opposition of the college
of princes by remarking that there were so many bishops
among its members, — certainly a very important point as
regarded the constitution of the empire. But Sarpi com-
pletely destroys the essential meaning of this passage by
persisting in calling the college of princes directly " bishops."
Speaking of the first reply, he says, " I vescovi rifiutarono "
[the bishops refused] ; of the second, " I vescovi, con alcuni
pochi prencipi cattolici " [the bishops, with some few Catholic
princes] ; whereby, as we have said, he completely misre-
presents the constitution of the empire.
But we will not dwell further on this point. The principal
question is, in what manner he used those secret sources that
were attainable to himself only, and which he might venture
to believe would long remain unknown.
Towards the history of that diet, he had the Instruction
addressed to Contarini, which Cardinal Quirini afterwards
printed from a Venetian manuscript.
And here we have first to remark, that what Sarpi found
in the Instruction he has interwoven here and there into the
conferences held between the legate and the emperor.
We find in the Instruction, for example : — " Eos articulos
in quibus inter se convenire non possunt, ad nos remittant,
qui in fide boni pastoris et universalis pontificis dabimus
operam ut per universale concilium vel per aliquam viam
aequivalentem, non praecipitanter, sed mature et quemadmo-
dum res tanti momenti exigit, finis his controversiis impo-
natur, et remedium quod his malis adhibendum est quam
diutissime perdurare possit."
6o APPENDIX— SECTION 11
SarpI makes Contarini require, " ogni cosa si mandasse
al papa, il qual prometteva in fede di buon pastore et
universal pontefice di fare che il tutto fosse determinate
per un concilio generale o per altra via equivalente con
sincerita e con nissun affetto humano, non con precipitio,
ma maturamente " [that every thing should be referred to
the pope, who promised, on the faith of a good pastor and
as universal pontiff, to secure that all should be determined
by a general council, or by some equivalent means, with
uprightness and without bias of human affection, — not pre-
cipitately, but maturely].
In another place the Instruction proceeds as follows :
"Si quidem ab initio pontificatus nostri, ut facilius hoc
religionis dissidium in pristinam concordiam reduceretur,
primum christianos principes ad veram pacem et concordiam
per literas et nuntios nostros saepissime hortati sumus ; mox
ob banc eandem causam concilium generale . . . christianis
regibus et principibus etiam per proprios nuntios significa-
vimus . . . multaque in Germania religionis causa non ea
qua decuit autoritatem nostram, ad quam religionis judicium
cognitio et examen spectat, reverentia tractari et fieri, non
absque gravi dolore animi intelleximus ; tum temporum
conditione moti, tum Caesareae et regiae majestatum vel
earum oratorum pollicitationibus persuasi, quod ea quae hie
fiebant boni alicujus inde secuturi causa fierent, partim
patientes tulimus," &c.
Sarpi adds to this : " Sicome la S** S. nel principio del
pontificato per questo medesimo fine haveva mandato lettere
e nuntii a' prencipi per celebrar il concilio, e poi intimatolo,
e mandato al luogo i suoi legati, e che se haveva sopportato
che in Germania tante volte s'havesse parlato delle cose
della religione con poca riverentia dell' autorita sua, alia
quale sola spetta trattarle, I'haveva fatto per essergli dalle
M** S. data intentione e promesso che cio si faceva per
bene." [As his holiness in the beginning of his pontificate
had for this very cause sent letters and nuncios to princes
for the convocation of a council, and afterwards signified
the place and sent his legates to it, so if he had endured
that religion and its concerns should so often have been
spoken of in Germany with little reverence towards his
APPENDIX— SECTION II 6i
authority, to which it belongs to treat of them, he had done
so because his majesty had given him assurance and promises
that this was done for a good end.]
We have said enough to shew that the declarations which
Sarpi puts into the mouth of Contarini are taken directly
from the Instruction itself; and when we are once made
aware of how the matter stands, we can readily excuse him ;
yet it is not to be denied that truth is sometimes placed in
jeopardy by this method of proceeding. The legate received
instructions constantly altered to meet the exigencies arising
from daily claims in the course of events. Sarpi represents
him as proposing reasons for referring to Rome only the
points on which no agreement had been come to, at a time
when it was required in Rome that all should be submitted
for the approbation of the Roman court, not excepting even
those points on which the parties had already agreed.
But to this first departure from his authority, where he
has applied the words of an Instruction to a case for which
they were never intended, he adds others of still greater
importance.
The pope declares himself in the Instruction to be
strongly opposed to a national council : " Majestati Caesareae
in memoriam redigas, quantopere concilium illud sit semper
detestata, cum alibi tum Bononiae palam diceret nihil aeque
perniciosum fore et apostolicae et imperiali dignitatibus quam
Germanorum nationale concilium, ilia nulla meliore via
quam per generale concilium obviam iri posse confiteretur :
quin imo etiam S. M. post Ratisbonensem dietam anno
d"' 1532 habitam pro sua singulari prudentia omni studio
semper egit, ne qua imperialis dieta hactenus sit celebrata
ac ex ea occasione ad concilium nationale deveniretur."
This also Sarpi gives literally, and even cites it as taken
from the Instruction, but still with a remarkable addition :
*'Che raccordasse all' imperatore quanto egli medesimo
havesse detestato il concilio nationale essendo in Bologna,
conoscendolo pernicioso all' autorita imperiale : poiche i
sudditi preso animo dal vedersi concessa potest^ di mutare
le cose della religione pensarebbono ancora a mutare lo
stato : e che S. M. dopo il 1532 non volse mai piii celebrare
in sua presenza dieta imperiale per non dar occasione di
62 APPENDIX— SECTION II
domandar concilio nationale." [That he should remind the
emperor how much he had himself detested the national
council when he was at Bologna, as knowing it to be per-
nicious to the imperial authority ; because subjects, taking
courage from finding themselves granted power to change
affairs of religion, would next think of changing matters of
state; so that his majesty, after 1532, would never more
have an imperial diet held in his presence, that he might
not give occasion for demanding a national council.]
Who could avoid supposing from this that the emperor
had himself expressed the idea of a nation readily changing
the form of its government, when once it had altered that
of its religion? Yet, on this point, I cannot believe the
author simply on his own assertion ; nothing of the kind is
to be found in the Instruction ; it is, indeed, a thought that
did not obtain currency in the world until after the events
of a later period.
I do not think my criticism will appear too minute.
How shall we ascertain whether a writer speaks the truth
or not, except by comparing him with the original authorities
that he has had before him ?
And I discover a deviation still more important than
those that we have already observed.
Even in the first conference that he describes as taking
place between the emperor and Contarini, we find him inter-
weaving the words of the Instruction — those important words
to which we have already referred.
The pope excuses himself for not having given to the
cardinal so full and extensive an authority as the emperor
and king desired to see him invested with. " Primum, quia
videndum imprimis est, an protestantes ... in principiis
nobiscum conveniant, cujusmodi est hujus sanctae sedis
primatus tanquam a Deo et Salvatore nostro institutus, sacros,
ecclesiae sacramenta, et alia quaedam quae tam sacrarum lite-
rarum autoritate tum universalis ecclesiae perpetua observa-
tione hactenus observata et comprobata fuere et tibi nota
esse bene scimus : quibus statim initio admissis omnis super
aliis controversiis concordia tentaretur."
Sarpi makes Contarini say, " Che S. S** gli aveva data
ogni potesth, di concordare co' protestanti, purche essi
APPENDIX— SECTION II 63
ammetino i priucipii, che sono il primato della sede apostolica
instituito da Christo, et i sacramenti sicome sono insegnati
nella chiesa Romana, e le alire cose determinate neila holla
di Leone, offerendosi nelle altre cose di dar ogni sodisfattione
alia Germania." [That his holiness had given him all power
to agree with the Protestants, provided they would admit
the first principles, which were, the primacy of the Apostolic
See instituted by Christ, and the other things determined in
the bull of Leo, offering, in respect of all other questions, to
give full satisfaction to Germany.]
We see how great a difference is here ; it was in the
vague and undefined character of the pope's words that
the only possibility of an 'amicable issue lay. The con-
ference could have had no conceivable object if this
expedient had not left it the prospect of such an issue ; but
in Sarpi this is altogether done away with. The pope is
not merely desiring "quaedam quae tibi nota esse bene
scimus," but openly demands the recognition of the decrees
contained in Leo's bull, the condemnation, that is, of the
Lutheran tenets : this was a thing which was utterly
impracticable.
Sarpi will by no means acknowledge that the papal see
gave proof of a disposition to conciliatory measures of any
kind whatever. According to him, Contarini w^as compelled
to assert the papal authority in its most rigorous forms. In
Sarpi, Contarini begins at once with the declaration that
" the pope could by no means share the power of deciding
on doubtful points of faith with any person whatsoever ; to
him, alone, was the privilege of infallibility accorded, in the
words, "Ego rogavi pro te, Petre;" matters concerning
which, in the Instruction at least, there is not a word to be
found.
Upon the whole, Sarpi considered the papacy in the
light of his times. After the restoration was accom-
plished, it became much more despotic and inflexible than
it had been during the times of its danger and depression.
But it was in its plenitude of power and in the perfection
of its self-confidence that it stood before the eyes of Sarpi.
He transferred to earlier times what he perceived and felt
in his own : all the information he obtained, all the
64 APPENDIX— SECTION II
documents that passed through his hands, were interpreted
in this spirit, which was entirely natural to him, and was
derived from the position held by his native city, and by
his party in that city, as also from his own personal
condition.
We have yet another historical work by Paolo Sarpi,
which relates to the dissensions between Rome and Venice
in the year 1606: " Historia particolare delle cose passate
tra '1 summo pontefice Paolo V e la Ser'"* Rep* di Venetia ;
Lion, 1624." This is written, for the most part, in a simi-
lar spirit. It is a masterly delineation, and, upon the
whole, is true ; still it is a partisan work. With regard to
the dissensions among the Venetians themselves, which
broke forth on that occasion and formed so important a
characteristic of their domestic history, there is little or
nothing to be found in Sarpi. To judge from what he says,
it would appear that there was but one opinion in Venice ;
he is continually speaking of the "princeps," by which
name he designates the Venetian government. The employ-
ment of this fiction scarcely permits him to attain to any
very minute or exact representation of internal relations.
He glides very lightly over such things as were but little
to the honour of Venice, such as the delivering up of the
prisoners, for example, speaking as if he did not know why
they were first given up to the ambassador, and then,
with a different form of words, to the cardinal. Nor does
he mention the fact that the Spaniards were favourable
to the exclusion of the Jesuits. He had vowed an im-
placable hatred to both, and will not give himself the
trouble to remark that their interests were on this occasion
at variance.
It is much the same with his History of the Council ;
the original authorities, the sources of information, are
collected with diligence, elaborated carefully, and used with
the highest intelligence. Neither can we affirm that they
are falsified, or that they are frequently and essentially
perverted; but the spirit of the work is one of decided
opposition.
By this method, Sarpi laid open a new path. To what
had been mere compilation, he gave the unity of a general
APPENDIX— SECTION II 65
and definite tendency. His work is disparaging, reproachful,
and hostile. It is the first example of a history in which
the whole development of the subject is accompanied by
unceasing censures. The character of his work is far more
decided in this respect than that of Thuanus, who first made
a slight approach to the manner wherein Sarpi has found
innumerable followers.
Jstoria del Condlio di Trento scritta dal Padre Sforza Pal-
lavicino della Compagfiia di Gesu^ 1664.
A book like the history of Sarpi, so richly furnished
with details never before made known, so full of spirit and
sarcasm, treating of an event so important, and one of which
the consequences exercised a commanding influence on
those times, could not fail to produce the deepest impression.
The first edition appeared in 161 9, and between that year
and the year 1662, four editions of a Latin translation had
been published. There were^ besides, a German and a
French translation. The court of Rome was the more
earnestly determined to have this work refuted, from the
fact that it contained many errors which were immediately
obvious to all who were accurately acquainted with the
events of that period.
A Jesuit, Terentio Alciati, prefect of studies at the
Collegio Romano, immediately occupied himself with the
collection of materials for a refutation, which should be also
a circumstantial exposition of the subject. His book
received the title of " Historiae Concilii Tridentini a veritatis
hostibus evulgatae Elenchus ; " ^ he amassed an enormous
body of materials, but died in 1651, before he had brought
them into order.
The general of the Jesuits, Goswin Nickel, selected
another member of his order, Sforza Pallavicini, who had
already given evidence of some literary talent, for the
completion of the task, and for this purpose relieved him
from all other occupations. The general appointed him to
' It 13 SO called in Mazzuchelli.
vol- III. F
66 APPENDIX— SECTION II
this work, we are told by Pallavicini himself, ''as a
condottiere appoints one of his soldiers."
He published the results of his labours in three thick
quartos, of which the first appeared in the year 1656.
It is a work comprising an immense accumulation of
material, and is of the utmost importance for the history
of the sixteenth century, beginning, as it does, from the
commencement of the Reformation. The archives were
all thrown open to the author, and he had access to all that
could promote his purpose in the several libraries of Rome.
Not only were the acts of the council, in all their extent, at
his command, but he had also the correspondence of the
legates with Rome, together with various other collections
of documentary evidence, and sources of information
innumerable, all at his entire disposal. He is far from
attempting to conceal his authorities ; he rather makes a
parade of their titles in the margin of his book : the number
he cites is nearly countless.
His principal object is to refute Sarpi. At the end of
each volume, he places a catalogue of the " errors, in
matters of fact," of which he maintains that he has convicted
his opponent; he reckons 361, but adds, that he has con^
futed innumerable others, which do not appear in the
catalogue.
In his preface, he announces that he "will not suffer
himself to be drawn into any slight skirmishing ; whoever
shall propose to attack him may advance in full order of
battle, and refute his whole book as he had wholly refuted
Paolo Sarpi." But what an undertaking were that ! We
are not to be tempted into any such mode of proceeding.
We must be content, as we have said, with giving the
means of forming an idea of Pallavicini's method by the
collection of some few examples.
Since he drew from so many secret records and other
sources previously unknown, and in fact derived his whole
work from their combination, our first inquiry must be
directed to the manner in which he availed himself of these
resources.
We shall do this with the more facility in cases where
the original authorities used by Pallavicini have since been
APPENDIX— SECTION II 67
printed ; but I have had the good fortune to examine a whole
series of documents quoted by him, which have never been
printed : our first business must now be to compare the
originals with his text.
I will do this in respect to some few points consecutively.
1. And first, it must be acknowledged, that Pallavicini
has in many instances made a very satisfactory use of the
Instructions and other papers laid before him, and given
faithful extracts. I have compared an Instruction received
by the Spanish ambassador in November, 1562, for example ;
as also the answer returned to him by the pope in March,
1563, and the new Instruction despatched by the pope to
his nuncio, with the extracts made from these papers by
Pallavicini, and have found them to be throughout in perfect
harmony. (Pall. xx. 10; xxiv. i.) He has simply availed
himself of a right, when, in certain cases, he has made
transpositions which do no injury to truth. It is indeed
true that he occasionally softens the strength of the
expression ; as, for example, where the pope says that he
had opened the council again, only because he relied on
the support of the king, and in the persuasion that the king
would be his right arm, a guide and leader in all his
purposes and proceedings. " II fondamento che facessimo
nella promessa di S. M** e de' suoi ministri di doverci assistere
ci fece entrare arditamente nell' impresa, pensando di avere
S. M*^ per nostro braccio dritto e che avesse a esserci guida
o conduttiero in ogni nostra azione e pensiero." He thus
makes the pope merely say that he would not have reopened
the council had he not cherished the expectation that the
king would be his right arm and leader ; but since he has
suffered the substance to remain, there is no great cause
for censure. In regard to the mission of Visconti to Spain,
and that of another ambassador to the emperor, Sarpi is
of opinion (viii. 61) that their commission to propose a
meeting was a mere pretence ; but this is too subtle a
suspicion; the proposal for a congress, or a conference as
it was then called, is one of the points most urgently insisted
on in the Instruction. Pallavicini is without doubt quite
right in maintaining this.
2. But Pallavicini is not always the more correctly
68 APPENDIX— SECTION II
informed of these two writers. When Sarpi relates that
Paul III had proposed to the Emperor Charles V, at the
conference of Busseto, the investiture of his nephew, who
had married a natural daughter of Charles, with the fief of
Milan, Pallavicini devotes an entire chapter to the refutation
of this assertion. He will not believe the historians in whose
works it appears. " How," he exclaims, " could the pope
then have ventured to write letters to the emperor in such a
tone as that he employed?" "Con qual petto avrebbe
ardito di scrivere a Carlo lettere cosf risentite?" The
emperor might have at once reproached him with shameless
dissimulation (simulatione sfacciata). Now, since Pallavicini
is so much in earnest, we must needs believe that he is here
writing bo7id fide. Yet the facts as related by Sarpi are
nevertheless founded in truth. By the dispatches of the
Florentine ambassador (Dispaccio Guicciardini, 26 Giugno,
1543) this is established beyond contradiction.
In a manuscript life of Vasto may be found still more
circumstantial details respecting this matter. We will here
cite a " Discorso " of Cardinal Carpi which tends to the
same purpose. Nay, the pope had not given up this idea
even in the year 1547. — Le cardinal de Bologne au roy
Henry II, Ribier, ii. 9 : — " L'un — le pape — demande Milan,
qu'il jamais n'aura; I'autre — I'empereur — 400,000 sc, qu'il
n'aura sans rendre Milan." Notwithstanding this, Pope
Paul III did certainly write those letters.
3. But the question next arises whether Pallavicini's
errors are generally made bona fuie. This cannot have been
the case in every instance ; it sometimes happened that his
documents were not so orthodox and Catholic as himself.
While the passing events of the time were still in progress
— while they were displaying themselves in all their varying
aspects, and presenting the possibihty of changing develop-
ment and differing results, it was not possible to take such
strict views in regard to them as were entertained when all
was again established on its former basis. Such an agree-
ment as that made at the peace of Augsburg could not
possibly be approved by the rigid orthodoxy of the seven-
teenth century. Pallavicini accordingly bemoans the "detri-
menti gravissimi" resulting from it to the Holy See; he
APPENDIX— SECTION ll 69
compares it with a palliative which only brings on a more
dangerous crisis. He had nevertheless found the report of
a nuncio in relation to it, by whom its necessity was clearly
perceived. This was Delfino, bishop of Liesina. Pallavicini
brings forward the report presented by that bishop to
Cardinal Caraffa, and has, in fact, made use of it. But in
what manner has he done this ?
All the reasons by which Delfino proves the absolute
necessity for this agreement, are changed by Pallavicini into
so many excuses alleged by the Emperor Ferdinand in his
own behalf.
The nuncio says, that there was at that time no prince
and no city which had not some quarrel with their neigh-
bours ; these he specifies, and declares that the land was
going to ruin ; — Brandenburg, Hesse, and Saxony, as if
constituting an opposition diet, affirmed that they would
hold together. The king had entreated the emperor to
make peace with France and to direct his attention to
Germany, but he refused to do so. In the midst of all
these disorders, the states assembled; the king then con-
firmed the points on which both parties had agreed, and so
joyfully had they done this (s\ allegramente), that since the
days of Maximilian, Germany had never been so quiet as it
then \vas.
Now on all these matters Pallavicini also touches (1. xiii.
c. 13); but how much does he weaken the effect by placing
these remarks in the mouth of a prince who is merely seek^
ing to excuse himself!
" Scusavasi egli di cio con addurre che haveva richiesto
d'ordini specificati Timperatore, confortandolo alia pace di
Francia, . . . ed havergli ricordato esser questa Tunica arme
per franger I'orgoglio de' protestanti, etc." [He excused
himself for that by alleging that he had requested specific
orders from the emperor exhorting him to peace with France ;
and had reminded him that this was the only weapon where-
with they could crush the pride of the Protestants, &c.] Let
us contrast these ambiguous phrases with the words of Del-
fino. '' II ser"'** re vedendo questi andamenti (the religious
dissensions) scrisse a S. M"^ Cesarea esortandola alia pace
col christianissimo, accioche ella possa attendere alle cose di
70 APPENDIX— SECTION II
Germania e farsi ubedire, etc." [The most serene king,
beholding these proceedings, wrote to his imperial majesty,
entreating him to make peace with the most Christian king,
to the end that he might attend to the affairs of Germany,
and might make himself obeyed, &c.]
It is without doubt a great inaccuracy, and in a writer
who boasts so loudly of his authentic information, altogether
unpardonable, that he should convert the relation of a
nuncio into the exculpation of a prince ; but the worst aspect
of this proceeding is, that the correct view of the occurrence
becomes obscured by it.
The whole of the documents used are generally trans-
lated from the style of the sixteenth century into that of the
seventeenth ; but they are dishonestly treated,
4. If we confine ourselves to the relations existing
between the pope and Ferdinand I, we have still some few
remarks to make. We know that the emperor pressed and
wished for a reform which was not very agreeable to the
pope. In the course of the first months of the year 1563,
Pius twice sent his nuncios— first Commendone, and after-
wards Morone — to Innsbruck, where the emperor resided at
that time, in the hope of prevailing on him to desist from
his opposition. These were very remarkable missions, and
had important consequences as regarded the council. The
manner in which Pallavicini (xx. 4) has given the reports of
these missions is an interesting subject of observation. We
have the report of Commendone, Feb. 19, 1563, which
Pallavicini had also before him.
And respecting this we have first to remark, that Palla-
vicini m.aterially weakens the expressions employed at the
imperial court, as well as the purposes entertained there.
With regard to the alliance subsisting at that time between
the emperor and the French, as represented by the Cardinal
of Lorraine, he makes Commendone say, "Rendersi credibile
che scambievolmente si confirmerebbono nel parer e si pro-
metterebbono ajuto nell' operare." [It was to be expected
that they would confirm each other in opinion, and promise
aid each to the other in their undertakings.] Commendone
expresses himself in a totally different manner. The imperial
court did not merely propose to seek reform in common
APPENDIX— SECTION II 71
with the French : " Pare che pensino trovar modo e forma
di haver piii parte et autorith, nel presente concilio per
stabiHre in esso tutte le loro petitioni giuntamente con
Francesi." [They seem intent on ways and means for
securing the greater weight and authority in the present
council, that, in conjunction with France, they may carry
through all their measures.]
But there are many things that Pallavicini omits entirely.
An opinion prevailed at the imperial court that, with a more
conciliatory disposition and by more earnest reforms, much
better progress might have been made and more good
effected with regard to the Protestants. " La somma e che
a me pare di haver veduto non pur in S. M^^ ma nelli
principali ministri, come Trausen e Seldio, un ardentissimo
desiderio della riforma e del progresso del concilio con una
gran speranza quod remittendo aliquid de jure positive et
reformando mores et disciplinam ecclesiasticam non solo si
possono conservare li cattolici ma guadagnare e ridurre
degli heretici, con una opinione et impressione pur troppo
forte che qui siano molti che non vogliano riforma." [The
sum of the matter is, that I think I have seen, not indeed in
his majesty, but in the principal ministers, such as Trausen
and Seld, a most earnest desire for reform and for the
progress of the council, with a firm hope that by remitting
somewhat of the positive law, and by the reform of morals
and discipline in the church, they might not only preserve
the Catholics in their faith, but even win over and bring
back heretics; but there is also too fixed an opinion and
impression that there are some here who are resolved
against all reform.] I will not attempt to discover who
those Protestants may have been from whom there was
ground for expecting a return to the Catholic church in the
event of a regular reform ; but these remarks are much too
offensive to the courtier prelate to permit of Pallavicini's
reporting them. Allusion being made to the difficulties
found in the council, Seld answered laconically : " Opor-
tuisset ab initio sequi sana consilia." The complaints in
respect of difficulties presented by the council arc reported
by Pallavicini, but he suppresses the reply.
But, on the other side, he gives at full length a
7^ APPENDIX— SECTION II
judgment pronounced by the chancellor in favour of the
Jesuits.
In short, he dwells on whatever is agreeable to him, but
ignores whatever does not suit himself and the Curia; or
he tries to give the matter a favourable turn. For example,
the legates were opposed to the purpose of the bishops, who
desired to exclude abbots and the generals of religious
orders from voting on the question (vox decisiva), "per
non sdegnar tante migliara de' religiosi, fra' quali in veritk
si trova oggi veramente la teologia" \that they might not
give offence to so many thonsafids of the regular cltigy^
among whom, in fact, the true theology must nowadays
be sought]. (Registro di Cervini, Lettera di 27 Decem.
1545. Epp. Poli, iv. 229.) Here Pallavicini takes occasion
to set forth the motives actuating their decision in a light
very honourable both to the bishops and the orders. " II
che (the admission of the generals, that is) desideravano,
perche in effetto la teologia, con la quale si doveva decidere
i dogmi, resedeva ne' regolari^ ed era opportuno e dicevole
che molti de' giudici havessero intelligenza esquisita di arti-
coli da giudicarsi" (VI. ii. i, p. 576). [They desired the
admission of the regular clergy, because it was among them
that the theology, whereby the tenets in dispute were to be
judged, had taken up its abode, and it was manifestly de-
sirable that many of the judges should possess the clearest
comprehension and the most finished judgment respecting
the articles to be submitted to their decision.]
5. Now it is obvious that this method cannot have failed
to impair the accuracy of the views presented by Pallavicini
to his reader.
For example, in the year 1547, the Spaniards brought
forward certain articles of reform known under the name of
Censures. The transfer of the council followed very soon
afterwards, and there can be no question as to the fact that
this event was greatly influenced by these Censures. It was,
without doubt, of the utmost significance that the immediate
adherents of the Emperor Charles should present demands
so extraordinary at the very moment when he was victorious.
Sarpi has given them at full length, lib. ii. p. 262, subjoining
the replies of the pontiff shortly after. But demands so
APPENDIX— SECTION II 73
Outrageous on the part of orthodox prelates do not suit the
purpose of Pallavicini. He tells us that Sarpi relates many
circumstances concerning this matter, of which he can find
no trace; and says he can discover nothing more than a
reply of the pope to certain proposals of reform presented
to him by several fathers, and which had been made known
to him by the president, '^ sopra varie riformazioni proposte
da molti de' padri " (lib. ii. c. 9). What these were he takes
good care not to say. To have done so might have im-
peded him in his refutation of Sarpi's assertion that the
transfer of the council was attributable to worldly motives.
6. In the art of holding his peace in relation to such
matters as may not conveniently be made public, he has
proved himself quite a master.
In the third book, for example, he has occasionally cited
a Venetian report by Suriano. And in allusion to this
report, he says that the author asserts himself to have made
diligent search, and acquired unquestionable information
respecting the treaties between Francis and Clement; nor
does Pallavicini think of contradicting him on this point
(III. c. xii. n. i). He adopts portions of Suriano's work,
on the contrary, and gives them in his own narrative ; such,
for example, as that Clement had shed tears of pain and
anger on hearing that his nephew was taken prisoner by
the emperor. It is evident, in short, that he puts faith in
Suriano's statements. He declares also that this Venetian
is directly opposed to his countryman Sarpi. The latter
affirms, namely, that " il papa negotio confederazione col re
di Francia, la quale si concluse e stabili anco col matri-
monio di Henrico secondogenito regio e di Catarina " [the
pope negotiated an alliance with the King of France, which
was rendered more stable, and concluded by the marriage
of Henry, the second son of the king, with Catherine],
Respecting this matter Pallavicini exclaims aloud. "The
pope," says he, "did not ally himself with the king, as
P. Soave so boldly maintains." He appeals to Guicciar-
dini and Suriano. Now what does Suriano say ? He traces
at great length the whole course of the inclination of Clement
towards the French, shews when and where it began, how
decidedly political a colour it bore, and finally speaks of
74 APPENDIX— SECTION II
the negotiations at Bologna. He certainly denies that
matters had proceeded to the formation of an actual treaty,
but he merely refutes the assertion that a positive draft in
writing was prepared. " Di tutti li desiderii (del re) s'ac-
commodo Clemente con parole tali che gli fanno credere,
S. S*^ esser disposta in tutto alle sue voglie, senza perb far
provisione alcuna in scrittura." He subsequently relates
that the king had pressed for the fulfilment of the promises
then made to him. " S. M*^ chr™* dimandb che da S. S'^ li
fussino osservate le promesse." And this, according to the
same author, was one of the causes of Clement's death. Here
we have the extraordinary case of falsehood being in a
certain sense truer than the truth itself. There is no doubt
that Sarpi is wrong, where he says that an alliance was
concluded ; the treaty, commonly so called, never was put
into legal form. Pallavicini is right in denying the exist-
ence of this treaty; and yet, upon the whole, Sarpi comes
much nearer to the truth. There was the closest union,
but it was entered into verbally only, and not by written
forms.
7. Similar circumstances may be remarked in the use
made by Pallavicini of the letters of Visconti. Sarpi has
sometimes borrowed more from these letters than is literally
contained in them : for example, he says, vii. 657, speaking
of the decree for enforcing residence, that the Cardinal of
Lorraine had spoken at great length and very indistinctly, so
that it was not possible to ascertain whether he was favour-
able, upon the whole, to that decree or not. Hereupon he is
stoutly attacked by Pallavicini : " Si scorge apertamente il
contrario " (xix. c. 8) ; he even cites Visconti to support his
contradiction. But let us hear Visconti himself: " Perche
s'allargb molto, non poterb seguire se non pochi prelati."
(Trento, 10 Dec. in Mansi, Misc. Baluzii, iii. p. 454.) [None
but a few prelates could follow his words, because he en-
larged greatly.] Thus it was perfectly true that his hearers
could not follow him, and that his meaning was not pro-
perly understood. Further on Pallavicini is enraged with
Sarpi for having given it to be understood that the cardinal
had refrained from appearing in one of the congregations,
because he desired to leave the French at full liberty to
APPENDIX-SECTION II 75
express their opinions, and that he made the intelligence
he had received of the death of the king of Navarre his
pretext for absenting himself. Pallavicini protests, with
vehemence, that this was the true and sole motive of the
cardinal. '^ Ne io trovo in tante memorie piene di sospetto,
che cio capitasse in mente a persona." {Ibid) [Nor do I
find among so many records full of suspicions that this had
ever occurred to any one.] How, was there no one in whose
mind this absence had awakened suspicion ? Visconti says,
in a letter published by Mansi in another place : *' Lorraine
called those prelates, and told them that they were to speak
freely of all they had in their minds without fear of any
one; and there were some who thought that the cardinal
had remained at home for that express purpose." Of the
assertion that the cardinal had used the king's death as a
pretext, it is true that Visconti says nothing, unless, indeed,
he did so in other letters ; which is the more probable, from
the fact that Sarpi had evidently other sources of informa-
tion under his eyes at this place. But as to the true point
in question, that the cardinal was suspected of remaining
at home for the reason assigned, that is certainly to be
found literally expressed in these writings. And what are
we to say to this, since Pallavicini unquestionably saw them ?
8. The general purpose of Pallavicini is, in fact, to refute
his opponent without having any interest in the question as to
how truth might best be brought to light. This is in no case
more obvious than in that part of his work which relates to
the conference of Ratisbon, of which we have already treated
so fully. Pallavicini also was acquainted with the Instruc-
tion here referred to, as will be readily imagined, only he
considered it to be more secret than it really was ; but
from the mode in which he handles it, we gain a perfect
acquaintance with himself. He makes a violent attack on
Sarpi, and reproaches him for representing the pope to declare
that he would accord entire satisfaction to the Protestants,
provided they would agree with him in the main points
already established of the Catholic tenets : "Che ove i Lute-
rani convenissero ne' punti gih, stabiliti della chiesa romana,
si offeriva nel resto di porger ogni sodisfattione alia Ger-
mania." He affirms this assertion of Sarpi's to be directly
76 APPENDIX— SECTION II
contrary to the truth : ^' Questo h dirimpetto contrario al
primo capo dell' Instruttione." How! Can he venture
to affirm that the opposite of this was the truth? The
pope's Instruction is thus expressed : " Videndum est an
in principiis nobiscum conveniant, . . . quibus admissis
omnis super aUis controversiis concordia tentaretur," and the
other words which have been quoted above. It is true that
Sarpi has here fallen into an error by restricting the legate
more closely than the truth would demand. He has also
said too little of the conciliatory disposition of the pope.
Instead of discovering this error, as it most obviously was,
Pallavicini describes Sarpi as saying too much. He enters
into a distinction between articles of faith and others, which
had not been made in the bull, and brings forward a number
of things which are true indeed, but which are not the only
things that are true, and cannot do away with the words
really to be found in the Instruction, nor invalidate their
force. In matters altogether unessential, he is strictly correct ;
but he totally misrepresents and distorts things of vital
importance. Nay, we sometimes find him attempting to
convict Sarpi of intentional and deliberate falsehood, — for
example, i. iv. 13 : " Mentisce Soave, con attribuire ad arte
de' pontefici I'essersi tirato il convento in lungo, senza
effetto." [Soave asserts a falsehood, when he attributes the
long extension of the diet (of Worms), without having pro-
duced any effectual result, to the acts of the popes.] Yet it
is clear that such was the case, as results from the whole cor-
respondence of Morone relating to that convention, as we
now have it before us. In short, Pallavicini proceeds as
might an advocate who had undertaken to carry through his
sorely-pressed client, on every point, and at whatever cost.
He labours hard to place him in the best light, and brings
forward all that seems likely to help his course ; but what-
ever he thinks likely to do it injury, he not only leaves out of
view, but directly denies its existence.
It would be impossible to follow Pallavicini through all
the lengthened discussions into which he enters ; it must suffice
that we have made ourselves acquainted, to ascertain extent,
with his manner.
It must be allowed that we do not gather from our
APPENDIX— SECTION II 77
researches the most encouraging results as regards the
history of the council.
It has indeed been affirmed, that from these two works
combined, the truth may be elicited. This may perhaps be
maintained if we confine our remarks to very general views,
and regard the subject merely as a whole; but Avhen we
examine particulars, we find that it is not the case.
These authors both deviate from the truth ; this lies
between them, without doubt, but we can never obtain it by
conjecture. Truth is something positive ; it is an indepen-
dent and original existence ; it is not by a mere reconcilia-
tion of conflicting assertions that we can arrive at truth, — we
acquire it only by a perception of the actual fact.
Sarpi, as we have seen, affirms that a treaty was concluded
at Bologna ; Pallavicini denies it : now from no conjecture in
the world could we deduce the fact that the treaty was made,
but verbally only and not in writing, by w^hich the contra-
diction certainly is reconciled.
The Instruction given to Contarini is misrepresented
by them both ; their discrepancies can never be brought into
harmony ; it is only by examining the original that we can
arrive at the truth.
They possessed minds of totally opposite character.
Sarpi is acute, penetrating, and sarcastic ; his arrangement
is exceedingly skilful, his style pure and unaffected; and
although the Crusca would not admit him into the catalogue
of classic writers, — probably on account of certain provin-
cialisms to be found in his works, — yet are his writings,
after the pompous display of words through which we have
to wind our way in other authors, a true enjoyment. His
style is well adapted to his subject, and in power of de-
scription he is, without doubt, entitled to the second place
among the modern historians of Italy. I rank him immedi-
ately after Machiavelli.
Neither is Pallavicini devoid of talent. He frequently
makes ingenious parallels, and often defends his party with
considerable address. But his intellect has something
weighty and cumbrous in its character. His talent was for
the most part displayed in making phrases and devising
subterfuges : his style is overloaded with words. Sarpi is
78 APPENDIX— SECTION II
clear and transparent to the very bottom. Pallavicini is not
without a certain flow of manner, but he is obscure, diffuse,
and shallow.
Both are positive and thorough-going partisans. The
true spirit of the historian, which, apprehending every cir-
cumstance and object in its purest truth, thus seizes and
places it in the full light of day, — this was possessed by
neither. Sarpi was doubtless endowed with the talent
required, but he would never desist from accusing. Palla-
vicini had talent also, though in a much lower degree j but
at every cost he is resolved on defending.
Nor can we obtain, even from both these writers together,
a thorough and complete view of their subject. A circum-
stance that must be ever remarkable, is the fact that Sarpi
contains much which Pallavicini never succeeded in eliciting,
numerous as were the archives and resources of all kinds
laid open to his research. I will but instance one memoir,
that of the nuncio Chieregato, concerning the deliberations
at the court of Adrian VI, which is of the highest import-
ance, and against which Pallavicini makes exceptions that
signify absolutely nothing. Pallavicini also passes over many
things from a sort of incapacity ; he does not perceive the
extent of their importance, and so he allows them to drop.
But, on the other hand, Sarpi was excluded from innumer-
able documents which Pallavicini possessed. Of the corre-
spondence maintained by the Roman court with the legates,
for example, Sarpi saw but a small portion. His errors are
for the most part attributable to the want of original sources
of information.
But there were many important documents to which neither
of them had recourse. There is a short report of Cardinal
Morone, who conducted the decisive embassy despatched to
Ferdinand I, which is of the highest moment in regard to
the history of all the later sittings of the council. This was
not used by either of our authors.
Nor must it be imagined that Rainaldus or Le Plat have
completely supplied this deficiency. Rainaldus frequently
gives no more than extracts from Pallavicini. Le Plat often
follows the latter or Sarpi, word for word, and takes the
Latin translations of their text as authentic memorials of
APPENDIX— SECTION II 79
what he could not find authority for elsewhere. He has also
used fewer unprinted materials than might have been ex-
pected. In Mendham's " Memoirs of the Council of Trent,"
there is much that is new and good. We find in p. 181, for
example, an extract from the acts of Paleotto, together with
his introductions, even to individual sessions, as the 20th,
for instance ; but he has not given due care to the study and
elaboration of his subject.
Would any one now undertake a new history of the
council of Trent, — a thing which is not to be very confidently
expected, since the subject has lost much of its interest, — he
must begin anew from the very commencement. He must
collect the several negotiations, and the discussions of the
different congregations, of which very little that is authentic
has been made known ; he must also procure the despatches
of one or other of the ambassadors who were present. Then
only could he obtain a complete view of his subject, or be in
a condition to examine the two antagonistic writers who have
already attempted this history. But this is an undertaking
that will never be entered on, since those who could certainly
do it have no wish to see it done, and will therefore not
make the attempt ; and those who might desire to accomplish
it do not possess the means.
SECTION III
TIMES OF THE CATHOLIC RESTORATION DOWN TO
SIXTUS V
We return to our manuscripts, in which we find informa-
tion which, even when fragmentary, is at least authentic and
unfalsified.
No. 22
Ijistructio pro causa fidei et cojicilii data episcopo Mutinae^
PaiLli III, ad regem RomanortLm mmtio dest'mato. 24
Oct.^ 1536. MS. Barberini Library, 3007, 15 leaves.
A conclusive proof is afforded by this Instruction of the
sense entertained by the Roman court that it was highly
needful to collect its strength and take heed to its reputation.
The following rules were prescribed, among others, to the
nuncio. He was neither to be too liberal nor too sparing,
neither too grave nor too gay ; he was not to make known
his spiritual authority by notices affixed to the church doors,
since he might thereby cause himself to be derided. Those
who required his intervention, could find him without that.
He was not indeed entirely to remit his dues, except under
peculiar circumstances, but he was never to exact them too
eagerly. He was to contract no debts, and was to pay for
what was supplied him at inns. "Nee hospitii pensione
nimis parce vel fortasse etiam nequaquam soluta discedat,
id quod ab aliquibus nuntiis aliis factum plurimum animos
eorum populorum in nos irritavit. ... In vultu et colloquiis
omnem timorem aut causae nostrae diffidentiam dissimulet.
. . . Hilari quidem vultu accipere se fingant invitationes,
sed in respondendo modum non excedant, ne id forte mali
iis accidat quod cuidam nobili Saxoni, camerario secreto q.
80
No. 23] APPENDIX— SECTION III 81
Leonis X (Miltitz), qui ob Lutheranam causam componendam
in Saxoniam missus, id tantum fructus reportavit, quod saepe,
perturbatus vino, ea effutire de pontifice et Romana curia a
Saxonibus inducebatur non modo quae facta erant, sed quae
ipsi e malae in nos mentis affectu imaginabantur et optabant ;
et ea omnia scriptis excipientes postea in conventu Vormati-
ensi nobis publice coram tota Germania exprobrabant."
We learn from Pallavicini also (i. 18), that the conduct
of Miltitz had caused his memory to be held in very little
respect at the court of Rome.
The Instruction we are now considering, and which
Rainaldus has adopted almost entire into his work (xxi. 19),
is further remarkable from the fact that it supplies us with
the names of many less known defenders of Catholicism in
Germany ; among them are Leonh. Marstaller, Nicol. Appel,
Joh. Burchard, the Dominican, " qui etsi nihil librorum
ediderit contra Lutheranos, magno tamen vitae periculo ab
initio usque hujus tumultuspro defensioneecclesiae laboravit."
Among those better known, Ludwig Berus, who had fled
from Basle to Freiburg in Breisgau, is particularly extolled
and recommended to the nuncio, "tum propter sanam et
excellentem hominis doctrinam et morum probitatem, turn
quia sua gravitate et autoritate optime operam navare poterit
in causa fidei." It is well known that Berus had found means
to make himself respected, even among Protestants.
No. 23
Insiruttione mandata da Roma per Velettlone del liwgo del
concilio, 1537. [Instruction sent from Rome for the
selection of the place wherein the council is to be held,
1537.] Informationi Politt. vol. xii.
It was now without doubt the intention of Paul III to
convoke a council. In the Instruction before us he affirms
that he was fully resolved (tutto risoluto) on doing so ; but
his wish was that it should be assembled in Italy. He was
equally disposed to choose either Piacenza or Bologna,
places belonging to the Church, the common mother of all ;
yoL. III. G
82 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No, 24
or he would have been content to select a city of the
Venetians, since they were the common friends of all. His
reason was that the Protestants were by no means earnest
in regard to the council, as was manifest from the conditions
which they proposed respecting it. Even here we perceive
the presence of that idea which afterwards acquired so high
an historical importance, namely, that the council was only
an affair of the Catholics among themselves.
The pontiff, moreover, gives intelligence to the emperor
of his efforts for the promotion of an internal reform : " Sarh
con effetto e non con parole." [It shall be effectual, and
not a matter of words only.]
No. 24
InsinittioJie data da Paolo III al O Montepulciajio^ destbiato
alP imperatore Carlo V sopra le cose della religione in
Germania^ 15 39* [Instruction given by Paul III to
Cardinal Montepulciano, on his embassy to the Emperor
Charles V to treat of the religious affairs of Germany,
1539.] Corsini Library, No. 467.
It was, nevertheless, most evident that the necessity for
a reconciliation was first made obvious in Germany. On
some occasions both parties were placed in opposition to
the pope from this cause. At the convention of Frankfurt
very important concessions were made to the Protestants
by the imperial ambassador, Johann Wessel, archbishop of
Lund, — a truce of fifteen months, during which all judicial
proceedings of the Kammergericht should be suspended,
and the promise of a religious conference, in which the
pope should take no part. This was of course altogether
abhorrent to Paul III. Cardinal [Cervini of] Montepulciano,
afterwards Marcellus II, was therefore despatched into
Germany for the purpose of preventing so uncatholic an
arrangement.
The Instruction accuses the archbishop of Lund, in the
first place, of being moved by corrupt personal motives,
attributing his compliant conduct to gifts, promises, and
No. 24] APPENDIX— SECTION III 83
hopes of further advancement. *'La community d' Augusta
gli dono 2,500 fiorini d'oro, poi gli fu fatta promissione di
4,000 f. singulis annis sopra il frutto del suo arcivescovato
di Lunda occupato per quel re Luterano." [He received
2,500 gold florins from Augsburg, and a promise was
made to him in addition of 4,000 florins yearly, to be paid
out of the revenues of his archbishopric of Lund, then
occupied by that Lutheran king of Denmark.] He was
further said to be desirous of remaining on good terms with
the duke of Cleves and Queen Mary of Hungary ; for this
sister of the emperor, who was then governor of the Nether-
lands, was suspected of being very decidedly favourable to
the Protestants. " Secretamente presta favore alia parte de'
Luterani, animandogli ove puo^ o con mandarli huomini a
posta disfavoreggia la causa de' cattolici." [She secretly shews
favour to the Lutheran party, encouraging them to the utmost
of her power, and by sending men to their aid she purposely
injures the cause of the Catholics.] She had sent an envoy
to Schmalkalden, and expressly exhorted the elector of Trier
to abstain from joining the Catholic league.
Mary and the archbishop, that is to say, represented
the anti- French and anti-papal tendency of politics in the
imperial court. They wished to see Germany united under
the emperor. The archbishop declared that this depended
only on the yielding of some few religious concessions :
" Che se S. M^ volesse tolerare che i Luterani stassero nei
loro errori, disponeva a modo e voler suo di tutta Germania."
[That if his majesty would tolerate the persistence of the
Lutherans in their errors, he might dispose of all Germany
according to his own manner and pleasure.]
The pope replied, that there were very different means
of settling matters in Germany. Let us listen to his own
words.
"The diet of Frankfurt being therefore dispersed and
broken up for the aforesaid causes, and his imperial majesty,
with other Christian princes, being advised that because of
the evil dispositions of these times a general council cannot
for the present be held, our lord the pope, notwithstanding
that he had so long before proclaimed this council, and has
used every effort and means for convening it, is now of
84 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 24
opinion that his majesty would do well to think rather of
the convocation of an imperial diet for the prevention
of those evils which are so especially to be expected to
arise out of a national Council. And his holiness believes
that such evils might easily be brought about to the dis-
turbance of quiet in Germany, both by Catholics and
Lutherans, when the Catholics, having seen infinite disorders
following on the proceedings of any royal and imperial
minister, should also perceive that their majesties were slow
to apply the remedies. Nor would the said national council
be less injurious to the imperial and royal majesty, for those
secret causes of which his majesty is aware, than to the
Apostolic See ; for it would not fail to give occasion to a
schism throughout all Christendom, as well in temporal
as in spiritual government. But while his holiness is of
opinion that this imperial diet may be held in the event
of his majesty's being able to be present, either in Germany
or in some place near to that wherein the said diet shall
assemble, he is convinced that it ought not to be convoked,
if, on the contrary, his imperial majesty, engaged by his
other occupations, should not be able to continue thus close
at hand. Nor would his holiness advise that his majesty
should depend on the judgment of others, however numerous,
capable, or good, who should solicit and endeavour to pro-
cure the holding of the said diet in the absence of his
majesty; lest the same disorders should ensue that have
followed upon other special diets where his majesty was
not present. It will, nevertheless, be advisable that the
report should be continually bruited about from all quarters
that his majesty intends to appear in Germany and there
hold the diet. All other honest means and ways should
likewise be used to restrain and keep in tranquillity those
princes who solicit and demand the said diet ; then when
his majesty shall arrive in good earnest, he may proclaim
and hold the same. But meanwhile, his majesty, perceiving
how good and useful it may be to promote the propagation
of the Catholic league, should for the present give his atten-
tion principally to that matter, and he might write to his
ambassador in Germany to that effect ; or if it seem good
to him, may send other envoys whp should labour with all
^To. 24] APPENDIX- SECTION III S5
diligence, and by every possible means, to increase and
extend the said Catholic league by acquiring and gainirg
over every one, and this, even though at first they should
not he altogether sincere in the true religion, for by little
and little they may afterwards be brought to order; besides
that for the present it is of more consequence that we
take from their ranks, than that we add to ours. And
for the furtherance of this purpose, it would greatly avail
if his majesty would send into Germany whatever sums of
money he can possibly command, because the rumour of
this, being extended through the country, would confirm
others in their purpose of entering the league, which they
would do the more readily on perceiving that the chief
sinews of war are not wanting. And for the more eifectual
consolidation of the said Catholic league, his holiness will
himself despatch one or more emissaries to the Catholic
princes, to encourage them in like manner by promises of
aid in mone}-, and other benefits, when things shall have
proceeded to such an extent for the advancement of religion
and the preservation of the dignity, both of the Apostolic
See and of his imperial majesty, as to give warrant that
there is good ground for expecting the outlay to produce
its fruit. Nor in this will his holiness be forgetful of his
majesty. And it would not be ill-advised, that among these
means his majesty should adopt the pretext of the Turkish
affairs, to send, under that colour, a certain number of
Spanish and Italian troops into those parts, and by retaining
them in the territories of his brother, the king of the Romans,
to secure that in case of need there should be due assistance
at hand."
Pallavicini was acquainted with this Instruction as well
as with the preceding one (lib. iv. c. 14). We perceive,
from what he says, that the notices relating to Germany in
the latter of these documents were obtained from the letters
of Aleander, who acquired so equivocal a reputation for
himself in these negotiations. Rainaldus also gives extracts
from them ; but this very instance will serve to shew how
needful it is to consult original authorities. In Rainaldus,
the rather obscure passage just quoted reads as follows :
" Interea omni studio catholicorum foedus augcre atque ad
86 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 25
se nonnullos ex adversariis pellicere niteretur, mitteret etiam
aurum militare ut foederatis adderet animos fluctuantesque
ad se pertraheret."
No. 25
Instrudioms pro rev^'^ dom'^'* episcopo Muiinensi aposioUco
mmtio inte7'f^lturo conventui Germatiorum Spirae^ 12
Maji^ 1540, cekbrando. [Instructions for the bishop of
Modena, apostolic nuncio to the German conference
at Spires.] Barberini Library, 3,007.
The religious conferences nevertheless took place. We
here see the light in which they were regarded at Rome :
" Neque mirum videatur alicui si neque legatis neque
nuntiisplenaria facultas etautoritas decidendi aut concordandi
in causa fidei detur, quia maxime absurdum esset et ab omni
ratione dissentaneum, quin imo difficile et quam maxime
periculosum, sacros ritus et sanctiones, per tot annorum
censuras ab universali ecclesia ita receptas, ut si quid in his
innovandum esset, id nonnisi universalis concilii decretis vel
saltem summi pontificis ecclesiae moderatoris mature et bene
discussa deliberatione fieri debeat, paucorum etiam non
competentium judicio et tam brevi ac praecipiti tempore et
in loco non satis idoneo committi.
" Debet tamen rev. dom. nuntius domi suae seorsim
intelligere a catholicis doctoribus ea omnia quae inter ipsos
et doctores Luth.eranos tractabuntur, ut suum consilium
prudentiamque interponere et ad bonum finem omnia diri-
gere possit, salva semper sanctissimi Domini Nostri et
apostolicae sedis autoritate et dignitate, ut saepe repetitum
est, quia hinc salus universalis ecclesiae pendet, ut inquit
D. Hieronymus. Debet idem particulariter quadam cum
dexteritate et prudentia catholicos principes, tam eccle-
siasticos quam saeculares, in fide parentiim et majorum
suorum confirmare, et ne quid in ea temere et absque
apostolicae sedis autoritate, ad quam hujusmodi examen
spectat, innovari aut immutari patiantur, eos commone-
facere."
Nos. 26, 27] APPENDIX— SECTION III 87
No. 26
Instructio data rev'^° Card}' Confareno in Germaniam legato,
2^ Jan. 1541. [Instruction given to Cardinal Contarini,
legate in Germany.]
This has been already printed, and is often mentioned.
The Roman court was at length induced to make certain
concessions.
Between the years 1541 and 1551, our collection con-
tains a number of letters, reports, and instructions by no
means inconsiderable ; they comprehend all parts of Europe,
and not unfrequently throw a new light on events. They
cannot, however, be investigated in detail here, for the
book which these extracts would further illustrate was not
designed to give a complete representation of that period.
I confine myself, therefore, without much scruple, to the
more important.
No. 27
155 1 die 20 Jnnii^ in senate Matthams Dandulus, eques, ex
Roma orator.
The above is the title of the report presented by Matteo
Dandolo, — who, as we see from the letters of Cardinal Pole
(ed. Quir. ii. p. 90), was brother-in-law to Caspar Contarini, —
after a residence of twenty-six months in Rome. He
promises to be brief : " Alle relation! non convengono delle
cose che sono state scritte se non quelle che sono necessarie
di esser osservate."
He treats first of the latter days of Paul III. Of this part
I have already cited the most important facts. He then
speaks of the conclave, and all the cardinals are mentioned
by name. Dandolo asserts that he arrived with members
of the college belonging to the university of Padua : we
see how well he must have been informed. And he gives
us various interesting particulars, some of which I reproduced
in the early editions. These extracts I can now omit, as
SB APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 28
Tommaso has printed the whole report in the Florentine
collection, vii. 333-360, from transcripts which, though
imperfect, e.g. in the reckoning of the papal income, are yet
better than the one I used.
No. 28
Vifa dl Mar cello IT, scritta di propria mano del Signer Alex.
Cervini, suo fratello. [Life of Marcellus II, written
by his brother Signor Alex. Cervini, with his own hand.]
Alb. No. 157.
There is a most useful little work respecting Pope
Marcellus II by Pietro Polidoro, 1744. Among the
sources whence this author derived his work, we find the
very first that he mentions to be this biography by Alex.
Cervini. Unfortunately, however, the original copy was
greatly injured so early as the year 1598, by a fire that broke
out in the family residence at Montepulciano, and we have
but a fragment of it remaining. I extract from it the
following passage, which refers to the attempt at a reforma-
tion of the calendar made under Leo X, and is not to be
found in Polidoro : —
" His father, therefore, having accustomed him to these
habits, and exercised him in grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic,
and geometry, it chanced that he became also much versed
in natural astrology, and more than he would have been
in the ordinary course of things, the cause of which was as
follows : — His holiness our lord, who was pope at that time,
Leo X, caused to be made known by public edict that who-
ever might possess a rule or method for correcting the year,
which up to that time had got wrong by eleven days, should
make it known to his holiness ; wherefore the above-mentioned
M*". Riccardo (father of the pope), as one who was tolerably
well versed in that profession, applied himself to obey the
pontiff, and therefore by long and diligent observation, and
with the aid of his instruments, he sought and found the
true course of the sun, as appears from his essays and
sketches sent to Pope Leo X, to whom, and to that most
No. 29] APPENDIX— SECTION ill 89
glorious house of Medici, he had ever shewn faithful
service ; more particularly to the magnificent Giuliano, from
whom he had received favours and great offers. The death
of that Signor prevented the fulfilment of the design that
M"". Riccardo should attend the person of his excellency
into France, or wherever else he might go, as had been
agreed between them. Neither could our lord his holiness
carry out the publication of the correction of the year,
because of various impediments, and finally, because of his
own death, which followed not long after."
We see how the minds of the Italians were actively
employed on this matter, even in the times of Leo X ;
and that the bishop of Fossombrone, who recommended
the reform of the calendar in the Lateran council of
1513J was not the only person who gave attention to the
subject.
No. 29
Antonio Caracciolo^ Vita di Papa Paolo IV. 2 vols. fol.
Antonio Caracciolo, a Theatine, a Neapolitan, and a
compiler all his life, could not fail to apply himself diligently
to the history of the most renowned Neapolitan pope, the
founder of the Theatines, Paul IV, and we owe him our
best thanks for doing so. He has brought together a vast
amount of information, and innumerable details, which but
for him would have been lost. His book forms the ground-
work of Carlo Bromato's elaborate performance : " Storia
di Paolo IV, Pontefice Massimo, Rome, 1748," which
presents an exceedingly rich collection of materials, in two
thick and closely-printed quartos.
But, from the rigid severity of the censorship exercised
in the Catholic church, there resulted the inevitable con-
sequence that Bromato could by no means venture to admit
all the information afforded him by the sources to which he
applied.
I have frequently alluded to a circumstantial report of
G. P. Caraffa to Clement VII on the condition of the Church,
prepared in the year 1532. From this Bromato (i. p. 205)
90 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 29
makes a long extract. But he has also made several
omissions, and that of matters most particularly essential ;
for example, the remarks on the extension of Lutheran
opinions in Venice.
" Let his holiness be implored that, for the honour of
God and his own, this city not being the least or the vilest
object in Christendom, and there being in the said city and
in her dominions many and many thousands of souls com-
mitted to his holiness, he will be content to hear from a
faithful witness some portion of their wants, which are
indeed very great, but of which there shall be now set forth
at least some part ; and because, as the apostle saith, without
faith it is impossible to please God, you shall begin with
this, and acquaint his holiness with the heresies and errors
in the life and conduct of many who do not keep Lent, do
not go to confession, &c. — in the doctrine of others, who
publicly speak of and profess these heresies, putting about
also prohibited books among the people, without respect to
rule. But above all, you will say that this pestilence, as
well of the Lutheran heresy as of every other error, contrary
to the faith and to sound morals, is chiefly disseminated and
increased by two sorts of persons, that is to say, by the
apostates themselves, and by certain friars, chiefly "con-
ventuali." Also his holiness should be made aware of that
accursed nest of conventuals, the Minorite Friars; for he
by his goodness having restricted some of his servants who
would have moved in this matter, these friars have begun
to put all in confusion; for, having been disciples of a
heretic monk, now dead, they have determined to do honour
to their master. . . . And, to say what are my thoughts in
this matter, it appears to me that in so great an emergency
we ought not to confine ourselves to the usual method, but,
as in the menacing and increasing fury of war, new expe-
dients are daily adopted, as the occasion demands, so in this
still more important spiritual warfare, we should not waste
our time in sleep. And since it is known to his holiness
that the office of the Inquisition in this province is in the
hands of those conventuals aforesaid, the Minorite Friars,
who will only by chance and occasionally persuade them-
selves to perform any real and fitting inquisition, such as
No. 29] APPENDIX— SECTION III 91
was exercised by that master Martino da Treviso, of whose
diligence and faith I know that his hoHness was informed
by the above-named bishop of Pola, of honoured memory, —
since he has been now transferred to another office, and is
succeeded in the Inquisition by I know not whom, but, so
far as I can learn, a very insufficient person, it will therefore
be needful that his holiness should take the requisite
measures, partly by arousing and exciting the ordinaries,
who are everywhere no better than asleep, and partly by
deputing some persons of authority to this country, and
sending hither some legate, who, if it were possible, should
be free from ambition and cupidity, that so he might apply
himself to repair the honour and credit of the Apostolic See,
punishing those rascal heretics, or at least driving them away
from the midst of the poor Christians ; for wherever they
shall go they will carry with them the testimony of their
own wickedness, and of the goodness of the faithful Catholics,
who will not have them in their company. And since the
pest of heresy is for the most part introduced by preach-
ing, by heretical books, and by a long continuance in an
evil and dissolute life, from which the passage to heresy
is easy, it seems that his holiness would make a holy,
honourable, and useful provision by taking measures in this
respect."
There are other notices of more or less importance con-
tained in the work of Caracciolo, which have for the most
part remained unknown, but which, in a work of greater
detail than that here presented to the reader, ought not to
be passed over. This Italian biography is wholly distinct
from another of Caracciolo's writings, the " Collectanea
historica de Paolo IV : " it is an entirely different, and much
more useful work. There are, nevertheless, some things in
the Collectanea which are also to be found in the "Vita;"
as, for example, the description of the changes which
Paul IV proposed to make after he had dismissed his
nephews.
92 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 36
No. 30
Relatione di M. Bernardo Navagero alia 6*'"'' Rep'"- di Veneiia
tornajido di Rojna ambasciatore app7*esso del pontejice
Faolo IV 1558. [Report presented to the Republic
of Venice by M. Bernardo Navagero, ambassador to
Paul IV, on his return from Rome.]
This is one of the Venetian Reports which obtained a
general circulation. It was used even by Pallavicini, who was
attacked on that account. Rainaldus also mentions it ( Annales
Eccles. 1557, No. 10), to say nothing of later authors.
It is, without doubt, highly deserving of these honours.
Bernardo Navagero enjoyed in Venice the consideration
which was due to his learning. We perceive from Foscarini
(Delia Lett. Ven., p. 255) that he was proposed as historio-
grapher to the republic. In his earlier embassies to Charles
V, Henry VIII, and SoHman, he had become practised in
the conduct of difficult affairs, as well as in the observation
of remarkable characters. He arrived in Rome immediately
after the accession of Paul IV.
Navagero describes the qualities required of an am-
bassador under three heads : understanding, which demands
penetration ; negotiation, which demands address ; and re-
porting, which requires judgment that he may say only what
is necessary and useful.
He commences with remarks on the election and power
of a pope. It is his opinion that if the popes would
earnestly apply themselves to the imitation of Christ, they
would be much more to be feared. He then describes " le
conditioni," as he says, "di papa Paolo IV, e di chi lo
consiglia," [the qualities of Pope Paul IV, and of those who
advise himj— that is, above all, his three nephews. I have
made use of his descriptions, but the author is not always
to be followed in his general conclusions. He thinks that
even Paul IV had no other object than the exaltation of
his own house. Had he written later, after the banishment
of the nephews, he would not have expressed such an
opinion. That event marked the point of change in the
No. 31] APPENDIX— SECTION III 93
papal policy, from worldly views to those of a more spiritual
character. From personal descriptions, Navagero proceeds
to an account of the war between Paul IV and Philip II :
this also is quite as happily conceived, and is full of the
most intelligent remarks. There next follow a review of
the foreign relations of Rome, and reflections on the probable
result of a future election. It is only with the most cautious
discretion that Navagero proceeds to speak of this matter.
" Piu," he says, " per sodisfare alle SS. VV. EE. che a me
in quella parte." [More to satisfy your excellencies than
myself, I speak of this part.] But his conjectures were not
wide of the mark. Of the two in regard to whom he per-
ceived the greatest probability of succession, he names, in
fact, the one who was elected, Medighis (Medici), although
it is true that he considered the other, Puteo, to be a still
more likely successor.
" But now," he says, *' I am here again. I again behold
the countenance of my sovereign, the illustrious republic, in
whose service there is nothing so great that I would not
venture to attempt it, nothing so mean that I would not
undertake it." This expression of devotedness gives
heightened colour to the description.
No. 31
Relatione del CI"''" M. Aluise Mocenigo Cav""' ritoniato della
corte di Roma,, 1560. [Aluise Mocenigo's report of his
embassy to Rome.] Venetian Archives.
Mocenigo remained during seventeen months at the court
of Paul IV. The conclave lasted four months and eight
days : he then conducted the embassy during seven months
at the court of Pius IV.
He first describes the ecclesiastical and secular ad-
ministration, that of justice, and the court under Paul IV.
He makes an observation respecting these things, of which
I have not ventured to make use, although it suggests
many reflections. " I cardinali," he says, " dividono fra
loro le cittk delle legationi (nel conclave) : poi continuano
in (juesto ipodo ^ t>eneplacito delli pontefici." [The cardinal?
94 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 31
divide the different cities of the legations among themselves
(in the conclave), and the arrangement afterwards remains,
but subject to the good pleasure of the pope.] May we
then consider this the origin of the administration of the
state by the clergy which was gradually introduced? In
1563 Pius IV excuses himself on the ground of the needs
of the papal treasury, for giving cardinals high places in the
civil government. In the speech which he delivered to the
cardinals on Dec. 30, 1563, he says: "Quod vero ponti-
ficatus initio quibusdam cardinalibus dedimus provincias,
quibus ad biennium legationis nomine praeessent, easque
illi quadriennium obtinuerunt, cogimur aliquando illo subsidio
multas magnasque difficultates sublevare ; nam et tenuiores
cardinales, quo dignitatis gradum tueri possint, sunt adju-
vandi, et providendum aerarii angustiis . . . quare, non
modo acquis, sed etiam libentibus, illis cardinalibus, speramus
nos illo adjumento provinciarum tot pubHcis consulturos
incommodis; praesertim cum ipsi etiam affines nostri
cardinales sint de suis provinces discessuri." Julii Pogiani
epistolae et orationes, ed. ab H. Lagomarsinio, vol. iii. p.
385 ; Italian version in Pallavicini, xxxiv., a.
Nor does he forget the antiquities, of which Rome
possessed a richer abundance at that time than at any
other, as is testified by the descriptions of Boissard and
Gamucci : "In every place, whether inhabited or unin-
habited, that is excavated in Rome, there are found vestiges
of noble and ancient structures; also from many places
most beautiful statues are dug out. Of marble statues, if all
were placed together, there might be made a very large army."
He next comes to the disturbances that broke forth on
the death of Paul IV, and were repeated in a thousand
fresh disorders, even after they appeared to be allayed.
"When the people had ceased, there flocked to the city
all the broken men and outlaws, so that nothing was heard
of but murders, and some were founds who for eight, seven,
or even for six scudi, would take upon themselves the charge
of killing a man ; and this went to such a degree that many
hundred murders were committed in a few days, some from
motives of enmity, others on account of lawsuits, — many that
they might inherit the property of the murdered, and others
No. 32] APPENDIX— SECTION III 95
for divers causes^ so that Rome seemed, as the saying is, Hke
* il bosco di baccaro.' "
The conclave was very joyous, — every day there were
banquets. Vargas (whose reports on the conclave have now
been printed in Bollinger's " Beitrage zur Geschichte der
letzten sechs Jahrhunderte," i. 265-324) was there whole
nights, at least " alii busi del conclave." But the person
who really elected the pope was Duke Cosimo of Florence.
"The duke of Florence has made him pope; it was
he who caused him to be placed among the nominees of
King Philip; then by various means he had him recom-
mended by the queen of France ; and finally, by great in-
dustry and diligence, he gained the CarafTa party to his
side." How completely do all these intrigues, described
in the histories of the conclaves, lie exposed in their utter
nothingness ! The authors of these histories, themselves for
the most part members of the conclaves, saw only the mutual
relations of the individuals with whom they were in con-
tact; the influences acting on them from without were
concealed from their perception.
The report concludes with a description of Pius IV, so
far as his character had at that time been made manifest.
No. 32
Relatione del Cl"^ M. Marchio Michiel^ K"" e Froc, ritornato
da Pio IF, sommo pontejice^fatta a 8 di Zugno^ 1560.
[Report of the embassy of M. Marchio Michiel to
Pius IV.]
This is the report of an embassy of congratulation, which
was absent from Venice only thirty-nine days, and cost
13,000 ducats. As a report it is very feeble. Michiel
exhorts to submission towards Rome. "The jurisdiction
of the pope should not be invaded, and that the mind of
his holiness may not be disturbed, the avogadors should
pay him all those marks of respect that are proper, but
which I have often remarked them to omit."
90 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 33
No. 33
Dispacci degli ainhasciatori Veneti^ 1560 (May 18 to Sept. 21).
Informat. Politt. vol. viii. 272 leaves. LetteredelVAmulio
(Sept. 24 to Nov. 28). Inform. Politt. vol. xiii. Rag-
guagli deir amhasciatorc Veneto in Roma, 1561 (end of
Jan. to Feb. 25). Inform. Politt. vol. xxxvii. 71 leaves.
The Ragguagli are also despatches, dated January and
February, 1561, and are all from Marc Antonio de Mula,
who for some time filled the place of ambassador. (See
Andreae Mauroceni Hist. Venet. lib. viii. tom. ii. 153.) They
are very instructive, giving interesting particulars in regard
to the circumstances of the times and the character of
Pius IV. The closing fortunes of the Caraffa family occupy
a prominent place, and we learn from these documents that
Philip II then wished to save these old enemies of his.
This was even charged against him as a crime at the court
(of Rome). Vargas replied, that Philip II had given them
his pardon ; " quel gran re, quel santo, quel cattolico non
facendo come voi altri" [that great king, that holy and
Catholic monarch, not doing as ye Romans do]. The pope,
on the contrary, reproached them with the utmost vehemence :
" Havere mosse I'arme de Christiani, de Turchi e degl'
eretici, . . . e che le lettere che venivano da Francia e
dagli agenti in Italia, tutte erano contrafatte, &c." [That
they had moved Christians, Turks, and heretics to war, . . .
and that the letters which came from France and from the
agents in Italy, were all forged, &c.] The pope said he
would have given 100,000 scudi to have it proved that they
were innocent, but that atrocities such as they had committed
could not be endured in Christendom.
I abstain from making extracts from these letters ; it will
suffice to have intimated the character of their contents.
A beginning has been made with printing the despatches
of the ambassadors. Among others, those of the Florentine
Averardo Serristori, concerning his missions to Paul III,
1541-1545, 1547-1549; Julius III, 1550-1554; Paul IV,
1555; Pius IV, 1561-1564; Pius V, 1566-1568, were
printed in 1851. They are of some value with reference
tp the Italian relations.
Nos. 34, 35] APPENDIX— SECTION III 97
No. 34
Extractus processus cardinalis Caraffae. Inff. vol. ii. pp. 465-
516. With the addition : Haec copia processus forniati
contra cardinalem Caraffavi rcducta in suinmam cum
imputationibus fisci eonimquc reprobationibus perfect a f nit
die. XX Nov. 1560.
From the ninth article of the defence, under the word
"Heresy," we learn that Albrecht of Brandenburg sent a
certain Colonel Friedrich to conclude a treaty with Paul IV.
The colonel had even an audience of the pope himself; but
the cardinal of Augsburg (Otto von Truchsess) made so
many objections and representations against him, that he
was at length sent out of Rome. See Archivio Storico
italiano, vol. xii. pp. 461 ff.^ where two chapters from the
Trial of Caraffa are printed. With this may be mentioned :
"El successo de la muerte de los Garrafas con la decla-
racion y el modo que murieron y el di y hora, 1561." — ■
Inform, ii.
No. 35
Relatione di Giroiamo Sorafizo del 1^62,. Roma. Venetian
Archives.
The date, 15 61, which is on the copy in the archives, is,
without doubt, incorrect. According to the authentic lists
of the embassies, Girolamo was certainly chosen as early as
the 22nd of September, 1560, because Mula had accepted
an appointment from Pius IV, and had on that account
fallen into disgrace with the republic. But that offence was
forgiven, and it was not until Mula had been nominated
cardinal, in the year 1562, that Soranzo superseded him.
The latter frequently makes allusion to the council also,
which did not, in fact, sit at all in the year 1561. Alberi
also gives the date 1563.
Girolamo Soranzo remarked, that the reports were
agreeable as well as useful to the senate : " E volontieri
VOL. III. li
98 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 36
udite e maturamente considerate." He prepared his own
report with pleasure, no less than with diligence. It is
printed in the tenth volume of the Florentine Collection
of Venetian Reports, so that we need not quote from
it here.
Among other things, he throws light on the conversion
of the king of Navarre to Catholicism.
No. 36
Instrutiiom del ;r cattoUco al C M"" d Alcantara, suo am-
hasciatore^ di quello ha da trattar in Roma. Madr. 30
Nov. 1562. [Instructions from the Catholic king to his
ambassador Alcantara, touching matters to be treated
of in Rome.] MS. Rome.
These Instructions are accompanied by the pope's reply.
Pallavicini has made satisfactory extracts from this docu-
.ment (Pal. xx. 10), with the exception of the following
passage, which he does not appear to have clearly under-
stood. " Circa I'articolo della communione sub utraque
specie non restaremo di dire con la sicurtk che sapemo di
potere usare con la M^ Sua, che ci parono cose molto
contrarie il dimandar tanta liberta e licenza nel concilio et
il volere in un medesimo tempo che noi impediamo detto
concilio e che prohibiamo all' imperatore, al re di Francia,
al duca di Baviera et ad altri principi che non possano far
proponere et questo et molti altri articoli che ricercano
attento, che essi sono deliberati et risoluti di farli proponere
da suoi ambasciatori e prelati, etiam che fosse contra la
volonta dei legati. Sopra il che S. M^ dovrk fare quella
consideratione che le parera conveniente. Quanto a quello
che spetta a noi, havemo differita la cosa fin qui, cercaremo
di differirla piii che potremo, non ostante le grandi istanze
che circa cio ne sono state fatte : e tuttavia se ne fanno dalli
sudetti principi, protestandoci che se non se gli concede,
perderanno tutti li loro sudditi, quali dicono peccar solo in
questo articulo e nel resto esser buoni cattolici, e di pill
dicono che non essendogli concesso, li piglieranno da se, e
si congiungeranno con li settarii vicini e protestanti; da
No. 36] APPENDIX— SECTION III 99
quali quando ricorrono per questo uso del calice, sono
astretti ad abjurare la nostra religione : sicche S. M'^ puo
considerare in quanta molestia e travaglio siamo. Piacesse
a Dio che S. M** cattolica fosse vicina e potessimo parlare
insieme ed anche abboccarsi con I'imperatore — havendo per
ogni modo S. M^ Cesarea da incontrarsi da noi, — che forse
potriamo acconciare le cose del mondo, o nessuno le
acconcierk mai se non Dio 50I0, quando parerk a Sua
Divina Maest^." [In regard to the article of communion
in both kinds, we do not hesitate to say, with all the
freedom that we know we may use towards his majesty, that
it appears to us a great contradiction to demand so much
liberty and license in the council, and at the same time to
desire that we should impede the said council, and should
prevent the emperor, the king of France, the duke of
Bavaria, and other princes, from having the faculty of pro-
posing this and many other articles, all requiring attention,
and which these monarchs have deliberately determined to
have proposed by their ambassadors, even though their doing
so should be contrary to the will of the legates. With
relation to this matter, his majesty must adopt such resolu-
tions as shall appear to him most suitable. As to what
concerns ourselves, we have contrived to defer the matter
until now, and will do our utmost to prolong the delay,
notwithstanding the urgent representations which have been
made to us in respect of it, and which continue to be made,
by the above-named princes, who protest to us that if it be
not conceded to them, they will lose all their subjects, and
these commit no fault, as they say, except in this one
particular, for in all the rest they are good Catholics. And
they further say, that if this privilege be not granted to
them, they will take it for themselves, joining with the
neighbouring sectaries and the Protestants, by whom, on
their having recourse to them for this use of the cup, they
are compelled to abjure our religion : let his majesty then
consider in how great a strait we are placed, and what
perplexity we suffer. Would to God that his Catholic
majesty were near us, so that we might speak together, or
indeed that we could both meet and confer with the
emperor; for his imperial majesty ought, by all means.
100 APPENDIX—SECTION III [Nos. 37, 38
to have an interview with us, and perchance we might thus
give better order to the affairs of the world ; but otherwise,
none will ever be able to amend them, save God alone,
when it shall seem good to his Divine Majesty.]
No. 37
Instruttioiie data al S""" Carlo Visconti^ mandafo da papa
Pio IV al re cattolico per le cose del concilio di Tre?tfo,
[Instruction given to Signor Carlo Visconti, sent from
Pope Pius IV to the Catholic king, touching the affairs
of the Council of Trent.] Signed, — Carolus Borromseus,
ultimo Oct. 1563.
This document is not comprised in the collection of the
nuncio's letters, which includes those only to Sept. 1563,
but is remarkable from the fact that it investigates the
motives for closing the council. Pallavicini (xxiv. i. i.)
has adopted the greater part of this Instruction, but in an
order different from that in which it was written. The most
remarkable circumstance here made known, perhaps, is, that
it was proposed to bring the affairs of England before the
council, a design that was abandoned only from motives of
consideration for Philip II. " Up to the present time we
have not been willing to speak, or to suffer that the council
should speak, of the queen of England (Mary Stuart), much
as that subject deserves attention, nor yet of that other
(Elizabeth), and this from respect to his Catholic majesty ;
but still a plan must, at some time, be adopted respecting
these things, and his majesty should at least take measures
that the bishops and other Catholics may not be molested."
It is here rendered manifest that the office of protecting
the Catholics of England was imposed as a kind of duty on
Philip II.
No. 38
Relatione in scriptis fatta dal Commefidone ai S""' Legati del
concilio sopra le cose ritratte deW i7nperatore^ 19 Feb.
No. 38] APPENDIX— SECTION lit lol
1563- [Report made in writing by Commendone to
the legates at the Council, in regard to the matters
touched upon by the emperor.]
" La somma b che a me pare di aver veduto non pur in
S. M'* ma nelli principali ministri, come Trausen e Seldio,
un ardentissimo desiderio della riforma e del progresso del
concilio con una gran speranza quod remettendo aliquid de
jure positivo et reformando mores et disciplinam eccle-
siasticam non solo si possono conservare li cattolici ma
guadagnare e ridurre degli heretici, con una opinione o
impressione pur troppo forte che qui siano molti che non
vogliano riforma." [In fact, I thought I could perceive,
not indeed in his majesty, but in the principal ministers,
such as Trausen and Seld, a most earnest desire for reform,
and for the progress of the council, with a firm hope that
by a certain remission of the positive law, and by a reform
of the morals and discipline of the Church, not only might
the Catholics be preserved, but some of the heretics also
might be gained and recovered, together with an opinion
or impression, perhaps too powerful, that there were many
here who did not wish for reform.]
The activity of the Jesuits in particular had made an
impression. "Seldio disse, che li Gesuiti hanno hormai
mostrato in Germania quello che si puo sperare con effetto,
perche solamente con la buona vita e con la prediche e con
le scuole loro hanno ritenuto e vi sostengono tuttavia la
religione cattolica." [Seld remarked, that the Jesuits have
now shewn clearly in Germany what effects may be hoped
for, since merely by their purity of life, their preaching, and
their schools, they have maintained, and still wholly support,
the Catholic religion in that country.]
A learned friend, to whom I am indebted for several
similar references for this period^ draws my attention to the
fact that Commendone's report is printed in " J. Pogiani
epistolae et orationes olim collectae at A. M. Gratiano,
nunc ab H. Lagomarsinio adnotationibus illustratae," Rome,
1757, vol. iii. pp. 242/:
102 APPENDIX— SECTION III [Nos. 39-41
No. 39
Relatione sommaria del cardinal Morone sopra la legatione
sna, 1564, Januario. [Summary Report of Cardinal
Morone, touching his embassy in January, 1564.]
Altieri Library, VII. F. 3.
This ought properly to be given word for word.
Unfortunately I did not find myself in a position to take a
copy. The extract that I have inserted in the third book
must therefore suffice.
No. 40
Afitonio Can OSS a : On the attempt to assassinate Pius IV.
See vol. i. p. 278.
No. 41
Relatione di Roma al tempo di Pio IV e V di Paolo Tiepolo^
ambasciatore Veneto. [Report from Rome in relation
to the times of Pius IV and V, by Paolo Tiepolo,
Venetian ambassador.] First found in MS. at Gotha,
afterwards in many other collections. 1568.
This Report is described in almost all the copies as
belonging to the year 1567 ; but since Paolo Tiepolo
expressly says that he was thirty-three months at the court
of Pius V, and the latter was elected in January, 1566, it is
clear that its true date must be some time after September,
1568. The despatches also of this ambassador — the first
that were preserved in the Venetian archives — come down
to this year.
Tiepolo describes Rome, the States of the Church and
their administration, as well as the ecclesiastical power,
which, as he says, punishes by interdicts, and rewards by
indulgences. He next institutes a comparison between
Pius IV and V, touching on the piety, justice, liberality,
habits, and general dispositions of these pontiffs respectively.
No. 42] APPENDIX— SECTION III 103
Venice had found a very mild pope in the former, in the
latter an extremely rigorous one. Pius V complained
incessantly of the restrictions which Venice permitted
herself to impose on the ecclesiastical immunities. He
instances the taxation of monasteries, the trial of priests by
the civil tribunals, and the conduct of the " Avogadores."
Still, in despite of these misunderstandings, the comparison
of Tiepolo tends entirely to the advantage of the more rigid,
and to the disadvantage of the milder pope. We perceive
clearly that the personal qualities of Pius V had produced
an impression on this ambassador similar to that received
from his character by Europe generally.
This report has been extensively circulated, as we have
said; it has also been occasionally inserted in printed
works ; but let us remark the manner in which this has
been done. In the "Tesoro Politico," i. 19, there is a
" Relatione di Roma," in which all that Tiepolo says of
Pius V is applied to Sixtus V. Traits of character, nay,
even particular actions, ordinances, &c., are transferred
without ceremony from one pope to the other. This
report, thus completely falsified, was afterwards inserted
in the *' Respublica Romana " (Elzevir), where it will be
found, word for w^ord, p. 494, under the title " De statu
urbis Romae et pontificis relatio tempore Sixti V papae,
anno 1585."
No. 42
Relatione di Roma del C/'"** S"" Michiel Snriano K. ritornato
amhasciatore da N. S. Papa Pio V, 15 71. [Report on
Rome by M. Suriano, ambassador to Pius V.]
Michael Suriano, in whom, as we are told by Paruta,
the study of literature added a more brilliant lustre to his
'talents for business (Guerra di Cipro, i. p. 28), was the
immediate successor of Paolo Tiepolo. I will not repeat
his description of Pius V, which I printed in the earlier
editions, as it is given in the tenth volume of the Florentine
Collection, p. 200.
There is no difficulty in believing that the ambassador
104 APPENDIX— SECTION III [Nos. 43, 44
occupied a trying position with the pope whom he here
describes. When Pius became aware, for example, that the
Venetians would not publish the bull " In Coena Domini,"
he fell into a violent rage : " si perturbo estremamente, et
acceso in collera disse molte cose gravi et fastidiose." This
rendered the management of business doubly difficult.
Suriano lost, in fact, the favour of his republic. He was
recalled, and a large portion of this report is written for
the purpose of justifying his conduct ; but here we cannot
follow him.
No. 43
Ififormatione di Plo V. Inform. Politt. Ambiosian
Library, F. D. 181.
This, it is true, is anonymous, but was written by some
one who was accurately informed, and is corroborative of
other descriptions. One of the facts we learn from this
document, is the singular one that, notwithstanding all the
rigour of this pious pope, yet factions prevailed in his house-
hold ; the older servants were opposed to the younger, who
attached themselves more particularly to the grand cham-
berlain, M'* Cirillo : the latter was generally accessible to
all. " Con le carezze e col mostrar di conoscere il suo
valore facilmente s'acquistarebbe : ha I'animo elevatissimo,
grande intelligenza con Gambara e Correggio, e si stringe
con Morone."
No. 44
Relatione delta corte di Roma net tempo di Gregorio XIII,
[Report of the Court of Rome in the time of Gregory
XIII.] Corsini Library, No. 714. Dated Feb. 20,
1574.
Anonymous, but nevertheless very instructive, and bear-
ing the stamp of authenticity. The author considers it
difficult to judge of courts and princes. " Diro come si
No. 44] APPENDIX— SECTION III 105
giudica nella corte e come la intendo." [I will shew how
they judge at court, and will say what I think of it myself.]
He gives the following description of Gregory XIII : —
" Having attained to the pontificate at the age of 71, he
seemed desirous of changing his very nature, so that the
rigour which he had always blamed in others was now
apparent in himself, more particularly as regarded any free-
dom of intercourse with women, in relation to which he was
more severe than his predecessor, enforcing all rules and
regulations with a still more rigorous exactitude. He dis-
played equal severity in the matter of gambling, for certain
persons of the most distinguished rank, having begun to
amuse themselves in the commencement of his pontificate
by playing for a few scudi, he reproved them with acrimony.
It is true that some thought this playing was discovered to
be a mere pretext to conceal intrigues that were set on foot
respecting a new pontiff, in consequence of a slight indis-
position which his holiness had in the commencement of his
reign. From that time, the opinion that his holiness had
been made pope by the most illustrious Cardinal de' Medici,
and would be governed by him, began to lose ground, and
it was made clearly apparent that his holiness abhorred the
thought of any one pretending to arrogate an influence over
him, or to intimate that he had need of being guided, nor
will he have it supposed that he is governed by any but
himself. It is indeed certain that in all judicial matters he
is highly competent to act, understanding them perfectly,
and requiring no advice on the subject. In affairs of state,
on the contrary, his holiness might advantageously be better
informed than he is, because he has never studied them
profoundly. Thus he is sometimes irresolute ; but when he
has well considered the matter before him, he obtains a very
clear perception of its different bearings, and after listening
to various opinions, readily discerns the best and soundest.
He is most patient and laborious, is never unoccupied, and
takes very little recreation. He is constantly giving audience,
or examining papers. He sleeps but little, rises very early,
is fond of exercise and of the open air, which he does not
fear, however unfavourable may be the weather. In eating
he is most temperate, and drinks very httle, preserving
io6 APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 44
himself in perfect health without quackeries or nostrums of
any kind : he is gracious in outward demeanour to those
who have done anything to please him. He is not profuse,
nor even what would be called liberal, according to the opinion
of the unthinking, who do not consider or discern the differ-
ence there is between a sovereign who abstains from extor-
tion and rapacity, and one who tenaciously keeps what he
has. This pontiff does not covet the property of others ;
nor does he lay plots against them to make himself master
of it. He is not cruel nor sanguinary, but being continually
in fear of war, either with the Turk or with heretics, he is
anxious to have a good amount of money in the treasury,
and to preserve it there, without spending it on useless
things. He is said to have about a million and a half of gold.
Yet he is much disposed to magnificence, loves splendour,
and is above all things desirous of glory ; by which desire
it is, perhaps, that he is sometimes led to do things that are
not pleasing to the court. For these reverend " padri Chiet-
tini," who know his character well, have gained the upper
hand of him, by persuading him that the influence and
authority which Pius V possessed were to be attributed
solely to his reputation for piety and goodness. With this
they hold his holiness, as it were, in leading-strings, and
compel him to do things contrary to his character and incli-
nations, for he has always been of a kindly and gentle dis-
position, and they restrict him to modes of life to which he
is not accustomed, and that are uncongenial to him. It is
believed that to effect this, they have employed the expedient
of causing letters to be addressed to them by the fathers of
their order resident in Spain and other places, which letters
are filled with repetitions of the praises everywhere bestowed
on the holy life of the late pontiff, and continually insist on
the great glory he acquired by his reputation for piety, and
by his reforms ; and in this manner they are said to maintain
their authority, and to persevere in governing his holiness.
It is rumoured, besides, that they are also assisted by the
bishop of Padua, nuncio in Spain, a creature of Pius V and
of themselves. And so powerful is the pontiff's desire of
glory, that he denies himself and puts restraint on his own
nature, even to the extent of refraining from those proofs of
No. 45] APPENDIX— SECTION III 107
affection towards his son, which would be accounted reason-
able and honourable by every one, because he is influenced
by the scruples inspired by the aforesaid fathers. Thus the
great fortune of his holiness in having attained his high
dignity from so poor a condition, is counterbalanced by this
state of things, and by his having kindred from whom he
can derive no satisfaction, and who do not appear to his
holiness to be possessed of capacity for important affairs,
nor proper to be entrusted with the business of the state."
He proceeds to describe the cardinals in a similar
manner. Of Granvelle, he remarks, that he did not main-
tain his credit, he was intent on his own gratifications, and
was considered avaricious. In the affairs of the League he
had nearly occasioned an open rupture between the king
and the pope. Commendone, on the contrary, is highly
extolled. " He possesses virtue, goodness, and experience,
with infinite soundness of judgment."
No. 45
Seconda relatione deW ainbasciatore di Roma, claf^^ M. Paolo
.Tiepolo K' ; 3 Maggio, 1576. [Second report of Paolo
Tiepolo, ambassador to Rome.]
The anonymous report mentioned above speaks of
Tiepolo also, and in the highest terms ; he is described as
a man of clear head and great worth. " He is modest,
and, unlike the usual habit of the Venetians, is courteous
and liberal. He is extremely well received, gives general
satisfaction, and shews great prudence in shaping his course
through these toils and difficulties."
When the Venetians separated themselves from the
league formed against the Turks, for example, he had to
maintain a difficult position. It was believed that the pope
would propose in the consistory that the Venetians should
be excommunicated, and certain of the cardinals were pre-
paring to oppose any such purpose. *^ With the exception
of Cornaro (a Venetian), there was not one who would
come to see me or send for me, much less would any of
loS APPENDIX-SECTION III [No. 46
them advise, console, or assist me." The true cause of the
separate peace, Tiepolo asserts to have been that the Span-
iards, after promising to be prepared and armed, in April,
1573, declared, in that month, that their armament would not
be complete until June. It tended greatly to mitigate the
anger of the pope, that Venice finally determined to create
his son a Venetian " nobile." Tiepolo describes this son of
the pope, Giacomo Buoncompagno, and then discourses at
large concerning the civil administration of the cardinal of
Como. The Report is printed in Alberi, Relazioni degli
Ambasc. Venet., vol. x. p. 203.
No. 46
Commentariorntn de rehis Gregorii XIII lib. i. et ii. Albani
Library.
Unfortunately incomplete. The author. Cardinal Ver-
celli, when, after certain preliminary observations, he pro-
ceeds to speak of Gregory's pontificate, promises to treat of
three things : the war with the Turks, the war of the Pro-
testants against the kings of France and Spain, and the
disputes respecting the jurisdiction of the Church.
But unluckily we find in the second book that the war
against the Turks is given no farther than to the treaty of
peace with the Venetians.
With the relations subsisting between eastern affairs and
those of religion we are acquainted. Our author's expla-
nation of the perplexities involving the affairs of the year
1572 is by no means a bad one. Intelligence had been
received to the effect that Charles IX was abetting the
movements of the Protestants in the Netherlands. " Quod
cum Gregorius moleste ferret, dat ad Gallorum regem
litteras quibus ab eo vehementer petit ne suos in hoc se
admiscere helium patiatur : alioquin se existimaturum omnia
haec illius voluntate nutuque fieri. Rex de suis continendis
magnae sibi curae fore pollicetur, id quod quantum in se
est praestat : verum ejusmodi litteris, quae paulo minacius
scriptae videbantur, nonnihil tactus, nonnullis etiam conjec-
turis eo adductus ut se irritari propeque ad bellum provocari
No. 46] APPENDIX— SECTION III 109
putaret, ne iniparatum adorirentur, urbes quas in finibus
regni habebat diligenter communit, duces suos admonet
ut operam dent ne quid detrimenti capiat, simulque Emanu-
elem Allobrogum ducem, utriusque regis propinquum et
amicum, de his rebus omnibus certiorem facit. Emanuel,
qui pro singulari prudentia sua, quam horum regum dissensio
suis totique reipublicae christianae calamitosa futura esset,
probe intelligebat, ad pontificem haec omnia perscribit,
eumque obsecrat et obtestatur, nascenti malo occurrat, ne
longius serpat atque inveteratum robustius fiat. Pontifex,
quam gereret personam minimum oblitus, cum regem Gallo-
rum adolescentem et gloriae cupiditate incensum non difficil-
lime a catholicae fidei hostibus, quorum tunc in aula maxima
erat autoritas, ad hujusmodi bellum impelli posse animad-
verteret, reginam tamen ejus matrem longe ab eo abhorrere
dignitatisque et utilitatis suae rationem habituram putaret,
mittit eo Antonium Mariam Salviatum, reginae affinem eique
pergratum, qui eam in officio contineat, ipsiusque opera
facilius regi, ne reip. christianae accessionem imperii et
gloriam quae ex orientali expeditione merito expectanda
esset invideat funestumque in illius visceribus moveat bellum,
persuadeat."
In so far, then, the pope was certainly indirectly impli-
cated in the massacre of St. Bartholomew. It was his
interest to prevent by all possible means the outbreak of
war between Spain and France. It is greatly to be wished
that we possessed the portion of this work which related to
the religious dissensions.
I have been further induced to quote the above passage
by the fact that the very first lines prove it to belong to the
sources of which Maffei has availed himself in his " Annali
di Gregorio XIII, Pontefice Massimo." Let the reader
compare the passage with Mafifei, i. p. 27. " Scrisse a
Carlo risentitamente, che se egli comportava che i sudditi e
ministri s'intromettessero in questa guerra per distornarla,
egli tutto riconoscerebbe da lui e dalla mala sua intenzione.
E per I'istesso fine operb che li signori Veneziani gli man-
dassero un' ambasciatore con diligenza. Rispose Carlo
modestamente, ch'egli farebbe ogni possibile perch^ i suoi
ne a lui dovessero dar disgusto, n^ agli Spagnuoli sospetto
no APPENDIX— SECTION III [No. 47
di quello ch'egli non aveva in pensiero. Ma non resto
pero di dolersi con Emanuele duca di Savoja della risentita
maniera con che gli aveva scritto il pontefice : parendogli
che si fosse lasciato spingere dagli Spagniioli che avessero
voglia essi di romperla : et'ad un tempo comincio a presi-
diare le cittk delie frontiere." [He wrote angrily to Charles,
that if he suffered his subjects and ministers to mingle in
that war, for the purpose of impeding it, he (the pope) should
attribute all the mischief to him and his evil intentions.
And the pontiff contrived that the Venetians should, with
all diligence, despatch an ambassador to the French king
for a similar purpose. Charles replied modestly, that he
would do his best to prevent his subjects from causing
displeasure to the pope, and from giving the Spaniards
suspicion of his intending what he had never even thought
of. But he did not fail to complain to Emanuel, duke of
Savoy, of the angry manner in which the pope had written
to him, saying it was his opinion that his holiness had suffered
himself to be urged on by the Spaniards, who had themselves
wished to interrupt the peace ; and at the same time he began
to garrison the cities of the frontiers.]
I find, besides, that in various parts the work of Maffei
is no other than an amplified transcript of the document we
are examining. Yet I do not, in the least, desire to detract
from the merit of Maffei's work by this remark; I am
indebted to it for very valuable information, and though
not entirely impartial, it is moderate, rich in matter, and
UDon the whole worthy of confidence.
No. 47
Relatione di mo7U'^ rev""" Gio. P. Ghisilieri a papa Gregorio
XIII, to7'na7ido egU dal presidentato della Romagna,
[Report of Ghisilieri to Pope Gregory, on his return
from the presidency of Romagna.] See vol. i. p. 310.
No. 48] APPENDIX— SECTION III m
No. 48
Discorso over ritratto della corte di Roma di mons'' ill'''''
Commeiidone alV ilt^"* s^ Hier. Savorgnano. [A dis-
course, or sketch, relating to the court of Rome, pre-
sented bj Commendone to Geronimo Savorgnano.]
Library of Vienna; Rangone manuscripts. No.
XVIII., fob 278-395.
To all appearance, this work belongs to the time of
Gregory XIII. I would not answer for the name of Com-
mendone; but whoever the writer was, he was a man of
talent, and deeply initiated into all the more secret rela-
tions of Roman life.
He describes the court as follows : " This common-
wealth is a principality of the highest authority in a universal
aristocracy of all Christians, having its seat in Rome. Its
principle is religion. But if it be true (he further proceeds
to say) that religion is the end, and that this is to be main-
tained by virtue and sound doctrine, it is impossible but that
an alteration in the condition of men's minds shall involve
the danger of confusion to the whole commonwealth."
He then treats principally of this conflict between the
spiritual and secular efforts and interests ; and above all
things inculcates the necessity of a cautious foresight.
" Close attention to every movement, and to all personal
acts and proceedings. House, servants, equipages, should
all be suitable ; honourable and virtuous acquaintance only
should be formed, nor should anything ever be affirmed
that is not certainly known." The court requires " good-
ness, elevation of mind, prudence, eloquence, theology."
But all is still uncertain. " This should be regarded as a
voyage at sea, in which, although prudence may do much,
and render most winds favourable to us, yet it cannot secure
fair weather, or prescribe any determined time of arrival,
neither will it give us certainty of reaching the port. Some
there are who in the summer season, with a noble and well-
furnished bark, will go down, or make but slow way ; while
others make good speed, though the season be winter and
they have but a frail or dismantled ship."
SECTION IV
SIXTUS V
I. Critical Remarks on Leti and Tempesti, the BioGRArnERs
OF THIS Pope
Vita di Sisfo V, poijtefice Romano^ scritta dal Signer Geltio
Roger i alV instanza di Gregorio Leti. Losanfia, 1669.
[Life of Sixtus V, written by Signor Geltio Rogeri at
the suggestion of Gregorio Leti.] 2 vols. ; afterwards
published under less singular titles, in 3 vols.
The reputation of an individual, or the mode of view taken
of an event, is far more frequently determined by popular
writings which have succeeded in obtaining extensive
currency, than by more important historical works, which
often require too long a time in preparation. The public
does not make minute inquiry as to whether all the relations
presented to it be really founded on truth; it is content
when the recollections presented in print are as abundant
and varied as those furnished in conversation, but more
concise, and, by consequence, more piquant.
The biography of Sixtus V, by Leti, is a book of this
kind ; the most effective, perhaps, of all the works published
by that voluminous writer. It has determined the idea of
Pope Sixtus, which has ever since governed public opinion
with respect to that pope.
The reader invariably finds himself in the utmost embar-
rassment on his first attempt to study such books : he cannot
deny to them a certain degree of truth, and they are not to
be wholly disregarded; yet it instantly becomes obvious
that they cannot be trusted far, although it may generally
be impossible to determine where the line should be drawn.
112
APPENDIX— SECTION IV 113
We do not obtain the power of forming a sound judg-
ment on this question until we have discovered the sources
from which the author obtained his materials, and carefully
examined the manner in which he has employed them.
By progressive and continued research we came upon
the sources whence Leti drew his materials, and we cannot
refrain from comparing the accounts he has given with these
authorities.
I. In the whole history of Sixtus V there is nothing
more talked of than the manner in which he is reported to
have attained the papacy, and his conduct in the conclave.
Who is there that does not know how the decrepit cardinal,
tottering along, bent and leaning on his staff, had no sooner
been made pope than he suddenly raised himself, a vigorous
man, threw away the crutch, and threatened with the exercise
of his power those very men from whom he had w^on it by
deception ? This narration of Leti's has been received and
obtained credence throughout the world. We ask whence
he derived it ?
There exist documents in regard to every papal election,
adducing the motives, or rather describing the intrigues pre-
ceding it ; and with regard to the election of Sixtus V, we
find a so-called " Conclave," written as these papers usually
were at the time, and evincing an accurate knowledge of
the persons taking part in the election. " Conclave nel
quale fu creato il C Montalto che fu Sisto V."
We perceive on the first comparison that Leti had this
document in particular before him. It will be seen, indeed,
that he has done little more than paraphrase it.
Concl. MS. : — " II luned\ mattina per tempo si ridussero
nella capella Paulina, dove il cardinal Farnese come decano
celebro messa, e di mano sua communico li cardinal! : dipoi
si venne secondo il solito alio scrutinio, nel quale il cardinal
Albani hebbe 13 voti, che fu il maggior numero che alcun
cardinale havesse. Ritornati i cardinali alle celle, si attese
alle pratiche, et Altemps comincio a trattare alia gagliarda
la pratica di Sirleto, ajutato da Medici e delle creature di
Pio IV, per la confidenza che havevano di poter di qualsi-
voglia di loro disponere : ma subito fu trovata Tesclusione,
scoprendosi contra di lui Este, Farnese e Sforza."
VOL. uu I
114 APPENDIX— SECTION IV
Leti: — " Lunedl mattina di buon' hora si adunarono
tutti nella capella Paolina, ed il cardinal Farnese in quality
di decano celebro la messa, e communico tutti i cardinali : e
poi si diede principio alio scrutinio, nel quale il cardinal
Albano hebbe 13 voti, che fu il numero maggiore. Doppo
questo li cardinali se ne ritornarono alle lor celle per pran-
sare, e doppo il pranso si attese alle pratiche di molti : ma
particorlamente Altemps comincio a trattare alia gagliarda
le pratiche di Guglielmo Sirleto Calabrese, ajutato dal car-
dinal Medici e dalle creature di Pio IV, per la confidenza
che haveva ogni uno di loro di poterne disporre : ma in
breve se gli fece innanzi I'esclusione, scoprendosi contro di
lui Este, Farnese e Sforza."
And as with the principal facts, so with the accessories ;
for example, the MS. has : — " Farnese incapricciato et acceso
di incredibile voglia di essere papa, comincia a detestare
publicamente la pratica et il soggetto, dicendo : lo non
so come costoro lo intendono di volere far Sirleto papa."
Leti : — " II primo che se gli oppose fu Farnese, incapricciato
ancor lui ed acceso d'incredibile voglia d'esser papa : onde
parendo a lui d'esserne piii meritevole, come in fatti era,
comincio publicamente a detestare la pratica ed il soggetto,
dicendo per tutti gli angoli del conclave : lo non so come
costoro I'intendono di voler far papa Sirleto."
It is the same with regard to occasional observations ;
for example, the manuscript describes the effect produced
on Cardinal Alessandrino by the disguise of Sixtus, and the
offence it gave him. " Ma Dio, che haveva eletto Montalto
papa, non permesse che si avertisse a quello che principal-
mente avertire si dovea, ne lascio che Farnese ne suoi si
svegliassero a impedire la pratica, credendo che non fosse
per venire ad effetto dell' adoratione, ma solo per honorare
Montalto nello scrutinio." Although so pious a mode of
expression is foreign to the manner of Leti, he has yet found
it convenient to copy this passage, and to insert it in his
book ; with some few slight changes he has transcribed it
literally.
Now is this not rather an encomium on the often dis-
puted fidelity of Leti, than an accusation against him ?
But let us proceed to the one thing by which doubt is
APPENDIX— SECTION IV 115
here excited — the conduct of the cardinal. It is remarkable
that as regards this one point, Leti no longer agrees with
his original.
Leti says, " Montalto se ne stava in sua camera e non
gik nel conclave, fingendosi tutto lasso et abandonato
d'ogni ajuto humano. Non usciva che raramente et se
pure andava in qualche parte, come a celebrare messa, o
nello scrutinio della capella, se ne andava con certe maniere
spensierate."
[Montalto remained apart in his chamber, and did not
go into the conclave, pretending to be quite worn out and
past all human aid. He went out very rarely, and when he
did go to any place, as, for example, to celebrate mass, or to
the scrutiny in the chapel, he would depart again with a
certain semblance of being wholly indifferent to what was
going forward.]
The original, on the contrary, says, " Sebene non mos-
trava una scoperta ambitione, non pretermetteva di far poi
tutti quelli officii che il tempo et il luogo richiedevano,
humiliandosi a cardinali, visitandoli et offerendosi, ricevendo
air incontro i favori e I'offerte degli altrij'
[Although he did not evince any open ambition, yet
neither did he neglect the performance of those offices which
the time and the place demanded, humbling himself to the
cardinals, paying them visits, and making them offers, while
on his part he received the visits and offers of the others.]
The original says, that he had taken these steps even
before the conclave, with regard to Cardinal Farnese, and had
afterwards visited Cardinal de' Medici and Cardinal d' Este.
It relates further, that on the evening before his election, he
had paid a visit to Cardinal Madruzzi, and on the morning
of the day had also visited Cardinal Altemps, receiving from
both the assurance that he should be elected. In a word,
Montalto is described in the original as a man in good health,
active, and full of life : nay, that he was still so vigorous,
and in the force of his years, is adduced as one of the
motives for his election. The whole relation of his pre-
tended debility and seclusion, which has acquired so wide a
currency, is an addition of Leti's ; but the source whence he
took this, whether he merely followed the popular rumour.
ii6 APPEND IX- SECTION IV
a mere unfounded report, or found the story in some previous
writer, — these are questions to which we shall return.
2. A second material feature in the generally received
opinion and reputation of Sixtus, is formed by the impres-
sion produced by his financial arrangements. This also is
founded in part on the statements of Leti. In the second
division of his book, p. 289, there is a summary of the papal
revenue and expenditure, to which a certain degree of credit
has been accorded, even by the most reasonable and well-
informed observers : " Rendite ordinarie c'havea la sede
apostolica nel tempo che Sisto entrava nel pontificato."
We ought at least to be able to trust his figures in
general.
But even on this point, it is immediately manifest that
affairs are not as Leti represents them. At the accession
of Sixtus, in April, 1585, the contracts which Gregory XIII
had made with the farmers of the revenue in August, 1576,
for nine years, were still in force. Of these we have an
authentic statement, under the title, " Entrata della reverenda
camera apostolica sotto il pontificato di N. Sig'^ Gregorio
XIII, fatto neir anno 1576." This document is very exact
in its details, presenting, first, the sum contracted for ; next,
an account of such portions as were alienated ; and, finally,
the sums remaining, — each separately stated. Now with
this account, the details presented by Leti are far from
agreeing. He has given the proceeds of the Roman customs
and excise (dogana) at 182,450 scudi, while the true
amount was 133,000 only. Of all the sums that he has
enumerated, there is not one correct. But where did he
find the materials for this account ? It is not possible that
it should be altogether imaginary. There is in our possession
another statement for the year 1592, two years after the
death of Sixtus V. With this document the summary of
Leti agrees in almost every item, and even in the order of
their arrangement : in both, for example, we find the follow-
ing articles in succession : — " Dogana di Civita Vecchia,
1,977 scudi; di Narni, 400; di Rieti, 100; gabella del
studio di Roma, 26,560; gabella del quadrino a libra di
carne di Roma, 20,335," &c. &c. But what a confusion is
this ! In these items all the changes effected by Sixtus
APPMDI3C— SECTION IV ii^
were already commenced, and should have been here
particularized. Neither does the confusion end here. Leti
had apparently trusted to some very incorrect manuscript,
if, indeed, he did not himself introduce intentional changes ;
it is at least certain that he has made the most extraordinary
deviations from his authorities. The salara di Roma pro-
duced 27,654 scudi; he makes it 17,654: the treasury and
salara of Romagna brought in 71,395 scudi; he gives
11,395. ^^^ ^t will suffice to say, that his statement is
never correct even for any other year; it is false and
useless in all its parts.
3. We already perceive that he compiled without judgment
or critical accuracy; he transcribed original documents,
without doubt, but he did this too hastily. How, indeed,
was it possible that in the restless and fugitive life he con-
stantly led, he could have produced so many books, had
he bestowed on them the due amount of labour? From
what source, then, did he derive his materials on this
occasion ?
In the Corsini library in Rome, there is a MS., " Detti
e fatti di Papa Sisto V," which supplies us with sufficient
information as to the life and proceedings of that pontiff.
It is manifest at the first glance that in this work are all
the essentials of* Leti. We have only to compare the first
passages that present themselves.
The manuscript of the Corsini says, for example, " II
genitore di Sisto V si chiamava Francesco Peretti, nato nel
castello di Farnese, di dove fu costretto non so per qual
accidente partire, onde s'incamino per trovare la sua fortuna
altrove : et essendo povero e miserabile, non aveva da poter
vivere, essendo solito sostentarsi di quello alia giornata gua-
dagnava grandemente faticando, e con la propria industria
viveva. Partitosi dunque da Farnese, se ne ando a trovare
un suo zio."
Leti has, in like manner, in his first edition, " II padre
di Sisto si chiamava Francesco Peretti, nato nel castello di
Farnese, di dove fu constretto non so per qual' accidente
occorsoli di partirsi, cio che fece volentieri per cercar fortuna
altrove, mentre per la poverty della sua casa non haveva di
che vivere se non di quello che lavorava con le propria
ii8 APPENDIX— SECTION IV
mani alia giornata. Partito di Farnese la matina, giunse la
sera nelle grotte per consigliarsi con un suo zio."
This is obviously entirely the same account, with a few
slight changes of expression.
Occasionally we find short interpolations in Leti, but
immediately afterwards, the manuscript and his printed
work correspond again.
When we further inquire, whence proceed those additions
with which Leti has been pleased to endow the narrative of
the conclave, we shall find that these also are taken from
this Corsini manuscript. The passage which we have given
above from Leti appears in the manuscript as follows : —
" Montalto se ne stava tutto lasso con la corona in mano et
in una piccolissima cella abandonato da ogn' uno, e se pure
andava in qualche parte, come a celebrar messa, o nello
scrutinio della capella, se ne andava, &c." It is clear that
Leti uses this text with only very slight modifications of
style.
I will add one more passage on account of the import-
ance of the subject, The MS. says, " Prima di cominciarsi
il Montalto, che stava appresso al card' di San Sisto per non
perderlo della vista o perche non fosse subornato da altri
porporati, gli disse alle orecchie queste parole : Faccia in-
stanza V. S"* ill'"'* che lo scrutinio segua senza pregiudicio
deir adoratione : e questo fu il primo atto d'ambitione che
mostro esteriormente Montalto. Non manco il card' di San
Sisto di far cio : perche con il Bonelli unitamente principio
ad alzare la voce due o tre volte cosi : Senza pregiudicio
della seguita adoratione. Queste voci atterrirono i cardinali :
perche fu supposto da tutti loro che dovesse esser eletto per
adoratione. II card' Montalto gik cominciava a levar quelle
nebbie di fintioni che avevano tenuto nascosto per lo spatio
di anni 14 Tambitione grande che li regnava in seno : onde
impatiente di vedersi nel trono papale, quando udi leggere
la meik e piii delli voti in suo favore, tosto allungo il collo
e si alzo in piedi, senza attendere il fine del scrutinio, e
uscito in mezzo di quella capella gitto verso la porta di
quella il bastoncello che portava per appoggiarsi, ergendosi
tutto dritto in tal modo che pareva due palmi piii longo del
solito. E quello che fu piii maraviglioso, &c."
APPENDIX— SECTION IV 119
Let lis compare with this the corresponding passage in
Leti, i. p. 412 (edition of 1669).
" Prima di cominciarsi Montalto si calo nell' orecchia di
San Sisto, e gli disse : Fate instanza che lo scrutinio si
faccia senza pregiudicio dell' adoratione : che fu appunto il
primo atto d'ambitione che mostro esteriormente Montalto.
Ne San Sisto manco di farlo, perche insieme con Ales-
sandrino comincio a gridare due o tre volte : Senza pre-
giudicio deir adoratione. Gi^ cominciava Montalto a levar
quelle nebbie di fintioni che havevano tenuto nascosto per
piti di quindeci anni I'ambitione grande che li regnava nel
cuore : onde impatiente di vedersi nel trono ponteficale,
non si tosto intese legger pili della meth, de' voti in suo
favore che assicuratosi del ponteficato si levo in piedi e
senza aspettare il fino dello scrutinio getto nel mezo di
quella sala un certo bastoncino che portava per appoggiarsi,
ergendosi tutto dritto in tal modo che pareva quasi un piede
pill longo di quel ch'era prima : ma quello che fu piii mara-
viglioso," &c. Here it is again obvious that, with the
exception of a few unimportant literal changes, the passages
are absolutely identical.
On one occasion Leti brings forward an authority for his
narration : " lo ho parlato con un Marchiano, ch'e morto
venti (in later editions, trenta) anni sono, et assai caduco, il
quale non aveva altro piacere che di parlare di Sisto V, e ne
raccontava tutte le particolarith,." [I have conversed with a
native of the March, who has been dead these twenty years,
and was then very old, whose sole pleasure consisted in
talking of Sixtus V, and who used to relate all sorts of
particulars concerning him.] Now, it seems in itself im-
probable that Leti, who arrived in Rome in the year 1644,
at the age of fourteen, should have had intercourse with
persons intimately acquainted with Sixtus V, or should have
derived much assistance for his book from their conversa-
tion. But this is again another passage adopted from the
above-mentioned manuscript : " Et un giorno parlando con
un certo uomo dalla Marcha, che b morto, che non aveva
altro piacere, che di parlare di Sisto V," The twenty or
thirty years are added by Leti, for the purpose of giving
increased credibility to his relation.
120 APPENDIX— SECTION IV
Here, also, Leti appears to me to have used a defective
copy. The MS. tells us, in the very beginning, that the boy
was often compelled to watch the cattle at night in the open
fields, — " in campagna aperta." Instead of this, Leti has,
" in compagnia d'un' altro," which has all the appearance of
an ill-corrected error in transcribing. The M. A. Seller! of
Leti, also, must have been, according to the MS., M. A.
Siliaci.
In a word, Leti's Vita di Sisto V is by no means an
original work. It is merely a new version of an Italian MS.
that had fallen into his hands, with certain additions and
alterations of style.
The whole question, therefore, is, what degree of credit
this manuscript deserves. It is a collection of anecdotes,
made after a considerable lapse of years, and apocryphal in
its character throughout. The narration, in respect to the
conclave in particular, is alto;2:ether unworthy of belief.
Sixtus V was not the person of whom this story was first
related; the same thing had already been said of Paul III.
In the preface to the "Acta Concilii Tridentini, 1546," an
extract from which will be found in Strobel's Neue Beitrage,
v. 233, there occurs the following passage in relation to
Paul III : " Mortuo Clemente valde callide primum simu-
labat . . . vix prae senio posse suis pedibus consistere :
arridebat omnibus, laedebat neminem, suamque prorsus
voluntatem ad nutum reliquorum accommodabat : . . . ubi
se jam pontificem declaratum sensit, qui antea tarditatem,
morbum, senium et quasi formidolosum leporem simulabat,
extemplo tunc est factus agilis, validus, imperiosus, suamque
inauditam ferociam . . . coepit ostendere." We perceive
clearly that this is the foundation for the narrative given in
the Corsini manuscript, and related by Leti.
Leti did not think of first examining the truth of his
manuscript, or of rectifying its errors. On the contrary, he
has done his best to distort what he found in it still further
from the truth.
He was, nevertheless, received with decided approba-
tion ; his work passed through edition after edition, and has
appeared in many translations.
It is a remarkable fact, that history, as it passes into the
APPENDIX— SECTION IV 12 1
meittdi-y of man, always touches on the confines of mytho-
logy. Personal qualities stand forth in bolder relief, they
become more sharply defined, and in one mode or another
approach to a comprehensible ideal ; events receive a more
distinct and positive character of delineation, accessory
circumstances and co-operative causes are forgotten and
neglected. It is in this manner only that the demands of the
imagination appear capable of receiving entire satisfaction.
At a later period comes the learned inquirer, who is
amazed that men should ever have adopted opinions so
erroneous : he does his best for the dissipation of these
phantasies and falsehoods, but eventually becomes aware
that his purpose is by no means easy of attainment. The
understanding is convinced, but the imagination remains
unsubdued.
Storia della vita e geste di papa Sis to V, so7ntno pontefice^
scritta da I P""" M""" Casimiro Teinpesti. Kovia^ I755-
[Life of Sixtus V, by Casimiro Tempesti.]
We have already spoken of the moderate, cheerful, and
well-intentioned pontiff Lambertini, Benedict XIV. His
pontificate is further distinguished by the fact that almost
all works of any utility, in respect to the internal history of
the papacy, belong to that period. It was at that time that the
Annals of Maffei were printed, that Bromato prepared his work
in relation to Paul IV, and that biographies of Marcellus II
and Benedict XIII appeared. Then also it w^as that Casimiro
Tempesti, a Franciscan, — as was Sixtus V himself, — under-
took to refute the errors of Leti.
For this purpose all desirable facilities were accorded
to him. He was permitted to make unrestricted search
through the Roman libraries, where he found the most
valuable materials in the richest abundance, — biographies,
correspondence, memorials of all kinds ; and these he
proceeded to incorporate in his work. Perhaps the most
important of all this mass of documents is the correspondence
of Morosini, the nuncio in France, which fills a large part
of his book ; for he has generally adopted his materials in
his text, with but very slight modifications.
122 APPENDIX— SECTION IV
On this point we have but two remarks to make.
In the first place, he assumes a pecuHar position in
regard to the authorities he uses. He beUeves them and
transcribes them, but he is persuaded that the pope must
have been on bad terms with these writers — that he must
have offended them ; so that they no sooner begin to find
fault with the pontiff, than Tempesti renounces them, and
labours to affix some different explanation to such actions
of his hero as they call in question.
But he sometimes departs altogether from his authorities,
either because they are not sufficiently zealous for the
Church, or because he has not attained to a clear com-
prehension of the matter treated. An example of this will
be found in the affair of Miihlhausen, in the year 1587.
The manuscript that Tempesti designates as the " Anonimo
Capitolino," and which he has in very many places directly
transcribed, relates this occurrence with much perspicuity.
Let us observe the mode in which he uses it.
In remarking the disputes that broke out at Miihlhausen,
" about a Httle wood that was barely worth twelve crowns,"
as Laufer expresses himself (Helv. Geschichte, xi. 10), the
Anonimo very properly observes, "io non so che causa,"
[I know not for what cause]. Of this Tempesti makes, " in
urgente lor emergenza" [in their pressing emergency]. The
people of Miihlhausen put some of their senators in prison :
"carcerarano parecchi del suo senato." Tempesti says,
"carcerati alcuni," without remarking that they were
members of the council. Fears were entertained lest the
inhabitants of Miihlhausen should give themselves up to
the protection of the Catholic districts, and separate them-
selves from the Protestants : " Che volesse mutar religione
e protettori, passando all' eretica fede con raccomandarsi
alii cantoni cattolici, siccome allora era raccomandata alii
eretici." This is in allusion to the fact that Miihlhausen, on
its first entrance into the Swiss confederation in 15 15, was
not acknowleged by Uri, Schwyz, Lucerne, and Unterwalden,
as these cantons afterwards refused it their protection on
joining the reformed church. (Glutz Blotzheim, continua-
tion of Miiller's Schweizergeschichte, p. 373.) Tempesti
has not an idea of this peculiar position of things. He says
No. 49] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 123
very drily : " Riputarono che i Milausini volessero dichiararsi
cattolici." [They believed that the people of Miihlhausen
desired to declare themselves Catholics.] Tempesti pro-
ceeds in like manner, even where the author shews by his
typographical signs that he is using the words of others.
The " Anonimo Capitolino " says that Pope Sixtus V was
about to send 100,000 scudi into Switzerland for the pro-
motion of this secession, when he received intelligence that
all the dissensions were appeased. Tempesti, nevertheless,
declares that the pope did send the money; for he is re-
solved to make his hero, above all things, magnificent and
liberal, although it is certain that liberality was by no means
the quality for which he was most remarkable.
I will not accumulate examples further. These are his
modes of proceeding in all cases wherein I have compared
him with his authorities. He is diligent, careful, and pos-
sessed of good information, but limited, dry monotonous,
and destitute of any true insight into affairs ; his collections
do not enable the reader to dispense with an examination
of the originals. His work was not calculated to counteract,
by an equal impression, the effect of that produced by the
book of Leti.
II.— Manuscripts
Let us now return to our manuscripts ; for precise and
positive information, we are, after all, constantly thrown
back on them.
And first we meet with a MS. by Pope Sixtus himself, —
memoranda written with his own hand, and made while he
was still in his convent.
No. 49
Memorie autografe di papa Sisio V, Chigi Library.
No. III. 70. 158 leaves.
This document was found in a garret by a certain
124 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 49
Salvetti, who made a present of it to Pope Alexander VII.
There is no doubt whatever of its authenticity.
" Questo hbro sara per memoria di mie poche facenducce,
scritto di mia propria mano, dove do che sara scritto a
laude di Dio sara la ignuda verita, e cosi priego creda ogn'
uno che legge." [This book shall be for a memorial of my
few small proceedings, written with my own hand, wherein
that which shall be written to the praise of God shall be the
naked truth, and so I pray every one who reads it to believe.]
The book first contains accounts, of which, however, at
least one leaf is missing, if not more.
*' E qui sark scritti," he continues, " tutti crediti, debiti
et ogn' altra mia attione di momento. E cos\ sara la verita
come qui si trovera scritto." [And here shall be written
all that is owing to me, and all that I owe, with every thing
of moment that is done by me ; and the truth will be such
as shall here be found written.]
To what I have already narrated in the text, I will here
add one example more. " Andrea del Apiro, frate di San
Francesco conventuale, venne a Venetia, e nel partirse per
pagar robe comprate per suo fratello, qual mi disse far
botega in Apiro, me domando in prestito denari, e li prestai,
presente fra Girolamo da Lunano e fra Cornelio da Bologna,
fiorini 30, e mi promise renderli a Montalto in mano di fra
Salvatore per tutti il mese presente d'Augusto, come appar
in un scritto da sua propria mano il di 9 Agosto 1557, quale
e nella mia casetta. H. 30." [Andrea of Apiro, friar con-
ventual of St. Francis, came to Venice, and when departing,
desired from me a loan of money to pay for goods which he
had bought for his brother, who, he told me, keeps a shop
in Apiro, and I lent him thirty florins, there being present
Fra Girolamo of Lunano, and Fra Cornelio of Bologna, and
he promised to restore them to me at Montalto, paying
them into the hands of Fra Salvatore, first taking all the
present month of August, as appears in a writing under his
own hand, of the ninth day of August, 1557, which writing
is in my little chest.]
We here gain an insight into these little monastic pro-
ceedings ; how one lends money to another, the borrower
assisting the little trade of his brother, while others serve as
No. 49] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 125
witnesses to the transaction. Era Salvatore also makes his
appearance.
Then follows an inventory of books. " Inventarium
omnium librorum tarn seorsum quam simul ligatorum quos
ego Fr. Felix Perettus de Monte alto emi et de licentia
superiorum possidco. Qui seorsum fuerit ligatus, faciat
numerum ; qui non cum aliis, minime." I am now sorry
that I did not take notes from this catalogue ; but it seemed
to me to be very insignificant.
At length we find at page 144 —
*' Memoria degli anni che andai a studio, di officii, pre-
diche e commissioni avute." [Memoranda concerning the
years that I passed as a student, my offices, my engagements
as a preacher, and the commissions I received.]
This I will give at full length, although Tempest! has
made various extracts from it. It is important, as being
the only diary of a pope that we possess.
"Col nome di dio 1540 il di i settembre di mercoldi intrai
a studio in Ferrara, e vi finii il triennio sotto il r''*' m'" Bart''
dalla Pergola. Nel 43 fatto il capitolo in Ancona andai a
studio in Bologna sotto il r'^° maestro Giovanni da Correggio :
intrai in Bologna il di S. Jacobo maggior di Luglio, e vi
stetti fino al settembre del 44, quando il costacciaro mi
mando baccellier di convento in Rimini col rev"'° regente m'
Antonio da citta di Penna, e vi finii il tempo sino al capitolo
di Venezia del 46. Fatto il capitolo andai baccellier di
convento in Siena con m'" Alexandro da Montefalco, e qui
finii il triennio fino al capitolo d'Assisi del 49. Ma il costac-
ciaro mi die' la licentia del magisterio nel 48 a 22 Luglio,
e quattro d\ dopo me addottorai a Fermo. Nel capitolo
generale di Assisi fui fatto regente di Siena 1549 e vi finii il
triennio, fu generale mons''® Gia Jacobo da Montefalco. A
Napoli : nel capitolo generale di Geneva fui fatto regente di
Napoli 1553 dal rev"'° generale m'" Giulio da Piacenza e vi
finii il triennio. A Venezia : nel capitolo generale di Brescia
1556 fui fatto regente di Venezia, e vi finii il triennio, e
I'anno primo della mia regeria fui eletto inquisitor in tutto
rill'"'* dominio 1557 d\ 17 di Gennaro. Nel capitolo generale
di Assisi 1559 eletto generale m""** Giovan Antonio da Cervia,
fui confirmato regente et inquisitore in Venezia come di
126 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 49
sopra. Per la morte di papa Paolo 1 1 II I'anno detto d'Agosto
partii da Venezia per visitare li miei a Montalto, inquisitore
apostolico : mosso da gran tumulti ; il 22 di Febbraro 1560
tornai in ufficio col brieve di Pio 1 1 II papa, et vi stetti tutto
'IGiugno, e me chiamo a Roma: il di 18 Luglio 1560 fui
fatto teologo assistente alia inquisitione di Roma e giurai
I'officio in mano del card' Alessandrino.
" (Prediche.) L'anno 1540 predicai, ne havevo anchor
cantato messa, in Montepagano, terra di Abruzzo. L'anno
1 54 1 predicai a Voghiera, villa Ferrarese, mentre ero stu-
dente in Ferrara. L'anno 1542 predicai in Grignano, villa
del Polesine di Rovigo, e studiavo in Ferrara. L'anno 1543
predicai alia fratta di Badenara (viveva il Diedo e'l Man-
frone) e studiavo in Ferrara. L'anno 1544 predicai alia
Canda, villa della Badia, e studiavo in Bologna. L'anno
1545 predicai le feste in Rimini in convento nostro, perche
il m™ di studio di Bologna nepreoccupo la predica di Monte
Scutulo, et ero bacc° di convento di Rimini. L'anno 1546
predicai a Macerata di Montefeltro et ero bacc** di convento
di Rimini. L'anno 1547 predicai a S. Geminiano in Toscana
et ero bacc" di convento a Siena. L'anno 1548 predicai a
S. Miniato al Tedesco in Toscana, et ero bacc'' di Siena.
L'anno 1549 predicai in Ascoli della Marca, partito da Siena
par I'ingresso de Spagnoli introdutti da Don Diego Men-
dozza. L'anno 1550 predicai a Fano et ero regente a
Siena. L'anno 155 1 predicai nel domo di Camerino con-
dotto dal r"'** vescovo et ero regente a Siena. L'anno 1552
predicai a Roma in S. Apostoli, e tre ill""' cardinalime intrat-
tennero in Roma, e lessi tutto l'anno tre dl della settimana
la pistola a Romani di S. Paolo. L'anno 1553 predicai a
Genova, e vi se fece il capitolo generale, et andai regente a
Napoli. L'anno 1554 predicai a Napoli in S. Lorenzo, e
vi ero regente, e lessi tutto l'anno in chiesa I'evangelio di
Giovanni. L'anno 1555 predicai nel duomo di Perugia ad
instanza dell' ill"'*' cardinale della Corgna. L'anno 1556 fu
chiamato a Roma a concilio generale, che gi^ principio la
santita di papa Paulo 1 1 II, pero non predicai. L'anno 1557
fu eletto inquisitor di Venezia e del dominio, e bisognandome
tre d\ della settimana seder a tribunale non predicai ordi-
nariamentCj ma 3 (?) di della settimana a S. Caterina in
No. 49] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 127
Venezia. L'anno 1558 predicai a S. Apostoli di Venezia e
4 giorni della settimana a S. Caterina, ancorche exequissi
I'officio della s*'"* inquis"^ L'anno 1559 non predicai salvo
tre d\ della settimana a S. Caterina per le molte occupationi
del s. officio. L'anno 1560 tornando col brieve diS. Santitk
a Venezia inquisitore tardi predicai so:0 a S. Caterina come
di sopra.
" (Commissioni.) L'anno 1548 ebbi da rev""' m'^ Bar-
tolommeo da Macerata, ministro della Marca, una com-
missione a Fermo per liberar di prigione del S"* vicelegato
fra Leonardo della Ripa : lo liberal e lo condussi in Mace-
rata. L'anno 1549 ebbidal sud*' R. P'^ commissione in tutta
la custodia di Ascoli da Febbraro fino a pasqua. L'anno
istesso dair istesso ebbi una commissione nel convento di
Fabriano e vi rimisi frate Evangelista dell' istesso luogo.
L'anno 1550 ebbi dall' istesso padre commissione in Sene-
gaglia: rimisi fra Nicolo in cassa e veddi i suoi conti.
L'anno 155 1 ebbi commissione dalrev"'" p""^ generale m*"^ Gia
Jacobo da Montefalco a visitar tutta la parte de Monte-
feltro, Cagli et Urbino. L'anno 1552 ebbi dall' ilP° cardi-
nale protettor commissione sopra una lite esistente tra il
guardiano fra Tommaso da Piacenza et un fra Francesco da
Osimo^ che aveva fatto la cocchina in Santo Apostolo.
L'istesso anno ebbi commission dal rev"'"" padre generale
m™ Giulio da Piacenza nel convento di Fermo, e privai di
guardianato m"" Domenico da Montesanto, e viddi i conti
del procuratore fra Lodovico da Pontano, e bandii della
provincia fra Ciccone da Monte dell' Olmo per aver dato
delle ferite a fra Tommaso dell' istesso luogo. L'anno 1555
ebbi del sudetto r""' generale commissione di andar in Cala-
bria a far il ministro, perche aveva inteso quello esser morto,
ma chiarito quello esser vivo non andai. L'anno 1557 ebbi
commissione sopra il Gattolino di Capodistria, sopra il
Garzoneo da Veglia et altre assai commissioni di fra Giulio
di Capodistria. L'anno 1559 fui fatto commissario nella
provincia di S. Antonio, tenni il capitolo a Bassano, e fu
eletto ministro m""" Cornelio Veneto. L'anno 1560 fui fatto
inquisitore apostolico in tutto il dominio Veneto, e dell'
istesso anno fui fatto teologo assistente alia inquisitione di
Roma il di 16 Liiglio 1560.
128 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 49
" Nel capitolo generale di Brescia 1556 fui eletto pro-
motor a magisterii con I'Andria e con m™ Giovanni da
Bergamo, et otto baccalaurei da noi promossi furon dottorati
dal rev'"° generale m'" Giulio da Piacenza, cioe Antonio da
Montalcino, Ottaviano da Ravenna, Bonaventura da Gabi-
ano. Marc Antonio da Lugo, Ottaviano da Napoli, Antonio
Panzetta da Padova, Ottaviano da Padova, Martiale Cala-
brese. Otto altri promossi ma non adottoratti da s. p. r'"* :
Francesco da Sonnino, Antonio da Urbino, Nicolo da Monte-
falco, Jacobo Appugliese, Antonio Bolletta da Firenze,
Constantino da Crema, il Piemontese et il Sicolino. lo pero
con I'autorita di un cavalier di S. Pietro da Brescia adottorai
Antonio da Urbino, il Piemontese e Constantino da Crema.
Di Maggio 1558 con I'autorita del cavalier Centani adottorai
in Venezia fra Paolo da S. Leo, frate Andrea d'Arimino,
Giammatteo da Sassocorbaro e fra Tironino da Lunano,
tutti miei discepoli."
[In the name of God, on Wednesday, September the ist,
1540, I entered on my studies" in Ferrara, and finished the
triennium there under the reverend Master Bartolomeo
dalla Pergola. In 1543, after the chapter had been held
in Ancona, I went to study in Bologna under the reverend
Master Giovanni da Correggio; I arrived at Bologna in
the month of July, on the day of St. James the Elder, and
remained there until September, 1544, when the examiner
sent me as convent-bachelor to Rimini, v.ith the most reverend
regent. Master Antonio, of the city of Penna, where I com-
pleted my time till the chapter of Venice in the year 1546.
At the conclusion of the chapter I went as convent-bachelor
to Siena with Master Alessandro da Montefalco, and there
finished the triennium till the chapter of Assisi in 1549.
But' the examiner gave me a master's Hcense on the 22nd
of July, 1548, and four days after, I took the degree of
doctor at Fermo. In the chapter-general of Assisi, I was
made regent of Siena in 1549, and there I finished the
triennium — Monsignore Gia Jacopo da Montefalco being
general. At Naples : in the chapter-general of Genoa, I
was made regent of Naples in 1553, by the most reverend
general. Master Giulio da Piacenza, and there I finished
the triennium. At Venice ; in the general chapter of Brescia,
No. 49] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 129
in 1556, I was made regent of Venice, and there finished
the triennium, and in the first year of my agency I was
elected inquisitor for the whole of the most illustrious
dominion on the 17th of January, 1557. In the chapter-
general of Assisi, 1559, Master Giovan Antonio da Cervia
being elected general, I was confirmed regent and inquisitor
in Venice as aforesaid. On the death of Pope Paul IV, in
August of the same year, I went to visit my relations at
Montalto, apostolic inquisitor. Induced by the great
tumults prevailing, I returned to office on the 22nd of
February, 1560, with a brief from Pope Pius IV, and re-
mained there until the end of June, when I was called to
Rome. On the i8th of July, 1560, I was made assistant
theologian to the Inquisition of Rome, and was sworn into
ofiEice by Cardinal Alessandrino.
[(Preachings.) In the year 1540 I preached — as yet I
had never sung mass — in Montepagano, a place in
Abruzzo. In the year 1541 I preached at Voghiera, a
town of Ferrara, while I was a student at Ferrara. In the
year 1542 I preached at Grignano, a town of the Polesine
di Rovigo, and was studying at Ferrara. In the year 1543
I preached to the brotherhood of Badenara (Diedo and
Manfrone were then living), and was studying in Ferrara.
In the year 1544 I preached at Canda, a town of Badia,
and was studying in Bologna. In the year 1545 I preached
the festival sermons at Rimini in our own convent, because
the pulpit of Monte Scutulo was already occupied by the
master of the college in Bologna, and I was bachelor of
the convent of Rimini. In the year 1546 I preached at
Macerata di Montefeltro, and was bachelor of the convent
of Rimini. In the year 1547 I preached at S. Geminiano
in Tuscany, and was bachelor of the convent of Siena. In
the year 1548 I preached at S. Miniato al Tedesco in
Tuscany, and was bachelor of Siena. In the year 1549 I
preached in Ascoli della Marca, having left Siena on
account of the entrance of the Spaniards, who were intro-
duced by Don Diego Mendozza. In the year 1550 I
preached at Fano, and was regent at Siena. In the year
155 1 I preached in the cathedral of Camerino, being ap-
pointed by the most reverend bishop, and was regent at
VOL. III. K.
I30 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 49
Siena. In the year 1552 I preached in the church of the
Holy Apostles in Rome, and three most illustrious cardinals
entertained me in Rome, and throughout that year I read the
epistle of St. Paul to the Romans three days in every week.
In the year 1553 I preached at Genoa, and the chapter-
general was held there, and I was sent as regent to Naples.
In the year 1554 I preached at Naples in the church of
S. Lorenzo, and was regent there, and throughout that year
I read the gospel of St. John in that church. In the year
1555 I preached in the cathedral of Perugia at the request
of the most illustrious Cardinal della Corgna. In the year
1556 I was called to Rome to the general council, which
was now commenced by his holiness Pope Paul IV, but I
did not preach. In the year 1557 I was elected inquisitor
of Venice and of its entire territory ; and having to sit in
court three days of every week, I did not usually preach,
excepting three (?) days of the week at S. Caterina in
Venice. In the year 1558 I preached at S. Apostoli in
Venice, and four days of the week at S. Caterina, although
I still performed the office entrusted to me by the Holy
Inquisition. In the year 1559 I did not preach more than
three days in the week at S. Caterina, because of the multitude
of cases before the Holy Office. In the year 1560, return-
ing to Venice as inquisitor,' with the brief of his holiness, I
preached in the afternoons only at S. Caterina as aforesaid.
[(Commissions.) In the year 1548 I received from the
very reverend Master Bartolomeo da Macerata, minister of
the March of Ancona, a commission to Fermo, for the
purpose of liberating Fra Leonardo della Ripa from the
prison of the vice-legate. I liberated him accordingly, and
conducted him to Macerata. In the year 1549 I had com-
missions from the same reverend father for the whole district
of Ascoli, from February to Easter. In the same year,
and from the same person, I had a commission to the con-
vent of Fabriano, and I there reinstated Frate Evangelista,
of the same place. In the year 1550 I had from the same
father a commission in Senegaglia, where I restored Fra
Nicolo to his house, and examined his accounts. In the
year 155 1 I had a commission from the very reverend
father-general, M'^ Gia Jacob o da Montefalco, to visit all
No. 49] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 131
the district of Montefeltro, Cagli, and Urbino. In the
year 1552 I received from the most iUustrious cardinal-
protector a commission with respect to a law-suit pending
between the guardian, Fra Tommaso da Piacenza, and a
certain Fra Francesco da Osimo, who had superintended
the kitchen department in Santo Apostolo. The same year
I had a commission from the most reverend father-general,
M*^ Giulio da Piacenza, to the convent of Fermo, when I
deprived Master Dominico da Montesanto of the guardian-
ship, and examined the accounts of the procurator, Fra
Ludovico da Pontano; and I banished Fra Ciccone da
Monte deir Olmo from the province, for having inflicted
certain wounds on Fra Tommaso, of the same place.
In the year 1555 I had a commission from the aforesaid
most reverend general to go into Calabria, and act as
minister, because he had heard that the minister was dead ;
but being informed he was alive, I did not go. In the
year 1557 I had a commission respecting Gattolino di Capo-
distria, and respecting Garzoneo da Veglia, with several
commissions besides, of Fra Giulio di Capodistria. In
the year 1559 I was made commissioner of the province
of S. Antonio ; I held the chapter at Bassano, and Master
Cornelio Veneto was elected minister. In the year 1560 I
was appointed inquisitor apostolic for all the dominions of
Venice, and on the i6th of July, in the same year, was
made assistant theologian to the Inquisition of Rome.
[At the chapter-general held in Brescia in the year 1556,
I was elected promoter to masterships, together with Andrea
and Master Giovanni da Bergamo; and at that time eight
bachelors, promoted by us, were admitted to doctors'
degrees by the very reverend general. Master Giulio da
Piacenza; namely, Antonio da Montalcino, Ottaviano da
Ravenna, Bonaventura da Gabiano, Marc Antonio da Lugo,
Ottaviano da Napoli, Antonio Panzetta da Padova, Otta-
viano da Padova, and Martiale Calabrese. Eight others
were also promoted, but were not admitted to doctors'
degrees by the most reverend father : Francesco da Son-
nino, Antonio da Urbino, Nicolo da Montefalco, Jacobo
Appugliese, Antonio Bolletta da Firenze, Constantino da
Crema, il Piemontese, and il Sicolino. But with the
132 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 50
authority of a knight of S. Pietro da Brescia, I did myself
confer the degree of doctor on Antonio da Urbino, il
Piemontese, and Constantino da Crema. In May, 1558, with
the authority of the CavaUer Centani, I also admitted, in
Venice, Fra Paolo da S. Leo, Fra Andrea d'Arimino,
Giammatteo da Sassocorbaro, and Fra Tironino da
Lunano, who were all my pupils, to be doctors.]
No. 50
De vita Sixti V, ipsius inanu emendata. Altieri Library.
57 leaves.
This, it is true, is only a copy, but one in which the
errors of the first writer, and the corrections made by the
pope, are faithfully transcribed. The corrections are seen
written over the words that have been crossed through.
It begins by describing the poverty of this pope's parents,
who earned their maintenance " alieni parvique agri cultura."
Above all other members of the family, he praises the
Signora Camilla, who at the time he wrote had certainly
but very moderate claims to notice. " Quae ita se intra
modestiae atque humilitatis suae fines continuit semper, ut ex
summa et celsissima fortuna fratris, praeter innocentiae atque
frugalitatis famam et in relictis sibi a familia nepotibus pie
ac liberaliter educandis diligentiae laudem, nihil magnopere
cepisse dici possit." He enlarges on the education, advance,
and early administration of the pontiff, and is particularly
remarkable for the zeal with which he insists on the Christian
principle obvious in the architecture of Rome, and the
eulogies he bestows on that tendency.
This little work must have been composed about the
year 1587. It was the intention of the author to depict
the succeeding periods also. " Tum dicentur nobis plenius,
cum acta ejus (Sixti) majori parata ordine prodere memoriae
experiemur. Quod et facturi pro viribus nostris, si vita sup-
petet, omni conatu sumus ; et ipse ingentia animo complexus,
nee ulla mediocri contentus gloria, uberem ingeniis materiam
praebiturus egregie de se condendi volumina videtur."
No. 50] APPENDIX-SECTION IV 133
Now the most important question with respect to the
MS. before us is, whether it really was revised by the ] ope.
Tempesti, who was not acquainted with the copy in the
Altieri library, was in possession of a little work that had
been recommended to him as having been composed by
Graziani and revised by Pope Sixtus. Elsewhere also
we find it stated that Graziani had begun to write a
life of Sixtus V, which was revised by the pope, and
passages are quoted which, a few accidental errors ex-
cepted, correspond with ours; Lagomarsini proposed to
print it. In the form in which Tempesti knew it, it
closely resembles, but is not identical with ours. Tempesti
draws attention, among other points (p. 38), to the fact, that
Graziani makes the pope begin his first procession from
S. Apostoli, whereas this procession, in fact, went from Ara
Coeli to S. Maria Maggiore. But this is a mistake much
more likely to escape the observation of a man who had
become pope, and had the affairs of the whole world on his
hands, than that of the padre Maestro Tempesti. In our
" Vita," however, this error is not to be found. The first
words, " Verum ut acceptum divinitus honorem ab ipso Deo
exordiretur, ante omnia," are the same in both. Then
Graziani continues : " Supplicationes Romae ad templum
Franciscanorum, quod ab Apostolis nominatur olim ; " while
the MS. has " supplicationes decrevit, quas ipse cum patri-
bus et frequente populo pedibus eximia cum religione obivit
a templo Franciscanorum ad S. Mariam Majorem." The
passage serves to shew the relation between the two texts.
Graziani appears to have made the first draft, and to have
then corrected it and laid it before the pope to be revised
by him.
Another biography, the next which we shall examine,
relates that Sixtus had made a note on the margin of
certain commentaries, to the effect that, " sororem alteram
tenera aetate decessisse ; " and we find that this very thing
has been done on the manuscript before us. 7'he first author
had written, " Quarum altera nupsit, ex cujus filia Silvestrii
profluxisse dicuntur, quos adnumerat suis pontifex, &c."
These and some other words Sixtus struck out, and wrote
in addition, "Quarum altera aetate adhuc tenera decessit."
134 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 51
This second biography further says : " In illis commen-
tariis ab ipso Sixto, qui ea recognovit, adscriptum reperi
Sixti matrem Marianam non quidem ante conceptum sed
paulo ante editum fiHum de futura ejus magnitudine divinitus
fuisse monitam." This also we find in our manuscript.
The author had said that Peretti had received the prediction
in a dream, "nasciturum sibi fiUum qui aUquando ad
summas essei dignitates perventurus." The word father is
marked out, and "ejus uxor partui vicina" inserted.
By these corroborations our little work acquires great
authenticity : it proves itself to be immediately connected
with the autograph of the pope mentioned above, and well
deserves to be separately printed. The reprint should be
based on the Altieri MS. and the variations from Graziani
noted.
No. 51
Sixtus V, Pontifex Maximtts. Altieri Library. 30 leaves.
This is the work by which we have been enabled to
establish the authenticity of the preceding. I do not think
that it was known either to Tempesti or any other writer.
The author wrote after the death of Sixtus. Already he
complains that the pontiffs memory was injured and mis-
represented by many fabulous inventions. " Sixtus V," he
begins, "^ memoriae quibusdam gratae, aliquibus invisae, omni-
bus magnae, cum cura nobis et sine ambitu dicetur : curam
expectatio multorum acuit (although the manuscript was
never printed), ambitum senectus nobis imminens praecidit."
He considers his subject to be very important. " Vix
aut rerum moles major aut majoris animi pontifex uUo
unquam tempore concurrerunt."
In the first part of his little work the author relates the
life of Sixtus V to the period of his elevation to the papal
throne. For this purpose he derives his materials from the
above-named biography, the correspondence of Sixtus,
which he frequently cites, and oral communications from
Cardinal Paleotto, or from a confidential member of the
pope's household, called Capelletto. From these sources
he obtained many remarkable particulars.
No. 51] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 135
Cap. I. "Sixti genus, parentes, patria." — We here
find the strange story that Sixtus had desired in his youth
to be called Crinitus [the long-haired] ; nay, that he even
was so called in his monastery for a certain time. By this
word he meant to signify a comet, and chose the name as
expressing his hopes in his own future fortunes ("propter
speratam semper ab se ob ea quae mox exsequar portenta
nominis et loci claritatem "). There is supposed to be an
allusion to this in the star of his armorial bearings ; but that
is certainly not a comet. The pontiff himself told Paleotto
that the pears in his arms were meant to signify his father
(Peretti), and that the mountains designated his native land;
the lion bearing the pears was meant to imply at once
magnanimity and beneficence.
II. "Ortus Sixti divinitus ejusque futura magnitudo
praenunciatur." — Sixtus himself relates that his father once
heard a voice calling to him in the night, "Vade, age,
Perette, uxori jungere; paritura enim tibi filium est, cui
Felicis nomen impones : is enim mortalium olim maximus
est futurus." He was a strange fellow, without doubt, this
Peretti. His wife was at that time in the service of the
above-named Diana,^ in the town. Following the intimation
of this prophetic encouragement, he stole away to the town
through the night and the fogs, for he dared not shew
himself in the day, from fear of his creditors. An extra-
ordinary origin this ! At a later period Peretti formally
assured his creditors of their safety on the strength of his
son's good fortune. When he had the child in his arms,
he would declare that he was carrying a pope, and would
hold out the little foot for his neighbours to kiss.
III. "Nomen." — Peretti declared, when objections were
made to him against the name of Felix : " Baptismo potius
quam Felicis nomine carebit." The bed once took fire from a
light left burning near it ; the mother rushed to save her child,
and found it unhurt and laughing ; very much as it happened
to ServiusTullius,the child of the slave-girl, whose predestined
greatness was announced by the flame that played around his
head while asleep. After so many centuries had passed, the
prodigy was repeated, or at least, the belief in it was revived,
' See vol. i. p. 349, note.
fj6 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 5't
IV. " Studia." — That the pontiff had tended swine was
a fact that he was not fond of having repeated ; and finding
it inserted in the above-named commentaries, he forbade
their continuance. The narration in this chapter describes
the rapidity of his early progress, and how he gave his
master too much work for his five bajocchi. ^' Vix mensem
alterum operam magistro dederat, cum ille Perettum adit,
stare se conventis posse negans : tam enim multa Felicem
supra reliquorum captum et morem discere, ut sibi, multo
plus in uno illo quam in ceteris instituendis omnibus
laboranti, non expediat maximam operam minima omnium
mercede consumere." The future pontiff was rather severely
treated by Era Salvatore. He got many a blow for not
placing his food before him in proper order. The poor
child raised himself on tiptoe, but was so little that he could
still scarcely reach the level of the table.
V. Monastic life. — This is what we have related in the
text when describing his mode of study, and the disputation
at Assisi. The first fame of his preaching. When on a
journey, the people of Belforte stopped him, and would
not permit him to leave them until he had thrice preached
to an immense concourse of the inhabitants.
VI. " Montalti cum Ghislerio Alexandrino jungendae
familiaritatis occasio."
VII. "Per magnam multorum invidiam ad magnos
multosque honores evadit." — In Venice particularly, where
he carried through the printing of the Index, he had much
to endure. He was on one occasion compelled to leave
the city, and hesitated to return. Cardinal Carpi, who had
been his protector from the time of the often-cited dispensa-
tion, gave the Eranciscans of Venice to understand that unless
Montalto were suffered to remain there, not one of their order
should continue in the city. Yet he could not maintain his
ground there. The brethren of his own order accused him
before the Council of Ten, charging him with occasioning
disorders in the republic, namely by refusing absolution to
those who were in possession of forbidden books ("qui
damnatos libros domi retineant"). He was compelled to
return to Rome, where he became consultor to the Inquisition.
VIII. " Romanae inquisitionis consultor, sui ordinis
No. Si] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 137
procurator, inter theologos congregationis Tridentini concilii
adscribitur." — By the Franciscans of Rome also, Montalto
was received only on the express recommendation of
Cardinal Carpi, and the latter sent him his meals ; he
supported him in every position, and recommended him on
his death-bed to Cardinal Ghislieri.
IX. " Iter in Hispaniam." — He accompanied Buoncom-
pagno, afterwards Gregory XIII. Even at that time there
was by no means a good understanding between them.
Montalto was sometimes obliged to travel in the baggage-
waggon. " Accidit nonnunquam ut quasi per injuriam aut
necessitatem jumento destitutusvehiculis quibus impedimenta
comportabantur deferri necesse fuerit." Many other slights
followed.
X. " Post honorifice delatum episcopatum per iniquorum
hominum calumnias cardinalatus Montalto maturatur." — The
nephew of Pius V was also opposed to him : " alium veterem
contubernalem evehendi cupidus." The pope was told^
amongst other things, that four carefully-closed chests had
been taken into the apartments of Montalto, who had
lodged himself with exceeding splendour and luxury. Pius
hereupon went himself unexpectedly to the monastery. He
found bare walls, and asked what wTre the contents of the
chests, which were still in the room : " Books, holy father,"
said Montalto, " that I propose to take with me to St. Agatha"
(St. Agatha was his bishopric), and he opened one of the
chests. Pius was highly pleased, and soon afterwards made
him cardinal.
XI. " Montalti dum cardinalis fuit vita et mores."
Gregory deprived him of his pension, which many thought
to be significant of his future pontificate : — " Levis enim
aulicorum quorundam superstitio diu credidit, pontificum
animis occultam quandam in futuros successores obtrecta-
tionem insidere."
XII. " Francisci Peretti caedes incredibili animi aequitate
tolerata."
XIII. "Pontifex M. magna patrum consensione de-
claratur."
Then follows the second part.
*' Hactenus Sixti vitam per tempera digessimus : jam
138 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 51
hinc per species rerum et capita, ut justa hominis aestimatio
ciiique in promptu sit, exequar."
But of this part only three chapters are to be found : — ■
"Gratia in benemeritos j — pietas in Franciscanorum ordinem;
— publica securitas."
The last is by far the most important, on account of
the description it furnishes of the times of Gregory XIII.
I did not make a complete transcript of the whole, but will
at least give an extract : — " Initio quidem nonnisi qui ob
caedes et latrocinia proscripti erant, ut vim magistratuum
effugerent, genus hoc vitae instituerant ut aqua et igne pro-
hibiti latebris silvarum conditi aviisque montium ferarum
ritu vagantes miseram anxiamque vitam furtis propemodum
necessariis sustentarent. Verum ubi rapinae dulcedo et
impunitae nequitiae spes alios atque alios extremae impro-
bitatis homines eodem expulit, coepit quasi legitimum aliquod
vel mercimonii vel artificii genus latrocinium frequentari.
Itaque certis sub ducibus, quos facinora et saevitia nobili-
tassent, societates proscriptorum et sicariorum ad vim, caedes,
latrocinia coibant. Eorum duces ex audacia vel scelere
singulos aestimabant : facinorosissimi et saevissima ausi
maxime extollebantur ac decurionum centurionumque nomi-
nibus militari prope more donabantur. Hi agros et itinera
non jam vago maleficio sed justo pene imperio infesta
habebant. . . . Denique operam ad caedem inimicorum,
stupra virginum et alia a quibus mens refugit, factiosis
hominibus et scelere alieno ad suam exaturandam libidinem
egentibus presente pretio locare : eoque res jam devenerat
ut nemo se impune peccare posse crederet nisi cui proscrip-
torum aliquis et exulum periculum praestaret. lis fiebat
rebus ut non modo improbi ad scelera, verum etiam minime
mali homines ad incolumitatem ejusmodi feras bestias sibi
necessarias jjutarent. ... Id proceribus et principibus viris
perpetuo palam usurpari. . . . Et vero graves Jacob o Bon-
compagno susceptae cum primariis viris inimicitiae ob vio-
latam suarum aedium immunitatem diu fortunam concussere.
Procerum plerique, sive quos aes alienum exhauserat, sive
quorum ambitio et luxus supra opes erat, sive quos odia et
ulciscendi libido ad cruenta consilia rejecerant, non modo
patrocinium latronum suscipere, sed foedus cum illis certis
No. 51] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 139
conditionibus sancire ut operam illi ad caedem locarent mer-
cede impunitatis et perfugii. Quum quo quisque sicariorum
patrono uteretur notum esset, si cui quid surreptum aut per
vim ablatum foret, ad patronum deprecatorem confugiebatur,
qui sequestrum simulans,utrinque raptor, turn praedae partem
a sicariis tum operae mercedem a supplicibus, aliquando
recusantis specie, quod saevissimum est rapinae genus, ex-
torquebat. Nee defuere qui ultro adversus mercatores atque
pecuniosos eorumque filios, agros etiam et bona ex destinato
immitterent, iisque deinde redimendisad sequeconfugientibus
operam , venderent, casum adeo miserantes ut ex animo
misereri credi possent. . . . Lites sicariorum arbitrio privatis
intendebantur, summittebantur vi adacti testes, metu alii a
testimonio dicendo deterrebantur. . . . Per urbes factiones
exoriri, distinctae coma et capillitio, ut hi in laevam, illi in
dexteram partem vel villos alerent comarum vel comam a
fronte demitterent. Multi, ut fidem partium alicui addictam
firmarent, uxores necabant, ut filias, sorores, affines eorum
inter quos censeri vellent ducerent : alii consanguinearum
viros clam seu palam trucidabant, ut illas iis quos in suas
partes adlegerant coUocarent. Vulgare ea tempestate fuit
ut cuique sive forma seu opes mulieris cujuscunque placuis-
sent, earn procerum aliquo interprete vel invitis cognatis
uxorem duceret : neque raro accidit ut praedivites nobilesque
homines exulum abjectissimis et rapto viventibus grandi
cum dote filias coUocare vel eorum indotatas filias ipsi sibi
jusso matrimonio jungere cogerentur. . . . Sceleratissimi
homines tribunalia constituere, forum indicere, judicia ex-
ercere, sontes apud se accusare, testibus urgere, tormentis
veritatem extorquere, denique solemni formula damnare:
alios vero a legitimis magistratibus in vincula conjectos,
causa per prorem (procuratorem) apud se dicta, absolvere,
eorum accusatores ac judices poena talionis condemnare.
Coram damnatos praesens poena sequebatur : si quid statutum
in absentes foret, tantisper mora erat dum sceleris ministri
interdum cum mandatis perscriptis riteque obsignatis cir-
cummitterentur, qui per veram vim agerent quod legum
ludibrio agebatur. . . . Dominos et reges se cujus colli-
buisset provinciae, ne solennibus quidem inaugurationum
parcentes, dixere multi et scripsere. . . . Non semel sacra
140 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 5^
supellectile e templis direpta, augustissimam et sacratissi-
mam eucharistiam in silvas ac latibula asportarunt, qua ad
magica flagitia et execramenta abuterentur. . . . Mollitudo
Gregoriani imperii malum in pejus convertit. Sicari-
orum multitude infinita, quae facile ex rapto cupiditatibus
conniventium vel in speciem tantum irascentium ministrorum
iargitiones sufficeret. Publica fide securitas vel petentibus
concessa vel sponte ablata : arcibus, oppidis, militibus
praeficiebantur. Eos, velut ab egregio facinore reduces,
multitude, quocunque irent, spectando effusa mirabatur,
laudabat. . . ."
No. 52
Memorie del pontificato di Sisto V. [Memoirs of the pontificate
of Sixtus v.] Altieri Library, XIV. a. iv. fol. 480 leaves.
This circumstantial work is not entirely new and un-
known. Tempesti had a copy taken from the archives of
the Capitol, and he describes the author of it as the Anonimo
Capitolino.
But Tempesti is extremely' unjust towards this work.
He has copied it in numberless passages, yet in the general
estimate at the commencement of his history, he declares
it to be unworthy of credit.
Yet it is without doubt the best work that has been
written in relation to Sixtus V.
The author had the most important documents at his
command. This is perfectly obvious from his narrative,
and he has himself assured us of it ; as regarded German
affairs, for example, he says, " Mi risolvo di narrar minu-
tamente quanto ne trovo in lettere e relationi autentiche."
With regard to the financial arrangements of Sixtus V
he has the most exact information, and follows them step
by step throughout. Yet he proceeds to this part of his
task with infinite discretion. " The most extravagant and
startling proposals," he says, '^were made to him for the
raising of money, but all wearing a very plausible appear-
ance : their character being such, I do not venture to com-
mit them all to paper, and will but adduce some few, which
I have seen set forth in the original letters of the inventors."
No. 52] APPENDIX-SECTION IV 141
Our author had written a life of Gregory XIII, and
therefore it is, perhaps, that he has been supposed to be
Maffei ; but I can find no other reason whatever for identify-
ing him with that Jesuit.
It is to be regretted that this work also is only a
fragment. Even from the beginning the earlier events are
wanting. They were written, but the work — our manuscript,
at least — breaks off in the midst of a sentence. The measures
taken in the first years of the pope are then examined, but
the writer comes down only to the year 1587.
We might the better console ourselves for the loss of
the first part, because we are elsewhere so well provided
with good information relating to that period; but the
absence of the latter portion is exceedingly to be regretted.
It is a kind of European history, which the author com-
municates from really authentic and credible authorities.
With respect to the year 1588, the '^ Annus climactericus "
of the world, we should, without doubt, have found most
valuable information from this writer.
Let us observe the reasonable manner in which he ex-
presses himself at the beginning of his work. " I have
left no path untried by which I could arrive at the light of
truth, but have diligently opened out all I could find, and
walked therein with unwearied assiduity, as will be seen by
the account I render of the writings and reports to which I
have had recourse in the composition and texture of this
history. I pray God, the author and father of all truth,
that as He has given me the fixed determination to utter no
falsehood with the view to deceive others, so He will grant
me such light as that I shall never say what is false from
having been myself deceived."
This is a prayer altogether worthy of a historian.
At the election of cardinals in 1587, he concludes with
these words : " E le speranze spesso contrarie alle proprie
apparenze." [Hopes are often contrary to what they seem.]
I have adopted a great part of his statements, after
having compared them with those of other authentic
sources : what remains could not be added here without
exceeding the compass of this work.
142 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 53
No. 53
SixH V Po7itificis Maxi??ti vita a Giudo Gtialterio Saiigenesmo
descripta. [Life of Sixtus V, by Guido Gualterio
of Sangeno.J MS. in the Altieri Library^ viii., f. i.
54 leaves.
Tempesti alludes to a diary kept in the times of Sixtus V
by an author of this name.^ It is the same author who wrote
the biography now before us, and in this work he refers to
the earlier one. His labours had been especially rewarded
by Sixtus V.
The copy in the Altieri palace is entirely authentic and
perhaps unique : it contains remarks in the author's hand-
writing. " Me puero cum in patria mea Sangeno, &c.," he
says.
He wrote his work soon after the death of Sixtus V, in
the early part of the pontificate of Clement VIII, of whom
he often speaks. He mentions that the intelligence of the
conversion of Henry IV had just arrived, so that we may
with certainty assume the year 1593 as that in which he
composed his book.
The author is also particularly worthy of credit. He was
closely connected with the family of Peretti. Maria Felice,
daughter of the Signora Camilla, was brought up in Sangeno \
the wife of the author was her intimate friend. He was
himself familiarly acquainted with Antonio Bosio, the
secretary of Montalto's first protector. Cardinal Carpi.
" Summa mihi cum eo necessitudo intercedebat." Thus
he was particularly well informed in regard to the earlier
circumstances of the pope's life.
He devotes to them the first part of his work.
He informs us how Era Felice first became acquainted
with Pope Paul IV. A Minorite church in the March had
been burnt, but the host remained uninjured. There must
have been some particular circumstance connected with this
fact ; suffice it to say, that a great consultation was held in
^ The beginning of it was printed in 1844, in the Archivio Storico
Italiano, Appendice No. 8, p. 345.
No. 53] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 143
relation to it. Cardinal inquisitors, generals of orders,
and many other prelates, were assembled. Cardinal
Carpi brought Montalto with him, and insisted that this
favourite of his should also be allowed to give his opinion.
Montalto gave it accordingly; all agreed that it was the
best, and Carpi departed in great good humour. " In ejus
sententiam ab omnibus itum est. Surgens cardinalis Car-
pensis dixit : Probe noram quem virum hue adduxissem."
The description of the future pontiff's Aristotelian labours
is remarkable.
The edition of Posius, who was in fact a disciple of
Montalto, is directly ascribed by Gualterius to Montalto
himself. " Aristotelis Averroisque opera ex pluribus antiquis
bibliothecis exemplaria nactus emendavit, expurgavit, apto-
que ordine in tomos, ut vocant, undecim digessit. Mediam
et magnam Averrois in libros posteriorem expositionem
apta distributione Aristotelis textui accommodavit : mediam
Averrois expositionem in septem metaphysicorum libros
invenit, exposuit, ejusdem Averrois epitomata quaesita et
epistolas suis restituit locis, solutionibus contradictionum a
doctissimo Zunara editis (wherein the contradictions between
Aristotle and Averroes were reconciled) centum addidit."
He next delineates the character of his hero : " Mag-
nanimus dignoscebatur, ad iram tamen pronus. Somni
potens : cibi parcissimus : in otio nunquam visus nisi aut
de studiis aut de negotiis meditans."
Thus he arrives at the conclave. Whereupon he begins
to describe the acts of Sixtus V, classed under his different
virtues : " Religio, Pietas, Justitia, Fortitudo, Magnificentia,
Providentia."
Singular as this classification is, we are, nevertheless,
made acquainted with many beautiful things in proceeding
through it.
Earnestly has Gualterius laboured to defend the pope
against the complaints made of him on account of his im-
posts. But let us observe how he has done this. " Imprimis
ignorare videntur, pontificem Romanum non in nostras
solum facultates sed in nos etiam ipsos imperium habere."
What would the present times say to such a right on the
part of the state ?
T44 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 53
He has devoted particular attention to the architectural
works of Sixtus V, and his remarks on the subject are very-
interesting.
He describes the condition of the old Lateran. " Erat
aula permagna quam concilii aulam vocabant (without doubt
on account of the Lateran councils held down to the time
of Leo X) ; erant porticus tractusque cum sacellis nonnullis
et cubiculis ab aula usque ad S. Sabae quam S. Salvatoris
capellam vocant. Erant s. scalarum gradus et porticus vetus-
tissima e qua veteres pontifices, qui Lateranum incolebant,
populo benedicebant. Aedes illae veteres maxima populi
veneratione celebrari solebant, cum in illis non pauca monu-
menta esse crederentur Hierosolymis usque deportata. Sed
fortasse res in superstitionem abierat : itaque Sixtus, justis
de causis ut credere par est, servatis quibusdam probatioribus
monumentis, Sanctis scalis alio translatis, omnia demolitus
est."
We perceive that the author submits, but he is sensible
of the wrong done. No less remarkable is the description
of St. Peter's as it was at that time (1593).
" In Vaticano tholum maximum tholosque minores atque
adeo sacellum majus quod majorem capellam vocant aliaque
minora sacella et aedificationem totam novi templi Petro
Apostolo dicati penitus absolvit. At plumbeis tegere laminis,
ornamentaque quae animo destinarat adhibere, templique
pavimenta sternere non potuit, morte sublatus. At quae
supersunt Clemens VIII persecuturus perfecturusque creditur,
qui tholum ipsum plumbeis jam contexit laminis, sanctissimae
crucis vexillum aeneum inauratum imposuit, templi illius
pavimentum jam implevit, aequavit, stravit pulcherrime,
totique templo aptando et exornando diligentissimam dat
operam : cum vero ex Michaelis Angeli forma erit abso-
lutum, antiquitatem omnem cito superabit."
We learn from this that there was still nothing else
contemplated but the completion of Michael Angelo's plan,
and it even appears as though the whole had been really
contemplated (penitus absolvit).
We have already seen one remarkable notice of the
colossal statues. I will here add another.
The author is speaking of the open space on the Quirinal.
No. 54] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 145
Of its adornment under Sixtus V he says : " Ornavit perenni
fonte et marmoreis Praxitelis et Phidiae equis, quos vetustate
cum eorum rectoribus deformatos una cum basi marmorea
in pristinam formam concinnavit et e vetere sede ante Con-
stantini thermas in alteram areae partem prope S. Pauli
monachorum aedes transtulit." In old plates also, one of
which is copied in Mier (see his Geschichte der Kunst,
ii. 299, and the illustrations, Plate xv.), the colossal statues
appear in a greatly mutilated form, very much as the
Venetian ambassadors describe them to be (see ante, p. 25).
It is obvious that they were put into their present condition
under Sixtus V.
No. 54
Galesini Vita Sixti V. Vatican, 5438. 122 leaves.
. A manuscript without any particular title ; on the first
leaf is the following dedication : —
*' Sanctissimo patri Sixto V, pontifici maximo, vigilantis-
simo ecclesiae Dei pastori, providissimo principi, sapientis-
simo universae reipublicae christianae moderatori et rectori,
commentarium hoc de vita rebusque ab eo in singulos annos
diesque publice et pontificie actis gestisque distributum ac
luculenter scriptum Petrus Galesinus magno et summo
benignissimoque patrono singularis in ilium pietatis atque
observantiae ergo in perpetuum dicavit."
These words suffice to shew that we have in this instance
rather a panegyric than a biography before us.
The author considers it remarkable that Sixtus should
have been the fourth child born to his parents — " sol enim
quarto die creatus est" — and that he was elected pope on
the day of the foundation of Rome.
Our author's narrative of the pontiff's early years is of
very fragmentary character. But here, also, we find another
proof that a young man of talent attains to the best de-
velopment of his faculties under poverty and severity of
discipline. In the Peretti family, the rule of the mother
VOL. III. " ' ' L
146 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 55
appears to have been a rigid one : " Matris metu, cum
aliquid mail se commeruisse videret, in omnes partes corporis
se excitavit."
His labours at his villa are thus alluded to : " Opus
manu faciebat, ita ut vel hortos coleret vel arbores sereret,
aut aliqua ratione, instar diligentissimi agricolae, egregiae
insitionis opera consereret, interlocaret."
In the various acts of his pontificate, the strict religious
spirit to which Sixtus surrendered himself comes very pro-
minently forward ; in regard to his buildings, for example :
" Ut urbis opera et idolatriae simulacra, inanis et falsae
gloriolae insanarumque superstitionum monumenta, adhuc
in urbe jam diu nimis inveterata quadam rerum olim
Romanarum a christiano cultu abhorrentium curiositate, . . .
ad christianae pietatis ornamentum pertraheret."
The origin of the Lateran palace. — " Pontifex cum vix
cubiculum inveniret quo se reciperet, continuo jussit aedes
pontificia majestate dignas in Laterano extrui : valde enim
absurdum absonumque duxit basilicam Lateranensem, om-
nium ecclesiarum matrem, proprium pontificis Romani
episcopatum, aedes non habere quae cum tanta episcopatus
dignitate convenirent."
He considers that Rome was upon the whole very
religious. " Dat magna pietatis et integritatis indicia.
Clericorum disciplina fere est ad pristinos sanctissimos
mores restituta, ratio divini cultus administratioque sacrarum
aedium ad probatum veterem morem plane perducta. . . .
Ubique in ipsis ecclesiis genuflexiones : ubique in omni fere
urbis regione fideles qui sacra ilia sexta feria (Good-Friday)
infinitis verberibus miserandum in modum propria terga ita
lacerabant ut sanguis in terram usque defluxerit."
No. 55
" Vita SixH V anoiiyma. Vatican, 5563.
A few leaves only relating to the early years of Sixtus V.
His name Felix is here attributed to a drea^i of his father,
No. 56] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 147
No. 56.
Relatione al Papa Sixto V. [Report to Sixtus V.]
41 leaves.
By a member of the Curia who did not frequent the
palace, and who knew only just so much as was known to
every one. It was originally addressed to a friend who
desired to be informed respecting the acts of Sixtus V, and
afterwards to the pope himself.
In works like that now before us, written by people of
ordinary capacity, who do but come forth accidentally from
the general crowd, it is interesting to observe the general
effect produced by a government on the great masses of the
public.
In the little work before us, which is written throughout
in the stricter religious spirit which began to prevail at the
close of the sixteenth century, we perceive first of all the
powerful impression produced by the conversion of pagan
into Christian monuments. " The holy crosses on the
summits of the obelisks, and the statues of the principal
apostles on the columns, obliterate the memory of the
ancient idolatries. In like manner the cross placed in the
hand of the statue signifying Rome, which . stands on
the tower of the Capitol, shews that nowadays, Rome, that
is the pope, does not use the sword to subjugate the world,
as did the infidel Roman emperors, but the cross to mark
the day of salvation to all mankind." It is a striking fact,
that these ideas of spiritual domination should have been
so popular even among people of inferior consideration.
Further on, the author denies that the pope intended to
procure himself greater importance among foreign princes
by means of his treasure, in order, as some said, to appear
very wise, — " per esser savioni." He did not need this ;
his purpose was rather to reward obedient princes, and to
punish the refractory : *' Col tesoro castigher^ i prencipi
ribelli di santa chiesa, et ajuterk i prencipi obbedienti nelle
imprese cattoliche." He applauds Sixtus for having ex-
communicated Henry IV. " Immediately on being made
148 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 57
pope, he turned to God for aid, and then deprived the
wicked heretical king of the kingdom of Navarre, . . . and
principally by these spiritual arms the popes have made
and unmade emperors and kings." That priests and monks
are to be considered as a kind of papal soldiery, is here for
once admitted even by the Roman side. " The pope has
large garrisons in all kingdoms, which are the friars, monks,
and priests; as numerous, well paid, and provided for in
peace as in war. In affairs of religion, he is resolved to be
sole and absolute master, as is the will of God ; and blessed
are those people who shall have the most obedient princes.
If sovereigns would maintain the principle of discussing
affairs of state rather with priests than with their secular
counsellors, believe me, they would keep their subjects
obedient and faithful." All the assertions of the politico-
ecclesiastical doctrine are here brought forward in the
popular comprehension of them. Bui; what was this secular
authority of the pope when compared with the power he
possesses of exalting a poor servant of God to be a saint ?
This canonization which Sixtus V had renewed, our author
cannot sufficiently praise. " For the greater glory of God,
he has dedicated certain days as feasts to saints who
were not in the calendar, partly to the end that Christians
may have opportunity to spend so much the more time for
the honour of God and the salvation of their souls through
the intercession of saints, by abstaining from servile works,
and partly that the friends of God may be duly honoured."
Among other reasons he says that it will " prove to infidels
and false Christians, that the true servants of Christ the
Saviour are alone able to make the lame to walk, the dumb
to speak, and the blind to see, or to raise the dead to life."
No. 57
Relatione presentaia neW ccc"'° coUegio dal cV"" Stg*" Lorenzo
Friiili, ritornato di Roma, 1586, 2 Luglio, [Report
of Lorenzo Priuli on his return from Rome.]
From the Ronian docuni^ntSj we proceed to those of
Venice,
No. 58] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 14^
Lorenzo Priuli had witnessed the latter years of Gregory
XIII, and the earUer ones of Sixtus V ; he is full of the
contrasts they present.
But we must not permit ourselves to be too much in-
fluenced by his opinions ; the early years of a pope almost
always produced a more favourable impression than his
later life; either because the powers required for govern-
ing a state necessarily decline with increasing years, or
because there is gradually discovered in every man some
attribute that one could wish absent.
But Priuli is not unjust. He considers that the adminis-
tration of Gregory was also very useful to the Church. " Nella
bonta della vita, nel procurare il culto ecclesiastico, I'osser-
vanza del concilio, la residenza dei vescovi, nell' eccellenza
della dottrina, I'uno legale I'altro teologicale, si possono dire
assai simili." [In respect to purity of life, provision for
public worship, observance of the council, and enforcing the
residence of bishops; in excellence of learning, — the one
legal, the other theological, — they may be said to be much
alike.] He thanks God for having given to his Church such
excellent rulers.
We perceive that foreign ambassadors were also in-
fluenced by the modes of thought then prevailing at the
papal court.
Priuli considers the election of Sixtus V as almost
miraculous, — the immediate interposition of the Holy Spirit.
He reminds his native city that it had become eminent and
prosperous by means of its good understanding with the
popes, and advises them above all things to maintain it.
No. 58
Relatione del cl"^'' Sig^ Gio Griiti ritornato amhasdatore da
Roma anno 1589. [Report of Giovanni Gritti on
returning from his embassy to Rome.]
In the Venetian archives there is only a defective copy.
It was with the utmost eagerness that I took up another,
which I found in the Ambrosiana Library at Milan, but this
ISO APPENDIX—SECTION IV [No. 59
also contains just as much as the former, and not a word
more.
This is all the more to be regretted, because the author
proceeds most systematically to his work. He proposes
first to treat of the papal states^ and then of the person of
the pope, whose great admirer he announces himself to be ;
thirdly, he means to propound the views of the pontiff; and
finally, to discourse of the cardinals and the court.
But there is only a small part of the first division remain-
ing. The manuscript breaks off precisely where the author
is about to shew the manner in which the revenues increased
under Sixtus V. Nevertheless, I cannot doubt that the work
was completed. What we have is at least no sketch, but
certainly part of an elaborate work.
Yet it is extraordinary that even in the archives there is
only a defective copy to be found.
No.. 59
Relatione di Roma delH a?nbasdafore Badoer K^ relata hi
senato amio 1589. [Badoer's report of his embassy to
Rome.]
This report is not to be found in the Venetian archives.
It is in the collection of the Quirini family, but only as a
fragment.
There are eight leaves, which contain nothing but a few
notices relating to the rural districts.
Badoer remarks that Venice had estranged her adherents
of the March by delivering them up so readily to the pope,
or by causing them to be put to death at his request.
The increase of the commerce of Ancona had been
talked of, but the ambassador does not fear that this would
prove injurious to the Venetians.
" Essendo state imposte allora (at the time of his de-
parture) da Sisto V doi per cento sopra tutte le mercantie,
le quali a querelle d'Anconitani furono poi levate, non era
gionta in 14 mesi alcuna nave in quel porto." [A tax
amounting to two per cent, having been imposed on all
No. 60] APPENDIX—SECTION IV 151
merchandise by Sixtus V, which was afterwards taken off
on the complaints made by the people of Ancona. No ship
had arrived in that port for the space of fourteen months.]
We perceive that the two imposts of Gregory XIII and
Sixtus V, although afterwards repealed, yet, from the un-
certainty of gain to which the merchants suddenly found
themselves exposed, contributed very largely to the decline
of trade in Ancona. At that time the principal part of the
business was in camlets and furs, but the Jews found no
suitable opportunity for exchange in cloth or other wares.
The customs were farmed for 14,000 scudi only, yet even
this sum was never realized.
Badoer is moreover desirous that the example of Spain
should be followed, and that such friends as Venice may
have in the March should be pensioned. He breaks off
just as he is preparing to name those friends.
No. 60
Dispacci Veneti 15 73-1 590.
No one could suppose that with so rich a profusion of
documents one could still feel in want of information. Yet
this had nearly been the case in the present instance. We
have seen what an evil star presided over the destiny of
Venetian reports ; the Roman records elucidate only the
first part of this pontificate with any fulness of detail. I
should have seen myself reduced to Tempesti for this latter
part, — one of the most important epochs, — had not the
despatches of the Venetian ambassadors come to my
assistance.
In Vienna I had already copied the whole series of
Venetian despatches from 1573 to 1590, which are preserved
in the archives, partly in authentic copies, and partly in
mbricaries prepared for the use of the government.
In making oneself master of the first, there is indeed a
certain difficulty ; a monthly budget sometimes extends to
100 leaves; in their voyage by sea they have received
injury from the sea-water; they crumble on being opened.
1S2 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 60
and the breathing is affected by an offensive dust. The
rubricaries are more easily managed ; they are protected by
covers, and their abridged form facilitates the selection of
matters that are really essential, from the thousand insigni-
ficant affairs which Italian states may have had to transact
among themselves, but which do not merit historical repro-
duction. .
We find here the reports of Paolo Tiepolo to 1576, of
Antonio Tiepolo to 1578^ of Zuanne Correr to 1581, Lunardo
Donato to 1583, Lorenzo Priuli to 1586, Zuanne Gritti to
1589, and Alberto Badoer to 1591.
In addition to these regular ambassadors, there occa-
sionally appear envoys extraordinary : Zuanne Soranzo,
from October, 1581 to February, 1582, who was deputed
on account of the dissensions concerning the patriarchate of
Aquileia; the embassy of congratulation to Sixtus in 1585,
which consisted of Marc Antonio Barbaro, Giacomo Fosca-
rini, Marino Grimani, and Lunardo Donato, who caused
their common report to be drawn up by the secretary
Padavino : finally, Lunardo Donato was again sent on
account of the political complications of the year 1589.
The despatches of this last are by far the most important.
The relations existing at that time between the republic and
the pope assumed importance, even for the general history
of the world. They are fortunately to be found in all their
extent, under the following title : " Registro delle lettere
deir ill"™" signor Lunardo Donato K'' ambasciatore straordi-
nario al sommo pontefice; comincia a 13 ottobre 1589 e
finisce a 19 decembre 1589."
But we have not even yet enumerated all the collected
documents relating to the proceedings of the ambassadors.
There was besides a special and private correspondence of
the ambassadors with the Council of Ten, and we find this
very neatly written on parchment ; the first volume has the
title : " Libro primo da Roma, secreto del consiglio di X
sotto il serenissimo D. Aluise Mocenigo inclito duca di
Venetia." The subsequent volumes have corresponding
titles.
I am perfectly aware of the objections that may be
made to the use of despatches from ambassadors. It is true
No. 6i] APPENDIX-SECTION IV 153
that they are written under the impression of the moment,
are seldom quite impartial ; often bear upon particular cir-
cumstances only, and are by no means to be implicitly
relied on, or directly adopted. But let any man name the
memorials or writings that can be received altogether with-
out hesitation. In all cases certain grains of salt are
indispensable. The ambassadors were at all events con-
temporary witnesses, present on the spot, and bound to
observe what passed ; they must therefore be wholly destitute
of talent, if their reports, when read to some extent, do not
give an impression of reality to the events which they
describe, and make us feel almost as though we were
actually present.
Now our Venetians were men of great ability, and of
much practical experience, and I consider these despatches
highly instructive.
But how far should we be carried if I should proceed to
give extracts in this place from this long series of volumes ?
My readers will doubtless permit me to abide by the
rule I have laid down, of avoiding extracts from despatches
in this Appendix. A lengthened series of them would alone
convey an adequate idea of their contents.
I will, on the other hand, touch upon two important
missions, both falling within the times of Sixtus V.
No. 61
Relazioiie aW ill"'° e rev"'" cardinale Riistkncci sef^" di N.
Sig"" papa Sisto V delle cose di Polojiia intonio alia re-
ligiofie e delle azioni del cardinale Bologiietto in qiiatti'o
anni ch!egli e stato niintio in quella provincia^ divisa in
dne parti : nella prima si tratta de' danni che fanno le
eresie in tutlo quel regno, del termine in che si trova ii
misero stato ecclesiasticOj e delle difficolta e speranze che si
possono avere intorno a rimedii : nella seconda si narrano
a modi temiti dal cardinale Bolognetto per svperare quelle
difficolta, et il profitto che fece, ct il suo negoziare in tutto
il tempo delta sua nuntiatura : di Horatio Spannocchj\
gid seg^'"" del detto sig''' card'' Bolognetto. [Report of
T54 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 6i
Horatio Spannocchi presented to Cardinal RusticuccI,
secretary of Sixtus V, In relation to the religious affairs
of Poland, and the proceedings of Cardinal Bolognetto
during the four years that he was nuncio in that pro-
vince, etc.]
The secretary of Bolognetto, Spannocchi, who had been
with him in Poland, employed the leisure of a winter's resi-
dence in Bologna in the preparation of this report, which
is not only circumstantial, but also very instructive.
He first describes the extraordinary extension of Pro-
testantism in Poland, " non lasciando pure una minima citik
o castello libero" [not leaving even the smallest town or
castle untouched]. He attributes this phenomenon, as may
be readily supposed, principally to secular considerations;
he maintains that the nobles inflicted fines on their vassals
if they did not attend the Protestant churches.
Moreover, in Poland, as in the rest of Europe, a state
of indifference was beginning to prevail : " The difference
between being a Catholic or a member of a different sect, is
treated with jesting or derision, as a matter without the least
importance."
The Germans, of whom some had settled and married,
even in the smallest towns, had a large share in the diffusion
of Protestant doctrines ; but, still more dangerous, according
to our author, were the Italians, who propagated the opinion
that in Italy and under the cloak of Catholicism, doubts
were entertained even of the immortality of the soul ; that
they were only Waiting an opportunity to declare themselves
openly against the pope.
He next describes the condition into which the clergy
had fallen under the^c; circumstances. -
" Great numbers of the poor clergy are destitute even of
food, partly because the rulers of the cities — for the most
part, if not wholly, heretics — have taken possession of the
goods of the church, either to increase their own patrimony,
to endow with them the ministers of their own sect, or to
bestow them in different modes on profane persons; and
partly because they refuse to pay tithes, although due from
them, not only by the divine law and that of the canon, but
No. 6i] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 155
also more particularly by the especial constitution of that
kingdom. Whence the unhappy priests in many places,
not having wherewith to sustain themselves, abandon the
churches. A third cause is, that the ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion has fallen to decay, together with the privileges of the
clergy, so that nowadays there is no difference made between
the property of churches or monasteries and that of secular
persons — citations and sentences are set at nought. ... I
have myself heard the principal senators declare that they
would rather suffer themselves to be cut to pieces than
consent to any law by which they should be compelled to
pay tithes as a due to any Catholic whatever. It was
publicly decreed in the council six years since, that no one
should be pursued for payment of these tithes by any court,
whether ecclesiastical or civil; and since, from various
impediments, the said composition was not made in the
next council, they continue to refuse payment, nor will
the different officers execute any sentence in reference to
the said tithes."
He considers it very difficult for a nuncio to effect any-
thing. It would be impossible to introduce the Inquisition,
or even more rigid laws respecting marriage; already the
very name of the pope was abominated; the clergy con-
sidered it their duty to defend the interests of the country
against Rome ; and there was only the king on whom they
could reckon.
The Palatine Radziwill of Wilna had communicated to
the king an exhortation to war against the Turks, composed
by a disciple of Zwingli. The nation was herein recom-
mended first of all to reform its proceedings, and above all
to put away the images, the worship of which was con-
sidered by the author to be idolatry. The king would not
suffer the discourse to pass in that form. He wrote the
following words on the margin with his own hand : " Praestat
hoc omittere quam falso imputare et orationem monitoriam
religionis antiquissimae suggillatione infamem reddere. O
utinam faciant novae sectae nos tam diuturna pace fiorentes
atque fecit sancta religio catholica veros secutores suos."
A declaration on which the writer of this report builds great
hopes.
156 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 61
He next proceeds to an investigation of Bolognetto's
undertakings, which he classes under seven heads : —
1. Restoration of the papal authority.
2. Persecution of heretics.
3. Reform of the clergy : " Modi per moderare la licen-
tiosa vita di sacerdoti scandalosi."
4. Re-establishment of divine worship.
5. Union of the clergy.
6. Defence of their rights.
7. Measures with respect to the whole Christian com-
munity.
I have already described in general terms the efficiency
of Bolognetto in carrying out these designs. By way of
example, I add the following more minute account of his
influence on the English negotiation.
" The queen of England requested from the king of
Poland a license for her EngHsh merchants, that they might
introduce their merchandise, and sell it freely throughout
his kingdom, where the merchants of the kingdom in Danzig
only were now permitted to sell, requiring at the same time
that they should have permission to open a public warehouse
in Thorn, which is the most celebrated port of Prussia,
after that of Danzig. Also that they might thence after-
wards carry their wares themselves to all the fairs held in
Poland, whither commonly none may carry merchandise
except the merchants of the country, who are for the most
part Germans, Prussians, or Italians. And on the same
occasion this pretended queen further requested that in
the decree for this concession, it should be declared that no
molestation was to be offered to her merchants on account
of their religion, but that they should be suffered to execute
it freely after their own manner whithersoever they might
go throughout the kingdom. This proposal gave universal
satisfaction to all the PoHsh nobility. The people of
Danzig alone opposed it bravely, shewing that from this
concession, the most extreme injury would result to their
port, so renowned and so famous through all the world, and
that the hope of lower prices would prove fallacious, princi-
pally because the foreign merchants, when they should have
the power of selling at their own good pleasure, and could
No. 6i] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 157
hold their merchandise a long time in their hands, would
only sell them for a much higher price than that now re-
quired by the merchants of the country. Nevertheless, the
equal privileges which the queen of England offered to the
merchants of Poland, of power to do the same thing in
England, seemed already to have induced the king to grant
all that was demanded ; which had no sooner come to the
ears of Bolognetto, than he went to seek his majesty, and
shewed him with the most effectual arguments, how monstrous
a thing it would be to acknowledge so scandalous a sect by
his public decree ; and how it was not without some con-
cealed hope or deceit of some kind that yonder pernicious
woman desired to have the Anglican sect declared by public
decree in possession of power to exercise its rites in that
kingdom, where all the world knows but too well that
every man is suffered to believe whatever he may please
in matters of religion : — by these and other most sufficient
reasonings. King Stephen became so fully convinced, that
he promised to make no mention whatever of religion in
any agreement that he should enter into with that queen or
her merchants."
It will be perceived, that this report contains notices of
a purely political nature.
In conclusion, the author goes more particularly into
this part of the subject.
He describes Poland as divided into a multitude of
factions. Dissensions, in the first place, between the dif-
ferent provinces, and then between the clergy and the laity
in each province ; between the senators and the provincial
deputies ; between the more ancient and higher nobles and
those of inferior degree.
The high-chancellor Zamoyski is represented as extremely
powerful. The grant of all appointments was vested in him,
more particularly since a vice-chancellor and a king's secre-
tary had entered wholly into his interests : " da che e stato
fatto il Baranosky vicecancelliere et il Tolisky segretario del
re, persone poco fa incognite."
Generally speakings the appointments made by Stephen
Bathory had been far from securing universal approbation.
Attention w^s already directed to his successor, Sigismund ;
158 APPENDIX— SECTION IV [No. 62
" amatissimo di tutti i Polacchi " [greatly beloved by all the
Poles].
We now possess also very comprehensive reports from
Bolognetto himself, in Theiner's Ann. Eccles. torn. iii.
716-721, 727-736, 760-787.
No. 62
Dlscorso del molto illustre e rev"''' Mons'' Mhmccio Minucci
sop'a il modo di restittdre lit religione cattolica in Ale-
magna. 1588. [Discourse of Monsignor Minuccio
Minucci on the means of restoring the Catholic religion
in Germany.]
A very important document, of which I have made
extensive use (see especially vol. i. p. 518, and following).
Minucci served long under Gregory in Germany, and
makes very frequent appearance in Maffei. In the docu-
ments before us, he endeavours to explain the existing state
of things, to the end, as he says, that Rome might learn to
refuse the patient dangerous medicines.
He complains from the beginning, that so little pains
were taken on the Catholic side to gain over the Protestant
princes. He then proceeds — for his mission was during the
times of eager and still undecided conflicts — to examine the
attacks of the Protestants on Catholicism : " I have deter-
mined to relate the contrivances which the heretics daily put
in practice for the purpose of drying up or utterly destroying
the very root of Catholicism." Finally, he describes the
manner in which they ought to be withstood.
He shews himself to be unusually well informed in
German affairs, yet he cannot always repress a certain
astonishment, when he compares the state of things as they
then were with the tranquillity and order of Italy or Spain.
We have ourselves alluded to the restless proceedings of
Casimir of the Palatinate. Let us observe the amazement
they occasioned to a foreigner.
" Casimir, after having set the authority of the emperor
at naught in a thousand ways, but chiefly in burning near
No. 62] APPENDIX— SECTION IV 159
Spires the munitions that were on their way to Flanders,
under the safe-conduct of the emperor ; after having offended
the king of Spain, not by that act only, but also by the
frequent assistance afforded to his rebels in Flanders, and by
having granted a site in his territories for the said rebellious
Flemings to build a city (Frankenthal) ; after having so
frequently carried havoc into France, and so continually
desolated Lorraine, sometimes in person, and sometimes by
despatching his troops thither ; after having put a decided
affront upon the archduke Ferdinand, by impeding the
cardinal his son on the road to Cologne, with threats and
even with violence ; after being the declared enemy of the
house of Bavaria, and acted in person against the elector of
Cologne, — is yet permitted to remain securely in an open
territory, and in the midst of those who have received so
many injuries at his hands : yet he has neither fortresses nor
soldiers to inspire him with confidence; neither friends nor
relations who could give him aid or defend him. But he
profits by the too long-suffering patience of the Catholics,
who could instantly and with safety inflict such ruin upon
him as he has inflicted so frequently on the states of others,
if they would only resolve on it, and had the courage to
do it."
SECTION V
SECOND PEtaOD OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL
RESTORATION
No. 6$
Conclaves
I DO not fear being called to account for not having regis-
tered in this place every fugitive writing, every unimportant
essay which I have met with in manuscript during the
manifold researches demanded for my work. I have rather,
perhaps, already done too much. Many a reader who has
given me his attention thus far, might very probably be dis-
satisfied with an unfashioned medley of various languages.
Yet it would not be advisable to give a translation only of
the original documents.^ To do this would diminish their
usefulness as well as their authenticity. Thus I could not
venture to insert the whole mass of my collectanea without
further ceremony in this appendix.
Of the conclaves, for example, with respect to which a
vast number of manuscripts may be found, I will but present
a summary notice.
After every election of a pope, more particularly from the
second half of the sixteenth century to the beginning of the
eighteenth, there appeared a report of the proceedings \ it was,
indeed, only a written one, but was, nevertheless, so arranged
as to obtain a very extensive circulation, so that it frequently
called forth counter-statements. Occasionally these accounts
were prepared by cardinals, but more commonly by their
secretaries, who were present at the conclave under the
name of " conclavisti," and who made it their business to
watch the course of the different intrigues with a view to the
^ [Ranke having printed the originals, they are now accessible to
students. In the present edition for English readers it has therefore
beeii thought better to print English translations of the documents.— Ed.]
J 60
No. 6s] APPENDIX— SECTION V i6i
interest of their masters, to whom respect for the deportment
demanded by their dignity, would have made such observa-
tion no easy matter. But there were occasions when others
also took up the pen. " Con quella maggior diligenza che
ho potuto," says the author of the Conclave of Gregory XIII,
" ho raccolto cos\ dalli signori conclavisti come da cardinal!
che sono stati partecipi del negotio, tutto I'ordine e la verita
di questo conclave." [I have gathered with the utmost
diligence, as well from the conclavisti as from the cardinals
who took part in the negotiation, the whole arrangement of
that conclave, and all the truth relating to it.] We perceive
that he was not himself present. The accounts that fall into
our hands are sometimes diaries, sometimes letters, but
sometimes, also, they are elaborate narrations. Each little
work is complete in itself; the universally-known formalities
are, however, here and there repeated. Their value is
extremely unequal, as may be supposed. In some instances
the whole sense is frittered away in incomprehensible details,
while in others — but these are rare — the compiler has
attained to a real perception of the ruling motives in action.
From nearly all, however, the reader may derive instruction,
if he has courage and does not become weary.
The great mass of writings of this kind still extant may be
learned from the Marsand catalogue of the Paris library, as
well as from other sources. They have also found their way
into Germany. The 33rd, 35th, and other volumes of the
Berlin Information! contain copies in great abundance. In
Johann Gottfried Geissler's " Programm de Bibliotheca
Milichiana," iv, Gorlitz, 1767, there is an account of the con-
claves contained in the 32nd, 33rd, and 34th codex of the
collection of that place. The most complete list with which
I am acquainted is to be found in Novaes' " Introduzione
alle Vite de' Sommi Pontefici," 1822, i. 272. He had access
to the library of the Jesuits, in which there was preserved a
tolerably complete collection of these writings.
It followed from the nature of the matter that these docu-
ments very soon reached the public in another way, at least
in part. First they were incorporated into the histories of the
popes. The conclave of Pius V, if not in its whole extent,
yet in its commencement and at the close, was transferred
VOL. III. M
i62 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 63
into the history of Panvinius. Cicarella has translated the
conclaves of Gregory XIII and Sixtus V, at least in great
part j the latter with all the comments and reflections that
appear in the Italian. The passage that Schrockh, " N.
Kirchengesch." iii. 288, brings forward as from Cicarella, is
taken word for word from the conclave. Thuanus also has
given a place to these notices ; but, as we soon perceive on
more minute comparison, it is from Cicarella, and not from
the originals, that he takes them (lib. Ixxxii. p. 27). In the
" Tesoro Politico " also this last " conclave " is adopted, but
in a few hastily-made extracts only, and very imperfectly.
And as with these, so also has it been with other conclaves.
But gradually, and first in the seventeenth century, the
idea was entertained of making collections of these conclaves.
The first printed collection has the title " Conclavi de' ponte-
fici Romani quali si sono potuto trovare fin a questo giorno,"
1667. It begins with Clement V, but has then a blank down
to Urban VI, and a second chasm down to Nicholas V ; from
this time they go regularly forward down to Alexander VII.
The purpose of this publication, at least the ostensible one,
was to shew, by the examples to be there found, how Httle
human wisdom can avail against the guidance of heaven.
*'Si tocca con mano che le negotiationi piu secrete, dis-
simulate et accorte . . . per opra arcana del cielo svaniti
sortiscono fini tanto difformi." But this was not the view
taken by the world at large, who were, on the contrary,
principally eager to become possessed of the curious and
sometimes discreditable matter to be found therein. A
French edition appeared in Lyons, and as this was soon
exhausted, a reprint, revised from the original, was brought
out in Holland, dated Cologne, 1694 (not, as Novaes gives
it, 1594). This, enriched with further additions, has often
been reprinted.
In this manner the original memoirs of the conclaves
have undergone various alterations. If we compare the
French collection with the originals, we find it to be the
same on the whole, but in particular passages there are
considerable variations. Yet, so far as I can discover, these
changes proceed rather from misapprehension than from evil
intention.
No. 64] APPENDIX— SECTION V 163
But there are other collections also which have never
been printed. I am myself in possession of one, which
supplies the omissions in the printed editions, while it has
at least an equal authenticity with any one of them. But
for any detailed use of these documents, an examination of
the originals will certainly be always desirable.
No. 64
Vita e successi del card^ di Santaseverina. [Life and Fortunes
of Cardinal Santaseverina.]
An autobiography of this influential cardinal, of whom
we have frequently had occasion to speak.
It is somewhat diffuse, and often loses itself in trifles ;
the judgments it pronounces on individuals as well as on
events are strongly marked by the personal qualities of the
man; yet we find that the work communicates many
peculiar and characteristic details.
There remains only, that we give here in extenso, some
few of those to which occasional reference has been made
in the text.
I. The Protestants in Naples
" The sect of the Lutherans still increasing in Naples, I
armed myself against that thorn with the zeal of the Catholic
religion, and with all my power, together with the authority
of the Inquisition, by public preachings, written by me in a
book called Quadragesimale ; also by public and private
disputations at every opportunity, as well as by prayer, I
laboured to diminish that grievous pestilence, and to root it
out of our bounds. For this cause I suffered most bitter
persecutions at the hands of the heretics, who sought to
insult me by every means, and waylaid, me on all the roads,
thinking to kill me ; of which I have written a little book,
specially entitled * Persecutions incited against me, Giulio
Antonio Santorio, servant of Jesus Christ, for the truth of
the Catholic faith.' There was a shrine in a corner of our
garden, with an image of the most holy Mary having the
i64 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 64
infant Jesus in her arms, and before it there sprang up an
olive sapling, which, to the admiration of every one, grew
very quickly to be a great tree, being in a close place, and
shaded by trees. To this little chapel it was my wont to
retire for prayer and discipline, whenever I had to preach
or dispute against the Lutherans, and I felt myself wonder-
fully invigorated and emboldened, so that I was without any
fear of evil or danger, although most certainly menaced with
such by those enemies of the cross ; moreover I felt within
me such joy and gladness that I desired to be slain for the
Catholic faith. . . . Meanwhile as the rage of those heretics
whom I had brought to justice increased against me ever
more and more, I was constrained at the end of August or
beginning of September, in 1563, to take refuge in Naples,
in the service of Alfonso Caraffa, cardinal of the title of S.
Giovanni e Paolo, archbishop of Naples, where I served
as deputy under Luigi Campagna di Rossano, bishop of
Montepeloso, who exercised the office of vicar in Naples.
And after he had departed, to avoid the popular tumult
excited against us by the burning of Giovanni Bernardo
Gargano and Giovanni Francesco d' Aloys, called il Caserta,
which took place on the 4th of March, about the twentieth
hour of the day, I remained alone in the government of that
church ; where, after many perils encountered, many threat-
enings endured, stones cast, and shots fired at me, a most
cruel and venomous plot was contrived for my ruin
by Hortensio da Batticchio, with fra Fiano (?) di Terra
d'Otranto, a sacrilegious and relapsed heretic, pretending
that I, together with the Cardinal of Naples and Mons'
Campagna, had required him to distil a poison of so much
potency, that it should infect the air, and so destroy Pope
Pius IV, because of his enmity to the family of Caraffa;
and the heretic had no doubt of making the pope under-
stand as much by means of Signor Pompeo Colonna."
II. Gregory XIII and Sixfus V.
*' He scarcely thought that he should die, notwithstand-
ing his great age, having always lived with exceeding
moderation, and having passed through all the gradations
No. 64] APPENDIX— SECTION V 165
of the court. When he had ceased to lecture at Bologna,
he came to Rome, and was made assistant curator of the
Capitol, held the office of deputy to the auditor of the
treasury, and was appointed referendary, but the first time
he brought a cause before the segnatura he utterly failed :
thereupon, overwhelmed by shame and confusion, he was
determined to abandon the court, but was dissuaded from
doing so by Cardinal Crescentio. When he ought by the
rotation to have been made auditor, Palleotto was preferred,
and placed before him by Julius III, when, being again
discouraged by this double disgrace, he once more resolved
to leave Rome, but was again consoled, and withheld from
departure by the same Cardinal Crescentio. He was made
bishop of Vieste by Paul IV, was nominated consultor of
the holy office, appeared at the council of Trent, was made
cardinal by Pius IV, and was despatched into Spain about
the affair of Toledo. Then after the death of Pius V of
sacred memory, with a wonderful unanimity, he was elected
to the pontificate. Thus elevated, he lived with much
charity, liberality, and modesty ; he would indeed have been
admirable, and even unequalled, if his worth and greatness
of mind had not been mingled with that affection for his
son, which in great measure obscured his most worthy
actions and the Christian charity which he exercised towards
both strangers and all others, so that he was truly the father
of all. His death was instantly announced to the sacred
college by the cardinal nephews, San Sisto and Guastavillano,
when, after the performance of the obsequies, and of all
other ceremonies usual on the occurrence of a vacancy in
the see, the conclave was begun. And therein was Cardinal
Montalto elected pope, formerly our colleague both in the
affair of Toledo and in promotion to the cardinalate. This
being done by the special exertions of Cardinal Alessandrino
and Cardinal Rusticucci, who won over Cardinals d'Este
and de' Medici to his interest, greatly to the displeasure of
Cardinal Farnese ; Cardinal San Sisto, on whom he had
counted largely for aid against his rivals and enemies,
having broken his word with him, and Cardinal Riario
having acted very earnestly against him ; but afterwards this
last repented bitterly of this, for he did not meet with the
1 66 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 64
gratitude that he had expected; as it happened also to
Cardinal Alessandrino, who, greatly rejoicing, believed he
should be able to manage the pontificate after his own
manner. Coming down from St. Peter's, I begged him to
intercede with his holiness for Mons*" Carlo Broglia, rector of
the Greek College, that he might obtain a benefice for which
he had applied. He answered me very graciously, ' Do not
let us trouble this poor old man, for we shall certainly be
masters.' At which, smiling, I then replied secretly in his
ear^ ' God send that you have not cause to repent when this
evening is over.' As in effect he had, for he was never
cheerful of heart through all that pontificate, being con-
stantly beset with difficulties, vexations, troubles, and sorrows.
It is very true that he was himself to blame for the greater
part of them, for he fell into them by neglect, inadvertence,
or otherwise; besides that, he was inordinately arrogant,
and continually enumerating the benefits, services, and
honours he had done to his holiness. In the first conversa-
tion that I found means to procure with his holiness, I con-
gratulated him upon his accession to the pontificate, telling
him that it had been by the will of God, since at the very
moment when he was elected the forty hours were ended.
His holiness thereupon bewailed the malignity of the times
with much humility, and with tears. I exhorted him to
commence his pontificate with a general jubilee, and that he
should also give his utmost care to the Ploly See and to its
affairs, knowing well that to it he owed the origin of his
greatness."
III. Affairs of Ferrara.
" The duke of Ferrara having come to Rome about the
investiture, of which he pretended to have had hopes given
to him, there was much confusion and many discussions.
Then I, having vigorously opposed the grant, both in public
and private, as also in the consistory, entirely lost the favour
of the pope, at the same time bringing on myself the anger
of Cardinal Sfondrato, who went about Rome saying that I
held false opinions respecting the pope's authority, as he had
also charged on the Cardinal of Camerino, who shewed great
No. 64] APPENDIX— SECTION V 167
eagerness in the service of the Apostolic See. Finding
myself offended by an accusation so far from my thoughts,
— I, who had gone to the encounter of so many perils in
defence of the pope's authority and the Apostolic See, — I
could not but be greatly indignant; and, as it was fitting
that I should do, I composed an ' Apologia pro Cardinale
Sancta Severina contra Cardinalem Sfondratum,' wherein the
office and duty of a cardinal are treated of. The pope, who
had been greatly disturbed in consistory, and very angry in
the camera, afterwards, in the palace of S. Marco, begged my
forgiveness with tears and much humility ; he also thanked
me, repenting of the decree that he had issued to the preju-
dice of the bull of Pius V, 'de non alienandis feudis.'
The duke having left Rome without gaining any concession
whatever, from that time forth shewed himself my enemy,
saying that I had been the chief cause of his not having ob-
tained the investiture of Ferrara for the person he should
thereafter name ; and that I, as being his old friend, should
have spoken more indulgently, and not have been so violent
against the measure,— as if I had been more bound to men
than to God and to the holy church."
IV. Conclave after the Death of Innocent IX.
"The conclave opened at the beginning of the year
1592, when the malignity of my enemies was redoubled.
Cardinal Sfondrato evinced the utmost animosity against
me, not only from fear of his own interests, but even still
more because of the anger he felt at the words of Cardinal
Acquaviva, who, fearful and jealous on account of the arch-
bishop of Otranto, his relation, and other Neapolitan nobles,
friends of mine, left no stone unturned against me. The
cardinals Aragona, Colonna, Altemps, and Sforza had united
together against me ; they were bitter enemies to each other,
but were perfectly agreed in their opposition to myself:
Aragona, in spite of the continual attentions and deference
'that I had shewn him, but using as a pretext the abbey
that I had taken from the abbot Simone Sellarolo ; Colonna,
.notwithstanding the many services that I had rendered him
i68 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 64
at all times, but he remembered that I had hindered the
Talmud in opposition to the Jews, and he brought up again
the death of Don Pompeo de Monti, with the discredit
thrown on his sister ; Altemps^ notwithstanding the favours
that I had done him, both with Pope Sixtus and the
senator Pellicano, in respect to his son, the ravisher of
Giulietta, for which that worthy personage fell into dis-
grace with Sixtus— but such were the commands of Gal-
leotto Belard"*, his master ; Sforza, notwithstanding that I had
favoured him in the affair of Massaino when Pope Sixtus
was fulminating against him, for which he thanked me and
kissed my hand in the presence of the good old Cardinal
Farnese — to whom he had also proved himself ungrateful
after having received from that good prelate the abbey of
S. Lorenzo extra moenia; but he said he could not desert
his friends, though in fact he was full of fears, knowing what
his conscience had to reproach him with. The ingratitude
with which Palleotto treated me is known to all. The night
of the 20th of January arrived, when they made a tragedy
of my affairs, even Madruzzi, formerly my dear friend and
colleague in the holy office^ giving a silent assent to my
rivals for my downfall,^ labouring in this way to obtain the
pontificate for himself; but he had to swallow certain bitter
morsels, which being unable to digest, he died miserably in
consequence. I omit to mention the fraudulent proceedings
of Cardinal Gesualdo, who as a NeapoHtan, could not endure
that I should be preferred before him, and who was even
moved by envy against his own countrymen, for he had
agreed with the other Neapolitan cardinals, Aragona and
Acquaviva, all three having resolved to have no fellow-
countryman their colleague in the cardinalate. But the act
which Cardinal Colonna committed at that time was the
most unworthy one ever heard of, disapproved even by his
most intimate friends, and taken very ill at the court of
Spain. Canano had been wont to hold me in so much
reverence, that nothing could surpass it, and ever before
he would always kiss my hand wherever he met me, but
^ The Venetian ambassador Moro also remarks that Santa Severina
was not chosen, "per mancamento di Gesualdo decano e Madrucci"
[because Gesualdo the deacon and Madruzzi had failed him].
No. 65] APPENDIX— SECTION V 169
now, forgetful of all friendship, he thought only of obedience
to his duke of Ferrara. Borromeo, assisted by me in his
promotion, from regard to the memory of that holy cardinal
of S. Prassede, and who had always made profession of
being my dear friend; yet, allured by the gain of certain
abbeys resigned to him by Altemps, now raved like a mad-
man ; he who professed nothing but purity, devotion,
spirituality, and conscientiousness. Alessandrino, the con-
triver of all the plots, did not fail to adopt his usual course,
persecuting his best friends and creatures, to the alienation
of them all, and above all, he was made to feel this after
the elevation of Sixtus, for he heard what he did not like in
full conclave from the mouth of the cardinal of Sens, who
exclaimed publicly against him. On the other hand, the
fervour of my friends and supporters was not inferior.
Cardinal Giustiniano having proved himself more earnest
than any other, that courageous and sensitive spirit was in
grievous trials all that day and night, — my cell had even
been already despoiled. But the night succeeding was to
me the most painful of any, however sorrowful, that I had
ever passed, so that from my heavy travail of soul and bitter
anguish, I sweated blood — a thing incredible to relate ; yet
taking refuge with much humility and devotion in the Lord,
I felt myself entirely liberated from all suffering of mind
and from every sense of mundane things, returning to
myself and considering how fragile, how transient, and how
miserable they are, and that in God alone, and in the con-
templation of him, are true happiness, contentment, and joy
to be found."
No. 65
Vita et Gesia Clemetitis VIII. Informatt. Politt. xxix.
Originally intended to be a continuation of Ciaconius,
where, however, I do not find it.
A narration of the rise of the pope, and of his first
measures. " Exulum turmas coercuit, quorum insolens
furor non solum in continentem sed in ipsa litora et sub-
vecta Tiberis alveo navigia hostiliter insultabat." So little
170 APPENDIX— SECTION V [Nos. 66, 67
had Sixtus put them down for ever. With respect to the
absolution of Henry IV, the opposition of Clement to the
king is particularly insisted on, with the difficulty of obtain-
ing the absolution from him : finally the conquest of Ferrara
is described. " A me jam latius coepta scribi opportuniori
tempore immortalitati nominis tui consecrabo." But neither
can I find anything of this. As the work appears, it is of
little consequence.
No. 66
InstrtUtione al S'' Bartolommeo Powsinsky alia M^" del re di
Polo7iia e Suetia. i Aug. 1593. Sig?zed, Cinthio Aldo-
braiidini. [Instructions to Signor Bartolommeo Pow-
sinsky for his embassy to the king of Poland, &c,]
RagguagUo della andata del re di Polonia in Suetia. 1594.
[Report of the king of Poland's journey into Sweden,
&c.]
I find nothing to add to the contents of these documents,
which I have already used for the text, except perhaps the
assertion in the second, that Duke Charles was in reality
detested : " because he had monopolized almost all rights
of purchase and merchandise, with all the mines of metals,
more especially those of gold and silver."
No. 67
Relatiojie di Polonia. [Report from Poland.] 1598.
Drawn up by a nuncio, who complains bitterly of the
unbridled love of freedom displayed by the Poles.
They desired a feeble king, not one of warlike disposi-
tion. They declared, "" Che coloro che hanno spirito di
gloria, gli hanno vehementi e non moderati e pero non
diuturni, e che la madre della diuturnit^ degli imperii e la
moderatione." [That those who are led by the desire of
glory are of vehement, and not moderate character, conse-
quently are not for permanence ; but the mother of per-
manence in empires is moderation.]
No. 68] APPENDIX— SECTION V 171
Nor did they desire any connection with foreigners,
maintaining that it would never be difficult for them to
defend their country. They could always bring 50,000
horse into the field, and, at the worst, could always recover
in winter what they might have lost in the summer. They
appealed to the example of their forefathers.
The nuncio bids them recall to mind that " the ancient
Poles knew not what it was to sell grain in the Baltic Sea,
in Danzig or Elbing, nor were they intent on cutting down
forests to sow corn, nor on draining marshes for the same
purpose."
The nuncio further describes the progress of Catholicism,
which was at that time in the most prosperous condition. I
have used the most important passages in the text..
No. 68
Relatione dello stafo spiriiuale e politico del regno di Snezia,
1598. [Report of the reHgious and pohtical state of
the kingdom of Sweden.]
This relates to the enterprise of Sigismund against
Sweden, immediately before his second journey. Its essen-
tial portions have, in like manner, been given in the text.
But there still remain some few remarks of interest in
relation to earlier events.
Erik is described in direct terms as a tyrant. " Per im-
presa faceva un asino carco di sale a piedi d'una montagna
erta e senza via per salirvi sopra, et egli era dipinto con un
bastone in mano, che batteva il detto asino." [A device was
made of an ass laden with salt, at the foot of a very steep
mountain, with no path for crossing it, and the king was
depicted with a stick in his hand, beating the said ass.] The
author explains this symbol, which was indeed sufficiently
intelligible. The people were to be compelled by force to
do what was impossible.
John is considered as a decided Catholic. " Perche era
in secreto cattolico, siccome al nuntio ha affirmato il re suo
172 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 68
figliuolo, usb ogni industria perche il figliuolo ritornasse
mentre esso viveva in Suetia a fine di dichiararsi aperta-
mente cattolico e ridurre il regno ab abbracciar essa fede."
[He being secretly a Catholic, as the king his son affirmed
to the nuncio, made every effort to procure his son's return
while he was himself alive, to the end that he, declaring
himself openly Catholic, might compel the kingdom to
embrace the same faith.]
To these assertions I am, however, not disposed to sub-
scribe. The worthy Sigismund probably imagined these
things, that he might have the consolation of believing
himself descended from a Catholic father.
On the other hand, the first enterprise of Sigismund is
described, in a manner bearing the full stamp of truth,
and of a thorough knowledge on the part of the writer.
The hopes connected with his second expedition are set
forth in all the extent of their bearing on European interests
in general.
INTERCALATION
Remarks on Bentivoglio's Memoirs
In his sixty-third year, — not, as the edition in the
^' Classici Italiani" affirms, in 1640, but in 1642, as Mazzu-
chelli also asserts, — Cardinal Guido Bentivoglio (born 1579),
having composed many other works on political subjects,
began to write personal memoirs.
His original purpose was to include his first residence at
the Roman court, his nunciatures in France and the Nether-
lands^ as also the period of his cardinalate. Had he com.-
pleted his purpose, the history of the seventeenth century in
its earlier half would have been enriched by one valuable
work the more, and that replete with thought and discern-
ment.
But he died before he had finished even the first part.
His work, " Memorie del card' Guido Bentivoglio," comes
down only to the year 1600.
It conveys an impression of repose and comfort as
enjoyed by the aged prelate, who, released from the weight
No. 68] APPENDIX- SECTION V 173
of business, is passing life easily in the calm quiet of his
palace. It is very agreeable reading, equally amusing and
instructive; but the cardinal was naturally restrained by
certain considerations proper to his position from speaking
so freely and fully as he evidently would have done.
The description,, for example, that he has given with
tolerable minuteness of the cardinals by whom he found
Clement VIII surrounded, has but a very general resem-
blance to those given of the same persons by other
writers.
The very first, Gesualdo, deacon of the college, is
described by Bentivoglio as " a distinguished man of amiable
manners, who does not seek to mingle in public affairs,
although he does not shun them ; " but of what we learn
from others, and what doubtless Bentivoglio also perfectly
knew, how Gesualdo impeded the election of Sanseverina
from mere personal dislike ; the pretensions he advanced of
superior rank over the other cardinals, who endured them
very reluctantly ; how all his subsequent efforts were given
to the acquirement of friends by whose aid he might attain
to the pontificate, and how he more particularly attached
himself to Spain, — of all these things we do not learn a word
from Bentivoglio.
The second is Aragona. Of him Bentivoglio remarks :
" He had led the cardinals in earlier conclaves, more par-
ticularly the younger : he governed Rome most admirably
during the absence of the pope : he was fond of handsome
furniture, had a most beautiful chapel, and was continually
changing the altar-pieces." But this is no description of the
man. Aragona was, as we learn from Delfino, an old man
tormented by the gout, and whose death might be expected
soon to happen ; but he only clung the more tenaciously to
his hopes of obtaining the papacy. He was by no means
so much respected by the Spanish court as he desired to be ;
neither had he succeeded in obtaining admission to the
congregation for the affairs of France, and it was known
that he took this very ill. Yet he laboured to maintain the
closest intimacy with the Spanish ambassador, on account
of his ulterior views.
That impression of repose and serenity which we have
174 APPENDIX- SECTION V [No. 69
described this book as producing, proceeds from the fact that
the lights are designedly subdued ; that life is not really
depicted in the truth of its phenomena.
No. 69
Relatione fatta aW ill'"" sig''' card!" d'Esle al tempo delta sua
pj-omotione die doveva andar in Roma, [Report made
to Cardinal d'EstCj when he was about to proceed to
Rome on his promotion.] Vienna Library, Foscarini
MSS., No. 169. 46 leaves.
In consequence of the treaty entered into with the family
of Este by Clement VIII on the escheat of Ferrara, he
included a prince of that house, Alessandro, in the promotion
of the 3rd of March, 1599.
It was this prince who was to be prepared for his entrance
into the Roman court by the instruction before us. Although
it is without date, it must unquestionably be placed within
the year 1599.
The purpose for which this report was written makes it
at once entirely different from those of the Venetian ambas-
sadors. It was intended to enable the prince to steer like
a dexterous pilot, — "per potere come prudente nocchiero
prendere meglio I'aura propitia della corte." Of political
relations it contains nothing. Even the misfortune that had
just overtaken the house of Este is passed over in silence.
The sole purpose of the writer is to describe the peculiar
characteristics of the most important persons.
The pope, his nephews, and the cardinals are depicted.
Clement VIII. — " Of blameless life, upright intentions,
and a most capacious mind. It may be affirmed that he
possesses within himself the whole theory and practice of
politics, and the philosophy of government." We find here
that Salvestro Aldobrandini had incited Paul IV to the war
against Naples ; that attempts had, nevertheless, been after-
wards made to reconcile that house at least with the Medici.
" It is said that Pius V, desiring to promote Cardinal Gio-
vanni, brother of the present pontiff, assured the grand-duke
No. 69] APPENDIX— SECTION V 175
Cosimo that the whole of this family would ever be most
faithful to him, and that he sent this same Ippolito Aldo-
brandini^ now pope, to bear testimony to that fact to his
highness, by whom he was very well received." At that
time Giovanni Bardi was in the greatest favour with the
pope. " Among the servants of Clement, the nearest to his
person, and the most favoured, is the Signor Giovanni
Bardi of the counts of Vernio, lieutenant of the guard, a
man of great goodness, virtue, and nobility." The new
cardinal was all the safer in connecting himself with Bardi,
from the fact that he was attached to the house of Este.
The Nephews. — The pre-eminence of Pietro Aklobran-
dini over San Giorgio was decided. " San Giorgio^ having
schooled his mind to his fortunes, and mortifying his pre-
tensions, no longer struggles or contends with Aldobrandini,
but either seconds his purposes, or refrains from opposing
him, and appears to be content with the segnatura of justice
which he has obtained."
The cardinals were divided into two factions, — the
Spanish, to which Montalto was already attached, and that
of Aldobrandini. The former had at that time twenty-five
decided and firm adherents, the latter fourteen only. The
author correctly points out as the most probable candidate
for the papacy that one of them who really did afterwards
attain to it, — Alessandro de' Medici, namely. The terms
on which he stood with the grand-duke of Tuscany were
not known, but he was all the more in favour with Clement
on that account, — "per patria e conformita di humore"
[from community of country and disposition], as much,
indeed, as if he had been the pope's own creature.
The historian of the Church, Baronius, is not unfavour-
ably depicted. " Much beloved for his learning, goodness,
and simplicity : he seems to be all spirit, wholly resigned to
God ; he makes a jest of the world, and even of his own
exaltation,"
176 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 70
No. 70
Rdatio7ie di Roma deW til'"' Sig"" Gioan Delfino K"" e Pro"
ritoniato amba^ciatore sotto il p07itificato di Clemente
F///(i6oo). [Delfino's report on returning from his
embassy to Clement VIII, &c.]
This also is one of the reports that have been widely
circulated; it is very circumstantial (my copy has ninety-
four quarto leaves), and is very instructive.
I. Delfino begins with a description of the pope ("il
nascimento, la natura e la vita del papa ") and his nephews.
" Of the two cardinals (Aldobrandini and San Giorgio),
I consider it in a manner necessary to speak collectively.
The latter is forty-five years of age, a man of high spirit,
proud, and well versed in general affairs ; but I much fear
that he is of a bad disposition, or that the course of events
which have deprived him of those great hopes which he had
reason to entertain at the commencement of the pontificate
cause him to be so, for he conducts himself towards every
one, not only with severity, biit even with reckless harshness.
San Giorgio was greatly beloved, and held in high esteem
by the pope before he had attained to the pontificate, and
afterwards he had the principal management of affairs for a
considerable time. It was even beheved by every one that
he must certainly be the first nephew, because the other was
younger, of no great promise^ and possessing few acquire-
ments. But, whether from his want of prudence to govern
himself, as was needful he should do, — having broken with
the ambassador of Spain, when he threw down his cap, and
with the Tuscan ambassador, when he told him that the
pope ought to drive him from the court ; — from his having
given offence to all, on a thousand occasions, or from the
great prudence and address of the other, or from the natural
force of blood, — San Giorgio has daily declined in credit
and authority, so that he has no one to follow him, and
never obtains any thing that he asks. It is true that he has
still charge of Italian and German affairs; but the public
ministers discuss the same with Aldobrandini, and in all
No. 70] APPENDIX— SECTION V 177
difficult points they have recourse to him. I had myself
certain stormy interviews with this Cardinal San Giorgio at
first ; nay, even in the very first audience, I was compelled,
by regard for the dignity of the republic, to remonstrate
openly ; and two or three times I have caused myself to be
heard so freely, that I know my words have produced their
fruit with him. And the pope took him to task, particularly
on the last occasion, respecting Ferrara ; but since that time
there have constantly passed between us every possible
demonstration of good-will, and I have always treated him
with due honour. I believe certainly that he is ill-aifected
towards your serenity, both by nature and circumstances ; —
his nature, I have already described, and will therefore
speak of the circumstances only. First, your serenity should
know that for some time past he has thrown himself entirely
into the hands of the Spaniards, and has shewn himself
little disposed to favour those who are united with the
French; and this evil disposition has been increased by
his perceiving that Cardinal Aldobrandini has on all occa-
sions protected the affairs of your excellencies, as if it were
not possible that these two should concur in any measure,
however just and reasonable it may be. All which may
serve to make known the miseries endured by poor ambas-
sadors and public representatives."
II. The second chapter — that, at least, which in our
copies is formally designated as such — relates to the form
of government, the finances, and the military force. Del-
fino is amazed, as well he might be, at certain portions of
the financial administration. " While the revenues of the
Church are mortgaged to their whole extent, both the ordi-
nary and the extraordinary, and, what is worse, castles and
jurisdictions are purchased from the subjects at i^ or 2 per
cent. (I understand this to mean that they yield so much),
and mortgages are paid 9 or 10 per cent., it seems strange
to all thinking men, that in the midst of such embarrassment
these purchases should be made, and what is more, when
they desire to make a certain expenditure, they do not
supply the funds from the moneys in the castle, lest they
should presently spend and consume the whole." We per-
ceive that there were people even in those times, who were
VOL. Ill, N
178 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 70
startled at the hoarding of borrowed money. In respect
to Ferrara, also, after the first short-lived satisfaction of the
inhabitants, many discontents arose. " Nobles and people,
all would willingly give themselves to any prince whatever,
so they might but escape from the hands wherein they
now are."
III. " Intelligenze." — These inform us of the doubtful
terms in which the pope stood with the emperor and with
Philip II (he awaited the death of the king with a sort of
anxiety) ; how unfriendly were his relations with Florence,
for all remembered perfectly well that the house of Aldo-
brandini belonged to the exiled families : " le cose passano
peggio che con ogn' altro, ricordandosi d'esser andato il
papa e la sua casa ramingo per il mondo." How much
more cordially he proceeded, on the contrary, with France
and Poland, more especially with the latter, with which he
had a community of interests and purposes : " concorrendo
e dair una e dall' altra parte interessi nel presente e disegni
nel tempo a venire." But for no one was Clement more
interested than for the prince of Transylvania : " The pope
has conducted himself with so much affection towards the
prince of Transylvania, keeping an apostolic nuncio at his
court, giving him, during my stay, 60,000 scudi at three
different times, and inducing the emperor to perform a
multitude of good offices in his favour, that he might be
almost said to have become pledged and interested to the
continuance of such protection. And I believe that the
poor prince deserved it, because he had resolved on the
war, in consequence of his reliance on the counsels and
promises of his holiness, which was clearly manifest from
the manner in which at the commencement, now three years
since, and even a year later also, his holiness extolled the
virtue and excellence of the prince to the very skies,
having told me many times that he alone had supported
the war against the Turks; and still more so from the
cession that he recently made to him of his states, when
he made a great talk about very little done; for we see
clearly, that though he promised both the emperor and
prince to make the latter a cardinal, yet he would have
done nothing at all of the sort, wherefore I fully believe
No. 71] APPENDIX— SECTION V 179
that his holiness has been much rejoiced by seeing him
return to the government of his dominions."
IV. Cardinals. — They are all discussed in turn, and more
or less favourably pronounced upon.
V. " De' soggetti che cascano in maggior consideratione
per lo pontificato." [Of the persons considered most likely
to obtain the pontificate.]
VI. " Interessi con Venetia." [Affairs connected with
Venice.] — There are already a thousand disputes in pro-
gress. " If some provision be not made against these pre-
tensions and disorders, there will arise some day embarrass-
ments of great difficulty, principally through these new
acquisitions (relating to the navigation of the Po) ; so that
whenever I think of this matter, the knowledge I have
of the nature of priests and of the Church causes me great
alarm."
This fear was but too soon justified.
No. 71
Vcnier : Relatio7ie di Roma, 1601. [Venier : Report from
Rome.]
The dissensions between the pope and Venice had
already become rather serious. The Venetians refused
to send their patriarch to Rome for examination. Bitter
contentions had arisen about the Gora mouth of the Po ;
it was in consequence of these disputes that Venier was sent
to Rome.
He remained there but a short time : the description
that he gives of Clement VIII is nevertheless exceedingly
useful.
" With respect to the character and designs of the pope,
so far as it belongs to me to consider them for the present
conjuncture of the affairs that your serenity is at this time
transacting with his holiness, I have to remark that the
pope, at his present age of sixty-five years, is stronger and
more healthy than he was some years since, having no
other indisposition than that of chiragra or gout ; and this,
i8o APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 71
according to the physicians, is serviceable, as keeping him
free from other ailments : its attacks are, besides, much less
frequent than formerly, as well as less violent, from the
careful regimen he observes, and his extreme moderation
in respect of drinking, with regard to which he has for a
considerable time past practised remarkable abstinence.
These habits are, besides, extremely useful to him in keep-
ing down the corpulency to which his constitution disposes
him, and to reduce which he makes a practice of taking
very long walks, whenever he can do so without interruption
to business; his great capacity enabling him easily to
accomplish all, so that there still remains a portion of time
at his own disposal, which he spends in giving audience to
private persons and others, who are in constant waiting
upon his holiness. He applies himself to all important
affairs with the most earnest attention, persisting through-
out, without ever shewing signs of weariness ; and when he
sees them happily completed, he rejoices wonderfully over
the pleasure this affords him. Nor does any thing gratify
him more than to see himself esteemed, and to know that
his reputation, of which he is exceedingly jealous, is
respected : and whereas, from his very sanguine and choleric
disposition, he is very easily exasperated, bursting forth
with great vehemence into exaggerations full of heat and
bitterness ; yet when he perceives that the listener is silent
with his tongue, although his countenance becomes sad-
dened, he recovers himself by an immediate effort, and with
the utmost kindness endeavours to do away with all bitter-
ness : and this is now so well known among the cardinals,
that they give courteous warning thereof to their friends,
as was given to myself at the first conference by the
most illustrious cardinal of Verona, who thought he was
giving me a very useful rule of conduct. The thoughts of
his holiness are much turned to glory ; nor can it be
imagined how greatly sovereigns gain in his favour when
they promote his inclination. Hence the Spaniards, in par-
ticular, who are ever on the watch to preserve and increase
the great influence they possess in the court of Rome, by
no means neglect the opportunity ; thus they have applied
themselves with the utmost promptitude to set forth that
No. 72] APPENDIX— SECTION V 181
expedition against the Turks which we have seen, while
they endure and put up with no small hardships, to which
they are exposed in their most important affairs in common
with all others who reside in and transact affairs with the
Roman court, more especially in matters of jurisdiction : by
these means the Spaniards are continually advancing their
interests, and frequently obtain no small advantages. The
pontiff is generally considered to be a person of great
virtue, goodness, and piety, of which he is pleased to see
the effects become manifest in great and important results.
And though the cardinals perceive that in the present pon-
tificate the authority they were accustomed to enjoy in
times past is greatly diminished, although they find them-
selves almost entirely excluded from all participation in the
most important affairs, since it often happens that they do
not receive the notice, formerly usual, of negotiations until
after their final conclusion ; yet they appear to hold the
pontiff in great esteem — they praise his holiness in terms of
high reverence, exalting his prudence and other virtues in
most expressive phrase, and affirming that if they had now
to elect a pontiff, they would choose none other than this
same. But their thoughts are very secret and deep, and
words and appearances are turned to suit the purposes of
the speakers, more frequently perhaps in Rome than in any
other place."
The ambassador succeeded in once more appeasing the
contentions, although the pope had already begun to talk
of excommunication. He considers Clement to be, never-
theless, well disposed to the republic on the whole. Venice
submitted to send her patriarch to Rome.
No. 72
Insiru/tione aW ill"^ et ecc"*"* marchese di Vigliefina, amhas-
ciatore cattolico in Roma, 1603. [Instruction to the
Marquis Viglienna, Spanish ambassador to Rome, &c.]
Informatt. Politt., N°. 26.
Viglienna was the successor of Sessa. Our author very
judiciously leaves it to the departing ambassador to give
i82 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 73
information respecting the pope and his immediate depen-
dents. He has himself supphed us with notices of the
cardinals. His object is to point out the faction to which
each prelate belongs. We perceive from his account that
the state of things had greatly altered since 1599. There
are now but ten cardinals enumerated as decidedly Spanish.
In earlier times there was but little said of those inclined to
France; but our ambassador counts nine of them — the
remainder belong to no party.
This writer also is deeply impressed with the import-
ance of the Curia. " Qui le differenze, le pretensioni, le
paci, le guerre si maneggiano. . . . Le conditioni invitano
i pill vivaci e cupidi di grandezza, di maniera che non e
meraviglia che qui fioriscano i piu acuti ingegni." [Here
it is that differences and pretensions are disposed of,
that peace and wars are arranged. . . . The character of
the place invites the most active spirits, and those most
covetous of greatness, so that it is no wonder to find the
most acute minds flourishing there.]
No. 73
Dialogo di Mons^ Malaspma sopra lo stato spiritnale e
politico deir imperio e delle provincie ififetfe dheresie.
[Dialogue of Monsignor Malaspina on the spiritual
and political state of the empire, and of the provinces
infested by heresy.] Vallic. N°. 17. 142 leaves.
A dialogue between Monsignor Malaspina, the arch-
bishop of Prague, and the bishops of Lyons and Cordova,
— churchmen, that is to say, of the four principal nations, —
about the year 1600. The occupation of Ferrara is men-
tioned in it.
The special purpose of this paper is to compare what
earlier popes had done for the progress of Catholicism with
what had been effected by Clement VIII.
Under the earlier popes : — " i. The reduction of the
Indies; 2. The celebration of the council; 3. The holy
league, and the naval victory ; 4. The erection of colleges ;
No. 73] APPENDIX— SECTION V 183
5. The offer from the heretics of the primacy of Peter to
the patriarch of Constantinople (?) ; 6. The firmness of
the Catholic king in refusing to make concessions to the
heretics of the Low Countries in matters prejudicial to
religion."
By pope Clement VIII : — " i. The pastoral and uni-
versal government; 2. The particular government of the
dominions of the ecclesiastical states ; 3. The life of his
holiness ; 4. The possibility of vanquishing the Turk now
made manifest by means of his holiness; 5. Ferrara occu-
pied ; 6. The most Christian king of France made
Catholic." ^
Malaspina concludes that this last was of more import-
ance than all that the others had effected. Very naturally.
The work is dedicated to the papal nephews.
I have not been able to discover more than one single
passage worthy of notice in all this long paper.
The author was present at the electoral diet of Ratisbon,
in the year 1575. He there conversed with the Elector
Augustus of Saxony. This prince was still far from exciting
hopes among the Catholics of his conversion to their faith.
He declared, on the contrary, that he made but small account
of the pope, either as pope or as sovereign of Rome, and
thought just as little of his treasurer, for that the papal
treasure chamber was rather a cistern than a living spring.
The only thing he considered worthy of attention was the
fact that a monk like Pius V could unite so many powerful
princes for a Turkish war : he might effect as much against
the Protestants. In fact, Gregory XIII did propose such an
attempt. Since he perceived that France declined taking
any part in the Turkish war from fear of the Huguenots,
he considered that a general confederacy of Catholic
princes, directed equally against Turks and Protestants, was
a thing needful. Negotiations were immediately opened in
Styria for that purpose, both with the emperor and the
Archduke Charles.
i84 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 74
No. 74
Relatione delle chiese di Sassonia. Felicihis auspiciis ill"^'
comitls Frid. BorrotiieL 1603. [Report on the churches
of Saxony.] Ambrosiana Library, H. 179.
This is another of the various projects of Catholicism,
with a view to recovering possession of Germany.
The author has persuaded himself that people in Germany
have gradually become wearied of Protestantism. The
fathers are already but little concerned for the bringing up
of their children in their own religion. " Li lasciano in
abandono, perche Dio gl'inspiri, come essi dicono, a qual
che sia per salute dell' anime loro." [They leave them
to themselves, to the end, as they say, that God may
inspire them with that which shall be for the welfare of
their souls.]
In this conviction he forms designs on two leading Pro-
testant states. Saxony and the Palatinate.
In Saxony the administrator had already annihilated
Calvinism. He must be won over by the hope of recovering
the electorate. " Mettergli inanzi speranza di poter per la
via della conversione farsi assoluto patrone dell' elettorato."
The nobles of the country would also gladly see the proba-
bility of again acquiring the bishoprics.
With respect to the Palatinate, he expresses himself as
follows : — " Casimir had a sister, a widow, who had been
wife to a landgrave of Plesse, and was living at Braubach, a
domain on the Rhine. She appears to possess many moral
virtues, and some degree of religious light : she is wont to
practise many works of charity with much zeal, bestowing
many alms, and consoling the sick of those districts, whom
she provides with medicine. She converses willingly with
certain fathers of the Jesuit order, and with the archbishop
of Trier. ... It is the opinion of many that with greater
diligence, and by means of some Jesuit father in her favour,
or of some Catholic prince or bishop, it w^ould be an easy
thing to bring her entirely over to tiie true faith ; ... for
which, if the blessed God would grant his grace, and the
No. 75] APPENDIX^SECTION V 185
thing were done with befitting secrecy, she would be an
excellent instrument for afterwards converting her nephew
with his sister and another daughter left by Casimir."
The author is here alluding to Anna Elizabeth of the
Palatinate, wife of Philip II of Hesse Rheinfels, who died
in the year 1583. She had previously been suspected of
Calvinism, and had even been wounded in a tumult on
that account. We see that at a later period, while residing
on her jointure estate of Braubach, which she was em-
bellishing, she was suspected of a tendency to the opposite
creed of Catholicism.
This was the combination of circumstances on which our
author builds. He thinks that if the young count palatine
were then to be married to a Bavarian princess, the whole
territory would become Catholic. And what an advantage
it would be to gain over an electorate !
No. 75
Instruttlone a V. S"^ Mons'' Barbcrino, arcivescovo di Nazaret^
destinato ?tuuiio ordinario di N. Sig''" al re christianissimo
in Francia^ 1603. [Instruction to Monsignor Bar-
berini, archbishop of Nazareth, on being sent papal
nuncio to France, &c.] MS. Rome.
Prepared by Cardinal P. Aldobrandini, who makes fre-
quent mention of his own former embassy to the French
court. Its object is the furtherance of Catholicism in France,
where it had already received a powerful impulse from the
conversion of Henry IV.
Let us listen to some of the charges given to the nuncio
(who was afterwards Pope Urban VIII). " Your excellency
will proceed in such a manner with the king, that he shall
not only give evidence of his desire for the conversion of
heretics, but shall aid and favour them after their conversion.
The idea of balancing matters so that both the parties shall
be maintained in amity, is a vain, false, and erroneous pro-
position ; it can be suggested only by politicians, evil-minded
persons, and such as love not the supreme authority of the
i86 ' APPENDIX-SECTION V [No. 75
king in the kingdom. . . . Our lord the pope would have
you place before him (the king) for his consideration a most
easy method (for getting rid of the Protestants), one that will
cause no commotion, can be very easily executed, and pro-
duces its effect without constant labour. It is that which his
holiness has on other occasions suggested to his majesty,
adducing the example of the king of Poland ; namely, that
he should confer no appointment or promotion on heretics.
. . . Your excellency will also remind his majesty that he
should occasionally give a shrewd rap to those fellows (the
Huguenots), for they are an insolent and rebellious crew. . . .
Your excellency must plainly tell the king that he ought to
discontinue the ' economati ' (custody of vacant sees), and
avoid the practice of giving bishoprics and abbacies to soldiers
and women."
The right of the " regale," which afterwards occasioned
so many disputes, had its origin in these " economati : "
"The king nominates the economo, who, by virtue of a
decree, and before the apostolic decision has been made,
administers both spiritual and temporal affairs, confers
benefices, and constitutes vicars, who judge, absolve, and
dispense."
The nuncio was also to labour for the confirmation of
the king himself in the Catholic faith, for it was not possible
that he could have received sufficient instruction during the
war. He was enjoined to urge the appointment of good
bishops and to promote the reform of the clergy; if possible,
he was also to see that the decrees of the Council of Trent
were published : the king had promised the cardinal on his
departure, that this should be done within two months, yet
several years had now passed, and it was still delayed. He
was further to advise the destruction of Geneva : " di tor via
il nido che hanno gli eretici in Ginevra, come quella che e
asilo di quanti apostati fuggono d'ltalia."
But it is Italy that the pope has most at heart. He
declares it to be intolerable that a Huguenot commander
should be sent to Castel Delfino, on the southern side of the
Alps. His example would be deadly.
Clement was very earnestly occupied with the idea of a
Turkish war. Each of the sovereigns ought to attack the
No. 76] APPENDIX— SECTION V 187
Turks from a different point. The king of Spain was already
prepared, and only required an assurance that the king of
France would not raise a war against him meanwhile in other
quarters.
No. 76
Pauli V pontificis maxima vita cotnpendiose scripta. [Epitome
of the life of Pope Paul V.] Barberini Library.
A panegyric of no great value.
The judicial administration of this pontiff and that of his
government generally, as well as his architectural under-
takings, are all extolled at length.
" Tacitus plerumque et in se receptus ; ubique locorum
et temporum vel in mensa editabatur, scribebat, plurima
transigebat.
"Nullus dabatur facinorosis receptui locus. Ex aulis
primariis Romae, ex aedium nobilissimarum non dicam atriis
sed penetralibus nocentes ad supplicium armato satellitio
educebantur.
" Cum principatus initio rerum singularum, praecipue
pecuniarum difificultate premeretur, cum jugiter annis XVI.
tantum auri tot largitionibus, substructionibus, ex integro
aedificationibus, praesidiis exterorumque subsidiis insump-
serit, rem frumentariam tanta impensa expediverit^ . . .
nihil de arcis Aeliae thesauro ad publicum tutamen congesto
detraxerit, subjectas provincias sublevaverit : tot immensis
tamen operibus non modo aes alienum denuo non contraxit,
sed vetus imminuit ; non modo ad inopiam non est redactus,
sed praeter publicum undequaque locupletatum privato
aerario novies centena millia nummum aureorum congessit."
This panegyrist does not appear to have considered the
creation of so many new " luoghi di monte " as a loan.
APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 77
No. 77
Relatione dello stato infelice della Germania^ cum propositione
delli rimedii opportiuii^ inandata dal ?tu7itio Ferrero^
vescovo di Vercelli, alia S'^ di N. Si'-^''^ papa Paolo V.
[Report on the unhappy state of Germany, with a
proposal of the fitting remedies, presented by the
nuncio Ferrero, bishop of Vercelli, to Pope Paul V.]
Barberini Library.
This is probably one of the first circumstantial reports
that came into the hands of Paul V. The nuncio alludes to
the insurrection of the imperial troops against their general,
Basta, in May, 1605, as an event that had just occurred.
The unfortunate course taken by the war under these
circumstances^ the progress of the Turks, and that of the
rebels who were in open strife with the emperor, were with-
out doubt his chief reasons for calling Germany unhappy.
For, on the other hand, he did not fail to perceive the
many conquests which the Catholic church was making in
Germany.
" The immediate cause of these successes have been the
pupils, both of Rome and various cities or other places of
Germany, where the piety of Gregory XIII afforded them
opportunity of instruction at the cost of the apostolic treasury,
together with the colleges and schools of the Jesuit fathers,
wherein heretics are received mingled with the Catholics ;
because the aforesaid students become prelates or canons."
He declares repeatedly that the Jesuit schools had won
over large masses of young men to Catholicism; but he
complains of an extraordinary dearth of Catholic parish
priests, more particularly in Bohemia,
He enters also into the political state of the country.
He considers the danger from the Turks to be rendered
very menacing and serious by the feeble and ill-prepared
condition of the emperor, and the internal dissensions of
the house of Austria.
" The Archdukes Matthias and Maximilian are now
united in friendship, perceiving that by their divisions they
No. 78] APPENDIX— SECTION V 189
were playing the game desired by the emperor. Thus the
second archduke has resolved to yield to the first, as to him
in whom, by the claims of primogeniture, is vested the right
to the kingdom of Hungary, Bohemia, and the states of
Austria. Albert also has promised to acquiesce in whatever
shall be done, and by common consent they have required
the emperor by letters to adopt some resolution for the
stability of the house ; but he has fallen into so melancholy
a state, whether because of their union, and vexation at not
being able to avail himself of those seditions, or for some
other cause, that he provides neither for the imperial house,
for his states, nor for himself."
Many other remarkable circumstances are also brouglit
to light, — the fact, for example, that designs upon Silesia
were entertained by the house of Brandenburg even at that
time. " II Brandeburgh non dispera con gli stati che ha
in Slesia e le sue proprie forze in tempo di revolutione tirar
a se quella provincia."
No. 78
Relatione delP iU"^" S"" Franc. Molino cav^ e pro" ritornato da
Rofna con nil'"* sig"* Giovan?ii Mocenigo cav'\ Piero Duodo
caif e Francesco Contarini cav^^ mandati a Roma a con-
grainlarsi con papa Paolo V dclla sua asso7itione al
ponteficato : letta in senate 25 Genn. 1605 (1606).
[Report by Francesco Molino of his joint embassy
with Giovanni Mocenigo, &c., to congratulate Pope
Paul V on his accession.]
The outbreak of troubles was already foreseen; the
ambassadors observed Pope Paul V as minutely as possible.
"When Leo XI was declared pope, they delayed the
pontifical investment for two hours; but this pope was
believed to be clothed pontifically almost before he was
elected, and while yet but equal to the other cardinals ; for
he had scarcely been declared before he began to manifest
the pontifical reserve and gravity so conspicuously, in looks,
movements, words, and deeds, that all were filled with
I90 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 78
amazement and wonder, many perhaps repenting, but too
late, and to no purpose. For this pontiff, — wholly different
from his predecessors, who, in the hurry and warmth of those
first moments, all consented to the requests as well of the
cardinals as others, and granted a vast number of favours, —
this pope, I say, remained from the first most reserved and
se-rious — nay, declared himself resolved not to grant or pro-
mise the most trifling request, affirming that it was needful
and proper that he should take due consideration with regard
to every request presented to him. Thus there were but
very few who received any favours, and those after the lapse
of some days. Nor does he at all enlarge his liberality ; on
the contrary, his reserve seems always increasing, so that the
court is apprehensive of a continued scarcity of favours, and
closer restriction on all points, whereat all are very sorrow-
ful. Among the cardinals there is not one that can boast
of having had so much familiarity or intimacy with him as
to make sure of readily obtaining any thing at his hands :
and they all hold him in so much dread, that when they
have to wait upon him for the negotiation of affairs, they are
quite bewildered and disconcerted; for not only do they
always find him standing on his dignity, and giving his replies
in few words^ but he further encounters them with resolu-
tions almost always founded on the most rigid letter of the
law. He will make no allowance for customs, which he calls
abuses, nor for the practice of preceding pontiffs, to which
not only he declares himself incapable of reconciling his
conscience, but he further says, those popes may have done
wrong, and have now perhaps to render an account to God,
or else they may have been deceived, or that the cases have
been different from those then before him : thus he dismisses
the cardinals, for the most part, very ill satisfied. He is not
pleased that any should speak long in dissent or argument,
and if he does listen to one or two replies, when he has met
them by decisions of law, by the canons, or by decrees of
councils, which he cites in refutation of their opinions, he
turns away if they proceed further, or commences some
other subject ; for he would have them to know, that after
his labours for thirty-five years in the study of the laws, and
in their continual practice, while exercising various offices in
No. 78] APPENDIX— SECTION V 191
the Roman court and elsewhere, he may reasonably pretend
(though he does not say this in express words) to so exact
an acquaintance with the subject, as never to take any false
step, whether in the decisions that he propounds or the
determinations that he makes. He alleges also, that in
matters of doubt, the judgment and interpretation, more
particularly in ecclesiastical matters, belong to him as
supreme pontiff. Things being thus, the cardinals, who for
some time past have not been wont to contradict, as they
formerly did, or even to offer counsels but when they are re-
quested and commanded to speak freely, take care to do so
in conformity with the opinion they perceive to be enter-
tained by the ruling pontiff, even though they do not think
with him, restraining themselves with this pope much more
than even with his predecessors ; and they will every day
have more and more cause to keep silence, for their opinion
is now asked less than by any others : Paul neither desires
to hear it from the body collectedly, nor from any one of
them apart, as Pope Clement and other pontiffs used to do.
He makes all resolutions for himself, and announces them
at once in the consistory, where he will now complain of
the evil of the times, and now inveigh against different princes
with bitter words, as he did but lately while we were there^
in reference to the surrender of Gran, complaining of it,
and laying the blame on the emperor and other sovereigns,
with very pointed and biting expressions ; or anon remmd-
ing the cardinals of their duties and obligations, will suddenly
bring out protests against them, without precedent, order, or
rule, by which he throws them into the utmost confusion, as
he did, for example, when he signified to them the necessity
for their residence^ and, as I have said, not by way of com-
mand, as was usual with other pontiffs, who assigned the
prelates a specific time, though a short one, to repair to
their churches, but solely by declaring that he would not
absolve the absentees from mortal sin while they received
the revenues, which determination he founded on the canons
and the council of Trent. By this form of words, and a
decision so unexpected, pronounced with so much heat, he
caused such dismay among the cardinal-bishops, that, know-
ing they could stay no longer in Rome, without heavy
192 APPENDIX—SECTION V [No. 79
scruples and great remorse of conscience — without causing
scandal, and above all, incurring the particular opinion of
the pope that they cared little for the warnings of his holi-
ness, had little fear of God, and small regard for their own
honour in the eyes of the world, they have taken the resolu-
tion either to depart to their sees (and some have even
already set off), or to resign them, though some few,
indeed, have requested a dispensation to remain until the
rigour of the wdnter has passed, and then to go in the spring.
Nor has he admitted their holding legations in the provinces
or cities of the States of the Church as an excuse or means
of defence. There are only two who are to be excepted
from the necessity of residence : first. Cardinal Tarasio,
archbishop of Siena, who is very old, and quite deaf, and
even he will not be excused from renouncing his revenues ;
and the cardinal of Verona, who is also exempted on account
of his very great age, as well as because he has for many
years had his nephew in the office of coadjutor ; and this
last has supplied the place of his uncle extremely well."
But in spite of this severity on the part of Paul V, the
ambassadors made very good progress with him upon the
whole. He dismissed them in the most friendly manner,
nor could he have expressed himself more favourably. They
were therefore astonished that affairs should so soon after-
wards have taken a turn so entirely different, and at the
same time so formidable.
No. 79
Instmttione a mons''' ilvescovo di Rimini {O Gessi) destinato
nitntio alia repuhlica di Venetia dalla Santitd di N. S. P,
Paolo V. 1607. 4 Gingno. [Instruction to the bishop
of Rimini, nuncio from Pope Paul V to the Republic
of Venice.] Albani Library.
Prepared immediately after the termination of the
disputes, but still not in a very pacific temper.
The pope complains that the Venetians had sought to
conceal the act of absolution. In a declaration to their
No. 79] APPENDIX— SECTION V 193
clergy there appeared an intimation that the pope had
revoked the censures, because he acknowledged the purity
of their intentions (" che S. Beat"® per haver conosciuta la
sincerita degli animi e delle operationi loro havesse levate le
censure "). Paul V nevertheless goes so far as to entertain
a hope that the " Consultores " — even Era Paolo — would be
given up to the Inquisition. This passage is very remark-
able. " Delle persone di Era Paolo Servita e Gio. Marsilio
e degli altri seduttori che passano sotto nome di theologi s'b
discorso con V™ Sig"* in voce : la quale doveria non aver
difficolta in ottener che fossero consignati al sant' officio, non
che abbandonati dalla republica e privati dello stipendio che
s'b loro constituito con tanto scandalo." [With respect to
the persons of Era Paolo, a Servite, and Giovanni Marsilio,
with others of those seducers who pass under the name of
theologians, your excellency has received oral communica-
tion, and you ought not to have any difficulty in obtaining
that these men should be consigned to the holy Inquisition,
to say nothing of being at once abandoned by the republic,
and deprived of that stipend which has been conferred on
them to the great scandal of all.] It was impossible that
such suggestions should fail to exasperate the enmity of Era
Paolo, and to make it implacable. The pope knew not the
character of the enemy he was thus making for the papacy.
His Monsignori and llhistrissimi are all forgotten^ while the
spirit of Era Paolo still lives^ at least, in one part of the
opposition existing wdthin the limits of the Catholic church,
even to the present day.
The resistance which the pope had encountered in Venice
made the most profound impression on his mind. "His
holiness desires that the ecclesiastical authority and juris-
diction should be manfully defended by your excellency ;
but your excellency will be also very cautious to adopt no
cause for which you have not very good reason, since
there is pei-Jiaps less evil in not co7itending than in being
defcated^^ (perche forse b minor mala il non contendere che
il perdere}.
VOL. III.
194 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 80
No. 80
Ragguaglio della dieta imperiale fatta in Ratisbona Vajino del
S"" 1608, nella quale hi hwgo deW ecc""" e rev'"" Mons^
Afitofiio Gaefano^ arcivescovo di Capua, nnntio apostolico,
r'wiasto in Praga appi'esso la M*"^ Cesarea,/ii residence
il padre Filippo Milensio maestro Agostino vie'''" generale
sopra le provincie aqzulonarie, A IP ecc'"" e rev""" sig'^^ e
principe il sig^ card'' Francesco Barberini. [Account of
the imperial diet held at Ratisbon in 1608, whereat
Father Filippo Milensio, vicar-general of the Augus-
tinians, &c., filled the place of Gaetano, archbishop of
Capua, and apostolic nuncio; who was detained at
Prague by the emperor. Presented to Cardinal Fran-
cesco Barberini.]
When the Emperor Rudolf summoned a diet in 1607,
Antonio Gaetano was nuncio at his court.
Gaetano was instructed to effect the more complete
introduction of the Tridentine decrees, and the acceptance
of the Gregorian calendar, to which the three secular electors
were already disposed, — Saxony most decidedly so; he
had already instructed his ambassador to that effect — and
to attend more particularly to the Catholic interests in the
Kammergericht. The interruption experienced by the
affairs of that court is accounted for in the Instruction, as
follows : —
" The Magdeburg heretic intruder, being supreme presi-
dent of this tribunal, and desiring to exercise the duties of
his office, was not admitted ; thus from that time no causes
have been heard, and the suits have accumulated, more
especially the offences offered to the Catholics, the heretics
insisting that they ought to have equal place in that tribunal
with the Catholics, and continually labouring to usurp the
ecclesiastical possessions."
It was easily to be foreseen that very animated discus-
sions- must arise in the diet with relation to this matter, yet
the nuncio himself could not be present. The emperor sent
the Archduke Ferdinand thither as his representative, and
No. 8i] APPENDIX— SECTION V 195
would have considered it as an affront had the nuncio left
him.
Gaetano sent the vicar of the Augustinians, Era Milensio,
in his place. As the latter had passed some years in Ger-
many, he could not fail to be in some degree acquainted
with the position of things. But in addition to this, he was
referred by the nuncio to Matthew Welser, — " per esatta
cognitione delle cose dell' imperio,'* [for minute information
respecting affairs of the empire,] — and to that bishop of
Ratisbon, a letter from whom was at that time producing so
great an excitement among the Protestants. He was also
to attach himself to the counsels of Father Wilier, the
emperor's confessor.
It was not, unfortunately, till many years afterwards that
this Augustinian drew up the report of his exertions in the
diet. The account he gives of his own proceedings is never-
theless highly remarkable ; and we have already inserted it
in the body of our work.
He attributes the whole of the disorders that had at that
time broken out in the empire to the disputed succession :
" The report prevaiUng that Rudolf intended to adopt the
Archduke Leopold, younger brother of Ferdinand, and that
afterwards he had inclined to Ferdinand himself." Matthias
was exceedingly displeased at this. But he found in Klesel
and in Prince Lichtenstein, who had so much power in
Moravia, very faithful and influential adherents.
According to this report of the Augustinian, Dietrich-
stein and Gaetano had an important share in the conclusion
of the agreement between the brothers.
No. 81
Relatione di Roma delV Ulustrissi7no S'' Gtovan Mocenigo
Kav^ Amb^ a quella corte Panno 161 2. [Report from
Rome by Giovanni Mocenigo, ambassador to Rome.]
Inff. Politt. vol. XV.
The first ambassador after the settlement of the dissen-
sions was Francesco Contarini, 1 607-1 609. Mocenigo
196 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 81
speaks highly of the advantage he had derived from Con-
tarini's prudent management. He himself, who had already
been employed in embassies during eighteen years, remained
in Rome from 1609 to 161 r. The quiet tone of his report
suffices to shew that he also succeeded in maintaining a
good understanding.
In the report before us, Mocenigo did not propose to
repeat generalities or matters well known, but rather to
exhibit the personal qualities of the pope and his disposition
towards the Venetian republic. " La qualitk, volontk, dis-
])ositione del papa e della republica verso questa republica.
Trattero il tutto con ogni brevita, tralasciando le cose pill
tosto curiose che necessarie."
1. Pope Paiil V. — " Sombre (maestoso), tall, and of few
words : yet it is currently reported in Rome that there is no
one can equal him in point of politeness and good offices :
he is truthful, guileless, and of most exemplary habits."
2. Cardinal Borghese. — " Of a fine presence, courteous,
and benevolent, he entertains great reverence for the pope,
and renders all who approach him content, at least by good
words. He is esteemed and respected by every one." In
the year i6ti he had already secured an income of 150,000
scudi.
3. Spiritual power. — He remarks that former popes had
sought to acquire honour by granting favours; but that
those of his times laboured rather to retract the favours
already granted (" rigorosamente studiano d'annullare et
abbassare le gia ottenute gratie "). Yet sovereigns earnestly
endeavoured to remain on good terms with them, because it
was believed that the obedience of the people was founded
on religion.
4. Temporal power. — He finds that the population of
the States of the Church is still very prone to war : "pron-
tissimi alle fattioni, alii disagi, alle battaglie, all' assalto et a
qualunque attione militare." The papal forces were, never-
theless, in utter ruin. There had formerly been 650 light
cavalry kept against the bandits ; but when these were put
down, they had sent this body of cavalry to the Hungarian
war, without raising any other in its place.
5. Form of government, absolute. — The cardinal-nephew,
No. S2] appendix:— SECTION V 197
the datary, and Lanfranco had some influence; otherwise
the cardinals were only consulted when the pope desired to
hear their opinions ; and even when his holiness did consult
them, they replied rather according to his wishes than their
own views. " Se pure dimanda consiglio, non h alcuno che
ardisca proferir altra parola che d'applauso e di laude, sicche
tutto viene terminato dalla prudenza del papa." And this
was in fact the best thing to be done, because the factions
of the court had turned all opinion into mere party spirit.
6. Relation to Spain and France. — The pope en-
deavoured to maintain a neutral position. " When any one
dependent on the Spaniards commenced a discussion as to
the validity or invalidity of the queen's marriage, he has
evinced a determination to defend the motives and cause of
the queen. The few good Frenchmen in the kingdom of
France itself have not failed to prove that they were ready
to take arms, provided they had received any favour from
the pope or the king of Spain.
" The king of Spain is more respected by the court of
Rome than any other sovereign. Cardinals and princes
rejoice when they can have pensions from him, and be
placed among his dependents. The pope was formerly
pensioned by him ; and as a favoured subject of his majesty,
was aided in his elevation to the papacy by singular and
unparalleled benefits. He takes care to satisfy the duke of
Lerma, to the end that this latter may serve as the principal
instrument of his purposes with his Catholic majesty."
7. His council : " Temporising and frequently dissem-
bling with the pontiffs. — When victors, they use their victory
after their own fashion ; when vanquished they accede to
any condition imposed on them."
, No. 82
Relatione della minziatura d^ Snizzeri. [Report from the Swiss
nunciature, &c.] Informationi Politt. vol. ix. fol. 1-137.
Jnformatione mandata da I S"" C^ d^ Aquino a Mons'^ Feliciana
Silva vescovo di Foligfio per il paese di Snizzeri c Grisoni.
198 APPENDIX-SECTION V [No. 82
[Information from the cardinal of Aquino to the bishop
of Foligno in relation to Switzerland and the Grisons,
&c.] Ibid. fol. 145-212.
In Lebret's Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und
Kirchengeschichte, vol. vii. p. 445, will be found extracts
from the letters sent by the Roman court to the nuncios in
Switzerland in the years 1609 and 16 14. They cannot be
called very interesting, standing alone as they do, without
replies or reports that might illustrate their meaning : they
are not even intelligible.
The first of these nuncios was the bishop of Venafro,
the same whose report in relation to Switzerland has been
cited by Haller (Bibliothek der Schweizergeschichte, vol. v.
No. 783). "The papal nuncio," he remarks, "Lad. Gr. of
Aquino, bishop of Venafro, has given proof of his dis-
cernment and ability in this work, which well deserves
to be printed." Haller made a copy from it in Paris with
his own hand, and this he deposited in the library of
Zurich.
The report he has eulogized is that now before us ; but
we have it in a more complete form than that in which it
was known to Haller.
When the bishop of Venafro resigned the nunciature,
which he had administered from 1608 to 161 2, he not only
communicated to his successor, the bishop of Foligno, the
Instruction that he had received from Cardinal Borghese,
but presented him also with a circumstantial account of the
mode in which he had acted upon that Instruction and had
himself proceeded in his office. " Di quanto si e eseguito
sino al giorno d'hoggi nelli negotii in essa raccommanda-
timi." This is the second of the manuscripts now before
us. It begins with a description of the internal dissensions
of Switzerland.
" And following the same order as that observed in the
above-named Instruction, I proceed to say, that for many
years past there has been a great change going on in the
Catholic cantons, more particularly in the good understand-
ing and concord that formerly existed between them : for
nowadays, not only are they divided by the Spanish and
No. 82] APttiNDlX— SECTION V 199
French factions, and by the pensions, but also by other
interests, emokiments, and rivalries, so that there is now so
little friendship among them that many grave evils may
result from this state of things unless there be presently
applied some special remedy. A particular diet is required
for this, and should be held, to the sole end that it might
renew the ancient leagues of friendship, brotherhood, and
affection, — a thing which I have often proposed with great
applause, although I have never yet been able to bring it to
an effectual end. Altorf is the ancient rival of Lucerne,
and carries with it the other two cantons of Schwyz and
Unterwalden, beholding very unwillingly the pre-eminence
and first place taken by the nobles of Lucerne ; for which
reason it frequently opposes them in public affairs for no
better reason than mere rivalry and want of understanding.
Lucerne leads with it Freiburg, Solothurn^ and even Zug,
thus making another party. Zug is divided within itself,
there being very serious disputes between the townspeople
and the peasantry : these last, also, desiring to be known
as masters. Thus in every Catholic canton there are many
dissensions, both public and private, to the prejudice of the
deliberations, and at the hazard of much greater evils, if
there be not some remedy applied, which I am labouring to
do with the utmost diligence."
At the same time that he sends this information, the
nuncio promises a still more circumstantial account. " Fra
pochi giorni spero di mandarle copia d'una piena e piii
diffusa relatione di tutti li negotii della nuntiatura."
This is the first-named manuscript, and that known to
Haller.
In this document the nuncio proceeds somewhat metho-
dically to work. Chapter I. — " Delia grandezza della nun-
tiatura." He first describes the extent of the nunciature,
which he declares to be as large as the kingdom of Naples,
and including, moreover, inhabitants using the most varied
tongues. Among these he does not forget to mention the
Romansch language, — " Una favella stravagantissima, com-
posta di otto o dieci idiomi." [A most preposterous speech,
made up of eight or ten dialects.]
II. " Degli ambasciatori de' principi che resiedono
^00 Appendix— SECTION v [No. s^
appresso Suizzeri e de' loro fini." [Of the ambassadors of
princes residing among the Swiss, and of their views.]
III. " Delle diete e del modo, tempo e luogo dove si
congregano fra Suizzeri." [Of the diet, and of the time and
place of the Swiss convocations.]
IV. " Delli passi che sono nella nuntiatura de' Suizzeri."
[Of the passes that are in the Swiss nuntiature.] For the
passes were precisely the principal object of contention
between the various powers,
V. " Stato spirituale della nuntiatura de' Suizzeri." [Of
the spiritual state of the Swiss nunciature.] The most
important, and, as was requisite, the most circumstantial
chapter, pp. 28-104 : and in this an account is given
of various dioceses, and also a report concerning the
abbeys.
VI. " Officio del nuntio per ajutare lo stato spirituale e
de' modi piii fruttuosi di farlo." [Office of the nuncio estab-
lished to aid the spiritual power, and of the best and most
effectual modes for doing so.]
VII. " Che debbia fare il nuntio per dare sodisfattione
in cose temporali nella nuntiatura." [Of what the nuncio
should do to give satisfaction in regard to the temporal
affairs of his nunciature.]
The care with which all the more important points were
discriminated and gone through will be at once perceived.
The execution proves the writer's knowledge, no less of
past times than those present : it shews zeal, ability, and
discernment. The report, as might be expected, repeats
the greater part of what was contained in the Instruction.
Yet our nuncio did not think even this sufficient. He
adds to the report a " Compendio di quanto ha fatto mons""^
di Venafro in esecutione dell' instruttione datali nel partire
di Roma" [Summary of what the bishop of Venafro has
done in execution of the directions given him on leaving
Rome], which he had prepared on another occasion, and
which must have been almost identical with the Informa-
tion. He remarks this himself, yet he appends the little
document nevertheless. In the copies afterwards taken, it
was, without doubt, and very properly, omitted.
Instead of this paper there follows an " Appendice de'
No. 83] APMNDIX-SECTION V ioi
Grisoni e de' Vallesani," no less remarkable than the pre-
ceding.
"E questo," the writer at length concludes his volu-
minous work, "b il breve summario promesso da me del
stato della nuntiatura Suizzera con le parti che a quella
soggiaciono. Deo gratias. Amen." [And this is the short
summary promised by me of the state of the Swiss nuncia-
ture, and of the districts depending on it. Thanks be to
God. Amen.]
He still thought that he had given only a brief outline
of such things as were best worth noting; so little is it
possible to represent the world in words.
I have used the Notices here found only so far as they
were subservient to my own purpose (see vol. ii. pp. 195,
ef seq.) \ the publication of the remainder must be left to
the industry of the Swiss.^
No. 83
Insirnttlone data a mons^ Diotallevi^ vescovo di S. A?ideio,
destinato dalla S*"" di N''" Sig"" papa Paolo V mmtio al
re di Foloftia 16 14. [Instruction to the bishop of
S. Andelo, nuncio from Pope Paul V to the king of
Poland.]
A general recommendation to promote the Catholic
religion, the introduction of the decrees of the Council of
Trent, and the appointment of tried Catholics to public
employments, and never to endure any thing that can result
to the advantage of the Protestants.
There are traces, nevertheless, of a certain misunder-
standing.
The pope had refused to nominate the bishop of Reggio
cardinal, as the king had requested. The nuncio is
directed to take measures for pacifying the king on that
subject.
He is particularly enjoined never to promise money.
^ A translation of this report has in fact appeared since this was
written. See Schreiber, Taschenbuch fur Geschichte und Alterthiimer
in Silddeutschland, 1840, p. 280 ; 1841, p. 289 ; 1844, p. 29.
202 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 84
" For either because they do not perceive, or do not
understand, the excessive embarrassments of the Apostolic
See, foreign princes, more especially those north of the
Alps, are very ready to seek assistance, and if the least hope
were given them, they would then consider themselves
greatly offended if they should afterwards be deprived of
such hope."
Respecting the latter years of Paul V, we find but few
ecclesiastical documents ; we will therefore employ the space
thus left by examining some others which refer to the ad-
ministration of the state during that period.
No. 84
Informatioiie di Bologna di 1595. Ambrosiana Library,
Milan. F.D. 181.
The position and constitution of Bologna, with the sort
of independence it maintained, were so remarkable and
important^ that papers and documents relating to this city,
though only a provincial one, were readily included in the
collections.
In the 22nd volume of the " Informationi," we find
a great mass of letters of the year 1580, addressed to
Monsignor Cesi, legate of Bologna, and relating to his
administration.
They are almost all recommendations, chiefly inter-
cessions.
The grand duke and grand duchess of Tuscany intercede
for Count Ercole Bentivoglio, whose crops had been se-
questered. After a short time the grand duchess expresses
her acknowledgments for the compliance granted to her
request. The duke of Ferrara recommends an actress of
the name of Victoria; Cardinal San Sisto, certain tur-
bulent students of the university : " We too," he remarks,
^'have been scholars." Giacomo Buoncompagno, son of
the pope, begs favour for a professor who had been de-
prived of his office ; the cardinal of Como, who had at that
No. 84] APPENDIX— SECTION V 203
time the chief management of affairs, for certain monks ^Yho
had been disturbed in their privileges, but he does not use
the tone of one who may command. There are, bgsides,
petitions of a different character. A father, whose son had
been murdered, entreats most urgently — nay, imploringly —
that justice shall be done upon the murderer, who was
already imprisoned in Bologna.
It was principally as regarded the administration of
justice that the influence of the governor was available.
In all other matters, the city was exceedingly inde-
pendent.
" The senators," says our Report, " confer with the su-
perior on all important affairs ; and having all the customs
and revenues of the city in their hands, excepting the duty
on salt and wine, which belongs to the pope, they dispose
of the public moneys, controlled by an audit, which is made
in the presence of the superior, and by a mandate, bearing
his sign manual, with that of the gonfaloniere : it is signed
also by the special officers appointed for each branch of
revenue. They have the regulation of the taxes and imposts
laid on the peasantry, whether real or personal, the tax on
oxen and the capitation-tax ; they have the care of the
imposts paid by the rural districts, of the walls, gates, and
enclosures ; they see that the number of soldiers is kept up
in each district, take care that no encroachments are made
on the public rights, and that the beauty of the city is pre-
served; they regulate the proceedings of the silk-market;
they elect every month for the civil tribunal (' ruota civile ')
four foreign doctors, who must be doctors of at least ten
years' standing, and these take cognizance of and decide all
civil causes."
The question next arising is, to what extent the repre-
sentatives of the government retained their influence in this
state of things. It was manifestly, as we have said, princi-
pally in judicial affairs. " An auditor-general is joined with
the * ruota ' in the hearing of causes, and there is another
special auditor for such causes as the auditor-general sum-
mons before his own tribunal ; moreover there is a judge
of criminal cases called 'auditore del torrione' of such
place as he resides in ; which last official has two sub-auditors
204 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 85
as assistants, and all these functionaries are paid by the
public."
There next follow certain statistical accounts. " The
extent of country is about 180 miles : it sows about 120,000
bushels of corn, and gathers one year with another from
550,000 to 660,000 bushels. It has 130,000 inhabitants
(the city 70,000, — before the famine it contained more than
90,000), hearths 16,000; consumption 200,000 bushels of
corn (the bushel containing 160 lbs.); 60,000 measures
(costolate) of wine ; 18,000 bushels of salt; 1,700,000 lbs. of
oil: there are killed 8,000 oxen, 10,000 calves, 13,000 pigs,
8,000 sheep, 6,000 lambs ; and 400,000 lbs. of candles are
burnt. ... It is computed that one year with another there
die in the city 3,000 persons, and 4,000 are born : there are
500 marriages, and from 60 to 70 take conventual vows;
there are born to the poor 300 illegitimate male children
in the year. There are 400 coaches and other carriages :
600,000 lbs. of silk cocoons are annually brought to the
city, of which 100,000 lbs. are yearly wrought for the use
of the city."
No. 85
Instruttione per un legato di Bologna. (Vallic.)
Of a somewhat later period. We remark the following
counsels.
" Invigilare sopra gli avvocati cavillosi et in particolare
quelli che pigliano a proteggere a torto i villani contro li
cittadini e gentilhuomini, . . . accarezzare in apparenza
tutti li magistrati, non conculcare i nobili." [To keep
special watch over the cavilling lawyers, and more par-
ticularly over such of them as take upon them wrongfully to
protect the people of the rural districts against the citizens
and gentlemen, ... to make a pretence of caressing all
magistrates, and not to be too hard upon the nobles.] The
crying evil of the oudaws had risen to such a point, that
some of them were to be found even among the matriculated
students.
No. 86] APPENDIX— SECTION V 205
Other papers take us into the Roman Campagna ; they
shew us how the unfortunate peasant was harassed, what the
barons received, and how the land was cultivated.
No. S6
Dichiaratione di tutto quello che pagano i vassalli de baroni
Romani al papa e aggra^j che pagano ad essi baroni,
[Declaration of all that the vassals of the Roman
barons pay to the popes, and of the imposts they pay
to the barons themselves.]
" 1. The different payments made by the vassals of the
Roman barons to the pope. — They pay the salt-tax ; they
pay a quattrino on every pound of meat ; they pay the tax
imposed by Sixtus V for the support of the galleys ; they
pay the triennial subsidies ; they pay for the dead horses,
that is for the quartering of cavalry; they pay a certain
tax called soldiers' money ; they pay an impost called the
' archivio ; ' they pay another called the tax of St. Felix ;
they pay the pint-tax, imposed by Sixtus V ; and they also
pay a certain impost called the ' sale forastico.'
" 2. Payments that are made by those same vassals to
the barons. — They pay further to the barons, where there
are mills, so much corn, and this is a heavy sum. They
pay a fixed portion of wine, and the same of oil, where it
is made; they pay for sending the swine into the chestnut
and oak woods after the produce is gathered in, and this
they call * ruspare ; ' they pay a tax on taverns ; they pay
on chandlers' or provision shops ; they pay bakers'-tax, and
the tax on glass-makers ; those who go to glean when the
grain is cut also pay; they pay for their cattle going to
pasture; they pay a fixed portion of their corn and oats.
All these burdens amount, as may be seen by the revenues
of Duke Altemps, to 2,803 scudi, which includes the mulctures
taken from the vassals at the mill when their corn is ground.
This sum is drawn from the vassals of Montecapuri (?), of
the duchy of Altemps, who count from 180 to 190 hearths ;
and this is given as an example from which a moderately
2o6 APPENDIX-SECTION V [No. 87
accurate idea may be formed of the manner in which the
vassals belonging to Roman barons of the Papal States
are burdened : and let it be observed, that herein is not
included what is paid to the treasury."
No. 87
Nota delta entrata di molti signori e duchi Romafii. [Note
of the revenues of many Roman nobles and dukes.]
This document, like the preceding, belongs, without
doubt, to the times of Clement VIII, who is simply called
the pope.
The Colonna family are distinguished by having vassals ;
other families possessed more allodial property. The
revenues of the Contestabile Colonna are computed at
25,000 scudi, those of Martio Colonna of Zagarolo at
23,000.
We have seen how the public system of debt was imitated
by the barons. The Sermoneta family, about the year 1600,
had an income of 27,000 scudi, but they had 300,000 scudi of
debt. The duke of Castel Gandolfo had 14^600 scudi,
revenue, with a debt of 360,000 scudi. The house of
Montalto surpassed all others \ its debts were to the amount
of 600,000 scudi. The collective revenues of the Roman
barons were estimated at 271,747 scudi, and their domains
were valued at nine millions of gold.
The author considers these estates to be by no means
neglected.
" These lands, contrary to the common opinion and to
what I myself believed, are managed with the utmost care and
diligence, being ploughed four, six, or even seven times, and
cleared from weeds twice or thrice, — one of these weedings
being in the winter. The weeds are taken up by hand,
the land is cropped in rotations of four years, grain is sown
in the fallows two years out of the four : where none is sown,
the cattle are put in. The ears of corn are cut high, so that
much straw remains : this is afterwards burnt, which makes
the ground productive. The ploughs used for these lands do
No. 88] APPENDIX—SECTION V 207
not generally go very deep, because the greater part of them
have no great depth of soil, and they very soon reach the
subsoil. The country is all cultivated by day-labourers;
reaped, sown, and weeded: all the labour it requires, in short,
is done by strangers, and the people who work in the said
Campagna are supported by the profits arising from their
breed of horses. The country, good and bad lands taken
together, and counting one year with another, may be said
to yield six for one ; but it must be observed that in many
instances these nobles do not themselves cultivate the lands
around their castles, but let them to their vassals for such
terms as shall be agreed on ; and this may suffice to say of
the Campagna of Rome. The average rent of this land is
of 50 giuli the rubbio : thus, to render it fertile, the land
will cost 100 scudi and 10 giuli the rubbio."
There were computed to be at that time 79,504 rubbii in
the Campagna, the collective product of which was 318,016
scudi yearly, four scudi the rubbio. Of this there belonged
to the barons something more than 21,000; to religious
institutions nearly 23,000; above 4,000 to foreigners; and
31,000 to the rest of the Roman people. At a later period
this proportion was alterel3, because the Roman citizens sold
so much of their part.
But let us proceed to more general relations.
No. 88
Per sollevare la camera apostolica. Discorso di mons'' Mai-
vasia. 1606. [Method of relieving the Apostolic
treasury, by Mons. Malvasia.]
In spite of the heavy imposts, it was observed with
alarm that the papal government possessed nothing. " The
interest," exclaims our author, " consumes nearly the whole
revenue." The meeting of the current expenses is a matter
of continual difficulty, and if any extraordinary demand arises,
the government knows not which way to turn. The impo-
sition of new taxes would not be possible, and new re-
trenchments are not even advisable. "Magnum vectigal
2o8 APPENDIX--SECTION V [No. 88
parsimonia " ; — nothing remains but to reduce the rate of
interest, and at the same time to take money from the castle.
Instead of the numerous monti, with their varying rates of
interest, there should be but one, a " monte papale " at four,
or at the highest, five per cent. All the rest ought to be bought
in, and the government would be fully justified in redeeming
them at the nominal value of the " luogo," the right having
usually been reserved to itself by the Apostolic See. Former
popes, as, for example, Paul IV, had been obliged to sell
at 50 per cent. ; Clement VIII himself had received only
96I per cent. The author next proceeds to shew how far
this method is practicable.
" It will then be seen that, taking into account the
extreme abundance of money now in the market of Rome,
with the addition made to it by the million drawn from the
castle, and considering the difficulty and danger of sending
money and gold abroad, because of the aforesaid prohibition
(which he had proposed), it will be seen that the greater
part of those whose monti and offices are extinguished will
gladly enter this ' monte papale ; ' and those who shall
prefer to have their money in cash may be paid from the
aforesaid million, and from the price of the ' monte papale '
which will be in course of sale. It may also be taken into
account, that of the ' monti non vacabili ' a great part are
tied down and conditioned to reinvestment, for the security
of reserved dowries, of ' luoghi pii ' and other claims :
these will necessarily be transferred to the ' monte papale,'
and the holders will be in no haste to receive the money, for
which they must have to seek another investment, as the
fulfilment and satisfaction of the conditions and obligations to
which they are subjected ; so that thus also this afiair will be
greatly promoted and facilitated.
" The camera may further take to itself all the monti of
corporate bodies as well as of individuals, and reduce them
as above, enjoying the overplus until they shall be extin-
guished by the said corporate bodies or individuals.
"All those who shall be willing to change their other
monti and offices for the said ' monte papale,' should have
their patents made out for the first time without any expense
whatever.
No. 89] APPENDIX— SECTION V 209
" In this manner your holiness may, in a short time,
relieve and liberate the See and the apostolic treasury from
these heavy debts and burdens ; for, from the gains that
will result from the aforesaid extinction and reduction of
privileges and interests, which, according to the calculation
given to your holiness by your commissioner of the
treasury, amounts, the interest being reduced to five per
cent., to at least 431,805 scudi per annum, there may be
annually extinguished 331,805 scudi of debt, besides the
100,000 scudi which shall be assigned to replace the
million borrowed from the castle to make up the amount
of the third million that is wanting."
It will suffice here to remark the earnest attention that
now began to be given to the securing of an orderly system
of finance. It will not be necessary to produce the calcula-
tions. The Roman court did not adopt any proposal of
this kind, but continued to follow the more easy and con-
venient methods.
No. 89
Nota di dana7'i^ officii e mobili donati da papa Paolo V a
suoi parenti e coiicessioni fatteli. [Note of the moneys,
offices, and valuables bestowed by Pope Paul V on his
relations, and of the grants conferred upon them.]
The pope had been advised to call in the offices and
monti bearing interest. We have here, — i. " Nota officiorum
concessorum excell'"" domino M. Antonio Burghesio tempore
pontificatus felicis recordationis Pauli V." There are in the
whole 120 offices, the value of which is computed according
to the ordinary market price. 2. " Nota di molte donationi
di monti fatte alii sig'' Francesco Gioan Battista e M. A.
Borghese de Paolo V, con le giustificationi in margine di
qualsivoglia partito." Extracts are given from the official
books, that is to say, in which these parts are entered.
Under similar lists we find an account of the sums bestowed
on them in hard cash, as well as other valuables, and also
of the privileges and immunities corifejTed oq them. The
VOL. III. p
2IO APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 90
vouchers are appended in the following manner : " Nel libro
della thesoreria secreta d'Alessandro Ruspoli, fol. 17, e da
doi brevij uno sotto la data delli 26 Genn. 1608, et I'altro
delli II Marzo, registrati nel libro primo signaturarum
PauU V negU atti di Felice de Totis, fol. 116 et fol. 131. —
A di 23 Dec. 1605 sc. 36 m. d'oro delle stampe donati al
sig"" GB Borghese per pagar il palazzo, et il restante impie-
garli nella fabrica di quello, quali scudi 36 m. d'oro delle
stampe provenivano del prezzo del chiamato di mons""
Centurioni, ridotti a 24 moneta a ragione di Giulii 13 per
scudo, sono 46,800 sc."
I have already shewn to what extraordinary sums these
donations amounted, and what was the influence exercised
by the advancement of the papal families on the capital and
the provinces.
No. 90
Relatione dello stato ecdesiastico dove si contengono 7nolti
particolari degni di consider atioiie. 1611. [Report
on the Papal States^ wherein are contained many
particulars worthy of consideration.] Inform. Politt.
xi. ff. 1-27.
We are told in the very beginning that the author was
asked for this report in the morning, and that now in the
evening of the same day he was sen-ding it in.
It would be truly wonderful if he could have found
means to dictate so circumstantial a report, which is, more-
over, by no means ill arranged, and presents much that is
remarkable, in a few hours. We here find, for example,
the admission that in many parts of Italy the number of
inhabitants was declining^ either by pestilence and famine,
the murders committed by banditti, or the overwhelming
burden of the taxes, which rendered it impossible any
longer to marry at the proper age and to rear a family of
children. The very life-blood of the people was wrung
from them by the taxes, while their spirits were paralyzed
and crushed by the endless restrictions on trade.
No. 91] APPENDIX— SECTION V 211
At one point the anonymous author betrays himself.
He remarks that he had written a book, " Ragione di Stato."
He says somewhere, " Ho diffusamente trattato nella Ra-
gione di Stato."
By this we obtain a clue to the writer. In the year
1589 there appeared at Venice a book thus entitled, —
" Delia ragion di stato libri X con tre libri dellc cause della
grandezza delle cittk." It is dedicated to that Wolf Die-
trich von Raittenau, archbishop of Salzburg, who was the
first of the German princes to introduce a more rigid
administration of government, modelled on that of Italy.
Its author is the well-known Giovanni Botero, whose
" Relationi universali " enjoyed in their day an almost
universal circulation.
It is manifest that these " Relationi " must now be ex-
amined to see if they do not also include the one before us.
In what is properly to be called the main work, that
wherein the Papal States are mentioned in a summary
manner, it is not to be found ; but there is a smaller book
which is frequently appended to the former : " Relationi del
sig" Giov. Botero Benese, . . . di Spagna, dello stato della
chiesa, del Piamonte, della contea di Nizza, dell' isola Tapro-
bana," of which the dedication is dated 161 1. Here, then,
we find our report word for word.
The opening alone is different. The " Relation "
bears the title : " Discorso intorno alio stato della chiesa
preso dalla parte dell' ufificio del cardinale che non e stam-
pata." It belonged, as we perceive, to a work on the
duties of cardinals.
I leave it to the decision of the reader, whether the
most credulous would be misled by the above-named
opening.
No. 91
Tarqu. Pitaro sopra la negotiatione 7naritima. 1 7 Ott,
161 2. [Pitaro on maritime trade.] Vallic.
Among other counsels, Botero recommends the en-
couragement of the trade of the States of the Church.
212 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 92
There was, in fact, at that time a plan for excavating a new
harbour for the city of Fano. It was expected that the
commerce of the towns of Urbino would be attracted to the
new port.
But our author opposes this plan with the most con-
vincing reasons. He thinks that the projectors might re-ad
their own fate in the example of Ancona, which he declares,
as did the Venetians shortly after, to have fallen into extreme
decay. " The foreign merchants have left the city ; the
native traders are bankrupt ; the gentry are impoverished,
the artisans ruined, and the populace almost dispersed."
To build a harbour with borrowed money was more likely to
ruin Fano altogether than to promote its welfare, — as had
happened to Ascoli, which had raised a considerable loan
to bring its Maremma into a state of cultivation, but had by
no means succeeded in doing so.
It was, in fact, not advisable, for other causes, to make
this attempt, since the towns of Urbino must in every case
very soon lapse to Rome.
No. 92
Relatiojie della Romagna. (Altieri Library.)
About the year 1615: 1612 is expressly mentioned, but
it is of great importance for the whole period from the pon-
tificate of Julius III. The parties that divided the province
are described. The transfer of estates, as consequent more
particularly on the advancement of the papal families, is
very clearly explained. I have frequently used this work,
but will give place here to a remark in relation to San
Marino, which in those early times gradually raised itself to
freedom by progressive exemptions.
^' The republic of San Marino is presumed to be free,
except in so far as it is under the protection of the duke of
Urbino. In 1612 it was proposed and carried in the
council, that on the failure of the house of delle Rovere, the
republic should declare itself under the protection of the
Apostolic See; from which San Marino thereby obtained
No. 93] APPENDIX— SECTION V 213
certain privileges, and particularly that of drawing corn and
provisions from the Roman states. This territory, with
two other domains annexed to it, comprises about 700
hearths. It is situated among mountains, is a fortified
town, and the gates are guarded by soldiers of its own.
The inhabitants have the free administration of justice and
grace. They elect their principal magistrates for the time
being among themselves, and these are called conservators,
and receive from the people of San Marino the title of most
illustrious. In case of any serious offence, it is their habit
to procure foreign officials for the conduct of the proceed-
ings, having recourse in particular to the ministers of his
highness the duke of Urbino, on whom they confer such
authority as they deem fitting. The state is poor, not
having so much as 500 scudi of revenue ; but some of the
inhabitants are in easy circumstances, and others rich, the
small extent of the country considered. They are wont to
hire banditti of all kinds, but as scandals sometimes arise
from this, they have decreed that banditti shall not be hired
except on certain conditions ; yet it is not easy to procure
safe-conduct from them."
No. 93
Parole universali dello govenio eccksiastlco, per far una
greggia et un pastore. Secreto al papa solo. [Universal
words of ecclesiastical government for making one
flock and one shepherd. For the pope only.] Infor-
matt xxiv. 26 leaves.
In spite of the condition of the country, which was
gradually becoming so manifestly worse, there were yet
people who entertained the boldest designs.
But more extraordinary or more extravagant proposals
were perhaps never brought forward than those made by
Thomas Campanella in the little work before us.
For there cannot be a doubt that this unlucky philoso-
pher, who fell under the suspicion of intending to wrest
Calabria from the Spanish monarchy, and to have taken
2t4 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 93
part in the extravagant plans of the duke of Ossuna, was
the veritable author of this work. " Questo h il compendio/'
he says, " del libro intitolato il Governo Ecclesiastico, il
quale restb in mano di Don Lelio Orsino, et io autore tengo
copia in Stilo patria mia." [This is a summary of the book
entitled the ^' Ecclesiastical Government," which remained
in the hands of Don Lelio Orsino ; and I, the author, have
a copy of it in Stilo, my native place.]
To this, he adds, " Haec et longe plura explicantur in
Monarchia Messiae." Campanella was from Stilo : this
Monarchia Messiae was his work. We cannot doubt that
he either composed or revised that now before us.
We may leave the date undetermined. He was pro-
bably possessed through his whole life by notions of this
kind.
He remarks that the pope had very warlike subjects.
" The people of Romagna and the March are naturally
inclined to arms : thus they serve the Venetians, French,
Tuscans, and Spaniards, because the pope is not a warrior."
But he advises the pope also to become warlike. There
was still the material for Ciceros, Brutuses, and Catos.
Nature was not wanting ; art only was deficient.
He thinks that the pope ought to raise two armies ; the
one of St. Peter for the sea, the other of St. Paul for the
land, somewhat after the manner of the Janissaries. Never
had an armed religion been vanquished, especially when it
was well preached.
For he does not in anywise leave that out of his reckon-
ing. He recommends that the most able men should be
selected from all the orders, who should be freed from their
monastic duties, and permitted to devote themselves to the
sciences.
Law, medicine, and the liberal arts should be studied in
thS monasteries, as well as theology. The people should
be preached to of the golden age, when there should be one
shepherd and one fold^ — of the blessedness of liberated
Jerusalem, and of patriarchal innocence. The longings of
the people after these things should be awakened.
But when would so happy a state of things commence ?
" Then," he replies, '^ when all temporal sovereignties shall
No. 93] APPENDIX— SECTION V 215
be put an end to, and the vicar of Christ shall rule over
the whole earth." "Sarh, nel mondo una greggia et un
pastore, e si vedra il secol d'oro cantato da poeti, I'ottima
republica descritta da philosophi, e lo stato dell' innocenza
de' patriarchi, e la felicith, di Gerusalemme liberata da mano
degli eretici et infedeli. E questo fia quando saranno
evacuati tutti li principati mondani e regenera per tutto il
mondo solo il vicario di Christo."
There should be set forth, as he advises, the doctrine
that the pope is lord in temporal as well as spiritual things,
— a priest such as Abimelech, not such as Aaron.
Such opinions were still entertained towards the close
of the sixteenth century, or — for I will not attempt to de-
termine the precise period — in the first ten years of the
seventeenth century. We already know the extraordinary
progress being made at that time by the Roman power.
Before I return to the documents touching that period, let
me be permitted to add yet a word with respect to the
historians of the Jesuits, who were then at the height of
their influence.
INTERCALATION
Remarks on Certain Historians of the Jesuit Order
Self-esteem and leisure gradually led the greater part
of the religious orders to narrate their own histories in very
circumstantial detail.
But no one of them has done this so systematically
as the Jesuits. It was their full determination to give to
the world a connected and comprehensive history of their
exertions, prepared by their own hands.
And, in fact, the " Historia Societatis Jesu," known
under the names of Orlandinus and of those who continued
his book, is a work of the highest importance for the history
of the order, — nay, we may even say for that of the century
also.
Nicolaus Orlandinus, a native of Florence, had for some
time presided over the college of Nola and the novices of
2i6 APrENDIX— SECTION V [No. 93
Naples, when in 1598 he was summoned by Acqiiaviva to
Rome, and appointed historian of the order. In his style
of writing, as well as in the business of life, he was exceed-
ingly careful, accurate, and wary, but very infirm. It was
with difficulty that he brought down his work to the death
of Ignatius. He died in 1606.
His successor in this occupation was Franciscus Sacchinus,
from the territory of Perugia, who is, upon the whole, the
most distinguished of the Jesuit historians. He was the son
of a peasant; his father occasionally visited him in the
Collegium Romanum, where he taught rhetoric, and it is
recorded to his honour that he was not ashamed of his
origin. On his appointment, he devoted himself to the
composition of his history, at which he laboured for
eighteen years in the house of probation on the Quirinal
at Rome, and very rarely quitted his residence. Yet he
passed his life none the less in contemplation of the great
interests of the world. The restoration of Catholicism was
still making the greatest progress. What can be more in-
viting for the historian than to describe the first beginnings
of an event, of which the development and effects are pass-
ing in their living reality beneath his eyes ? Sacchinus was
fully impressed with the characteristic peculiarity of his
subject, — the universal conflict fought out in the enthusiasm
of orthodoxy. " I describe wars," he says, " not of the
nations with each other, but of the human race with the
monsters and the powers of hell ; — wars not merely affecting
single provinces, but embracing all lands and every sea ; —
wars, in fine, wherein not earthly power, but the heavenly
kingdom is the prize of battle." In this spirit of Jesuitical
enthusiasm he has described the administration of Lainez,
1556-1564, that of Borgia to 1572, and of Everardus Mer-
curianus to 1580, — each in one volume containing eight
books, with the first ten years of Acquaviva's government
in the same number of books. These form four tolerably
thick and closely-printed folio volumes; he nevertheless
excuses himself for being so brief. Nor can he indeed be
accused of prolixity, or of falling into tediousness. He is,
as a matter of course, partial — partial in the highest degree ;
he passes over whatever does not please him : from the
No. 93] APPENDIX—SECTION V 517
materials before him he frequently takes only what is
honourable to the society, and so forth. But notwithstand-
ing this, there is much to be learned from his books. I
have compared him here and there with his authorities, —
with the Litterae Annuae, for example, so far as they are
printed and were accessible ; for books of this kind are very
rare in these parts, and I have been compelled to apply to
the libraries of Breslau and Gottingen for aid. In every
instance I have found his extracts to be made with judgment
and propriety, — nay, even with spirit and talent. But while
occupied with this work, Sacchinus had acquired so extensive
and accurate an acquaintance with the affairs of the society,
that he was called to take part in them by the general Mutio
Vitelleschi himself. It were to be desired for our sakes
that this had not happened; for Sacchinus would then have
completed the history of Acquaviva's administration, and
one of the most important epochs would have been more
clearly illustrated than was the case at a later period.
Sacchini died in 1625. Even his last volume was brought
to a close, and published by Petrus Possinus.
But as time passed, so also did enthusiasm diminish.
The " Imago primi Saeculi," in the year 1 640, had already
declined in richness of contents, was more credulous of
miracles, more common-place. It was not until 17 10 that
there appeared a continuation of Sacchinus by Jouvency,
comprising the last fifteen years of Acquaviva's rule.
Jouvency also has undeniable talent ; he narrates in a per-
spicuous and flowing manner, though not without pretension.
But the misfortune is, that he took the word "Historia"
much too literally, and would not write annals as Sacchinus
had done. Thus he distributed the materials that lay before
him, arranging them under different heads. '^Societas
domesticis motibus agitata — societas externis cladibus jactata
— vexata in Anglia — oppugnata — aucta, etc." It resulted
from this, that he did not give due attention to that which
was, without doubt, the most important point, — the renewed
extension of Catholicism in Protestant countries. The
method of annals was, besides, much more suitable to a
subject such as this. With all his historical labours,
Jouvency has produced nothing but fragments.
2i8 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 93
Neitlier did he obtain much applause for his work. The
order even entertained the idea at one time of causing
the whole period to be rewritten after the manner of
Sacchinus. Julius Cordara, who continued the history from
1616 to 1625, confined himself closely to that model. But
the spirit of earlier times was irrecoverably lost. The volume
of Cordara is very useful, but is not to be compared in
freedom or power with his earlier predecessors, or Qven
with Jouvency. It appeared in 1750. After that time the
society had to struggle too hard for its very existence to
have leisure for thinking of a continuation to its history.
What has happened since then would, moreover, have made
a much less magnificent display.
In addition to this general history, there are, as is well
known, very many provincial histories of the order. These
have, for the most part, the general history as their basis ;
they are, indeed, often directly copied from it. We remark
this most strikingly in Socher, " Historia provinciae Austriae,"
where Sacchinus is copied even to particular terms of ex-
pression. The " pudet referre " of the original, for example,
is reproduced as " pudet sane referre " by Socher. (Sacchin.
iv., vi., 78. Socher, vi.. No. 33.)
But I will not suffer myself to enter on a criticism of
these authors; the field is much too wide; it is^, besides,
certain that they are not likely to mislead in the present
day, when they receive too little credit, rather than too
much. I will take leave to make one observation only on
the history of Ignatius Loyola himself.
If we compare Orlandinus with the other two more
important historians of Ignatius Loyola, we are at once
struck by the fact that he agrees much more exactly with
the one, Maffei — " De vita et moribus D. Ignatii Loioiae" —
than with the other, Pietro Ribadeneira. The manner of
this agreement is also remarkable. MafFei's book appeared
as early as 1585 ; that of Orlandinus was not produced until
fifteen years later, and from the close resemblance between
the two, Maffei might very well appear to have served as a
model for the other. Maffei is, nevertheless, more elaborate
and artificial m his manner throughout ; Orlandinus is more
natural, more simple, and has more force in description.
No. 93] APPENDIX— SECTION V 219
The enigma is solved when we discover that both drew from
the same source — the notes of Polancus. Maffei does not
name him ; but a special treatise by Sacchinus, *' Cujus sit
autoritatis quod in B. Cajetani vita de B. Ignatio traditur,"
which is to be found in the later editions of Orlandinus, in-
forms us that Everardus Mercurianus had laid the manu-
scripts of Polancus before him. From the same Polancus,
Orlandinus also afterwards drew the principal part of his
work ; no wonder, therefore, that they agree. But we have
the original memoranda in a more genuine form in Or-
landinus than in Maffei : the first is more diUgent, more
circumstantial, and better authenticated by documentary
evidence ; the latter seeks his renown in historical ornaments
and correct Latin ity.
But whence proceed the variations of Ribadeneira ? He
drew principally from a different manuscript authority — the
memoranda of Ludovicus Consalvus.
Consalvus, as well as Polancus, derived his information
from the oral communications of Ignatius himself; but we
can perceive thus much, that Polancus gathered more of
the accidental and occasional expressions of the general,
while Consalvus knew how to lead him at once into a
circumstantial narrative; as^ for example, in relation to his
first spiritual call.
From this it results that we have here to distinguish a
double tradition; the one, that of Polancus, repeated by
Maffei and Orlandinus; the other, that of Consalvus, repeated
by Ribadeneira.
By far the most remarkable is that of Consalvus : he has
given, so far as can be supposed possible, an account really
derived from Ignatius himself.
But in this, as in all other traditions, we very soon
become aware of an amplification of the simple material.
This was commenced even by Ribadeneira. He takes the
narration of the eight days' ecstasy, for example, which
Ignatius had in Manresa, and from which he was awakened
by the word " Jesus," out of the relations of the lady Isabella
Rosel of Barcelona. " Examen Ribadeneirae in comment,
praev. AA. SS. Julii, t. vii. p. 590."
But his readers were far from being satisfied with him.
2 20 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 94
Of many of the miracles already commonly believed, he
took no notice. " Nescio," says Sacchinus, " quae mens
incidit Ribadeneirae, ut multa ejus generis miracula prae-
teriret.'' It was on account of these very omissions that
Polancus commenced his collection, and that Mercurianus
caused his work to be elaborated by MafFei, whence they
were transferred to Orlandinus.
But even these narrations did not suffice to the wonder-
craving Jesuitism of the seventeenth century. As early as
the year 1606, people had gone so far as to affirm the
sanctity of a cave in Manresa, which was said to be the
place wherein the Exercitia Spiritualia were composed,
although neither the first nor even the second of these
traditions mentions a word of this cave, and the Dominicans
maintained, doubtless with perfect truth, that the spelunca
of Ignatius was in their monastery.
The most violent di-ssensions between the Dominicans
and Jesuits were just then in force, a motive sufficient to
make the Jesuits seek another scene for the foundation of
their order.
We now return to our manuscripts respecting Gregory XV
and Urban VIII.
No. 94
Relatione delli ec^T' S""' Hieron. Ghistlnian K"" Protf, Ant
Grirnani K^^ Franc, Contarini Proc''^ Hieron. Soranzo
K", amb'' estraord. al sonimo pontefice Gregorio XVPanno
1 62 1, // 7fiese di Maggio. [Report of Signors Hieron.
Giustinian, Ant. Grimani, Francesco Contarini^ and
Hieron. Soranzo, ambassadors extraordinary to pope
Gregory XV, in May, 162 1]
Of little importance, as are all reports of this kind.
The description of the new pope and of his government
could not be more than a hasty sketch, after so short a resi-
dence; a few remarks on the journey, the conclave, the
origin and previous life of the newly-chosen pontiff, with
No. 94] APPENDIX— SECTION V 221
the first proceedings of his administration, generally form
the whole material of the report.
Something more might, nevertheless, have been expected
on this occasion, because the ordinary ambassador, Geronimo
Soranzo, who had resided five years at the court of Rome,
made one of the four ambassadors, and prepared the report
in concert with the other three.
The interests of the Venetian senate were, however, not
identical with our own ; they were political, not historical.
The personal character and court arrangements of a departed
prince no longer awakened curiosity, and had no essential
importance. Soranzo contents himself with a few remarks.
" Non debbo tralasciare di narrare qualche cosa della piu
gravi che mi sono occorse di maneggiare in s\ lunga et im-
portante legatione."
The point of chief moment is, that Soranzo explains the
position which Venice had assumed towards the papal court,
in the affairs that had shortly before been in discussion with
Spain.
"The Spaniaids submitted to the consideration of his
holiness the favourable opportunity now presenting itself for
reviving the claims of the Church in the gulf (of Venice).
The ambassador laboured to shew the just, ancient, and
indubitable possession of the gulf; adding that the republic
would have recourse to foreign aid to defend it, and would
avail itself of the English and Dutch — nay, even of the
Turks themselves; and that if his holiness fomented the
unjust and unfair pretensions of the Spaniards, he would
throw all Christendom into the utmost confusion. One
day his holiness said to me, ' We consider it necessary that
the affairs of the gulf should remain unaltered : the inno-
vations that have taken place there have displeased us
greatly : we have said this to every one who has spoken to
us of the matter.* "
We perceive that there were once more precautions
required, lest another outbreak of open hostility should
ensue.
Soranzo laboured only to convince Paul V that the re-
public was not disposed to the Protestants. " Lo resi al
pieng capace della bontk e del puro zelo della republica."
222 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 95
The ambassadors entertained the conviction that the
new pope would not incUne to the Spaniards. The cha-
racter and manner of his election seemed to justify this
expectation.
" In the election of Gregory XV, the operation of the
Holy Spirit was made manifest. Borghese, who had the
command of six votes more than were required to make
the pope at his own pleasure, had resolved to have Campori
elected; but three of his creatures dissenting, and other
obstacles afterwards arising, he was induced to nominate
his creature Ludovisio ; but more by the instigation of
others, than by his own inclination. This cardinal possessed
the good-will of Aldobrandini ; he was believed by the
Spaniards to entertain pacific dispositions, and the French
considered him to be their friend."
The papal nephew seemed also to maintain himself still
unfettered. " Mostra sinora genio alieno da Spagnoli "
[he has hitherto shewn himself averse to the Spaniards],
say the ambassadors.
But all this too soon underwent a change.
No." 95
Vita e fatti di Ltidovico Ludovisi^ di S. R. Ch. vicecanc.
nepote di papa Gregorio XV, scritto da Luc. Antonio
Gitmti suo servitore da Urbino. [Life and measures of
Ludovico Ludovisio, vice-chancellor of the holy Roman
Church, nephew of Pope Gregory XV. Written by
his servant, Luc. Antonio Giunti of Urbino.] Cors.
122 leaves.
" Ludovico, ch'e poi stato il card^ Ludovisi, nacque in
Bologna dal conte Oratio della famiglia di Ludovisi e dalla
contessa Lavinia Albergati I'anno 1595, a 27 d'Ottobre."
[Ludovico, who afterwards became Cardinal Ludovisio, was
born in Bologna on the 27th October, 1595. His father
was Count Oratio, of the family of Ludovisi, his mother
the Countess Lavinia Albergati.] He was educated in the
Jesuits' college at Rome, was admitted doctor in 1 615, in
No. 95] APPENDIX— SECTION V 223
1 61 7 he accompanied his uncle on the latter being sent as
nuncio to Bologna, and in 161 9 he entered on the career
of the prelacy : on the day after the coronation of his uncle,
1 6th February, 1 621, he was nominated cardinal, and thence
obtained that eminent position in the world which we have
already described.
" I will give," says the author, " a certain idea of such
things as were partly proposed by him, and brought about
by his agency, or at the least promoted by his efforts during
the pontificate of his uncle Gregory."
I. Traits of character. — "He heard all that was said
with a more than common coolness. The ambassadors
could never have enough of transacting business with him :
he gave himself to all, that all might give themselves to
him. He did justice and shewed mercy at the same time,
without passion or duplicity."
' 2. Promotions. — He appointed the cardinals who had
promoted the election of his uncle to different legations:
Orsini to Romagna, Pio to the March (of Ancona), Ubal-
dini to Bologna, and Capponi he made archbishop of Ra-
venna. Thus their good services were rewarded. Nuncios
were despatched to all the courts : Massimi to Tuscany,
Pamfili to Naples, Corsini to France, Sangro to Spain,
Caraffa to the emperor, Montorio to Cologne. Aldobran-
dini served as general, Pino as paymaster in Germany.
The greater part of the Instructions furnished to these
nuncios are still extant. The following account of the
manner in which these documents were prepared is thus
rendered all the more interesting. "Although they were
drawn up by Monsignor Agucchia, a prelate of Bologna,
yet the cardinal gave particular attention to them himself,
by adding notes on the chief points, and making memo-
randa of the motives, intentions, and opinions of his holi-
ness, together with such counsels and remedies as were
suggested by his own foresight and knowledge." We per-
ceive, then, that the essential parts were supplied by the
cardinal-nephew, while Agucchia, a fellow-townsman of
Ludovisio, undertook the completion.
3. Bulls relating to the papal election. — The forms pre-
viously used were altered, secret scrutiny was introduced,
224 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 95
the adoration was abolished. Giunti describes the dis-
advantages arising from the adoration : " It made the car-
dinals more diffident in the expression of their opinions;
it produced and fomented serious antipathies between the
excluders and the excluded ; it caused the pontiff to be
chosen without due deliberation, when the heads of the
factions had made their inclinations manifest ; it occasioned
the result of the elections to depend, for the most part, on
the younger cardinals." It will be readily supposed that
Ludovisio had other and more secret motives for this change,
but these are not here brought forward.
4. The establishment of the Propaganda ; the canoniza-
tion of saints. — Of these we have treated in the text.
5. The transfer of the Electorate ; discussion of the
personal share taken by Ludovisio in that event.
6. The acquisition of the Heidelberg library : "... on
account of which, Cardinal Ludovisio exerted himself greatly,
seeing that he considered the acquirement of it among
the most fortunate events of his uncle's pontificate. Doctor
Leon Allaccio, Greek writer in the said Vatican library, was
selected to go and receive it, and take charge of it to Rome."
7. His protection of the Capuchins, whom Ludovisio
esteemed very highly, as he did, even more particularly, the
Jesuits. — Vitelleschi says, that by the ^'special protection
which God has ever extended to that society, it has come
to pass that some great cardinal has always stood forward
as its patron — Alessandro Farnese, Odoardo Farnese, Ales-
sandro Orsino, and now Ludovico Ludovisio." He had
richly supported the Jesuit churches in Rome and Bologna
from his private fortune ; and for the completion of the
former, he finally bequeathed 200,000 scudi in his will. He
had constantly bestowed 6,000 scudi a year towards that
purpose during his lifetime. The author includes that sum
in the alms he describes him to have given in charity, and
which he computes to have been exactly 32,882 scudi
yearly.
8. The election of Urban VIII. — This is here ascribed
to the cardinal : " superando con la sua destrezza le diffi-
colta che si traponevano" [surmounting by his dexterity
the difficulties that opposed it]. His removal from Rome
No. 96] APPENDIX— SECTION V 225
to his archiepiscopal see of Bologna was entirely determined
by himself.
9. His subsequent life. — He preached occasionally in
Bologna, and it was by him that the Bolognese were in-
duced to add Ignatius and Xavier to the number of their
heavenly protectors. But the principal thing related is, that
he placed himself in earnest opposition to the vacillating
policy of Urban VIII, in accordance with the principles by
which he had himself conducted the administration. When
the victories of Gustavus Adolphus in 1631 were made
known to him, he offered the Spanish court 100,000 scudi,
with the proceeds of all his Spanish abbeys, of which he
held ten, during such time as the war should continue.
Giunti gives the letter in which Ludovisio makes this offer,
which he founds on the " presenti bisogni della Germania e
deir augustissima casa di S. M*^ base e sostegno della reli-
gione cattolica " [the present necessities of Germany, and of
the most august house of his majesty, the basis and support
of the Catholic religion]. This offer was not accepted in
Spain, but Olivarez wrote to the cardinal in reply, that
although his majesty declined his proposal, he would yet
not fail to shew the cardinal whatever favours he could
himself desire, and which might appear to be for interested
purposes, if the offer were accepted.
Of the intention attributed by a Venetian to the cardinal
of calling a council against Pope Urban VIII, we do not
here find any trace.
Upon the whole, indeed, this biography is written very
much in the tone of an official panegyric. Although con-
taining much useful and authentic information, and many
trustworthy particulars, it refrains from all communication
of a more questionable character.
The cardinal died soon after. "La cui anima," says
Giunti in conclusion, " riposi in cielo."
VOL. III.
2 26 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 96
No. 96
Instruttione a mons^ vescovo d! Avers a^ nuntio desiinaio
da N. Sig''' alia M^^ Cesarea di Ferdmando II
Imperatore. Roma^ 12 Apr. 1621. [Instructions to the
bishop of Aversa, nuncio elect to the Emperor Ferdi-
nand II.]
We have seen the important effects of CarafFa's
exertions : the Instruction furnished to him by Gregory
XV on his proceeding to his nunciature would therefore
be worthy of our attention, were it only on that account ;
but it becomes still more so from the fact that it reveals
the views entertained at Rome after the battle of Prague.
Gregory commences by assuming that it was the purpose
of the Protestants to root out the house of Austria, to wrest
the empire to themselves, and then to press forward into
Italy, despoiHng and plundering that noblest part of the
world. But God had given events a different direction ; it
must now be the part of man to turn this interposition to
the utmost possible advantage.
He enjoins the nuncio to direct his attention to the
following points : —
I. Confirming the strength of the empire by means of
the CathoHcs. — He promises aid to the emperor, and urges
that the victory should be promptly followed up.
II. The restoration of the Catholic religion. — The pope
is rejoiced at the progress it is making in Austria and
Moravia. He is comforted by perceiving that in Silesia
they have at least refused to tolerate the Calvinists. But
he would not give his sanction to the toleration, even of the
Augsburg confession in Hungary, although that confession
certainly comes nearest to Catholicism : " La confessione
che, quantumque rea, si dilunga assai meno dalla professione
cattolica di quello che facciano le piii sette cattoliche."
But he is most of all anxious respecting Bohemia. For the
restoration of Catholicism in that country he recommends
the following measures : —
1. The foundation of a Catholic university in Prague.
2. The re-establishment of the Catholic parish priests
No. 96] APPENDIX— SECTION V 227
in the ancient parishes, and of Catholic schoolmasters in
the cities.
3. The use of catechisms and good books for all, but for
children and ignorant people (idioti) the ancient spiritual
songs in the Bohemian tongue'.
4. Catholic booksellers and printers, bookshops and
printing-presses of heretics being subjected to visitation.
5. The labours of the Jesuit fathers and other religious
orders.
6. The poor colleges should be restored to their
efficiency, by making over to them the alienated ecclesi-
astical property.
All means of instruction and education. But the nuncio
is further reminded that he must oppose the appointment of
Protestants to public offices. " The minds of men being more
effectually moved by their own interests than by other motives,
they will begin by degrees, more particularly the young, to
bend their spirits to the Catholic religion ; if for no other
cause, yet for the sake of participation in public honours."
III. The re-establishment of the ecclesiastical tribunals.
— On this subject the pope has many complaints to make.
The bishops are still reluctant to submit to the decrees of
the council of Trent; the canons pursue various corrupt
practices ; the chapters make a very bad use of the patronage
they exercise ; even the emperor allows himself too much
liberty. " L'imperatore istesso sotto varii pretest! di spogli,
di juspatronati, di concessioni apostoliche, di avocarie, di
incamerationi e di pienezza di potest^ trattiene le chiese gli
anni vacanti, et in quel mentre se ne prende per se I'entrate."
IV. Restoration of the papal authority. — The emperors
appear to see with gladness that the pope dares no longer
come forward with his bulls and excommunications. The
papal court has, moreover, lost a very large portion of the
revenues in money formerly derived from Germany, which
amounted in earlier times to 200,000 scudi. Gregory
will not give his approval to the proceedings with Klesel ;
but expresses himself with great moderation on the subject.
"Non b mai piaciuto troppo quel fatto." Verospi, the
auditor of the rota, was sent over to conduct the proceedings.
V. The relation of the emperor to Italy. — This might be
228 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 96
made useful, more especially in the affairs of the Valtelline.
The consent of Spain had not yet been given to the
demolition of the conquered fortresses. " It seems that the
duke of Feria and other ministers of his imperial majesty are
opposed to that measure, as desiring to retain those forts,
and with them the glory of that conquest." But the pope
clearly perceived the danger that might arise from this. The
Protestants in Germany would desire nothing better than to
see the sword unsheathed in Italy.
VI. The conduct and deportment of the nuncio. — He is
above all things recommended in the first place to Ecken-
berg, as was to be expected; but it is highly remarkable
that the papal nephew speaks of the Jesuits with the utmost
reserve and caution only. " The nuncio will make great
account of Father Beccano, the emperor's confessor, and
must avail himself skilfully of his assistance, — not neglecting
meanwhile to observe the language and opinions of that
father, the better to discover his purposes, and to acquaint
me with them ; and in like manner he will have recourse to
the Jesuit fathers with a wary confidence." *' Con avveduta
confidenza ! " — an admirable piece of advice.
We are meanwhile made aware of the magnificent designs
already conceived by the pope. Even at that time he con-
templated the restitution of all Church property. With this
remarkable passage we will conclude our extract. " In
proportion as progress shall be made in the acquirement of
territories previously held by heretics, your excellency will
urge on his majesty with the utmost earnestness, that he
should recover the ecclesiastical possessions occupied by
them, and restore them to the Church and their true patrons.
An application to this eifect was made by order of Pope
Paul V, when the marquis Spinola took possession of the
Palatinate, and the emperor replied that the time was not
yet come for treating of that matter."
We perceive then that the idea of the Edict of Restitu-
tion was conceived by Paul V in 1620, but was at that time
rejected by the emperor as premature and inopportune.
The nuncio of Gregory XV was now to press anew for
that measure, and was to represent to the emperor the merit
he would acquire by it.
No. 97] APPENDIX— SECTION V 229
No. 97
Jnstruttione a mons^ Sajigro, patriarcha d^ Alessandria et
arcivescovo di Ben£ve?tto, per andar imnzio di S. S''^ al re
cattoHco. 1621. [Instruction to Monsignor Sangro,
patriarch of Alexandria and archbishop of Benevento,
when proceeding as nuncio to the king of Spain.]
1621.
Sangro is reminded that the power of Spain is now for the
most part in the hands of Uzeda and of the grand inquisitor.
He must therefore more particularly remind the latter of his
spiritual duties.
In order to discover secrets, he is recommended to attach
himself to the ambassadors of Venice and Tuscany; "de'
quali si suol cavare molto " [from whom there is usually
much to be drawn].
The questions of immunity, of ecclesiastical jurisdiction,
and of the collettoria, are afterwards discussed minutely ; but
I am obliged to confess that the defective and illegible copy
which I found deterred me from entering more fully into these
subjects.
The principal matter is still the discussion of the political
relations.
The nuncio is directed above all things to demand the
renewal of the war with Holland.
He was to remind the Spanish court that Prince Maurice
was already old and feeble, and that his death was daily to
be expected ; that the division between the Arminians and
Gomarists weakened the Provinces, where Count Henry was
hoping to obtain the supreme power by the aid of the former,
while Count Ernest founded similar hopes on the assistance
of the latter; that the Zealanders were poor, and the
Hollanders hated by the rest for their arrogance. " Thus
the king could not turn his forces against them at a better
time or more fitting opportunity."
2 30 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 98
No. 98
Instruttione a V. Sig^^"" M"" di Torres, arcivescovo di Antri-
nopoli, nuntio destinato da N. Sig^" in Polonla. 30
Maggioy 1 62 1. [Instruction to Monsignor Torres, arch-
bishop of Antrinopoli; nuncio elect to Poland.]
The misunderstanding between Paul V and Sigismund III
was not altogether without importance. "Se la pietk del
re," says Gregory XV in this Instruction, " e la riverenza che
a questa sede egli porta, non havesse ammorzato del tutto o
almeno coperte le scintille de' dispiaceri loro, se ne sarebbe
per li soffioni altrui acceso alcun fuoco di discordia mani-
festa." [If the piety of the king, and the reverence which he
bears to this see, had not entirely quenched, or at least
subdued, the sparks of their resentments, the fires of open
discord would certainly have been enkindled from them by
the breath of others.]
Gregory now labours to pacify all these dissensions. He
is impressed by the merits of this king, who could not have
been made a better Catholic even in Rome itself.
The nuncio is reminded that he must above all things be
careful to let his deportment be such as to incur no blame :
" because all eyes are fixed on the nuncio, and take example
from him in holiness of manners, and the king himself pro-
poses him as a model to his prelates." To give diligent
attendance at the banquets of the great, would certainly not
in itself be an unlikely means of obtaining influence, but in
the end it would diminish the respect which it was necessary
for a nuncio to receive.
It was desirable that the nuncio should visit the
churches in person, as was formerly done.
But the point principally insisted on was still education.
The institution of the Dottrina Christiana, as existing in
Italy, was to be introduced into Poland also. Care must be
taken to provide catechisms, and worldly or Protestant songs
must be superseded by others of Catholic import.
No. 99] APPENDIX— SECTION V 231
No. 99
Instruttione a V, S"'"^ M"" Lancellotti^ vescovo di Nola,
destinato da N. S^" sno nuntio in Polonia. [Instruc-
tion to Monsignor Lancellotti, bishop of Nola, nuncio
elect to Poland.]
I do not know whether belonging to 1622 or 1623, but
certainly still under Gregory XV.
The Instruction furnished to Torres was communicated
to the present nuncio also. At the command of the Propa-
ganda, all bishops had, since that time, been compelled to
present reports on the state of their dioceses : from these
documents the nuncio was directed to procure further
information.
Political relations are brought more prominently forward.
The nuncio was enjoined to do his utmost for the jjreserva-
tion of the good understanding existing between the Poles
and the house of Austria: the Turks and the rebellious
subjects of the emperor would thereby be held in check.
The Poles would gladly have concluded a peace, or at
least a truce for twenty years, with Gustavus Adolphus. The
latter also proposed that the Polish line should succeed to
his throne in the event of his dying without children, but
Sigismund rejected every overture. " Benche Gustavo per
conditione espressa offrisse che morendo lui senza figliuoli
gli avesse a succedere S. M'^ e la sua stirpe, s'oppose a
questi consigli." It was only from consideration for the
Poles that he agreed to a short truce.
The affairs of the United Greeks had already been dis*
cussed in the Instruction given to Torres, but were clearly
and thoroughly explained in this paper.
" The Greeks in the time of Clement VIII being in-
fluenced by Rupaccio Pacciorio, who was first bishop or
vladica of Vladimiera, and afterwards metropolitan of
Chiovia, their bishops or vladici agreed, those of Leopoli
and Premisla excepted, who remained in their obstinacy, to
unite themselves to the church of Rome, and to acknow-
ledge the pope for their head, as they did in 1595, according
634 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 99
to the form and profession of faith contained in the Floren-
tine council. But so many dissensions arose out of this, and
so earnestly did the Greek nobles, favoured by the heretics,
oppose themselves to that union in the diet, that the kingdom
had nearly been turned upside down, because very few of
the clergy, and still fewer of the people, were willing to accept
it, affirming that all had been done for the private designs
and ambition of a few, without their participation. Thus,
though the Catholic bishops and pastors do still remain, yet
they stand alone, without finding flocks willing to follow
them. Moreover, they run great risk of being driven from
their sees, and of having those churches taken from them
which were previously wrested from the schismatics and con-
ferred upon them. There is, accordingly, great noise made
about this in all the diets ; and in the past year it happened
that a bishop, or perhaps it might be the schismatic patriarch
of Jerusalem, sent into Muscovy and Russia by the patriarch
of Constantinople, fixed himself among the Russians, and
created there as many schismatics as there were United
Greeks, besides exciting the Cossacks, who are all schismatic
Greeks, to demand in the diet, with very large offers, because
the kingdom had need of them for the war with the Turks,
that their ancient pretensions should be satisfied. The
bishop of St. Angelo, now nuncio, nevertheless contrived to
divert the blow, so that, between his exertions and the public
necessities, which left no leisure for new conflicts, the
matter was reduced to silence by authority of the king.
There is yet continual apprehension from the United Greeks,
and the most intelligent prelates prognosticate that evil will
ultimately arise from them, if some precaution be not taken
to prevent it. Hence there are some who think that it would
have been better if this union had never been made ; for
they affirm that it would have been much more easy to lead
the nobles separately, and family by family, into the Catholic
church ; and of this they adduce as proof the fact that all
those who have singly abandoned the Greek rite and the
schism, remain fixed in their attachment to our church."
No. loo] APPENDIX— SECTION V 233
No. 100
Relatione faita alia congrcgaiione de Propaganda Fide da
Dionysio Lazari sopra alcnne cose che possono essere di
servitio alia santa fede cattoUca. 1622. [Report pre-
sented to the congregation " de Propaganda Fide " by
Dionysio Lazari with respect to certain things which
may be useful to the holy Catholic faith.]
Dion. Lazari had been in England for some time, or, as
he expresses himself, " molti mesi " [many months], and here
suggests the means by which Catholicism may be restored
there.
He considers that the methods to be pursued are
three : — negotiation with one, or with many, or measures
of violence.
He is of opinion, however, that much might be effected
with King James personally, his majesty being indifferent as
regarded his creed, and very timid. " Per la pratica che ho
di lui, lo stimo indifferente in qualsivoglia religione." It
would be well to foster his suspicions, even by means of
forged or supposititious letters : " Far artificiosamente avisar
qualche suo ministro fuori del regno di persona da loro
creduta fedele, e nelF istesso regno far trovar qualche lettera
a nome supposito che trattasse in forme segrete queste
materie." [To contrive that some minister of his, out of the
kingdom, should receive seeming advices from some person
believed trustworthy, and to manage that some letter in a
feigned name should be found in the kingdom, which
might treat of these matters with forms of secrecy.]
Buckingham, also, might well be gained over ; his wife was
the daughter of a Catholic, and was secretly a Catholic
herself ("^ segreta cattolica figlia'anche di segreto catto-
lico "). Buckingham attached great importance to alliances
with foreign powers ; it was through these that he might be
most easily won, and the rather as he was always in danger
from the parliament. " Essendo composto il parlamento
quasi per la maggior parte di puritani, stimarebbe egli specie
d'efficace vendetta Tindurre il re al cattolicismo." [The
234 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. loi
parliament being for the most part composed of puritans, he
would esteem it an efficient vengeance to lead the king
into Catholicism.]
Influence to be gained over the people. It would be very
useful if they could only obtain freedom of preaching:
"which might be accomplished by means of money, pro-
posing, so to speakj a toll or tax on preachers and hearers,
for the king is often led, by the gain to be made, into things
contrary to his will."
He says that violent measures were not to be thought of.
But we see clearly that even peaceable ones, such as he
proposed, could not have been carried out.
Lazari belongs to that class of people who believe that
they can influence the progress of events by means of in-
trigue and cunningly-contrived plans, which can, however,
never be the case.
He has no hopes from the present generation_, which has
been wholly nurtured in the Protestant opinions. The
prince alone, afterwards Charles I, appears to him to give
some promise. " lo v'ho grandissima speranza, per vederlo
d'indole molto ingenua, di costumi assai generosi, molto
sobrio nel detestar li cattolici." [I have the greatest hopes
of him, perceiving him to be of an extremely ingenuous
disposition, of sufficiently generous character, and very tem-
perate in expressing aversion to the Catholics.]
No. loi
Instruttione al dottor Leone Allatio per andare in Germania
per la libreria del Palat'mo. 1622. [Instruction to
Doctor Leone Allatio, on going into Germany to fetch
the Palatine library.] Court library at Vienna, MS.
Hohenb.
The Instruction by which Leo Allatius, then scriptor to
the Vatican, was empowered to take possession of the
Heidelberg library.
This document is found not only in Vienna, but also in
many other libraries ; for example, in the Chigi library in
No. loi] APPENDIX -SECTION V 235
Rome, among the collections of Instructions by Gregory
XV. The literary interest attached to the subject has also
caused it to be made known. Quade, Baumgarten, and
Gerdes, one after the other, have had it printed in Latin.
Having once come within the domain of Protestant
literature, it was at length inevitably made the subject of
discussion. In the " Geschichte der Bildung, Beraubung
imd Vernichtung der alten heidelbergischen Biichersamm-
lungen" (Heidelberg, 1817), p. 235, our learned fellow-
citizen and friend G. R. Fr. Wilken — so I wrote in 1836 —
has suggested serious doubts of its authenticity.
And the Latin translation is in fact executed in a
manner that cannot fail to awaken mistrust. But fortu-
nately this disappears when we have the original manuscript
before us.
In the Latin, for example, we find the following words
in relation to the medals furnished to Allatio for the soldiers
of Tilly : — " Unum adhuc R. T. D. suppeditamus strata-
gema, ut scilicet sibi magnam nummorum comparet copiam,
quos a Sanctis canonisatos esse fingat." It is without doubt
incredible that the Roman court should have expressed
itself in this manner to one of its servants.
We find accordingly, on consulting the original, that it
is in truth quite different. *' E qui soggiungero a V. S. che
se le dara un grosso numero di medaglie con I'indulgenza
della canonizzatione de' santi fatta da N. S." [And here I
may add, that you shall be furnished with a great number
of medals, with the indulgence of the canonization of saints
made by his hohness.] By this I understand, medals com-
memorating the canonization of the saints who had been
placed in the calendar by Gregory XV, with an indulgence
attached.
There is just as little to be found in the original, of
Allatio addressing the duke of Bavaria in German, as the
Latin version will have him to have done. — " Tradito," we
find it in Baumgarten, "brevi a Sancto Patre fidei ipsius
concredito, Germanico idiomate eum affandi." In the
original, on the contrary, we have, " Presentando a Sua
Altezza il breve di N. S% le parlerk a nome di Sua S''^ con-
forme al tenore di esso." [Presenting to his highness the
236 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 102
brief of our lord the pope, you shall speak in the name of
his holiness according to the tenor of the same.]
This is a translation which outrages the Italian, as well
as all probability.
But when we examine the original, and remark how
much more judiciously it was composed, and in circum-
stances that leave no room for doubt, we can no longer
question its authenticity.
It is, nevertheless, certainly true that Allatio was com-
manded to circulate a rumour to the effect that the library
was to be transferred to Munich, and not to Rome. " In
ogni caso sara bene di metter voce che si abbia da condurre
solamente a Monaco e non a Roma." We have already
seen how often the greatest caution was impressed as a
duty on the papal envoys. Further instructions of similar
character were given to Allatio ; for example : " Massi-
mamente per i paesi sospetti sark sempre meglio di andare
in habito corto, come persona negotiante del dominio
Veneto." [It will be always advisable, more particularly
in the suspected countries, that you should appear in a short
coat, like one occupied in commerce from the Venetian
territories.] So much dissembling and disguise was thought
needful to success.
That such directions should be given in writing should
scarcely excite our wonder. In that court, and more par-
ticularly in the chancery of Ludovisio, they were fond of
writing. The Instructions prepared by Agucchia are not
wanting in important political views^ but they are also loaded
with trifles of this kind. The compiler desired to have the
credit of thinking of every thing.
There was, besides, much cause for apprehending the
rage to be awakened among the inhabitants of Heidelberg
by this loss to their metropolis, more especially among the
reformed party. The library was to be escorted by a
detachment of cavalry.
No. 102
InstnUtione at padre Don Tobia Corona, de^ chierici regolari^
mandato da papa Gregorio XV al re di Francia e prima
No. 102] APPENDIX— SECTION V 237
al dtica di Savoia per Hfnpresa della cittct di Ginevra.
1622. [Instruction to Father Corona, of the chierici
regolari, sent by Gregory XV to the king of France,
and first to the duke of Savoy, respecting the enter-
prise against the city of Geneva.] Library of Frank-
furt-am-Main, MSS. Glauburg, vol. 39^ n. i. 26
leaves. 4to.
The commencement of this paper is as follows : —
" LTtalia che dall' eterna providenza e stata eletta a reggere
hora I'imperio temporale, bora lo spirituale del mondo."
[Italy, which has been elected by eternal Providence to
govern at one time the temporal, at another the spiritual
empire of the world.]
To this spiritual domination, Geneva is above all things
abhorrent ; " non solo come plena di huomini appestati ma
come catedra di pestilenza " [not only as being full of men
infected with plague, but as itself the very seat of pesti-
lence].
To chastise it, to destroy that city, was a task especially
befitting the pope as the vicar of Christ, and the duke of
Savoy, who still called himself count of Geneva. And accord-
ingly the popes and dukes had frequently attempted that
enterprise, but had constantly been impeded by the pro-
tection that France had extended to the city. Now, how-
ever, the state of things is altered. " France is occupied
with the task of subduing the rebel heretics, and will be
pleased to see that they are deprived of strength and repu-
tation in other quarters, by measures similar to those she
is herself adopting, and without any cost to her."
The pope had formed the plan of this attack from the
very commencement of his pontificate, and thought the way
might be prepared for its execution by the mission of a con-
ventual ecclesiastic. " Since our motive is that of religion,
it will be advisable that we should avoid all rumour, con-
cealing our proceedings as much as possible ; therefore we
will send a monk thither. Your reverence will conduct
this affair throughout as originating in the mind of his
holiness, without any other inspiration than that of the Holy
Spirit."
238 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 102
He is first to awaken in the duke of Savoy " the propen-
sities of a warlike heart ; " but if he should require help, he
must represent to him how greatly the support accorded to
the emperor and the League had exhausted the Apostolic
See, how many claims the Poles were making, and the heavy
expenses occasioned by Avignon ; yet he was by all means
to lead him to hope for some assistance ; " che Sua S'^ non
sara stretta a S. A. di tutti quelli ajuti che dalle picciole
forze uscir potranno." The envoy is also directed to request
all needful information respecting the rights of Savoy to
Geneva.
But the most important part of his mission was the kind
of representations that he should make to the king of
France, i. That the king must beware of incurring the
suspicion that he was persecuting the Protestants solely from
regard to his political interests. 2. That even these interests,
rightly understood^ required the destruction of Geneva.
" If Geneva had not afforded shelter to Calvin, his majesty
would not now be compelled to bear arms against his
obstinate and perverse Huguenot subjects ; nor would
republics be seen rising up against the monarchy. . . .
There are popular republics (those of the Huguenots) that
have their citizens and adherents on every hand's breadth
of ground ; nay, even in the court itself, and perhaps in the
very chamber of the king. . . . Already the republic of the
Huguenots is founded; already are its laws published;
already are magistrates, counsellors, and commanders of
armies appointed in every province. There remains nothing
more for them to do than themselves to take up arms
against the king and drive him from his throne."
How prominently the element and tendencies of
monarchy were brought forward in the midst of these
Catholic endeavours, is here made manifest. Geneva was
to be destroyed as the chief and adviser of the Huguenot
republics. It could now look for no assistance, since all
other Protestant communities were fully occupied with
their own affairs, and the English were bound fast by
treaties.
And of what importance could this augmentation of
Savoy be considered, in comparison with the might of
No. 103] APPENDIX— SECTION V 239
France ? The pass could not be defended against the
Swiss, since the king held possession of Bresse. " The
Catholic cantons, with which the crown is most closely
allied, will be gratified as well as benefited by the change.
The canton of Freiburg, surrounded by Bernese heretics,
although it be valiant and not afraid of them, will none the
less prefer to have for its neighbours on the side of the lake,
that city become Catholic, and placed under the dominion
of a friendly and Catholic prince, rather than the same
remaining free and heretical."
Cardinal Retz, the Constable (Luynes), and Pere Arnoux,
are the persons named to Corona as those from whom he
may more particularly expect support.
We shall presently speak of the results of this mission.
No. 103
Relatione di Romafaita nel Senato Vencto da IP ambasciador
Rainiero 2^no alii 22 di Nov. 1623. [Report from
Rome, presented to the Venetian Senate by the ambas-
sador Rainiero Zeno.] Iijformat. Politt., vol. xiv.,
loi leaves.
The ambassadors, returning from their missions, usually
express themselves with modesty and deference, as well
towards the princes from whom they return as towards their
hearers. Rainiero Zeno is the first who gives evidence of a
great self-complacency. He not only declares that he lays
before the senate a clear view and balance of the papal
revenues and expenditure, which he had compiled with the
most diligent care (f. 80), but even reminds them of the
lively colours with which he had portrayed first one and
then another of the cardinals in his despatches (f. in). Of
Pope Urban himself, he says, without ceremony, " with two
words I brought his arguments to nothing." He asserts, in
express terms, that " the Divine Majesty had given him the
talent of penetrating the innermost thoughts of the most
reserved men ; " and makes Cardinal Ludovisio utter an
encomium on the Venetian republic, because she always
240 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 103
selected men of the most approved ability for the embassy
to Rome.
Rainiero Zeno appears some years later in the Venetian
troubles of 1628. Here, also, whatever proceeds from his
pen has that stamp of self-approval manifest in the report
before us, and which betrays itself in so many Italians and
Spaniards of that century.
Among men of this character there could not fail to be
many collisions ; Rainiero Zeno accordingly experienced the
most unpleasant incidents in the course of his embassy.
These took place for the most part in the pontificate of
Gregory XV. Ludovisio desired a display of reverence
and observance that Zeno would not accord him: they
consequently soon fell into violent dissensions.
In the latter part of his report Zeno describes these
contentions. He boasts of having frequently given sharp
replies to the papal nephew — of reducing him to silence.
He derived especial satisfaction from having arrived by
secret means at the knowledge of things which the cardinal
nephew believed to be veiled in the deepest secrecy, and
respecting which he would then let him see that he was
perfectly well acquainted with the whole. It rejoices him
to think of the vexation this occasioned to Ludovisio.
" He saw that with me he must give up his mighty conceit
of being impenetrable to every one." But he will not have
it supposed that much evil came of this ; on the contrary,
the republic was thereby advanced in reputation. When
it was proposed to leave the Valtelline as a deposit in the
hands of the Spaniards, there was nothing so much dreaded
by Ludovisio as the noise of the Venetian protests, — " il
fracasso che era per far io, il rimbombo delle mie proteste "
[the uproar that I was sure to make, the resounding of my
protestations].
But these times had, meanwhile, passed away. Urban VIII
had ascended the papal throne, and Rainiero Zeno makes it
his particular care to describe the personal character, the
court, and political administration of that pontiff, so far as
they had at that time developed.
He declares repeatedly that the cardinals made it their
only thought to speak in such a manner as might satisfy
No. 103] APPENDIX— SECTION V 24J
the pope. He considers it perfectly right that no man
should think of attempting to bring the papal finances into
order. There is no instrument, he says, so well fitted to
throw all Christendom into confusion as the head of a pope.
He thereupon sketches a portrait of Urban VIII. " He
is a prince of grave and venerable aspect, tall in stature,
of an olive complexion ; his features are noble, and his
hair black, beginning to turn grey ; more than commonly
elegant in appearance, singularly graceful in his gestures
and the movements of his body. He speaks admirably
well, and on whatever subject you enter with him, he has
arguments at will, and displays extraordinary proficiency
in every matter. He has hitherto shewn a great love for
poetry, which he has never ceased to cultivate, even in his
most serious occupations and studies. Those who are well
acquainted with this art, and with what is called humane
letters, have been always well received by him, and he has
courteously favoured them in all that came within his power ;
yet this taste does not abstract his attention from things
of greater importance, and which were more essential to
the due performance of his duties in such offices as have
successively passed through his hands. I speak of the
study of law, in which he has laboured incessantly from his
earliest youth even to these last years, and that with the
extraordinary closeness of application required by his charge
of prefect to the segnatura of justice, a magistracy demanding
severe study, extreme acuteness, and the most exact accuracy,
because of the variety of the affairs brought before it. He
is so well versed in the business of the world, and the
interests of princes, that it might be thought he had passed
his whole time in the schools of politics."
It is by no means necessary that we should extract further.
The resemblance of this portrait is only in the general
outline; the more delicate features of that intellectual
physiognomy are not to be found here, whether because
they were not developed until a later period, or that Zeno
had not the power of comprehending them.
The case is precisely similar with the following descrip-
tions of the pope's relatives and the cardinals, of whom the
author gives a circumstantial account.
VOL. lU. R
942 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 103
One thing only demands notice, that he advises the
senate to expect no kind of service from the Venetian
cardinals. " Priuli," he says, " languido di spirito come di
corpo." [Priuli, feeble in mind as in body.] So con-
temptuously does he treat them ! Of Venier he will not
speak at all, in order that he may have no contentions with
his kinsmen.
He next proceeds to the political relations. He declares
himself at least content that this time a pope has been
elected who is not in love with the Spaniards. Albuquerque
had found the soil exceedingly stubborn, and could not
get what he wanted. The relations of Urban VIII to
France are described by Zeno in the following manner.
" It is not to be doubted that the pontiff has a most
friendly disposition towards the kingdom of France, a thing
pointed out to us as highly probable by many circum-
stances; for his greatness first took its rise in that court,
and, although it is true that he rose by his own merits, yet
he does not himself deny that he received great assistance
from the attestations of Henry IV to the satisfaction pro-
duced by his mode of transacting business, and to that
monarch's assurance of the pleasure it would give him to
see him participate in the honours usually conferred on
other residents who had held the same charge. The frank
and ingenuous proceedings of the French, wholly free from
the artifice and duplicity common to other nations, are in
perfect accord with the disposition of his hoHness; there
is also a certain conformity in the modes of study to which
the French apply themselves, and in which they excel, with
those in which his holiness takes pleasure, — the more polite
Hterature, that is to say, the more graceful kinds of erudition,
poetry, and the study of languages, in which he also delights,
and has engaged, in so far as his active duties have per-
mitted. He esteems that kingdom as much as words can
say, because he considers it as a counterpoise to the am-
bition of the others, which unquestionably aim at universal
monarchy."
The pope took it very ill that the Venetians should connect
themselves with heretics and unbelievers. He thought there
could certainly have been other assistance found for them.
No. 104] APPENDIX— SECTION V 243
Zeno concludes by once more recalling to mind the toils
and struggles that his office had cost him; his incessant
watchings, his sleepless nights, and the bitter vexations by
which his health had been impaired. "Yet am I more
rejoiced," he says, " to have worn out my Hfe in the service
of my native land, than if I had lived at ease for a whole
century, but remained inactive."
No. 104
Relatione degli ecd^^ signori amb''^ straordinarii Corner^
Erizzo^ Soranzo e Zeno, ritornati nltima?nente da Roma^
letta aW ecd^" senato 25 Febr. 1624. {i.e. M. V. 1625.)
[Report of the ambassadors extraordinary, Corner,
Erizzo, Soranzo, and Zeno, lately returned from Rome.]
When Gregory XV declared that he would no longer
transact business with Rainiero Zeno, the Venetians sent
Geronimo Soranzo to take his place. Yet Zeno was still
in Rome, as we have just seen, when Urban VIII was
elected. Both were commissioned to congratulate the new
pontiff, Corner and Erizzo appearing to complete the
embassy.
The report which they prepared in common is free from
those effusions of self-love to which Zeno alone gave indul-
gence ; it acquires a certain importance from the fact that
the affairs of the republic had again become complicated by
the matter of the Valtelline.
Pope Urban appears to have been greatly dissatisfied by
the Venetians having taken part with the French in their
attack on the papal garrisons. " Che i cannoni della repub-
lica si fossero voltati contra i luoghi tenuti in deposito della
S. S^, che chiamo luoghi dell' istessa chiesa."
" Ne mancano," continue the ambassadors, " in Roma
soggetti d'ogni grado et d'ogni qualitk che proponevano a
S. S*^, come ella medesima ci disse, ad usare contra quell
ecc""" senato le censure ecclesiastiche." [Nor are there
wanting in Rome men of every rank, and of all characters,
who proposed to his holiness, as he told us himself, that he
244 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 104
should utter the ecclesiastical censures against the most
excellent senate.]
They laboured to excuse themselves as well as they
possibly could : they affirmed that it was the purpose of the
Spaniards to possess themselves of universal monarchy :
"rendersi patroni di quelli passi, per facilitarsi la mon-
archia di questa provincia." [To make themselves masters
of those passes, and thereby facilitate their attainment of the
sovereignty of that province.] They alleged that religion
had been perfecdy secure, and that their having formed a
league with Ultramontanes was the less to be brought
against them as a ground of reproach, because they had
been forbidden by the popes themselves to raise troops in
the States of the Church.
Urban had believed that they would make him some
conciliatory proposal in relation to that affair; but they had
no commission to that effect. On his side, also, he was on
that account inaccessible to their requests. They were
obliged to content themselves with merely perceiving that
his displeasure was mitigated : " non si impetrava altro che
mitigamento dell' acerbitk mostrata del suo animo."
But this could not have been a very difficult matter to
attain, since the aversion of Urban to the Spaniards had
already made itself manifest. He declared "che non po-
teva parlar alto, perche troppo era circondato da' Spagnoli,
e che a Madrid lo chiamavano heretico, ma che armato si
havrebbe fatto rispettare" [that he dared not speak above
his breath, so closely was he surrounded by Spaniards, and
that at Madrid they were calling him a heretic ; but that if
he were armed he would make himself respected].
His subsequent opinions and conduct were already
shadowed forth in these words.
It is principally with interests of this kind that our report
is occupied, but it also attempts to give an intimation of
affairs in general. Let us observe how it describes the chiefs
of the government in the first years of Urban VIII.
"With regard to those who are now in the highest
authority with the pontiff for the most essential affairs, they
are restricted to two persons, namely. Cardinal Magalotti
and Don Carlo Barberini, brother of his holiness. It is
No. 104] APPENDIX— SECTION V 245
true that both affect to be quite unconscious of this
authority, and not to possess it : they avoid all official
interviews, pretend to know nothing of the affairs in hand,
do not approve of being frequently visited; and by this
mode of proceeding, very unlike that adopted by the kindred
of other popes, they more effectually sustain the reputation
of his holiness, desiring to have it understood that all
depends entirely on his commands alone.
" In events of very grave importance, his holiness was
sometimes wont to summon to his councils the cardinals
Bandini, Melini, Scaglia, Santa Susanna, and some others ;
because, knowing them to be of very severe character, he
sought by this appearance to give proofs of esteem for the
sacred college and for their persons : not that he was in
effect much inclined towards them, or tmsted greatly to
their opinions. And this conceit of his holiness, which is
clearly perceived by the said cardinals as well as by others,
is complained of by every one, all affirming that after his
determination respecting affairs is taken, he communicates
with them, but not with any intention of accepting their
advice. They perceive also that he becomes daily more
negligent in making these communications, omitting, indeed,
altogether to hold consultations with the cardinals. It is
true, that though greatly induced to this by the wish to
retain absolute dominion and authority in his own hands,
yet he is the more confirmed in it because he knows
them to be dependent on one or other of the foreign
sovereigns, and attached to the interests of those princes*
so that he considers this course to be most advantageous
for himself.
^' With respect to matters touching the republic, Mon-
signor Gessi and Monsignor di Montefiascone are admitted
to the consultations, as having been nuncios to this city and
well acquainted with its affairs. Occasionally also, Anzolo
Badoer is also invited, but he lives in Rome under another
name and surname, having become a priest and fixed him-
self there finally, residing for his greater security in a house
attached to the monastery of the Frati della Scalla, in whose
church he generally says mass. But, as we have said,
Cardinal Magalotti and Signor Carlo Barberini are the
246 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 105
fixed stars of that firmament; and all negotiations, being
confined to those two heads, are conducted with the closest
secrecy ; so that what we cannot attain to by conjecture,
it is very difficult to know by any other means, unless we
are directly informed by the pontiff himself.
" Don Carlo displays a similar independence of princes
to that possessed by his holiness. He is fifty-eight years
old, of good constitution, and strong. He is disposed to
give satisfaction to the people by keeping the cities well
supplied with all things. In his private affairs he is a careful
economist, and is" anxious to make himself rich, knowing
well that the reputation of men is enhanced by wealth, — nay,
that gold exalts and distinguishes its possessor advantageously
in the eyes of the world; besides that, it is the generally
received opinion that it is not reasonable or suitable for a
man who has once been the kinsman of a pope, to remain
after his death in narrow circumstances-. He is a man of
few words, but sensitive. He has shewn the highest rever-
ence for the most serene republic, but we having said to
him, on paying our compliments, that we wished his holi-
ness a long reign, he replied with a certain bitterness, that
if the pope were to be respected and honoured as pope, —
alluding to matters then proceeding in the Valtelline, — he
should desire long life for him ; but that if it were to be
otherwise, he should pray the Almighty to take him to
himself as soon as possible.
" Cardinal Magalotti also professes to live in perfect
independence. He is a sagacious and prudent man, shew-
ing great vivacity of mind and restlessness of spirit, and it
is believed that he might be gahied. As the cardinal-nephew
increases in age and experience, it is thought that they will
scarcely go on well together, and that the pope will therefore
take care to avail himself of the cardinal's services at the
right moment, in some legation."
No. 105
Instnittione a J/" Sacchetti^ vescovo di Gravina, mmzio des-
tinafo di N, S""' per la M'^ caW". 1624. [Instruction
No. 105] APPENDIX-SECTION V 247
to Monsignor Sacchetti, bishop of Gravina, nuncio elect
to the king of Spain.] Barb. fol. 26 leaves.
The directions of Sacchetti refer, first, to the domestic
affairs of Spain ; secondly, to those of Europe generally.
1. There were at all times manifold rivalries and dis-
putes between Rome and Spain. The Roman court was
just then, for example, extremely displeased that a cardinal
such as Lerma should be deprived of his revenues and
summoned before a secular tribunal. But while the pope
laboured to put a stop to these proceedings, he caused
Lerma to be admonished, at the same time, that he must
resign all hope of worldly greatness, — that nothing further,
indeed, could be done, since Olivarez was so high in favour ;
wherefore he would do well to make up his mind, and after
having lived so long for others, at length to live to God and
himself. On the other hand the nuncio was referred to
Olivarez, with whom the Roman court was at that moment
still on good terms. The following remarkable circumstance
is brought forward on this occasion : — " It has come to pass
that the jealousy of the queen, aroused by some suspicion
that the king had bestowed his affections elsewhere, has led
her to complain to the king of France, her brother, in such
sort that the latter had taken a resolution to make it a matter
of public dispute with his brother-in-law. But the prede-
cessor of your excellency wrote about the business, and said
he had found a remedy by establishing confidence between
Count Olivarez and the queen, who had before been ex-
ceedingly distrustful of him."
The nuncio is also recommended to have recourse to
the grand inquisitor, and is directed to stimulate that
official to increased watchfulness against the introduction of
heretical books into Spain and the Indies.
2. There had been conceived in Spain the idea of
securing the German line in more peaceful possession of
their late acquisitions by means of two new marriages. The
hereditary prince palatine and Bethlem Gabor were both to
be married to princesses of the imperial house. By these
means it was hoped that the Hungarian troubles, and still
more certainly those of Germany, might be got over. This
24^ APPENDIX-SECTION V [Mo. io6
purpose did not at first obtain credence in Rome, but on
the receipt of further intelligence, it was no longer possible
to doubt. The pope hastened to make remonstrances to
the king against this design. It had appeared from certain
letters, that it was by no means the purpose of the EngHsh
to allow the prince palatine to become Catholic, even
though he did go to the imperial court. And would they
venture to confide in so unstable a man as Gabor? He
(the pope) could neither believe nor sanction such pro-
posals, and charged his nuncio to oppose them with his
utmost power. — "V. S"*, ma con destrezza et a tempo,
facci per impedirli (questi due matrimonj) tutto quello che
umanamente pud."
We know that Pope Urban himself had a large part in
defeating these, if far-sought, yet well-intentioned plans.
The mission of Rota, which we have before mentioned, is
explained by these expressions.
No. io6
Insfruttione a V. S''^'' arcivescovo di Damiafa e chierico di ca-
mera per la mi,ntiatu7'a ordinaria al re crist"'". 23 Genu.
1624. [Instruction to the Archbishop of Damiata,
clerk of the chamber, nuncio in ordinary to the king of
France.]
This Instruction is the counterpart of that given to
Sacchetti.
Here also the pope condemns the above-described plan
for the restitution of the Palatinate in the most violent
manner. He calls on the king to use his influence to
induce Saxony to abstain from impeding the progress of
the Bavarian power. After that he wishes for nothing more
earnestly than the destruction of Orange, which was only a
gathering-place for heretics.
But the most important part of this document refers
to the internal affairs. King Louis XIII is described as
follows : — " The king is beyond measure virtuous, and
No. io6] APPENDIX— SECTION V 549
abhors all those vices which are wont to accompany sove-
reign power. He is not haughty, but most affable. He is
not too much attached to his own opinion, but rather loves
to receive good counsels. He is no lover of ease, but is
devoted to labour, which he bears bravely ; he knows no
pleasure but that of the chase ; he cherishes no abject or
grovelling thought, but is most desirous of glory, yet without
neglecting the duties of piety. His ministers of state, as
also his attendants at the chase, whom he readily accosts,
may enjoy a degree of liberty with his majesty which the
rigid etiquette of the great rarely permits. Among those
who have access to his majesty on account of the chase, his
principal favourite is the sieur de Toiras, a wary and prudent
man, who does not mix himself up with state affairs, that he
may the better conceal his influence, but is very capable of
acting in them."
Under this monarch, Catholicism was making the most
brilliant progress. The nuncio is enjoined to promote all
the missions to the very utmost of his power, more particu-
larly those in the south of France : he is directed to defend
their interests on all occasions at the court of the king.
But even at that time a constantly-renewed and
insuperable opposition was arising from the Galilean
tenets.
There was at least a portion of the members of the
Sorbonne by whom the doctrine of the independence of the
temporal power and the divine right of bishops was put
forward and defended. Some even propounded the opinion
that parish priests had a right to as much power in their
parishes as the bishops in their bishoprics. These doctrines
the pope considers abominable : it grieves him sorely that
though Richer, who defended these opinions with especial
earnestness, was excommunicated, yet he paid no regard
to that circumstance, but continued to say mass as before.
The parliaments were meanwhile taking active measures to
limit the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The appeals " comme
d'abus/' the inquiries into the despatches of the dataria, the
encroachments on the jurisdiction of the bishops, appeared
to the pope like so many usurpations. ^' They favour all
who appeal to them, and in this manner they seek to
250 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 107
subjugate such provinces as are not yet subjected to them,
as, for example, Brittany, Provence, and Bourg-en-Bresse."
In the prohibition of books^ also, the parliaments inter-
fered. Gladly would the nuncios have forbidden works
such as those of De Thou and Richer, but they found it
impossible. The new nuncio is directed to prevent the
coming out of mischievous books, rather than to wait for
their appearance : — "The printing-presses are true hotbeds
of all false doctrines, and it will be necessary that the nuncio
should seek to make friends of the booksellers, that they
may give notice from time to time of what books are in the
press, seeing that when once they are printed, there is
difficulty in obtaining the prohibition."
We see clearly that the entire conflict between the Curia
and Gallicanism had already commenced, — that conflict
which, under its various forms, kept different periods of the
old Bourbon monarchy in constant commotion.
No. 107
Ifistruttione a V, S''^"' mons^ Campeggi, vescovo di Cese^ia,
destinato da N, Sig'^'' suo mmiio al 6*'"" Sig'^ diica di
Savoia. 1624. [Instruction to Monsignor Campeggi,
bishop of Cesena, papal nuncio to the duke of Savoy.]
An Instruction that is remarkable, particularly as throw-
ing further light on the previously-named mission of Don
Tobia Corona. We perceive that the enterprise against
Geneva was brought to nothing, principally by the opposi-
tion of Luynes and Rohan, who were still powerful, but also
in part by the respect in which the Huguenots generally
were held. We also learn, however, that the hope of it was
not by any means relinquished on that account.
" From whom the first suggestion of this enterprise pro-
ceeded, whether from the pope or the duke, is not well
known. It is true that the pope sent briefs and letters of
exhortation to the duke himself, and to the prince of
Piedmont, whence it might be conjectured that the pope
was the author of it; but his highness the duke displayed
No. 107] APPENDIX-SECTION V 251
such prompt alacrity in receiving the exhortation, that it does
not seem likely to go very wide of the truth if we believe
him to have induced the pope to write to him. The difficulties
encountered by Father Corona did not originate with the
king or queen, who readily yielded to the pontifical per-
suasions : they arose from the constable Luynes, followed
by the principal ministers, who were moved either by their
own interests or by their wish to pay court to the constable,
and by certain grandees of the Huguenot party. It is
believed that the aversion to this enterprise displayed by
Luynes was inspired by the due de Rohan ; and if we inquire
the motive that could impel the latter to oppose the under-
taking, we find no other than his own desire for the main-
tenance of the heretics, he being one of them, and the fear
he felt of losing a large body of followers in France from
his adherents having to go to the succour of the Genevese.
The negotiation of Father Tobia resulted in this, that not
only the king was not displeased by that mission, but that
none — even of those who well perceived all its purport —
dared openly to blame it. All that was said was, that some
declared the time was not come for attempting so great an
undertaking; and others said the duke ought not to have
placed the king in that strait till after the thing was done,
because that then his majesty would not have been able to
refuse his approbation to the piety and magnanimity of the
duke, while previously to the fact his majesty could not
violate that faith under which the Genevese believed they
were reposing in security. From that time to the present
it has been believed that the duke intended to attempt a
surprise; and now there is no longer any doubt of this,
because his highness has declared himself to his holiness,
entreating his assistance. His holiness has replied that he
will grant it wiUingly, and in a manner similar to that
adopted by Pope Gregory. But as that course would not
be compatible with the secrecy demanded for a surprise,
his highness has preferred to content himself with the
promise of our lord the pope, that he will use his influence
with the most Christian king, so that after the thing has
been done, his majesty shall not be indignant thereat."
There is, moreover, mention in this document of certain
253 APPENDIX- SECTION V [No. io8
affairs more especially touching Piedmont. They shew
that a path was opening to the disputes of a later period.
The duke claimed the privilege of nominating to episcopal
sees : the pope would acknowledge nothing but his right
of recommendation ; he evinces displeasure at certain
burdens that were laid on the clergy.
No. io8
Ragguaglio dello stato di reUgmie ml 7'egno di Boemia e sue
provi7tcie incorporate. 1624. [Account of the state of
religion in the kingdom of Bohemia and its incorporated
provinces.]
In May, 162 1, Carlo Caraffa arrived in Prague, and
proceeded immediately to the work with which Gregory XV
had especially charged him, — the superintendence, namely,
of the restoration of Catholicism in Bohemia.
Eighteen months after this, as he himself informs us,
consequently in November, 1622, he prepared a report of
his labours, under the title " Relatio Bohemica," which he
despatched to the newly-founded Propaganda. I had sight
of the original work, which circulated among the members
of the Congregation : these were cardinals Sauli, Bandini,
Barberini (afterwards Urban VIII), Borgia (at a later
period the violent opponent of Urban), Ubaldini, Santa
Susanna, Valerio Sagrato, and Zollern, with the prelates
Vives, Agucchi, and Scala. Zollern was deputed to take
a copy and report from it.
This first report Carafifa enlarged fourteen months after-
wards, consequently in June, 1624; and sent it, under the
title given above, to Urban VIII, in order, as he says, " to
kindle his paternal zeal into still greater love towards the
Bohemians."
There is an elaborate printed work by Caraffa entitled,
" Commentaria de Germania sacra restaurata ; " which is
one of the most important sources for the history of the
first ten years of the thirty years' war; but, in the first
place, he could not there enter so fully into the details of
No. io8] APPENDIX— SECTION V 253
his Bohemian labours, to which he ahvays looks back with
complacency, as in a report especially devoted to that
purpose ; and there were, besides, certain other considerations
required for a printed work, certain restrictions imposed by
various motives. The Report, on the contrary, speaks out
in full freedom, giving all the facts in detail.
It does not, indeed, comprise more than the beginning
of the changes effected in Bohemia ; but as respects these
it is, in fact, of great importance.
I have already availed myself of these details in the
narrative, but necessarily with close compression. I will
here add a few particulars, from which it will be seen under
what difficulties, chiefly created by the government of the
country, the nuncio carried his views into effect.
I. The introduction of the Latin ritual.
" Having held a conference respecting that matter with
Plateis, and considering that those few Bohemians who
were Catholics frequented without any restriction the churches
of our ritual, where, nevertheless, they always heard the
divine offices performed in the Latin tongue, I judged that
we ought not to despair of causing the same to be done by
those also who should be newly converted, more especially
if it were insinuated to them by the preachers that this
tongue is, as it were, in a certain sort essentially most
suitable for the divine offices in use through all Catholic
countries, and particularly in those churches which are com-
prised beneath the rule of the western empire, as a sign of
the superiority and predominance of the Roman church
over all others. Wherefore, I gave orders to the said
Plateis, that at the first possible moment he should employ
his utmost diligence towards restoring the use of the afore-
said tongue in such churches as were already taken from
the hands of the heretics. Accordingly, on the day of the
holy apostles Simon and Jude, in the year 1621, on the
occasion of the church of Saint Stephen, the principal parish
of the new town, being provided by the archbishop with a
Catholic incumbent, which parish was inhabited by the very
meanest of the people, among whom there were very few
Catholics, the most immaculate sacrifice of the mass was
celebrated in the presence of a very great number of heretics
254 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. io8
in the aforesaid church, in the Latin tongue, with the use of
holy water, invocation of saints, and all the Roman rites,
two centuries after the Latin tongue had been excluded
from that church, wherein the mass had not been celebrated
for very many years, either in one language or the other.
This example was afterwards^ followed, not only by the
churches of the city, but by those of all other places in the
kingdom, without any complaint or outcry whatever on
the part of the people ; and I, being in Prague, have seen
the said people conduct themselves with much attention
at the divine offices."
2. Deprivation of the cup.
" Then when I had learned the desires and views of the
sacred congregation of the holy office, from the letters and
documents sent me at that time, I determined to forbid
the cup altogether, and to give no further ear to the
clamours and prayers of those inhabiting the said kingdom,
arguing that if they were disposed to be obedient sons of
holy church, they would walk in this as well as in every
other matter in concert with the rest of the Catholic body ;
but if they should refuse to give up this abuse, rooted in
the minds even of Catholics by that pretended concession
of Pius IV, it must be held as a proof of pride and obstinacy,
and as a sign that they were not true Catholics. Whence,
laying aside all other considerations, and disregarding the
dangers alleged by politicians, who imagined that insurrec-
tions and irremediable evils would proceed from this
innovation, I caused all the parish priests to be prohibited
from offering the wine to any one, commanding them
that, whosoever should demand both kinds, they should
ask if he were a Catholic, and on his declaring himself
to be such, should set forth to him the necessity of giving
obedience to the Roman ritual, which excludes the laity
from the cup. Then many who were not touched by true
zeal, hearing this, persisted in their obstinacy, not com-
municating in either form, and we meanwhile kept fast
to our purpose that the cup should not be offered; but
there was not one of those priests who had returned to
their allegiance, and who had the reconciled churches in
their cure, who would have had courage to offer the bread
No. io8] APPENDIX— SECTION V 255
only in the face of the heretics who frequented the said
churches, if the chancellor Plateis had not so intrepidly
commenced that holy enterprise in the parish of Saint
Martin, as hath been noted above. Which usage, being
introduced to the praise of God in the other churches, is
observed in them with perfect tranquillity, although the
statesmen gave me trouble enough in the matter. For the
heretics, seeing the design that they had formed of com-
pelling true Catholic priests to administer the sacrament
under both kinds to be blown to the winds, had recourse,
in the year just past, 1622, to the aid of the said states-
men; but in what manner they comported themselves on
that occasion it is not my business at this time to relate.
Let it be sufficient to say that they extorted a letter from
Prince Lichtenstein, who was then here, by virtue of which, as
though it were by order of his majesty, summoning the two
parish priests of the Teyn Church and Saint Henry, who had
formerly been Dominicans, they commanded them, that in
the solemnities of Easter, they should present the sacrament
indifferently to every one^ to whatsoever ritual he might
belong, under both kinds. Accordingly, on Thursday, ' in
Coena Domini,' by the pure perfidy of the said statesmen,
there was committed the greatest abomination in the Teyn
Church ; more than two thousand wicked heretics receiving
the venerable body of the Lord consecrated under the two
forms of bread and wine, from the hands of the legitimate
priests, the holy sacrament being thus given to dogs by the
fault of Catholic men. To this Plateis did not fail to make
such opposition as might have been expected from him ; but
nothing could avail against their temerity ; wherefore, to main-
tain the prohibition of the use of the cup, he resolved to take
courage, and to dispense the sacrament publicly, under the
form of bread alone, as he did three days after in the church
of Saint Martin. And I, having had notice of that impious
crime, went instantly to make a bitter complaint of it to his
majesty, beseeching, in every manner most likely to prevail,
that his ministers should not take it upon themselves to inter-
meddle in those things which concerned the reverence due
to the awful sacrament of the altar, which belonged solely to
the spiritual power, as relating to the salvation of the soul j
256 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. io8
lamenting, further, that they, without fitting respect, should
venture to interfere with the ministers of religion, not shew-
ing any sign of obedience towards God and the holy Roman
see, of which his majesty had ever proved himself so
observant. By all which the emperor, being beyond measure
affected, instantly gave most rigid command to the said
statesmen to the effect that they should leave the care of
ecclesiastical affairs and of religion to churchmen, repre-
hending them severely for the presumption they had com-
mitted. Thereupon they rose violently against myself and
Plateis, as being those from whom they were persuaded
that the rebuff they had received from his majesty had
originated ; and besides that they bitterly threatened Plateis,
they did not abstain from assailing my authority also, inti-
mating to monsignor the archbishop, that he was not
bound to obey me in a matter of so much importance as
the suppression of the use of the cup in Prague, unless I
shewed him a special brief from his holiness to that effect ;
neither did they omit to stir up the aforesaid parish priests,
bidding them be of good courage, and persuading them
that they need have no fear either of me or the archbishop,
since they would be always protected and upheld by the
political government, to which, in that kingdom, the ecclesi-
astics were subjected by ancient usage. By these means
they contrived that the priest of the Teyn Churchy again
prevaricating, committed an act of open disobedience,
and had the boldness to preach to the people that they
should not suffer the papists, who sought to tyrannize in
every thing, to take away the use of the cup, and that they
should pray to God for him, the true defender of that ancient
rite of their fathers; so that the populace made some
little tumult, presenting themselves that evening to the
number of 2,000 at the house of that priest, as if in his
defence. But this having come to my knowledge, I at
once incited his majesty to indignation, and obtained his
command that the said priest should be arrested, and given
over to monsignore the archbishop. This was executed
without any delay; and the populace which had first
shewn so much eagerness for his security did not make
the slightest movement, although they beheld him carried ,
No. io8] APPENDIX— SECTION V 257
away in the face of day, and before all the people. And
he, after some weeks of incarceration, having died in prison,
his place in that church, which is the principal one of the
old town, was supplied by another priest, a Catholic, and
further by the preaching of the canon Rottua, a man
distinguished both for learning and zeal, who still ad-
ministers the duties of that charge with great advantage,
and the attendance of a vast concourse, both of Catholics
and heretics, all of whom willingly hear the preaching of
that good priest, attracted by his efficacious and attractive
eloquence."
3. General proceedings.
" By decree of his majesty, and in conformity with the
resolutions adopted by the preliminary congregation held
in Vienna, all the cities of the kingdom have since been
reformed, the heretical ministers and preachers being driven
out of them, and from the districts around them. In each
of them, besides the priest, there have been placed a cap-
tain, judge, president of the council and chancellor, all
Catholic — the heretical worship being banished from their
borders for ever ; for the emperor had become convinced
by experience and the example of the fidelity of Budweis,
and the perfidy of almost all the others, how great a differ-
ence was made by the question of whether the cities were
heretic or Catholic. And although the prince of Lichten-
stein, who was already drawing back from the reform now
commenced, because of the many rumours of the displeasure
it caused in Saxony, continued to promote it on my causing
the order to be repeated to him, yet he remained undecided
respecting the circles of Eger and Culm, on account of
their bordering on Saxony, and that they claimed to hold
of the empire, and not of the crown of Bohemia. From all
this it comes to pass that there still remain certain preachers
in the kingdom who are protected by heretic barons, or by
Catholics of little faith ; more particularly do they abound
in the circle of Leitmeritz, supported by a Catholic baron,
who, professing great intimacy and friendship with the
elector of Saxony, is persuaded that in this manner he does
a thing highly pleasing to the said elector. It is true that
from my having exhorted him to drive them forth, and
yoL. HI. s
258 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. io8
caused him to be spoken to by others to the same effect,
he has promised to send them away; but I doubt that,
withheld by his wife, who is a heretic, he will neglect to
do so until compelled by force. Some of the preachers
have also remained in those cities wherein heretic soldiers
are quartered, the royal commissioners not having been
willing to expose themselves to the peril of tumults by
reforming these cities ; but now that the expectation of war
is diminishing, they will either disband these heretic soldiers,
or will assign them to other quarters, in order that the reform
may take place. There is one also yet remaining in the
city of Kuttenberg, the prince of Lichtenstein excusing
himself for not being able to expel him by declaring that,
if he did so, the men of that place would not labour in the
mines worked there. Nevertheless, on the return of the
emperor to Prague, I trust in God that a remedy will be
applied to all these things. Nor should I omit to mention
that in my passage from Ratisbon to Prague, having traversed
a great part of Bohemia, and thence from Prague to Vienna,
I have found the reformation effected everywhere ; the city
of Jaromir, where certain regiments of infantry belonging to
the colonel-duke of Saxony were quartered, excepted ; but
I afterwards sent strict orders from his majesty that this
should be remedied, and also that in each of those cities
the children should be educated in the Christian doctrine,
and taught to pray in the Latin tongue.
" All conventicles of the heretics have bee-n prohibited
under heavy penalties, both within the city of Prague and
beyond its walls, with whatever pretext they might be
assembled. The order for this was given many months
since, at my request ; but although I had repeatedly called
for its execution from the government of Prague, it had
never before been enforced.
" All the heretics have been removed from the senate of
the city of Prague, their places being supplied by Catholic
members; and they have been deprived of all effectual
authority, having left to them only a certain appearance of
power in matters of no great importance, and all the privi-
leges prejudicial to the Catholic religion, accorded to them
by former kings, being formally annulled, the emperor having
No. io8] APPENDIX— SECTION V 259
an excellent opportunity for doing this, because he had re-
conquered the kingdom by force of arms, after it had been
in open rebellion. The academy or college of Charles IV
has been restored to its primitive institution, to the glory
of God and the Catholic religion, being placed under the
care of the Jesuit fathers, who have also the superintendence
of all the schools in the kingdom ; and they are, besides,
using their best diligence to prevent the printing or selling
of books that are contrary to Catholic truth, the booksellers
and printers being subjected to their censorship. There has
been some difficulty with respect to the aforesaid academy,
for there was a wish for the appointment of a lay president,
which I did not willingly listen to ; but I hope that eventually
the care of this matter will be left to the archbishop, who,
by his ancient privileges, lays claim to be chancellor of the
kingdom.
" An additional sum of 4,000 thalers yearly has been
assigned to the house instituted in Prague for the poor by
Ferdinand III, so that the number of persons supported
there has been increased from 80, which they were at first,
to 200. There have also been given to the Jesuit fathers
20,000 thalers at one time, to be expended on the building
of their college ; and in this matter it has not been requisite
that they should employ my good offices, having no need of
any one to mediate between them and the emperor, because
of the evident utility of their proceedings. Estates pro-
ducing 6,000 thalers yearly have been assigned to increase
the revenues of the chapter of the cathedral, and 24,000 for
the augmentation of the archiepiscopal income : but the
estates of the archiepiscopate being considerably deteriorated
and decayed, monsignore the archbishop desires to remain
for a certain time bishop of Ossegg, that see being already
assigned to the revenues of the archbishop by Rudolf, in
place of the pension from the treasury, which was paid with
difficulty. The parish churches of Prague, and of the whole
kingdom, have been again placed at the disposal of monsignore
the archbishop, even those which were originally possessed
by individual nobles, who were all rebels ; the emperor
having reserved that right to himself, while the estates of
those rebels have also been sold, care being taken that for
26o APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 109
many leagues around Prague all the lands should be bought
by Catholics."
No. 109
Relatione, alia S'"- dl N. S'' papa Urbano VIII delle cose
appartenenti alia nnntiaiura dl Colonia per M"" Montorio^
vescovo di Nicastro^ ritornato nimtlo di qiiclle parti I anno
di N. S"' 1624. [Report to Pope Urban VIII, of
matters appertaining to the nunciature of Cologne, held
by Monsignor Montorio, bishop of Nicastro.]
It was in the midst of the disorders of war that Montorio
arrived in Germany. He sets forth the danger in which the
Catholics would have been involved if Mansfeld, who held
the Upper Rhine-land from Strassburg to Mainz, and the
bishop of Halberstadt, who commanded Westphalia, could
have succeeded in effecting a junction with Baden-Durlach.
But all these leaders suffered defeat. He then describes
the advantages that had proceeded from these victories, and
the position to which the German church had attained.
In Fulda, the counter-reformation had again commenced
with the utmost energy. The Catholic party had made its
way into Osnabriick by the aid of the Infanta and the army
of the leagued princes. In Minden they had hope of ob-
taining an archduke for their bishop. In Bremen, also,
great effort had been made by special missions to prevail
on the chapter to elect a Catholic coadjutor; but for this
time a Danish prince had gained the day; yet the nuncio
hoped at least to see toleration granted to the Catholic
religion in all the Hanse Towns. It appeared to him that
the emperor might directly demand this, more particularly
as those towns derived great advantages from the Spanish
and Portuguese trade. A church had already been opened
in Altona, from which many hopes were formed for Catho-
licism in the north : " as that they might be enabled after
some time to found a seminary, whence they might procure
labourers, who, after they shall have learned the Norwegian
and Danish tongues, may bring those more northern nations
to the light of the true faith."
No. 109] APPENDIX-SECTION V 261
To secure this progress, Montorio considered internal
reform in the German church indispensable. The prelates
adopted the dress of the laity, and made no scruple of going
to the wars : concubinage prevailed openly, and the nuncio
had refused, on account of that offence, to admit a certain
Hornberg, who was otherwise a very eligible candidate, to
the bishopric of Wiirzburg. The German bishops were
also said to think little of the pope; they nominated to
benefices during the reserved months, and by means of their
officials presumed to do many unlawful things. "They
gmnt dispensations for marriage within the prohibited
degrees; also in respect to holy orders and for vacant
benefices, super defectu natalium, they make concessions
extra tempora; give dispensations super defectu aetatis,
and have even sometimes granted them for the marriage
of persons in holy orders." They called themselves bishops
" by the grace of God," without any mention of the
Apostolic See, and treated their ecclesiastical possessions
almost as if they w^ere their real property. Nor were
matters any better in the convents. The abbots conducted
themselves as so many absolute lords. In the towns, nothing
was thought of but feastings, and mixed societies of men
and women. In the convents of rural districts, they gave
themselves up to the chase, and nothing was seen but hounds
and huntsmen.
The nuncio would very fain have set his hand to the
needful reform, but he was prevented by contagious diseases,
the tumults of war, and political affairs.
He treats of these also with great ability. I have not
been able to adopt into my text all that he says of the
transfer of the Electorate, and will therefore insert it here.
" The affairs that have occurred up to the present time
are perhaps known to your holiness; and, although the
briefs that were sent me by Pope Gregory, to the effect that
I should proceed to the diet assembled for those matters in
Ratisbon, arrived somewhat late, I proceeded nevertheless,
during the utmost rigour of winter, and at very great cost,
much discomfort, and many perils, to present myself there.
But having reached Wiirzburg, and having made known
my coming to the ministers of your holiness, and to the
262 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 109
electoral princes congregated there, it was signified to me
that my preseuce was no longer necessary, since the con-
clusion of the affair was retarded by a more important cause
than the absence of agreement among the princes there
assembled, and that the sight of so many apostolic ministers
gathered there would but increase the difficulty by awaken-
ing the jealousy of the Protestants, and causing them to
think this transfer treated rather as a matter of religion than
of state policy. I abstained, therefore, from going thither,
and the more readily because the elector of Mainz, who,
as dean of the electoral college, was, so to speak, the
arbiter of the matter, having been solicited by me some
months before, remained firm in the promises then made
me, that he would promote the designs of the pope and the
emperor. The commissioners from Trier had orders from
their prince, given at my instance, that they should not
dissent from the resolutions made by the electors of
Mainz and Cologne. I will not pause here to point out
to your holiness the difficulties which I encountered in
disposing Mainz to agree to the said transfer, for at one
time he would say that he abhorred the city of Ratisbon,
because its air was injurious to his health ; at another time,
he affirmed that he was entirely drained of money, and
could not support the expenses which a suitable appearance
in that city would require ; then, that the business was not
ripe, the consent of Spain and Saxony not having been
obtained; anon, that he feared the menaces of the king of
England, of the duke, and of other sectaries ; and^ finally,
that this transfer would kindle a new and more sanguinary
war in Germany, to the obvious detriment of the Catholic
religion, whilst the ecclesiastical princes who had hitherto
borne all the burden of the war, and must continue to bear
it, exhausted by their previous contributions to the League,
despoiled of their possessions by the insolence and rapine
of our own soldiers, no less than by those of the enemy,
not only were destitute of means to prepare for a new war,
but were reduced to such extremities that they had been
constrained to dismiss their households and to live almost
privately. Nor did he fail to bring forward the claims of the
count palatine of Neuburg, as being the nearest kinsman of
No. no] AI^PENDIX— SECTION V 263
the Palatine, and not likely to awaken so much jealousy among
Protestants, who dreaded the aggrandizement of the Bavarian,
to whom, in conformity with the imperial constitutions, ac-
cording to the golden bull, that dignity was due as to the
nearest claimant, the said duke protesting that to his last
breath he would never consent that others should be pre-
ferred to him. But let it suffice to sa^, that in four or five
days, during which I stayed with him m Aschaffenburg, and
after long discourses, both by word of mouth and in writing,
I obtained the decision that I desired. The transfer was
effected, and is still maintained. The Palatinate is occupied
in part by the Bavarian, in part by the Spaniards ; nor does
any thing remain to the Palatine except the city of Franken-
thal, deposited for a certain period in the hands of the most
serene Infanta of Flanders, in concert with the English king.
" While I was in Aschaffenburg respecting this affair, the
news of the taking of Heidelberg arrived there ; and I,
having already made efforts, by commission of his holiness,
with the duke of Bavaria for the Palatine library, and having
received the offer of it, sent instantly an express to Count
Tilly, urging him to look to the preservation of the same,
since I had been assured that^ both for the quality and
quantity of the books, principally manuscripts, it was of in-
estimable value ; and his excellency replied that all was in
his possession, and carefully preserved according to the
duke's orders. Whereof, when I had given my report to
the masters, they having sent a person to take it, the said
library was, after some months' delay, conveyed to Rome."
No. no
InstruiHone a V. S. Moils'^ Caraffa, vescovo di Tricarico, des-
tinato da N. S. siw nuntio in Coiofiia. 26 GUigno^ 1624.
[Instruction to Monsignor Caraffa, bishop of Tricarico,
despatched by the pope as nuncio to Cologne.]
Luigi Caraffa was the successor of Montorio : he was
nuncio to Cologne at the same time that Carlo Caraffa
administered the nunciature of Vienna.
264 . APPENDIX— SECTION V [Ko. lis
The pope communicates his views respecting German
affairs to the nuncio in a very circumstantial Instruction.
He therein discusses all those points respecting the
internal discipline of the Church which had been suggested
by Montorio. The Apostolic See had already suffered great
losses, both in revenue and consideration ; the nuncio is
exhorted to labour for the recovery of these lost advantages.
*'V. S. stia attentissima a tutto quello che pub sostentare
I'autorita apostolica e specialmente a procurare che da essa
eschino le dovute provisioni beneficiali." It is to be re-
marked, that instructions are here given to the nuncio which
are directly founded on the counsels of Minuccio Minucci.
He is required, for example, to send a list to Rome of such
German ecclesiastics as were most worthy of promotion.
*• De' pill costumati, de' piii dotti, de' pih nobili, de' meglio
appoggiati all' autorita d'alcun principe cattolico. — Cosi noi
aremo notizie tali che sollecitamente la sede apostolica potra
provedere prima che scorra il suo tempo«" This is precisely
the proceeding which Minucci had recommended in 1588.
But time had also suggested other measures. The most
important of these was that a Catholic coadjutor might be
appointed to any see, even during the lifetime of a bishop,
on his becoming too old for its due administration. This
had already been done in Paderborn as well as in Miinster,
and with the best results.
The principal matter, nevertheless, was still the more
extensive diffusion of Catholicism.
The Catholic League was to be maintained by every
possible effort. The nuncio is charged to see that all pay
their contributions to that object. There was an eccle-
siastical society founded in Cologne for the conversion of
Protestants, in which the princes of Austria and Bavaria
took part, and which possessed a good revenue : the nuncio
is instructed to be careful that it did not decline. Certain
princely houses were fixed upon as presenting hopes that
they might the most readily be won over to Catholicism ;
namely Darmstadt and Saxony. The nuncio is exhorted
to stimulate this disposition, " that those princes might not
withstand the grace which God may shew them." He is,
above all, to promote the erection of seminaries, and the
No. no] APPENDIX— SECTION V 265
introduction of the Jesuits. This passage is perhaps the
most important of \he whole Instruction, and may be sub-
joined in full.
" It will be a work most worthy of your lordship to
labour for the promotion of the seminaries already founded,
and to cause that new ones shall be instituted; and for
these and similar works, who does not see that the Jesuit
fathers are admirable ? Therefore the predecessor of your
most reverend lordship took measures to procure their intro-
duction into Frankfurt, wTiting the most earnest letters on
that subject to the emperor; and the elector of Cologne
was equally willing to act in that matter. Then our lord
the pope, in furtherance of this good purpose, caused his
nuncio at the court of the emperor to be written to, that he
might in no case be displeased thereat ; and your lordship
will concert with him for what remains to be done, advising
him of the progress made, and the hopes that may be enter-
tained. The elector of Mainz has made representations
to his holiness, that by divine favour the Catholic religion is
gaining hold on the Lower Palatinate, and that nothing is
judged more expedient as a means for its propagation than
the erection of seminaries and houses wherein the nobles of
the Rhine may be brought together : to do which, he has
suggested to his holiness that the property of certain monas-
teries might be very suitably applied, more especially those
of Germersheim, Spanheim, and Odernheim, situated in the
diocese of Mainz, and formerly occupied by the princes
palatine of the Rhine. And this proposal was considered
to be of great moment by his hoHness ; but before deciding
upon it, he desired that the predecessor of your lordship,
having diligently taken precise information, should report to
him distinctly respecting the condition of the said monasteries,
with his opinion of the matter; but the shortness of the
time not having permitted him to execute all these things,
his holiness desires that your lordship should complete what
remains to be done with the utmost diligence and exactitude.
" The elector of Cologne also desires to found an univer-
sity in his city of Miinster, and the question has been dis-
cussed in the sacred congregation ' de propaganda fide,' his
holiness being disposed to favour the institution of the said
266 APPENDIX-SECTION V [No. ni
university, but on condition that, in addition to the sciences,
the canon and civil laws should be taught therein. And
this shall serve for the guidance of your lordship, so that
you may treat with the said elector on this understanding,
when his highness shall speak to you of having obtained the
apostolic permission for the said institution."
No. Ill
Relatione deW ill"'" et ecc""* Sif Fietro Contarinl K', ritornato
deir a7nbasceria ordinai'ia di Roma^ presentata alii 22
GiiignOj ^627, e letta il medesimo giorno neW ecc""" senato.
[Report read to the Venetian Senate of Pietro Conta-
rini, ordinary ambassador to Rome.]
P. Contarini had passed more than three years and a
half (forty-four months), at the court of Urban VIII, when
he presented this report.
He makes four divisions, and in these he treats of the
temporal government, the spiritual administration, the most
important affairs of the court, and its most influential
members.
He is particularly full and instructive on the extension
of the spiritual jurisdiction. He considers that it had never
before been exercised in Italy with so much rigour. By its
double purpose of maintaining an im.mediate command over
the ecclesiastical body, and the unrestricted disposal of all
Church property, the Roman court must become very danger-
ous to temporal princes. He describes Urban VIII as often
remarking that if a Venetian noble were seated on the papal
throne, he could not be more disposed towards the Venetians
than himself, the reigning pontiff. But notwithstanding this,
they could never obtain the smallest favour at his hands.
Generally speaking, the ambassador had a bad opinion
of the whole Roman system. The ruling principle of the
entire administration was nepotism.
^' The disposition of the popes to aggrandize their
nephews, gives the moving impulse in the present day to all
actions, all declarations, and all transactions with other
No. in] APPENDIX- SECTION V 267
princes. At first the popes think of undertakings against
the infidel, or the acquirement of dominion ; but as the years
are short, and the difficulties many, this purpose is aban-
doned without producing any effect whatever, and then they
take another and more easy course_, accumulating great
riches, and buying estates."
He describes the immediate circle of Urban in the
following manner : —
" The pontiff most commonly takes counsel with Car-
dinal Magalotti, whose sister his brother married, and who
still holds the office of secretary of state, all the public
despatches passing through his hands. The cardinal is a
man of extensive and powerful intellect, and is much
esteemed by the pope, who always desires to have him near
his person, more especially in the legation of Bologna,
where he gave him the viceregency of that government.
Thus if there be any man who has been able to attain a
high position in the opinion of his holiness, he is that one ;
nor is it known whether this proceeds from a real inclination
on the part of the pope, or from the great prudence of the
cardinal, who, being well acquainted with the character of
one whom he has served so long^ is aware of the proper
means for maintaining himself in his position, and avails
himself of them : but it is certain that he may be said to
have the sole management of all important affairs. He
takes great pains, however, to adjust his proceedings to the
inclinations of the pontiff, contradicts him as rarely as pos-
sible, and labours to bring his own opinions into conformity
with those of the pope, to the end that he may preserve his
position with the credit and reputation that he derives from
being always employed in the most momentous transactions.
He seeks to escape the enmity entertained for the most part
against those who are seen to be near the prince, and who
share his power and favour, by abstaining from all osten-
tation of authority, by avoiding the regular audiences of
ministers belonging to foreign princes, of cardinals, and of
almost all others, treating only of such matters as are ex-
pressly committed to him. And this he does above all to
avoid awakening the jealousy of Cardinal Barberini, who
did not seem at first entirely satisfied at seeing him so
2 68 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. in
greatly advanced, and employed by the pope more than
himself; so that Barberini was often heard to express his
feelings to that effect. But he now permits things to take
their course, and seems to confide in his uncle, either
because he is willing to remain free from the weight of busi-
ness, or because he does not know how, or knows that he
has not power, to impede the fortunes of Magalotti. All
things, however, are shared between the said Cardinal
Barberini, S. Onofrio, and Don Carlo.
" The first, as nephew, is truly beloved. His holiness
would indeed be glad to see him apply more diligently to
business, but he appears to be really averse to it, nor
does his disposition seem in anywise formed thereto. It
appears to be almost by force that he attends, where, by
the office he holds, he cannot possibly do otherwise, throw-
ing the weight of the most important affairs on the said
Cardinal Magalotti, and even being content to despoil him-
self of things that ought to belong to him for the sake of
investing his uncle with them, contrary to the practice in
former pontificates, whether from weakness, or from not
knowing how to avail himself of that authority which he
who attains to so eminent a station should possess. He is
a man of the most exemplary, virtuous, and praiseworthy
habits, of a most kindly nature, and one who gives the
solitary example of refusing every kind of present. He will,
nevertheless, be equal to any other cardinal in wealth and
grandeur, should the pope have a long life. He must now
have somewhere about 80,000 scudi yearly from ecclesias-
tical benefices; and with the governments and legations
that he holds, this must approach to 100,000 scudi. Invest-
ments of moment are also beginning to be made, and the
best of all that is acquired will be for him. Moreover he
spends but little, and will therefore shortly accumulate
immense wealth.
" Cardinal S. Onofrio^ having constantly lived among the
Capuchins, and having always led a most devout life, never
intermeddles with any thing not directly committed to him.
Of the affairs of the world he knows little, and understands
less ; and his inability in this respect was made fully' mani-
fest during the absence of Barberini, because it then became
No. Ill] APPENDIX— SECTION V 269
necessary to transact business with him. He has now gone
to reside in his diocese of Sinigagha.
^' Don Carlo, brother of the pontiff, is general of the holy
Church ; and all that appertains to the army, to fortresses, or
the galleys, is under his command. He is a man of intelli-
gence and prudence^ cautious in discussing and transacting
business, and perfectly conversant with the care of the ex-
chequer and management of the revenue, having been well
practised in affairs, and being skilled in those matters. He
has to a certain extent relaxed from his early application to
business, that he may not too heavily burden his advanced
years (he being the elder of the brothers), and also in part
from inclination.
" His holiness has two other nephews. Don Taddeo,
whom he has chosen to found the family, a young man of
about twenty three, most noble in manner, of highly in-
genuous character, and greatly beloved by the whole court.
The pope had some intention of making him prefect of the
city after the death of the duke of Urbino, who now enjoys
that tide, — a most dignified office, taking precedence of all
others, being held for life, and not liable to change even on
the death of his holiness. The second of these two nephews
is Don Antonio, commendator of Malta, aged eighteen :
he has about 14,000 scudi from his commandery j is of
prompt and vivacious character, and in good time will cer-
tainly be ready to secure his own share in the exaltation of
his house. He is desirous of being also raised to the car-
dinalate, and it is believed that his holiness will gratify his
wish. Many of those who do not love Cardinal Magalotti
would willingly see him promoted to that dignity as soon as
possible, because they think that he might attain to what his
brother has not been able to compass, — to counterbalance
Magalotti, that is, and to form an opposition to him."
We have the affairs of the Valtelline here discussed in
their whole extent.
'' The other important affair is that of the Valtelline,
on which his holiness has indeed bestowed great labour,
but with varying results ; although it is said that he might
at first have applied himself more earnestly to it, and with
more decided remedies ; but having entered on a matter
2 70 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. iii
so arduous in the first days of his pontificate, and when
hardly convalescent from a long illness, with his thoughts,
besides, more given to the papacy than to this affair, he may
perhaps have suffered many things to take their course, which
it was not difficult to provide against at that time, but which
it was impossible to remedy afterwards. It was in the hands
of Gregory XV that the Valtelline was deposited by the
Spaniards, and they consigned Chiavenna with its surrounding
territory, under the same conditions, to the present pontiff.
The first negotiations were effected by means of the com-
mendator Sillery, with so much caution and secrecy, that not
only was the certainty of their existence withheld from the
ministers of your serenity, who had nevertheless, to take so
important a part in the transaction, but it was with difficulty
that they acquired a knowledge of the real nature of what
was transacted. The pope concerned himself for nothing
but to receive security for the payment of the garrisons
that he maintained in the forts of the valley; and after
many complaints and much pressing, he obtained, I believe,
between the two kings, about 200,000 scudi. This money
tended somewhat to diminish his disapprobation of that
deposit ; which he nevertheless always greatly condemned,
both before and afterwards, esteeming it to be adverse to his
interests, but not considering the injury that might result
from his procrastination and irresolute management of the
matter.
" The people of the ValteUine offered themselves to the
pope as vassals, assuring him that the duties he might impose
on wines and cheese would suffice to maintain the garrisons
required in ordinary times for the defence of that valley.
Many represented to the pope, that to restore the Valtelline
to the Grisons, and to replace Catholics in the hands of
heretics, was not to be thought of, and could not be done
without the greatest scandal and injury ; that no one would
consent to see it made over to the Spaniards, who on their
part would not suffer it to be given up to the French or
other temporal powers ; neither would there be any better
course than that the Valtelline should be preserved to the
Church, since there was nothing of any moment in that
country except the passes, which can be held or claimed
No. Ill] APPENDIX— SECTION V 271
only for going or coming beyond the mountains ; thus, if
these should remain in the power of the pope, the common
father, he would always have them kept open, according to
the wants and requirements of all. The arguments thus stated
did not fail to make an impression, as arguments mostly
do, however slight their foundation ; nay, sometimes 'they
will even persuade the hearer, though feeble in themselves,
where there appears some prospect of advantage or utility.
His holiness suffered himself to listen to the suggestion, and
even added that if there should be any difficulty in the
retention of the Valtelline by the Church, they might invest
one of his nephews with it. The plan had at first been pro-
moted by the Spaniards, but eventually it did not please
them any more than the French ; and there was finally con-
cluded by Sillery that treaty, well known to your serenity,
which was not approved in France by the king, principally
for that article of it which allowed passage to the Spaniards
for their troops going into Flanders, and for the same,
exclusively^ on their return. The formation of the Valtel-
line into a fourth league, which the Spaniards desired so
eagerly, the pope would still less consent to permit. The
ambassador was changed on that account, or perhaps because
of the fall of the chancellor, and of Puysieux the secretary,
the one the brother, and the other the nephew of the said
Sillery. There then arrived in Rome a minister of wiser
counsels and more extended views, as well as more deter-
mined character, Monsignor de Bethune; he annulled the
decisions of his predecessor, insisted on the treaty of Madrid,
which he firmly upheld; absolutely refused to allow the
pass to the Spaniards for any purpose whatever, and pressed
the pontiff in frequent audiences to come to some resolution,
since the League could not consent to more protracted
negotiation or longer delay.
"The pope, who had not expected to find so much
resolution among those of the League, nor had any thought
that they would take arms on this account, being also con-
stantly assured by letters from his nuncios in France and
Switzerland that the Marquis de Coeuvres would never raise
the standard of the king where the ensigns of his holiness
were floating, continuecj nevertheless in his irresolution, and
272 APPENDIX- SECTION V [No. iii
the more the difficulties increased and were made manifest,
the more he persuaded himself (nor were there wanting
those who confirmed him in his idea) that at the end of
the contest he would finally remain in possession. Where-
fore Bethune signified -ultimately to the pope that the king
and the League together jointly entreated him to remit the
fortresses to the Spaniards, in conformity with the terms
of the deposit, to the end that if there were a necessity for
appealing to arms, they might avoid the reproach of acting
disrespectfully by advancing against those of his holiness, and
that if the pope would now take the resolution that he ought to
adopt of offering the forts to the Spaniards, all would yet be
adjusted to his honour and to the satisfaction of others ; for
the Spaniards w^ould not have received them, not finding
themselves in a condition to defend them, while all cause of
complaint would cease by the pope's fulfilment of the con-
ditions of the deposit in due time, nor could any one oppose
their being left to the Grisons. Some days elapsed, when at
length the Marquis de Coeuvres surprised Plata Mala, and
the pope then made various pretexts, first demanding three
months of time, but afterwards restricting himself to so much
only as was required to write to Spain and make the ofier,
affirming that the ministers in Italy did not possess authority
to receive the fortresses. But the enterprise of the marquis
being already far advanced, and its success increasing from
day to day, it was not considered advisable, and might even
have proved injurious, to suspend the proceedings while
awaiting replies from Spain which could not but be uncertain.
The pope was accordingly deprived by degrees of all that he
held in deposit, the only places remaining to him being Riva
and Chiavenna, which alone had been succoured by the
Spaniards. His hohness complained that these last, although
appealed to from the beginning to defend the passes, never
came to his assistance, while they complained that they had
not been summoned in due time ; so that the Spaniards were
much dissatisfied, the French by no means content, and his
holiness, infinitely displeased by the little respect that had
been displayed towards his banners, complains of it con-
tinually and bitterly to every one. The Spaniards do much
the same, attributing all the disasters that have occurred to
No. 112] APPENDIX— SECTION V 273
his holiness, and complaining of him more than of any thing
else ; and although the pontiff subsequently despatched his
nephew as legate both to France and Spain, with the purpose
well known to your serenity, and knew that the Italian arms
had made a still more important movement, and that the
dangers would become more serious if the powers proceeded
earnestly, he has nevertheless not yet been able to get rid of his
first notion, that all the mischievous results experienced have
proceeded from the early arrangements having been unskil-
fully made. But the French as well as the Spaniards attributed
the vexations and difficulties encountered in that negotiation
to the pretensions of the pope, who required that the for-
tresses should be consigned to him without any declaration
on his part as to what he would do with them, but positively
refusing to demolish them. Thus it became extremely
difficult to find any suitable expedient for arranging the
matter, so much time was lost, so many attempts were made
uselessly, and the matter was finally taken to Spain, because
in Rome there was too much difficulty in bringing it to a
termination."
No. 112
Relatione dello stato delV imperio e della Germania fatta da
Motis'' Caraffa nel tempo che era mmtio alia corte delV
imperatore^ Ca7ino 1628. [Report on the state of the
empire and of Germany made by Monsignor Carafia,
while nuncio at the imperial court.]
This Report is, upon the whole, the most circumstantial
that I have met with : in a Roman copy it extended to 1,080
folio pages. It is not rare even in Germany. I bought a
copy in Leipsic, and there is another in a private library in
Berlin, in a beautiful folio volume with a splendid title-page ;
this was presented by a certain Wynman to the bishop of
Eichstadt in the year 1655.
It consists of four parts. In the first, there is a general
description of the German troubles ; in the second, the
situation, possessions^ and various relations of Ferdinand II
VOJv. Ill, T
274 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 112
are described ; in the third, the German principalities are
treated of according to the circles ; and in the fourth, the
alliances that had been formed in Germany, more particularly
those recently concluded.
The author declares that he will write nothing which he
has not himself seen^ or has otherwise ascertained to be
worthy of belief. " Protesting that whatever I shall write
will be what I have seen and partly acted in myself^ during the
eight years that I have been in Germany, or what I have heard
from persons worthy of credit ; and partly what I have read
in letters, diaries, and official papers, both of friends and
enemies, which have been intercepted at different times, and
whereof some have been printed, but others not."
From this we see that the author intended to produce a
scholarly digest. In some places he shews consideration
for his readers in general^ and it is very probable that he con-
templated publishing his work. It did not, however, receive
this honour until our own day, when it was printed by the
Imperial Academy at Vienna (1859). Professor Miiller, of
Hildesheim, undertook the labour of preparing a readable
text, which he accompanied with numerous valuable
notes.
It is thus no longer necessary to give an account of the
contents of the report, or to make extracts from it. But the
fact of its wider distribution and accessibility makes it all
the more important to discuss the question of the originality
and composition of the work. For it deals with one of the
great turning-points of German history : the period when it
appeared certain that the Emperor Ferdinand II would
become lord and master over protestant Germany and the
opposition in the imperial states generally. The significance
of this moment had already at that time called forth several
other attempts to describe it.
Among others, I came across many years ago in the
library of St. Mark's, Venice, a report with the title
" Relatione dello stato e delle forze della Germania et de'
principi d'essa," dating from this time. It made a great
impression on me, owing to the curious characterizations of
eminent persons contained in it. When the elaborate work
of Caraffa came into my hands in Rome, it occurred to me
No. 112] APPENDIX— SECTION V 275
that it often agreed word for word with this anonymous
report, though I could not believe that they were both the
work of the same author. The anonymous writer, who was
undoubtedly a Catholic also, shews a certain absence of
partizanship, and an independence of judgment, while in
Caraffa the convictions of an enthusiastic propagandist
continually come to light, both in his views and his recol-
lections.
As to the agreement between the two works, two or
three examples may suffice. Thus in both mention is made
of the love of the emperor for vocal and instrumental music,
because it is of service to him in praising God ; and of the
devotion of the Empress Leonore to her husband — '^ pare
del tutto transformata nella volontk e sodisfattione del marito
si nella piet^ singolare come in secondare I'imperatore nelle
caccie ; " only that in Caraffa her participation in the hunt is
spoken of as something in the past. Of the young King
Ferdinand Ernest both reports say that he shews determina-
tion, and will one day exact stricter obedience than his
father : " vorrk esser piu obedito del padre." The charac-
terization in the two reports of the king of Denmark, the
electors of Bavaria, Saxony, and Brandenburg, and the
imperial ministers, correspond in a similar manner.
The question arises, which of the two is it that borrows
from the other ? I have no hesitation in giving my opinion
that the anonymous report is the original.
Here we read, in the description of the Elector Maximilian
of Bavaria : " Guadagna assai con le provisioni dell' esercito
della lega, della quale ella h luogotenente generale appresso
I'imperatore " [he makes considerable profit from the pro-
visioning of the army of the league, of which he is lieutenant-
general under the emperor], a rather severe charge, which
Caraffa also mentions, without, however, allowing the truth of
it. After reproducing the anonymous report almost word for
word up to this point (p. 237), he continues, " dicono anco,
se bene io non lo credo, che S. Altezza habbi guadagnato e
guadagni assai con le provisioni dell' esercito della lega, della
quale egli b luogotenente apresso I'imperatore." We are
not concerned with the truth or otherwise of this accusa-
tion j the point is that Caraffa is trying to controvert the
276 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 112
anonymous report, which shews that he had it in front of him
among his materials. If we compare the wording, we come
across other variations which sometimes reverse the meaning ;
in this very description of MaximiHan I find in the anony-
mous work an important passage concerning the relations
of Spain to Pfalz-Neuburg, which Caraffa has omitted.
Enough has been said to shew that Caraffa's work con-
tains elements from another report, which he has used, after
the manner of the time, not altering much, but often modi-
fying the sense. If we turn to the composition of the report,
we find that the construction, at least in the second and third
parts, with which we are here concerned, is very loose.
Where he mentions Prague as a former imperial residence,
he inserts a detailed account of the reconversion of Bohemia
to Catholicism, and his own part in it. The mention of the
raising of the hereditary prince to the throne of Bohemia,
gives him occasion to interpolate a description of his previous
election to the throne of Hungary. To the characterization
of Maximilian he adds a long account of the transference to
him of the Palatinate, although he has already spoken of this
event. After this he comes, as he says, " per ritornare all*
ordine della mia relatione," to the younger brother of the
elector, whom he describes in the words of the anonymous
report : " riesce piu dell' opinione degli huomini."
These interpolations are in themselves of great value ;
they give us information not to be found elsewhere, and
bear the stamp of truth. The account of the recatholiza-
tion of Bohemia is a revision of Caraffa's own " Ragguaglio "
mentioned above, though with some variations. For in-
stance, in the report he says that he arrived in Germany
some months after the battle of the White Hill; in the
Ragguaglio he is more precise : " lo gionsi qua I'anno
1 62 1, verso la fine del mese del Maggio sette mesi dopo la
vittoria di Praga." In the report he mentions that he has
conferred with the ministers and councillors of state ; in the
Ragguaglio, more exactly, "col principe de Echenberg e
con gli altri del consiglio secreto." The Ragguaglio also
contains details concerning the progress of the conversion
itself, which have been omitted in the revision ; in one case,
indeed, a statement is niade in a directly contrary sense.
No. it 2] APPENDIX— SECTION V ^7
Thus it is clear that the information contained in the report
is not enough to make it possible to dispense with the
Ragguaglio. It is a revision, not a transcription. The
authenticity of the report, which might otherwise perhaps be
questioned, is hereby proved : the author speaks in the first
person, as he does in many other passages, where he intro-
duces remarks from his own observation.
But it is difficult to decide how much of his information
is original and how much not. I will give only one instance.
In the little book, reprinted by the Elzevirs, entitled " Status
particularis regiminis S.C.M. Ferdinandi II," some observa-
tions are quoted from a report of the nuncio Pallotta which,
as Prof. Miiller has already noticed, appear at least in a
very similar form in Caraffa's report. In itself it would be
quite possible that here a mistake had taken place, the two
nuncios being confused ; but apparently it is not so. For
some of the most pregnant expressions quoted from Pallotta
in the " Status regiminis," e.^(^. that the emperor, a man after
God's heart, believed, like David, that no mortal could hurt
him, the Lord's anointed, and that his holy imperial person
could be injured by no misfortune — " quod nemo mortalium
ipsi veluti uncto domini nocere neque sacra Sua Caesarea
persona ab ullo malo opprimi queat " — occur in a less em-
phatic form in Caraffa. There it runs : " si pud dire ch'a
guisa d'un altro Davidde habbia ella speranza nella divina
potentia che non potra mai perire ne cadere per qualunque
infortunio." It is evident that the Protestant author of the
"Status" did not take his illuminating and significant
rendering from this weak passage; it is more likely that
it occurs in the report of Pallotta exactly as he quotes it.
The " si puo dire " of Caraffa suggests that that report lay
before him, but that he did not repeat the expressions he
found there in their full strength.
Pallotta was the successor of Caraffa. If the latter, when
composing his work at a later date for publication, used
Pallotta's report, he would no doubt have taken much more
from it than the one passage that has been quoted ; it would
have formed a very essential part of his materials. In the
"Status" we find some blunders, e.,^. at the very outset
about the father of Ferdinand II, which are corrected by
27^ APPENDIX— SECTION V [Nos.113, 114
Caraffa ; but would not this also seem to prove that Caraffa
cannot have been seen by the author of the *' Status " ?
I see, at any rate, that here lies a further field for research.
Above all if would be necessary to have the report of Pallotta
before one, in order to arrive at a sure conclusion.
So much only is certain, that Caraffa put together his report
from various materials, some of which were his own, and
others not. It is rather a compilation than a really original
work. Even, however, if all the sources from which it is
drawn were available, it would still be of value owing to the
observations which the author has added from his personal
knowledge.
No. 113
Relatio status ecdesiae et totins dioicesis Atigustanae^ 1629.
A document of no particular importance. It is princi-
pally occupied with the affairs of the city of Augsburg.
The activity, labours, and final expulsion of the Pro-
testant ^' Pseudo-Doctors " from Augsburg, is the chief
subject of the author. He hopes that when this has been
completely effected by the emperor's sanction, obtained
principally by the efforts of Hieronymus Imhof and Bern-
hard Rehlingen, the inhabitants will all soon become once
more Catholic.
No. 114
Legatio aposf"^ P. Aloys. Carafae, episcopi Tricaj'icensis,
sedente Urbano VIII Po7it. M. ad tractwn Rheni et ad
prov. inferioris Germaniae obita^ ab a7ino 1624 usqtie ad
annum 1634. Ad C""^ Fi'anc. Barberinum,
A very circumstantial report of 204 leaves \ it is perhaps
somewhat diffuse, but contains some useful matter.
We have, first, an account of the journey, and here much
space is lost in mere trifling detail. Among other places
the nuncio visits Fulda, and makes a great merit of having
No. 114] APPENDIX— SECTION V 279
reduced the number of sixteen quaiterings required to
qualify a man for the dignity of that, abbacy to eight.
He is extremely minute in the description of the dispute
existing between Liege and the bishop, in which he took
himself an active part : he transferred the seat of the nun-
ciature from Cologne to Libge.
The most remarkable passage of this document is without
doubt the description of the Catholic universities at that
time existing within the limits of the nunciature.
We perceive from these details how entirely the higher
branches of instruction were at that time in the hands of
the Jesuits. They were the masters in Trier and Mainz.
Paderborn, Miinster, and Osnabriick, where a high school
had been recently founded, were completely in their hands ;
but they taught only the humaniora, philosophy, and
theology. Judicial studies were entirely neglected. In
Cologne, which still continued the first of these universities,
medicine was taught by two professors only, who had very
few attendants at their lectures. The principal evil in
Cologne had formerly been that the professors were much
too amply provided mth prebendal stalls. " By the wealth
of these_, being supplied with means for an easy and pleasant
life, they rarely or never taught the sacred doctrines in
their own person, but constantly used the vicarious labours
of others. Thus the students were instructed without solidity
or method, and fifteen years were not unfrequently suffered
to pass before they had gone through a course of theology,
which thing was heretofore of no small inconvenience to
the archbishopric of Cologne, and especially to the jurisdic-
tions of Jiilich, Cleves, and Mons^ because parish priests
and clergy fit for the cure of souls and able to repair
the ruins of the Catholic religion, could not on this account
be there appointed until after very long delays."
This the Jesuit fathers reformed. The college of the
Three Crowns, which was made over to them, enjoyed a
high reputation; in 1634 it had more than 1,200 students.
But the taste for a life of enjoyment above alluded to, was
not so easily eradicated. The feasts of the masters in-
creased the costs of promotion and encouraged luxury.
" Through Lent there are daily drinking-parties among the
2go Appendix— SECTION v [No. 114
students." Our nuncio describes the Catholicism and good
living of the Cologne people by no means badly. "The
people of Cologne hold most firmly to the religion of their
ancestors, which they have never departed from since it was
first adopted. It is true that some few families of the
sectaries are tolerated in the city, but all exercise of their
creed is forbidden to them, and they are heavily fined if
they are discovered to hold private conventicles, or are
caught listening to the bellowing trumpeters of Luther or
Calvin. In the senate itself none may be elected who are
not Catholics ; but none of them who have been enrolled
and come to the court, can express an opinion or give a
vote, unless they have that same day been present at the
sacred rites in the chapel nearest to the senatorial palace.
By night the citizens themselves hold watch in the principal
parts of the city, nor need any fear violence or insult,
because, if clamours arise, they hasten thither to give aid ;
but robbers and assassins they place in bonds. All the
streets are, moreover, closed at night with iron chains ; nor
do they permit free circulation, so that the people for the
most part proceed very tranquilly. Among other advan-
tages possessed by the people, there should first be com-
memorated the fact, that each is permitted to purchase oxen
and pigs at the beginning of winter, which he preserves in
his house by means of smoke, drying them for the con-
sumption of the year ensuing : of these they eat largely.
An entire year is allowed them to pay the price, which is
meanwhile advanced to the merchant by those appointed to
that effect by the senate. Nor will any of the artisans,
however poor, suffer a want of good faith to appear in this
matter ; because in that case they could never again enjoy
that signal advantage in the purchase of their food thus
afforded them by the public moneys. There are also public
tables in the various districts, where all may eat together at
a fixed and moderate price, on week-day festivals."
But it is not towns and universities alone that our author
describes ; princes and events are also depicted : Ferdinand
of Cologne, "gravitate morum, professione pietatis et in-
genii maturitate nulli secundus : " Frederick of Wiirzburg,
" linguarum etiam exterarum peritia, morum suavi quadam
No. 114] APPENDDC— SECTION V 581
gravitate, prudentissima dexteritate omnibus carus :" Casimir
of Mainz, " eloquens vir in Germanico idiomate, legationibus
functus."
Respecting the remarkable events of that period also,
Caraffa supplies many remarkable notices. I know not
whereon the opinion has been founded, that Wallenstein
could have taken Stralsund, "si, quod multi existimant,
pecuniam quam urbem capere non maluisset." He considers
it a great misfortune that Tilly did not dare to throw
himself on Saxony at the first movement made by that
country. His description of the state of Cologne after the
battle of Leipzig, and of the views first manifested by the
French at that moment, is also very remarkable.
" By the blow received at Leipzig, the forces and the
spirits of the Catholics were alike broken, and fear or want
of ability in the defence of their fastnesses, suddenly opened
a vast inlet for the victorious enemy, so that he could at
once invade the very centre of the empire, with such force
of arms, that Fulda, Wiirzburg, Bamberg, Mainz, Worms,
Spires, and other cities and towns, were in a short time
either taken by storm or surrendered. Cologne remained
the refuge of the exiled princes, and treasures were brought
into that city, belonging to the church as well as to the
laity, and comprising all that it had been possible to carry
away before the outbreak of that vehement and sudden
tempest of war. Here the princes with anxious and doubtful
care took counsel whether, as the French ambassador had
proposed, it were expedient that neither those princes nor
yet the city itself should, from that time forward, turn their
arms in favour either of the emperor or King Gustavus.
This, the ambassador of the most Christian king recom-
mended to Cologne, but he affirmed it to be necessary that
garrisons from the legions of his own sovereign should be
introduced into that city, and also into other places belong-
ing to the electoral princes ; for that thus. King Gustavus,
respecting Cologne, would turn his arms elsewhere ; or if,
notwithstanding, he should resolve on coming as an enemy,
he would justly provoke the most Christian king, and the
alliance being ended, would begin to experience his enmity
and anger. Heavy indeed seemed that condition of
282 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 115
admitting garrisons from the cohorts of a foreign king into
the cities and strong places of the empire ; but much more
grievous were the other conditions, by which it was proposed
that they should thenceforth assist neither party, because, in
a war so dubious, to give no aid to the emperor, but as it
were to desert him, seemed wholly adverse to the most
ancient habit and feeling of the princes and cities, as well
as foreign to the principles of the empire itself. Yet that
this was the only advice to be adopted, the only post of
safety that remained, was equally the opinion of the apos-
tolic nuncio at Paris, to whom I had written concerning
the enormous blows inflicted on the Catholic religion, its
temples and altars, by King Gustavus."
There follows further a minute account of the catastrophe
of Wallenstein, which I shall give elsewhere.
No; 115
Relatione della corfe di Roma del Sig"" K"" Aluise Contarini,
deir anno 1632 ^/ 1635. [Report on the court of Rome
by Aluise Contarini.] Arch. Ven.
Between the foregoing reports and those which follow
there is a gap, which has been filled by Barozzi and
Berchet, in the first volume of the third series of the
" Relazioni degU stati Europei" (" Relazioni di Roma"),
1877. Here we find (pp. 253-348) a reprint of the reports
of Angelo Contarini (i 627-1 629) and Giovanni Pesaro
(1630-1632); the latter was found in the collection of the
State inquisitors ; for so delicate were the relations of the
republic to the papal court that the reports of the ambas-
sadors had to be secreted. They are almost too much
concerned with passing incidents, and represent the im-
pression of the pope received in the difficult negotiations
above mentioned, so that they do not supplement our
knowledge materially. I have, however, used one passage
from Contarini.
The report of Aluise Contarini which I found in the
Venetian archives has far greater value. It is a very
No. 115] APPENDIX— SECTION V 283
copious report in 35 chapters, containing 140 pages, and
doubly important, because Aluise Contarini had proceeded
directly from France to Rome, and was therefore more
capable of forming a judgment respecting the very peculiar
position assumed at that time in politics by Urban VIII.
He first describes the spiritual and temporal administra-
tion of the pope.
He considers it to be entirely monarchical. Of all the
old congregations, one only, that of the Inquisition, assembled
regularly. They had no other privileges than that people
still drew up their carriages when they met them, that they
were invested with the purple, and retained a voice in the
election of the pontiff; but the pope was so little disposed
towards them, that in affairs of weight, he would rather use
the services of inferior prelates, whose hopes depended
principally on himself, than of cardinals, who were already
possessed of more independence.
But the more closely the rein is drawn, so much the
more does authority become weakened. ^'L'antica vene-
ratione sta oggidi molto diminuita."
The inhabitants of Urbino were more particularly dis-
contented. '^ The subjects of that duchy complain much
of the change, calling the government of the priests a
tyranny, they having no other care than that of enriching
and advancing themselves." The author perpetually com-
plains that Urbino should have fallen into the hands of the
pope, lamenting it as a great loss to Spain and Venice.
In a second part, he describes the personal qualities of
those concerning whom he treats.
"Pope Urban VIII was born in April, 1567 (others say
1568); thus he is approaching the 69th year of his age;
but he preserves the force of his constitution, which is not
subject to any malady, as well as the vigour of his intellect.
He is of middle height and dark complexion, his hair is
white,- his eye quick, his utterance rapid, his temi)erament
sanguine and bilious. He lives rigidly by rule. He regu-
lates his actions in great measure by the motions of the
heavens, with respect to which he has great knowledge,
although he has prohibited the study of them to all others
under pain of the heaviest censures. His movements arc
2§4 APPEiSrblX-SfiCtiON V [No. lig
sudden, and so violent, that they sometimes border on
absurdity ; for he cannot take patience and restrain them ;
but he says that this commotion of the bile from time to
time is very useful, by stimulating the natural heat to the
preservation of his health. He rides, takes pleasure in the
country, walks, and is fond of exercise. He does not
trouble himself when things go wrong ; and all these things
concur to make it probable that he will yet have some years
of life, although he fell off very considerably during my
sojourn at his court.
"He attained to the pontificate after an uninterrupted
service at court of more than thirty years. He was first a
prelate of the Segnatura, and afterwards governor of Fano.
Soon after this second promotion, he bought offices at court,
and ultimately the clerkship of the chamber; this he did
with the help of his paternal uncle, Francesco Barberini,
a prelate of little repute, but of great wealth, accumulated
with Florentine parsimony. , Clement VHI employed him
in various offices, but particularly in relation to the new
cutting of the Po, and from this have arisen in great measure
the present contentions with the republic respecting boun-
daries, which result in part from the knowledge he possesses
of this matter, and in part from his resentment at the affair
not having been conducted at that time according to his
wishes. He was then, by the same Clement, sent as nuncio
into France, first as nuncio-extraordinary for the baptism of
the present king, and afterwards as nuncio in ordinary to his
father, Henry IV, when he proved himself a most zealous
defender of the ecclesiastical immunities. Paul V, successor
of Clement, confirmed him in the said legation of France,
and afterwards made him cardinal and legate in Bologna.
On his return to Rome he was appointed prefect of the
segnatura of justice, a very honourable office, and an em-
ployment of high importance. Finally, in 16123, he attained
to the pontificate by means of very crafty practices, in the
place of Gregory XV, being then in his fifty-sixth year, and
now he is going through the thirteenth year of his reign, to
the displeasure of the whole court, to which, no less than
to sovereigns, short pontificates are the most advantageous,
for in these there is more regard paid to every one, there is
No. 115] APPENDIX— SECTION V 285
a greater abundance of favours^ and the pontiffs do not
proceed as if the papacy were an hereditary succession ; the
court, moreover, finds that in general there proceed more
employment and better fortunes from the frequency of
change.
" In every position, the pope always held a high opinion
of himself, desiring to rule over others, and shewing con-
tempt for the opinions of all. He seems now to proceed
more liberally, since he finds himself in a position eminent
above all others. He has great talent, but not sound
judgment; talent, for in things that depend on himself
alone, and which concern his person and house, he has
always attained to the objects he has proposed to accom-
plish, without shrinking from those intrigues and artifices
which are, indeed, entirely congenial to his nature, as was
seen in his canvass for the papacy, during which he found
means to reconcile in his own favour the two opposite
factions of Borghese and Ludovisio, merely by making each
believe him the enemy of the other. But in general affairs,
wherein judgment is demanded, that the interests of the
Apostolic See may be brought into harmony with those of
other princes, the pope has been observed to be always
deficient in it. This was made evident in the affair of the
Valtelline, and in the war of Mantua, which would not have
occurred if the pope had declared against the first innovator;
in the loss of Mantua, attributed to the supplies received by
the Germans from the Ecclesiastical States, and without
which they must have raised the siege or perished ; and in
the act of conferring the prefecture of Rome on his nephew,
thus depriving the Apostolic See of the presence of so many
ministers of foreign princes, who form its finest ornament,
while he burdened the nephew himself with a load of envy,
vexations, and cares, the post, too, being absolutely un-
tenable after the death of the pontiff. A further proof of his
want of judgment may be found in the unworthy mode of
treatment adopted towards the ambassador of your serenity,
my predecessor, in suffering him to depart without satisfac-
tion ; as also in the last joint protection of France, first
advised and consented to through Cardinal Antonio, his
pephew, then retracted ?ind forbidden, with p. ipanifestation
286 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 115
of excessive artifice, not to say deceit, which was evident to
the whole world, and to the production of a division in his
own house. I say nothing of the great injury received by
the Catholic religion in Flanders and Germany under the
present pontificate ; the perils caused to Italy by his refusal
of dispensation to the duke of Mantua, and still more by
the pope's having conducted himself in a manner that has
disgusted all princes, great and small, to such an extent that
no one of them is friendly towards him, so that he is ren-
dered incapable of exercising towards them those offices of
authority and of paternal advice by which they might have
been pacified and drawn together for the defence of re-
ligion ; yet these offices have always been so carefully exer-
cised by previous pontiffs and considered so peculiarly their
own, that to maintain their title of common father, whence
proceeds all the veneration professed for them, and to pre-
serve union among the Christian princes, which is to them
the source of great authority, they have exposed themselves
to many hazards, journeyings, and perils, their name of
father excusing them from attention to those punctilios
which serve as so effectual an impediment to the inter-
vention of other princes.
'• The present pope has always professed to be neutral,
making it his glory that he has enriched and aggrandized
his house without bargaining for domains in the kingdom of
Naples, or submitting to receive favours from great princes.
His secret inclinations are, nevertheless, towards the French ;
their promptitude and determined boldness being most con-
genial to the character of his holiness, as was manifested by
the great demonstrations he made when La Rochelle was
taken. He recommended peace with the English, that
France might hasten to the aid of Casale, then besieged by
the Spaniards ; advising the French at the same time to
seize and retain Pinarolo for the requisite preservation of
an equilibrium in Italy. He constantly discovered pretexts
for deferring or diminishing the succours required by
Germany, so that an opinion prevailed, and still exists, that
his holiness was grieved for the death of the king of
Sweden, and that he rejoices more, or rather fears less, for
the progress of the Protestants, than that of the Austrians.
No. 115] APPENDIX—SECTION V 287
It is also generally believed, that even though the pope
should be led to some union with the Spaniards by Cardinal
Barberini, who is altogether Spanish, it would most probably
terminate in a rupture more decided than ever. And the
cause is this ; that as the pope proceeds by artifice and in-
trigue, and believes that the Spaniards do the same, there must
always be more apprehension of mutual deceptions between
them than of the confidence proper to a sincere union."
It is not necessary to repeat the description of the
nephews given by Aluise Contarini. Even Francesco
Barberini, although most of all beloved by the pope, and
completely devoted to business, was yet entirely dependent
on his uncle. "There has never been a papal nephew
more assiduous in the labours of the state than he; he
never permits himself to take the slightest recreation; but
it is also true that none has ever efiected less than he has."
Contarini declines all description of the cardinal?,
remarking that a confirmed hypocrisy prevailed through
the whole body. " One cardinal, though in perfect health,
will make pretence, to facilitate his path to the papal throne,
of being most infirm; tottering in his walk, coughing at
every word ; and if he stir abroad, it is only close shut in
his litter. Another, being an able statesman, will neverthe-
less pretend to be averse from and ignorant of all business ;
while others talk, he is dumb ; if questions are asked, he
shrugs his shoulders ; or if he reply, it is only in general
terms." One might be tempted to believe that we have here
the original of the fable invented with respect to the
elevation of Sixtus V.
Next comes the third part ; and this describes political
relations. It is full of the most acute, impressive, and
animated observation ; and as we have said, is for us the
most valuable part of the report.
However well disposed to the French Pope Urban might
be, he did not always comply with their requests as regarded
ecclesiastical affairs. " It must however be confessed that
they have required very difficult concessions; such, for
example, as the right of nominating to the abbeys of
Lorraine, the annulling of the marriages of Duke Charles
of Lorraine, and of Monsieur, with others of similar
28S APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 115
character." Neither was Francesco Barberini so well dis-
posed to the French party as his uncle : but though the
French no longer hoped for any express declaration in their
favour, they also knew that the pope would not act against
them. Even this was a great advantage for their side, since
being considered favourable to France, the opposite party
did not trust him.
But all the more dissatisfied were the Spaniards. They
reproached Cardinal Borgia for having permitted Urban VIII
to be elected; and it was affirmed that this cardinal had
been won over to do so only by the promise of manifold
favours. In the negotiations relative to the Valtelline, in
the general policy of the French, and in the position main-
tained by Bavaria, the Spaniards affirm that the influence
of Urban's disinclination might be constantly perceived.
Barberini, on the other hand, maintained that the con-
cessions he had made to Spain had been met by no
acknowledgment from them. It is obvious that the
misunderstanding was mutual.
Contarini discusses the relations of Rome to Venice
more fully than all besides. He considers the difficulties
between them to arise chiefly from this ; that whereas other
states were either feared by Rome as more powerful than
herself, or neglected by her as less powerful, Venice was
regarded and treated as an equal.
It was already a source of displeasure to Rome that the
English and Dutch should enjoy certain immunities in
Venice. But if once the temporal jurisdiction presumed
to lay hands on the person of an ecclesiastic, a general
storm immediately arose.
The ambassador is nevertheless of opinion that the
Venetians must not permit themselves to be trifled with.
The nuncio was enjoined to maintain the most friendly
relations with all such Venetian priests as were favourites
with the people, and had the largest number of penitents to
confess. "And your excellencies may rest assured that by
means of such men, the nuncios contrive to extract the very
marrow of all secrets." So much the more needful was it
that the republic should in no gase relinc^uish her authority
Qver then^,
No. 1 1 6] APPENDIX- SECTION V 289
In addition to all this, there were moreover continual
disputes about the boundaries. Urban VIII was in no
respect to be regarded as the promoter of Venetian interests.
He was in particular disposed to advance Ancona to the
prejudice of Venice.
No. 116
Discorso ddla malatfia e viorte del Card^ Ippolyfo Aldo-
bratidino^ caitierlcngo di S*^ Chiesa col fine della grandezza
del Papa Clemente VIII, 1638. [Account of the
illness and death of Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini,
chamberlain of the holy church, and of the close of the
greatness of Pope Clement VIII.]
An extraordinary impression was produced in Rome by
the sudden downfall of the Aldobrandini family, which had
been so lately founded.
It was under the influence of this impression that the
little work before us was written. " E stato superato dalla
morte quel gran ingegno ! " it begins. Of the whole house,
the daughter of Giovanni Giorgio Aldobrandini alone
remained^ — and would necessarily inherit incalculable
1 iches.
The state of society in Rome is not badly depicted in
the following passage. " II marchese I.odovico Lanti, il
conte Gio. Francesco da Bagni, Berlingieri Gessi e Ber-
nardino Biscia, aspettando tutti quattro a gara il pontificato
de' loro zii, ambivano le nozze della principessa Aldo-
brandina." In the prospect of their uncle's elevation to
the papacy, the nephews-presumptive were struggling for
the hand of the richest heiress.
But neither the marriage they sought, nor the power of
" the nephew," was to be attained by any one of them.
Olimpia married a Borghese. Our author is in the
utmost astonishment at this, because Paul V had persecuted
the Aldobrandini, and had imprisoned the father of Olimpia
himself, yet now she gives her hand to his great-nephew.
In later life, however, as we know, she did in fact fall
to the lot of a nephew to the reigning pontiff. Innocent X,
VOL, III, u
290 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 117
to whom she was destined by the circumstances and interests
of the Roman court.
No. 117
Relatione di q. Zuanne Nani K^ Proc'' ritornaio di amhas-
ciatore estraordinario di Roma, 1641, 10 Liiglio,
[Report of Zuanne Nani, on returning from his embassy
extraordinary to Rome.] Arch. Ven.
Disagreements of various kinds were continually arising
between Rome and Venice; in the year 1635, there occurred
one of the most extraordinary kind.
A magnificent inscription in pompous terms, had been
erected in the Sala Regia of the Vatican, by Pius IV, to
record an achievement of the Venetians on which they
prided themselves greatly, and which made a splendid figure
in their annals, a victory, namely, gained over Frederick
Barbarossa^ and by which, as they affirmed, they had saved
Alexander III from destruction.
But the terms of this inscription had gradually come to
be thought unwarrantable in Rome. That the phrase,
^' Pontifici Venetae reipublicae beneficio sua dignitas
restituta," should be exhibited, was held by the constantly
increasing rigour of orthodoxy to be a kind of affront. The
spirit of contention for rank then ruling the world, seized
on this long past and almost forgotten incident, and the
truth of the narration^ as it appears in Venetian writers of
history, began moreover to be generally called in question.
Disputants appeared in print on both sides of the question.
This is a question that even to the present day has been
more than once revived.
I cannot believe that any one possessing the slightest
notion of historical examination and criticism can remain
doubtful respecting it.
But however that may be, it was at all events not
historical conviction alone, but political jealousy in addition,
that induced Urban VIII first to alter that inscription, and
finally to erase it altogether.
It was in the same light that the matter was viewed by
No. 117] APPENDIX— SECTION V 291
the Republic ; the disputes respecting the boundaries, and
those concerning the precedence of the new prefect becoming
daily more embittered, Venice, for some time, sent no
regular ambassador to Rome.
Accordingly, Nani, who went thither in the year 1638,
was only ambassador extraordinary. He remained never-
theless nearly three years and a half, and his report shews that
he had acquired a considerable acquaintance with the court.
The chief purpose of his mission was to prevail on the
pope to support the Republic in case of her being attacked
by the Turks^ which at that time seemed highly probable.
It is an extraordinary fact, that this request came at a
moment which made it particularly acceptable to the pope.
He could oppose this necessity of the Republic to the
perpetual demands of the house of Austria, then so hardly
pressed by the Protestants and the French.
The ambassador would glady have moved him to a
mediation also between the belligerent powers ; but the pope
did not enjoy the general confidence indispensable to such an
attempt. " Pullulando tante amarezze colle corone, restava
fiacca, per non dir quasi odiosa, I'autorita del pontefice."
This ambassador also remarks the inclination of Urban
to make a display of military force. Whoever desired to
stand well with him must turn the conversation to his
fortresses; to which he frequently alluded himself. He
even declared that he could bring together more than 20^000
men within the space of twenty days. He further enumerated
the treasure that he possessed. For immediate necessities
he had laid by 400,000 scudi, and it was believed that of
the five millions left by Sixtus V^ three still remained in the
Castle of St. Angelo.
Let us now observe in what manner Nani describes the
person and mode of administration adopted by Urban VIII.
"The pontiff is in the beginning of the 73rd year of his
age, and at the close of the 17 th of his pontificate ; no pope
has enjoyed so long a period of government for a space of
324 years. He is robust and vigorous, and is gratified at
being so considered ; indeed, if we except occasional attacks
of internal disorders to which he appears subject, his con-
stitution and health are such that he may still last for many
292 APPENDIX- SECTION V [No. 117
years. He adopts the most useful measures for the preserva-
tion of his health, and as he now feels himself becoming
older, he applies less to business, with regard to which,
however, he has rarely inflicted on himself more labour than
was pleasant to him. The morning is passed in giving
audience and other affairs, the afternoon is reserved for
rest and conversation with those of his immediate circle,
in which he is cheerful and facetious, as in more important
discourse he is learned and eloquent. Even v/hile giving
audience, he willingly passes from the matter in negotiation,
to subjects of an interesting or learned character, to which
he is much devoted. He possesses great talents and great
qualities, has a wonderful memory, with courage and energy
that sometimes render him too firmly fixed to his own ideas.
He has extensive powers of intellect, increased by experience
of government and the world. He thinks very highly of his
own opinion, and therefore does not love taking counsel,
nor does he much regard the qualities of his ministers, who
might nevertheless give increased force to his measures.
He is not much disposed to confer favours, and is of hasty
temper ; so that even with the ministers of sovereign princes,
he cannot always dissemble his impetuosity. He likes to be
treated with address and suavity, and if there be any method
by which the mind of his holiness can be diverted from its
determination, it is by this alone ; or if one cannot always
succeed by it, there is in any case one good result, that if
he will not yield, at least he does not break off in anger.
" It were much to be desired that the present govern-
ment had a more extensive and more efficient ' Consulta ; '
because, where discussion is wanting, reason will sometimes
be wanting likewise ; and it is certain that the ministers are
but few, and still fewer are those who have any authority or
weight at the palace. With the pontiff himself, no one is
known to have influence, and his holiness places his own
opinion above that of all : the others are wont either to
applaud, or at least conform to it. In former times it was
usual for the pope to have three or four cardinals near
his person, with whom all more important affairs were dis-
cussed before they were determined on, and it was then held
to be part of the nephews' secret policy to introduce their
No. 117] APPENDIX— SECTION V 293
own dependents into the confidence of their uncle, to the
end that these might lead or win him over on occasions
where they could not themselves appear, or did not wish to
reveal their inclinations.
" Barberini has not chosen to circumvent the freedom
of the pope in this manner, but reserving to himself ex-
clusively the place immediately next the ear of his holiness,
he compels all others to remain at a distance, and to submit
their own opinions to his sole judgment, not seeming pleased
that any should speak to the pope on business without having
first communicated with himself. Yet he does not avail
himself of this authority, which he alone enjoys, with that
liberty which might perhaps be advantageous to the public
good, and to his own interests ; so that, not daring to lift a
breath against the resolutions or opinions of the pope, he
frequently assumes the appearance of being equally obstinate
with his holiness himself, and by this means has subjected
himself to the displeasure of kings and other sovereigns,
with the dislike of their ministers, for not diverting or
preventing many strange and disagreeable occurrences.
" Under the pontificate of the present pope, the cardinals
complain accordingly, more particularly those created by
him, of not being treated with openness or confidence.
The cardinal-nephew employs the services of very few
ministers, while the vast amount of business and other causes
might seem to make him require many. Pancirolo and
Bicchi, auditors of the Rota, are those most admitted to
his intimacy and most frequently employed.
"Pancirolo is a man of advanced age and great ex-
perience; he was employed in Piedmont respecting the
peace, even from the time when the wars of Mantua com-
menced. He is employed in affairs connected with the
administration of the Papal States, and as I have not had
to transact any business with him, I have nothing to relate
concerning his personal qualities.
" Bicchi is a man of high character, prompt and sagacious ;
he directs almost all affairs with foreign princes, and has
more particularly the management of those pertaining to
the Republic. He is entirely dependent on Barberini, a
circumstance which renders him particularly acceptable tc
294 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 117
the cardinal; he has encountered many vexations from
some of the foreign ministers, but is upon the whole greatly
liked. He has no other experience than that derived from
his present employment, which is an important one; my
business has always been transacted with him, and your
excellencies will remember to have seen him frequently
described in my letters, as well as in his official documents.
In the management of affairs, he displays address and cool-
ness, with equal ability and diligence. He speaks of the
most serene Republic with all possible expressions of rever-
ence and devotion. He has it much at heart to secure a
certain matter touching the pensions of the cardinal his
brother, respecting which I have written at other times.
"To these I will add Monsignor Cecca, secretary of
state, because he is at present assisting in the negotiations
of the league. He has not more than ordinary talent, but
from long experience in his office, has a competent know-
ledge of business. He is considerably advanced in years,
and is believed to be near to the cardinalate ; though not
greatly beloved by the nephews, he is much respected on
account of the regard borne to him by his holiness. When
the present pontiff was nuncio at the court of France, Cecca
was in the service of his secretary, and by a marvellous
change of fortune, yet one not uncommon in the Roman
court, he stepped into the place of his master, who is still
living in no very prosperous circumstances, while Cecca
enjoys an important office with good revenues_, and has
prospects of more than common advancement. There are
none beside in the circle of Barberini possessing either
credit or talents to merit observation.
" For the governmenc of the state, there is a ' Consulta '
of cardinals and prelates, which meets for the discussion of
various matters twice in each week. The other congrega-
tions are those of the Inquisition, of ' Propaganda Fide/ of
the Council, of the regular clergy, of ceremonial rites, and
other interests of a similar character. But the whole affair
resolves itself into mere talk, because the decision rests
entirely with his holiness and the nephew. A congregation
of state is held from time to time in the presence of the
pope, for purposes of high importance ; but none take part
No. ii8] APPENDIX—SECTION V 295
in these councils excepting the cardinals created by himself
or others in his confidence, or who have served in nuncia-
tures. Even this, too, serves rather for the ratification of
decisions than for the determination of them by discussion,
because nothing is deliberated on, or presented as a decree,
except in conformity with the opinion either expressed or
suffered to be understood as that of his holiness ; and indeed
the pontiffs are wont to complain that they have not any
one in whom they may confide, all the cardinals living with
their eyes turned on those foreign princes with whom their
interests are connected."
No. 118
Racconto delle cose pin considerahili die sono occorse nel
governo di Roma in tempo di Mo?is'^ Gio. Bait. Spada.
[Relation of the most important events that have taken
place in the government of Rome during the time of
Monsignor Gio. Battista Spada.]
Respecting the latter days of Urban VIII, replete with
pictures of life and manner, more especially of circumstances
falling within the department of justice and the police of
the States, and recorded with unquestionable authenticity.
We find the old contentions still prevailing among the
ancient families of Rome, between the Gaetani and Colonna
for example ; not only was it difficult to effect any agree-
ment between them, but many days were required even
for drawing up a document, wherein the requisite history
of their quarrels should be related in such a manner that
one or the other would not feel insulted.
Disputes were also frequent between the French and
Spaniards. They would meet for example in taverns, each
drank to the health of his own sovereign, offence was soon
taken; but the weaker party remained moderately quiet,
until being reinforced, it could meet its opponent on equal
ground ; then, assembling on the public places of the city,
they would come to blows, and it was not without the utmost
difficulty that the bargello could separate them.
296 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 118
But although thus divided among themselves, they all
do their best to oppose the court, and rival each other in
resistance to the policy of Rome.
The ambassadors were especially difficult to manage;
they gradually set up those pretensions which were sub-
sequently the cause of so many serious disputes. They
not only declared their palaces to be sanctuaries and free,
permitting unlawful games to be established in them; but
they even claimed the right of extending their protection
to the neighbouring houses. Monsignor Spada naturally
opposed these pretensions. ^' For if so much courtesy had
been extended to the lords ambassadors that none should
enter their houses or families, the extent to which they now
desired to carry the matter was too great, being no less
than that no execution should be permitted in the neigh-
bouring houses, or even in the same cluster of buildings
(isola)."
Historically considered, the most important incidents
here described are two attempts on the life of Urban VIII,
which are given with the most satisfactory authenticity.
1. ^'Concerning the trial of Giacinto Centini, nephew
of Cardinal d'Ascoli, and of certain of his accomplices. —
The substance was to this effect : it having been prognosti-
cated that the cardinal would succeed to the present pontiff,
Giacinto Centini, led away by this prophecy, and desiring
to see it instantly fulfilled, had formed a compact with Fra
Serafino Cherubini da Ancona, a Minorite ; Fra Pietro da
Palermo, an Eremite, who assumed the name of Fra Bernar-
dino; and Fra Domenico da Fermo, an Augustinian, for
the purpose of seeking to shorten the life of our lord the
pope by diabolic acts; and to that effect it was resolved
to make a figure of wax, representing the pope, which
was executed ; and after many invocations of demons, and
sacrifices offered to the same, this was melted, destroyed,
and consumed at the fire, with the firm belief that the said
figure being so consumed, the life of Pope Urban must
terminate with it, and thus make way for the succession of
Cardinal d'Ascoli, uncle of Giacinto."
2. '' The confession of Tomaso Orsolini da Recanate. —
That by the instigation of Fra Domenico Brancaccio da
No. 119] APPENDIX— SECtlON V 297
Bagnarea, an Augustinian, he had gone to Naples for the
purpose of making a pretended discovery to the viceroy of
a supposed agreement among the princes for the invasion
of the kingdom of Naples, wherein his holiness also was to
take part, and the remedy proposed was, that either the
pope or one of the confederates was to be put to death.
This the aforesaid Father Bagnarea offered to do himself,
provided they would furnish him with 3,000 scudi, which
he would give to the sacristan of his holiness, who was now
become incapable of labour; when he, Bagnarea, having
succeeded to that office, would have put poison into the
host, which his holiness would have to consecrate in the
mass; or otherwise, if he could not succeed in becoming
sacristan, he would have contrived that the apothecary
Carcurasio, his relative, should poison the medicaments
applied to the setons of his holiness; but he did not pro-
ceed to the extent of describing all this to the viceroy,
because, having intimated to him that the pope must be
put to death, he saw that the viceroy did not entertain that
proposal."
No. 119
Historka relatione delV origine e progressi delle rottnre nate
tra la casa Barberina et Odoardo Fariiese duca di Parma
e Fiacenza. [Historical relation of the origin and pro-
gress of the disputes between the house of Barberini
and Odoardo Farnese, duke of Parma and Piacenza.]
Vienna Library. Historia Prof. N. 899. 224 leaves.
This is the work of a partisan, given in the form of a
letter, in which the origin of these contentions is wholly
attributed to the ill-will of the Barberini. The monti of the
barons are connected by this author, as well as others, with
those of the state. The pope readily granted the necessary
permissions, because he thus rendered the barons more sub-
servient to himself. (" Nella erettione di simili monti il
principe era mallevadore, riservatosi il beneplacito di poterne
dimandare I'estintione a suo piacimento.")
I do not find that this work, although voluminous, makes
298 APPENDIX-SECTION V [No. 120
any important disclosures; and since we are not in this
case in any want of information, it has no great value. The
most remarkable part of it is, without doubt, the description
of Pope Urban's anti-Austrian, and in a certain sense anti-
Catholic tendencies.
" He would sometimes give it to be understood, that
though the progress made by the Catholics against the
heretics was very pleasing to him, yet that there was cause
to fear lest this prosperity should some day turn to their
injury, by the jealousies that would be excited throughout
the world, lest the empire should absorb the last remaining
vestige of liberty. A report was current in all the courts
that to Urban were to be ascribed those suspicions of
Duke Maximilian, which caused a great schism in the
union of Catholic princes, who were exposed to the chances
of reactions, for they supposed that when once the heretics
were subdued, the arms of Austria would be turned to
the injury of those who had been ministers to the great-
ness of that house ; and to say all, there were some who
in those days boasted of knowing that the mission of Ceva,
the confidential minister of the house of Barberini, sent
into France with the title of nuncio extraordinary, had
received in the most profound concealment a secret com-
mand to excite the French king to mingle in the com-
motions of Germany, to the end that, acting in concert with
Bavaria, he might devise a method for raising up some
barrier against the increasing power of the house of
Austria."
This proves at least that such views were prevalent at
the time.
No. 120
Delia vita di Papa Urbano VIII e historia del suo pontifi-
cato^ scritta da Atidrea Nicoletti. [The life of Pope
Urban VIII and history of his pontificate, by Andrea
Nicoletti.] 8 volumes in folio MS.
It is much to be regretted that there are so few good,
or even available biographies of the persons most eminent
in history.
No. 120] APPENDIX— SECTION V 299
The cause of this deficiency must not be ascribed to
indifference to their memory ; this was, indeed, most com-
monly very highly estimated, if not overrated, by those
connected with them ; it may be attributed to the following
cause : —
At first, when the remembrance is still fresh, and ma-
terials might readily be gathered, certain scruples are felt
with regard to contemporaries ; the whole truth is not told ;
a multitude of individuals would be compromised, and
numberless animosities called forth against the subject of
the memoir himself.
At a later period, and when contemporaries also have
disappeared, when courage might be found for speaking,
the memory of the hero has also become faint, the materials
are scattered, the interest itself has declined, and awakens
only in the minds of those who desire to investigate the
facts for historical purposes.
In this state fof things, the following expedient was
frequently adopted in Italy.
The materials existing were handed over to some
trusted friend or servant of the house, who being well and
personally informed of the general facts, then placed them
together, arranged them duly, and formed them into a con-
nected narrative ; yet this was not intended for the press,
it was preserved in MS. among the family annals.
In this manner the susceptibilities of the contemporary
were spared ; while yet the possibility was retained of
reviving the rapidly fading memory at some future time, and
presenting it in all the fulness of truth.
To this class of works belongs the biography of Andrea
Nicoletti.
It contains the recollections of the Barberini family
respecting the personal character and various transactions
of Urban VIII. But the mass of the work, and that which
gives the volume its bulk, is the collected correspondence,
of which all is inserted, of the ambassadors belonging to the
twenty-one years of Urban's pontificate.
This biography is, in fact, essentially formed of a com-
pilation of the despatches from the different nunciatures.
It contains not the final reports, the " relationi," properly
30Q APPENDIX- SECTION V [No. 126
so called, but the despatches themselves, as was most fitting
to a biography. The pope constantly appears in this work
as himself directing, determining, and acting.
I have observed that similar compilations were attempted
in Venice ; but as the active proceedings of the republic
do not appear, and only the mass of the reports presented
is placed before us, without any of their effects becoming
apparent, the attention very soon becomes distracted and
wearied.
In the work of Nicoletti the case is totally different ; the
vocation of the papacy, the complicated political position
of Urban VIII, the immediate bearing of each report on
some important circumstance of general history, — all tend
to produce unity of purpose, and awaken interest.
It is obvious that the notices here presented in relation
to the period of the thirty years' war must needs have
especial importance ; and in fact they throw light on it at
every point.
It must be allowed, that where the author attempts a
judgment, or relates a fact from his own authority, we
cannot follow him altogether without reserve. Here and
there he may probably have been unable to procure
authentic information ; the official complexion is not to be
concealed, even in the origin and first conception of such a
work. I will cite but one example. In the 3rd volume of
his work, p. 673, Nicoletti affirms that Urban VIII had
heard of the conclusion of peace between France and
England with much bitter grief ("il rammarico fu acer-
bissimo "), while from Aluise Contarini, who took a per-
sonal share in all the negotiations, we learn that the pope
had even advised those negotiations and that conclusion.
The error of Nicoletti proceeds from the fact, that amidst
the enormous accumulation of correspondence before him,
this notice had escaped his observation, and that he judged
the pope according to his own idea of what was demanded
of Urban's ecclesiastical position. Many similar instances
occur, but these do not prevent us from believing the author
where he merely gives extracts.
It is the practice of Nicoletti to insert the papers in
their whole extent, with such changes only as are demanded
No. 120] APPENDIX— SECTION V 301
by the form of narrative. The utmost deviation that he
can have made is to misplace certain particulars, or omit
certain documents. Yet, from the nature of his charge,
which merely consisted in arranging the papers given him,
and from the character of the work, which was not in-
tended for the public, this was not to be anticipated, nor
have I found any trace of its being done.
Although I have proceeded diligently through all these
volumes, and have not neglected the opportunity of making
myself acquainted with historical materials of so much
importance, it would nevertheless be impossible to give a
more minute account of them in this place. Whoever has
occupied himself with the examination of correspondence
will remember how much he has been compelled to read
before attaining to a clear perception of any one fact. For
materials so diffuse, I cannot find space in this work.
There follows, however, the description of the last
moments of Urban VIII, which is highly remarkable; as
also of his personal character, as Nicoletti conceived it.
Volume viii., near the close : — " In those days (towards
the end of June) the heat in Rome was excessive, and even
much more perilous than common ; nevertheless, the pope
believing himself to be somewhat recovered from his
malady, and knowing that seventeen churches were without
their bishops, while Cardinal Grimaldi, who had returned
from the nunciature of France, had not received his
cardinal's hat, declared that he would hold a consistory on
the approaching Monday. Cardinal Barberini thought that
he might also induce him to complete the promotion of
some cardinals; for which cause he did not oppose his
purpose by representing his dangerous state of weakness,
and the slow fever that might be redoubled by that exertion,
but rather applauded his intention and encouraged him, as
though he had been in good health. The report of the
intended consistory getting about, while some believed the
pope to be dying, and others that he was dead, but that his
death was kept concealed for some days, the greater part of
Rome was seen to be alarmed, although all put on glad looks
and pretended to rejoice at the restoration of the pontiff's
health. But Cardinal Barberini perceiving afterwards that
302 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 120
the pope would not proceed to the promotion of any
cardinal, although eight were wanting to the sacred college,
either because he was not satisfied with the persons pro-
posed to him, or because he desired to leave that office to
his successor, then made an earnest attempt to dissuade him
by powerful reasons and pressing entreaties from holding
the consistory at that time ; and he laboured all the more
eagerly because he saw that, besides the probable injury to
the pope, he should himself be discredited and lose in the
general esteem^ since the cardinals of his proposing not
being promoted, the report universally prevailing of his
having lost favour with the pope on account of the wars
would receive confirmation, and the opinion that if Urban's
life were prolonged, Cardinal Antonio would obtain the
supremacy, would be strengthened. The pontiff not being
moved by these arguments and prayers, Monsignor Roscioli,
knowing that he should oblige Cardinal Barberini, and help
to preserve the life of his holiness by dissuading him fi'om
the said resolution, and confiding in the good-will of the
pope towards himself, determined to adopt every means,
even using the names of the cardinals and of the whole
city, to prevail on him for the abandonment of that con-
sistory. Having taking therefore a befitting opportunity, he
entered the apartments of the pope, and kneeling before
him^ declared that he did not propose to supplicate him in
the name of his ministers, nor on the part of his nephews,
or of the house of Barberini, but of the whole city of Rome ;
for that his holiness, having been chosen for the welfare of
the nations^ and for the safety of the Church, when abandon-
ing the care of his own person by exposing himself, while
still weak, to the danger of accident, abandoned at the
same time the whole city and the government committed to
him by the Church, to the extreme grief of all : that his
welfare or peril was of more consequence to Christendom
in general than to the house of Barberini, or to his holiness
himself; and that, therefore, if he would not defer the
fatigue of that consistory at the prayers of his nephews, he
should do so at least for the entreaties of all Rome, which
implored him to comply. The pope, after reflecting for a
time, replied that he did not desire to prolong his life
No. 120] APPENDIX— SECTION V 303
further, knowing that the pontificate was a burden no
longer suited to his strength, and that God would provide
for his Church. After this reply, having remained silent for
a time, Monsignor Roscioli perceived that the pope had his
eyes full of tears, and raising them to heaven with sighs, he
burst into fervent prayers to God, imploring the Divine
Majesty to release him from this present life, wherewith he
seemed to be grievously wearied.
"The Monday appointed for holding the consistory
having arrived, a vast multitude of people assembled at the
palace, curious to see the pope, whom but shortly before
they had believed dead. Scarcely had he entered, before
the cardinals perceived that his life was indeed approaching
the end, for he looked languid and pale, and had almost
lost the power of utterance ; towards the end of the con-
sistory more particularly he appeared to have become
almost insensible. This was attributed to the excessive
heat of the season, increased by the crowd of people who
had found their way in ; but neither did the ministers nearest
to the pope's person, nor Cardinal Barberini himself, escape
reproach for not having prevented the pontiff from exposing
himself to that fatiguing office, the people not knowing the
efforts that had been made to divert him from this purpose :
for any one seeing him in that state of suffering and weak-
ness, would have been moved to pity, since it was manifest
that the malady had shaken his mind and deprived him of
all sound judgment respecting the affairs before him. After
the propositions concerning the churches had been made,
and after having given the hat to Cardinal Grimaldi, he
left the consistory with his disorder greatly aggravated, as
had been foretold.
" On the following day he performed an action by which
he acquired the fame of great piety, and which is worthy of
record as an example to all ecclesiastical princes. This was
to summon before him certain theologians, who were very
eminent in that science, and also for probity, being besides
considered by the pope to be incapable of adulation. To
these divines he first caused a full statement to be given of
all the ecclesiastical estates and revenues wherewith he had
enriched the house of Barberini during the time of his
304 APPENDIX—SECTION V [No. 120
pontificate, commanding them to declare whether he had in
anywise exceeded his power and authority ; since he was
prepared to take back from his nephews whatever might
burden his conscience before the tribunal of God. The
theologians were Cardinal de Lugo, Father Torquato de
Lupis, of the Society of Jesus, and some others. And the
pope was encouraged to this act by the serenity he per-
ceived on the countenance of Cardinal Barberini, when
having summoned him first of all, he made him acquainted
with his purpose ; so that, notwithstanding the late shadows
of doubt between them, he seemed almost disposed to take
his advice on the subject. The cardinal applauded the
piety of his holiness, and shewed particular satisfaction re-
specting that intention, hoping still greater blessings from
the most bountiful hand of God, since all this was to be
done solely for the satisfaction of the Divine Majesty. It
is said that the unanimous opinion of the theologians was
this ; that his holiness, having enriched his nephews, might
with a safe conscience permit them to enjoy all the wealth
he had conferred on them, and that for two reasons : First,
that having promoted many persons to the cardinalate with-
out having provided them with revenues suitable to their
position, the nephews would thus be in a condition to
supply them according to their need. The other reason
why the conscience of the pope should be tranquil was, that
the nephews aforesaid having in that long reign, and during
the wars, incurred the hatred and hostility of various prirtces,
it was reasonable that they should be left in a condition to
defend themselves and maintain their rank : it was even
necessary to the credit of the Apostolic See that they should
not be contemned, as frequently happens to those who are
reduced from an eminent position to an inferior one : thus
the being well provided with riches and with the goods of
fortune, would but tend to make them more respected :
besides which, the said nephews were by nature endowed
with so much Christian charity, that they would apply those
revenues to the benefit of the poor and for other pious uses.
By these and similar reasonings the pontiff appeared to be
tranquillized.
" He proceeded then to prepare for death, which he felt
No. 120] APPENDIX— SECTION V 305
in himself to be approaching; but amidst these thoughts
and dispositions he yet shewed himself in all his conversa-
tions to be full of a just anger against the princes of Italy ;
feeling a deep grief that it must remain recorded of his
pontificate how those potentates had leagued themselves
against him, and had assailed the States of the Church with
their armies. For this cause he sometimes broke out into
bitter reproaches against them, as men without piety, with-
out religion, and without laws ; imploring the just vengeance
of heaven, that he might live to see them punished, or
at least repentant. Peace had already been concluded
with them, as has been said elsewhere, being ratified and
signed by his holiness ; but in this the two cardinals
Barberini were not included or named ; whence their more
faithful adherents were of opinion that while — on account
of the life of the pope — the house of Barberini was still
feared, all possible efforts should be made to have the said
cardinals declared parties to and included in that peace,
by the Italian princes. And Cardinal Bicchi, who went
as plenipotentiary to those princes on the part of France,
affirmed that, not being assured of the pope's death, they
would shew no reluctance to negotiate and accept that
treaty : but Cardinal Barberini forbade the attempt in ex-
press terms, commanding Bicchi to do nothing whatever in
that behalf, even though the princes should of themselves
propose the arrangement; nor would he listen to any
counsels on that head, alleging as a reason, that the desire
to be included and named in the articles of peace was no
other than an admission on their parts that they were the
authors and promoters of the war, to say nothing of the fact
that it was not usual to name the ministers or agents in
treaties of peace, but only the princes and chiefs who had
taken part in the war.
"At that time there were, as we have said, eight
vacancies in the sacred college of cardinals, for which cause,
there was infinite agitation at court, so great a number being
capable of occasioning no small change in the position of
the established factions. The pope, as Cardinal Barberini
frequently remarked to us, desired that the cardinals should
possess a greater extent of influence and more abundant
VOL. m. }^
3o6 APPENDIX—SECTION V [No. 120
revenues, wherefore he proposed to reduce the sacred
college, by an especial ' constitution/ to the number of fifty,
for which reason it was that he had decided to make no
further promotions. Barberini, however, knowing that the
pope would not attain his purpose by leaving so many
vacancies, but would confer great benefit on the faction of
his successor, entreated him continually to yield to the
general opinion, and promote as many persons as were then
worthy of the purple ; but all their efforts were vain ; the
pope replied, that he would not put it in the power of any
of his successors to quote his example for creating cardinals
at the close of life, thus privately and indecorously, even on
his death-bed; that he had received an example from
Gregory XV, which he desired to transmit with equal glory
to his successors. Other personages then laboured to move
him, more particularly Cardinal de Lugo, who sought to
enforce the arguments of Cardinal Barberini by suggesting
that the pope might confirm the consistorial decree of the
three cardinals already elected, which had been drawn up
after the consistory in which the last promotion had taken
place; he affirmed that Cardinal Barberini, as vice-chancellor,
was bound to lay this before his holiness, not that he might
promote, as was the case of Gregory, but merely that he
might declare the cardinals already created and reserved
' in petto,' an announcement which appeared reasonable to
all the sacred college, and for which no new consistory was
required. But the pontiff, either because he was displeased
with Cardinal Barberini for having proposed persons not
agreeable to his holiness, or that he believed he should thus
have a more glorious memory, remained immovable to all
entreaty, commanding that none should venture again to
speak to him of promotion.
" The aspect of Pope Urban was extremely cheerful, yet
full of majesty. There was a certain melancholy in his
temperament, so that when it was necessary to bleed him,
which usually occurred in the spring, there proceeded from
his veins small particles, as if congealed by that humour.
Nor without this could he have made so much progress in
letters, since philosophers tell us that melancholy contributes
to facilitate the acquisition of the sciences, and to their
No. 120] APPENDIX— SECTION V 307
retention in the mind. The proportions of his body and
limbs were nobly adjusted ; his stature rather tall^ his com-
plexion olive, his figure rather muscular than fat. His head
was large, giving evidence of a wonderful intellect and a
most tenacious memory. His forehead was ample and
serene, the colour of his eyes a light blue^ the nose well
proportioned, the cheeks round, but in his latter years
greatly attenuated ; his mouth was full of grace, his voice
sonorous and very agreeable, so that with the Tuscan idiom
which he retained all his life, there proceeded from those
lips the sweetest words, full of eloquence, adorned with
flowers of polite learning, of sacred letters, and of ancient
examples. From the time of his elevation to the prelacy he
wore his beard of a moderate length and square form, and
this, with his grey hair, gave him an extremely venerable
aspect. He was in truth so amiable, that, with the excep-
tion of a too great openness — unless when restrained by the
importance of the matter in hand — there was no fault that
the most observant critics could blame in him. And if he
was sometimes excited to anger, he soon returned to his
previous good humour. It was the opinion of sagacious
persons, that with Pope Urban it was necessary to be pro-
foundly learned, or else to possess little, perhaps no learning ;
for as he did not disdain to be won over by the acquire-
ments of the speaker in the one case, so in the other he so
greatly compassionated the condition of the person, that he
would himself assist and console him : but this always
supposes that the latter was not presuming or arrogant,
abusing the humanity and good disposition of the pope,
who was ever most harsh and inflexible towards the proud
and arrogant, as he was gentle and benevolent towards the
respectful and modest. . . . He was most considerate to-
wards his aforesaid servants, and towards his own relations,
choosing such times for employing them as were regulated
rather by their convenience than by his own : nor did he
disdain occasionally to listen with patience to expressions
of feeling or of complaint from them. In his maladies also,
he seemed to grieve more for the vigils and fatigues of his
attendants, than for his own illness and pains. He was not,
indeed, very patient of clamours and loud lamentations, but
3o8 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 120
he disliked to refuse or to see any one leave him dissatisfied.
He was most cheerful and pleasant with his more confiden-
tial servants, and would sometimes jest with them and
indulge in witticisms. ... He never forgot his old friends,
even when absent or dead, and his benevolence, in this
respect, was admirable, whence he commanded Cardinal
Biscia, a cardinal of his own creation, and one of those in
whom he most confided, that he should be careful to give
him frequent intelligence of them ; and if they were dead,
that note should be taken of their descendants, to the end
that they might be provided for as opportunity should offer.
'^ There was the utmost plenty of all things in Rome
during this pontificate, and the pope was accustomed to say
that he had derived his birth from Florence, but had received
all his greatness from Rome. He desired that every one
should enjoy the prosperity of his pontificate, — that the
saleable offices of the chancery should produce large gains
to their purchasers : thus he was most liberal in transacting
the affairs of the dataria ; he wished that the artisans should
make large profits at their trades^ but lawfully, and without
fraud ; to merchants of all sorts he was equally favourable,
— whence it followed that money circulated so freely during
his pontificate, as to make all persons, of whatever profes-
sion, content and satisfied. He gave especial orders for
the supply of corn, and endured the expense willingly in
consideration of the abundance maintained. His greatest
enjoyment was to know that the husbandman was not de-
prived of those gains which he considered that the risk of life
and means incurred by those who toiled on the vast extent
of the Campagna, and were exposed to its insalubrious air,
merited : then, when it appeared to him that the sea-coast
was principally useful for agriculture, he turned his thoughts
in that direction, and frequently talked of draining the Pon-
tine Marshes, to recover those immense districts now under
water, and that entirely for the public benefit : but other
cares would not permit him to enjoy the completion of so
glorious a design. Neither would he permit that the price
of grain or other food should be fixed ; but to maintain the
abundance aforesaid, he would have all free, thus preventing
monopoly. Hence, the merchants, filling their granaries,
No. 120] APPENDIX— SECTION V 30c)
vied with each other in selling cheaply, and the city of
Rome became rich.
•'That literature should flourish during his pontificate
cannot be matter of surprise, since he had no more agree-
able recreation than the society of the learned, whom he
always received with kindness and treated liberally. He
was also a great lover of the other noble professions, as
painting, sculpture, and the various fine arts, so that he
did not disdain frequently to visit their professors; more
especially one day, when going to visit the seven churches
with all the sacred college, and having arrived at Santa
Maria Maggiore, and offered his prayers in that basilica, he
entered with the aforesaid train of cardinals into the house
of the Cavaliere Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini, which stood
near, to examine certain renowned works of sculpture from
his chisel.
" Having been compelled by various causes to impose
many burdens and taxes, he was sometimes seen to weep
over such measures, saying that he would willingly give his
own blood or that of his kindred rather than hear of the
afflictions suffered by the nations and by Rome, or the
embarrassments of the apostolic treasury. And to Mon-
signor Lorenzo Raggi, treasurer of the same, who went to
receive audience during his last illness, he said that he
desired to live two months longer, but not more, and that
for three reasons : first, that he might have a longer time for
repentance and to seek the forgiveness of God for his sins ;
next, that he might complete the restoration to the castle of
St. Angelo of all the money taken out of it for the war of
Castro ; and thirdly, that he might see the building of the
walls enclosing the Borgo and Trastevere completed, and
the city of Rome secured.
" If the heroic actions of the pope, from the w^eakness
of my pen, shall be set forth without eloquence, without
dignity of style, and, in fine, without due proportion to the
worth of so great a pontiff, they have, nevertheless, been
recorded with pure and sincere truth, which was particularly
enjoined and inculcated by those who held supreme autho-
rity over me; that is to say, that I should write simply as an
historian^ and s/ioiild wholly abstain from all adulation atid
310 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. 120
vanities J also fi'orti rhetorical amplifications^ attending more to
things than to words.
" But to consider his application to sacred matters,
besides having caused the Roman ritual to be corrected
and reprinted, he did not neglect to give many regulations
for the pontifical chapel, although, either from the negligence
of the ministers or from the pressure of other affairs, the
principal things only have been retained and observed ; and
it is certain that he also reformed the use of indulgences,
that he might close the mouths of the heretics.
" Finally, if Urban had not engaged in war, — or, to
speak more exactly, if he had not been provoked and drawn
into it by force, which even greatly hastened his death, there
could not have been desired a pontiff more glorious, nor a
sovereign of more exalted qualities, by means of which, for
many years of his pontificate, he attached to himself the
affection of all Christendom, so that to this day his memory
is blessed by the nations for those happy years, during
which they enjoyed tranquillity and peace."
SECTION VI
LATER EPOCHS
In the preceding section we have thrown together whatever
has immediate reference to Urban VIII; there still remain
some few writings which connect his times with those directly
succeeding.
No. 121
Relatione della vita de Card^ Cccchmi, composta da ltd mede-
siino. [Life of Cardinal Cecchini, composed by him-
self.] Barberini Library, 275 pages.
These are personal memoirs, which do not throw much
direct light on important matters of state, but which present
a very interesting example of the life of an ecclesiastic;
private, indeed, but always passed in the midst of important
events, and under remarkable circumstances.
The author informs us that he composed these memoirs
for his own gratification : " Tra tutte le cose che apportano
air uomo sommo piacere, una ^ la memoria delle cose
passate."
Cecchini left Perugia for Rome in the year 1604, being
then at the age of fifteen.
He had placed his hopes on the Aldobrandini family,
with which he was remotely connected; but Clement VIII
died too soon for his interests, and after his death the power
of the Aldobrandini departed. It is true that Cecchini
might have flattered himself that he had found a new source
of hope, seeing that in Perugia he had formed an acquaint-
ance with Scipione Caffarelli, the same who, under Paul V,
contrived to make his position of nephew to the reigning
pontiff so extensively advantageous ; but Caffarelli did not
3t2 Appendix— s£CTioN vi [Mo. 12 1
choose to remember this acquaintance, and the youth was
compelled to seek protection elsewhere.
But it was then his good fortune to attach himself pre-
cisely to the two prelates who afterwards attained to the
highest dignities, Ludovisio and Pamfili.
The opinion that Ludovisio would obtain the tiara very
early prevailed in Rome. Thus when Ludovico, nephew of
the cardinal, was admitted to the prelacy in 1619, many
regarded him as the future " cardinal-padrone." AH eyes
were directed towards him; his friends and dependents
were already labouring, each to supplant the other. Cecchini
himself complains that some had attempted to displace him,
but that he contrived to retain his position ; he was even
enabled to render his patron important services ; being a
kinsman of the Aldobrandini, he was in a condition to effect
an alliance between the two houses. Cardinal Aldobrandini
promised his vote to Ludovisio.
The requisite measures were soon taken with a view to
Ludovisio's elevation. That cardinal long hesitated whether
or not he should accept a pension of 1,200 scudi offered him
by the Spaniards, after the conclusion of peace with Savoy ;
fearing lest he should incur the enmity of the French.
Cecchini was called on to speak of this matter with the
French ambassador, and remove from his mind all suspicions
that might arise from that cause.
Under these circumstances. Cardinal Ludovisio came to
the conclave held in Rome after the death of Paul V, already
expecting to be chosen. Cecchini hastened to meet him.
" I conduct the pope to Rome," he exclaimed in his joyous
zeal. "We have but to be on our guard against the car-
dinal of Aquino," replied Ludovisio, " and all will be well."
" Ludovisio aveva tal sicurezza del pontificato che doman-
dommi per burla, chi saria stato papa : rispondendogli che
il papa non era in Roma e che io I'avrei condotto, con gran
fiducia mi soggiunse queste parole : ' Guardatemi del card'
d' Aquino, che faremo bene.' "
All succeeded according to their wishes. Ludovisio was
really elected. The nephew embraced Cecchini for joy,
and made him his auditor.
The latter was thus brought into contact with the supreme
X.
No. i2i] APPENDI^t— SECTION VI 313
power. He was not without a certain share in pubhc
business, or was at least admitted to the knowledge of affairs,
but his most important occupation was still the arrangement
of the cardinal's money matters ; the revenues from Avignon
and Fermo passed through his hands. The cardinal did not
wish to have the exact sums that he expended made known,
for he was in the highest degree magnificent in his habits.
When Ludovisio became grand chamberlain, Cecchini was
raised to be auditor of that office.
The most singular abuses are here brought to our notice.
Certain orders, called '* non gravetur," were issued in the
name of the cardinal-nephew, and whoever possessed these
was secured from arrest. People sought to defend them-
selves from their creditors by a " non gravetur ; " there were
even artisans who were thus protected. But our author
relates things much worse than this. Under Pope Paul V
a suit had been instituted against the Prior and Prince
Aldobrandini. Cecchini declares that the fiscal-general
employed false witnesses to obtain sentence of condem-
nation against them. It was not their death that was
desired ; the object proposed was to force the Aldobrandini
into resigning certain castles and domains to the Borghese
family. Under Gregory XV, the fiscal-general was impri-
soned for this affair. ^' Pier Maria Cirocchi, who was
fiscal-general under Paul V, was imprisoned by Gregory XV
for many imputed crimes : among the chief of these was
this, that in the criminal process instituted against the
Prince and Prior Aldobrandini, in which they were con-
demned to suffer loss of life and goods, he had caused the
examination of false witnesses, as without doubt he did;
and the said sentence was pronounced for no other end
than that of forcing Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini to yield
the castles of Montefortino and Olevano, which he had
bought of the duke of Zagarolo, to Cardinal Borghese, in
return for which, the said condemnation of the nephews was
to be remitted ; and he agreed to do it, they being also sent
prisoners to the Castle of St. Angelo, where they remained
four months." Acts of baseness that are hateful as they are
atrocious, — the duty of the historian forbids him to be silent
respecting them; but we must not fail to remark that
314 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 121
Cecchini was naturally an adherent of the Aldobrandini
family.
On the death of Gregory XV^ Urban VIII was elected
pope. Cecchini had previously found an occasion for ren-
dering him an important service, though it was only by
remaining silent. In a moment of violent anger, and while
yet cardinal only. Urban had once said that a certain some-
thing should be borne in mind, to Cardinal Ludovisio's
cost. Now there was nothing that would so fatally have
injured Urban in the conclave, where Ludovisio was so
powerful, as this menace ; but at the entreaty of Magalotti,
Cecchini remained silent on the subject.
This pontiff appears in extremely characteristic colours
on another occasion in this biography.
Urban VIII felt deeply mortified by the protest of
Borgia ; he attributed to the cardinals Ubaldini and Ludo-
visio some share in this matter, and desired to punish them
for it. He would have thrown Ubaldini into prison, had
not the fiscal steadfastly opposed himself to that purpose ;
but the cardinal was at least compelled to absent himself,
nor would the pope suffer even Ludovisio to remain in
Rome. He therefore called Cecchini, who was still in the
service of Ludovisio, to his presence^ and bade him notify
to the cardinal that he must depart for his archbishopric of
Bologna within fourteen days. He announced this deter-
mination with expressions of the most violent anger. " For
a good hour," says Cecchini, " was I compelled to listen to
him, while the pope threatened, with the most insulting
expressions, that Borgia should be punished also ; I dared
not interrupt him, and he repeated that Ludovisio must
depart, or that he should be driven out by the sbirri." On
this occasion also it would have been better for Cecchini to
have held his peace, but he thought it necessary to report
what had passed to his patron, and the character of this
court is intimated by the fact, that in doing so he injured
himself with every one. Ludovisio thought that Cecchini
ought not to have submitted patiently to the violent language
of the pope, but should rather have brought matters to an
open rupture. Cardinal Barberini was displeased, because
Cecchini had not first spoken of the matter to him, the
No. 12 1] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 315
cardinal-nephew; but most of all the pope himself was
enraged, and the more so as the affair had become to a
certain extent misrepresented in travelling round to him
again. He caused the luckless Cecchini to be once more
summoned, and made a scene in which his old anger against
his enemies was mingled with regret for the violence of his
late expressions ; repentance for what he had done, and now
wished undone : the conviction of his omnipotence as pope,
with the consciousness that the other had, after all, not
acted wrongfull)^, were very strangely blended together.
But Urban VIII was a man who was sure to recover himself
after a time. Ludovisio left Rome, and soon afterwards
died. Cecchini, it is true, lost the post he had previously
held, but he obtained a new one, and this even furnished
him with occasional opportunity for approaching the pontiff.
" Monsignor Cecchini," said the latter one day, " forgive
us ; we went too far with you." Cecchini says that the tears
rose to his eyes on hearing this, and that he replied with
the most profound devotion. The pope's master of the
household paid him a visit that same day, declaring that his
holiness had for four years been awaiting that hour, and
rejoiced from his heart that it had at length arrived.
Cecchini then again attached himself principally to the
Aldobrandini ; we find him actively occupied with the mar-
riage of Olimpia, the rich heiress of that house. Cardinal
Ippolito had died without having definitively arranged that
matter, and it was feared that the Barberini would not allow
so rich an inheritance to escape them. Olimpia was obliged
to feign sickness. With aid from the general of the Jesuits,
whom it was necessary to consult on all occasions, they con-
trived to bring about her marriage with the young Borghese ;
this was in accordance with the last wishes of Cardinal
Ippolito, and took place six days after his death.
But the Barberini did not suffer Cecchini to drop on
that account ; when they had made inquiry as to whether
he were in any manner connected with the Farnesi also,
they employed him to promote the measures adopted for
the defence of the city.
Cecchini soon discovered that a new impost laid on the
wines of Roman growth was causing extreme dissatisfaction.
31 6 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 121
He declared to Cardinal Barberini that this was a tax which
the Romans never had endured, and which had caused
them to revolt against Eugenius IV ; he succeeded, in fact,
although there had already been a monte founded on the
proceeds, in prevailing on the cardinal immediately to
summon the contractor. This man willingly resigned his
contract, perceiving that there would be great difficulties in
levying the amount. Cecchini hastened to the Capitol,
where the people of Rome were holding an assembly, and
at once imparted his intelligence. At first he was not
believed, but he caused the contractor to come forward, by
whom the statement was confirmed. All cried " Viva Papa
Urbano ! viva Monsignor Cecchini ! " The people kissed
his hands and his clothing.
But Cecchini had not yet attained his highest position.
He had the good fortune to see another of his old pro-
tectors, and perhaps the most earnest of all. Cardinal Pamfili,
ascend the papal throne.
In the first days of the new pontificate, the Barberini
were in favour with Innocent X. Cecchini received an
invitation to appear in the presence of the pope with the
two cardinals. " Has Cardinal Barberini told you any-
thing ? " inquired Innocent. " No." The pontiff turned
first to Francesco and then to Antonio, bidding them to
speak. Both declined to do so. " We will no longer keep
you in suspense," said the pope at length ; " we have made
you our datary; you are indebted for this to the cardinals
Barberini, who requested this favour from us, and we have
willingly granted their request."
But this office had much that was unpleasant attached
to it. The pope was changeful, obstinate, and distrustful.
We learn from other sources that the administration of
Cecchini was not wholly free from blame. Donna OHmpia
Maidalchina could not endure him, if for no other reason
than that her sister-in-law, Donna Clementia, also received
presents from him : but of these things I have already
spoken; they possess a certain importance in relation to
the government of Innocent X, since they occasioned the
most revolting and disgraceful scenes. Cecchini was
rejoiced that Donna Olimpia had at length been expelled
No. 122] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 317
the court. It was during the time of her disgrace, and
shortly after the death of Pancirolo, who died in November,
1 65 1, consequently about the beginning of 1652, that he
wrote this little work.
It appears to me that the prevalent character of this
performance is entirely modern. I find evidence of this,
not only in its modes of thought, but even in its various
expressions ; they are those that might depict the daily life
of the Roman prelate in our own times, or in those
immediately preceding them.
No. 122
Diario vcndico e spassionato dclla cittd e corte di Roma,
dove si legge iutti li siucessi dclla suddetta cittd i7icomin-
ciando dal primo d'Agosto 16^0 Jirio aW tiltimo dcW anno
1644, notato e scritto fedel7?icnte da Deone Ii07'a Temi Dio,
e copiato dal proprio originale. [A true and dis-
passionate diary of the city and court of Rome,
wherein may be read all the events of the said city,
from the ist of August, 1640, to the end of the year
1644, noted and written faithfully by Deone, now Temi
Dio, and copied from the original itself.] Informatt.
Politt. vol. xl. to the close of 1642; vol. xlvii. to the
end of 1644; vol. xlii. continuation, 1645-47 ; vol. xliii.
1 648-1 650. (Altogether more than 2,000 leaves.)
I have not succeeded in finding any other information
respecting the author of this unusually extensive diary, than
that occasionally communicated by himself.
We discover from this, that he was in the Spanish
service, and was employed in affairs arising between the
people of the Netherlands and the Papal See^ more
particularly with the dataria. I should judge this writer to
have been a Spaniard, and not a native of the Netherlands.
During the carnival he translates comedies from the Spanish
into Italian, causing them to be acted by young people
before a very brilliant company. He entertains a religious
veneration for the Spanish monarchy, whose subject he is,
3i8 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 122
and often speaks of the " holy monarchy," but for which
the bark of St. Peter would soon be overwhelmed. He sets
his face against all dissidents and apostates with the most
violent and undisguised abhorrence. The Catalans, who
for a certain time had maintained themselves in inde-
pendence, he considers to be a nation of barbarians ; and
when any of their number applied to him for a recommen-
dation to the dataria, he bade them first become good
servants of the king before begging favours at his hands.
He finds it still less endurable that the Portuguese should
have set up a king for themselves : his book is filled with
invectives against that nation. He considers that at least all
those belonging to it who had settled in Rome were inclined
to lapse into Judaism. Yet, bad as matters were, he does
not despair. He still hopes that Holland would once more
submit to the king of Spain, and that in his own day.
Heresy he thought had its stated periods, and must be
suffered to come to an end. He was an enthusiastic and
orthodox devotee of the Spanish monarchy.
Every fourteen days, this zealous servant of Philip IV
dictated a letter or report of the remarkable occurrences
taking place within that period, which he then transmitted
to one or other of the Spanish grandees. They were
originally " avvisi," so common at that time ; written in
a collected form, they constituted a journal.
That before us is composed entirely in the spirit proper
to the author. The disposition of Urban VIII to France,
and the whole character of the political position he had
adopted, were regarded with infinite displeasure, and most
unfavourably construed. Pope Innocent X, on the contrary,
who pursued a different policy, was viewed with much more
friendly eyes.
There is no subject which this author does not handle :
ecclesiastical and literary affairs; histories of the religious
orders and of courts ; the most intimate relations, and the
most extended foreign policy; political considerations in
general, and accounts of cities in particular.
If we look more closely into the sources of his informa-
tion, we shall find them, I think, to be principally the
following : — In the antichambers of the cardinal-nephew,
No. 122] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 319
all who had business in the palace were accustomed to
assemble on certain fixed days. A general conversation
ensued : each communicated the intelligence he possessed :
nothing was likely to attract great attention that had not
been discussed there; and, so far as I am enabled to
conclude from intimations given here, our author derived
the greater part of his information from this source.
He proceeds to his purpose with great probity; takes
pains to obtain accurate information; and frequently adds
notices previously omitted.
But he was also in occasional contact with the pope, the
cardinal-nephew, and the most influential statesmen; he is
most scrupulous in specifying whatever he gathered from
their conversations, and it is sometimes sufficiently remark-
able.
We cannot affirm that the reading of so diffiise a per-
formance is altogether very interesting, but we derive from
it an acquaintance with persons and things which gradually
becomes almost equal to that afforded by personal inter-
course^ so frequently and in positions so varied are they
placed beneath our notice.
It would not be possible to give extracts that would
present even a moderately satisfactory idea of a work so
voluminous ; we must content ourselves with those passages
to which I have already alluded.
" I. One of the most beautiful monuments of this
former mistress of the world is an ancient relic, of a round
form and a very great circumference, made of the finest
marble " (a mistake, without doubt, for the monument is of
travertine) ; " it is near St. Sebastian, and is called Capo
di Bove. Bernini, a most famous sculptor of the pope, had
thought to turn this to his own purposes; he is planning
a gorgeous faQade to the Acqua Vergine, called the
Fountain of Trevi, and obtained a brief from the pope
empowering him to cast that most beautiful structure to the
earth, which he had commenced doing ; but when the
Roman people perceived that, they prevented him from
proceeding, and the work has been stopped, that there
might not be commotions.
"2. On Tuesday morning the Roman people held a
320 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 122
general council in the Capitol, which was the most crowded
ever seen, from the fact that it was joined by many of the
nobles who had never presented themselves on former
occasions. The business proposed for discussion was this :
that the Roman people being oppressed by the taxes which
Pope Urban had imposed, they should petition his holiness
to take off at least the tax on ground corn, and the rather,
as this had been imposed only for the duration of the war
then proceeding, but which had now ceased. The petition
was agreed to, and six Roman gentlemen were deputed to
present it at once to the pope. Then there appeared Don
Cesare Colonna, uncle of the prince of Gallicano, who
demanded audience from the Roman people on behalf of
the Signora Donna Anna Barberini. He was directed to
come forward, and having mounted the temporary rostrum,
drew forth a memorial which he said was from Donna Anna
Colonna (Colonna-Barberini), and demanded that he might
read it. It was read, and was to the effect, that the pope
ought not to be asked for" the repeal of taxes lawfully
imposed for a legitimate purpose by Pope 'Urban, whose
zeal for justice, and many services rendered to this city,
forbade them to abrogate what he had decided. All were
amazed at such a proposal for impeding the relief required
by the people, but it was at once comprehended, that the
good lady concluded this tax likely to be repealed at the
expense of the riches held by the Barberini. The reply
returned to Colonna was, that the senate and people did no
more than lay before his holiness the necessities of the
city : and with this he ran in all haste to Donna Anna, who
stood waiting for it at the church of the Ara Coeli.
" On Wednesday, Cardinal Colonna having heard of the
extravagant proposal made by his sister, sent to the Roman
senate, assuring them that he had no part whatever in that
absurdity, but was ready to aid the just petition of the
people. On Friday morning the Roman people again
convoked a new council, when a report was presented, to
the effect that his holiness had been pleased to take off the
tax on ground corn, taking the property of Don Taddeo
Barberini for that purpose. Thus the contrivance of Donna
Anna Barberini was very shrewdly devised."
No. 123] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 321
No. 123
Del stato di Roma presejite. [Report of the present state of
Rome.] (MS. in the Vienna Library. Foscarini
Papers, No. 147.) Also under the title : Relatione di
Roma fatta dair Almaden. [Report on Rome prepared
by Almaden.]
I ^Yill not venture to decide whether this belongs to the
latter days of Urban VIII or the earlier part of Innocent X,
but it is of great importance for its elucidation of domestic
affairs relating to the former period; as, for example, the
state of the Tiber and Arno, the increase of the malaria
(aria cattiva), the revenues of the Romans, financial affairs in
general, and the condition of families. This little work may
possibly proceed from the author of the above diary ; there
are certain indications that might lead to such a conclusion.^
But I will not give extended extracts, because I think
I have seen an old printed copy in the possession of the late
Fea. I will but quote the passage which follows, and to
which I have referred above (vol ii. p. 414).
" Gregory XIII, considering the large amount of money
sent from Rome and the Papal States in payment for corn
which came by sea from Barbary and other places, this
too being frequently heated and spoiled, or else arriving
too late, nay sometimes failing altogether, commanded that,
to obviate all these inconveniences, the country should be
cleared of wood for many miles around, and should be
brought into cultivation, so that Rome has from that time
rarely needed foreign corn, and the good pope Gregory in
so far obtained his intent. But this clearance has opened
a passage to the pestilential winds, which occasion the most
dangerous insalubrity, and cause a disease called by Ales-
sandro da Civitk, the physician, in his treatise on the
diseases of the Romans, ' capiplenium,' a most distressing
complaint, even more troublesome to foreigners than to
natives, and which has increased since the formation of so
^ This opinion is confirmed by the fact that the name of the author
of the Diary may now be taken as established. Both works arc from
the pen of the Spanish Resident, Teodoro Ameiden,
VOL. III. Y
322 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 124
many waterworks; because Rome, being already low and
thus humid from its position, has been rendered more so by
the abundance of waters for the fountains. Moreover, as
Gregory XIII cleared the country below Rome and towards
the sea, which was rich and well calculated for the cultivation
of corn, so did Sixtus V clear that above the city, though
less fertile, that he might destroy the haunts of the robbers
who infested the highways ; and truly he succeeded in his
object, for he rooted out all the assassins."
The author approves the proceedings of Sixtus V because
they procured a free passage for the Tramontana ; but how
many evils have since been attributed to the Tramontana !
(CanceUieri sopra il tarantismo, p. 88).
No. 124
Compendio delli casi pin degni e memorandi occorsi nelli
pontificati da Gregorio XIII fino alia creatio7ie di
Clemente IX. [Compendium of the most remarkable
events in the pontificates from Gregory XIII to the
accession of Clement IX.] 50 leaves.
The author declares that he saw the clouds which
darkened the Quirinal on the death of Sixtus V, Aug. 1590.
Since, therefore, this little work extends to 1667, it is obvious
that it cannot proceed from one sole author ; it must have
been continued at a later period with a similar purpose
to that with which it was begun, namely, the formation of
a collection of Roman anecdotes and remarkable events.
We read in it, for example, of the French monks in Trinita
di Monte having quarrelled with those from Calabria and
elsewhere, and having driven them out, so that the latter
built the convent of Andrea della Fratte, which was then
still surrounded by gardens ; of how the Jesuits aroused all
other orders to the performance of their duties ; of miracles
that were performed, together with notices of buildings
erected by the popes.
But there is much in all this that deserves attention.
The following narrative, for example, describing the death
of Bianca Capello. --
No. 124] APPENDIX -SECTION VI 323
" The grand-duchess of Tuscany, Bianca Capello, desiring
to poison her brother-in-law, Cardinal Ferdinand, with a
certain confection, the grand-duke Francesco, her husband,
ate of it first : when she perceived this, she ate of it also
herself, and they both died immediately ; so that Cardinal
Ferdinand became grand-duke." And the next, relating to
the removal of Cardinal Klesel from Vienna, to which the
Jesuit-confessor of Ferdinand II would never consent.
" One day Verospi found an opportunity for being alone
with the emperor, and free from the Jesuit's presence;
then, with much address, he made the emperor understand
that he could not retain the said cardinal, and that the pope
was his sole and proper judge. He so wrought on the
emperor as to make him weep, and the cardinal was at
once consigned to him." We find traits of manners also.
A rich prelate inserts a clause in his will to the effect that
his nephew shall inherit his property, only in the event of
his dying a natural death; otherwise, it is to go to pious
institutions. Again, Duke Cesarini would never pay any
debt until preparations were made for selling the pledge
that he had given for it. An Orsini threatened to throw
a creditor, who entreated for his money, from the window ;
the creditor implored that he would first let him confess to a
priest ; but Orsini replied that no one should come into his
presence without having already confessed (" che bisognava
venirci confessato "). A necromancer arrived in Rome in
a carriage drawn by two dogs ; these were reported to be
a pair of devils, who conducted him wherever he pleased to
go : the courier from Milan affirmed that he had left him
in that city, yet now found him in Rome. The supposed
wizard was therefore arrested and put to death.
Were these liotices the work of writers possessing higher
powers of mind, they would be invaluable, and would have
placed the life and manners of those times before us, without
the necessity of studies so toilsome as that of the above-
named diary.
We will now proceed to the writings immediately relating
to Innocent X.
324 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 124
Remarks on "Gualdi Vita di Donna Olimpia
Maldachina," 1666
When we learn that Gregorio Leti, with whom we are
sufficiently acquainted, was the author of the work before
us, we find little motive remaining for a discussion of its
credibility ; there are the strongest presumptions against it.
But since a French translation of it appeared iri 1770,
and one in German in 1783, since also the German Schrockh
considers that its principal facts at least may be relied on,
from the circumstance that they have never been contradicted,
it may not perhaps be superfluous to say a word on the
subject. The author, on his part, affirms boldly that he will
relate nothing which he has not himself seen, or of which
he has not procured the most authentic information.
But from the outset he pronounces his own condemna-
tion by a narrative, to the effect that the Maldachini family,
which he considers to be of Rome, having once under-
taken a pilgrimage to Loreto, were joined at Borgheto by
the young Pamfili, who fell in love with Donna Olimpia,
the daughter of the house ; that he married her on the return
of the family to Rome. But Olimpia was very soon more
intimate with her husband's brother, at that time a young
" abbate," and afterwards pope, than with her husband him-
self. To this intimacy the influence subsequently possessed
by Donna Olimpia over Innocent X is attributed.
But we may confidently affirm that of all this, not one
word is true.
The Maidalchini family was not Roman, but from
Acquapendente. Donna Olim.pia was a widow when she
was married to Pamfili. Paolo Nini, of Viterbo, the last
of his race, was her first husband, and as she inherited his
wealth, she brought a rich dowry into the house of Pamfili:
it was on this wealth, and not on an imaginary intimacy
with the pope, that the influence she enjoyed in the family
was founded. When this marriage was concluded. Innocent
X was very far from being " a young abbate." On an in-
scription placed by the head of the house in the Villa Maidal-
china at Viterbo, we find it notified that he had adorned
No. 125] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 325
this villa in the year 1625, before his sister had married
into the house of Pamfili. " Marchio Andreas Maidalchinus
villam hanc ante nuptam sororem suam Olympiam
cum Innocentii X germano fratre extruxit ornavitque
anno Domini MDCXXV." In Bussi's " Istoria di Viterbo,"
p. 332, the whole inscription is given. The marriage then
could scarcely have taken place until 1626, at which time
Giambattista Pamfili, afterwards Innocent X, was already
fifty-four years old, and for twenty years had been no longer
an abbate, but a prelate. He was at that very time occupied
in various nunciatures. If any conclusion may be drawn
from his own expressions, the merit of Donna Olimpia in
his eyes was that she then, as well as subsequently, assisted
him from her own possessions. He was thus enabled to
maintain that splendour of appearance which was then
essential to advancement. It was in accordance with this
beginning that the whole connection afterwards proceeded ;
since Donna Olimpia had promoted the rise of the prelate,
and had some share in securing his elevation to the papal
dignity, she desired to obtain a certain amount of the
advantages resulting from it.
In the circumstantial diary above alluded to, which
follows Donna Olimpia step by step, and wherein all the
mysteries of the papal household are discussed, not the
slightest trace of an illicit intimacy between the pontiff and
his sister-in-law is to be discovered.
This little work of Leti's is another romance, composed
of apocryphal assertions and chimerical stories.
No. 125
Relatione degli amhasciatori estraordinarj a Roma at sommo
pontejice htnocentio X, Pietro Foscarini K\ Zuanne
Nani K"" Froc% Aluise Mocenigo I fu di q, Aluise, c
Bertucci Valicr K"-. 1645, 3 OtL [Report of Pietro
Foscarini, Zuanne Nani, Aluise Mocenigo, and Bertucci
Valier, ambassadors extraordinary to Innocent X.]
After the death of Urban VIII a complete change
ensued. Innocent X was not liked by the French, and
326 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 125
would on his part gladly have aided the emperor had he
possessed the power to do so; towards the Venetians he
was very friendly. He may, perhaps, have shewn a certain
degree of indecision in his policy, from the irresolution
natural to his character. The ambassadors considered it,
therefore, doubly imperative for the republic to avoid all
quarrels arising from private grounds, and not to throw
away the papal favour on account of a dissolute monk.
The previous history of Innocent X is related in the
manner following : —
^' The present pontiff^ Innocent X, formerly called Gio-
vanni Battista, Cardinal Pamfili, was born of the house of
Pamfili, which originated from Ugubbio, a city of the state
of Urbino. His family came to settle in Rome during the
pontificate of Innocent VIII ; the Pamfili aUied themselves
with the first houses of the city, living always m high repute
and honour. The mother of his holiness belonged to the
family of the marquises of BufFolo, a noble and princely house,
of which the pope now makes great account, more than one
of its members being in his service at the palace. His
holiness was brought up by his paternal uncle, Cardinal
Gerolamo Pamfili, who lived in great credit, and was him-
self near being pope. He was created cardinal by Clement
VIII, while auditor-dean of the rota, and was illustrious for
his virtues and the blameless purity of his life. His holiness
is in his seventy-second year, of height above the common,
well proportioned, majestic in person, full of benevolence
and affability. Thus, whenever he comes forth from his
apartments to hold consistories, appear in the chapels, or
on other occasions, he willingly and promptly gives audience
to all persons, of whatsoever condition and however poor
and miserable, who present themselves before him : he re-
ceives their memorials with great patience and charity,
endeavours to relieve every one, and comforts all: his
subjects heartily applauding him, and finding a great differ-
ence between the present pontificate and that preceding.
The pope was first consistorial advocate, and next, auditor
of the rota, elected by Clement VIII. He was sent nuncio
to Spain by Gregory XV, and was employed under Urban
VIII in the French and Spanish legations of Cardinal
No. 125] APPENDIX-SECTION Vt 327
Barberini, with the title of datary. He was created patriarch
of Antioch by the same Urban, was sent nuncio into Spain,
and afterwards promoted to the cardinalate on the 9th of
November, 1627. As cardinal he had the reputation of
being severe in character^ inclined to rigour, exact in all
ecclesiastical affairs. He was always chosen for the most
important congregations, and may be said to have exercised
all the principal offices of the Roman see to the general
satisfaction : modesty, patience, integrity, and virtue, having
always made their abode in his mind; his purpose ever
being to offend none, to be friendly to all, and to forgive
injuries. He enjoys good health, and has a tolerably robust
constitution, is temperate in his diet, loves exercise, attends
in the chapels and at other services with great majesty, and
performs all his ecclesiastical duties. with extreme pomp,
decorum, and punctuality, as also with particular enjoyment
to himself. He proceeds with the gravest deliberation in
all important affairs, and will have time to examine and
determine them. In all his past life he was accustomed to
rise late and go late to bed ; he pursues a similar method
in his pontificate, so that he rarely retires before midnight
or rises until some hours after day. He was formerly much
inclined to make great account of the sovereigns, and wished
to give them all just satisfaction on every occasion : he
affirms himself to remain in the same dispositions, nor will
he shew partiality to either of the two crowns, desiring to
be the affectionate father of all. He feels that he has not
been well treated, either by the one or the other, and has
spoken his sentiments very freely on that matter with us.
He believes that each complains merely to advance his own
interest, although both know well the necessity that exists
for his maintaining his independence, to which he is bound
as well by his natural love of peace, as by the position of
sovereign pontiff in which he is placed. He encourages
himself in these views, receiving great support from his con-
fidence in the most serene Republic, which he believes
capable, by its influence, counsels, and friendship, of proving
his most effectual safeguard : indeed a person of great
eminence, and in whom we entirely confide, has admitted
to some of us, perhaps by order of his holiness, that the
328 APPElNDiX— SECTION Vl [No. 126
pope might be easily disposed to ally himself with your
excellencies by a particular treaty, when he thought the
state of public affairs favourable. Whereunto a reply was
made in general terms,, but with respect, that no bond could
more effectually unite princes than sincerity, concord of
hearts, and uniformity of purposes and interests."
No. 126
Relatione deW amhasciatoi'e Veneio Ahlise Contarini fatta al
senato dopo il ritoi-no delta stia amhasceria appresso Iivio-
centio X. 1648. [Report of the Venetian ambassador
Aluise Contarini, on returning from his embassy to
Innocent X.] 22 leaves.
This pontificate also was far from turning out so advan-
tageously as had been expected. To the first and some-
what honourable report, are already added by Aluise Con-
tarini, the son of Niccolo (the earlier Aluise was a son of
Tommaso Contarini), many particulars that are much less
favourable.
In his youth Innocent X had preferred knightly exercises
and congenial amusements (passatempi amorevoli) to study.
He had acquired but little consideration during his nuncia-
ture in France ; and for his perpetual evasions and refusals
he had received the byname of " Monsignor It-can't-be "
(M'. Non-si-puol). In Spain, on the contrary, his frugality of
words had obtained him the reputation of being a wise man.
What made him pope ? Answer : three things, — he
talked little, dissembled much, and did — nothing at all.
" Da corteggiani fu detto che tre cose Tavevano fatto papa,
il parlar poco, simulare assai, e non far niente."
" He now shews but little disposition to confer favours,
is difficult and punctilious. . . . He is considered by all to
be slow of apprehension^ and to have but small capacity for
important combinations ; he is, nevertheless, very obstinate
in his ideas ; he seeks to avoid being thought partial to any
sovereign." A friend to repose and to justice, not cruel,
and a good economist.
No. 126] APPENDIX-^SECTION VI 329
The immediate circle of the pope : Donna Olimpia,
dear to him because she had brought a large dowry into the
house and assisted him with it : "A woman of masculine
mind and spirit ; she proves herself to be a woman only by
her pride and avarice." Pancirolo : "Of pleasing manners
and vigorous intellect ; courteous, both in look and word."
Capponi : " He conceals his malice of purpose beneath a
smiling countenance." Spada : " He plumes himself on
his valuable endowments of mind. " We perceive that our
author does not always express himself in the most respectful
terms. With a pope of Innocent's character, the want of a
nephew was doubly felt.
Then follow certain features of his administration :
" There is a remark current among the courtiers to the
effect that whoever has to treat with the pope believes his
business all but completed in the first audience; in the
second he discovers that it has yet to be commenced;
and perceives to his amazement in the third, that his suit
has been rejected. . . . The pontiff considers that prince
contemptible who neglects to keep a good amount of ready
money at hand to be used in case of emergency. To save
himself from expenditure, he is content to endure the most
opprobrious buffetings of adverse fortune ; the yearly sup-
plies of Rome being diminished by the failure of those
resources which had in fact been utterly destroyed by the
results of the Barberini war. His holiness knowing the
supply of corn in particular would be scanty, has repeatedly
intimated his intention of advancing a large sum of money
to make up the deficiency ; but his very nature revolting
from the disbursement of money, he has been labouring to
fulfil his intent by other means, and has done it very inade-
quately. ... The municipalities are all so exhausted and
ruined by the Barberini war, that it is impossible they should
ever recover from its effects. . . . The private revenues
of the pope are 800,000 scudi, consisting of the gains from
compositions with the dataria, and from the vacancies of
oflfices in that department as well as in the chancery,
together with those proceeding from a kind of ' monti vaca-
bili,' of the auditor and treasurer of the camera, clerks of
the camera, and other ofifices of similar character. This
33<^ APPENDIX-SECTION VI [No. 127
entire amount, which flows into the privy purse, and not
into the public treasure, is at the pontiff's absolute disposal ;
he may expend the whole at his pleasure, and give it to
whom he pleases, without fear that any amount of it will be
demanded by his successor." His buildings on the Capitol,
at St. Peter's^ and the Lateran : " In the latter, while he
renewed the three naves of the church on a new model, he
permitted all the essential parts of that beautiful and well-
imagined entablature to remain untouched." In the Piazza
Navona : " By the casting down of certain buildings that
were near S. Giacomo de' Spagnuoli, the place assumed
the form of a square."
It will be remarked that Contarini, notwithstanding the
unfavourable impression produced on him by the court, was
yet on the whole impartial and instructive.
No. 127
Memorlale presentato alia S^"^ di N. S'' Papa Innocenzo X
dai deputati della cittd, di Fermo per il tnnmlto ivi seguiio
alii 6 di Zuglio^ 1648. [Memorial presented to Pope
Innocent X by the deputies of the city of Fermo,
touching the commotion that occurred there on the 6th
of July, 1648.]
In the " Historia delle guerre civili di questi ultimi
tempi," Ven. 1664, by Majolino Bisaccioni, will be found,
as we have already observed, together with the most im-
portant events, with facts concerning Charles I and Cromwell,
and with accounts of the insurrections of Portugal and
Catalonia, a "Historia della guelle civile di Fermo," an
account of a tumult, that is, wherein the papal governor,
Visconti, was killed.
The memorial before us is that with which two deputies,
Lorenzo Nobile and Lucio Guerrieri, appeared before the
pope, to implore forgiveness for that offence.
According to their narration, which is much more
authentic, and more life-like than that of Bisaccioni, and
which affords us an insight into the domestic condition of
No. 127] APPENDIX-SECTION VI 331
cities at that period, the corn harvest had failed, and bread
was unusually dear, yet the governor was determined to
export corn from the district of Fermo notwithstanding.
He would listen to no warning. With his carbine at his
side, and pistols on the table before him, he declared that he
would rather die as became a governor and a soldier, than
yield to the pressure. He forbade the meeting of the
council, to which deputies had come from the neighbouring
communes, and drew together his forces. But these troops
of his "came from the fields they had reaped, from the
barns wherein they had thrashed the corn." They knew the
privations to which the country was exposed, and instead of
assailing the insurgent people, they adopted their party.
The governor saw himself compelled to yield, in despite of
his boastings, and the corn was suffered to remain within the
territory of the city.
But scarcely was quiet restored, when a body of Corsican
soldiers, called in by the governor, appeared at the gates.
The people would not be persuaded but that Visconti still
proposed to carry through his purpose by means of these
troops. A tumult ensued : all exclaimed, " We are betrayed !
To arms ! " The alarm bell was rung, the palace was
stormed, and the governor slain.
The deputies protest their fidelity, and deplore the
occurrence. ... at which the nobles more particularly
were troubled "to see a prelate, who had been given to
them by your hoHness for their government, thus slain by
men of the people while they could do nothing to prevent it."
No. 128
Relatione della corte di Roma del Cav''" Giusthiiani data in
senato tanno 1652. [Report from Rome, by the
Cavalier Giustiniani.] Copy in the Magliabechiana
Library, Florence, 24, 65.
Under Innocent X, too, admiration and hope soon
changed, first to doubt and disapprobation, and finally to
complaint and reproach.
332 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 128
Zuan Zustinian (for thus it is that the Venetians write
and pronounce this name) proceeded, after many other
embassies, from Vienna to Rome, where he resided from
1648 to 1 65 1. With the events of these years his
despatches are filled, and it is to this period that his report
refers.
His description of the court is by no means cheering.
He affirms that whatever good qualities the pope pos-
sessed were turned to the advantage of Rome, or at most
of the Papal States ; while his faults were injurious to all
Christendom. But even in the States of fhe Church, crying
evils resulted from the practice adopted of remitting the
severest punishments for money. " I am assured, on the
most unquestionable authority, that during the seven years
of this pontificate, there has been extracted from composi-
tions with persons prosecuted as criminals no less a sum
than 1,200,000 scudi, which make nearly 2,000,000 ducats."
The influence of Donna Olimpia Maidalchina is here de-
scribed as a sort of public calamity. " A woman of great
spirit, but her sole title to influence is that of a rigid econo-
mist. When offices fell vacant at court, nothing was decided
without her good pleasure ; when church livings were to be
distributed, the ministers of the dataria had orders to defer
all appointments to them, until notice had been given to
her of the nature of those benefices, so that she might select
such as best pleased her, for her own disposal ; if episcopal
sees were to be conferred, it was to her that the candidates
applied; and that which most effectually revolted every
upright mind, was to see that those were preferred who were
most liberal in giving."
The author proceeds thus throughout his work ; but I
cannot be quite certain that the report is really genuine.
It is not to be found in the Venetian archives. In the
Magliabechiana at Florence there are two copies, but they
do not agree perfectly throughout. I have confined myself
to the more moderate of the two.
I was fortunately not reduced to this report for mate-
rials; since the diary above named (see No. 122), with the
notices supplied by Pallavicini in his life of Alexander VII,
afforded much better information.
No. 129] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 333
No. 129
Relatione delV amhasceria estraordinaria fatta in Roma alia
S*^ di N. ST' Alessandro VII dagli Ecc"'' SS"' Pesaro,
Confarini, Valiero e Sagredo per rendere a 7iome della
Se?-'""' Republica di Venetia la soliia obedienza al sotnmo
fontefice Fanno 1656. [Report of the extraordinary
embassy of Signors Pesaro, Contarini, Valiero, and
Sagredo, sent by the republic of Venice to render the
accustomed homage to Pope Alexander VII.]
The same Pesaro, in whose embassy it was that the
dispute arose between Urban VIII and the republic, and
who had from that time been considered an adversary of
the clergy, was placed at the head of this embassy of con-
gratulation, and was entrusted by his colleagues with the
preparation of the report ; and, whether because his opinions
had from the first been very moderate, as he affirms, or that
the years which had passed since his previous embassy had
produced a change in his views, it is certain that his report
is extremely reasonable, impartial^ and instructive.
It is true that he expresses disapprobation of Innocent X
and his government, but not in terms so extremely severe
as those used by others. '^ In addition to the insatiable
cupidity prevailing in that house, there was a further evil
arising from the want of ministers capable of administering
so important a sovereignty ; for the suspicious character of
that pope rendered him incapable of putting trust in any
one. Thus it came to pass that almost every thing was
regulated by the immoderate demands of a woman, by which
there was afforded ample scope to satirical pens ; and good
occasion was offered for making the disorders of that govern-
ment seem even worse than they really were."
Now, however little this may sound like eulogy, yet it
is a very mild judgment, as we have said, when compared
with the violent declamations of other writers.
But the principal object of this report is the new pontiff,
Alexander VII.
334 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 129
The opinion of Pesaro, and the conviction of all else at
that time, was that the elevation of Fabio Chigi was attri-
butable to .the fame of his virtues, and the reputation he had
gained in his nunciatures ; but that the Medici had not been
sincerely gratified by the promotion of one of their subjects
to the papacy. " A more righteous election could not have
been hoped for, even from a senate of men, who, although
they may sometimes have their minds distracted by worldly
affairs, yet could not fail to be finally influenced by that
Holy Spirit which they suppose to be present at an act of
such high moment."
He describes his early progress, and gives a general
sketch of his first measures as pope : " He appears to be
but slightly acquainted with financial affairs, although pro-
foundly skilled in those relating to the Church ; he is by no
means immoveably attached to his own opinions." Pesaro
speaks also of his connections, but we need not repeat
what we have already said on that subject; affairs very
soon took a different direction from that which had been
expected.
*' The world is in too much haste, as it seems to us
(remarks Pesaro), in exalting to the skies these opinions of
the pope respecting his kindred : to judge properly, there
must be time for observing how he may withstand the pre-
tences of affection to which he will be subjected." Even
then, so many representations were made to the pope from
all sides, that it seemed impossible for his firmness to avoid
being shaken.
But this mission had another and more important object
than that of congratulating the pontiff on his accession ; it
was charged to entreat the court of Rome for assistance in
the war of Candia.
The envoys enlarged upon the efforts made by Venice
to withstand the enemy, upon the means they had adopted
for defraying the costs of the war : they had taken up loans
at heavy interest, some by way of Hfe annuity, others per-
petual ; they had effected sales of allodial and feudal
domains; had extended the dignities of the state, which
had hitherto been closely restricted, to large numbers ; nay,
they had even conferred on many the honours of Venetian
No. 129] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 335
nobility, although conscious that its value was maintained
by the rarity of the grant. But all their resources were now
exhausted ; nothing was to be hoped from the other poten-
tates of Christendom, who were too completely occupied
by dissensions among themselves ; their only refuge was the
Holy See.'
The pope did not hear all this without marks of sympathy ;
he replied by an eloquent eulogy on the republic, who had
opposed the fury of the barbarians, not with iron only, but
with gold; with regard to the principal question, however,
he declared that he was not in a condition to help them.
The papal treasury was so completely exhausted, that he
did not even know by what means he was to provide the
city with bread.
The envoys did not yet resign their hopes ; they repre-
sented that the danger was so pressing as to justify his
having recourse to the ancient treasure laid up by Sixtus V ;
" before the urgency of events that may arise becomes more
pressing, and for the support of religion ; but most especially
for that of his own ecclesiastical dominions." The pope
was particularly impressed by the consideration, that the
enemy would be emboldened by perceiving that a new pope
also refused the succour so greatly needed. Alexander was
fully convinced that something must be done ; he suggested
that a certain portion of their ecclesiastical property might
be confiscated.
How remarkable it is that measures of this kind should
be first recommended by the Roman court. Innocent X
had already proposed to the Venetians the abolition of two
orders — those of the Canonici di S. Spirito, and of the
Cruciferi : it was the design of that pontiff to form secular
canonicates from their revenues. But the Venetians were
afraid, in the first place, that the Roman court would
reserve to itself the patronage of these canonicates; and
secondly, they considered these institutions as a refuge for
the poor nobility. This proposal Alexander now renewed.
" The pope, seeming to reflect on what could be done
for our rehef, began by saying; that for some time past,
the Apostolic See, considering, not the abundance only,
but the superfluity of religious institutions, had become
336 APrENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 129
convinced, that some of them, degenerating from the first
intentions of their founders, had lapsed into a total relaxa-
tion of discipline, that it was equally advisable for the church
as for the laity to adopt the expedients used by prudent
husbandmen, when they see that the multitude of branches
has impoverished their vines, instead of rendering them
more fruitful. That a commencement had been made in
that matter by the suppression of some orders^ but that this
was not enough ; rather it was obviously necessary to restrict
this great number, and reduce them to such as retain, or can
at least be brought back to the primitive form of their insti-
tutions. That to open a way for this purpose, there had
been suppressed a great number of very small convents,
wherein the rigour of monastic seclusion had been suffered
to relax with but little observation; and that it was pro-
posed to continue the work by proceeding to the final
abolition of certain others, which^ by their licentious mode
of life, filled the world with .scandal and murmurs, instead
of presenting good examples, and affording edification. But
he further said that he proceeded slowly, because he desired,
in a matter of so much importance, to obtain the good-will
of the secular princes, who, not having well examined the
motives of the Apostolic See for this resolution, had given
evidence of some dislike to the execution of the papal briefs :
but that hoping to find all eventually ready to help forward
a resolve so well matured, he placed it meanwhile before
the most serene republic for consideration. The Venetian
territory, he further remarked, abounding in this kind of
religious orders, an easy method was presented of promoting
the upright intentions set forth by him who has the supreme
direction of the church, and at the same time of obtaining
a considerable sum in aid of the present war against the
infidels : that none could know better than ourselves to
what an extremity of dissolute excesses the canons of San
Spirito in Venice had proceeded, the serene republic having
been compelled to restrain the disorders of that convent :
that, not content with a total departure from all conventual
observances, the brethren had furthermore so indecently
abused the wealth which might have been made to serve
for the maintenance of a number fivefold larger than their
No: 129] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 337
house contained, as to be always deeply in debt : that the
same might be said of the Cruciferi, among whom there
was scarcely a vestige of monastic life discernible. His
holiness accordingly thought it desirable that these two
orders should be suppressed, and that measures might be
taken into consideration with regard to the sale of their
possessions, the produce whereof might be converted to
the uses of this war, since the same was directed against
the most terrible enemy of the Christian name."
This time the envoys were inclined to the opinion that
such a proposal was not to be rejected. They computed
the large capital that would result from these sales, com-
pared with the small, and soon to be extinguished annuities,
and the advantages to be secured to the cultivation of the
country by the secularization of estates so important. Their
mode of considering a question then so new, and which
afterwards became so general, deserves to be given in their
own words.
" In eftect, when we have made the suitable assignments
to the monks, which, for both orders^ will not amount to
more than 10,000 ducats per annum, should their estates,
returning a revenue of 26,000 ducats, be sold, as might be
expected, for 600,000 ducats, the public will have but two
per cent, to pay in annuities, — nay, rather less. And the
arguments usually put forward against transactions of this
kind fall to the ground in face of the annual provision to
be made for the surviving brotherhood. Moreover, by thus
dismembering from the ecclesiastical body so vast an amount
of property, situated in the best parts of the Venetian domi-
nions, the laity will enter into possession of the same without
offering wrong to the piety of those great souls who had the
firmness to deprive their descendants of so rich a possession
to found and establish religion in these lands ; for if now
these benefactors could see how well religion is rooted
among us, they would give no other expression to their
sentiments than this, that if it had been satisfactory to them
to be the founders of so many monasteries for the retreat of
holy men, no less would they rejoice to know that these
same riches, seeing that religious orders superabound, should
be converted to the repu|sion of that impious enemy who is
yoL. III. z
338 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 129
threatening to destroy the piety, which they, with their own
inheritance, had laboured to promote."
After the affairs of Venice, which here again present an
aspect of great importance, the concerns of Europe generally
are discussed.
The undertakings of Charles X Gustavus produced a
powerful impression in Rome, and money was collected in
aid of King Casimir.
But a thing still more sensibly felt by the court of Rome
was that the French were not only disinclined to make peace
with Spain, but that Mazarin even allied himself with England
— a cardinal with Protestants, the most Christian kingdom
with a usurper who had expelled the legitimate princes ; and
that he should do this, without any necessity, without being
driven to it by any pressing danger, — this shocked the Curia
extremely.
Were it not for these troubles, the pope would direct his
every effort for the entire restoration of Germany — where
his personal reputation stood so high— to the Catholic faith.
The conversion of the queen of Sweden excited the hopes
of all on that subject.
The ambassadors saw the splendid preparations made
for the reception of that queen. They could in nowise
approve the unsettled life she led, " incompatible perhaps
with her age and with her maiden state," as they very
discreetly express themselves, yet they render full justice
to the vigour and boldness of her determination.
*' You have here in few words what we have thought it
suitable to relate," says Pesaro at this point of the narration.
To this concluding phrase he further subjoins the good
advice, that the best possible understanding should always
be maintained with the pope.
His holiness had expressed himself explicitly as to the
satisfaction it would give him, if Venice would consent to
the readmission of the Jesuits at his request. The ambas-
sador is disposed to think that this should be conceded.
^' It appears to me that the time has come for deciding
whether this return is to be permitted, or whether — to avoid
occasions, arising from time to time, for becoming on bad
terms with the popes, by reason of these Jesuits — the
No. 130] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 339
subject should be consigned to perpetual silence. . . . We
may perhaps find a motive for complying with the desire of
the pope in this respect by considering that these men,
being, as they are, very active instruments for supporting
the rights of the church, all reigning pontiffs will be likely
to renew the request for their readmission, and the constant
rejection of the same at the commencement of each ponti-
ficate may give occasion for ill-will."
No. 130
Vita J attmii el operationi di Alessandro VI I ^ opera del O
Pallavicini, [Life, acts, and proceedings of Alexander
VII, by Cardinal Pallavicini.] 2 vols, folio. Corsini
Library.
In the Barberini library in Rome, a MS. was one day
placed in my hands, with the title " Alexandri VII de vita
propria liber primus et tertius cum fragmentis libri secundi."
It contained about 300 leaves, and was as full of corrections
as only an autograph could be ; but, by an unhappy chance,
the whole was in utter confusion. The bookbinder had
arranged the sheets, which were to have been read separately,
in groups of five. It was almost impossible to make any
thing of it.
It begins thus : ^' Res suo tempore gestas Uteris com-
mendare, quamvis et nunc et olim usitatum, plerisque tamen
eo nomine minus probatur quod arduum scriptori sit procul
habere spem, metum, amorem, odium animi, nubes quare
historiam, lucem veritatis, infuscant." Wherever I examined
this MS., I found interesting information, derived from
good authority, respecting the youth of Alexander, the
invitation of his kindred to Rome, the arrival of Christina
... is it really possible that the pope, amidst the occupa-
tions of the supreme power, could yet have found time, not
only to write his own life, but also to correct the style
throughout with so much diligence ?
It soon became evident that, notwithstanding the title,
this could not have been the case.
340 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 130
The author affirms, among other things, that he was
enabled to undertake this work by an intimate acquaintance
with the pope : " Fortunae obsecundantis beneficium fuit,
ut cum hoc principe inferiores gradus obtinente singularis
intercesserit mihi animorum consensio et mutua turn ore turn
literis consiUorum communicatio."
The question then became, who was this intimate
acquaintance, nay, confidant of Alexander VII ?
Under date of the year 1656, Muratori informs us that
the Jesuit Pallavicini had prepared himself — at the com-
mencement of Alexander's pontificate^ which awakened
hopes so brilliant — to write the life of that pope ; but that
after the invitation of the nephews to court, and the changes
connected with that measure, " the pen fell from his hand."
Pallavicini was without doubt personally intimate with
Alexander : in the beginning of his pontificate, he saw the
pope every day. This fragment may, therefore, very pos-
sibly have been the work of Pallavicini.
After some further researches, a biography of Alex-
ander VII, attributed to Cardinal Pallavicini, was found in
the same library. It is true that it was written in Italian ;
but it was worth while to collate the two.
The first glance shewed that the Latin and Italian were
the same work. The first paragraph runs thus : " E opinione
di molti che non si debba scrivere historic se non delle cose
antiche, intorno alle quali la speranza e la paura, I'amore e
I'odio verso le persone commemorate non habbian luogo ne
possono infoscare la veritk." The second passage that I
have quoted is thus expressed an Italian: " Imperoche m'e
toccato a sorte d'haber con questo principe nella sua minor
fortuna una singolare e corrispondenza d'affetto e confidenza
di communicationi hor con la lingua hor con la penna per lo
spatio gia di 30 anni."
And thus it proceeds. The Latin copy was clearly
proved to be a translation of the Italian, only somewhat
freely rendered, and with a slight change in the mode of
thought.
But the resemblance was unfortunately closer than I could
have wished; for as the Latin copy, as announced in its
title, was but a fragment, so was the Italian al^o throughout
No. 130] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 341
in a most dilapidated condition. After some intimations
of Alexander's early youth, the narration proceeds at once
to his election, and the first measures of his pontificate.
To seek earnestly, yet with insufficient results, does but
increase the eagerness of inquiry. I sought through all
quarters, and ultimately found another copy in the Albani
library, but this also is equally imperfect.
And now I believed that I must needs content myself
with this, since in an anonymous life of Pallavicini, I found
a fragment only of this history cited, the very books, that is
to say, which were already known to me ; but at last I was
so fortunate as to find in the Corsini Library a more com-
plete copy (it is that of which the title is given above), in
two thick folio volumes.
The work here bears the name of Pallavicini on its front,
and proceeds without interruption to the second chapter of
the sixth book. In this state the work becomes worthy of
serious consideration, and is of value for the history of the
period.
The first book contains the early history of Alexander VII:
" Stirpe, parentele, natali, fanciullezza di Fabio Chigi : —
studj, avvenimenti della pueritia : — studj filosofici e legali :
— amicitie particolari." These chapters were all comprised
in the Latin and Italian copies, but the Corsini copy further
adds : " azioni et esercitii pii : — vicelegatione di Ferrara
sotto Sacchetti : ■ — nuntiatura di Colonia."
In the second book, the government of Innocent X,
and the part which Chigi took in the administration, are
described in fourteen chapters, which bring the narration
down to the time of the conclave.
The third book treats of the commencement of
Alexander's pontificate ; describes the state of Europe
generally, with that of the Papal States; alludes to the
first financial measures, and refers to those respecting the
" monti vacabili." The writer further discusses the con-
version of Queen Christina of Sweden, which he does
minutely, and with manifest pleasure. I hold the opinion,
that when it has been affirmed, as, for example, by Arcken-
holtz, "Mdmoires de Christine," iv. 39, that Pallavicini
wrote a " Historia di Christina regina di Suezia," this
342 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 130
assertion has rested merely on an imperfect acquaintance
with these fragments. In the Latin copy, Christina's con-
version is accounted for in the manner following : —
*' In libris Tullii de natura deorum animadvertens veram
religionem nonnisi unam, omnes falsas esse posse, super hac
parte diu multumque cogitando laboravit.^ Sollicita quoque
fuit dubitare de liberorum operum bonorum pravorumque
discrimine, nisi quantum alia salubria mundo sunt, alia per-
niciosa, cujusmodi naturalia sunt, et de divinae providentiae
cura vel incuria circa humanas actiones, deque voluntate
divina num certum cultum et statutam fidem requirati
NuUus fuit nob ills autor qui ea de re scripsisset, quem ilia
non perlustraret, non vir apprime doctus harum rerum in
borealibus plagis cum quo sermocinari non studeret. Et
proclivis interdum fuit ad opinandum, satis esse suae regionis
palam colere religionem, caeterum vivere convenienter
naturae. Ad extremum in banc venit sententiam, deum,
hoc est optimum,, tyranno quo vis pejorem fore si con-
scientiae morsibus acribus sed falsis humanum genus
universum cruciaret, si mortalibus ab eodem insita notione
communi grata sibi esse eorum sacrificia eorumque votis
annuere nihil ea cuncta curaret. "
In the fourth book, of which a part only is given in the
Latin and older copies, the author begins with the summon-
ing of the papal kindred to Rome. " Raggioni che per-
suasero al papa di chiamare i nepoti. Discorsi di Roma."
So far is it from being true that " the pen dropped from
Pallavicini's hand" on approaching this subject, that he
describes it, on the contrary, at full length, and discusses
the opinions prevailing in Rome respecting it. Next follows
the position of Queen Christina in Rome, with the support
accorded to her by the pope. " The queen, who had lived
with that prodigality which impoverishes without deriving
either pleasure or honour from its expenditure, and consisted
^ The passage becomes clear on comparing Cicero, De natura
Deorum, i. 2 (to which Grauert, Christina II, 32, draws attention).
The words are: *' Opiniones (de rebus divinis) cum tam variae sint
tamque inter se dissidentes, alterum fieri profecto potest ut earum nulla,
alter um certe non potest ut plus una vera sit." From this we see the
character of Pallavicini's writing of history. He misleads purposely,
though indirectly.
No. 130] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 343
not in giving, but in permitting herself to be robbed, had
pledged all her jewels at the time of her residence in Rome,
with the hope of future remittances^ on which account she
had not a scudo to provide for her intended journey. But
as necessity conquers shame, she was at length compelled
to do herself violence, and request aid from the pope, but
in a manner that should be as far as she could devise from
begging; and because letters do not blush^ she wrote to
beg that his holiness would cause some merchant to lend
her money, with a promise of entire restitution." The pope
did not think it would redound much to his honour to make
himself surety for the whole burden of her debts without
any advantage to himself. He preferred therefore to send
her through an ecclesiastic, who was in his confidence,
probably Pallavicini himself, a purse of 10,000 scudi as a
present, together with certain medals in gold and silver,
which had been struck at the time of the queen's entry into
Rome in honour of that occasion, " con escusarne la
pochezza per I'angustia dell' erario." "The queen, on
returning thanks, wept again and again from the mixture
of feelings which arises on such occasions." Pallavicini
also enters into detailed explanations with regard to the
reinstatement of the Jesuits in Venice entirely in the spirit
which we have already observed him to display in his
history of the Council of Trent.
The fifth book is occupied by the history of the year
1657 : promotions of cardinals; buildings in Santa Maria del
Popolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, as also on the Piazza
di S. Pietro ; Queen Christina in France, and the affair of
Monaldeschi, whose death is here described in the following
manner : — " While Christina was residing at Fontainebleau,
Ludovico, the brother of Sentinelli, and rival in the favour
of his mistress of Giovanni Rinaldo Monaldeschi, a principal
gentleman of these parts, conveyed to her certain informa-
tion, transmitted to him, as is said, from Rome, by the afore-
said brother, which revealed proceedings of Monaldeschi,
convicting him, as she thought, of breach of trust ; for which
cause, having first drawn a confession from his lips, she
gave him but one hour to provide for his conscience by the
aid of a priest, and then, a thing which would scarcely have
344 APPENDIX—SECTION VI [No. 131
been permitted in Stockholm when she governed there, she
caused him to be put to death by the very hand of his
rival."
In the sixth book the author returns to the internal
affairs of Rome. He concludes with the arrangements
relating to the Prelacy, for which Alexander demanded a
fixed amount from the revenues.
But even this, the most complete copy of the biography,
is far from comprising the entire life of the pope.
No. 131
Paolo Casati ad Alessandro Vlly sopra la regina di Stiecia.
[Paolo Casati to Alexander VII, respecting the queen
of Sweden.] Albani Library.
Malines and Casati were the two Jesuits despatched by
the general of the order to Stockholm for the conversion of
the queen.
A private letter from Malines, in regard to this under-
taking, will be found in the " M^moires " of Arckenholtz,
vol. iv., Appendix, No. 27.
But a much more circumstantial, and, so to say, official
account of this matter, was presented by Casati to
Alexander VII. It was written with his own hand, was
addressed "Alia Santitk di N''' Signore Alessandro VII,"
dated from the Collegio Romano, Dec. 5, 1665, and signed,
" Delia S'^ V* umilissimo servitore ed obedientissimo figHo
in Cristo Paolo Casati della Compagnia di Gesii." We
have here a far more minute and satisfactory account of the
particulars.
" Per ubbidire," he begins, " ai cenni di V. S'S che ha
desiderato una breve memoria di quello e passato nella
risolutione presa dalla regina Cristina di Suecia di rinonciare
il regno per rendersi cattolica, sono necessitato farmi un
passo a dietro per spiegarne I'occasione, conforme alia
notitie havute dalla bocca della stessa regina, alia quale mi
assicura non sia per essere se non di gusto che la S*^ Vostra
sia del tutto sinceramente informata." [" In obedience to
No. 131] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 345
the wishes of your holiness for a short memorial of what
passed in regard to the queen of Sweden's resolution to
renounce her kingdom for the purpose of becoming Catholic,
I am compelled to go back a step that I may explain the
cause thereof, — in conformity with statements received from
the mouth of the quee?i herself: to whom I am assured that it
cannot be other than pleasing to know that your holiness is
truly informed of the whole matter."]
But the notices given by this author respecting earlier
times are not of much importance, since he has no acquaint-
ance whatever with Swedish affairs ; he becomes worthy of
attention only when he discusses the interests of religon.
" Having acquired thus much knowledge, she began to
reflect that many tenets of the Lutheran sect, in which she
had been educated, could not be sustained, and beginning
to examine them, she found many discrepancies. Thus she
began to study matters of religion and of controversy with
more diligence, and finding that the faith in which she had
been brought up did not wear the appearance of truth, she
applied herself with extraordinary curiosity to gain informa-
tion respecting all, and to weigh the difficulties of each. In
this occupation she employed the space of five years, suffering
much disturbance of mind, because she could find no settled
point of conviction ; and judging every thing by mere human
reason, she thought that many things might be simply political
inventions, intended for the restriction of the common people.
The arguments that any sect used against its adversary, she
acquired the habit of turning against itself; thus she com-
pared the works of Moses among the Hebrew people with
the proceedings of Mahomet amongst the Arabs. From all
which it resulted that she found no religion which appeared
to her to be true. And I have heard her more than once
accuse herself of having been too profane in desiring to
investigate the most sublime mysteries of the divinity, for she
did not permit one mystery of our religion to escape her
examination, while she sought to give rest to her mind by
the final discovery of a religion. Then, since she read every
book treating on that subject, she sometimes encountered
many assertions of the ancients, the gentiles, and the
atheists; and although she never fell into such blindness as
346 APPENDIX-SECTION VI [No. 131
to doubt the existence of God, or his unity, which she held
to be greater and clearer than all else, yet she suffered her
mind to be disturbed by many difficulties, of which, at
various times, we discoursed largely. But, finally, she
could arrive at no other conclusion, than that it was expedient
to proceed in externals as others did, believing the whole to
be a matter of indifference, and that it signified nothing
whether she followed one religion or sect or another ; it was
sufficient, she thought, if she did nothing contrary to the
dictates of reason, or for which, having done it, she should
have cause to blush. By these principles she governed her-
self for a certain time, and she seemed even to have found
some repose for her mind, particularly after having discovered
that other persons (summoned indeed from distant lands)
whom she believed to be learned and wise, were of opinions
but slightly different from her own^ — they being without the
pale of the true Catholic religion, which they considered to
be mere childishness. But the Lord God, who desired to
have mercy on this queen, nor would suffer her to perish in
the errors of her intellect, since she had the most perfect will
and desire to know the truth, and in doing as she did, allowed
herself to be guided by the light of sound reason — for she
has frequently assured me that she never suffered herself to
do any thing for which she ought to blush (that being her
form of expression) — God, I say, began to make her per-
ceive that when the eternal safety of the soul is in question,
every other interest must give way, and that error in a matter
so momentous is of eternal prejudice; accordingly, she
reverted to the thought that there must be some religion,
and having granted that man must have a religion, then
among all that she knew in the world, none appeared to her
more reasonable than the CathoHc. Wherefore, reflecting
more attentively upon that subject, she found that its tenets
and institutions were not so absurd as the Lutheran ministers
(they call them pastors) would make people believe."
As we cannot give place to the whole work, the following
minute description of the first introduction of the Jesuits to
the queen may be permitted to suffice.
" Departing from Hamburg, after staying two days at
Rendsburg, we joined ourselves to the Senator Rosenhan,
No. 131J APPENDIX— SECTION VI 347
who was returning to Sweden, and with him we proceeded
as far as Roskilde, where the kings of Denmark are
buried, with the exception of Saint Canute, whose head
is at Ringsted. The senator then went direct to Elsinore
to cross the straits, and we to Copenhagen. This acquaint-
ance with the Senator Rosenhan was afterwards very useful
to us in Stockholm, causing us to be less suspected ; and the
queen remarking to him one day that she did not know what
to think of those two Italians, he told her that there was
nothing to fear from us, that we were good people, and he
always treated us with great courtesy. We had also the good
fortune to be in company for some days on our journey with
General Wachtmeister, grand equerry of the kingdom, who
was in like manner of no small use to us ; for when we arrived
in Stockholm, on the 24th February, according to the old
style, and I having sought on the day following to speak with
Johan Holm, gentleman of the chamber to her majesty, that
I might be introduced, to present the letter given to me in
Rome by the father vicar-general, but not being able to find
him, the said General Wachtmeister was, that evening, the
occasion of her majesty's hearing that I had arrived. And
the manner was this : — While the queen was at supper, two
gentlemen complained that it was very cold, and the general
reproached them, declaring that two Italians who had come
thither in his company had shewn no such fear of the cold.
The queen hearing this dispute, and inquiring the cause of
their contending, heard that two Italians were come, and
asked if they were musicians ; but the general replying that
they were two gentlemen travelling to see the country, her
majesty said that she would by all means like to see them.
We were immediately informed of all this, and advised to go
to court on the following day : on the following morning wc
were accordingly conducted thither by Signor Zaccaria
Grimani, a Venetian noble, who introduced us to pay our
respects to Count Magnus de la Gardie, her majesty's prime
minister, that through him we might obtain the honour
of kissing the hand of her majesty. He received us with
much courtesy, and assured us that her majesty would have
much pleasure in seeing us. It was then the hour of dinner,
and her majesty came out into the ' Vierkant,' when we were
34^ APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 131
directed to approach her majesty, and having kissed her
hand, we made her a short compUment in ItaUan (for so she
had commanded, although she had caused us to be informed
that she would reply in French, since we understood it),
suitable to the character we had assumed, and she replied
with the utmost urbanity. Immediately afterwards the
marshal of the court, and with him all the other gentlemen,
set forward towards the hall wherein the table was laid for
dinner, and I found myself immediately before the queen.
She who, during the night, had thought over the matter of
the two Italians, and reflecting that it was precisely the end
of February, about which time it had been written to her
from Rome, that we should arrive, had begun to suspect that
we were the persons whom she was looking for ; thus, when
we were but little distant from the door, and nearly all the
company had already gone out of the Vierkant, she said
to me in a low voice, ' Perhaps you have letters for me ? '
and I, having replied without turning my head that I had,
she rejoined, ' Do not mention them to any one.' While
we were discoursing after dinner on the matters that had
occurred, we were joined by a person, who made us various
compliments in French, and then proceeded to inquire if
we had letters for her majesty. I began at once to give
ambiguous replies, that we were not there for business ; that
we had no letters of recommendation, &c., until at length he
repeated in order all that in our short and fortuitous colloquy,
the queen herself had said to me. I then perceived that he
could not be sent by any other than herself, yet for the
greater security, I asked him his name, and hearing that he
was Johan Holm, I gave him the letter. The following
morning, nearly two hours before the usual time for going to
court, Johan Holm gave us to know that her majesty would
speak with us. We went immediately, and had scarcely
entered the Vierkant, where there was then no one but the
officer on guard, than the queen came forth, and appeared to
be surprised, either because none of the gentlemen were yet
there, or because we had been the first to arrive. She put
some few questions to us concerning our journey ; then
hearing the officer, she asked him if any of the secretaries
had yet appeared. He replying that they had not, she
No, 132] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 349
commanded him to go and call one of them, ^Yhen he did not
return for an hour. When he was gone, her majesty began
to thank us in the most courteous terms for the pains we had
taken in making that voyage on her account ; she assured
us that whatever danger might arise to us from being dis-
covered, we should not fear, since she would not suffer that
evil should befall us ; she charged us to be secret, and not to
confide in any one, pointing out to us by name some of those
to whom she feared lest we might give our confidence in
process of time. She encouraged us to hope that if she
should receive satisfaction, our journey would not have been
made in vain ; she questioned us respecting the arrival of
Father Macedo, and how we had been selected to visit her
court ; and related to us in what manner the departure of
Father Macedo had taken place."
No. 132
Relatio7ie della corte Romaiia del Caval. Corraro. 1660.
[Report relating to the court of Rome, by the Cavalier
Corraro.]
Very brilliant hopes had been conceived of Alexander
VII. Court and state awaited their restoration from his
hand ; and the Church expected a renewal of the primitive
discipline : even among the Protestants, there were many
who were well disposed towards the new pontiff. The
amazement and anger were therefore general when he began
to govern precisely as his predecessors had done ; the good
opinion that had been entertained of him was abandoned for
the most violent ill-will.
The first ambassador sent to Rome by the Venetians,
after the embassy of congratulation above mentioned, was
Hieronimo Giustiniano. His despatches belong to the year
1656. He died of the plague.
His successor was Anzolo Corraro, at that time podestil
of Padua. He delayed his journey so long that another was
already chosen in his place ; but he thereupon hastened tQ
Home, wherp he remained from 16^7 to 1659,
350 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 133
The report which he presented on returning from the
papal court was by no means a favourable one. The pope
and his family were loaded with censure.
A particular circumstance has meanwhile rendered it
unnecessary that we should give a more minute account of
this report.
This is no other than the fact, that the work produced
so profound an impression as at once to have found its way
into public notice.
A French translation appeared at Leyden : '^ Relation de
la cour de Rome faite I'an 1661(0), au conseil de Pregadi,
par rexcell""^ Seigneur Angelo Corraro: chez Lorenz, 1663."
This represents the Italian original most faithfully in all the
passages which I have compared, and is not rare, even at the
present time.
It was printed at the moment when the contentions
between the Chigi and Crequy caused general attention
to be directed towards Rome, The pubUcation was both
calculated and intended to inflame the public indignation
against the pope. It was dedicated to Beuningen, who had
not yet said " Sta sol."
No. 133
Relatione di Roma deW ecceknt """ Sif NiccoVo Sa^redo.
1 66 1. [Report from Rome, by Niccolo Sagredo.]
This is a report of which I have seen no authentic copy,
and which is also found under the name of Anzolo Corraro.
But since no doubt can exist of the preceding report
being by Corraro, whose activity in the war against the
Barberini is expressly mentioned in it ; while in that before
us, on the contrary, the author declares his wish, that,
released from his twenty-seven years' wanderings, he might
now devote himself at home to the education of his children —
which would by no means apply to Corraro, whose previous
office had been that of podestk at Padua — so I have no
hesitation in deciding that the name of Sagredo is the true
one. Sagredo, as we know, had already been once sent to
Rome, and afterwards to Vienna, He now went to Rome
No. 133] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 351
for the second time. He was indeed one of the most
frequently employed statesmen of Venice, and ultimately
became doge.
This report is not nearly so severe as the last ; but neither
is its tone that of eulogy; it has rather the impress of
dispassionate observation.
With respect to the promotion of the nephews, Sagredo
remarks, that curiously enough Pope Alexander was even
then constantly exclaiming against the riches of the Bor-
ghese, Barberini_, and Ludovisi, although he was already
taking care to neglect no opportunity for increasing the
wealth of his own family.
His description of the pope runs thus : " Placid and
gentle of disposition; but in matters of business neither
easy to deal with, nor particularly ready of comprehension ;
he is by nature irresolute in questions of importance,
whether from fear lest they should not succeed, or because
he is unwilling to endure the fatigue of carrying them
through ; he fancies himself pierced by every thorn, how-
ever distant."
He thought he had done enough for the Venetians by
the suppression of the two orders previously mentioned,
and eventually the Candian war did not appear even to him
of a very perilous character. He was much more nearly
affected by the fact that Parma and Modena were sup-
ported in their claims on the Papal States by France.
Neither was the Portuguese affair settled. " The absolute
want of bishops in that kingdom, and the ruined state of
the revenues of all the dioceses, being made manifest, not
only have many clamours been occasioned, but most earnest
entreaties have been made on the part of Orsini, the car-
dinal-protector, to the effect that this should be remedied ;
but the pope has never been prevailed on to do it."
Moreover we find the papacy already at variance with
most of the Catholic states. There was not one which the
judicial or pecuniary claims of the Curia had not utterly
revolted.
Among the affairs then proceeding in Rome itself, our
author chiefly specifies the architectural undertakings of
Alexander. He informs us that in the general opinion, the
352 APPENDIX-SECTION VI [No. 134
f Cattedra di S. Pietro," in the church of St. Peter, was
greatly preferred to the Colonnades. The embellishments
of the city were occasionally carried forward in a somewhat
arbitrary manner. " Many streets of the city have been
rendered straight by the casting down of houses and palaces ;
the columns and other impediments that stood before the
doors of individuals have been removed; and at the in-
stance of the Jesuits belonging to the CoUegio Romano,
the Piazza Colonna has been enlarged by the destruction of
that most noble pile, the Salviati Palace. The projections
and signs of the shops have been restricted within due
limits ; all works which doubtless increase the beauty of the
city, yet as the weight of them falls on private purses, it
cannot fail to excite many murmurs to see one's own nest
thrown to the earth, and to be compelled to contribute
large sums for the arrangement of streets which are of no
advantage to those who thus pay for them, under the pretext
that their dwellings will have- a more agreeable appearance
or enjoy a finer view; this is no recompense for the burdens
they suffer, and the force by which they are compelled to
consent to these changes."
No. 134
Relatione di Roma del K"" Pietro Basadona. 1663. [Report
from Rome, by Pietro Basadona.]
In the manner of Corraro, who is even surpassed. I
will give place to some few passages.
First, in relation to the dispute with France, without
doubt the most important event that took place during this
embassy. *' With regard to the present commotions, I
know that I have sufficiently extracted the marrow from the
bones of that subject (dispolpate le ossa di tal materia) :
but I must not conceal the fact, that if the imprudent pride
of the Chigi family has caused them to fall into the ditch,
their ambitious blundering has miserably entangled them in
it. These people persuaded themselves that Rome was the
world ; but the king of France has giveri them to know, and
No. 134] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 353
that at their own cost, that they had not studied geography
well. Much gossiping has caused the general feeling to be
pretty well known in respect of the insolence of Cardinal
Imperiale and Don Mario concerning the immunities of the
French ambassador. I will not say that they were blameless,
but I can positively affirm, that to their ill-will there was
conjoined some fault of chance, which not unfrequently
diminishes or increases the effect of human labours. This
it is in part which has constituted their guilt, and now com-
pels them to make full satisfaction to such claims as the
king of France may legitimately found on the affronts that
he has too certainly received in the person of his ambas-
sador. And since I knew the truth of this matter, so did I
use indefatigable efforts to cool down the rage of Crequy,
and apply the balsams of negotiation to this schism,
before it had extended to what was manifest ruin. But
there were too many fancies in the heads of those Chigi
(teste Chigiarde), and too much obstinacy, to permit their
condescending to a suitable humiliation towards the king,
whose bravadoes they would not believe, considering them
a mere pretence, and nothing more than a little ephemeral
French fever. And this went so far, that his holiness told
me the Roman hearts were not to be frightened by the
rhodomontade of French striplings. To which I replied,
that it was sometimes more dangerous to have to do with
hare-brained boys than with older and wiser heads, since
the first would rush to the very edge of the precipice for
the gratification of some favourite caprice ; moreover, that
to play with those who, if they have whims in their heads,
have also armies at their side, and millions under therr feet,
was not a fit game for the popes, who have nothing but
their two raised fingers.^ I also represented to him, more
than once, when it became obvious that the king was in
earnest, that the States of the Church were but too com-
pletely ruined by the fourteen millions spent in the Barberini
war ; that the millions in which the treasury is indebted
exceed fifty ; and that, in fine, his holiness could not pro-
vide arms without ruining himself, could not fight without
' [" Le due dita alzate," alluding, as the reader will perceive, to
the two fingers raised by the pontiff in the act of benediction. - Tr.]
VOL. III. 2 A
354 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 134
destroying himself, while the enemy could ruin him even
without fighting. But all these, and a hundred other power-
ful reasons^ were equally vain, he having too much affection
for his kindred to send them away, and being, besides, too
much displeased about the matter of Castro. And one day
when I found him in the vein, he said to me these precise
words : * Every one cries out that Castro must be given up,
but no one says that Avignon ought to be restored; every
one declares that the king must receive satisfaction for the
affronts offered him, but no one utters a word of the com-
pensation that should be made to ecclesiastics for the in-
juries they have endured ; and if it were true, as it is known
not to be, that Cardinal Imperiale and our brother Mario
had given orders for what was done with respect to the
ambassador, and that so the king might pretend to satis-
faction as against those two, why should Castro be brought
into the question? and then if Mario be innocent, why
should we send him away from us ? ' "
Thus does the whole report proceed. It is filled with
self-sufficient invectives, and betrays profound contempt for
the whole ecclesiastical system— a tone of feeling entirely
modern. The possibility of the French becoming masters
of Rome was already contemplated. The reader is some-
times tempted to doubt whether such statements ever could
have been ventured upon before the senate. But the im-
probability is greatly diminished, when we consider that the
most violent attacks were just then made on the papal see
from all quarters (the fiercest satires were then appearing, —
"Le putanisme de Rome," for example, wherein it was
directly declared that the pope must be allowed to marry
for the prevention of other evils, and that the papacy might
be made hereditary), and if we remember that this was the
period when the credit of the Roman court began to decline
in the general estimation. Our author was, upon the
whole, well acquainted with the court and city. He also
deserves to be heard in person with relation to the Papal
States.
*' It is an obvious truth, that the Ecclesiastical dominions
are utterly borne down by their burdens, insomuch that
many proprietors, finding it impossible to extract frorn their
No. 134] APPENDIX—SECTION VI 355
lands sufficient to pay the public impositions^ increased
beyond all measure, have made necessity their counsellor,
and throwing up their estates, have gone to seek the good
fortune of being allowed to live in countries less rapacious.
I do not speak of the duties and imposts on all things eat-
able, without any exception, but the personal taxes, tolls,
donations, subsidies, and other extraordinary oppressions
and extortions, studiously invented, are such as would excite
compassion and amazement, if the terrible commissaries,
whom Rome despatches into the subjected cities with
supreme authority to examine, sell, carry off, and con-
demn, did not exceed all belief. There is never a month
that these griffons and harpies, wrapped in the cloak
of commissioners, are not sent flying to their different
posts, either for the buildings of St. Peter, or to gather
pious bequests; or else they are commissioners of the
•spoglia,' or of the archives, or of some dozens of other
Roman tribunals : by which the already exhausted purses
of the helpless subjects are pressed to the last coin. Accord-
ingly, if we except Ferrara and Bologna, towards which
there is some consideration used, and which are favoured
by nature and art with the richest lands, and with an indus-
trious trading community, all the other cities of Romagna,
of the March, of Umbria, the Patrimony, Sabina, and the
Territorio di Roma, are miserable in every respect. Nor
is there to be found (oh ! shame on the Roman governors)
in any of these cities, the manufacture of wool or of silk, to
say nothing of cloth of gold, two or three little villages of
Fossombrone, Pergola, Matelica, Camerino, and Norcia,
alone excepted; although from the abundance of wool
and silk, every kind of profitable manufacture might be
introduced. But the papal territory is as an estate leased
out to tenants, and those who rent it do not think of
improving, but only of how they may best press forth
whatever can be extracted from the poor ill-treated soil,
which, exhausted and dried up, cannot offer to the new
tenant any better return than sterility. And then the papal
treasury seems to be an all-devouring abyss. It was
thought proper to take arms twice, as if the first error,
which cost two millions, was a thing fit to be imitated.
356 APPENDIX-SECTION VI [No. 135
There was some pretence of defending the state, although
every consideration of prudence commanded that an accom-
modation should have been sought at the very first, that
France might be deprived of all pretext for demanding
heavier terms. By a calculation which I made of the
reduction of interest on the luoghi di monte from four-and-
a-half per cent, (or in our mint seven per cent.) to four, I
found that at half a scudo per cent, on fifty millions of
debt, the treasury would gain 250,000 scudi per annum,
which at four per cent, would form a capital of six millions
and a half."
No. 135
Vita di Alessandro VII. Con la descrizione delle sue ad-
herenze e governo. 1666. [Life of Alexander VII.
With a description of his adherents and government.]
This is not a biography, at least not such a biography
as Pallavicini wrote ; but a general description of the trans-
actions of this pontiff, according to the impression produced
by them in Rome : the author was a well-informed and,
upon the whole, conscientious contemporary.
'^ He is in truth of a pious mind," he remarks of the
pope ; ^^ religious and devout, he would fain work miracles
for the preservation of Christianity. . . . But he is indo-
lent, timid, and irresolute, and very often does ill, by doing
nothing." He denounced all nepotism in the first instance,
yet afterwards carried it to extremity. Financial affairs
were all in the hands of the nephews — they enriched them-
selves greatly. The contentions with Crequy were entirely
to be attributed to them. The pope retained only the
management of foreign affairs for himself \ and to these he
did not give sufficient attention. He had literary meetings
in his apartments, which occupied much time. In the
evenings, Rospigliosi had audience for one short hour.
Business proceeded in fact but very indifferently. The
pope replied in general terms only to the different appli-
cants ; yet he had no minister to whom the parties seeking
could be referred.
No. 136] APPENDIX-SECTION VI 357
The conclusion is not of the most cheering character.
The author sums up his relation in the following words :
"Ambition, avarice, and luxury rule the palace; and yet
piety, goodness, and zeal govern Alexander VII."
No. 136
Relatione dl Roma di Giacomo Quirini K"" 1667 (8), 20 Febr.
[Giacomo Quirini' s report from Rome.]
Giacomo Quirini was at the court of Rome three years
and a half under Alexander VII ; he was afterwards
accredited for a certain time to Clement IX : his report
relates to the whole of this period.
He first describes the last years of Alexander VII, not
with the animosity of his predecessor, it is true, but
essentially to the same purpose.
" In forty-two months during which I served Alex-
ander VII, I perceived that he had but the name of a pope,
not the exercise of the papal power; as supreme head, he
thought only of securing his own tranquillity ; he rejected
all business with fixed determination ; and the virtues by
which he was so eminently distinguished as cardinal, — his
readiness of mind, discrimination of judgment, promptitude
in difficulties, freedom in resolve, and extraordinary facility
of expression, were all entirely destroyed." He also
describes the abuses of nepotism. From the building of
the colonnades of St. Peter's, for which Bernini has been
blamed, he predicts evil as follows : " It will depopulate
the Leonine city for ever, cause the houses to be levelled,
the waterworks to be increased, and the hearths to be
diminished in numbers; the result of which will be
malaria." He investigates the abuses of pensions, and
the mode of bestowing places, with especial reference to
Venice, whence the sum of 100,000 ducats was yearly
sent to Rome. It is remarkable that Alexander VII on
his side was greatly dissatisfied wiih the cardinals : he
complained that they attached themselves to the party of
the princes even in the affair of Castro; that they could
358 APPENDIX—SECTION VI [No. 136
never aid him even by useful advice. "Si lagnava non
esser dottrina e virtii sodisfacente in quei porporati, non
arricordando mai ripieghi o partiti che prima lui non 11
sapesse." There was a universal degeneracy.
The conclave was mastered by the subserviency of Chigi
to the ^'Squadrone volante." It was afterwards seen that
Chigi had proceeded very prudently in this : to that
subserviency he was indebted for the share of power
accorded to him by Clement IX.
Quirini declares Clement IX to have been physically
weak, and worn by various diseases, but firm, nay, obstinate
in his opinions : he would sometimes prohibit his ministers
from speaking again on a subject respecting which he had
taken his resolution. A musician named Atto, a native of
Pistoia, well known in Venice, was admitted to confidential
intercourse with the pontiff. The determination of Clement
to remit a portion of the taxes, Quirini considers heroic.
" Mostrb eroica pietk, levando due giulj di gabella di maci-
nato del rubiatelli, privandosi di 2 milioni di scudi."
He next comes to the family of Clement IX, more
particularly Cardinal Rospigliosi, whom he describes as
follows : —
" Although the promotion took place on the day before
my departure only, the abbate Rospigliosi attaining the
cardinalate just as he had finished his thirty-eighth year,
yet having known him at two separate times in Spain, and
transacted business with him in Rome on various occasions
when he was cupbearer to Cardinal Chigi, I can relate thus
much to your excellencies from distinct knowledge, that the
pope, speaking to me frequently during the audiences,
permitted himself to allude with a just warmth to the abbate
as a prudent minister, and in attributing merit and worth
to him did but speak as all by common consent were doing;
and in this I think it certain he is not deceived, for no
nephew of a pope has ever appeared on the scene more
highly informed than he, since he was always employed during
the long nunciature of his uncle at the court of Spain ; he
was, besides, sole director in the office of secretary of state in
Rome, dictating all letters and replies in the affairs of foreign
princes. Then, on occasion of the troubles respecting
No. 136] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 359
those most injudicious measures adopted towards the
ambassador Cr^quy, he was first sent to S. Quirico, and
afterwards to Leghorn, but rather to be the bearer of
palace flatteries than to satisfy the ambassador-duke ; and
when that affair was finally adjusted, he was sent to France
in the legation of Chigi to arrange the formalities of the
treaty; whence returning to Rome with the title of inter-
nuncio, he passed into Flanders. When Pope Clement was
raised to the pontificate, the hope and opinion were enter-
tained that he would be able to conciliate all differences,
at once preserving the advantages of peace and averting
the perils of war ; then Rospigliosi received full powers for
the adjustment of all disputes between the two crowns. In
these journeys and employments, as well as in his earlier
days, he lavished much gold with great generosity; but
having fallen grievously sick at Susa, he thought proper to
squander a vast amount with extreme prodigality, insomuch
that the apostolic treasury was burdened to the extent of
140,000 scudi. He is upon the whole of a character
naturally melancholy; a man of few words and retired
within himself. During all these years of intercourse and
meetings in ante-rooms, he has evinced indifference to all,
seeming to feel a cordial friendship for and confidence in
none, being too reserved, rather than frank in discourse.
And now, in consequence of the sufferings that he has
endured, he sometimes remains fixed in a sort of mental
abstraction, and halts in the business before him; then he
seeks to divert his mind by visits, and mingles in the move-
ments of the court. On this account Cardinal Azzolini
now directs the office of secretary of state, signing the
orders to the legations, as well as those to the nunciatures
at royal courts. Up to the present time, he has been pro-
vided by the munificence of the pope with pensions to the
value of 3,000 scudi, and with abbacies formerly held by
the pontiff himself; he has derived 4,000 scudi from the
death of Cardinal Palotta, and has 12,000 from the legation
of Avignon as cardinal-padrone."
36o APPENDIX— SECtlON VI [Nos.is), 138
No. 137
Relatione delta corte di Roma al re Chistianissimo dal S"" di
Charme. 1669. [Report from Rome, presented to the
king of France, by the Seigneur de Charme.]
This report has been printed both in French and Italian,
yet it contains very little deserving attention, and this is,
perhaps, the very reason why it was printed.
The embarrassments of the apostolic treasury are dis-
cussed here also ; the little that had been accomplished by
the restrictions imposed on his nephews by Clement IX is
alluded to; it is affirmed that no congregation could do
anything effectual, and that a general bankruptcy was to be
apprehended.
The remarks of Grimani respecting the want of able
men, with his observations on the uprightness of intention,
but absence of energy conspicuous among the Rospigliosi,
on the state of the prelacy and of the country, are here
confirmed.
The author adds certain reflections, of which we perceive
that many have been taken directly from Grimani.
I have myself felt a doubt whether this work proceeded
from a French ambassador ; but if it did, it must have been
from the duke de Chaulnes, whom (in the Negociations
relatives h, la succession d'Espagne, II, p. 579) we find to
have been ambassador to Rome; but in any case, it was
obviously written by a contemporary who was not without
good information.
No. 138
Relatione delta corte di Roma del Sig^ Antonio Grimani^
ambasciatore delta repuhtica di Venetia in Roma durante
it pontificato di Ctemente IX. 1670. [Report of
Antonio Grimani, ambassador from the republic of
Venice to the court of Rome during the pontificate
of Clement IX.]
We have seen that Quirini expressed himself doubtfully
with regard to the virtues of Clement IX. The experience
No. 13^] AJPP^NDl5t-SElCTI0N VI 361
gained from Alexander VII had probably rendered him
cautious. Grimani, on the contrary, breaks forth into
unbounded praise, at least with respect to moral qualities.
" In good sooth, meekness, modesty, affability, moderation,
clemency, candour, and purity of conscience, are his
especial gifts." He declares that he has never known a
better man.
He first discusses the moderation with which Clement
had endowed his nephews, yet it is obvious that in Rome
there were many things said to the contrary. Grimani is
even of opinion that the people of Pistoia would avenge
themselves at some future time on the nephews for the
unexpected neglect with which they were treated.
But amidst these conflicting statements, thus much
remains certain, — that Clement adopted no effectual
measures for the abolition of other abuses. Men soon
exclaimed that if afiother Sixtus V did not appear, the
pontificate would incur the danger of utter ruin.
Grimani points out the principal evils,— the sale of
offices, which resulted in the absence of all able and useful
men, and the ruinous financial arrangements ; he also
specifies the neglect of the religious orders. " The monks
are now held in so much contempt, that they have desisted
of their own accord from appearing at court, to save them-
selves from the insults of the lowest hangers-on about the
palace. Bishoprics and the purple are considered to be
debased when conferred on the regular clergy, and in all
competitions, coarse, ignorant, and even vicious priests, will
obtain the prize in preference to a learned and upright
monk. The nephews have no regard for the regular
clergy, because they cannot receive so much court from
them as from the priests. If burdens are to be imposed,
the monasteries are first thought of; if reforms are to be
effected, it is not the priests who are referred to, but the
monks. In fine, they deprive men of all incHnation for
study, all care for the defence of the Church from those
false doctrines which the enemies of Rome are constantly
disseminating ; those enemies too increasing daily, while the
number of learned and exemplary monks is as constantly
diminishing ; from all which the court itself may soon come
362 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 138
to suffer no little injury. Wherefore it is my opinion that
the pontiffs would do well to take measures for the restora-
tion of the regular clergy to their former credit, by conferring
on them from time to time certain offices of dignity ; and
this they could the better do, from the fact that the number
of monks being so great, they would be able to select from
them such men as might be required. By this means, men
of distinction would be led to enter the orders, whereas,
nowadays, the very bankrupt traders think scorn of covering
their shoulders with the robe of the monk; nor are any
seen to enter the monasteries but people of the working
classes." Yet unhappily, no remedy was to be ex-
pected from Clement IX, — he was too lukewarm, too easy
in temper.
After this description of the pope, the ambassador
proceeds to his nearest connections, and first to Cardinal
Rospigliosi^ of whom hopes had been entertained " quod
esset redempturus Israel." He points out how and where-
fore this hope had been disappointed. ''There are three
things, in my opinion, which cause the aforesaid cardinal
to walk with leaden foot, and to be accused of mental
indolence and want of application. The first is his great
anxiety to do everything well, and to please all the world,
a thing which can hardly be done by a man who is not
absolute master. The second is, that his will is restrained
and rendered uncertain by the pope, who, although he loves
this nephew, nay, regards him with extraordinary affection,
yet likes to do everything in his own way. Whence,
Rospigliosi, fearful of having his decisions rendered null by
the negation of the pontiff, and desirous, on the other hand,
of contenting the applicants and parties interested, is deterred
from arriving at any conclusion whatever. Thirdly, the very
extent of his own capacity is injurious to him, more particu-
larly in matters which depend on himself; for although he
abounds, as is said, in those qualities required for main-
taining the post of papal nephew, yet a real penury in
practice results from this abundance, because he loses the
greater part of the most precious hours in meditating and
sifting the materials before him, and while he is pondering
and labouring to choose so as not to miss the best selection,
No. 138] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 363
the time flies, and the occasion for acting flies with it."
Rospigliosi must, however, not be refused the justice of an
admission that he did not enrich himself, " having neglected
many opportunities for enriching himself, when he might
have done it without scruple, and with a clear conscience."
It was indeed believed that he favoured Chigi, principally
to the end that he might one day become pope by his aid ;
but the ambassador contradicts this assertion.
The extent to which the character and habits of thought of
the pope and cardinal-nephew were reflected in the inferior
members of this government, is remarkable. They were
not destitute of good intentions or of ability, yet, from one
cause or another, they produced no effectual result. " For
the current affairs of the day, the cardinal employs two
ministers in particular. The one is Monsignor Augustini,
a prudent man and of exemplary life ; it may be said of hiai
as of Job, ' an upright man and one that fears God ' (' vir
simplex et timens Deum ') ; but slow withal ; procrastinating
and irresolute, so greatly desirous, moreover, of doing well,
that he will not act at all, from the fear of doing ill. With
this character, he has found means to get so completely
into the favour of the cardinal-padrone, that the latter extols
him in all places as an oracle, and esteems him the most
able minister of the court, although those who continually
hear him in the congregation form a different opinion of
him, holding him to be but a very ordinary kind of person,
the pope also being of the same opinion. The other is
Monsignor Fiani, on whom the office of secretary of the
Consulta was conferred ; a trust which imperatively demands
the most perfect confidence on the part of the cardinal-
padrone. Rospigliosi has therefore done wisely to select
this man, who knows the duties of a friend, and who has all
the capacity for government that can be desired ; but he is
almost unfitted for the exercise of his office, being very
infirm, and much afflicted by gout ; he therefore also pro-
tracts all business, to the extreme annoyance of the court,
where he is but Httle liked, in part perhaps because he is
reported to have a ready hand for receiving presents ; but
my opinion is, that this report is the mere malignity of evil
speakers."
364 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 138
It Is not necessary to repeat the further particulars given
respecting the papal family, which never attained to any per-
manent influence. The brother of the pope, Don Camillo
Rospigliosi, deserved, as our author says, to have been
canonized even during his life^ had that been customary.
He had five sons, of whom two only require to be
named here ; the second, Don Tommaso, who had already
turned his thoughts towards effecting improvements in the
manufactures of the Papal States ; and the youngest, Giam-
battista, " a youth of most comely aspect, and of acute and
penetrating mind," who married a Pallavicini of Genoa,
and founded the house of Rospigliosi. It will suffice to
give a general description of the new relations in which
these nephews were placed. " Among all the popes who
have occupied the Vatican, there has perhaps never been
seen one more prudent or moderate in his deportment
towards his nephews than Clement IX, who enjoyed their
society, but would never suffer himself to be ruled by them ;
on the contrary, the more affection he displayed for them,
the more he kept them back, excluding them from all share
in his more secret thoughts. And the excellence of the
nephews themselves came in aid of the pope's good inten-
tion to remove from the Church the scandal so long sub-
sisting of the delegation of almost all the authority vested in
the Vatican to the nephews of the pontiffs. Wherefore, it
may be said with good cause, that never have kinsmen of
the pope been seen in Rome more modest, more humble,
more charitable, or more disinterested than the Rospigliosi ;
and what is more important, all endowed with such piety
and excellence, that one must be devoid of human feeling
not to love them ; nay, we may even affirm that the pope
never loved them to the extent of their merits, since he
treated them rather as strangers than as kinsmen, and never
confided to them any matter of importance ; and hereby he
was himself rendered unhappy, because on the one hand he
voluntarily deprived himself of the satisfaction so needful
to princes — the relief of unbosoming himself with his own
family; and, on the other hand, was prevented from un-
burdening his mind with his immediate attendants, who
were, for the most part, untaught people, and of very slight
No. 139] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 365
capacity. It is believed that the pope does not entrust
the more important matters of the court to any one but
Cardinal Chigi, who being crafty and dexterous, has found
means to ingratiate himself most completely with the
pontiff."
Then follows a description of the cardinals, and of the
ambassadors residing at the court; but the persons thus
described are of no great importance, and the interests
treated of are too fleeting and transient to warrant our
giving them any further attention.
No. 139
Melatione dcllo stato delle cose di Roma del mese di Sett. 1670.
[Account of the state of Rome in the month of Sep-
tember, 1670.] Altieri Library, 9 leaves.
To the Venetian reports, and those purporting to be
French, some that were Spanish are also added : the
account before us was unquestionably drawn up for Spain.
Allusion is made in it to another, which had been sent to
the Spanish court, and the information contained in which
was on that account omitted in the one before us.
Clement X : " whose disposition is most gentle, so that
none present themselves at his feet to whom he would not
fain do some kindness. . . . He is very economical in ex-
penditure, and exceedingly parsimonious in giving to his
kindred." Cardinal Altieri : " He does every thing himself,
and is very little influenced by others. Ages have passed
since a papal nephew was seen in Rome of greater weight,
of higher ability, or of more integrity." We remark, that
under this pontificate also, the greater part of the officials
were permitted to retain their employments unchanged.
But the most important circumstance communicated by
this author, is the division of the court. Chigi, Barberini,
and Rospigliosi were connected in the closest intimacy with
the Altieri. This league had been effected principally by the
Spanish ambassador. Opposed to it stood the faction of
366 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 140
the " squadronisti," that is to say, the cardhials created by
Innocent X, who had exercised so powerful an influence on
the last papal elections, and had placed their dependents in
the public offices during the last two pontificates. To this
party belonged Omodei, Ottoboni^ Imperiale, Borromeo,
and Azzolini. Into the disputes of these two factions the
queen of Sweden entered with extraordinary zeal. We know
the high estimation in which she held Azzolini. In this
document she is called his faithful servant. She is charged
with planning a thousand intrigues to promote the views of
the " squadronisti."
No. 140
Memorie per descrivcre la vita di Ckmente X pontefice inas-
siino^ raccolte da Cai'lo Cartari Ofvietano, decano degli
avvocaii consistoriali e prefetto delV archivio apostolico di
castello S. Angelo di Rotna. [Memoirs towards a life
of Clement X, collected by Carlo Cartari of Orvieto,
dean of the consistorial advocates, and prefect of the
apostolic archives of the Castle of St. Angelo in Rome.]
Altieri Library, 211 pages.
Composed immediately after the death of the pope, and
completed in October, 1676. The author expressly imposes
on himself the duty of avoiding all flattery and speaking
only the simple truth (" da questi fogli sara I'adulatione,
mia nemica irreconciliabile, affato sbandita, alia sola verita
Candida e pura attenendomi "). But this work, according
to the author's intention, was a collection of materials only,
to be used by some future biographer.
It would at first appear as if this declaration had merely
proceeded from modesty on the part of the author.
The father of the pope, old Lorenzo Altieri, with
whom Cartari had been well acquainted, is most agreeably
described, as a man of powerful mind and majestic deport-
ment, but very modest withal, as was manifest from his
countenance. Although only a collector of materials, our
author has not abstained from subjoining a conceit, alto-
gether in the spirit of that age, " di altrettanto bella canitie
No. 140] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 367
neir esterno ricoperto quanto di una candidezza di costumi,
di una rara pieti a meravigUa dotato." [He was adorned
externally by his beautiful grey hair, as intrinsically by the
purity of life, and the rare piety with which he was wonder-
fully endowed.].
Emilio Altieri was born in 1590; received the degree of
doctor in 161 1 ; passed a certain time in study under PamfiH,
who was afterwards pope, and in 1624 accompanied Lan-
cellotti, bishop of Nola, whose Instruction is still extant, to
Poland. On his return, he was appointed bishop of Camerino,
in the place of his brother Giovanni Battista, who had entered
the college of cardinals. It has been asserted, though Cartari
has no word respecting it, that Emilio himself had even at
that time been selected for the cardinalate, and would have
been more cordially received than his brother, but he had
the self-command to leave Rome at the decisive moment,
and thus resigned the place to his elder brother. Pope.
Innocent X sent Emilio as nuncio to Naples, where he is
said to have contributed largely towards the settlement of
the commotions excited by Masaniello. Alexander VII
appointed him secretary to the congregation for bishops
and monastic clergy, a position which all had foun-d to be
exceedingly tiresome. It was not until his seventy-ninth
year that he was effectually promoted. On the 29th Novem-
ber, 1669, Clement IX appointed him cardinal; but this
pontiff had not even time to give him the hat : without
having yet received that sign of his dignity, Altieri proceeded
to the conclave, which ended by the election of himself as
pope, on the 29th April, 1670. He refused this dignity for
a certain time, declaring that there were persons of higher
merit that might be chosen, and even naming Cardinal
Brancacci ; but eventually he consented to ascend the papal
throne.
So far was the new pontiff advanced in years ; he had not
even a near relation by his side ; but it was necessary that
he should select a kinsman to share with him the weight of
affairs.
" His holiness was in the eightieth year of his age ;
wherefore, on that account, and after the example of his
predecessors, who, well knowing the heavy weight of the
368 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 140
pontificate, had esteemed it necessary for their own reHef
to depute some portion of it to a cardinal, with the title of
general superintendent of the States of the Church, he w^as
pleased on that same day to declare the cardinal Pauluzzo
Pauluzzi degli Albertoni, his connection, to be charged with
that laborious office, changing his name for that of Altieri."
Proceeding to the transactions of this pontificate, we find
that the author gives his first attention to those which took
place in Rome itself.
The arrival of the ambassadors from Ferrara and Bologna
to proffer their allegiance ; the discovery of the monument
of Constantine at the foot of the steps of St. Peter's ; the
decoration of the bridge of St. Angelo with ten angels of
Carrara marble ; the building of the Altieri Palace, on which
nearly 300,000 scudi were expended, which could not, how-
ever, be called a loss, because they went to the benefit of
the poor ; the erection of a second fountain on the Piazza
di San Pietro, but which the pope did not see completed ;
these are the principal circumstances on wliich Cartari
dwells. Speaking of the palace, he also describes the
library : *' In almost the highest part of the said palace,
there was a space reserved for the library, equally noble in
extent, and delightful for the charming view to be obtained
from it of the city and country surrounding : here magnificent
ranges of shelves are filled, by the generosity of Cardinal
Altieri, with precious books in all sciences, amounting to
the number of 12,000." Well do I know it, — how often
have I mounted its steps ! He then speaks of the foun-
tains : " The fountain of Paul V w^as transported by means
of wonderfully powerful machinery, — I might almost say in
one piece, from the position where it formerly stood, to
that where it is now to be seen, corresponding to the side
entrances of the theatre ; and as an accompaniment of the
same, he ordered that a second should be constructed exactly
similar in front of the Cesi gardens, as was done." But the
most remarkable fact that he relates on this subject, is that
respecting the mosaic attributed to Giotto, the " Navicella
di San Pietro." It had suffered frequent change of place
after the destruction of the old basilica, where it originally
stood, having been removed by Paul V to the palace, by
No. 140] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 369
Urban VIII into the church, and being taken by Innocent X
again into the palace. Alexander VII once more found it
unsuitably placed there ; but despairing of effecting its
removal as it was, he decided on having it taken to pieces,
the small stones belonging to each figure being put into a
separate bag. Under Clement X, Cardinal Barberini pro-
posed that it should be restored after a copy taken in the
pontificate of Urban VIII. It was then once more put
together, and placed in the lunette over the middle entrance
of the vestibule : but how this was managed we must let
Cartari tell in his own words : " Perche il vano non era
capace, fu detto che lasciandosi le figure nel proprio essere,
potevano restringersi i spatii : come fu diligentemente ese-
guito." [As the recess was not large enough, it was suggested
that the figures might be left in their proper form, but that
the spaces between them might be lessened ; and this was
very diligently accomplished.] We perceive from this,
that those who attribute the work in its present form to the
new master, are not without some ground for their opinion.
The author at length applies himself to affairs of state ;
but respecting these he is very defective. He asserts that
Clement X, notwithstanding his financial necessities, would
never proceed to any new reductions of the " monti," from
consideration to the numerous families, and still more to
the many pious institutions which must suffer by such a
measure : " ben considerando il danno che a tante famiglie
ed in particolare a luoghi pii ne resultarebbe." He pre-
ferred to make retrenchments, and even the cardinal-nephew
also proposed to resign his own emoluments as " soprain-
tendente dello stato." The Curia still contrived to send
money to Poland, then hard pressed by the Turks : 30,000
scudi at one time, at another time 16,000, and again a third
sum of 70,000, were forwarded to that country. The cardinals
had themselves made a special collection.
This is all I find respecting foreign affairs ; but neither
are those concerning the States of the Church very profoundly
treated. " Some effort was made to procure the free intro-
duction of foreign merchandise, and all exemptions from
the regular customs-duties were recalled : regulations were
made respecting the "ofificii vacabili" of the dataria, and
VOL. HI, 3 1)
370 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 141
the proceeds of the same; the tax of the quatrino degli
artisti was repealed ; and it was enacted that the Romans
and other nobles of the Papal States might engage in com-
merce without prejudice to their nobility." This is in fact
all that he tells us of essential importance.
The transactions of the papacy in reference to the
internal affairs of the Church are scarcely even alluded to.
No. 141
dementis Decimi Pontificis Maxwii vita. Altieri Library,
288 pages.
It was the opinion of Cartari that many would be found
to write the life of Clement X, and it is to these persons
that he dedicates these materials. An author did, in fact,
soon appear to undertake that office ; but this was a Jesuit,
writing at the command of his general Oliva. He was
supplied with his materials by Cardinal Pauluzzi Altieri.
This author does not mention Cartari; it is never-
theless manifest that he had his work before him. He
frequently does nothing more than translate and ampUfy
that writer.
But if Cartari was careful to avoid flattery, the Jesuit is
equally careful to infuse it. He sets forth the opinion that
in the year of Clement's birth, when the Tiber had pro-
duced violent inundations, this took place "quasi prae-
sentiret imperantis urbis fluvius augendam ab exorto turn
infante Romanam gloriam."
But he has also occasionally made more useful additions.
Pie relates that characteristic anecdote of Clement's having
voluntarily given way to his brother.
In subsequent chapters he also enters on the affairs of
the Church. " Innumeros in callem salutis reduces illo
regnante vidit Hungaria, quam catholicam, ut Francisci
card"' Nerlii verbis utar, pene totam effecit." This is indeed
a strong hyperbole, for not only was Hungary at that time
far from being so nearly Catholic, but Clement X had con-
tributed very little towards promoting even what Catholicism
No. 142] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 371
there was. " Ad veram religionem in Hibernia conservan-
dam ac propagandam solertem industriam contulit :
pliirimos in Vaticanum regresses Boemia et caetera Boemiae
regna atque inter hos magnos principes, plurimos Rhaeti
atque iis finitimae valles, magnam illorum vim Hollandia,
majorem vidit Gallia." All this, however, is in very general
terms.
While he lauds the justice and love of his subjects dis-
played by Clement, he excuses him for having raised con-
tributions to support the Poles against the Turks by taxes
on the clergy, and for having taken up new loans ; he main-
tains that the pope had repealed oppressive taxes, and m
their stead had laid imposts on luxuries, — foreign wines and
tobacco for example : he extols the extreme moderation
shewn by Clement in regard to his kindred. About the
building of the Altieri Palace, there should not be too much
said : people should rather remember how few estates the
Altieri family had acquired : " Quam minimum in spatium
contrahantur Alteriis principibus subjecta oppida et rura,
cum latissime pateat aliorum ditio."
No. 142
Nuovo governo di Roma sotto il poiitificato di Papa Clemente
X. [New government of Rome, under the pontificate
of Clement X.] Barberini Library, 17 leaves.
The family connections of Pauluzzi are here discussed,
with his singular elevation to the position of papal nephew.
The brother of the pontiff, and chief of the house of
Altieri, had left an only daughter, and had commanded,
that the husband whom she might marry should take the
name of Altieri.
A nephew of Cardinal Pauluzzi married this heiress of
the house of Altieri, and the two families were thus united.
All the other connections, the Gabrielli for example,
who would else have been the nearest, were compelled to
retire.
This government seems upon the whole to have been
372 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 143
less lenient, even from its commencement, than the preced-
ing one had been, and this proceeded from the fact, that
Clement IX had loaded with debts even those portions of
the revenue which had previously always been reserved.
The disbanding of the little army had already begun. The
author is of opinion that even the trifling diminution of the
taxes effected would compel the whole state to be disarmed.
Even this writer complains of the forms of administration,
and of the recklessness which had then become habitual
with the rulers of the Papal States. " Perceiving themselves
to be detested and abhorred, they harden themselves all the
more, and, drawing their hats over their eyes, they look no
one in the face ; but making every herb help to increase
their pack, they care for nothing but their own interest, and
are without a thought for the public welfare."
No. 143
Relatione dello stato presente della corte di Roma^ falta aW
ecc''^" prmcipe di Ligni^ governatore di Milano, daW ill"'"
S*" Feder. Rozzoni, inviato sti-aord"^'" da S. E. alia corte
appresso Clemente X. [Report on the present state of
the Court of Rome, presented to the prince of Ligny,
governor of Milan, by Federigo Rozzoni, ambassador
extraordinary from his excellency to Clement X.] 24
leaves.
Written somewhat later than the preceding report.
The position of parties had already changed. Rospigliosi
and Chigi were neglected by the reigning house, which was
seeking an alliance with the Squadronisti.
The relations subsisting between the pope and Cardinal
Altieri are described in the following manner : —
" The pope has no power of application whatever, partly
because of his declining years, but partly also, because it is
natural to him to regard his own repose, and to retire from
those heavy cares which might disturb the serenity of his
mind, which is solely bent on living in tranquillity. Thus
he cannot be made acquainted with the proceedings of
No. 143] AI>PENDIX— SECTION Vt 373
justice, or of other political affairs relating to the court and
the States of the Church. Wherefore, recourse to him avails
nothing to those who are oppressed by his ministers ; and
to give himself a belter excuse for not interfering in these
matters, he frequently affects illness ; but not on that account
abstaining from his private ' conversazioni,' which he holds
every day after dinner, playing cards, and enjoying music
and singing.
"He leaves the government of the Church entirely to
Cardinal Altieri, and does not meddle with it except when
required to give his assent by voice or writing ; in all be-
sides, he has so completely resigned every thing to his
decision, that he has frequently shewn fear of him, giving
alms, granting favours, and doing other things in secret.
But the appointment to benefices and bishoprics, with the
selection of those who are to be raised to the purple, remains
exclusively with the cardinal, who is a man of cool temper,
not easily roused to anger, and even when oftended, not
seeking to avenge himself. He is well calculated to sustain
the post he occupies, and is, in fact, determined to know
and to direct all affairs, whether great or small, not of the
court only, but of the whole papal dominion. This is
attributed by some to a great avidity as respects his own
interests, concerning which he is most vigilant, never suffer-
ing any occasion whatever to pass without making profit of
it. At a fixed hour of each day, he gives audience to all
the ministers of the court and their secretaries, himself im-
parting to them their orders and instructions, — not in general
only, but also in particulars, so that the judges, and even
the governor himself, are not permitted to exercise any
discretion of their own in their different charges.
*' The principal minister of the aforesaid cardinal, both
is and has been the abbate Piccini, a man of poor capacity
and inferior parentage, who was chamberlain to Clement X
before his elevation. Thus, by the access that he has to
the cardinal, or, as some say, by the power he has of de-
termining his resolutions, he has got together an annual
income of 12,000 scudi, and a capital of 200,000, and has
filled his head with smoke as completely as he has filled his
purse with gold. But the favouring gale that he has enjoyed
374 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 144
has ceased just now, some say from political causes, and not
because his great influence has been diminished by the union
of the four royal ambassadors; although the said abbate
Piccini and the commissioner of the treasury^ called Monsr.
Zaccaria, are more intimately about the person of the
cardinal than any others. But as to all this, it is merely
an affair of interest, to which this cardinal desires to appear
indifferent. Thus he would fain suffer the blame of that
avarice with which the common opinion loads him, to fall
on the shoulders of these two ministers or interpreters."
No. 144
Relatione della corte di Roma del N. H. Piero Mocenigo, cJie
fu amhasciatore a Papa Clemente X^fatto Vanno 1675.
[Report from the court of Rome, by Piero Mocenigo,
late ambassador to Clement X.] 44 leaves.
Piero Mocenigo had previously been in England; he
then proceeded to Rome, which presented him, more par-
ticularly from a commercial point of view, with so totally
different an aspect. He was here involved in somewhat
violent contentions with the house of Altieri, having assumed
the office of leader to the ambassadors, whom the Curia
sought to deprive of some of their immunities. We cannot
wonder that he does not seem to have been much edified
by what he perceived, and by all that he experienced.
He divides his report into three parts : —
I. "La qualitk di quella corte, sua autorita cosi spirituale
come temporale, con aggiunta dell' erario e delle forze."
[The character of this court, its authority, as well spiritual
as temporal, with additions respecting the treasury and
forces.] "The whole thought of these rulers," he begins,
" is absorbed by their determination not to leave their own
house exposed to the persecutions and scorn that wait on
poverty. Thus the pole-star of this court is private interest,
and the application they affect to business and the public
weal is a mere specious appearance." The result of the
favour shewn to the great families now, was, that not only
No. 144] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 375
the middle classes but even the inferior nobility were de-
prived of all advancement, — not possessing sufficient wealth
to raise themselves by their own power, yet feeling too
much independence of spirit to debase themselves by
imitating the subserviency of the really indigent.
" This country," observes Piero Mocenigo, " is the very
home of flattery ; there are nevertheless many who console
themselves for their disappointed hopes by slander and evil-
speaking; and they propound this maxim, — he will never
be mistaken who judges the worst."
The more important congregations were those of the
Inquisition, of Ecclesiastical Immunities, of the Council, of
the Propaganda, the Bishops and Monastic Clergy, and the
Index. When the court desires to refuse any request, it
refers the affair to these congregations, which cling fast to
their canons and to the practice of past ages ; the merest
trifles are thus magnified into importance ; but if the court
be favourably disposed, it then takes the matter into its
own hands.
It is more particularly in secular aflairs that this abso-
lute power of the court is displayed. Cardinals would
never have sanctioned the declaration of war. (We may
add that for a considerable time this had no longer hap-
pened.)
The condition of the country became daily worse. In
the course of forty years, as the author was informed, the
number of inhabitants had decreased by one-third. Where
a hundred hearths had formerly been counted, there were
now found no more than sixty ; many houses were pulled
down, although this was forbidden by the Consulta; less
land was daily cultivated; marriages decreased; parents
sought refuge for their children in the cloister.
He estimates the interest of the public debt — of the
monti and " officii vacabili " that is — at 2,400,000 scudi ;
and the deficit at many hundred thousand.
II. " II presente governo di Clemente X, sua casa, sacro
collegio e corrispondenze con principi." [The present
government of Clement X, his household, the sacred col-
lege, and correspondence with princes.]
Clement X. — It is true that he gave audience at stated
37^ APPENDI3C— SECTION VI [No. 144
hours to the datary, the secretary of briefs, the secretary of
state, and Cardinal Altieri, but he merely went through the
formality of signing papers ; disagreeable things were con-
cealed from him, — an object to which Cardinal Altieri gave
his whole attention. The ambassador affirms that the pope
had no knowledge whatever of the affairs of the world, — -he
had never been employed as nuncio. As we know, this is
false. " It is said in Rome, that the pontiff's business is to
bless and to consecrate, — that of Cardinal Altieri, to reign
and govern."
Cardinal Altieri : '' His constitution is delicate ... his
character is ardent, impetuous, and impulsive ; he is accus-
tomed to the Roman courtesy of refusing nothing, but on
the contrary, of shewing the utmost readiness of agreement,
with many obliging words, on first hearing a request ; but
after he has considered the matter, he retracts, nay, will
even deny the promise given^ and display marks of anger.
. . . He is elevated by slight hopes, as, on the contrary, he
is depressed by unimportant fears." In these expressions,
we clearly perceive the operation of personal dislike.
It is in a similar spirit that the other persons here de-
scribed are treated. Laura Altieri, to whom the family
owed its prosperity, was, according to our author, not con-
tent with her position in it, and for that reason was never
permitted to approach the pope ; but I do not fully believe
this assertion.
The remarks of Mocenigo, when describing the union
of the court with the Squadronisti, are less liable to sus-
picion,— we have already seen how the way was prepared
for this. Barberini, Chigi, and RospigUosi were now but
slightly esteemed : the Squadronisti particularly insisted that
the Curia should be independent of foreign courts. They
iiad drawn the Altieri completely to their party. The author
affirms that the perplexities in which the court became in-
volved were to be attributed to them.
He enters more minutely into the detail of these em-
barrassments, but with the irritable manner usual with him.
According to him, the court was obliged to propitiate
the emperor from time to time with spiritual presents, Agnus
Dei, etc. It had so many contentions with France, that to
No. 144] APPENDIX-SECTION VI 377
see the French involved in war, was a cause of rejoicing
to Rome. How then could the pope negotiate a peace?
Spain complained of this among other things, that bandits
from Naples were received into the Roman states, and were
suffered to sell there the property they had stolen. *' Ma
non segli danno orecchie : perche cosi comple alia quiete
di quel confini, promessa e mantenuta dai medesimi ban-
diti." Mocenigo declares that Rome neglected to press
the Poles earnesUy to the war against Turkey, merely to
avoid being compelled to give aid; that it would not
acknowledge the title of the czar, and therefore entered
into no relations with him, although they might have de-
rived so important an assistance from such a connection,
against the hereditary enemy. " Per timor d'ingombrarsi
in obligatione di rimettere e contribuire soccorsi maggiori
si sono lasciate cadere le propositioni fatte da un' inviato
Polacco, che Farmi del re sarebbero passate il Danubio,
entrate nella Bulgaria, e promettevano di portar la guerra
nelle viscere dell' imperio Ottomano." I notice this only
because we learn from it that such hopes were entertained
even at that time ; but what the Roman court could have
done towards the matter, it is not easy to perceive, more
especially if the papal treasury and dominions were in the
condition described above. Mocenigo says, further, that
the court would not concede to the king of Portugal the
patronage of his churches situate beyond the seas, nor an
" indult " to the duke of Savoy for appointing to the vacant
bishoprics in his owa territory. These claims to ecclesi-
astical independence were now put forward in Tuscany dlso,
and even in the smaller principalities.
I'he annexation of Castro to the treasury turned out to
be a positive loss. The debts thus undertaken required
90,000 scudi for their interest ; while the farmer of the
revenue paid only 60,000. The people of Rome declared
that it was not thus a prince should reckon.
III. " Corrispondenze colla Republica." — This was but
very short, and principally in relation to personal conten-
tions. " Impiego scabrosissimo " [a most difficult employ-
ment]. All in the same spirit.
They had already been prepared in Venice for a report
37S APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 145
in this tone. Even before Mocenigo's return, there had
appeared a " Lettera scritta a Venetia da soggetto ben in-
formato sopra I'ambasceria (another hand has here added
' infame ') del S' Kav"" Mocenigo," wherein the little man
with the great wig, who is for ever talking of England, is
somewhat roughly dealt withal. He is now closeted day
and night with a scribe, that he may blacken the court of
Rome in his report : " a government, than which there has
not been a better for the secular princes from the tunes of
St. Peter till now, — conciliatory, moderate, and given to no
cavils (senza puntiglio)."
It is certain that Mocenigo has gone too far ; but we are
not on that account to reject all that he has said.
Every one, after all, impresses his own opinions on the
affairs that he describes. It is for the reader to see that he
makes the right distinction between object and subject.
No. 145
Scrittura sopra il governo di Roma. [Treatise on the
government of Rome.] MS. Rome.
This document will be found among writings relating
to 1670-80, and belongs to somewhere about that time.
It is as cheerless as ever were the bewailings of Sacchetti.
I. " Sopra il cattivo stato de' popoli." " How they alvfays, in
every pontificate, can find means to bestow 100,000, or even
150,000 scudi on one house, but cannot make it possible
to take 50,000 scudi from the burdens of the overloaded
people; and the worst of all is^ that they will not allow
their subjects to fill their purses by seeking from lawful
trade those gains which others unduly appropriate to them-
selves by favour of the authorities." II. " Sopra la gran
poverta et il gran lusso." A mere rhetorical contrast.
III. " Deir annona e del vino." This relates principally
to abuses arising from the duties and regulations respecting
corn. " The ministers of the sovereign choose to play the
part of merchants. Hence proceed the many bankruptcies
of the true merchants, and of dealers in corn; the many
No. 146] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 379
embarrassments of families and pious institutions, whose
principal possessions consist of lands ; hence, too, the
quantity of grain left to spoil in the granaries of those
who would not submit to the extortions of so detestable
a traffic." IV. " De ritardamento della giustitia e de' frutti
de' luoghi di monte." Even the " Depositarii de' Monti "
are accused of dishonesty and arbitrary proceedings.
V. " Sopra I'irreverenza nelle chiese "■ — it was like the be-
haviour in the theatre, he says. VI. "Sopra il fasto de'
banchetti palatini." VII. " Sopra I'abuso del cerimoniale."
The author disapproves of the frequently repeated " Sanc-
tissimus ; " it revolts him that people should dare to say,
as in the procession of Corpus Christi, " Sanctissimus sanc-
tissima portat." VIII. "Sopra I'immunith, ecclesiastica."
He bewails the fact that an asylum w^as granted to criminals
in the churches. IX. " Sopra le lordure delle strade."
This is a well-meant report, and is upon the whole a true
description ; but the views of the writer are not very
profound.
No. 146
Vito del servo di Dio Papa Innocentio XI^ raccoUa in ire
libri. [Life of the servant of God Pope Innocent XI,
comprised in three books.] MS. Rome.
A very beautiful copy on 144 leaves, probably prepared
for special presentation to some later pontiff.
The first book is occupied by the early life of Inno-
cent XI. The author has not spared his labour in the
search of authentic information respecting it. He denies
that the pope had made a campaign in his youth : the
question had been asked of his holiness himself. He
affirms also, that it was Cardinal Cueva (to whom the
young man had been recommended by the governor of
Milan) who had directed the attention of the future pontiff
to the advantages presented by the career of the Curia.
The second book comprises the earlier administrative
measures of Pope Innocent, his financial arrangements,
the abolition of useless offices, decrease of interest on the
38o APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 147
monti (even as touching corporate bodies), the restriction
of usury, which was carried on with particular activity in
the Jewish quarter (Ghetto), and the imposition of new
taxes on ecclesiastical fees. His maxim was " that he was
not master, but the administrator of the things appertaining to
the Holy See, and under the rigorous obligation to distribute
them, not in accordance with preferences for kindred, but
in conformity with the laws of justice. . . . He said of
himself, that from his elevation to the cardinalate, he had
begun to be poor, and as pope, he had become a beggar."
The author alludes, moreover, to English affairs, and does
not hesitate to say that King James desired to render all
England Catholic : " Volendo ricondurre al Romano cor-
tile i suoi sudditi, comincio a servirsi nel ministerio di
cattolici."
In the third book, the part taken by Innocent XI in the
Turkish war is discussed, and his personal qualities are
described. He is here presented as he really was, — ener-
getic, impartial, and honourable. His conduct and pro-
ceedings are described with much penetration, and infinitely
better than in the small work of Bonamicus, which we find
in Lebret, and which is really nothing more than a hollow
panegyric.
Remarkable instances are also given here of the oppo-
sition aroused by the practical measures of this pontiff.
How innumerable were the objections put forward against
the proposal of a bull for the abolition of nepotism. " The
unthinking populace, seeing many offices in the palace sup-
pressed, while the duties attached to them were united to
those of other ministers, without considering the motives,
cast reproach on the character of Innocent, as incapable of
rising to his sovereign condition." This disaffection was
made manifest, now in one way, and now in another.
No. 147
Memoriale del 1680 al Papa Innocenzo XI^ concernente il
governo egli aggravj\ [Memorial presented to Innocent
No. 148] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 381
XI in the year 1680, concerning the government and
the pubUc burdens.] ValUcella Library.
The holy zeal of the pope, as this document assures
us, was acknowledged by all, but unhappily the effect of his
endeavours was a general discontent. By the reduction of
the monti, many families had been ruined ; the cardinals
were not listened to ; no favours were granted to the tem-
poral princes ; the prelates were bereaved of their hopes ;
the poor were deprived of alms ; all Rome was one great
scene of misery.
Who could believe this ? Scarcely does a pope give ear
to the incessant complaints respecting nepotism, and abolish
the abuse, than the people demand its restoration ! There-
fore, says our " Memorial," after adducing certain reasons,
" it is a great favour of fortune for a prince to have kinsmen
who are good and capable of governing ; for these, having
more powerful motives for taking interest in his reputation
and glory than any mere minister can have, may also give
him their opinions with greater frankness and sincerity."
No. 148
Ode satirica contra Iiinoce?izo XI, [Satirical ode against
Innocent XL] Library of Frankfurt-am-Main, MS.
Glauburg, No. 31.
Writings such as those above cited observe some
moderation in their expression of disapproval ; but if some
fault really committed, or a mere rumour, gave occasion
for censure, it found a voice in the most vehement out-
bursts, as in the passage following : —
'' Id non ritrovo ancor ne' vecchi annali
bestia peggior, che sotto hipocrisia
col sangue altrui tingesse e'l becco e Tali.
Per altri era zelante, ma concesse
al nepote pero che il gran comprasse
dqe scudi il rubbio e nove lo vendesse."
382 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 149
[I do not find a more wicked monster even in ancient
annals, nor one who, clothed in hypocrisy, more deeply
tinged with blood his beak and wings. He was zealously
rigid with others, but nevertheless permitted his kinsmen to
buy up corn at two scudi the mbbio, and to sell it again at
nine.]
No. 149
Discorso sopra la soppressione del colleglo d^ secretarj apos-
tolicifattaper la S^^ di N. S'^'' Innocenzo XI. [Discourse
on the suppression of the college of apostolic secretaries
decreed by Innocent XL]
In despite of this violent opposition, Pope Innocent
proceeded with his reforms. This " Discourse " describes
the manner in which they were conducted in certain
individual cases.
We are first made acquainted with the origin of these
secretaries, whom we find from the time of the schism, and
with the abuses attached to their existence. These pro-
ceeded principally from the fact that no share in the
administration was connected with the office. " The
possessors of these offices have not, in fact, any administra-
tive duties or services to perform for the despatch of
business; while the secretary of briefs, as well as the
secretary of letters or mandates to sovereigns, being con-
versant with the business, are wont to be deputed at the
good pleasure of the pope, and out of the limits of the
college. Neither does the office bring with it an assurance
of the prelacy, being conferred on laymen, for the most part
incompetent, and frequently even on mere children, in the
manner of those other popular offices, which are constantly
on sale, and exist only for pecuniary purposes."
The rates of interest being enormous, the treasury had to
pay 40,000 scudi yearly for the 200,000 which it had received.
Innocent resolved to suppress the college, and appointed a
congregation to estimate the claims of the shareholders.
The pope wished to pay back no more than the treasury
had actually received, but the shareholders required at least
No. 150] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 383
as much as would equal the current price of the offices.
The congregation could not come to any decision.
Our author is of opinion that the pope was not bound
to pay more than the nominal price, — he considers this to
be decided by the practice of the papal see.
Other writings are to be found which treat of this sub-
ject; for example — "Stato della camera nel presente ponti-
ficato d'lnnocenzo XI ; " but they consist of calculations,
which are not capable of being made useful in extracts.
No. 150
Scriiture politiche^ morali^ e satiriche sopra le massime, isii-
tuto e govcrno della compagnia di Gesii. [Political,
moral, and satirical writings on the maxims, institution,
and government of the Company of Jesus.] Corsini
Library.
A collection of all sorts of writings, concerning the
Jesuit order ; some of which, as for example a consulta of
Acquaviva, are satirical and mere invention, while others are
entirely in earnest, and are derived from the best sources.
The most important is " In nomine Jesu. Discorso sopra
la religione de' padri Jesuiti e loro modo di governare."
This of itself contains nearly 400 leaves. It was written
when Noyelle was general, consequently between 1681 and
1686. It is certainly unfavourable to the order, yet we
perceive in every word the evidence of profound knowledge
on the part of the author, of all connected with the society
from the middle of the century. He adopts the following
method.
I. First, he arranges the defects, which he notices under
different heads. " Di alcune loro massime." The opinion,
for example, that their order is the chief and principal
of all ; that all their prayers are heard, and that all who
die members of their company are sure of salvation. 2.
" Delia loro avidita et interesse." Touching their tricks for
obtaining bequests, a multitude of stories of their dexterous
proceedings for extracting presents from the people ; of
384 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 150
their trafficking, and many worse things. The greater part
of his attention is given to their trade, of which they found
the circle too narrow, being principally Rome and the
Papal States. 3. " Del loro governo." Concerning the
abuse of the monarchical power, — the deposition of Nickel,
see vol. ii. p. 427. 4. " QuaHta proprie del governo." For
example, " Flagello sordo," which means the penalties in-
flicted on those who were punished without having their
crime properly specified ; denunciation without previous
warning ; the superior often employed an inferior officer as
inspector, which was subversive of all order. 5. " Governo
in ordine ai loro convittori e scolari." Their dishonouring
punishments. 6. " La moltitudine delle regole." They
frequently contradicted each other, — there was no one who
knew them all.
II. The author then seeks, after some repetitions as to
the cause and effect of these evils, to point out some means
of cure. It is remarkable that among the latter, he con-
siders the most important of all to be the appointment of a
vicar-general, which had been so often demanded, but to
which the order itself would never agree. " To constitute
a vicar-general for the provinces of Spain, Germany, France,
and the Indies, — to subject the too plethoric body to phle-
botomy,— to have fixed laws for well-defined offences."
He then reverts to his old method of enumerating th^
faults of the institution under various heads. A multitude
of particulars are thus brought into discussion, bearing
marks of a more or less assured authenticity. The most
important of all is perhaps the last section, " Delle loro
Indiche missioni." This is derived from the correspon-
dence preserved in the papal archives, and is treated with
great care, insomuch that each original is separately indi-
cated. The acts of disobedience against the pope of which
the Jesuits had been guilty in India are here adduced, —
even so long before the times of Pere Norbert.
This work is without doubt unfavourable to the Jesuits,
but is at the same time extremely instructive. It unveils
the defects of the institution with so shrewd a penetration
that we obtain a much clearer insight into the nature of its
internal economy than could otherwise have been possible,
No. 151] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 385
It cannot be described as directly hostile, since it acknow-
ledges the good existing in the order. But we are enabled
to perceive from this work the heavy storms that were
gathering in the depths of men's minds against the Company
of Jesus.
No. 151
Relatione di jRoma di Gio. Lando K""^ inviato straordinario
per la ser""" rep""' di Venetia ad Innocentio XI ^ et am If
straord"^" ad Alessandro VI IF in occasioTie della canoni-
zazione di S. Lorenzo Giusti?iia?ii 1691. [Report from
Rome by Giovanni Lando, envoy extraordinary from
the most serene republic of Venice to Innocent XI, and
ambassador extraordinary to Alexander VIII, on occa-
sion of the canonization of St. Lorenzo Giustiniani.]
17 leaves.
It is to be regretted that we have no report on the
important government of Innocent XI which is worthy
of the name, or from which we might gather an impartial
account of the results produced by the efforts of that pontiff.
The affairs of the republic were managed in the first years
of Innocent's pontificate, 1678 to 1683, by Cardinal Otto-
boni, a Venetian, afterwards Pope Alexander VIII, who
never returned to Venice, and consequently never reported.
To him succeeded Giovanni Lando, but without any proper
of^cial character. It is true that Lando, nevertheless, pre-
sented a final report, but not until after the conclave which
followed the death of Alexander VIII had already assembled ;
moreover, his report unluckily departs from the tone usually
adopted by the Venetian ambassadors.
He begins by exalting the divine right of the papacy,
and laments that its rule is not universal, — nay, the number
of heretics was even greater than that of the Catholics.
Have not even the accursed Quietists set up their machina-
tions and workshops in Rome ? At the Roman court they
would not believe that they were themselves to blame for
this, and yet that was the case. They would still shew far
VOL. Ill, 2 c
386 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 151
less regard to a man who laboured to benefit the Church by
profound learning, or by the example of his holiness of life,
than to the Canonists, who wrote in defence of the papal
dignity. Yet their exaggerations were directly producing
the effect of causing the secular princes to set themselves in
opposition to the Roman court.
After having first attempted to define the limits of the
spiritual and temporal power, he at length slowly approaches
secular affairs. Of the condition of the territory of the
Church he gives a deplorable account : " Desolated of
her children, ruined in her agriculture^ overwhelmed by
extortions, and destitute of industry." He estimates the
debts at 42,000,000. Alexander VIII had lessened the
expenditure by 200,000 scudi per annum, and had thereby
restored the balance between the payments and receipts.
In the dataria the pope had, as it were, a vein of gold ; but
that money could by no means be kept in Rome ; in small
portions it came in, but was poured out in a full stream.
Innocent XI had certainly despatched 2,000,000 scudi to
Hungary in aid of the Turkish war. Of those 42.000,000 of
debt, perhaps 15,000,000 had been used for the benefit of
Christendom in general.
He considers still that Rome is nevertheless the common
country of all ; it yet formed the gathering-place of all nations,
although each one came thither merely for his own interest.
Of Germans and French but few were to be seen, because
their promotion did not depend on the Roman court ; and
the Spaniards were only of the inferior classes. If each
prince of Italy were also to possess the power of appointing
to the ecclesiastical ofifices in his own dominions, the Roman
court would soon fall into utter decay. But Italy, as a com-
pensation, enjoyed all the patronage of the papacy. " Tutta
la corte, tutte le dignita, tutte le cariche, tutto lo stato
ecclesiastico resta tra gli Italiani." And how much was
involved in the maintenance of this ! Considering the in-
security of succession in all Italian houses, the safety of
Italy was absolutely dependent on the union between Venice
and Rome. He takes occasion to enlarge on the necessity
for a good understanding between these two states. But he
thinks that much might yet be conceded by Venice; the
No. 151] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 387
protection extended to turbulent friars, and certain juris-
dictional pretensions, were taken very ill at Rome.
Now these are all very good and useful observations, as
will be at once admitted, — they indicate rectitude of inten-
tion on the part of the speaker ; but those who^ like our-
selves, are seeking for positive information respecting the
administration, cannot be satisfied with them. Of the two
popes with whom he served, Lando, upon the whole a
singular writer, and one who, among all the figures of speech,
likes none so well as the " anacoluthon," has told us only
what follows. ^' When I reflect on what I have heard
affirmed without reserve against Innocent XI, who was
accused of not giving audience, of harshness and cruelty, of
being the inflexible enemy of princes, of delighting in con-
troversy, of being irresolute and yet obstinate, of destroying
bishoprics and ecclesiastical property generally : because
he had suffered many years to pass without providing
incumbents, — when I reflect that this pontiff was charged
with having suppressed the monti, yet not relieved the state
by any advantage resulting from that suppression, of having
upheld the extortion, as they call it, of the annona, of
being too indulgent to the Quietists, and many other things ;
there was no one who did not exclaim against him, and the
unthinking vulgar then thought that there was nothing com-
mendable in that pontificate, although it was most remarkable
for a constant alienation of the papal kindred, and an un-
spotted disinterestedness, having left untouched whatever
was in the treasury, save only what was used for the wars
against the infidels ; and so they desired a pope who, if even
a little too indulgent to his own family, would also be a little
so to others, and who should be endowed with such virtues
as they then believed the more necessary, because they
supposed them to be wanting in their pontiff. But after-
wards, when I saw that Alexander VIII, having been once
elected, was also maligned, and although he was all humanity,
easy of access, gentle, compassionate, pliable, considerate
towards princes, averse to intrigues and disputes, upright in
business and contracts of all kinds, a benefactor to the state,
which he relieved from imposts to the amount of 200,000
scudi, and from the vexation of the annona ; who fell like
3S8 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 152
a thunderbolt on the Quietists, and silently put an end to
that most troublesome affair of the right of asylum in the
ambassadors' precincts ; who also promoted the war against
the Turks, and arranged important affairs of every kind
during the very brief period of his pontificate : yet because
he, on the other hand, did shew affection to his kindred ;
because he was more disposed to entrust important charges to
them than to others ; because he wished to provide for them
with a certain liberality, though much less than had been
exercised by many before him ; and because in that respect
he gave evidence of some human feeling and indulgence
for his own kin, so he too was made the mark of their
malignant invectives, and so continued even to his death.
But these invectives were equally unjust in the one case as
the other."
Finally, he refers to his own services, telling us how in
the course of his oflficial duties he had written more than 700
despatches.
Among all these, there may possibly be discovered the
facts that we mainly seek here. They are to be found partly
in Venice and partly in Rome.
No. 152
Confessione di Papa Alessaiidro VIIT fatto a I suo confess ore
il Padre Giuseppe Gesuita negli ultimi estremi del/a sua
vita. [Confession of Alexander VIII, made to his
confessor. Father Giuseppe, a Jesuit, in the last moments
of his life.] MS. Rome, 21 leaves.
It is seriously afifirmed by G. B. Perini, a writer of the
Vatican archives, that among other papers of the time of
Alexander VIII he found also the document now before us.
He wrote this assertion on the 9th of April, 1796, when no
one could have had any motive for slandering a pope who
had already had so many successors. This little work is thus
worthy of our attention, notwithstanding its orninous title.
And what is it that the pope herein confesses ?
He begins by declaring that since the year 1669 he had
No. 153] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 389
never regularly confessed ; but, assured of absolution by
voices from heaven, he will now do so. And hereupon he
confesses to such acts as the following : — He had made use
of the permission, granted him at one time by Pope Clement^
to sign papers in his stead, for making the most unwarrant-
able concessions ; he had incited Innocent XI to take the
measures adopted by that pontiff against France, and yet had
secretly conspired with the French against the pope. When
himself exalted to the papacy, he had knowingly and deli-
berately promoted unsuitable and unworthy, nay, profligate
men ; had thought of nothing but enriching his kindred,
and had moreover permitted justice and mercy to be sold
even in the very palace, with much besides of the same
character.
It soon becomes obvious that no confession of a pope is
to be found here ; that would be a totally different matter,
and would reveal particulars altogether unlike these. I
believe it to be one of those lampoons of which many
appeared at that time. It may, perhaps, represent an opinion
then prevalent respecting Alexander, but by no means the
truth. It became mingled very probably among the docu-
ments of that period, and being then found in that position
by some zealous official of the archives, was received as
genuine. In the Venetian archives likewise I met with
some papers that were manifestly not authentic.
No. 153
Relatione di Domenico Confarini K. Roma, 1696, 5 Luglio.
[Report by Domenico Contarini.] Venetian Archives,
18 leaves.
Contarini had already been accredited to the French and
imperial courts before he was despatched to that of Rome.
He was originally sent to Alexander VIII, but this pontiff
was even then so ill that he could not be presented to him.
His report is consequently devoted to Innocent XII.
Antonio Pignatelli, born 1615, was descended from the
ducal family of Montelione, in the kingdom of Naples, and
390 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 153
was early admitted to the prelacy. He became vice-legate
of Urbino, inquisitor of Malta, and governor of Perugia, a
career which in itself was certainly not to be despised, but
which offered little to satisfy ambition. There were times
when Pignatelli was disposed to abandon the ecclesiastical
profession altogether ; but he finally succeeded in obtaining
a nunciature, which he believed to present the most certain
path to promotion. He was nuncio to Florence, adminis-
tered the Polish nunciature during a period of eight years,
and then proceeded to that of Germany, which was most
commonly followed by the cardinal's hat. But whether,
observes Contarini^ from the influence of inauspicious stars,
or from disinclination towards him in the government of
Clement IX, instead of being rewarded, he was recalled and
despatched as bishop to Lezze, on the extreme boundaries
of Naples. Under these circumstances, he was compelled
to exert the whole force of his mind, and the most manly
firmness ; all the court was, in fact, astonished at the modera-
tion and resigned spirit of which he gave proof. With a
supernatural serenity he even returned thanks for that
appointment, " because he should now no longer have to
endure the heavy burden of the nunciature." Contarini
understands that it was Clement IX by whom Pignatelli was
banished to that bishopric, and that he was recalled by
Clement X ; but we are told by the Roman authors that both
events took place under Clement X. Be that as it may, and
whether Cardinal Altieri desired to atone for injustice com-
mitted by himself or by another, he gave Pignatelli the post
of " maestro di Camera " to his uncle. Innocent XI found
him in his ofifice, and confirmed his appointment.
But his fortunes now took a sudden spring. He was made
cardinal in the year 1681, immediately afterwards bishop of
Faenza^ legate of Bologna, and archbishop of Naples. He
was thought of in the conclave after the death of Innocent XI ;
and after that of Alexander VIII, even the French, a thing
that no one had expected, declared in his favour, and voted
for him, — a Neapolitan. The cause of this was that they
required a mild and peaceable man. He was therefore
elected, although not until after a tedious conclave of five
months, by which all the cardinals were wearied out.
No. 153] At>PMDlX— SECTION VI 391
Innocent XII also confirmed Albani and Panciatichi,
whom he found in office, as secretary of briefs and
datary, although both were indebted for their fortune to his
predecessor. The nomination of Spada to be secretary of
state was received with universal approbation. This took
place by the advice of Altieri. The nephews of Alexander
VIII alone were refused confirmation in their offices : the
new pontiff '^^ laboured to imitate Pope Innocent XI, by
whom he had been promoted to the cardinalate, and whose
name he had assumed, seeking to make the practice of that
government serve as the model of his own, but departing
from the austerity and harshness which had failed to meet
approval in the rule of Innocent XI." We perceive that he
endeavoured to surpass his model by adding clemency to
the good quahties he desired to imitate. Pie gave audience
most readily, and owed much of his reputation to the facility
of access afforded to the poor by his public audiences ; and
although these did not, as the applicants had hoped, insure
the speedy termination of their difficulties, they yet served to
restrain the violent proceedings of the superior classes.
*'A11 confessed that this public audience was a powerful
check on the ministers and judges; for the means of
approaching the ear of the prince were thus afforded to
all, and made it easy to disclose to him things which had
previously been concealed from the popes, either by the
authority or the craft of those who surrounded them."
An unfortunate accident suspended the efforts of
Innocent XII for a certain time, but he soon resumed the
activity of his habits.
The French affair was arranged, the most important
reforms were begun. The bull respecting nepotism ap-
peared, and in this it was enacted that the benefices and
Church revenues, henceforth to be conferred on a kinsman
of the pope, should never exceed 12,000 scudi per annum.
Innocent XII also abolished the sale of appointments so
important as were those of the clerks of the chamber
(" chierici di camera "), and paid back the price advanced
for them, — 1,016,070 scudi. " He thus deprived gold of its
power, and made it once more possible for virtue to attain
to the highest places." Many other reforms were already
392 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 154
looked for. '^The pope/' says Contarini, ''has nothing in
his thoughts but God, the poor^ and the reform of abuses.
He Hves in the most abstemious retirement, devoting every
hour to his duties, without consideration for his health. He
is most blameless in his habits, and most conscientious ; he is
also extremely disinterested, nor does he seek to enrich his
kindred ; he is full of love to the poor, and is endowed with
all the great qualities that could be desired for a head of the
Church. Could he only act for himself on all occasions, — he
would be one of the first of popes."
But these modes of proceeding were not agreeable to
all. Contarini laments that Innocent had no nephews, who
might have felt a personal interest in the glory of their
uncle, and that too much power was left in the hands of
the ministers. " Those great and resplendent virtues were
seen to be obscured by the craft of the ministers, who
were but too well practised in the arts of the court."
They are accused of having taken measures for giving a
different direction to the zeal of Innocent XII by turning
his attention exclusively on the support and relief of the
poor. The hospital of the Lateran was proposed. This
soon engrossed all the thoughts of the pope. " Questo
chiodo fermo I'ardente volont^ del papa di riformare."
[That nail effectually stopped the pope's eager progress in
reform.]
The author is persuaded that this pontiff had saved
and laid by nearly two million scudi. He is deeply im-
pressed by the purity of his intentions, and calls him a
man of the most irreproachable — nay, the most faultless
character.
No. 154
Relatione di Roma di NicoVo Erizzo K% 1702, 29 Ottohre,
[Report from Rome by Nicolo Erizzo.] 40 leaves.
N. Erizzo had already accompanied Piero Mocenigo on
his embassy to Clement X : he was now himself ambas-
sador. He arrived in Rome during the pontificate of Inno-
cent XI I, and remained there through the earlier years of
No. 154] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 393
Clement XI. The fact that he was so long acquainted with
Rome gives increased value to his report.
He first treats of preceding popes, and after a few
general observations comes to Innocent XI : " that holy
man, who did not certainly possess distinguished merit in
learning and science, but who possessed, in compensation,
great knowledge of financial economy, and not only suc-
ceeded in restoring the balance between the revenues and
the expenditure, but also found means to supply most
liberal aid to the emperor and the Poles in their conflicts
with the Turks." Neither could Alexander VIII be
charged with giving the money of the treasury to his
nephews, but he suffered immense losses by the failure of
the house of Nerli, and many persons attributed his death
to that misfortune. Innocent XII closed the abyss of
nepotism ; and although he did so much for the poor, light-
ened the public burdens, erected buildings for the court,
and completed the construction of harbours, he yet left a
considerable amount in the treasury. But he lived too long
for the college of cardinals, whom he, on his side, did not
esteem very highly. The cardinals considered that he
sacrificed the interests of the Papal See, by too conciliatory
a deportment towards the sovereign courts.
At length he died, 27 th of September, 1700, and the
cardinals threw themselves eagerly into the business of
the conclave. Their intention was to elect a pope who
should indemnify them for the injuries that they fancied
the see had sustained. They turned their eyes, therefore,
on Cardinal Marescotti, a man ^' of a stout heart, worthy to
be a ruler, unbending in his purposes, and of immutable
resolution." Erizzo calls him a great man. He was sup-
ported by the imperial and Spanish ambassadors. But a
great display of zeal is frequently dangerous in the papal
elections, and was fatal to Marescotti. The French, who
feared to find in him a declared enemy, succeeded in
excluding him. Many other candidates were then proposed,
but objections were made to all ; one was too violent,
another too mild, a third had too many nephews; the
friends of the Jesuits opposed Cardinal Noris, because he
had touched them too closely in his History of Pelagianism.
394 APPENDIX— SE:cTION VI [No. 154
The " zelanti," who were first so called on this occasion,
would have willingly elected Colloredo, but the rest con-
sidered him too austere. At length, on receiving intelli-
gence of the death of Charles II, "the cardinals," says
Erizzo, " were manifestly touched by the hand of God, so
that they at once cast off the influence of their passions,
abandoned the hopes with which each had been flattering
himself, and cast their eyes on Cardinal Albani, with that
internal conviction which is the clearest evidence of a
divine impulse." Cardinal Albani refused the honour, and
Erizzo believes the opposition he made to have been sin-
cere, and meant in earnest. He seemed to yield at length,
more from certain scruples, and to escape from their
entreaty, than of his own free will.
Erizzo then proceeds to relate the origin and describe
the personal qualities of the newly elected pope.
Albani drew his origin from Urbino. When the old
Francesco Maria of Urbino resolved to resign his duchy to
Urban VIII, even before his death, he despatched a member
of the Albani family, and one who had recommended that
determination^ to make the pope acquainted with his
purpose. Twice was the emissary sent forth. On the first
occasion Francesco repented, and recalled his ambassador.
Erizzo affirms that he altered his mind the second time also,
and issued a countermand; but Albani did not return in
consequence on that occasion ; he proceeded, on the con-
trary, and delivered the act of abdication to Urban VIII
without delay. As a reward for this, he was nominated
senator of Rome ; his son became ^' maestro di camera " to
Cardinal Barberini ; and the son of this " maestro di
camera " was Giovanni Francesco Albani, the pope whose
election we have just described.
Giovan-Francesco Albani devoted himself to literature
and to the ecclesiastical career. He was so fortunate as to
have early personal intercourse with the pontiffs of the
period. " Under Innocent XI," says Erizzo, " he learned
to deliberate before resolving, more carefully than he was
by nature inclined to do, and to persevere in what he had
once determined on. Under Alexander, he adopted freer
and bolder forms of negotiation ; he was remarked as at
No. 154] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 395
once cautious and determined, prompt and circumspect, in
outward appearance, also, well disposed to every one.
These acquirements he then practised under Innocent XII.
That suspicious old man could not endure either his datary
or his secretary of state ; Albani alone had access to him,
and found means to become indispensable both to the pope
and the court."
Clement's first step after his election, was to inform the
ambassadors that he proposed to abolish many innovations
which had been suffered to glide in by his predecessors.
He summoned the " governatore " to his coronation, a call
that was very unwelcome, on account of the disputes exist-
ing with respect to precedency ; he revoked all privileges of
asylum ; the ambassadors declaring that he did so only to
produce an impression on the court.
The appointments which he next proceeded to make
did not appear to Erizzo particularly fortunate. Clement
XI surrounded himself with men of weak capacity exclu-
sively. " His boldness in these ordinances being happily
followed by success, and by the respect of the royal repre-
sentatives, his holiness did not think he had need of very
distinguished ministers in the palace ; whence he chose
Cardinal Paulucci, who had very little experience, for his
secretary of state, and appointed Cardinal Sagripante datary
— a man of indefatigable diligence in that office, but only
remarkable as a good routine officer. Next he conferred
on his kinsman, Monsignor Olivieri, the secretariat of
briefs, which had been formerly conducted admirably under
his own direction. In the offices nearest to his person, he
placed his old friends and relations, as Monsignor Parac-
ciani, a good lawyer; Monsignor Origo, whom he made
secretary of Latin letters ; and Maffei, whom he appointed
confidential cupbearer; — all people of very little account,
belonging to Urbino, or the neighbouring townships, and
who, having seen no place but Rome, had by consequence
very little knowledge of princes, and still less acquaintance
with the affairs of the world in general. He does not wish
to have cardinals of great ability about him, nor ministers
who would be dependent on such cardinals ; preferring his
own authority and quiet to those counsels which he is
396 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 154
secured from having offered to him by the persons afore-
said, they having no practice in pubhc affairs, and being
besides at variance and jealous among themselves. Still
less will he suffer his brother Don Orazio to share his
counsels ; this last is father of three sons of high promise,
and is a man of singular modesty and integrity ; but the
pontiff has left him to his straitened fortunes, that he may
display his own observance of the bull against nepotism, to
which his holiness made attestation on the day of his
enthronement, with evidence of proposing entirely to avoid
the scandal of that practice, which will^ nevertheless, as
many believe, ' semper vetabitur et retinebitur semper.' "
The most formidable difficulties immediately presented
themselves. The contentions respecting the Spanish suc-
cession soon became extremely dangerous to the court of
Rome. Clement XI at first conducted himself with extra-
ordinary weakness and vacillation. The ambassador
believes his whole proceedings to have resulted from excess
of cunning ; he considers that when Clement proposed an
Italian league to the Venetians, he did so only to the end
that he might ascertain the opinions and intentions of
Venice.
From these observations of politics and affairs in
general, Erizzo proceeds to those of the Church, more par-
ticularly to the disputes which were continually arising
between Rome and Venice. Rome, he remarks, has a two-
fold character : the one sacred, in so far as the pope is the
guardian of the sanctuary and of the divine law ; this must
be revered : the other secular, in so far as the pontiff seeks
to extend his power, which has nothing in common with
the practice and usage of the early centuries ; against this,
men should be on their guard. Erizzo is unable to control
his displeasure that Venice should have been passed over
on occasion of a promotion of cardinals during the last
pontificate : he laments that the republic no longer pos-
sessed the power of nominating to its own bishoprics as it
formerly did, — for how many poor nobles could she not in
such case assist ; but now Venetian subjects sought advance-
ment by indirect paths, and had recourse to the intervention
of foreign princes. Cardinal Panciatichi had introduced
No. 155] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 397
into the dataria the maxim that those persons who were
most independent of the sovereigns in whose dominions
the diocese was situated, were precisely the persons who
ought to be favoured and promoted. The ambassador
further declares it an abuse that the papal nephews should
have so large an interest in the ecclesiastical property of
his native land ; and wherefore, too, should the rank of
Venetian nohili be so readily conferred on them? Other
states, even the grand-duchy of Tuscany, had a list of the
nuncios sent them, and could make choice of such as they
preferred, while no such honour was enjoyed by the
republic : again, the title of Carissimo was refused by Rome
to the doge of Venice. We perceive that in addition to
the old causes of contention, new subjects of dispute were
continually added.
The ambassador therefore recommends his republic to
give more earnest attention to Roman affairs. If a pope
could no more affoi'd so effectual an assistance as formerly,
it was still in his power to do considerable injury, more
especially if he were young, energetic, and economical.
No. 155
Relatione del N. U. Gio. Franc. Morosini K* fu ambas-
ciature al sommo pontcfice Clemente XI. 1707, 17 Dec.
[Report of Giovanni Francesco Morosini, ambassador
to Clement XL] 36 leaves.
Morosini, the successor of Erizzo, resided at the court
of Clement XI, from Jan. 1702 to Nov. 1706; during his
embassy the government of that pontiff first fully displayed
its peculiar character.
Morosini describes minutely the zealous manner in which
the pontiff imitated his most distinguished predecessors.
Even the tears with which he refused the supreme dignity
were not without precedent ; he performed all those external
observances by which a man is supposed to give a good
example. " Of a sober and well-regulated life, he is frequent
in public devotions at the Scala Santa, in visits to churches,
398 APPENDIX-SECTION VI [No. 155
and in the service of hospitals ; he is accurate to edification
in all sacred rites, and in the most solemn or most humble
duties, which he fulfils even to the injury of his health. As
regards self-interest also, he is equally blameless, having first
advised, and afterwards executed the bull against nepotism.
He confers gratuities on the poorer bishops with the utmost
readiness, sustaining many pious labourers, and promoting
many pious works from his own resources. In the selec-
tion of bishops, a matter of essential importance to the
Church, he proceeds with all due deliberation, seeking in-
formation from the most authentic sources, and admitting
but very sparingly the influence of favour. He sometimes
examines the candidate himself, after the manner of the
ancient popes. With respect to other ecclesiastical dignities
and benefices also, he proceeds so carefully and deliberately
to their distribution, that even from his own relations he
exacts attention to the propriety of proving themselves
possessed of the requisite learning, and of commendable
morals."
Jurisdictional matters were treated by Clement XI in
the same spirit ; that is to say, with all the zeal which his
office demanded. In some places, and on certain points, he
even gained ground. The new king of Spain^ for example,
found himself moved to beg his permission to compel
ecclesiastics to appear before the secular tribunals and to
levy tithes. The king of Poland presented certain members
of the high clergy before the tribunal of the pope. The
viceroy of Naples, after long resistance, submitted to the
papal commands at the critical moment when the Germans
were advancing upon Lower Italy — '^un trionfo che sark
registrato nelli annali della chiesa" [a triumph which will
be registered in the annals of the Church]. Savoy and
Lorraine were then attacked with all the more vigour. The
pope well understood the art of seizing the most favour-
able moment — '^' studiosissimo d' ingrandire con i motivi di
pieta la potenza " [being most careful to assign motives of
piety for the increase of his power]. Morosini considers the
whole court to be inspired by a similar spirit. They would
not hear of any distinction between Church and State. The
Church was every thing. Every congregation styled itself
No. 155] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 399
"sacred," whatever might be the subject of its dehbera-
tions. No difference was admitted between pastors of
the Church and prelates of the court ; the former also were
frequently excused from the duties of their office, and
employed in the affairs of the state. Piety, moreover, was
used as a sort of coin, indispensable to the advancement of
such as sought promotion. Four of the congregations are
specified as particularly worthy of attention: — ist. The
Inquisition, which deserved a zealous support as the guardian
of purity in doctrine ; but it was an extraordinary circum-
stance, that the worst of all heresy was to be met with in
Rome (he here alludes to Quietism) ; 2nd. The Propa-
ganda; but unhappily few were to be found who would
devote themselves with true earnestness of purpose to the
affairs of the missions ; 3rd. The Congregation for Bishops
and Monastic Clergy, which exercised a much-required
supervision, more particularly over the latter ; and, lastly,
the Congregation of Immunities, which was posted like a
sentinel to watch the boundaries of the spiritual and temporal
authority. Could all things have been arranged in accord-
ance with the desires of this body, the power of the temporal
sovereigns would soon have been annihilated.
Morosini now proceeds to the condition of the papal
states. He repeats the complaints that had for some time
been so frequent of a decline in population and the decay
of agriculture. The pope would gladly have introduced
improvements, as, for example, the cultivation of the Cam-
pagna; but it ended merely in splendid projects. The
ambassador remarks that the spiritual dignity of the pontiff
increased his temporal power. He considers the power
of the Roman senate to be a mere mockery of such a
name. The barons he describes as placed on a level with
the lowest of the people, in respect of punishments; the
pope kept them under rigorous supervision, — knowing that
their position rendered them liable to be tempted to acts
of violence. At length Morosini alludes to the political
relations of Rome ; the most important passage, which
treats of the position of the pope in reference to France and
the emperor, — on which all was once more at that time de-
pending— must be given word for word. " Whether the pope
40O APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 155
had had either hand or part in the testament of Charles II,
I will not venture to decide, nor is it easy to ascertain
the truth with certainty. But two facts I will mention, and
only two. The one is, that this secret was made public —
with what truth is not known — in a manifesto which was
issued by the printing-office of Rome in the first months of
my entry on the embassy, and at the time when war was
waged on both sides with arms as well as letters. The other
is, that the pope did not refrain from uttering public eulogies
on the most Christian king for that he had refused his sanc-
tion to the partition, receiving the monarchy entire for his
kinsman. Reflecting on these premises, there can be no
cause for astonishment at the consequences seen to have
resulted from plans so unsettled and discordant among
themselves, for it is not possible that uniformity of action
can ever spring from diversity of principles ; yet such was
manifestly the pope's obligation to evince the impartiality
proper to the common father, on the one hand, and his
secret inclination and engagement, entered into without
sufficiently mature deliberation, as to the advantages and
merits of the case, on the other. His holiness piously con-
sidered the dignity and profit that would result to religion
from the exclusion of heretics from all they had usurped.
He entertained a hope — suggested by his partiality to the
French — that there would be no war, or that it would be
waged in vain against the forces of that unconquered nation ;
and since it seemed probable that the monarchy would
be maintained entire, he did not imagine that his antici-
pations would be proved erroneous, having miscalculated the
Spanish subtlety, which in this case was moved by necessity
rather than policy. The result made manifest those other
considerations which ought to have presented themselves
earlier. Then there gathered and burst that fierce tempest,
raised by jealousy, envy, and interest, in the confederate
powers, and urging them to combat the suspected machina-
tions of France for universal monarchy. This still rages,
and is fatal alike to friends and foes. . . . The French long
succeeded in maintaining their reputation of being invincible
with the pope, who, full of confidence in them, and impHcitly
following their counsels, was lauded by the unthinking for
No. 155] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 401
proceedings which threw those of others into shade ; for
whereas the most serene republic in particular, observing a
sincere neutrality, endured losses in the substance of its
people, injuries to its dignity, and the resentment of both
parties ; he, on the contrary — by professing neutrality, while
he threatened at the same time to break it instantly against
either party that should offend him, and yet maintained a
secret understanding with the French in the meanwhile —
was courted by the latter, and found himself defended at no
cost, and treated with respect by the Imperialists that they
might not provoke him to abandon even the pretence of
neutrality. His states, too, for a time, enjoyed immunity :
he saw his censures respected in the midst of arms^ while
heretic fleets appeared in his seas without committing the
slightest offence against his coasts. But the reverses sus-
tained by France, more especially in Italy, have caused all
to discern whether the eulogies aforesaid were due to his
conduct or to fortune, and whether those upright and
judicious suggestions repeatedly made to him by your excel-
lencies through the medium of your ambassadors, to the
effect that he should maintain a real impartiality as father of
all, that so he might be a revered arbiter, to his own benefit,
and that of all Christendom, increasing his troops mean-
while under good officers, the better to sustain respect against
the intemperance of others, should have been rejected as
counsels proved unsound, even by the experience of those
who proffered them. The fruit of having preferred oblique
practices and devices of economy, the worst counsellor in
politics, was the suffering since, and now, of such evils as
are known to all ; and what is more, of not suffering without
added reproach from the tribunal of fame, which is the
sovereign, even of princes. He despatched — as he adduces
in his defence — nuncios extraordinary for the arrangement of
universal peace, without regard to the expense, and in spite
of the insulting exclusion encountered at Vienna ; he pro-
posed alliances, agreements, truces, for the particular quiet
of this province, but he did this only when the time had
passed for doing it effectually ; and after the proofs he had
given of partiality in the beginning and during the progress
of events had introduced a canker-worn) an"iong the best
VOL. IIT. 2 D
402 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 156
seeds; thus, having once rendered himself suspected, his
zeal was despoiled of its authority, and the principal instru-
ment of peace was thereby reduced to impotence. It will
in fact be very difficult for his holiness to clear himself from
this imputation, or from that of having contributed to induce
all the princes of Italy to act in accordance with his views,
and in favour of whomsoever he favoured : for not only was
the conduct of his feudatory Parma most notorious, but that
of the house of Florence also; he was indeed restrained
solely by the unvarying prudence of the most serene Republic,
which at the same time gave a lesson to others; but in
return for this, Venice incurred the unmerited animosity of
the Frenchj which was discharged upon her by his holiness."
No. 156
Lorenzo Tiepolo K"" Froc"", Relatione di Roina^ 17 12. [Report
from Rome by Lorenzo Tiepolo.] 40 leaves.
The contests existing between the spiritual and temporal
jurisdictions attracted increased attention every year. Tie-
polo treats at once of this matter.
But he does so with unusual earnestness. The question,
he says, has been designedly complicated; to disentangle
these perplexities, to give the temporal sovereigns their own,
and yet not to violate the reverence due to the Holy See, a
man would need a double measure of the grace of God.
He first describes anew the personal qualities of Cle-
ment XI ; he too expressing admiration of his zeal, learning,
affability, and moderation. Yet he thinks it was possible
that all these endowments were not directed towards their
only true aim, — the advancement of virtue — but were warped
by considerations merely human, and might therefore not
secure the blessing of God. It might be that the zeal with
which he devoted himself to his administrative duties was
accompanied by too high an opinion of his own merits^
and was excited less by the thing itself than by the applause
and dignity to be derived from it. Praise could effect every
thing with him. His physician, for example^ took advantage
No. 156] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 403
of this weakness to maintain his influence over him ; it was
by flattery that he was incited to uphold the honour of the
Holy See. Thence it happened that he paid so little regard
to the rights of temporal sovereigns and states ; those of his
immediate circle even ventured to speak of temporal powers
in terms of so much offence, that they were neither suited to
the high place of the pope, nor yet, perhaps, compatible
with Christian charity.
Tiepolo proceeds from the pontiff to his ministers ;
whom he, like his predecessors, considers to be but little
remarkable ; men fit only for the occupation of subordinate
offices, and not competent to conduct affairs of state.
I. Cardinal Albani. The pope had waited until after his
mission to Germany before conferring on him the cardinal's
hat. The court approved this nomination, hoping to find
in him a means for making interest with the pope, and a
channel to the ear of his holiness ; but Clement XI per-
mitted him to exercise little or no influence : " e certo che
I'autoritk del card'^ nipote non apparisce a quel segno che
per I'ordinario s'haveva veduto in quella corte." 2. The
secretary of state, Cardinal Paulucci, a thoroughly good-
hearted man, but one of no great ability, and depending
on the pope with a sort of awe. 3. Corradini, auditore di
papa : ^' Learned in the law, but not equally well-informed
respecting the interests of princes; holding firmly to his
engagements, but amenable to reason." The only person to
whom a man might safely commit himself: it was very
advantageous to bring matters before him with respect to
which one was decidedly in the right, but much less so if
that were doubtful. Corradini was not on good terms with
the nephew ; it was even believed that the latter had pro-
moted his elevation to the cardinalate for the purpose of
removing him from the vicinity of the pope. 4. Orighi,
secretary of the Consulta, a rival of Corradini, and on that
account attaching himself closely to the cardinal-nephew :
" He seems to have advanced his fortunes by address and
adulation, rather than by firmness and sincerity." 5. Car-
dinal Sagripante, the datary, had become rich by the exercise
of a rigid frugality only ; was strict in the discharge of his
duties, and took no part in politics, The dataria was daily
404 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 157
finding its income decrease ; the fraudulent rapacity of that
office was no longer tolerated even in Spain. Thus it
followed, that those cardinals who had not learned to manage
their property could no longer maintain their former splen-
dour. " Si pud dire essere un vero distintivo dell' abbadie
de' cardinali il ritrovare le case in abandono e le chiese
dirocate." When another papal election took place, the
cardinals created by Clement XI would scarcely attach
themselves very closely to Cardinal Albani, because he
possessed so little influence.
And now Tiepolo proceeds to a description of political
relations. His views, as we have said, are of a politico-
ecclesiastical character ; he discusses the dissensions between
the Roman court and the temporal princes. The pope was
said to have an equal love for all ; but it would be more to
the purpose to say that he had an equal indifference, and
equally slight esteem for all.
" It is perfectly true, that if few popes have gone so far
in assuming a display of superiority over the temporal powers,
so we are compelled to say that few pontiffs have had so much
ill-fortune as the present pope, in not being able to escape
from engagements voluntarily made with princes, without a
certain loss of honour. If he have any secret inclination, it
is towards France, although that court is continually com-
plaining of his partiality towards the house of Austria ; and
in many cases the event has certainly justified its lamenta-
tions; but these were occasioned solely by fear. With
respect to that, the court of Vienna, whether by chance, or
guided by its knowledge of the pontiff, made a profitable
use of menaces and fears."
These general remarks conduct him eventually to further
detail respecting individual states until he comes to Venice,
on the affairs of which, now no longer of world-wide interest,
he dwells at the greatest length.
No. 157
Relatione di Andrea Corner K"" ritornato dalV ainh''"' di
Roma^ ^724, 25 LugUo. [Report presented by Andrea
No. 157] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 405
Corner on returning from his embassy to Rome.] 24
leaves.
So vivid were the antipathies excited by Clement XI,
in spite of the best intentions and the most blameless
conduct. But in the report before us, wherein he again
appears, but after his death, we find that opinions had then
at least materially altered. Then every one admired him ;
even those who had just before been reviling him^ now
joined in the applause. It was now discovered that if he
had sometimes promised more than he could perform, this
had really proceeded from kindness of intention, which none
would previously admit. It came to light that he had dis-
tributed the most liberal alms from his own private revenues,
the amount of these being not less than a million scudi
in the twenty years of his reign ; a sum which he might,
with a clear conscience, have conferred upon his own family.
Corner relates that Clement IX had entreated pardon of his
nephew, Cardinal Annibale, a short time before his death,
for having left the house of Albani so poorly provided.
" Parerk che il pontificato di Clemente sia stato effimero,
quando fu de' piu lunghi." [It will be thought that the
pontificate of Clement was but ephemeral, although it was
one of the longest.]
The change that had been expected in the conclave
took place. The whole college had been renewed, with
few exceptions, under Clement XI ; but, since Cardinal
Albani had taken as little part in those nominations as in
the administration generally, the cardinals divided according
to their respective nations. Paulucci, who had been secretary
of state, as we have seen, to the previous pope, was at first
proposed; but the imperial ambassador, Count Althan,
declared that his master would never acknowledge Paulucci
as pope : this he submitted for the consideration of their
eminences. Certain friends of the house of Albani had
already directed their attention towards Michael Angelo
Conti; and one of this party, Monsignor Riviera, was
secretary to the conclave. He first spoke of the matter
with Cardinal Spinola, who, after having tried the ground,
and ascertained that Conti was not disliked, willingly placed
4o6 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 157
himself at the head of the party, and proposed him. Count
Althan made inquiries of his court without delay, and the
interests of Conti were promoted by the circumstance of
his having been nuncio in Portugal, where he had won
the favour of the queen, Marianna of Austria, sister of
Charles VI. The Austrian court declared for Conti, and
his adherents found that they might rely on the whole
Austrian connection, namely on Portugal and Poland.
The Spanish ambassador also made inquiries of his court,
and the answer was not favourable, but it arrived too late ;
Innocent XIII had meanwhile been already elected (May 8,
1721).
The new pontiff possessed admirable qualifications for
the spiritual as well as temporal government, but his health
was extremely delicate, which caused him to be very sparing
in granting audiences. As a compensation, however, one
audience was found to serve in place of many, and the fact
of having received one, conferred a certain importance on
the recipient. Innocent XIII apprehended the question
proposed with extreme readiness, and gave apposite and
decisive replies. The ambassador of Malta, says Corner,
will long remember how the pontiff, after a somewhat im-
petuous entreaty for assistance, gave him his blessing on the
spot, and rang the bell for his departure. When the Portu-
guese ambassador required the promotion of Bicchi to the
dignity of the cardinalate, Innocent at length refused to
listen to him any longer, "not finding any merit in the
prelate, and being wholly uninfluenced by the many causes
of consideration which he might have had for a crown of
which he had been the protector."
The Roman families connected with Innocent XIII, and
who had hoped to be promoted by him, found themselves
completely deceived; even his nephews could not obtain
without difficulty the enjoyment of the 12,000 ducats
annually, which had now become the usual income of a
nephew.
The principal endeavours of the pope were directed
towards the settlement of the disputes in relation to the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but in this he was by no means
universally successful. With the imperial court alone a
No. 158] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 407
better understanding was effected, as might have been
expected from the circumstances of the pontiff's election.
No. 158
Relatione del N. H. Pietro Capello K'' ritornato d'' amhasciator
di Roma, 1728, 6 Marzo. [Report presented by Pietro
Capello on returning from his embassy to Rome.] 14
leaves.
On the 7th of March, 1724, and after a reign of little
more than thirty-four months. Innocent XIII died.
Capello, who had been accredited under Innocent,
agrees with his predecessor in his description of that pontiff.
He considers him disposed to peace, possessed of sound
judgment, deliberate and steadfast of purpose. He confirms
the report, that the nomination of Dubois to the cardinalate,
to which he had permitted himself to be persuaded from
considerations of the power and influence wielded by this
man, occasioned the pontiff to be disturbed by very painful
scruples in his last moments. " His death did truly present
a subject for deep moral reflection. Assailed by scruples
of conscience, a worm that fails not to gnaw the mind
even of a pope, he could not be prevailed on to complete
the nomination of four cardinals for the vacant hats, which
were of that number ; and, so far as could be ascertained,
he was believed to refuse his assent to the consummation
of such an election by reason of his repentance at having
previously decided a choice in a manner calculated to
trouble his delicate conscience. So unusual an event pro-
duced fatal consequences to his house, since there was no
party disposed to adhere to it after his death; but there
was, nevertheless, most palpable reason for judging well of
his character, for by his excellent sentiments, he had dis-
played a spirit equally noble and resigned."
He was followed by Benedict XIII, who was chosen on
the 29th of May, 1724. Capello found him very different
from his predecessor, — particularly determined and vehement
respecting all ecclesiastical affairs. In the College of
46S Appendix— SECTION vi [No. 15^
Cardinals, Capello remarked but few distinguished men ;
no powerful faction, and no prospect of any such being
formed under Benedict XIII, the rivalry already subsisting
between Coscia and Fini not permitting things to go so far.
There was a faction of the temporal crowns, but it had no
fixed character. A great impression had been produced on
the court by the fact that the duke of Savoy had, at length,
attained his purposes. Capello concludes, from his having
done so, that in Rome every thing might be brought about
with the help of time ; nothing was required but tranquillity ;
the zeal of the applicant must never be suffered to break
forth in complaints.
Capello then goes more minutely into such interests as
were peculiarly Venetian. He first repeats the assurance
that Venice must assume a position of more dignity and
importance in Rome. He again suggests the mode of con-
duct proper to be adopted towards the pope, — he should be
continually conciliated by spiritual concessions, and imper-
ceptibly brought to form an inclination for Venice. He
next treats more in detail of political affairs, more especially
those connected with trade. " It is obvious that in the be-
ginning of the eighteenth century the Roman state was
devoting its attention very earnestly to commercial and
manufacturing improvements.
The people of Dulcignote and Ragusa carried on a trade
with Ancona, which was not beheld with favour by the
Venetians. They were particularly active in the importation
of wax, which had formerly been supplied by Venice, and
which was now beginning to be prepared in the papal
states.
Innocent XII had begun the building of San Michele
a Ripa, which had been enlarged by Clement XI; at the
time when Capello wrote, it had risen into importance by
means of its wool and silk manufactures. " From the build-
ings of an hospital, wherein many young people were fed
by charity, it was converted, by the extension of its site and
the addition of numerous workshops, into a house of com-
merce, wherein there are now manufactories of wool and
silk." The cloths of San Michele already competed with
those of France, and were exported through Ancona to
No. 158] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 4^9
Turkey and Spain. I will give the whole passage respecting
this as it stands in Capello. " Into this sumptuous edifice
they have introduced the manufacture of hangings, which
they have carried to a degree of perfection equalling that
of France or Flanders : they have also established a woollen-
factory, into which the wool enters untouched, but issues
thence in cloth completed in the most perfect manner.
The manufacture of silk in connection with this place is
carried on in many districts of the Roman territories, and
that of wool is divided into various kinds, adapted to the
usage of the country, that so there may be realized a ready
sale and quick return of profit. All kinds of cloth for the
soldiery are manufactured at San Michele, as are also the
stuffs for the dress of monastic bodies, and diflferent sorts
of cloth for the crews of the galleys. These fabrics are
divided into various classes, which are distributed in given
quantities, the merchants being under obligation to dispose
of all. Of late there has also been a commencement of
manufacturing coloured cloths in the French manner, which
are sent to Ancona and Sinigaglia to be exchanged for the
commodities brought from Turkey. In short, the institution
of San Michele is one of the grandest conceptions that could
have been carried into effect by a great prince, and would
certainly be the emporium of all Italy, if it were not
established in a city where people concern themselves with
any thing rather than trade and commerce; these great
capitals being governed by a congregation of three cardinals,
among whom is the secretary of state, whose attention is
always occupied and diverted by the most important affairs
of the state. But in spite of all this, the establishment is
in a prosperous condition, and feeds thousands of labourers,
its manufactures realizing a prompt return. The making of
tapestry is carried on apart, because it is established for the
profit of private individuals ; and the great result of all
these works is that most desirable one for a state, namely,
that money is not sent forth to fatten foreign nations."
How extraordinary a thing it is that a Venetian should
recommend his native city to take a manufacturing establish-
ment of the popes as its model ! Institutions had also been
founded for intellectual culture, and these also he proposes
410 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 159
as examples for their imitation. " In addition to the
mechanical, there are also the liberal arts, which serve for the
adornment and advantage of the state. The mere name of
Rome, and the fame of its ancient monuments, attract many
foreign nations to its halls, more especially those beyond
the Alps. Many academies have been established in the
city, wherein the study of painting and sculpture flourishes
no less than that of polite literature : besides that of the
Capitol, which subsists under the protection of what remains
of the authority exercised with so much renown in past ages
by that illustrious republic, there are moreover other insti-
tutes founded and governed by foreign nations ; and among
these, that bearing the name of the crown of France is greatly
distinguished."
It is the author's opinion that a similar academy should
be established in Venice, which also possessed some
of the finest monuments of antiquity. Even Bologna has
been able to undertake something of the kind with great
success.
Moreover, there were other tendencies of a similar
character associated with " those pointed out by Corner,
and respecting which we obtain information from other
documents.
No. 159
Osservationi della presente sittiatione dello siato ecdesiastico
con alcuni progetti utili al governo civile ed economico per
risiabilire Verario della rev'^"' camera apostolica dalli pas-
sati e correnti suoi discapiti. [Observations on the
present condition of the States of the Church, with
certain projects, useful towards enabling the civil and
financial government to repair the deficiencies of the
apostolic treasury, both past and present.] MS.
Rome.
In the beginning of the eighteenth century the nations
of the whole south of Europe arrived at the convic-
tion that they were in a deplorable condition, and that
their interests had been neglected in a manner wholly
No. 159] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 411
unjustifiable: both the necessity and the desire to bring
about a better state of things was universally felt. How-
much was written and attempted in Spain for the restora-
tion of commerce and the finances ! In the States of the
Church, the " Testamento politico d'un accademico Fior-
entino," Colonia, 1734, which shews the means whereby
commerce, agriculture, and the revenues of the state might
be improved, is still held in good esteem. And it is in fact
a well-intentioned, clever work^ going deeply into its subject,
and full of sound observations. Nor were these aspirations
for the amelioration of the general lot confined to private
persons ; in the collections of those times we find a multitude
of projects, calculations, and plans for the sam^e purpose,
and of a character more or less official. The " Observa-
tions " before us are an essay of this kind; they were
intended for Clement XII himself, and are of the same
period as the " Political Testament." The author is par-
ticularly anxious to specify those disorders and abuses which
most urgently demanded reform.
After dwelling for a time on the melancholy spectacle of
so many assassinations continually occurring in the States
of the Church, computed at a thousand yearly, even exclusive
of Rome and the four legations, — the author being of opinion
that the measures taken by other powers for the prevention
of such crime should be inquired into, — he then comes to
the finances. He estimates the yearly deficit at 120,000
scudi, and makes the proposals that follow : — i. The dis-
missal of officers who received large pay without even
residing in their garrisons. 2. Reduction of the expenditure
in the palace. 3. Administration of the dogana by the
state itself, instead of farming it out; which last he con-
demns on the further ground that the farmers opposed all
prohibitions of foreign manufacture. . 4. Restriction of the
influence exercised by subordinate officials, who derived an
advantage from the increase of taxes. He remarks that the
annona could not maintain itself, because there was so large
an importation both from Turkey and the north, that the
corndealer could not make head against the competition.
He is above all amazed and shocked to see so much money
sent out of the country for cattle, oil, and wine, all which
4t2 APPENDIX-SfiCtlON Vl [No. i6o
wei-e possessed in superfluity at home. '''What could it
signify if people did pay a little more for these articles, when
by this means the money, ' the life-blood of the state,' was
circulating where it ought?" The holders of the monti,
who drew their interests from the country without residing
in it, should at least be taxed, as was done in the case of
absentee feudatories in the neighbouring kingdom of
Naples.
Capello regards the state of the March, where the
number of inhabitants diminished yearly, as particularly
deplorable. He attributes this condition principally to
the heavy restrictions imposed on the exportation of corn.
This was absolutely prohibited between the months of June
and October, and permitted during the rest of the year
only after payment of certain dues, the produce of which
was but of trifling importance to the treasury, while their
effect on the market was that they caused the foreign
customer to seek cheaper corn elsewhere. The fair of
Sinigaglia proved injurious, because it rendered the districts
surrounding dependent on foreign supplies. To be con-
vinced of this, one need only pass through Urbino, the
March, and Umbria, where neither arts nor prosperity were
any longer to be found, but all was in a state of profound
decay.
The author conjures the pope to appoint a congregation,
for the purpose of seeking escape from these evils; he
recommends that the members should be few, but carefully
chosen ; and above all, that able and upright officials should
be retained, while all others should be punished. '^ These,"
he concludes, ''^are the hopes cherished by the subjects of
your holiness."
No. 1 60
Provedimento per lo stato ecclesiastico. [Precautionary and
remedial measures for the Papal States.] MS. Rome.
Autograph instructions for public officials.
We have here a further proof that in these dominions
also there were plans formed for the introduction of the
No. i6o] APPENDIX-SECTION VI 413
mercantile system, which vcas at that time so greatly
approved in Europe; and if these had been vigorously
acted on, a certain impulse might perhaps have been
imparted to the commerce of the country. But the mis-
fortune of the Roman administration was^ that each
succeeding pontiff was anxious to adopt measures directly
opposed to what had been thought good by his predecessor.
We have an example of this in the document before us.
In the year 17 19 the importation of foreign cloths from
Venice, Naples, and more than all from Germany, had
increased to such an extent that Clement XI considered it
necessary to prohibit it altogether. We find the two decrees
to that effect, of August 7, 17 19, and August i, 1720,
alluded to in Vergani, "della importanza del nuovo sistema
di finanza." But when Vergani denies that they did any
good, he is doubtless in error. Even in the year 1728, the
impulse received by the industry of the Roman states is
remarked on by Pietro Capello. In our " Provedimento,"
which was composed under Clement XII, it is expressly
affirmed that manufactures had shewn an immediate in-
crease, the direct consequence of that very prohibition.
Innocent XIII and Benedict XIII confirmed it. " In a
few years new manufactories for w^oollens, etc. were erected
at the cost of private individuals in many towns and districts
of the state, together with fulling-mills, dye-houses, and
other buildings, more particularly in Rome, Narni,
Perugia, etc."
But in the year 1735, a congregation appointed by
Clement XII thought it best to remove this prohibition,
and to permit the importation of cloth, at a duty of 12 per
cent, in the provinces, and 20 in Rome. The consequence
was, — at least as the document before us affirms, — that the
manufactories so lately established w^ent to ruin. The
author calculates that 100,000 scudi were sent out of
the country for cloths ; he desires a renewal of the pro-
hibition, and would have it extended to silk goods ; but I do
not find that his representations produced any effect.
414 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. i6i
No. i6i
AUri provedimejitl di commercio. [Further commercial
regulations.] MS. Rome.
This document presents a confirmation of the remark
that the Roman manufactures had received a momentary
impulse from the above-mentioned prohibition, and renews
the old complaints against the prohibition of exports. There
were so many things brought from Tuscany ; but if any one
were to export but a measure of corn, he would be punished
by confiscation of his property, excommunication, — nay,
even the loss of life. An extreme confusion of the currency
had moreover taken place in the States of the Church, just
as it had in Germany. The papal coin was too heavy,
although Innocent Xt and Clement XI had already issued
some that was lighter. A quantity of foreign money, on
which great loss was suffered, obtained currency. The
pope was pressed to coin .money of a lighter sort on his
part also, as he had already begun to do in respect of the
zecchins.
Many other documents of a similar import lie before
us; but to make extracts from all would lead us too far
into detail. It must suffice to remark, that in the Roman
states also, the commercial and economic tendencies pre-
vailing in the rest of Europe had found acceptance, although
they were prevented from producing their due effect by
peculiar circumstances, — the constitution of the papal state,
and its ineradicable abuses. They were besides opposed
by the listless habits of the aristocracy, the pleasures they
found in a life of mere enjoyment — without any other
object — the delights of doing nothing. The German,
Winckelmann, was enchanted on arriving in Italy soon
after this period. The habits of life prevailing there were
to him as a deliverance from the restless activity and rigid
subordination to rule, of his native regions ; and the man
of learning was right, so far as he was himself concerned ;
he had need of leisure, and of a place where the importance
No. 162] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 415
of his favourite studies was acknowledged ; he required to
breathe a freer air, and these were things that for the
moment and for private Ufe might be fairly placed in the
balance. But a nation can become prosperous and powerful
only by the exercise of its most strenuous efforts, steadily
put forth on all sides.
No. 162
Relatione 28 Novembre 1737 del N. U. Ahdse Mocenigo IV
K' e Froc'' ritornato di Roma. [Report presented on his
return from the Roman embassy by Aluise Mocenigo IV.]
Venetian Archives.
We are here made acquainted with the impediments
presented by the Roman government to the prosperity of
its subjects. Mocenigo is by no means addicted to cavilling,
he acknowledges the increase of trade in Ancona, and even
considers it a subject of some anxiety for Venice : he admits
the administration of justice also to be in a sound condition,
more especially in the Rota, but he declares the general
government to be corrupt from the very foundation : breach
of trust and dishonesty were the order of the day — the
expenditure exceeded the income, and there was no prospect
of a remedy. Pope Clement had betaken himself to the
expedient of lotteries; but Mocenigo declares them to be
pernicious in the highest degree, — "I'evidente esterminio
e ruina de' popoli."
The ambassador considers Pope Clement XII to have
been more distinguished by the qualities of a gentleman
and magnificent prelate, than by the talent and power
required for sustaining the ponderous burden of the papacy.
He describes the pontiff and his government in the following
few outlines only : —
" The present pontificate is principally favourable to
such undertakings as present an aspect of nobility and
magnificence, these having been ever the inclination of the
pope from his youth up, — a taste which is still maintained
in his declining and decrepit age by the character and
influence of his nephew, Cardinal Corsini, who is more
41 6 APPENDIX-SECTION VI [No. 162
distinguished by his love of the fine arts, and by his
courteous mode of transacting business, than by any real
efficiency in the affairs of government. The course of events
in the declining pontificate — during which his eminence has
for the most part conducted the government — renders clear
testimony to this fact, and it may be affirmed that the violent
contentions entered into with almost all the courts must
have totally overwhelmed the cardinal^ had he not been
sustained by the credit acquired by his disinterestedness of
character, and from its being known that his failures are
attributable to want of talent, rather than to evil intentions.
It is true that Rome does not excuse him for the determi-
nation with which he insists on disposing of all political
affairs, and his extreme jealousy of his authority; for this
has induced him to remove Cardinal Riviera from the
ministry, although he was the most able of the ministers,
and to substitute Cardinal Firau in his place, that he may
control all things as he pleases and suffer no contradiction.
As respects other matters, however, whether it be from in-
clination or virtue, certain it is, that throughout the pontifi-
cate of Clement XII, and after having had the absolute
disposal of the pontifical treasures for seven years, the house
of Corsini has not increased its patrimonial revenues by
8000 scudi yearly, — a very rare example."
But the nephew of the pope had once more extensive
power, though he did not enrich himself; the secretary of
state was entirely dependent on him^ and no one could
venture to confide in the expressions of the latter, if he
were not sure of the nephew.
From domestic affairs Mocenigo proceeds to the rela-
tions with foreign courts, which, as before remarked, became
daily more difficult. I extract the following passage entire,
on account of its importance to the history of the conten-
tions arising from ecclesiastical rights : —
" The court of Naples labours continually for the aboli-
tion of the accustomed investiture, availing itself of all
arguments, legal, historical, and natural; nor would its
success be improbable, if King Charles would consent
to a solemn renunciation of all his claims to Castro and
flonciglione. But this is not all; for the Neapolitans, led
No. 162] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 417
on by the arguments of their law-schools, are so profoundly
inimical to the court of Rome, that they seek by every
means to withdraw from their dependence on the pope in
all temporal matters ; thus new regulations are daily made,
and new pretensions constantly put forward, all so well
sustained by their able writers, that the Roman court is
more than ever embarrassed, and has already been com-
pelled to relinquish a large part, that it may keep the rest
in safety. The point of the matter is, that these reforms
tend principally to enrich the royal treasury, and thereby
to diminish the pontifical revenues and authority in those
states. Father Galliani, a man of profound learning and
ability, is the great advocate of the court of Naples in
Rome, and is the more efficient, from the fact that, during
his long practical acquaintance with the Roman metropolis,
he has penetrated the mysteries of the papacy to the very
bottom, and possessing a most felicitous memory, he is
enabled to use all his acquirements at the most useful
moment.
" The great support of the Neapolitan court is that of
Spain, where the irritation appears of late to have risen to
excess, and to have given occasion for those noisy demands
of reform in the dataria, and for the restoration of the royal
right of patronage, concerning which I have frequently had
the honour of writing to your serenity in my respectful
despatches; these are now set at rest, but by an arrange-
ment more favourable to the court of Spain than to that
of Rome.
" The court of Turin, holding a steady course of policy,
and protected by the bulls and concessions of Benedict XIII,
has never suffered itself to depart for a moment from those
essential principles which have now been shaken and too
lightly assailed under the present pontificate. Cardinal
Albani, a man who has not his equal for sagacity and
resolution, has hitherto maintained the cause of that court
with the utmost efficiency, and that with such effect that he
has never suffered the menaces of the present pontiff to
be carried into execution, and is likely to proceed quite as
prosperously with his successor.
"The court of France has also found some cause of
VOL. III. 2 E
4i8 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 162
quarrel in the affairs of Poland ; but they were of so little
moment, that the French court may be still considered the
only one well disposed and firmly attached to the present
pontificate ; and that because in regard to ecclesiastical
affairs, France has little or nothing left to discuss with Rome,
both parties steadfastly adhering to the concordats and the
pragmatic sanction; or chiefly, perhaps, because Rome
proceeds more cautiously towards France than towards
other countries, with respect to the introduction, mainte-
nance, or opposition of any innovations that may present
themselves. Cardinal Fleury, who is ever to be extolled
as the grand exemplar of profound statesmanship, has always
found means to hold political relations in subjection to those
of religion^ without ever permitting the spiritual authority to
be confounded with the temporal power, and this has caused
the court of Rome constantly to confine herself within her
due limits throughout all his ministry, — nay, she has dis-
played so much condescension towards him, that she would
have constituted him the arbiter of all her differences, if the
other potentates had not- dreaded the perfect equity and
impartiality of that great master in statesmanship.
" There were very serious embarrassments, and they are
not yet entirely adjusted with the court of Portugal, where
the character of the king gives increased vigour and
intensity to his pretensions in proportion as they are re-
sisted; and to speak in plain words, the dissensions of the
papal state with Portugal and Spain, having suspended for
some time past the rich revenues derived from those vast
kingdoms, have almost broken up the court and city of
Rome, where thousands of families have been reduced of
late years from opulence to poverty, and an equal number
from a sufficiency to absolute want. The consequence of
this is, that the disposal of a large number of benefices in
Spain, Portugal, and the kingdom of Naples remains sus-
pended ; and since there is a probability that the patronage
of these livings will be ultimately vested in the temporal
authority under those sovereigns, very many of their sub-
jects, both of the secular and regular clergy, formerly contri-
buting to the maintenance of the Roman court, now abandon
it j besides that not a few of the Romans themselves arq
No. 162] APPENDIX—SECTION VI 419
induced to cultivate the favour of those foreign powers,
either by their avarice or their necessities. The conduct of
the court of Rome with respect to the claim of that prince
to have the cardinal, his son, made patriarch of Lisbon,
has been very singular and curious. It was considered by
the king to be an indispensable condition to the arrange-
ment of the questions pending between the two courts, that
this distinction should be conferred; and the pope, pro-
ceeding in this respect according to the wonted Roman
fashion, appeared sometimes almost eager to comply with
the wishes of the king, while at other times he seemed
altogether averse to the proposal. The matter is not yet
decided, and in whatever manner it shall be settled, is
certain to present argument for no small discussion, and
even, perhaps, for contentions among the other sovereigns.
" The pretender was formerly an object of extreme
interest to the court of Rome, wdiich flattered itself with
the hope of obtaining support from the French and Spanish
courts, since both were united in the house of Bourbon;
but now that the jealousy existing between the elder line
and the younger branch has become manifest, and since it
has been made evident that the queen of Spain has in truth
no other interest in view than the aggrandizement of her
two sons, the exiled pretender and his deserving family
have at once become objects of anxiety, rather than of
hope, to many in Rome.
" The emperor has caused the present ministry at Rome
to tremble ; nay, does so still, because it is seen that he has
himself set the example of introducing into his Italian states
such reforms of abuses as must in time present an example
extremely prejudicial to the Romans ; but what is still more
serious for them, he had scarcely sent his troops into Tuscany
before similar measures were entered on there, so that among
all the states beyond the dominion of Rome^ there is not
one which continues to walk blindly in the footsteps of past
ages. The court of Vienna, having some time since made
the distinctions conferred on the Spaniards, who are little
loved by the Roman people, a decided ground of quarrel, has
thus completely gained to itself the favour of the Romans,
both in the city and state; and this has been maintained
420 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [Nos. 163, 164
by most sagacious proceedings on the part of the imperial
ministers and emissaries, so that we have the marvellous
state of things, of the whole Roman people declaring in
favour of the emperor. The interest of the Corsini is,
nevertheless, so strong in the present day, that no sacri-
fice is refused that can help to gain the friendship of the
emperor; a fact of which the most excellent senate has
abundant proofs in the direction of affairs now in progress."
No. 163
Relatione del N. H, Franc. Veniei- K'' rifornato ambasciator di
Ro7na^ 17445 24 Apr, [Report presented by Francesco
Venier on his return from the Roman embassy.]
This is unfortunately only two loose leaves relating to
Benedict XIV.
Venier assures us that the cardinals would never have
elected this pope of themselves. " He was exalted rather
by his own rare virtues, by the peculiar events of that con-
clave, and by its extraordinary protraction, than by any actual
desire on the part of the cardinals who elected him. It was
the work of the Holy Spirit alone."
" The pontiff," he proceeds to remark, " endowed with a
sincere and upright mind, would never practise any of those
arts which are called ' Romanesque : ' the same open
character which he displayed without reserve as prelate, he
continued to exhibit as Cardinal Lambertini, and may be
safely said to have shewn no other as pope."
No. 164
Relatione di Aluise Moccnigo IV Kav'' ritornato ambasciator
di Roma, 1750, 14 Apr. [Report presented by Aluise
Mocenigo IV on his return from the Roman embassy.]
This ambassador is not the "Aluise Mocenigo IV,"
whose report of 1737 we have given above {see No. 162).
No. 164] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 421
The first was a son of Aliiise Mocenigo III ; the present
ambassador is a son of Aluise Mocenigo I.
Unfortunately he also has contented himself with three
leaves. In the absence of any large amount of authentic
intelligence, relating to the Roman court at this period, I
will give the most important passages entire.
" The reigning pontiff, Benedict XIV, has not only been
employed in no nunciature to any court, but he has never
been even charged with any legation. He was raised to
the rank of cardinal when bishop of Ancona, and was
elevated to the supreme station which he now holds when
archbishop of Bologna. He is well versed, by long practice
from his earliest years, in the affairs of the Curia, and is
certainly not unmindful of that advantage ; besides which
he piques himself on being a profound canonist and finished
lawyer ; nor does he consider himself inferior as a decreta-
list, his studies in which department he does not neglect
even to the present day. He is very partial to his auditor
Monsignor Argivilliers, for this cause, that he also pursues
the same course of learning. This conformity of disposi-
tions between the pope and his auditor renders the latter
a man of importance in this pontificate; for whereas in
his official duties, which are restricted to civil inspections
only, he would enjoy no other advantage than that of
daily access to the sovereign, he is now admitted to
give his opinion respecting affairs of state. To say the
truth, he is a man of probity, but of no experience in the
affairs of foreign courts ; he is austere and inaccessible,
reserved in general intercourse, not only with strangers, but
even with the members of the Curia themselves. By the
extraordinary favour shewn to him, he seems to dispute
with Cardinal Valenti, the secretary of state, those advan-
tages of access to the pope, which the high qualities of
that prelate, whenever he is pleased to demand them, must
always obtain for him, and which belong to him on all
occasions of great importance or difficulty. But I am fall-
ing into prolixity and needless repetition ; for my most
excellent predecessors will have told you all that was re-
quired, concerning this eminent person, so profoundly versed
in affairs of state and policy, a minister of so much prudence
422 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 164
and experience, and of manners so courteous ; nor have I
any thing to add respecting him, except that the office of
chamberlain of the Holy Church has been conferred on him
by his holiness during my embassy. That very honourable
and lucrative charge has indeed been confirmed to Cardinal
Valenti, even after the death of the pontiff^ and this will
cause him to be still necessary and sought after, even though
jealousy, envy, and ill-will should seek . to employ their
strength against him, when he no longer holds the office of
secretary of state. He is for the present exempt from these
assailants, not because he is guarded on all sides, so much
as because he is ever prepared to confront them and to
parry every blow : if he think the matter deserving of notice,
he joins combat ; if otherwise, he lets it pass. In addition
to the above-mentioned auditor of the pope, there is also
the datary, Monsignor Millo, no great friend of Valenti ; for
although in my time there was an appearance of reconcilia-
tion between them, yet there was no reality in their friend-
ship, and the said datary is rather of the party of the
auditor. These three persons may be said to be all who
have any real participation in state affairs, or who understand
them ; but if the two prelates are accepted for the reasons
aforesaid, and the cardinal manages to make himself neces-
sary for many well-known causes, there are, nevertheless,
occasions on which the pope, though hearing them all, will
afterwards decide after his own manner, and contrary to
their counsels. And further, if there be other very distin-
guished men among the members of the Curia, they have
no great influence in the present pontificate, at least in
relation to the principal affairs of state. One is Cardinal
Passionei, a man of most studious habits, and attached to
science ; he is a minister of experience, having held many
nunciatures, yet he is only employed as secretary of briefs.
Among the chief favourites of the pope is Cardinal Girolamo,
promaggiorduomo, and uncle of the young prelate, Mon-
signor Marcantonio Colonna, maggiorduomo ; but he gives
himself no trouble respecting any thing that does not affect
his own particular wishes. The secretary of accounts^ Mon-
signor Antonio Rota, is known to the pope, to the sacred
college at large, and above all to the congregations ' coram
No. 165] APPENDIX— SECTION VI 423
sanctissimo/ as a man of the most refined policy and most
subtle powers of thought, than whom no better could be
found when the adjustment of some foreign difficulty is
demanded, or some trait of sagacity is required ; but
although his utility is so well understood that he is admitted
into all congregations and appears in despite of his gout,
yet he has no more important^ matter confided to his control
than those of his office, or casual business."
No. 165
Girolamo Znlian^ Relatione di Roma, 15 Decemhre, 1783.
[Report from Rome by Girolamo Zulian.]
Towards the close of the republic, there was seen to be
a falling off in the disposition which had formerly existed
towards this kind of political activity.
The reports become shorter. The observations they
present are not to be compared with those of the older
writers for penetration and comprehensiveness.
Zulian, whose report is the last that I have seen, no
longer discusses questions of policy, of foreign affairs, or
the personal qualities of the pontiff Pius VI. He confines
himself entirely to certain leading features of the internal
administration.
He informs us that the papal treasury exhibited a
considerable deficit, which was further increased by the
extraordinary expenditure^ the building of the sacristy of
St. Peter's, and the labours proceeding in the Pontine
marshes, which together had perhaps already cost two
millions. Attempts were made to meet this deficiency by
anticipation of the revenue, and by the creation of a paper
currency. There was, besides, much money sent out of the
country. " The hemp, silks, and woollens exported from
the state do not compensate for the salt-fish, lead, drugs,
and great variety of manufactures imported, more particu-
larly from Germany and France. The principal means of
balancing the commerce of the nation ought to be the corn-
trade; but the necessity for regulating it by artificial
4H APPENDI^t— SECTION VI [No. i6^
arrangements, that Rome may always be assumed of a
supply of corn at low prices, renders that trade a poor and
often losing one. From these causes agriculture is depressed,
and there often happen dearths of such a kind as to make
it needful that corn should be purchased at high prices from
foreign countries. It is thus the general opinion that this
trade, upon the whole, produces very little profit to the
nation. The state is in debt to almost every country with
which it is connected; to which must in great measure be
attributed the rapid outpouring of money which depresses
its credit, causes its bills to be always at a discount, and
causes its extreme poverty. It is the common belief that
Rome is more profitably connected with the exchange of
Venice than with any other, on account of the various
kinds of merchandise which the pontifical states furnish to
those of your serenity."
The measures adopted for the relief of the country by
Pius VI are well known. They are discussed in this report,
but with no very great depth of thought.
Zulian remarks that Pius VI had rendered the cardinals
yet more insignificant than they previously were. On the
return of the pontiff from Vienna, he had put off the sacred
college with obscure and insufficient information. It is true
that he may be said to have had but very little to relate ;
but the fact remains. The secretary of state, Pallavicini, an
excellent and distinguished man, was incapable of effecting
much in the way of business, because he was continually
out of health. The author is of opinion that Rezzonico was
the person whose influence was most powerful with the
pontiff.
INDEX
Abyssinia, Jesuits in, ii. 258 ; mission
to, 259
Abyssinians, the, aided by the
Portuguese against the Kaffirs, ii.
258
Academies in Italy, i. 166 ; in Rome,
ii. 384; that founded by Queen
Christina, 406, 407
Acciajuoli, Cardinal, on the share
of the Jesuits in the attempt on
the king of Portugal, ii. 489 n.
Accolti, Benedetto, attempts the life
of Pius IV, i. 277
Accolti, Benedetto degli, papal
legate at Ancona, i. 316
Accorambuoni, Vittoria, marries the
nephew of Cardinal Montalto, i.
353
Acquaviva, Claudio, i. 508 ; made
general of the Jesuits, ii. 86 ;
refuses to give up any of his
authority in Spain, 87; declines
to visit the provinces, 88 ; his
character, 90 ; his influence in
Rome, 91, iii. 168; his conduct
at the general congregation, ii.
92, 93 ; opposes the Thomist
doctrines, 94 ; supports Molina,
97 ; refers the dispute to Rome,
98; makes the return of the Jesuits
to Rome dependent on the per-
mission of the king, 100 ; the
Spanish opposition tries to re-
move him, 141 ; supported by
Henry IV, 142 ; diminishes the
authority of provincial congrega-
tions, 142 ; appoints Orlandinus
as historian of the order, iii. 216
Adoration, at papal elections, abol-
ished, iii. 224
Adorno, Hieronymo, in favour of
the treaty of Leo X with Charles
V, iii. 33
Adrian VI (of Utrecht), his election,
i. 72 ; his character, 72 ; his policy
in the wars of Christendom, 73,
iii. 23, 33; his zeal against the
Turks, i. 73 ; strives to reform
abuses, 74 ; his unpopularity, 76,
324 ; his epitaph 'jj ; imposes a
tax on each hearth, 324 ; deceived
by a Bolognese, iii. 27 ; his con-
duct of business, iii. 28
Adriani, used by Thuanus iii. 49 ;
and by Sarpi, 50
Aeneas Sylvius. See Pius II
Aerschot, governor of Ghent, i. 488
Agra, college founded by the Jesuits
at, ii. 254
Agucchia, Monsignor, employed by
Cardinal Ludovisio in the pre-
paration of Instructions, iii. 223
Ahausen, the Protestant Union
formed at, ii. 190
Ai.x-la-Chapelle,the Protestant party
in, i. 421, 517
Akbar, the Emperor, summons
Jesuits to his court, ii. 253
Alamanni, his poems, i. 389
Albani, Cardinal, nephew of Clement
XI, has little influence, iii. 403 ;
supports the Court of Turin, 417
Albani, Giovanni Francesco. See
Clement XI
Albani, Orazio, brother of Clement
XI, iii. 396
Albano of Bergamo, Cardinal, op-
poses the wine-ta.\ of Sixtus V, i.
374; at the election of Sixtus, iii.
113. 114
Albergati, appointed Archbishop of
Bologna, ii. 420 -'/.
426
INDEX
Albergatus, Vianesius, on the small-
ness of the papal revenues, i. 324
n. \ author of the " Conclave " of
Clement VII, iii. 27 ; his relations
with Adrian VI, 27
Alberic of Barbiano, i. 304
Alberoni, Cardinal, Spanish minister,
threatened with the Inquisition by
Clement XI, ii. 476
Albert V, duke of Bavaria, com-
pelled to make religious conces-
sions, i. 419, 433 ; his efforts for
the restoration of Catliolicism,
441 ff. ; given spiritual authority
by the pope, 445 ; restores Baden
to Catholicism, 446 ; complains
of the opposition of his nobles,
470 ; his advice to the Archduke
Charles, 512 ; attempts the con-
version of the Elector Augustus
of Saxony, 521 n.
Albicci, Cardinal, upholds the rights
of the college of cardinals, ii. 368
n. ; prepares the bull condemning
the Jansenist propositions, 446 n.
Albigenses, the, persecuted, i. 25
Albuquerque, cannot get what he
wants in Rome, iii. 242
Alcantara, ambassador of Philip II
in Rome, 1562, iii, 98
Alciati, Terentio, his proposed his-
tory of the Council of Trent, iii.
65
Aldobrandini family, their power
excites opposition, ii. 109; their
original position in Florence, 113,
iii. 178 ; growth of their power,
"• 337 ! badly treated by the
adherents of Paul V, 343, iii.
313 ; associated with the Pamfili,
ii- 373
Aldobrandini, Bernardo, ii. 46
Aldobrandini, Cinthio, ousted by his
cousin Pietro, ii. 108, iii. 175^
Aldobrandini, Giovanni, made car-
dinal, ii. 46
Aldobrandini, Giovanni Francesco,
brother-in-law of Cardinal Pietro,
his offices and income, ii. 337
Aldobrandini, Ippolito, Cardinal.
See Clement VIII
Aldobrandini, Ippolito, Cardinal,
account of his death (1638), iii. 289
Aldobrandini, Margareta, married
to Rainuccio Farnese, ii. 109, 337
Aldobrandini, Olimpia, sister of
Cardinal Pietro, ii. iii
Aldobrandini, Ohmpia, heiress of
the house, marries a Borghese,
iii. 288, 315 ; marries Don Ca-
millo Pamfili, ii. 358, iii. 289 ;
contentions with her mother-in-
law, ii. 358 ; her distinguished
qualities, 358, 362
Aldobrandini, Pietro, jurist ii. 46,
107
Aldobrandini, Pietro, son of the
foregoing, nephew of Clement
VIII, Cardinal, despatchedagainst
Ferrara, ii. 75 ; in alliance with
Lucrezia d'Este, 78, whose heir he
becomes, 81 ; settles the dispute
between France and Savoy, 99 71. ,
105 ; his character and influence,
107, 108, iii. 175 ff, ; opposition
to him, ii. 109, no ; tries to form
a French party in Rome, in ;
proposes a league of Italian states
against Spain, 112; effects the
election of Leo XI, 114, and of
Paul V, 115 ; exhorts the English
Catholics to obey King James,
243 ; his income 337 ; his Instruc-
tion to the nuncio Barberini{ 1603),
iii. 185
Aldobrandini, Salvestro, father of
Clement VIII, ii. 45, 113 ; his five
sons, 45, 46 ; monument to his
wife, 47 ; incites Paul IV to war
against Naples, iii. 174
Aldobrandini, Tommaso, ii, 46
Aldrovandi, Ulisse, natural histo-
rian, i. 386
Aldus Manutius, i. 386
Aleander, his letters on the Council
of Trent, iii. 85
Alen9on, duke of, plans for placing
him on the English throne, i. 463 ;
his death, 528
Alexander III (Rolando Ranuci),
saved by the Venetians, ii. 348,
iii, 290
Alexander VI (Roderigo Lenzuoli,
afterwards Borgia), i. 36 ; his pro-
fligacy and ambitions, 37, 38 ;
his son Caesar Borgia, 38 ; their
attempt to found hereditary,
dominions, 38, 39 ; effects of their
atrocities, 39^". ; is poisoned, 41,
iii. 9 ; his sale of indulgences, i.
INDEX
427
48 ; his exactions, 321 ; his policy,
iii. 7
Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi), his
election, ii. 365 ; his self-denial
with regard to his family, 365 ;
prevailed upon to summon his
nephews to Rome, 366 ; cliaracter
of his government, 367, iii. 333 ; his
aversion to state affairs and love
of books, ii. 368, iii. 351, 356, 357 ;
reduces the monti, ii. 376, 410;
his buildings, 383, iii. 343, 351,
352 ; celebrates the conversion of
Queen Christina, ii. 403 ; his
contentions with her, 405 ; his
changes in the prelacy, 409 ;
bestows preferments on men of
good birth, 421 ; proposes to the
Venetians the suppression of
orders, 423, iii. 335 ; wishes the
Jesuits to be readmitted to Venice,
338, 343 ; complains of the car-
dinals, 357 ; his declaration as to
the propositions of Jansen, ii. 447 ;
his animosity towards Mazarin
and the French, 452, iii. 353 ; his
death, ii. 369 ; his life by Pallavi-
cini, 339 ; anonymous biography,
356
Alexander VIII (Pietro Ottoboni),
declares the Gallican decrees null
and void, ii. 468 ; lessens the
expenditure of the papal states,
iii. 386 ; suffers great losses and
dies, 393, ii. 468 ; his character,
iii- 387. 388; his "confession,"
388
Alfonso I and II, dukes of Ferrara.
Sec Este
Alidosi, Florentine envoy, ii. 184
Alienation of Church property, for-
bidden by Pius V, i. 235
Ahffe, Count, condemned to death,
i- 254
Alkmar, heroic defence of, i. 465
Allacci, Leone, takes over the
Heidelberg library for Gregory
XV, ii. 232, iii. 224 ; his Instruc-
tion, 234
Allen, William, establishes a Jesuit
college at Douay, i. 480 ; made
cardinal by Sixtus V, 541 ; his
opinions respecting allegiance,
ii. 6
Almaden, his report on Rome, iii. 321
Aloys, Giovanni Francesco d', burnt
as a heretic at Naples, iii. 164
Altemps, Cardinal, at the elections
of Sixtus V and Clement VIII,
i- 355. •'• 43. iii- 113. 114. 167/:;
Wolf Dietrich von Raittenau
brought up in his house, i.
515
Althan, Count, imperial ambassador
in Rome, influences the conclave,
iii. 406
Altieri family, their position at
court, iii. 365, 371, 376; disputes
with the ambassadors, 374 ; their
palace built, 368, 371
Altieri, Emilio. See Clement X
Altieri, Giovanni Battista, brother
of Clement X, iii. 367
Altieri, Laura, iii. 376
Altieri, Lorenzo, father of Clement
X, iii. 366, 367
Altieri, Pauluzzi, Cardinal, nephew
of Clement X, ii. 460, iii. 365,
369 ; manner of his elevation,
368, 371 ; his administration and
character, 373, 376
Altona, the Jesuits settle in, ii. 234,
iii. 260
Alumbrados, the, Spanish lUuminati,
i. 147
Alva, duke of, his campaign against
Paul IV, i. 229, 230 ; defends the
kingdom of Naples, 232 ; in the
Abruzzi, 233 ; at Rome, 235 ; his
reverence for the pope, 235 ; re-
ceives the cardinal's hat from Pius
V, 296 ; his cruelties and rapacity
in the Netherlands, 456 ff. ; in-
fluence of his example in France,
461 ; is successfully opposed in
Holland and Zealand, 465
Alvarez, Juan, de Toledo, Cardinal,
supports the establishment of the
Inquisition, i. 162
Amadis de Gaul, its effect on Igna-
tius Loyola, i. 141, 142 ; Bernardo
Tasso's opinion of it, 389
Amaranth, Order of the, founded by
Queen Christina, ii. 402
Ambrogio, secretary to Paul III, i.
191 n.
Ambrose, St. , his works edited by
Cardinal Montalto, i. 352 ; his
rcputat'on among the Jansenists,
ii- 439
428
INDEX
America, North, hierarchical sys-
tem founded, ii. 534
America, South, Catholicism in,
429 ; Catholic missions to, ii.
249 ; Catholicism recognized as
the state religion in the Free
States, 531
Americans, of European descent,
distinguished for acuteness, ii.
250 ; at the Vatican council, on
the decree of Infallibility, 565
Amli family in Lucerne, adherents
of Spain and the papacy, ii. 197
Anchin, Benedictine abbey, near
Douay, i. 487
Ancona, trade of, i. 303, ii, 287, 415,
iii. 150, 15T, 408, 415 ; deprived
of its freedom by Clement VII, i.
315 ff. ; its port-dues raised by
Gregory XIII, 343 ; Sixtus V
restores its ancient rights, 363 ;
and taxes its imports, 373 ;
favoured by Urban VIII, iii. 289 ;
luoghi di monte secured on the
customs, ii. 333 ; occupied by
Napoleon, 510; taken by the
Austrians, 530
Ancona, bishopric of, unoccupied
for years, ii. 420
Andreas, Cardinal, prints cate-
chisms for the school children in
the Tyrol, i. 514
Angelis, de, bishop of Urbino, com-
plains of ecclesiastical abuses, ii.
419
Angermannus, Abraham, made
archbishop of Upsala, ii. 160,
165
Anglo-Saxons, conversion of the, i.
13 ; their missionary work, 13
Anjou, duke of. See Henry III
Anna Elizabeth, of the Palatinate,
widow of Pliilip II of Hesse-
Rheinfels, iii. 184, 185
Annates, secured to the pope in
France, i. 30 ; claimed by the
king in England, 31 ; doubled
by Alexander VI, 46 ; new offices
founded by Sixtus IV and Julius
II, and paid from the proceeds of,
321, 322
Anne of Austria, queen of Louis
XIII, Buckingham's supposed
passion for her, ii. 277 ; Arnauld
d'Andilly intimate with her, 438
Anne of Denmark, wife of Augustus,
Elector of Saxony, i. 520
Annona, the, college of presidents
of, instituted by Julius II, i. 322 ;
congregation for, 365 ; Mario
Chigi made superintendent, ii.
366 ; rights of the prefect, 414 ;
abuses, iii. 378 ; cannot maintain
itself against foreign competition,
411
Antiquities of Rome, i. 376, 380,
381, ii. 384/:, iii. 24^,94, 144/:
Antonelli, Cardinal, on the lost
provinces of the papal states, ii.
540 «.
Antoniano, Silvio, Cardinal, i. 250,,
403
Anton ine, column of, restored by
Sixtus V, i. 382, 383
Antonio dei Pagliarici. See Palearius
Antonio, Fra, of Volterra, assents
to the doctrines of Protestantism,
i. 115
Antwerp, religious opinions of, i.
467 ; surrenders to the Spaniards,
496 ; the Jesuits readmitted, 497 ;
the Capuchins established there,
498
Apennines, the, their beauty and
fertility, i. 302, ii. 325
Apollo Belvedere, the, i. 55, 381
Appel, Nicol., defender of Catho-
licism, iii. 81
Aquapendente, his scientific labours,
ii. 128
Aqueducts of Rome, i. 379, ii. 380
Aquila, bishop of, his opinion on
the Ratisbon conference, i. 128
Aquileia, affair of, between Gregory
XIII and Venice, i. 346, 361, iii.
152 ; claims of the emperor not
admitted by the Curia, ii. 450
Aquino, Cardinal of, bishop of
Venafro, his report on Switzerland
and Instruction for his successor,
iii. 197/;
Arabs, the, their conquests, i. 11,
12 ; their study of the classics, 49
Aragon, power of the house of, in
Naples, i. 36
Aragona, Cardinal, opposes San-
severina, iii. 167, 168 ; his cha-
racter, 173
Araoz, one of the first Jesuit
preachers in Valencia, i. 170
INDEX
429
Arara, bandit, put to death, i. 360
Arcadia, academy in Rome, ii. 407
Arenberg, duke of, killed at Heil-
igerlee, i. 457. 458 n.
Aretino, and Vittoria Colonna, i.
112
Argento, Gaetano, his school of
jurisprudence at Naples, ii. 479
Argivilliers, auditor under Benedict
XIV, iii. 421
Arigone, auditor of the Rota, i.
401
Ariosto, his early intimacy with Leo
X, i. 56 ; contrasted with Tasso,
394 ; .quoted, ii. 66 n.
Aristocracy, ascendant in Europe in
the 17th century, ii. 371 ; devoted
to the Church, 421
Aristotle, Arabian translators of, i.
50 ; followers and opponents of,
in Italy, 390, 391 ; edition of
Posius, ascribed to Montalto, iii.
143
Armada, the Spanish, promoted and
favoured by Gregory XIII, i. 339 ;
and by Sixtus V, 541 ; its destruc-
tion, 542
ArmelUno, Francesco, Cardinal, on
the revenue of the papal states, i.
324 n. ; invents indirect taxes, 325,
iii- 35
Arminians, the, ii. 210, iii. 229
Arnauld d'Andilly, Jansenist and
friend of St. Cyran, ii. 438, 441
Arnauld, Ang^lique, abbess of Port-
Royal, ii. 438
Arnauld, Antoine, the elder, his
enmity to the Jesuits, ii. 441
Arnauld, Antoine, at Port-Royal,
ii. 441
Arras, bishop of, i. 485 ; insurrec-
tion at, 488
Articles, the Four, drawn up in
France, ii. 463 ; declared invalid
by the Pope, 468 ; withdrawn by
Louis XIV, 469, 508 ; opposed by
the Jesuits, 490 ; regarded as a
fundamental law of the realm by
Napoleon, 507, 510
Aschaffenburg, Jesuit school founded
at, i. 435 ; meeting of the nuncio
Montorio and the Elector Schweik-
hard of Mainz at, ii. 236, iii. 263
Asia, Central, new bishoprics
founded in, ii. 544
Astalli, Don Camillo, made car-
dinal-nephew by Innocent X, ii.
361 ; his downfall, 362, 416
Astolphus, king of the Lombards,
menaces Rome, i, 12
Astrology, applied by the Arabs to
the practice of medicine, i. 49
Astronomy, of the Arabs, i, 49 ;
successfully taught by the Jesuits,
437
Atto, a musician, admitted to con-
fidential intercourse with Clement
IX, iii. 358
Augier, Edmund, Jesuit orator, i.
460 ; his catechism, 461
Augsburg, bishop of, joins in the
formation of the League, ii. 192 ;
presses his claims against Wiir-
temberg, 272
Augsburg, confession of, i. 417,
419 ; difference between it and
genuine Catholic doctrine only
slight, ii. 273, iii. 226
Augsburg, diet of (1550), i. 432,
(1566), 447
Augsburg, losses of the bishopric
of, i. 423 ; Jesuit mission estab-
lished, 437 ; expulsion of Pro-
testants, 517; Gustavus Adolphus
wishes to establish his court there,
ii. 312 ; report on the con-
dition of the diocese (1629), iii.
278
Augsburg, peace of, decree con-
cerning the rank and revenues
of spiritual princes, i. 422, 423 ;
its result on the ecclesiastical
position in different countries,
441, 512, 513; Catholic mode of
interpreting it, ii. 184, 272 ; its
validity denied by the Jesuits,
186, 303, iii. 68 ; the Protestants
demand its confirmation, ii. 186,
187 ; never sanctioned by the
popes, 273, 562 ; acknowledged
by the German hierarchy, 562
Augustine, St., on Church councils,
i. 263 ; held in high esteem by
the Jansenists, ii. 435, 439, 440,
444
Augustini, Mgr., his character, iii.
363
Augustinian friars, in Bohemia, ii.
226 ; the General declares in favour
of Jansen, 445
430
INDEX
" Augustinus," Jansen's book, ii.
435/"-
Aulic Council, the, rise of, n. 184,
185 ; subservient to the court, 184
Auneau, battle of, i. 530
Australasia, Catholic churches in,
ii. 534
Austria, power and influence of the
house of, i. 66, ii. 261 ; growth
of Protestantism in, i. 420, 470^. ;
Catholic reaction and expulsion
, of Protestants, 510, ii. 182, 230 ;
religious freedom granted, 191 ;
. opposition to the reigning family,
213 ; the archdukes resign their
claims to Ferdinand, 215 ; success
of Catholicism, 218, 270, 271 ;
connection with Protestant coun-
tries, 320, 321 ; supported by In-
nocent XI, 466 ; extinction of the
Spanish line, 470 ; the German
line established in Italy, 474, 500 ;
wars in Italy (1848), 525^ ; de-
mands of the clergy, 532 ; the
concordat of 1855, 532, 533
" Autorem fidei," bull, ii. 504
Autos-da-f6, i, 169, 243, 293
Averroes, iii. 143
Avignon, taken possession of by
Louis XIV, ii. 465 ; restored, 467 ;
occupied by the Bourbons, 493,
. 515 ; proposed by Napoleon as a
residence for the pope, 509
Ayala, Martin Perez de, at the
Council of Trent, i. 269 n.
Azpilcueta, Spanish canonist, i. 402
Azzolini, Cardinal, proposes Chigi
as pope, ii. 364 ; advanced by
Clement IX, 370, iii. 359 ; highly
esteemed by Queen Christina, ii.
407, iii. 366
B
Babylon, patriarch of, ii. 257 ; ac-
knowledged as their head by the
Nestorian Christians in India, 257
Baden, counter-reformation in, L
446, 447
Baden, Margrave Georg Friednch
of, at Ahausen, ii. 190
Baden, Margrave Jacob of, first
princely convert to Catholicism,
i. 524
Baden, Margrave Wilhelm of, his
zeal for Catholicism, ii, 233
Baden-Baden, Margrave Philibert
of, i. 446
Baden-Baden, Margrave Philip of,
his Catholic education, i. 446
Badoer, Alberto, his report on
Sixtus V (1589), iii. 150 ; his de-
spatches, 152
Badoer, Anzolo, at Rome and in-
timate with the Venetian ambas-
sadors, iii. 245
Bagen, Simon, admits the Jesuits in
Mainz, i. 435
Baglioni, noble family of Perugia,
i. 38, 42, 43, 305, 318
Bajus of Lou vain, his exposition of
St. Augustine, i, 95
Balde, his Latin poetry, ii. 211
Baltic, the. Catholics hope to gain
possession of, ii. 167 ; Spaniards
desire a port, 276
Bamberg, its attachment to Luther-
anisjn, i. 419^. ; restored to Ca-
tholicism, ii. 178, 179, 233; taken
by Gustavus Adolphus, 309
Bandino, P. Ant., on the prevalence
of infidel opinions at Rome, i. 58
Banditti, in the papal states, i. 344
ff., iii. 138 ; exterminated by
Sixtus V, i. 357 ff. ; their re-
appearance, ii. 33, 37 ; Neapo-
litan bandits received in the papal
states, iii. 377
Baner, Swedish councillor of state,
ii. 159
Barba, Bernardino della, reduces
Ancona and Perugia, i. 316^.
Barberini family, ii. 287 ; their dig-
nities and revenues, 340 _^., iii.
■zSt ff., 304; prohibit the export
of corn from Castro, ii. 346 ;
account of the origin of their
disputes with Odoardo Farnese,
iii. 297 ; called to account by
Innocent X, ii. 355, 356 ; form a
connection with Olimpia Maidal-
china, 362, 373 ; their position at
court, iii. 365 ; their treatment of
Roman antiquities, ii. 385 ; their
oppressive taxation, 415
Barberini, Antonio, Cardinal, his
character, offices, and income, ii.
340, 341, iii. 268 ; at Lagoscuro,
ii. 352 ; flees from Rome, 356
INDEX
431
Biirberini, Carlo, brother of Urban
VIII, general of the Church, ii.
340, iii. 269 ; his sons, ii. 340 ; his
character and influence, iii. 246
Barberini, Francesco, Cardinal, re-
fuses to accept any responsibility,
ii. 291 ; his offices, income, and
influence, 340, 341, iii, 268, 293;
difference with Duke Odoardo
■ Farnese, ii. 344 ; his attitude to-
wards France, iii. 288 ; his diplo-
macy during his uncle's last days,
301 ff. \ decides for Cardinal
Pamfili in the conclave, ii. 354 ;
leaves Rome, 356 ; his connec-
tion with the members of Queen
Christina's academy, 406 n.
Barberini, Maffeo, Instruction to
him, on being sent as nuncio to
France, iii. 185. See Urban VIII
Barberini, Taddeo, takes possession
of Urbino, ii. 330 ; his offices and
income, 341 ; his popularity, iii.
269 ; insulted by Duke Odoardo,
ii. 344 ; offends the Italian states,
348 ; leaves Rome, 356 ; his wife,
see Colonna, Anna
Barcelona, treaty concluded at, be-
tween Clement VII and Charles V,
i. 86, 87, iii. 40 ; the Jesuits at, i.
170
Bardi, Giovanni, in favour with Cle-
ment VIII, iii." 175
Barnabites, order of, founded, i.
140 ; receives new rules, 290
Baronius, Caesar, his " Annals," i.
388, 402, 403 ; father confessor of
Clement VIII, ii. 47, iii, 112;
proposed as pope, 115; his cha-
racter, iii. 175
Barozzi, his canon of church archi-
tecture, i. 397
Barriere, Jean de la, abbot of
Feuillans, i. 526 ; summoned to
the court, 526
Bartholomew, St., massacre of, i.
463 ; approved by Pius V, 296 ;
celebrated by Gregory XIII, 464 ;
praised by Sanseverina, ii. 42
Basadona, Pietro, on the burdening
of benefices with pensions, ii.
420 «. ; his report (1663), iii. 352
Basciano, founded Monte Corona,
i. 136 n.
Basle, bishop of, treaty with the
Catholic cantons, i. 485 ; tries to
recover lost jurisdictions, ii. 197
Basle, council of, i. 28, 30
Basta and Belgiojoso, imperial com-
manders in Hungary, ii. 183
Bathi, Giuliano, member of the
" Oratory of Divine Love," i.
107
Battistella, bandit, ii. 33
Bavaria, progress of Protestantism
in, i. 419 ; the peasants remain
Catholic, 430 ; progress of tlie
Jesuits, 433^. ; opposition of the
estates broken down, 441 ff. ;
opposition still offered by the
nobles, 470 ; occupied by the
Swedes, ii. 312 ; again joins the
emperor, 313
Bavaria, dukes of, oppose the Ra-
tisbon agreement, i. 132 ; given
spiritual authority by the pope,
445 ; become leaders of the Ca-
tholic party in Germany, 446 ;
their Catholicism of importance
in North Germany also, 503. See
also Albert V, etc.
B^arn, restoration of Catholicism
in, promoted by Clement VIII,
ii. 61 ; restoration of Church
lands, 208, 214, 217 ; factions,
219 ; the supremacy of the Ca-
tholic church restored, 219
Beccaria, founder of the Barnabite
order, i. 291 n.
Bedmar, Cardinal, opposes an attack
on England, ii. 275.
Belgium, reconverted to Catholi-
cism, i, 498, 525 ; political in-
fluence of the priests, ii. 530
Bellarmine, at the court of Sixtus V,
i. 401 ; his controversial writings,
ii. 7 «., 8«., 9, 10, 12, 125; on
Clement VIII and the Jesuits,
102 ; on Girolamo da Narni, 223
Bellegarde, Abb^, letter on the letters
of Ganganelli, ii. 494 «.
Bembo, Pietro, his services to the
Italian language, i, 51, 108 ; on
B. Ochino, 114
Bembo, S., opposes the suspension
of the Venetian laws, ii. 136 «.,
137 «.
Benedict XIII (Vincenzo Maria Or-
sini), zealous in ecclesiastical
matters, iii. 407
432
INDEX
Benedict XIV (Prospero Lamber-
tini), his character and policy, ii.
477 ff'^ i'i- 121, 421 ; condemns
the Jesuits, ii. 487 ; his death,
488
Bvinedictines, many eminent popes
of the order, i. 23 ; reformed in
France, ii. 203 ; devote themselves
to learning, 206 ; their conflict
with the Jesuits for the restored
property of the order, 3^4
Benefices, collation to, etc., i. 30,
46, 217, ii. 419 ; decision con-
cerning plurality at Trent, i. 272
" Benefits of Christ's Death," Italian
book on, i. x\off. ; burnt, 167
Benno, St., declared the patron
saint of Bavaria, i. 444
Bentivoglio, Ercole, intercession by
the grand-duke of Tuscany on his
behalf, iii. 202
Bentivoglio, Giovanni, deprived of
his palace at Bologna, i. 43
Bentivoglio, Cardinal Guido, the
historian, ii. 82, 241 ; remarks on
his " Memoirs," iii. 172^.
Bernard, St., favourite author of
Gregory XIV, ii. 38 ; esteemed
by the Jansenists, 440
Bernard, Duke.of Weimar, advances
into the Tyrol, ii. 312
Berne, Geneva under the protection
of, i. 483, 536
Berni, remodels Bojardo's Orlando,
i. 388
Bernini, architect and sculptor, ii.
382, 385, iii. 309, 319
Bernis, Cardinal, on the letters of
Ganganelli, ii. 494 «., 496 n.
Bertano, exhorts Pius V to tolerance,
i, 283 n.
BeruUe, Cardinal Pierre, transplants
the Carmelite order to France, ii.
204 ; founds the ' ' Priests of the
Oratory," 205; in favour of an
attack on England, 275, 276
Berus, Ludwig, iii. 81
Berwick, treaty of, i. 248
Bethlem Gabor, proposal to marry
him to an imperial princess, iii.
247
Bethune, French ambassador m
Rome, iii. 271
Bibbiena, Cardinal, i. 52, iii. 17,
19. 31
Biberach, a Protestant town with a
Catholic council, i. 517
Bible societies, condemned by Pius
IX, ii. 545
Bible, the, sole guide of German
theologians, i. 61 ; Italian version
108; the Vulgate, 114, 161;
Jansenist version, ii. 442
Bicchi, auditor of the Rota, his in-
fluence under Urban VIII, iii.
293. 305
Bicchi, not promoted by Innocent
XIII, iii. 406
Bichi, Commendatore, favoured by
Alexander VII, ii. 367
Bicken, Johann Adam von, elector
of Mainz, ii. 177
Bielke, Swedish councillor of state,
ii. 159
Bini, Bernardo, his financial trans-
actions with Leo X, i. 324
Biscia, Cardinal, his intercourse
with Urban VIII, iii. 308
Bishops, pre-eminence of the bishops
of Rome, i. 9 ; obtain temporal
power, 19, 23 ; relation between
the popes and the bishops, 21,
23, 29 Jf. ; elected by the kings
of France, England, and Spain,
30, 31 ; leave the administra-
tion of their sees to the mendi-
cant friars, 47 ; Ottonel Vida on
their duties, 115 ; question of
residence, 256, 259, 270, iii. 58,
191 ; and of their right of Initia-
tive at the Council of Trent, i.
266, 268 ; their relation to the
chapters in Spain, 271 ; bind them-
selves to obey the decrees of the
Council, 275, 293 ; Pius V pro-
ceeds against refractory bishops,
285 ; admonition of Ferdinand I
436 ; their zeal in Germany,
448 ; Protestant bishops still be-
lieve the confirmation of the pope
necessary, 522 ; in France demand
the abrogation of the concordat,
527 ; relations with the nuncio in
Poland, ii, 153, 173, 175 ; active
in the counter-reformation in Ger-
many, 178 ff. ; influenced by the
nuncios in Switzerland, 195, 196 ;
reports of French bishops, 240 ;
the German bishops think little of
the pope, iii. 261 ; their financial
INDEX
433
burdens in Italy, ii. 419, 420 ;
their relations with the Jesuits,
435 ; and with the Jansenists,
440, 447 ; Clement XI chooses
them with care, iii. 398; their
condition in Portugal, ii. 451 ;
Innocent XI and the French
bishops, 462, 465, 469 and n. ;
they condemn tlie authority of the
general of the Jesuits in France,
490 ; nomination to sees resigned
by Pius VI to the emperor, 499 ;
in France during the revolution,
502 ; canonical institution refused
to bishops appointed by Napo-
leon, 511 ; influence of Protestant
governments over nominations,
518 ; their position in South
America, 531 ; their relation to
the empire in France, 531 ; their
position in Austria, 532, 533 ; their
attitude towards the clafms of the
papacy, 531, 543, 548, 553 ; right
of proposition denied them at the
V^atican Council, 551 ; their posi-
tion and views at the Council,
552/:
Bitonto, archbishop of, on justifi-
cation, i. 160
Bobadilla, a follower of Loyola, i.
Boccaccio, his influence on classical
study in Italy, i. 59
Bodeghem, Bartholomew, of Delft,
i. 449
Bohemia, the Jesuits in, i. 434 ;
Utraquist privileges, ii. 182 ;
dearth of Catholic parish priests,
iii, 188 ; recommendations of
Gregory XV for the restoration
of Catholicism, 226, 227 ; banish-
ment of Protestant preachers and
schoolmasters, ii. 225, iii. 257 ;
Utraquist rites suppressed, ii.
226, 227, iii. 253 ff. ; triumph of
Catholicism, ii. 227, 228, 270,
iii. 257/".
Bohemians, the, obtain concessions
from the Emperor Matthias, ii.
191 ; offer the crown to the elector
palatine, 216, 217 ; predicted
effect of the decree of Infallibility
on them, 565
Bojardo, his poem of Rinaldo, i.
53 ; his Orlando remodelled by
vol.. m,
Berni, 388 ; his panegyric on the
house of Este, ii. 65, 66
Bologna, concordat between Francis
I and Leo X at, i. 30, 65, iii.
15 ; subjected to the authority
of the pope, i. 43 ; Charles V
crowned at, 86 ; conference be-
tween Charles V and the pope,
91, iii. 37; Protestants in, i. 115
and 71. ; the Council of Trent
transferred to, 201, 204, 209 ; its
fertility, 302 ; character of the
inhabitants, 304 ; municipal inde-
pendence, 306, iii. 202 ; adminis-
tration of the papal legates, 202,
203 ; statistics, 204 ; doings of tlie
lawyers, 204 ; compounds for
freedom from the sussidio, i. 327 ;
the university, 363 ; school of
painting, 394 ; opposes Sixtus V,
ii. 33 ; resists the Curia, 413 ;
maintains a certain splendour,
415, iii. 355 ; taken by the Aus-
trians, ii. 530 ; revolts against the
papal government, 539 ; its patron
saints, iii. 225
Bologna, archbishopric of, trans-
ferred to Albergati, ii. 420 n.
Bolognetto, Cardinal, i. 401 ; nuncio
in Poland, ii. 151^., iii. 156
Bona, Queen of Poland, assists
Alba, i. 232
Bonamicus, on Innocent XI, iii.
380
Bonelli, Cardinal Alessandrino,
nephew of Pius V, i. 285 ; won
over for the election of Sixtus V,
355, iii. 118, 119, 165
Bonfigliuolo, Rudolfo, proposes a
renewal of feudal rights, i. 340
Boniface, St., the apostle of Ger-
many, i. 13, 14
Boniface VIII, his bull of excom-
munication resisted by the French,
i. 27
Bordeaux, Jesuits in, i. 461 ; the
League of the Sixteen in, 532
Borelli, received by Queen Chris-
tina, ii. 406
Borghese family, their position,
ii. 115; their wealth and power,
337 ff- ! allied with the Panifili.
373 ; exempt from punishment for
demolition of antiquities, 384
Borghese, Cardinal. See Paul V,
3 F
434
INDEX
Borghese, Marc-Antonio, his offices,
ii. 339, iii. 209
Borgliese.Scipione Cafarelli, nephew
of Paul V, ii. 221, iii. 222 ; his
wealth and character, ii. 337, 338,
iii. 196 ; his acquaintance with
Cecchini, 311 ; castles of the
Aldobrandini resigned to him,
313
Borgia, Caesar, son of Alexander
VI, his ambition and crimes, i.
38 ff. ; iii. 8, 9, 20 ; his duchy
seized by Julius II, i. 42 ; his
alliance with Louis XII, i. 63,
iii. 7 ; grants privileges to his
cities, i. 305
Borgia, Cardinal, protests against
the conduct of Urban VIII, ii.
293, 311 ; reproached for his share
in the election of that pope, iii.
288
Borgia, Francesco, duke of Gandia,
joins the Jesuits, i. 170, 182 ; his
death, as general of the Jesuits,
ii. 85
Borgia, Lucrezia, iii. 8, 9
Boris Godunow, ii. 170
Borromean League of ihe Catholic
cantons, i. 534
Borr®meo, Carlo, St., nephew of
Pius IV, exemplary life of, i. 255,
397, 401 ; his share in the election
of Pius V, 278, 281, ii. 35 ; his
administration of the diocese of
Milan, i. 288^. ; his exertions in
the Wald cantons, 483
Borromeo, Federigo, nephew of the
foregoing, i. 401 ; opposes San-
severina, iii. 169
Basio, Antonio, secretary of Car-
dinal Carpi, iii. 142
Botero, Giovanni, his report on the
papal states (1611), iii. 211
Boucher, Jean, preaches on the
sovereignty of the people, ii. 10 ;
leaves Paris, 58
Bouillon, duke of, chief of the
Huguenots, and Frederick V, ii.
215, 2l6
Bourbon, Constable, Clement VII
proposes to acknowledge him as
Duke of Milan, iii. 36 ; his death,
i. 85
Bourbons, the, extend their rule in
Spain and Italy, ii, 475 ; expel the
Jesuits, 492 ; demand the sup-
pression of the order, 493, 496
Bourdelot, at the court of Queen
Christina, ii. 391 n., 395
Brabant, reduced by Alexander
Farnese, i. 496
Bracchi, Bernardo, story of, iii. 2t
Brahe, Count, refuses to take the
crown from Queen Christina's
head, ii. 402
Bramante, architect, i, 54, 55
Branca de Telino, Sebastiano de,
his diary, iii. 19
Brandenburg, the elector obtains
the right of nomination to bishop-
rics, i. 31 ; the Mark becomes
Protestant, 97 ; the electoral
house unable to obtain the duchy
of Prussia, ii. 167 ; its designs on
Silesia, iii. 189 ; opposes the trans-
fer of the palatine electorate to
Bavaria, ii. 236 ; the Mark seized
by the imperial troops, 274 ; the
edict for restoring Church property
to be suspended there, 305
Brandenburg, Albrecht of, elector
of Mainz, opposed to the Ratis-
bon resolutions, i. 132
Brandenburg, Albrecht, margrave
of, his intimacy with Caraffa, i.
231, iii. 97
Brandenburg, Christian Ernest,
margrave of, at Ahausen, ii. 190
Brandtnburg, Joachim I of, his
conduct at the election of the
Emperor Charles V, iii. 33
Brandenburg, Joachim II of, ac-
knowledges the supremacy of the
pope, i. 125
Brandenburg, Joachim, margrave
of, at Ahausen, ii. 190
Braunsberg, Jesuit college founded
at, i. 473, 482 ; occupied by Gus-
tavus Adolphus, ii. 301
Brazil, the Jesuits in, i. 182
Bread, tax on, ii, 352 ; special tariff
established, 413; its weight pre-
scribed, 414
Breda, siege of, ii. 269
Bremen, archbishop of, his exten-
sive authority, i. 20, 21 ; Henry
of Saxe-Lauenburg, archbishop,
422, 469; Catholic missions in,
iii. 260; restored to Catholicism,
ii, 273
INDEX
435
Brendel, Daniel, elector of Mainz,
favours the Jesuits, i. 435, 450 ;
his Catholic zeal, 450, 451
Breviaries, i. 295, ii. 123
Brisson, President, assassinated, ii.
53
Broglia, Carlo, rector of the Greek
college, iii, 166
Bromato, Carlo, his life of Paul IV,
i, 232 n., iii. 89
Bruccioli, translator of the Bible,
i. 108
Bruck-on-the-Muhr, diet of, i. 472
Bruges, the reformed religion re-
ceived in, i. 467 ; surrenders to
Alexander Farnese, 494 ; the
Jesuits in, 497
Bruno, Giordano, condemned by
the Inquisition, i. 391
Brunswick, one branch of the house
becomes Protestant, i. 97
Brussels, Alva in, i. 457 ; surrenders
to Alexander Farnese, 496 ; the
Jesuits in, 497 ; behaviour of the
priests in, ii. 520
Bubalis, papal nuncio in Paris, ii.
243
Bucer, Martin, at Ratisbon, 1. 121,
128 ; his report used by Sarpi, iii.
59
Buckingham, duke of, schemes for
his conversion to Catholicism, iii.
233 ; accompanies the Prince of
Wales to Spain, ii. 246 ; his mis-
understanding with Olivarez, 265 ;
his expedition against France,
277 ; assassinated, 278
Biigenhagen, founder of Lutheran-
ism in Denmark, i. 416, 417
Buhler family in Schwyz, adherents
of Spain and the papacy, ii. 197
Buoncompagno, Giacomo, son of
Gregory XIII, i. 334, 335, 347.
iii. 138, 202 ; made a Venetian
" nobile," i. 334, iii. 108
Buoncompagno, Ugo. See Gregory
XIII
Burchard, Johann, defender of
Catholicism, iii. 8r
Burgau, Margraviate of, coercive
measures against the Protestants
in, i. 514
Busseto, conference between Paul
III and Charles V at, i. 197, iii.
68 -
Cadiz, bishop of, at the Council of
Trent, i. 262
Cajetan, Cardinal, supports the
election of Adrian VI, i. 72
Calatagirona, Bonaventura, general
of the Franciscans, expedites the
peace between France and Spain,
ii. 104, 105
Calendar, attempts to reform it,
under Leo X, iii. 88 ; reformed
by Gregory XIII, i. 337, 338 ; the
Gregorian calendar to be intro-
duced into Germany, iii. 194
Calvin, John, at first considered a
Lutheran, i. 187 ; extension of his
tenets, 424, 425 ; his doctrine of
predestination accepted by the
majority of Protestants, ii. 95
Calvinism, i. 183, 187, 424, 425, ii.
189 ; the Calvinists divided among
themselves, ii, 210, 319
Camaldoh, order of, i. 135
Camerino, seized by Paul III, i.
194, 195 ; restored to the Church,
204 ; conferred on the relations of
Julius III, 219
Campagna, the, its condition, iii.
205^. ; its breed of horses, i. 303 ;
bandits in, 344, 358 ; property of
the Borghese in, ii. 338, 375 ;
causes of its ruin, 414, iii. 321, 399
Campanella, subjected to torture, i.
391 ; his pamphlet on the ex-
clusive authority of the pope, iii.
213
Campeggi, bishop of Cesena, In-
struction for him, as nuncio to
the duke of Savoy (1624), iii. 250
Campeggio, Cardinal, proposes ex-
treme measures against Protes-
tantism, i. 87, 88, iii. 38/'.
Canjpion, the Jesuit, his secret
mission to England, i. 481
Campori, Cardinal, proposal to
elect him pope, iii. 222
Cancellaria, the, completed by
Julius II, i. 377
Candia, war of, against the Turks,
ii. 423, iii. 334, 351
Canisius, Peter, joins the Jesuits,
i. 171, 430, 431 ; his catechism,
438, 511 ; sent to the ecclesiastical
43^
INDEX
courts, 447 ; his influence at the
Diet of Augsburg (1566), 447,
448
Canon law, ii. 119, 124, 500
Canossa, Antonio, companion of
Accolti, i. 278, iii. 102
Capelletto, his information concern-
ing Sixtus V, iii. 134
Capello, Bianca, her death, iii. 323
Capello, Pietro, his report (1728),
iii. 407
Capello, Polo, his report on Alex-
ander VI, iii. 6 ; and Julius II, 11
Capistrano, Minorite friar, i. 29
Capitol, the, i. 378, 381, ii. 382, iii.
25- 147. 330
Capponi, Cardinal, archbishop of
Ravenna, iii. 223, 329 ; resigns,
ii. 420 n.
Capuchins, the, revive their original
authority, i. 136 ; in Switzerland,
483, 484, ii. 196 ; in the Nether-
lands, i. 498 ; in France, 525, ii.
39, 239 ; expelled from Venice,
133; their part in the treaty of
Prague, 313, 314 ; their relations
with the Jesuits, 434 ; protected
by Cardinal Ludovisio, iii. 224
Caracci, the, their school of paint-
ing, i. 394, 395
Caracciolo, Antonio, not the author
of the letters of Ganganelli, ii.
494 ; his life of Paul IV, iii. 89
Caraffa family, their position under
Paul IV, i. 224, 229, 231 ; their
fall, 237 ff. ; condemned and
mostly put to death by Pius IV,
253, 254, iii. 96
Caraffa, Carlo, Cardinal, nephew of
Paul IV, sent to France, i. 227 ;
made a cardinal, 227 ; his hatred
of the Spaniards, 228 ; intimate
with Albrecht of Brandenburg,
230, 231 ; applies to the Sultan
for help, 231 ; makes a conven-
tion with Alva, 235 n. ; under-
takes an embassy to King Philip,
236; falls into disgrace, 236^.;
condemned and executed, 254,
iii. 97
Caraffa, Carlo, Bishop of Aversa,
nuncio to Ferdinand II, ii. 225,
233, 270 ; his work in Bohemia,
225^., iii, 2.26 ff., 252 ^. ; his in-
fluence with the emperor, ii. 235,
272 ; his Instruction (1621), iii.
225; his reports {1624, 1628),
252, 273
Caraffa, Giovanni Pietro, Cardinal,
member of the ' ' Oratory of Divine
Love," i, 107, 116; opposed to
the Ratisbon resolutions, 130 ;
founds the Theatine order, 13.7,
138 ; his intimacy with Loyola,
151 ; at the Council of Trent, 159 ;
supports the Inquisition, 162 ; his
severity in carrying out the edict,
163, 164, 166 ; opposes the policy
of Paul III, 204, 224 ; elected
pope, 221 ; his report to Clement
VII on the condition of the
Church, iii. 89. See Paul IV
Caraffa, Pier Luigi, nuncio in
Cologne, ii. 304 ?i. ; Instruction
for his nunciature (1624), iii. 263;
his report (,1634), 278
Caraffa, Vincenzo, general of the
Jesuits, ii. 426
Caravajal, his Instruction concerning
the Spanish concordat, ii. 478 ti.
Carbonari, the, ii. 517
Cardinals, elected by favour or for
money, i. 45 ; those created by
Paul III (116, T91) prepare a
scheme of Church reform, 116,
117 n. ; compelled to preach by
Paul IV, 241 ; given high places
in the government by Pius IV, iii.
94 ; suggested reforms of, at the
Council of Trent, i. 259, 272 ; all
compelled to sign the edict of
alienation by Pius V, 285 ; Sixtus
V adds eight new congregations,
365, ii. 106, and limits the
number of cardinals to seventy, i.
366 ; character of the cardinals at
that time, 400 ; behaviour neces-
sary to their success, 409 ; factions
and intrigues in the conclaves, ii.
34^. ; they assent to the absolu-
tion of Henry IV, 62 ; little con-
sulted by Clement VIII, 107;
their treatment by Paul V, 117,
iii. 190, 191, 197; and by Urban
VIII, 245, 283. ii. 290 ; their
position in the conclave on the
death of Innocent X, 364 ; regain
influence under Alexander VIII,
367, 368 ; receive bounty from
Clement IX, 371 ; their hypocrisy,
INDEX
437
iii. 287 ; their disputes as to pre-
cedence, ii. 374 ; aggrandizement
of their faniiUes, 376 ; rendered
insignificant by Pius VI, iii. 424 ;
assemble in Venice for the election
of Pius VII, ii. 505 ; Napoleon
claims the right to nominate one-
third, 510 ; their views on the ad-
ministration of the papal states
(1846), 523, 524; all laws to be ap-
proved by them, 525 ; the govern-
ment transferred to a commission
of cardinals, 530 ; in the French
senate, 531 ; their opinions on the
summoning of theVatican Council ,
546, 547, 550 ; the French demand
the reform of the sacred college,
553
Cardine, Leonardo di, condemned
to death, i. 254
Carinthia, evangelical pastors in, i.
471 ; counter-reformation in, ii.
181, 270
Carlos, Don, i. 456
Carlovingian dynasty, the, resists
the Mahometans, i. 14; its attitude
towards the clergy, 135
Carmelites, the, in Spain, ii. 203 ;
transplanted to France, 204 ; in
Bohemia, 226
Carnesecchi, of Florence, Protestant
reformer, i. 115 ; burnt by the
Inquisition, 287
Carniola, counter-reformation in, ii.
181, 270 ; archbishop of, iii. 5
Caro, Annibal, letters of, i. 209 ;/.
Caroline, queen of Naples, ii. 500
Carpi, Cardinal, his proposal to
Charles V with regard to Milan,
i. 196 ; Paul IV and, 240 ; on the
Council of Trent, 263 ; patron of
Felice Peretti, 350, iii. 136, 142
Carranza, archbishop of Toledo,
given over to the Inquisition, i.
293. 351
Cartari, Carlo, his life of Clement X,
iii. 366
Carvalho, Portuguese minister, ii.
486 ; demands a reform of the
Jesuits, 487
Casa, Giovanni della, prints the first
Index, i. 167
Casale, besieged by the Spaniards,
ii. 285, 294, 295, 299, iii. 286
Casati, Paolo, his report to Alexander
VII on the conversion of Queen
Christina, ii. 398 71., iii. 344
Casimir, archbishop of Mainz, hrs
character, iii. 281
Casimir, count palatine, his in-
effectual efforts in the Protestant
cause, i. 499 ; his restless pro-
ceedings, iii. 158 ; plans for con-
verting his sister to Catholicism,
184
Cassoni, Count, secretary of state
to Innocent XI, ii. 466
Casta, Father, on regicide, ii. 489 n.
Castelvetri, flees from the Inquisi-
tion, V. 166
Castiglione, his letter to Leo X on
Rome, i. 380 n.
Castro, belonging to Cardinal Far-
nese, ii. no; war of, 343^.;
peace of, 353 ; taken possession
of by Innocent X, 359, 360 ;
account of the origin of the war,
iii. 297 ; its results, 354, 357, 377
Castro, bishop of, murdered, ii. 359
Castro, Francesco di, Spanish am-
bassador to Venice, ii. 136, 137
Catechism, the Roman, published
by Pius V, i. 293 ; ordered to be
printed in various languages, ii.
223 ; that of Canisius, i. 438, 511 ;
that of Edmund Augier, 461
Catherine of Aragon, divorce of, i.
98, 99
Catherine de' Medici, her suitors,
iii. 43, 44 ; her marriage, 45,
73, i, 93 ; her treatment of the
Hugvienots, 461 ; brings about
the massacre of St. Bartholomew,
463 ; favours the Capuchins, 525,
526
Catherine of Poland, marries King
John of Sweden, i. 474, 477, ii.
154
Catholicism, receives its modern
character, i. 157^., 187, 188, 275 ;
the strict party again predominant,
221, 227; losses sustained in
Europe, 249, 422, ^27 n. ; dogmas
settled at the Council of Trent,
161, 271, 273 ; entirely separated
from Protestantism, 161, 274, 275 ;
its successes gained by the help of
temporal sovereigns, 2,75, 276,
444, 445, 514, ii. 5 ; its renewed
strength, i. 301, 428 ; its demands
43^
INDEX
a burden to the papal states, 329 ;
dominates art and literature in
Italy, 390^., 411 ; its decline in
Germany, 423, 424 ; revival in that
country, 441/"., 448, 4531 con-
flicts with Protestantism in Poland,
473. ii- '^5^ ^. '^7^ ff-1 Sweden,
i. 474, ii. 157/"., England, i. 477,
and Switzerland, i. 482, ii. 194^;
success in the Netherlands, 484^.;
successful attempts to re-establish
it in Germany, 499^., 517 #., ii.
177 jf. ; also in Austria, i. 510 ff.,
ii. 191, 192 ; its revival in France,
i. 525/:, ii. xggff.; martyrs in
England, i. 538; its connection with
monarchical forms of government
not universal, ii. 5 ; opposition in
France to its hierarchical claims,
15, 16, 143 ; opposing systems,
29, 30 ; review of its inward
development, 143, 149 ; in Russia,
170 ; strong position at the begin-
ing of the Thirty Years' War, 287 ;
predominance of monarchical
ideas, 212 ; victories in Southern
Germ any, France, and the Grisons,
2 [8, 219, in Bohemia and Hun-
gary, etc. , 224 ff. , 270, in the
Netherlands, 241, 242 ; advances
in England, 243^. ; extension in
South America, 249, and in India
and the East, 251 ff. ; further
triumphs in Austria and Germany,
ijoff.; influence of political aims,
280, 293, 309, 313, 319 ; the con-
flict with Protestantism decided
by the Peace of Westphalia, 316 ;
definite limits imposed, 318 ; effect
of the suppression of the Jesuits,
498 ; re-established in France,
506, 516 ; reorganized in non-
Catholic countries, 517 ; Catho-
lic emancipation in England,
518, 519; triumph in Belgium,
519, 520 ; the French revolution
favourable to it, 521, 522 ; supreme
in Spain, 531 ; its losses in Poland,
537
Cava, della, Bishop, on justification,
i. 158
Cavalli, his despatches, i, 456 ?i.,
Cecca, secretary of state under
Urban VIII, iii. 294
Cecchini, dementia, sells offices, ii.
416
Cecchini, datary under Innocent X,
superseded, ii. 360 ; his autobio-
graphy, iii. 3ii_/,
Cecilia Metella, tomb of, i. 381, ii.
385
Celibacy, introduced, i. 23, 135 ;
defended by Pius IX, ii. 545
Ceneda, Cardinal, i. 355
Ceneda, dispute between Paul V
and Venice concerning, ii. 121
Censurae, brougiit forward by the
Spanish bishops at the Council of
Trent, i. 201, iii. 72
Centini, Giacinto, his plot against
Urban VIII, iii. 296
Cervini, Alessandro, his life of his
brother, Marcellus II, iii. 88
Cervini, Marcello, Cardinal of
Montepulciano, opposes the
Ratisbon resolutions, i. 130;
elected pope, 220 ; his embassy
to Charles V, iii. 82. See Mar-
cellus II
Cervini, Riccardo, father of Mar-
cellus II, attempts to reform the
Calendar, iii. 88, 89
Cesarini, the, take part in the
tumults on the death of Paul IV,
i. 243; allied with the Pamfili,
ii- 373
Cesena, noted for wine, i. 303 ;
factions in, 309, 343
Cesi, Cardinal, his computation of
the new debts contracted by Urban
VIII, ii. 352
Cesi, legate of Bologna (1580), iii.
202
Ceva, his mission to France, iii.
298
Chantal, Mere, helper of St. Francis
de Sales, ii. 204
Chanut, French ambassador in
Sweden, letter of Queen Christina
to, ii. 402
Chapters, the, in Germany, inde-
pendent of the pope, i. 23, ii. 419 ;
in Spain, subject to the bishops,
i. 217 ; decision on the subject at
the Council of Trent, 271, 272
Charlemagne, destroys the power
of the Lombard kings, i. 16 ; is
crowned at Rome as Emperor of
the West, 17
INDEX
439
Charles Martel, his proteciion of
Pope Boniface, i. 14
Charles I of England, visits Madrid
as Prince of Wales, ii. 246 ; his
correspondence with the pope,
247 ; his marriage with Henrietta
of France, 265 ; acknowledges that
Buckingham was not sufficiently
supported, 278 ; his approaches to
Catholic ritual fatal to him, 318
Charles V, Emperor, claims Lom-
bardy, i. 67 ; his alliance with
Leo X for the recovery of Naples,
67, 78 ; his ineffectual embassy to
Adrian VI, his tutor, 73, 74; his
power in Italy, 86, 209, 214 ;
promises to reduce Protestantism,
87 ; his tolerance, 88 ; promises a
council, 89 ; his conference with
Clement VII at Bologna, 91 ;
earnestly desires a reconciliation
between the two creeds, 121 ;
opposition to his conciliatory
purposes, 130 ff., iii. 83 ff. ;
prepares for war against the
Protestant princes of Germany,
i. 156, 158 ; his motives for the
war, 426 ; his alliance with Paul
III against the Turks, 194, 199 ;
his treaty with Francis I at Nice,
194 ; holds a conference with the
pope at Busseto, 197, iii. 68 ;
victorious against the Protestants
in North Germany, i.200; deserted
by the pope, 201, 202 ; his victory
at Miihlberg, 202 ; publishes the
Interim, 209 ; proposal to nomi-
nate him as successor of Paul III,
210 ; wishes to re-establish the
Council at Trent, 214 ; is hard
pushed by his enemies, 217, 223 ;
his dissensions with Paul IV, 224,
225 ; his speech in Rome (Easter,
1536), iii. 41
Charles VI, emperor, his relations
with the Curia, iii. 419
Charles II of Spain, appeals to the
p>ope, as to his will, ii. 471
Charles III, of Spain, acknowledged
by Clement XI, ii. 474 ; closes the
houses of the Jesuits in Spain,
492
Charles VIII of France, finds aid
in his opposition to the pope from
Savonarola's preaching, i. 67 ;
description of his entry into Rome,
iii. 19
Charles IX, of France, envious of
his brother, the duke of Anjou,
i. 462 ; incited to the massacre of
St. Bartholomew, 463, 464 ; ad-
monished by Gregory XIII, iii.
108 ; and subsidized by him, i. 339
Charles X, of France, his religious
zeal the main cause of his deposi-
tion, ii. 521
Charles, archduke of Austria,
favours tlie Jesuits in Styria, i.
471 ; compelled to make con-
cessions to the Protestants, 472,
512 ; subsidized by Gregory XIII,
512 ; determines to root out
Protestantism, 512; extolled by
Sixtus V, 514 ; his death, ii. 180
Charles, duke of Sudermania, son
of Gustavus Vasa, i. 477 ; made
Governor of Sweden during the
absence of Sigismund, ii. 160,
161 ; his position at the head of
the Protestant party, 162, 165 ;
defeats Sigismund, 168, 169 ; ancl
assumes the royal title, 169 ; his
unpopularity, iii. 170
Charles X Gustavus, nominated as
successor to the throne of Sweden,
ii. 389 ; his enterprises make an
impression at Rome, iii. 338
Charles Albert, king of Sardinia,
advances into Lombardy, ii. 525 ;
supported by the papal general,
526
Charles Emanuel, duke of Savoy,
his efforts to regain Geneva, i.
535 ; takes possession of Saluzzo,
547 ; attacked by Henry IV, ii.
105 ; retains Saluzzo, 105 ; dis-
putes with Paul V, 120, 121 ;
incited by Gregory XV to attack
Geneva, iii. 237, 238 ; claims the
right of nomination to bishoprics,
252 ; advances on Montferrat, ii.
285 ; opposes Louis XIII, but is
beaten back, 295, 299
Charme de (Due de Chaulnes), his
report on Rome (1669), iii. 360
Chastel, Jean, attempts to assassinate
Henry IV, ii. 59
Chiltillon, receives the baton of
marshal on deserting the Pro-
testant faith, ii. 238
446
INDEX
Chieregato, papal nuncio, his In-
struction from Adrian VI, i. 74 ;
his reports used by Sarpi, 7s ^u
iii. 56, 78
Chigi family, their register of offices
in 1471, i. 320 ; memorandum-
book of Sixtus V in their posses-
sion, 368 ; their enrichment, ii.
• 366; their arrogance in the disputes
with France, iii. 352, 353
Chigi, Agostino, treasurer of Juhus
II, i. 377
Chigi,Agostino, nephew of Alexander
VII, enriched and married, ii. 366
Cingi, Fabio, papal legate at the
congress of the Peace of West-
phalia, ii. 316; influences Innocent
X against the Jansenists, 445,
446 ; elected pope, 365. See
Alexander VII
Chigi, Flavio, nephew of Alexander
VII, made cardinal padrone, ii,
366, 367, 370 ; his power, iii. 358,
365 ; allied with the Altieri, 365 ;
is neglected, 372, 376
Chigi, Mario, brother of Alexander
VII, obtains lucrative appoint-
ments, ii. 366, 417 ; affi-onts the
French ambassador, iii. 353, 354
China, Jesuits in, ii. 254, 255
Choiseul, French minister, ii. 486
Christ, his life and teaching, i. 4, 5 ;
effects of the Italian book "On
the benefits bestowed by Christ,"
i. no/.
Christianity, its birth and growth,
i, 5 ; its relation to the ancient
religions, 6/ ; rise of the cleric-il
body, 9 ; how affected by the fall
of the Roman Empire, 11 ; diffu-
sion in the West, 12, 13, 26 ; the
papal power and nepotism op-
posed to its spirit, 40, 41 ; its
principles despised in Rome, 58 ;
restored to a purer form in
Germany, loi ; final separation
of its three forms in the West,
187 ; altered conditions in its
personal and national adoption,
ii. 320, 321
Christian IV, king of Denmark,
takes the field in aid of the elector
palatine, ii. 265, 266 ; loses the
battle of Lutter, 270 ; compelled
to make peace, 301
Christian of Anhalt, Ui'ges the Elec-
tor Frederick to accept the crown
of Bohemia, ii. 216
Christina, queen of Sweden, account
of, ii. 387 J'. ; her devotion to
public affairs, 388 ; nominates
the count palatine Charles Gus-
tavus her successor, 389 ; her
passion for literature and study,
390 ; her intercourse with famous
scholars, 390, 391, 395 ; her per-
sonal characteristics and disposi-
tion, 391 /. ; her aversion to
marriage, 392 ; her religious views
and doubts, 394/, iii. 342, 345,
346; inclines to Catholicism, ii. 397;
her intercourse with Jesuits, 398,
iii. 2>\1 ff- ; hsr abdication, ii. 400,
402 ; leaves Sweden and becomes
Catholic, 403 ; her travels, 403 ;
her life in Rome, collections, in-
fluence on Italian literature, etc.,
405 ff. ; her relations with Alex-
ander VII, iii. 342, 343 ; with
Innocent XI, ii. 466 n. ; with the
Squadronisti, 407, iii. 366
Christofano da Fiume, commissioner
of customs in Ferrara, ii. 65
Chrodegang, rale of, i. 135
Chrysostom, on idolatry, i. 7;
esteemed by the Jansenists, ii. 439
Chur, ii. 198, 298
Church, States of the, founded, i.
15 ; extended, 34 ff., 42 ; parties
in, 38, 42, 309; set the example
for the Inquisition, 168 ; ecclesi-
astical regulations of Pius V, 286 ;
importance of, to the Church, 301,
329, 431 ; description of the terri-
tory, 302 ff. ; principles of their
administration, 305 ff., iii. 93;
relations of the barons and
peasants, i. 310, 311, iii. 205, 206 ;
insubordination of the towns, i.
314; finances, 319/., 368/".; value
of revenue, 327, 330, 340 n., 370,
372, ii. 331 ; burden of the taxes,
i. 332, ii. 3^2 ; confiscations of
Gregory XIII, 340/., iii. 138;
rise of banditti, i. 344 ; extirpated
by Sixtus V, 357 jf. ; his adminis-
tration, oj6off.\ miraculous ap-
pearances, 404 ; administration of
Clement VIII, ii. 106, 107; forti-
fications built by Urban VIII>
INDEX
44T
289 ; lapse of Urbino, 325 f. ;
increase of debt, 331^ ; revenues
and debt from 1587 onwards, 331
ff., 352, 461 ; in 1675, iii. 373 ; in
1691, 386; the finance in the
hands of commercial houses, ii.
412 ; administration of communal
property subjected to the Curia,
413, iii. 355 ; the Annona, ii. 413,
414 ; punishments remitted for
money, iii. 332 ; the administration
of justice corrupt, ii. 417 ; their
decay, 415/"., iii. 353. 354 /•.
386, 424 ; decline in population,
375, 399 ; the government corrupt,
415 ; plans for commercial and
industrial improvements, 369, 408,
^\x ff. \ preserved in peace by
Spain, ii. 471 ; hostilities intro-
duced by the Bourbons, 476 ;
assumed by Napoleon as a gift
from Charlemagne to the pope,
509; united with the French
empire, 510 ; restored to the pope
by the non-Catholic powers, 513,
514 ; anti-clerical movements,
517 ; disturbances in 1830, 523 ;
constitution of Pius IX, 524 ; the
Roman Republic, 529, 530 ; revolt
after the evacuation by the
Austrians, 539 ; the revolted pro-
vinces join Piedmont, 540, 541 ;
firmness of the pope with regard
to his rights, 542, 543 ; protected
by the French, 548, 563 ; destruc-
tion of the papal slates by the
Italians, 570
Chytraeus, dedicates his work on
the Confession of Augsburg to
the king of Sweden, i. 476
Cicarella, historian, iii. 162
Cicero, saying of, on religious
opinions, ii. 396, iii. 342
Cirillo, chamberlain under Pius V,
iii. 104
Cirocchi, Pier Maria, fiscal-general,
iii. 313
Cistercians, order of, i. 526
Civit^ Vecchia, adherents of Charles
V seize ships in the harbour, i.
225 ; made a free port by Urban
VIII, ii. 290; occupied by the
French, 548, 563
Clarip, Isidore, his warnings against
schism, i. 114, 115
Clausenbufg, seminary at, i. 482 ;
the church taken from the Protes-
tants, ii. 183
Clavius, active in the reform of the
calendar, i. 338 ; at the Roman
court, 402, 405
Clement VII (Giulio de' Medici), his
election, i. 'jj; iii. 26 ; his cha-
racter, i, 'jj, 78, iii. 3^, 38, 42 ;
his advisers, 35, 43 ; his intimate
connection with the Spaniards,
i. 79 ; goes to war with Spain, 81,
82 ; besieged in his capital, 85 ;
again joins the imperialists, 86 ;
endeavours to avoid a council, 90 ;
fillies himself with the king of
France, 93 ff., iii. 45, 73 ; his
relations with the German Protes-
tants, i. 94 ; effects of his policy,
96, iii. 36 , his connection witJi
Henry VIII, i. 97^., 98 n. ; abridges
the liberties of Ancona, 315, 316 ;
his financial measures, 325 ; his
Instruction to Cardinal Farnese,
i. 79, iii. 29 ; his relations with
the emperor, 36, 37, 40 ; his death
and position in history, i. 100
Clement VIII (Ippolito Aldobran-
dini), his election, ii, 44 ; his
family and early life, 45, 46 ; his
activity and disposition, 47, 48,
113, iii. 174, T-jg ff. ; his attitude
to the prince of Transylvania,
178 ; his position with regard to
Henry IV and the League, ii. 49,
83 ; refuses to receive Cardinal
Gondi, 50 ; his conciliatory policy,
52 ; distrustful of Henry IV, 55 ;
his reception of the duke of
Nevers, 56 ; inclined to reconcilia-
tion, 60 ; his conditions agreed
to, 61 ; grants absolution, 63 ;
inflexibility with regard to the
re-investiture of Ferrara, 73, 74 ;
excommunicates Duke Cesare
d'Este, 78 ; takes possession of
Ferrara, 80 ; his government of
it, 81, 82 ; measures with regard
to the Jesuits, 84, 91, 93, 99, 102 ;
his political position, 104^. ; his
efforts against the Turks, 106,
iii. 180 ; his administration of the
state, ii. 106, 107 ; his advice to
the king of Poland, 154 ; his In-
struction to Powsinsky, 158, iii.
442
INDEX
170 ; sends Comuleo to Moscow,
ii. 170 ; confirms Ferdinand II in
his resolves, 181 ; indignant at the
edict of Nantes, 201 ; makes ad-
vances to James I, 243 ; power of
his nephews, 107 jf., 337, iii. 175,
176 ; his buildings, ii. 379 ; fixes
the price of corn-, 413 ; his death,
ii. 112 ; effect of his pohcy, 113 ;
his " Life," iii. 169
Clement IX (Giulio Rospigliosi), his
election and character, ii. 369,
iii. 358 ; refuses undue favours to
his nephews, ii. 369, iii. 360, 361,
364 ; confirms existing appoint-
ments, 370 ; his liberality towards
the members of the Curia, 371 ;
makes new loans, 411 ; condemns
the Jansenist propositions gene-
rally, 448
Clement X (Emilio Altieri), favours
the Spaniards, ii. 460 ; his gentle
disposition, iii. 365 ; his early life,
367 ; traits of character, 370 ff. ;
his ijuildings, 368, 369 ; his rela-
tions with foreign courts, 376, 377
Clement XI (Giovanni Francesco
Albani),his election and character,
ii. 472, iii. 394, 395, 402 ; his
government and entourage, 395,
396, 403 ; his conscientiousness,
especially in appointing bishops,
397, 398 ; his zeal in all jurisdic-
tional matters, 398 ; his position
with regard to the Spanish succes-
sion, ii. 472, iii. 396, 400, 40 r ; the
Imperialists threaten his capital,
ii. 473 ; obliged to accept terms of
peace, 473, 474 ; opposition to his
authority, 476 ; prohibits the im-
portation of foreign cloth, iii. 413 ;
amount of his alms, 405
Clement XII (Lorenzo Corsini),
compelled to grant the investiture
of Naples and Sicily to the
Spanish Infant, ii. 475 ; permits
the importation of foreign cloth,
iii. 413 ; his character, 415 ; his
relations with foreign courts,
416 jf.
Clement XIII (Carlo Rezzonico),
his election and character, ii. 488 ;
upholds the Jesuits, 488, and
refuses to change their constitu-
tion, 491 ; his monitorium to the
duke of Parma, 493 ; his death,
493
Clement XIV (Lorenzo GanganelliJ,
his election, ii. 495 ; his policy
and disposition, 495, 496 ; sup-
presses the Jesuits, 497
Clement, Jacques, assassinates
Henry III, i. 545 ; eulogized by
Mariana, ii. 10
Clergy, civil constitution of the, in
France, ii. 502 ; rejected by Pius
VI, 504
Cleves, Johann Wilhelm, prince of,
attitude of Sixtus V to him, i. 504
Cleves, Wilhelm, duke of, his
relations with Protestantism, i.
421 ; and with his son Johann
Wilhelm, 504
Cloth manufacture in the papal
states, iii. 408, 409, 413
Clovis, miracles contributing to his
conversion, i. 12
Cluny, abbots of, i. 23 ; monastic
rule of, 135
Coesfeld, Jesuit college founded at,
ii- 233
Coeuvres, Marquis de, in the Grisons,
iii. 271, 272
Coinage, under Julius II, iii. 14 ;
debased by Sixtus V, i. 373 ; in
the early i8th century, iii. 414
Collegium Germanicum in Rome,
i. 182, 291, 337, 450, 515, 519
Collegium Helveticum, at Milan, i.
291, 484, ii. 198
Collegium Romanum, i. 182, 337,
482, ii. 383, 430
Colleine, Cola, his diary, iii, 20
Colloredo, Cardinal, proposal to
elect him pope, iii. 394
Colocsa, archbishop of, ii. 183
Cologne, peace congress at (1636),
ii- 315
Cologne, the Protestants of, i. 421,
423 ; the Jesuits in, 433, 437 ;
Protestant tendencies of the arch-
bishop, 468, 469 ; restoration of
Catholicism, 500, 501, 517, ii. 5 ,
society for the conversion of
Protestants, iii. 264 ; condition of
the university, 279 ; description
of the life of the people, 280 ;
state of the city after the battle of
Leipzig, 281 ; Innocent XI resists
the appointment of the candidate
INDEX
443
of Louis XIV as archbishop, ii.
467
Colonna family, persecuted under
Sixtus IV, i. 37 ; return to Rome,
42 ; favour the Hberal rehgious
movement, 112; declared rebels
by Paul IV, 228 ; march on Rome,
234 ; take part in the tumnlts on
the death of Paul IV, 243 ;
favoured I y Sixtus V, 363 ; their
position, ii. 372, 373 ; their dis-
putes with the Orsini, i. 233, ii.
374 ; and with the Gaetani, iii.
295 ; their revenues, 206
Colonna, Anna, wife of Taddeo
Barberini, ii. 356, iii. 320
Colonna, Ascanio, allied with Peru-
gia against Paul III, i. 318
Colonna, Ascanio, Cardinal, opposes
the destruction of antiquities under
Sixtus V, i. 381 ; opposes the elec-
tion of Sanseverina, ii. 43, iii. 167
Colonna, Filippo, his financial
affairs, ii. 373 ; his sons, 373 n.
Colonna, Girolamo, proniaggior-
duomo under Benedict XIV, iii.
422
Colonna, Marc Antonio, victorious
over Giulio Orsini, i. 233 ; marches
against Rome, 234 ; gains a great
reputation, 235
Colonna, Marc Antonio, nephew of
the foregoing, marries a grand-
niece of Sixtus V, i. 363
Colonna, Vespasiano, duke of
Palliano, i. 112
Colonna, Vittoria, her piety and
accomplishments, i, 112
Colonna, the prothonotary, executed
by Sixtus IV, i. 37
Commandin, investigates the theory
of gravitation, i. 387
Commendone, on the changes sub-
sequent to the election of a new
pope, i. 406, 407 n. ; on the power
of Protestantism in Germany,
421; extolled, iii. 107; his report
(1563), 70, loi ; his description of
the Roman court, in
Commolet, Father, and the conver-
sion of Henry IV, ii, 100
Communion in both kinds, a con-
dition of religious peace in Ger-
many, i. 125 ; demanded at the
Council of Trent, 260, 261, iii. 98 ;
in the territories of Salzburg, i. 420 ;
grant of, in Bavaria, not made
known by Duke Albert, 443 ;
administered in Eicbsfeld, 451 ;
in Sweden 475, 477 ; forbidden in
Bamberg and Paderborn, ii. 179 ;
and in Bohemia, 227
Conio, Cardinal. See Gallio.
Como, bishop of, forbidden to exer-
cise his office in the Valtelline,
ii. 198
Compositions, ecclesiastical, at
Rome, i. 117, 119, 125, 285, 331
Comuleo, sent to Moscow by Cle-
ment VIII, ii. 170
Conclaves, question of their reform,
i. 259, 264, 267, 272, 273 ; usual
result of conclaves in the i6th
century, ii. 35 ; variation of this
result, 44, 288 ; account of manu-
script " Conclaves," iii. \6off.
Concordats, papal, with Francis I
of France, i. 30 ; with Germany,
32 ; with Spain, ii. 477, 478 ; with
Napoleon, 506, 507, 508
Cond^, Henri I, prince of, excom-
municated by Sixtus V, i. 529
Condd, Henri II, prince of, educated
in the Catholic faith, ii. 61
Cond^, I.ouis, prince of, leader of
the Huguenots, i. 459
Cond^, Louis, prince of, on the
submission of the clergy to Louis
XIV, ii. 463
Congregations of Cardinals, number
of, increased by Sixtus V, i. 365 ;
and by Urban VIII, ii. 367, 449.
See also Cardinals
Conrad II, emperor, extent of his
conquests, i. 18
Consalvi, Cardinal, his administra-
tion of the papal states, ii. 523
Consalvus, his account of Loyola,
iii. 219
Constance, bishop of, joins in the
formation of the League, ii. 192 ;
presses his claims againt Wiirtem-
berg, 272
Constance, Council of, i. 28, 260,
274
Constantinople, iconoclastic con-
troversy of, i. II ; emperor of,
seeks the pope's life, 11 ; patriarchs
of, 17 ; Jesuit mission established
in, ii. 259
/•
44^
INDEX
Consulta, origin of the, i. 255 ; not
formed by Urban VIII, ii, 291 ;
partly composed of laymen under
Pius IX, 524, 530
Contarelli, datary under Gregory
XIII, i. 334
Contarini, Aluise (sonof Tommaso),
bis report (1635), ii. 310, iii. 282
Contarini, Aluise (son of Niccolo),
his report on Innocent X (1648),
iii. 328
Contarini, Domenico, his report
(1696), ii. 468 «., 469 n., iii. 389
Contarini, Gaspar, member of the
Oratory of Divine Love, i. 107,
108, 109 ; his views on justifica-
tion, 109, 158/; ; made cardinal,
116, 123 ; opposes the abuses of
the Curia, 117, 118 ; his early life
and character, 121 ff.\ papal
legate at Ratisbon, 121, r24 /". ;
Instruction to him (1541), 126,
"'• 59^- > 77 y ^7 ; his conciliatory
proposals rejected at Rome, i.
133 . .
Contarini, Giulio, bishop of Belluno,
on justification, i. 158
Contarini, Marco Antonio, his re-
port on the court of Paul III, i.
190 n.
Contarini, Niccolo, schoolfellow of
Paolo Sarpi, ii. 127 ; his influence
at Venice, 18 ; on Duke Cesare
d'Este, 79
Contarini, Pietro, his report on
Urban VIII (1627). iii. 266
Conte, Natale, his work on mytho-
logy, i. 387
Contellorious, Felix, his historical
extracts, iii. 21
Conti, the, pride themselves on the
popes of their family, ii. 372 ;
their disputes as to precedence
with the Orsini and Colonna, 374
Conti, Michel Angelo. See Inno-
cent XIII
Conti, Torquato, general of the
imperial army against Gustavus
Adolphus, ii. 308
Contrario, Ercole, put to death by
the duke of Ferrara, ii. 70
Coralta, carries the bull of excom-
munication into Ferrara, ii. 79
Cordara, Julius, historian of the
Jesuit order, iii. 218
Cordoba, Don Gonsalez de, governor
of Milan, ii. 285
Corner, Andrea, his report (1724),
iii. 405
Corniglia, Monsignor, i. 334
Corona, Tobia, his Instruct'ion from
Gregory XV (1622), iii. 236 ; result
of his mission, 250, 251
Corradini, auditor of the pope, iii.
403
Corrado, of Ferrara, Cardinal,
minister of Alexander VII, ii. 368
Corraro, Anzolo, his report on the
papal court {1660), iii. 349
Correggio, paintings by, in the
collection of Queen Christina, ii.
405
Correr, Zuanne, his despatches, iii.
152 .
Corsini, cardinal -nephew under
Clement XII, iii. 415, 416
Cortesi, Gregorio, abbot of S.
Giorgio, Venice, i. 108
Cortesius, Paul, his work on scholas-
tic' philosophy, i. 387
Cossacks, assist in impeding Catholic
designs in the north of Europe,
ii. 177 ; Ferdinand II proposes to
send them against France, ii. 300
Cotton, Jesuit, confessor to Henry
IV, ii. loi
Councils, the ideal of, according to
Augustine, i. 263 ; Sarpi's views
on, ii. 129 ; question of their
superiority over the pope, 463,
556 ff. , 564 ; their decisions in
matters of doctrine depend on
moral unanimity, 561 ; relation of
the temporal powers to councils,
550. 552, 554
Courtray taken by Alexander Far-
nese, i. 493 ; re-entered by the
Jesuits, 497
Cracow, Jesuit college at, ii. 152 ;
bishop of, intimate with Bolog-
netto, 153 ; evangelical church
stormed, 176
Crell, chancellor, his intrigues, ii. 32
Cr^quy, French ambassador in
Rome, insulted, ii. 452, iii. 353, 359
Crimean war, participation of Sar-
dinia in, ii. 539
Croatia, predicted effect of the de-
cree of Infallibility on the Catholics
in, ii. 565
INDEX
445
Cruciata, the King of Portugal ob-
tains one-third from Leo X, i. 32
Crusades, the, i. 25, 26 ; ineffectual
attempts to preach one in the
•15th century, 29
Cueva, Cardinal, his relations with
the future Innocent XI, iii. 379
Culm, Waiwode of, on the claims
of the Catholic clergy to Church
buildings in Poland, ii. 156 «.
Curia, the, becomes secularized, i.
45^- . 58 ; Adrian VI proix)ses to
reduce the revenues, 75 ; abuses
opposed by G. Contarini, 117^. ;
enjoined to keep fasts by Paul IV,
241 ; character of its rule over the
municipalities in the papal states,
306^., 314 ; finances, 319^. ; re-
form proposed at the Council of
Trent, 259, 264 ; preserved in the
same form as heretofore, 273 ; re-
formed by Pius IV, 284, 285 ;
change in spirit and character,
399 ff^' ; spiritual and worldly
elements in the lives of its mem-
bers, 410, 411, iii. Tii.; indepen-
dent of foreign influence after
the middle of the i6th century,
ii. 35 ; opposed to the absolution
of Henry IV, 55, 57, 60 ; endea-
vours to maintain its claims in
Italy, 119; amazed at the be-
haviour of Urban VIII, 311 ;
disapproves of the peace of
Westphalia, 316 ; ceremonial,
374 ; nepotism, 376, 423, 458 ;
growth of the population of Rome
dependent on the wealth of the
court, 378, 379 ; Queen Christina
takes part in its intrigues, 405,
407, iii. 366 ; intellectual life, ii.
408 ; governed by flattery, iii.
375 ; commercial tendencies, ii.
412 ; profits from Spanish and
Italian benefices, 419 ; pensions,
419, 420 ; further abuses, iii. 313,
361, 378 ; disputes with other
Catholic states, ii. 450 ff. ; in-
vaded by the love of enjoyment,
458 ; decline of its influence, 459 ;
its rights restricted under Bene-
dict XIV, 478, 479 ; divided into
two parties, 495 ; obtains direct
influence over the clergy of
Nfiples, 516 ; concludes treaties
with Protestant governments,
518 ; interference in Prussia, 520 ;
closely connected with the Aus-
trian episcopacy, 533 ; defied by
Piedmont, 538
Curione, Celio Secundo, escapes
from the Inquisition, i. 165
Customs (dogana) of Rome, the, i.
322, 323; revenues, 331, ii. 334,
iii. 116 ; creditors to receive a
share in their direction, i. 325 ;
new bonds secured on them, ii.
333 ; not to be farmed out in
future, iii. 411
Cyprus, attacked by the Turks, i.
295
D
Damiata, archbishop of. Instruc-
tion for his nunciature in France
(1624), iii. 248
Dandolo, Matteo, his report on
Rome (1551), i. 192 «., 328, iii. 87
Danzig, ii. 153, 156, iii. 156
Darboy, archbishop of Paris, op-
poses the declaration of Infalli-
bility, ii. 565
Daru, Count, French foreign
minister, protests against the
papal claims of the Vatican
Council, ii. 558 ; the Roman
government attempts to refute
his objections, 560 ; his resigna-
tion, 563 n,
Dataria, papal, permits payment
for favours, i. 46 ; sources of in-
come, 331, ii. 419 ; ofiice of
treasurer created, i. 371 ; families
rise to eminence through employ-
ment in its affairs, ii. 376 ;
liberality of Urban VIII in its
transactions, iii. 308 ; proceeds
seized by Clement IX, ii. 411 ;
maxim introduced by Panciatichi,
iii. 397 ; its income daily decreas-
ing, 403, 404
David, Jean, of Courtray, joins the
Jesuits, i. 497
Delfino, nuncio, iii. 57 ; his report
on the peace of Augsburg, usod
by Pallavicini, 69
Delfino, Gioan, on the expenditure
of the papal treasury under Sixtus
446
INDEX
V, i. 370 ; on Clement VIII's
citadel in Ferrara, ii. 82 ; his
report (1600), iii. 176
Demetrius, the false, ii. 170
Denmark, Protestantism in, i. 97,
417 ; king of, see Christian IV
Deone, his Diario (1640-1650), iii.
317
Dsrnbach, Balthazar von, abbot of
Fulda, calls in the Jesuits, i. 451,
452 ; his fate, 470
Descartes, his visits to Queen Chris-
tina, ii. 391
Desmond, earl of, heads Irish in-
surrection, i. 480 _
Dietrichstein, Cardinal, iii. 195 ;
converts Moravia to Catholicism,
ii. 228; in favour of liberty of
conscience in the empire, 313, 314
Digby, Lord, English ambassador
in Spain, ii. 246
Dillingen, university founded, i.
423 ; and intrusted to the Jesuits,
436, 437; the " professio fidei "
Subscribed, 448
Diotallevi, bishop of S. Andelo,
sent by Paul V to Poland (1614),
iii, 201
Dispensations, i. 45, 117, 285
Domenichino, his paintings, i. 395
Dominicans, their Inquisition, i.
162 ; their rule concerning the
authority of the priors, 174 n. ;
their convent in Rome threatened
with burning, 243 ; their contro-
versy with the Jesuits, ii. 94, 97,
102, 103, 140, 434 ; reformed in
France, 203 ; in Bohemia, 226 ;
their views on Infallibility, 566
Dominic, St., his self-denial emu-
lated by Loyola, i. 142 ; feast in
his honour instituted by Paul IV,
242
Dominis, archbishop of Spalatro,
publishes Sarpi's work on the
Council of Trent, iii. 47
Donato, Leonardo, doge of Venice,
ii. 18, 123 ; Venetian ambassador
in Rome, 25, 26 ; his proclama-
tion to the clergy, 132 ; his des-
patches from Rome (1581-83,
1589), iii. 152
Donauwerth, Protestants in, i. 423;
occupied by Maximilian of Bava-
ria, ii. 185
Doni family, ii. 376
Doria, house of, in Genoa, leaders
of the Ghibellines, i. 203
Dort, synod of. Huguenots for-
bidden to adopt its decrees, ii. 239
Douay, college for English Catholics
at, i. 480, 486 ; university estab-
lished by Philip II, 486 ; the Jesuits
temporarily expelled, 488
Drachter, Joh., dean of Dulmen, his
letter on the progress of the
counter-reformation, ii. 233 n.
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 540
Dubois, his nomination as cardinal
causes scruples to Innocent XIII,
iii. 407
Duelling, views of the Jesuits on, ii.
432
Dunkirk, taken by the Spaniards, i.
493
Dutch. See Netherlands
Duvergier de Hauranne, Jean, after-
wards called St. Cyran, friend of
Jansen, ii. 435 ; his views and in-
fluence in Paris, 437, 438 ; im-
prisoned, 438 ; his disciples, 439 ;
his death, 439 ; upholds the
divine right of bishops, 440
Echter, Julius, bishop of Wiirz-
burg, i. 470, 505 ; his active zeal
for Catholicism, $06 ff., ii. 212;
takes part in the formation of the
League, 192 ; exhorts the em-
peror, 226
Echter, Peter, advocates the admis-
sion of the Jesuits to Mainz, i. 435
Eck, Dr.,. German Catholic theo-
logian, i. 128, 132
Eckenberg, the nuncio Caraffa re-
commended to him, iii. 228, 276
Education, in France, the clergy in
competition with the state, ii.
522 ; in Austria, controlled by
the clergy, 533 ; in Piedmont,
withdrawn from episcopal super-
vision, 538. See also ]esni\.s
Edward III, of England, refuses
tribute to Rome, i. 28
Edward VI, of England, Protestant
government of, i. 208
Egmont, Count, executed, i. 457
INDEX
447
Egypt, designs of Sixtus Von, ii. 20
Eichsfeld, restoration of Catholicism
in, i. 451, ii. 178, 233
Eichstadt, tomb of St. Walpurgis
at, i. 439 ; bishop of, 448, ii. 272 ;
CoUegiumWiUibaldinum founded,
i. 448
Elfsborg, in West Gothland, to be
handed over to the Spaniards, ii.
167
Elizabeth, Queen, not at first de-
cidedly Protestant, i.-247 ; is re-
pelled by Paul IV, 247 ; convenes
a Protestant parliament, 248 ;
hostility of Gregory XIII to her,
338, 478 ; excommunicated by
Pius V, 462 ; her severity against
the Jesuits, 537, 538 ; invited by
Sixtus V to return to the Catholic
church, 539 ; puts Mary Stuart to
death, 540 ; the Armada directed
against her, 542 ; proposes a com-
mercial treaty with Poland, ii.
153 and n., iii. 156
EUwangen, provost of, one of the
founders of the League, ii. 192
Eltz, Jacob von, elector of Trier,
intrusts the visitation of his
diocese to the Jesuits, i. 448, 449
Emancipation of the Catholics in
England, ii. 518, 519
Emanuel, king of Portugal, con-
cessions made to, by Leo X, i. 32
Ems, declaration of the spiritual
electors at, ii. 500
England, early disputes with Rome,
i. 28 ; confiscation of the monas-
teries, 31 ; schism, 97 ; growth
of Protestantism, loi, 208, 245^ ;
ready to return to allegiance to
the pope, 245 ; effect of Paul IV's
measures, 246^, 256 ; the English
church, 248, 424 ; part of the
nobility and commons still Catho-
> lie, 430, 477 ; attitude of the
Catholics to the government of
Elizabeth, 477 ; Jesuit missions,
480, 481, 537, 538 ; Catholic
books again published, 481 ; at-
tacked by the Catholic powers,
537/- ; persecutions, 538 ; failure
and destruction of the Spanish
Armada, 542; rebellious spirit
of the Catholics, ii. 6 ; state of
Catholicism under James 1, 243/: ;
plans for the restoration of Catho-
licism, iii. 233; proposed aUiance
with Spain, ii. 245 ff. ; alliance
with France, 265, 269 ; schemes
of Urban VIII for an attack,
274 ff. ; domestic disputes, 301 ;
approach to Catholic ritual under
Charles I, 318 ; aristocratic cha-
racter of its constitution, 371 ;
takes the decisive part in settling
the Spanish succession, 475;
naval supremacy, 480, 481 ; eman-
cipation of the Catholics, 518,
5i9> 557 ! Catholic hierarchy
established by Pius IX, 535 ; the
decree of Infallibility wished for
by the Protestants, 565
English college in Rome, i. 337, 480
Enkefort, datary of Adrian VI, i. 76
Enseiiada, Spanish minister, and
the concordat, ii. 478 n.
Epernon, duke of, favourite of
Henry III of France, i. 531
Erasmus, his surprise at the pagan
spirit prevalent in Rome, i. 58 ;
his edition of the New Testament,
60 ; defended against the attacks
of the schoolmen by Adrian VI,
73 ; declares the plan recom-
mended to Charles V for sup-
pressing Protestantism imprac-
ticable, 88
Erik XIV, king of Sweden, de-
scribed as a tyrant, iii. 171
Erizzo (Nicolo), his report from
Rome (1702), iii. 392
Ernest, duke of Bavaria, made
archbishop of Cologne, i, 503 ;
also bishop of Miinster, 502 ;
promotes the introduction of the
Jesuits in Hildesheim, 503 ; his
relations with Sixtus V, 503 ; his
measures in favour of Catholicism,
514, ii. 178
Este, house of, under Paul IV, i.
223 ; their political ability, ii. 65 ;
their patronage of science and
literature, 66 ; France under obli-
gations to them, 76 ; lose Ferrara,
81 ; to which, however, they still
lay claim, 348 ; their dissensions
with the Holy See, 452
Este, Cardinal d', at the election of
Sixtus V, i. 354, iii. 165 ; pamphlet
in favour of the accession of one
448
INDEX
of the Guises to the French throne
attributed to him, i. 528 n.
Este, Alessandro d', made a car-
dinal, Instruction to him (1599),
iii. 174
Este, Alfonso I, duke of Ferrara,
ii. 73, 81
Este, Alfonso II, his arbitrary
government, ii. 64, 65 ; attaches
himself to the emperor, 66 ; his
patronage of literature, 67 ; his
court described by Tasso, 68 ;
his treatment of Tasso, 70, 71 ;
his behaviour in the nomination
of his successor, 7ijfl, iii. 166,
167 ; his death, ii. 74 ; his widow
carries away her property from
Ferrara, 8r
Este, Cesare d', heir of Alfonso II,
ii. 72^. ; opposes Clement VIII,
74 ff. ; weakness of his govern-
ment, 77 ; excommunicated, 78 ;
submits to the pope, 79, 80, and
resigns Ferrara, 80, 81
Este, Marquis Filippo d', ii. 72
Este, Leonora d', her character, ii.
68, 69
Este, Lucrezia d', her patronage of
literature, ii. 68, 69 ; her treachery
to her family, 78, 80, 81 ; her
marriage with the prince of Ur-
bino, 327 ; her influence in Ur-
bino, 328 ; her death and will, 81
Esterhazy, made palatine of Hun-
gary, ii. 231
Ethiopia, a Jesuit provincial sent to,
i. 182 ; Mendez appointed patri-
arch by Gregory XV, ii. 259
Eu, in Normandy, Jesuit college at,
i- 525
Eugenius IV (Gabrielo Condolme-
rio), state of Rome under, i. 377
Europe, civilization in the 14th and
15th centuries, i. 26 ; influence of
public opinion, 105, ii. 19 ; rise
of its modern character, i. 415 ;
religious contrasts [circa 1578),
472^. ; influenced by ideals, ii. 4,
none of which gains absolute pre-
dominance, 13 ; its two great
divisions, 209 ; balance of power
dependent on the hostility between
France and Spain, 281 ; the
middle of the i7lh century favour-
. able to the aristocracy, 371 ; pre-
ponderance of the Protestant
powers, 480 ; rise and development
of the spirit of opposition, 484,
501 ; the papacy taken under its
protection, 505 ; frees itself from
the power of Napoleon, 513 ;
opposing influences, 537
Eusebius, on the progress of Chris-
tianity, i. 5
Exarchate, the, wrested from the
Lombards, i. 15
Excommunication, threatened
against Charles V and Philip II,
i. 227 ; renewed after the Council
of Trent, 275 ; dispute as to its
effect against the king of France,
ii. 15; pronounced on Venice,
131 ; on Napoleon, 511 ; on the
usurpers of the revolted provinces,
542
Exemption of the clergy, disputed
in Venice, ii. 122, 125, 126, 129,
130
Exorcism, retained at the Council
of Upsala, ii. 160
Faber, Peter, companion of Loyola,
i. 149, 150 ; at Louvain, 171
Faenza, expulsion of the Manfredi,
i. 38 ; influence of the Jesuits,
170 ; famous for flax, 303 ; bravery
of its soldiers, 304 ; political rela-
tions, 308, 309 ; power of the
Ghibellines, 309 ; fight between
the citizens and the Swiss guards
of Leo X, 314 ; opens the gates to
Duke Odoardo Farnese, ii. 349
Fano, its privileges, i. 305 ; the
" Holy Union" formed there, 312;
refuses to pay the sussidio, 327 ;
proposed new harbour, iii. 212
Fano, bishop of, on justification, i.
160
Fara, delln, bandit, i. 358
Farnese family, favour the Jesuits,
i. 169, 496 ; their power and in-
fluence, 198 ; adherents of the
French party, 204, 208, 210; will
not allow themselves to be robbed
of Piacenza, 211 ; their position
on the death of Paul III, 215 ;
gained Qver to Philip, II, 235 ;
INDEX
449
their devotion to Pius V, 287 ;
assert the right of asylum, ii.
109 ; their rank among papal
families, 343 ; their debts, 345 ;
their property offered for sale,
359 ; their dissensions with the
Holy See, 452 ; the male line on
the point of extinction, 475
Farnese, Alessandro, Cardinal, i.
130 ; sent on an embassy to
Charles V at Worms, 199 ;
threatens the imperial ministers,
206 ; on the " Interim," 209 ; his
relations with Paul III, 212, 213 ;
patronizes young Ippolito Aldo-
brandini, ii. 46 ; anecdote of, i.
249 ; his prospects of election as
pope, 354, iii. 113/., 165; gives
way to Montalto, i. 355 ; opposes
Sixtus V's plan of investing
treasure, 372
Farnese, Alessandro. See Paul III
Farnese, Alessandro, governor of
the Netherlands, i. 490 ; his con-
duct of the war, 492, 494 ; favours
the Jesuits, 497 ; prepares to lead
his army into France, ii. 31 ;
urged forward by Innocent IX,
40
Farnese, Odoardo, duke of Parma,
visits Rome, ii. 344 ; his be-
haviour to the Barberini, 344 ;
excommunicated, 347 ; makes an
inroad into the papal states, 348,
349 ; retreats, 350 ; restored in
possession of Castro, 353 ; com-
pelled to resign Castro again, 359,
360
Farnese, Orazio, affianced to the
daughter of Henry II of France,
i. 203
Farnese, Ottavio, grandson of Paul
III, obtains Camerino, i. 195, 204 ;
attempts to seize Parma, 212 ; re-
instated in Parma, 215 ; forms an
alliance with Henry II of France,
216 ; carries out the commands of
Pius V, 287
Farnese, Pier Luigi, son of Paul
III, obtains Novara, i. 195, and
Parma and Piacenza, 204 ; assas-
sinated, 205
Farnese, Rainuccio, married to
Margareta Aldobrandini, ii, 109,
337
VOL. III.
Farnese, Vittoria, granddaughter of
Paul III, proposal for her mar-
riage, i. 132, 195
Farnese, Cardinal, claims the right
of asylum, ii. 109 ; withdraws
from Rome, no; returns, in
Farnese palace, the, i. 189, 377, ii.
381 ; as an asylum for prisoners,
109
Farnesina, the palace of Agostino
Chigi, i. 377
Faroe Islands, converted to Protes-
tantism, i. 417
Fathers of the Christian Doctrine,
order of, ii. 205
Felino, intimate with Felix Peretti,
i. 351
Felix, Pope, declaration of, i. 28 n. ;
his election, 35
Feltz, Caspar von, leader of lands-
knechts, i. 233
Ferdinand I, emperor, at the diet
of Spires, i. 82, 83 ; letter from
Clement VIII to, 93 ; concludes
the peace of Kadan, 96; forced
to be friendly with the Pro-
testants, 249 ; his proposals of
reform at the Council of Trent,
259, 260 ; his ' ' Libel of Refor-
mation," 260 n. ; in aUiance with
the French, iii. 70 ; displeased
with the Council, i. 265 ; mollified
by Cardinal Morone, 266, 267 ;
opposes the reformation of the
sovereigns, 273 ; his relations with
Hungary, 418 ; favours the Jesuits,
432, 434. 436
Ferdinand, archduke (afterwards
Ferdinand II), promotes the
counter-reformation, ii. 180; pupil
of the Jesuits, 180, 213 ; his severe
measures, i8r, 182, 213 ; repre-
sentative of the emperor at the
diet of Ratisbon, 187^. ; his edict
of interposition, 189 ; desires to
join the League, 192 ; acknow-
ledged as heir to the throne in
Hungary and Bohemia, 215 ; re-
jected by Bohemia, 216 ; elected
emperor, 218 ; his severity to the
Protestants in Bohemia, 227, 228,
270, iii. 256 ff. ; and in Austria
proper, ii. 230, 270 ; transfers the
palatine electorate to Maximilian
of Bavaria, 234/^. ; negotintes with
2 G
450
INDEX
reference to an eighth electorate,
248 ; defeats the king of Den-
mark, 270 ; endeavours to bring
back all Germany to Catholicism,
272 ; pronounces sentence of se-
questration against Mantua, 285 ;
opposed by the pope, 297 ; issues
the edict of restitution, 297 ; his
success in the field, 298^ ; desires
to be crowned, 299 ; assembles the
Catholic electors at Ratisbon,3o^ ;
disposed to concession, 305 ; dis-
misses Wallenstein, 307 ; assents
to unfavourable conditions with
regard to Mantua, 309 ; complains
of the policy of Urban VIII, 310 ;
allows the edict of restitution to
drop, 313 ; his love of music, iii.
275
Ferdinand III, emperor, as prince,
iii. 275
Ferdinand, the Archduke, enforces
subordination on his clergy in the
Tyrol, i. 514
Ferdinand I, of Castile, demand
made on him by the Emperor
Henry III, i. 18
Ferdinand the Catholic, opposes
the papal officers, i. 32 ; his court,
141
Ferdinand I, of Naples, described
by Lorenzo de' Medici, i. 32
Ferdinand VII, of Spain, his zeal
in furtherance of Catholicism, ii.
516
Ferdinand, grand-duke of Tuscany.
See Tuscany
Ferdinand of Bavaria, archbishop of
Cologne, promotes the counter-
reformation, ii. 178, 233; his
character, iii. 280
Feria, duke of, opposes the de-
molition of the fortresses in the
Orisons, iii. 228
Fermo, its inhabitants, i. 304; its
mild climate, 348 ; the bishopric
conferred on Peretti, 352; made
an archbishopric, 363 ; the in-
habitants refuse to allow the ex-
portation of their corn, ii. 413, iii.
331 ; the governor killed, 331
Ferrara, its disputes with the
Church, i. 92, 346 ; account of,
under Alfonso II, ii. 64jf. ; re-
signed to the pope (1^98), 80 ;
papal administration, 81 ^., iii.
178 ; its acquisition does not im-
prove papal finances, ii. 332 ; the
papal army takes up quarters
there, 348 ; invaded by the Italian
princes, 350 ; maintains a certain
splendour, 415, iii. 355 ; Pius IX
defends his rights in, against
Austria, ii. 526
Ferrara, Alfonso I and II, dukes of.
See Este
Ferrara, Cesare, duke of. See Este
Ferrara, Hercules II, duke of, in
alliance with Paul IV, i. 227
Ferrara, Rende de France, duchess
of, a victim of the Inquisition, i.
169
Ferrari, founder of the Barnabite
order, i. 140, 291 n.
Ferrero, bishop of Vercelli, his
report on Germany (1605), iii.
188
Ferrier, French ambassador in
Venice, iii. 56
Feuillans, Cistercian abbey of, i.
526
Feuillantines, their extravagant pen-
ances, ii. 203
Fiani, Mgr. , secretary of the Coiv
sulta, iii. 363
Fiano, duchy of, ii. 339
Fiano, duke of, brother of Gregory
XV, ii. 262
Ficsco, conspiracy of, i. 205
Finland, loyal to Sigismund of
Sweden, ii. 166, 168 ; plans of the
Catholics concerning, 167
Firewood, taxed in the papal states,
'. 373. ii- 352
Firmanus, Giov. Francesco, his
diary, iii. 40, 41
Fitzgerald, his expedition to Ireland,
supported by Gregory XIII, i.
479; killed, 480
Flaminio, M. A., on justification, i.
109, 113
Flemming, governor of Finland, ii.
166
Fleury, Cardinal, holds the tem-
poral and spiritual power apart,
iii. 418
Florence imder the Medici, i. 35, 36,
71, iii. 17, 19, 30; the Medici ex-
pelled from and again restored, i.
86 ; dispute between the nephews
INDEX
451
of Clement VII forthe sovereignty,
99 ; Index printed there, x6j ; Paul
III seeks to obtain footing there,
199 ; exiles from Florence as-
semble in the papal territories
(under Julius III), 218, and fill
the Curia (under Paul IV), 227 ;
Clement VIII desires to reform it,
ii. 113; Florentine families in
Rome, 376; proposed as capital
of the Italian kingdom, 541
Florentines, their influence in the
government of the papal states, i.
313, 332, 412, iii. 19 ; their charac-
teristics, i. 405
Flour, tax on, i. 328, ii. 65 ; re-
pealed, 356, iii. 320 ; increased,
ii. 411
Foietta, Zuan, iii. 35
Foix, won to Catholicism, ii. 239
Folengo, Giovanni Battista, Bene-
dictine, i. 113
Fontainebleau, Queen Christina at,
ii. 404, iii. 343 ; concordat of, ii.
512 ; revoked, 513
Fontana, Domenico, architect to
Sixtus V, i. 363, 364 ; superin-
tends the erection of the obelisk
before St. Peter's, 382, 383
Forli, i. 37 ; character of the inhabi-
tants, 304 ; predominance of the
Ghibellines, 309; parties in, 343 ;
opens its doors to Duke Odoardo
Farnese, ii. 349
Foscari, Marco, his report on
Adrian VI and Clement VIII
(1526), iii. 34
Foscarini, Pietro, his report from
Rome (1645), i'i- 325
Foscherari, Cardinal, imprisoned by
Paul IV, i. 242
France, liberties secured by the
pragmatic sanction, i. 30 ; not
favourable to the, Jesuits, 183;
growth of Protestantism, 244, 245,
249, 424, 425 ; Protestantism given
a legal standing (1562), 426 ; the
majority of the peasants remain
Catholic, 430 ; anti- Protestant re-
action, 459 ; the Jesuits establish
themselves, 460 ; civil war, 461^. ;
concessions to the Huguenots re-
newed, 466 ; renewed zeal of the
Jesuits, Capuchins, and secular
clergy, 525 f. ; opposition of the
strict Catholics to Henry 111, 527
ff. , 544 ; opposition to Henry IV's
accession, 546 ; doctrine of the
sovereignty of the people pro-
pounded, ii. 10; and denied, 15 ;
formation of the "third party"
(1591), 39; opposition to ihc
League and the Spanish party,
54, 55 ; triumph of Henry IV,
58 ; expulsion of the Jesuits, 59,
84, 98 ; position of the French
church after the absolution of
Henry IV, 63, 143 ; the Jesuits
again admitted, loi ; strength of
Protestantism (circa 1600), 199 ;
independence of the Catholic
clergy, 200, 201 ; regeneration of
the Catholic church, 202 ff. ;
closer connection with Spain, 208,
210; development of literature,
211 ; edict for the restoration of
Church property in Beam, 214 ;
success of Catholicism (1621), 218,
219, 237 jf. ; the parliaments limit
ecclesiasiical jurisdiction, iii. 249 ;
anti-Spanish policy of Richelieu,
ii. 264, 267 ; opposing parties,
267, 268 ; makes peace with Spain
(1626), 268 ; subjection of the
Huguenots, 278, 279 ; renewed
war with Spain, 295 ; alliance with
Sweden, 302 ; concludes the peace
of Westphalia with the emperor,
317 ; literature influenced by the
Jansenists, 443 ; the Jansenist
controversy, 4.47 ; restrictions on
spiritual jurisdiction, 451 ; increase
of opposition to Rome, 452, iii.
352 Jf., 376, 377; submission of
the clergy to Louis XIV, ii. 463,
464; the "four articles," 463;
restoration of papal authority,
467 ff. ; cautious procedure of
Rome, iii. 418 ; influence of La
Chaise and Harlai, ii. 482 ; perse-
cution of the Jansenists, 483 ; law-
suit against the Jesuits, 487, 488,
490 ; the Revolution, 501 ff. ; civil
constitution of the clergy, 502 ;
times of Napoleon, 505 ff. ; the
concordat, 506, 508 ; projected
new concordat (1815), 516 ; the
revolution of 1830, 521 ; education
undertaken by the clergy, 522 ;
Napoleon 111 welwmed by the
452
INDEX
clergy, 531 ; expectations from
the Vatican council, 553 ; atti-
tude of the. bishops and govern-
ment in France to the doctrine of
Infallibility, 557, 558 ; withdraws
her troops from the papal states,
570
Franceschi, Fra, his mission to Car-
dinal Gondi, ii. 50
Francesco della Rota, Capuchin, his
mission, i. 294 n.
Francesco Maria, duke of Urbino.
See Urbino
Francis I, of France, his concordat
with Leo X, i. 30, 65, 66, iii. 15,
16 ; defeats the Swiss at Marig-
nano, i. 64, iii. 32 ; endeavours
to secure the election of Joachim
of Brandenburg as pope, 32, 33 ;
his conference with Clement VII,
i. 93, iii. 45, 73 ; forms a league
with the Protestant princes of
Germany, 94, 95 ; labours to
impede the pacification of the
Church, 131 ; conference with
Charles V and Paul III at Ni-ce,
194, 195 ; endeavours to form a
league against Charles V, 202
Francis de Sales, St., influence of
his order, ii. 204, 205
Franciscans, their privileges, i. 47 ;
reformed, 137 ; compelled to
recant, 168 ; literary contests at
their general convention, 350;
Felice Peretti vicar-general, 352 ;
forbidden to adopt the reformed
rule of the Capuchins, 488 ; re-
formed in France, ii. 203 ; in
Bohemia, 226 ; distinguish them-
selves in France, 239 ; on bad
terms with the Jesuits, 434, 496
Franconia, progress of Protestantism
in, i. 419 ; Jesuits in, 436, 505,
506; designs of GustavusAdolphus
on, ii. 312
Franken, Gottfried, his share in the
conversion of Queen Christina, ii.
398 «.
Frankenthal, iii. 159, 263
Frankfurt, Jesuits in, i. 436 ; diet
of, iii. 83
Franks, the, Catholic, i. 12
Frederick IV, elector palatine, at
Ahausen, ii. 190
Frederick V, son of the foregoing,
his position and character, ii. 215 ;
accepts the throne of Bohemia,
216, 217; defeated, 218; and
deprived of the electorate, 235,
236 ; proposed marriage of his
son with a daughter of the
emperor, 248 ; or with a Bavarian
princess, 294 ; he refuses to accept
the proposals, 265 «. ; in the
camp of Gustavus Adolphus, 309
Frederick William III, king of
Prussia, extolled by Pius VII for
his services, ii. 514 n. ; regulates
mixed marriages, 521
Frederick William IV, his concep-
tion of Protestantism, ii. 536
Frederick, bishop of Wiirzburg, his
character, iii. 280
Fregoso, Federigo, Cardinal, i. 116
Freiburg, in Switzerland, i. 483,
535, iii. 199, 239 ; Jesuit college
at, i. 483
Freinsheim, Johann, at the court of
Queen Christina, ii. 390
French, the, oppose papal claims,
i. 27, 30; cross the Alps (1515),'
64 ; compelled to wiihdraw (1521),
69 ; give up their claims on Italy
(1529), 85; their relations with
Paul III, 207 ; again appear in
Italy (1551-2), 216; conclude
peace with Spain (1556), 226 ; try
to prevent the marriage of Eliza-
beth with Philip II, 247 ; threaten
to convoke a national council,
257 ; their demands at Trent, 261 ;
characteristics of Frenchmen in
Rome, 405, ii. 376 ; embrace
Calvinism, i. 424; their Catholic
spirit aroused, 461 ; theory of
divine right of the king of France,
ii. 15 ; insist on the restitution of
Calais (treaty of Vervins, 1598),
104 ; influence the election of Leo
XI, 114, and of Paul V, 115 ; the
Protestants desire war with Italy
(1606), 134; they mediate between
the pope and Venice, 136 ; their
influence in the Grisons, 198 ;
their agreement with Gustavus
Adolphus, 302 ; their ecclesiastical
demands from the pope, iii. 287 ;
they mediate in the war of Castro,
i'- 353 ; secure the election of
Innocent XII, 468 ; rise and
INDEX
453
development of their spirit of
opposition to the Church and
rehgion, 484. 501 ; their demands
from Pius VI, 504 ; take the pope
prisoner, 505 ; advance on Rome
to restore Pius IX, 530 ; occupy
Cxvhk Vecchia, 548, 563
Friars, the mendicant, their privi-
leges and influence, i. 47, 48 ; de-
cadence, 135 ; in Venice, ii. 122
Friedrich, Colonel, sent by Albrecht
of Brandenburg to Rome, iii. 97
Frumento, Monsignor, i. 333
Frundsberg, George, leader of tlie
Imperalists, crosses the Alps,
i. 84 ; his illness, 85
F'uchs, Johann Georg, of Dornheim,
active in Bamberg, ii. 233 n.
Fugnano, Monsignor, has direction
of the monastic orders, ii. 368
Fulda, counter-reformation in the
diocese and town, i. 451, 452,
ii. 233, iii. 260, 278
Furstenberg, Count von, imperial
ambassador in Paris, his work on
the danger threatening European
princes, ii. 213,. 214 n.
Furstenberg, Theodor von, bishop
of Paderborn, a bigoted Catliolic,
i, 502, ii, 179
Gabuzio, nine members of this
family killed by A. Piccolomini,
J- 344
Gaddi, Aluise, financial dealings
with Leo X, i. 324
Gaeta, Pius IX takes refuge at,
ii. 528 ; negotiations at, 532
Gaetani, the, proud of their con-
nection with Boniface VIII, ii.
372 ; their disputes with the
Colonna, iii. 295
Gaetano da Thiene, member of tlie
Oratory, i. 107, 136 ; founds the
Theatine order, 137
Gaetano, papal legate in France,
i. 546, 547, ii. 30; leads the
resistance to Henry IV in Paris, 31
Gaetano, Antonio, nuncio in Prague,
iii. 194, 195
Galesinus, Petrus, his life of Si.xtus
V, iii. 145
Galliani, Father, supports the court
of Naples in Rome, iii. 417
Gallican church, submissive to the
pope, i. 10, 14 ; made dependent
on the king, 30, 65 ; abolition of
its privileges demanded, 548 ; but
not effected, ii. 65, 143 ; Richelieu
finds support in the Gallican
doctrines, 267, which he after-
wards abandons, 296 ; the Church
in opposition to Rome, 457, 458,
iii. 249 ; importance of the " four
nrticles," 463, 464 ; Gallican rights
defended by the ]ansenists, 483,
and opposed by the Jesuits, 490 ;
made effective by Napoleon, 510 ;
not considered by the chamber of
1815, 516 ; Gallican usages dis-
carded by the clergy, 522 ; relation
of the doctrine of Infallibility to
the Gallican articles, 556
Gallio, Cardinal of Como, under
Gregory XIII, i. 334 n., 339 ?/.,
342 ; his conduct of affairs, 400,
iii. 108, 202
Gallo, Cardinal, at Loreto, i. 364 ;
reasons for his elevation, 366
Gambara, Cardinal, i. 210 7;.
Ganganelli, Lorenzo, Cardinal, his
character, ii. 494 ; authenticity
of his letters, 494 ft. ; elected
pope, 495. See Clement XIV
Gardie, Count Magnus de la, in the
confidence of Queen Christina, ii.
400, 401, iii. 347
Gargano, Giovanni Bernardo, burnt
as a heretic in Naples, iii. 364
Garibaldians, the, repulsed by the
F'rench troops, ii. 548
Gemblours, battle of, i. 489
Geneva, Protestant church of, i.
249, 424, 425 ; Pius IV refuses to
aid Savoy in attacking it, 256 ;
under the protection of liernc,
483 ; attacked by tlie duke of
Savoy, c;35, 536 ; plans of Gregory
XV and Ufl>an VIII to destroy
it, iii. 237, 238, 250, 251
Genoa, intrigues of the Guelph party
in, i, 198, 210 ; the Doria family,
203 ; design of Paul III on, 208 ;
disputes with Paul \', ii. 120, 121 ;
recalls her ambassador from
Rome, 450; takes part against
Clement XIII, 493
454
INDEX
Genoese, their characteristics in
Rome, i. 405 ; their financial
operations, ii. 333, 412 ; their
influence in the government of
the papal states, 412 ; Genoese
famihes in Rome, 376
Gerard, Balthasar, mm-ders the
prince of Orange, i. 495
Geremia, Don, a Theatine, intimate
with Paul IV, i. 238
Germanic tribes, embrace Chris-
tianity, i. 12
Germany, converted by Boniface,
i. 13 ; ecclesiastical element in
her constitution, 19 ; defends her-
self against papal aggressions, 27,
31 : comes under the influence of
Humanism, 59^. ; beginning and
development of the Reformation,
83. 96, 97, loi, 135, 258; at-
tempts at reconciliation, 128^,
iii. 81; the Jesuits in, i. 183;
success of the emperor in (1546),
200,201; the "Interim" (1548),
209 ; deserts the emperor (1552),
216, 223 ; condition at the time of
the peace of Augsburg, iii. 69.;
governed by a union of moderate
princes of both parties, i. 249 ;
■ spread of Protestantism, 418 JT. ;
influence of the Jesuits, 440 ;
counter - reformation, 440 ff. ;
accompanied by increase of power
on the part of the princes, 442, 515,
ii. 5 ; resistance of Protestants,
i. 468 ff., 499 ; further successes
of Catholicism (after 1583), 500^. ;
further schemes suggested by
Minucci, 518 ff. ; Germany siid
to be tired of Protestantism, iii.
184 ; influence of the German
princes on the religion of their
territories, ii. T-JJ ff ; formation
of the Union, 190 ; German
literature, 211 ; account of the
Catholic princes, 212, 213 ; suc-
cess of the Catholics (1621),
218 ; progress of the counter-
reformation, 231^, iii. 260, 261 ;
effect of the transfer of the Pala-
tinate on the electoral college,
ii, 234 ; Protestant rising under
the king of Denmark defeated
(1626), 269, 270; designs of the
emperor, 272 ; edict of restitution
(1629), 297, 303; Gustavus Adol-
phus in, 308^. ; the advance of
Catholicism arrested, 312 ; the
peace of Westphalia, 316 ; pre-
dominant position of the nobility,
371 ; endeavours to restrict the
jurisdiction of the nuncios and
the Curia (1654, 1658), 450; the
spiritual electors oppose papal
authority, 500 ; the German
church destroyed by Napoleon,
507 ; reaction in Catholic Germ.any
against the renewed claims of the
priesthood, 521 ; character of
German Protestantism, 536; ex-
pectations from the Vatican
Council, 553 ; attitude of the
German bishops towards the
doctrine of Infallibility, 557 ;
general position of the German
hierarchy since the peace of
Augsburg, 562
Gerobus, Prior, prediction of, i. 24
Gessi, bishop of Remini, nuncio to
Venice, iii. 192, 245
Gesualdo, Cardinal, opposes Sanse-
verina, iii. 168 ; described by
Bentivoglio, 173
Ghent, Protestant supremacy in,
i. 467 ; iconoclastic tumults, 487,
488 ; surrenders to Alexander
Farnese, 494; the Jesuits return,
497
Ghent, treaty of, i. 466, 467, 485,
489. 492
Ghibellines, the, i. 38, 199, 205, 309,
3^2, 343
Ghisilieri, Giov. P., papal legate in
the Romagna, i. 310 «., 311 ?/.,
iii. no
Ghislieri, Michele. See Pius V
Giacomo, Cardinal, warns the duke
of Alva against seizing Rome, i.
230
Gianelh, advocates the participation
of ruling sovereigns in the Vatican
Council, ii. 550 n.
Gianni, Abb6, on the influence of
the revolution on the French
clergy, ii. 503 n.
Giberto, Matteo, minister of
Clement VII., iii. 35, 38; on the
Italian rising (1526), i. 81 ; mem-
ber of the Oratory, and bishop of
Verona, 107, 116; recalled by
INDEX
455
Paul III, 119; held up iis an
example, 288
Ginetti, sent as papal legate to
Cologne, i. 315 ; his penurious-
ness, 316
Giotto, pretended mosaic by, res-
tored, iii. 368, 369
Girolamo da Modena, Don, chap-
lain of Morone, i. 112
Girolamo da Narni, preacher in
Rome, ii. 223, 424
Giulio Romano, i. 411
Giunti, Luc. Antonio, his life of
Cardinal Ludovisio, iii. 222
Giustiniani family, i. 371, ii. 373,
376 ; their palace, 384
Giustiniani, l^Iarino, Venetian am-
bassador in France, i. 95 ; in
Germany, 124, 131
Giustiniani, Paolo, reforms the order
of Camaldoli, i. 1*35, 136
Giustiniani, Zuan, his report on
Innocent X (1652), iii. 331.
Giustiniano, Cardinal, friend of
Sanseverina, iii. 169
Giustiniano, Hieronimo, Venetian
ambassador in Rome, iii. 349
Glatz, county of, becomes evan-
gelical and prosperous, i. 470,
471 ; restored to Catholicism, ii.
229
Gnuinden, church visitation, i. 506 ;
Lutheran citizens oppressed, 517
Gnesen, archbishop of, intimate
with Bolognetto, ii. 153
Goa, i. 182 ; centre of Catholicism
in the Indies, ii. 251
Gomarists, ii. 210, iii. 229
Gondi, Cardinal, his mission from
Henry IV to Clement VIII, ii. 50
Gondomar, Spanish ambassador in
London, ii. 246
Gonzaga family, under Paul IV, i.
223
Gonzaga, Cardinal, praised for his
government of Mantua, iii. 57
Gonzaga, Carlo. See Nevers, duke
of
Gonzaga, Ferrante, governor of
Milan, accused of participation
in the murder of Pier Luigi Far-
nese, i. 205; his life threatened,
206 ; his share in Alva's measures
in Naples, 233 ;/.
Gonzaga, Giulia, i. 112
Gonzaga, Louis. 6\r Nevers, duke
of
Gonzaga, Vincenzo II, duke of
Mantua, ii. 282 ; death of, 284
Gosweinstein, pilgrimages to, i.
507
Goths, the western, Arians, i. 12 ;
their monarchy in Spain had a
spiritual element, ii. 130 n.
Gottoiredi, Alessandro, general of
the Jesuits, ii. 427
Gradenigo, Aluixe, report of his
embassy to Rome (1523), iii. 22
Gran, taken by the Turks, iii. 191
Granada, archbishop of, at the
Council of Trent, i. 270, 271, iii.
58
Granvelle, Cardinal, on the negotia-
tions between Paul III and
Charles V, i. 198 n. ; suspected
of urging Philip II to severe
measure in the Netherlands,
455 n. ; negotiates with the cities
of the empire on their submission
to the Council of Trent, iii. 52,
53 ; does not maintain his credit,
107
Griitz, Jesuit college at, supported
by Gregory XIII, i. 337 ; free
exercise of religion conceded,
473 ; strength of Protestantism
there, ii. 180, 181 ; Ferdinand
expels Lutheran preachers and
closes the Protestant church, 181
Graziani, his life of Sixtus V, iii.
133
Greek church, the, bishops in
Poland unite with the Roman
church, ii. 156, iii. 231 ; its
adherents in Poland, ii. 175, 177 ;
missions to Greek Christians in
Turkey, 259 ; Greek bishops
placed in Poland by Russia, 480;
two million Greeks brought back
to the Church, 537
Greek college in Rome, i. 337
Gregory of Tours, i. 12
Gregory, St., esteemed by the
Jansenists, ii. 439
Gregory the Great, sends mission-
aries to the Anglo-Saxons, i. 13,
480
Gregory II, feels himself at the
head of the western world, i. rq,
16
45^
INDEX
Gregory VII (Hildebrandof Soano),
his character, i. 22 ; opposes the
imperial claims, 22, 23 ; his hier-
archical claims revived, ii. 4
Gregory XIII (Ugo Buoncom-
pagno), his character, i. 333, 334,
iii. 105, 165 ; influenced by the
strict ecclesiastical party, i. 333,
334 ; attitude to his son and
relations, 334, 335 ; his zeal for
education, 336, 519 ; assists
the Jesuits, 336, 337, 482 ; re-
forms the calendar, 337 ; his
designs against the Protestants,
338, iii. 108, 109, and especi-
ally against England, i. 338,
478 ff. ; his financial embarass-
ments, 339, 340; his confiscations,
340 ff. ; effect of his policy, 343,
346 ; his rigorous assertion of his
rights, 345, 346 ; obliged to
pardon Piccolomini, 347 ; cha-
racter of his administration, 361,
374 ; intimate with the canonist
Azpilcueta, 402 ; tries to ally him-
self with the German princes, 445,
446 ; celebrates the massacre of
St. Bartholomew, 464 ; prevents
the election of Saxe-Lauenburg to
the see of Miinster, 469 ; refuses
concessions to King John of
Sweden, 476 ; drives Archbishop
Gebhard Truchsess out of Co-
logne, 500 ; sends money to the
Archduke Charles, 512; removes
the scruples of the Guises on
account of their alliance with
Phihp of Spain, 529 ; proposes a
candidate as general of the Jesuits,
ii. 86 ; extends, the powers of the
prefetto dell' annona, 413 ; praise
of his administration, iii. 149
Gregory XIV (Cai'dinal Sfondrato),
his election and character, ii. 37,
38 ; favours the League, 38 ;
sxipports the Parisians, 39 ; his
death, 40; negotiations with the
duke of Ferrara, 72 and n.
Gregory XV (Alessandro Ludo-
visio), his election and infirmity,
ii. 221, iii. 222, 312 ; influence
and revenues of his nephew, ii.
221, 339, iii. 223; institutes the
Propaganda, ii. 222 ; canonizes the
founders of the Jesuits, 223 ; sup-
ports the emperor, 224, iii. 226 ;
contemplates the restitution of
Church property, 228 ; receives
the gift of the Heidelberg Library,
ii. 232; his exertions towards the
transference of the palatine elec-
torate, 234 ff., and towards a
renewal of the war in Holland,
iii. 229 ; his letter to Charles I
when Prince of Wales, ii. 247 ;
sanctions the methods of Father
Nobih in India, 253 ; appoints a
patriarch of Ethiopia, 259 ; his
plans for attacking Geneva, iii.
237 ; labours to prevent war be-
tween France and Austria, ii. 262 ;
his death, 264
Gregory XVI (Mauro Capellari),
his reign, ii. 523
Grig nan, M. de, French ambassador
to Rome, i. 195 n., 196 n.
Grimaldi, Cardinal, iii. 301, 303
Grimani, Antonio, ii. 412, 421 ; his
report (1670), iii. 360
Grimani, Zaccaria, Venetian noble
in Stockholm, iii. 347
Grisons, the, religious differences
in, ii. 198 ; interference of France,
Spain, and Venice, 198 ; the Pro-
testants in the ascendant, 217;
the inhabitants massacred by
Catholic bandits, 219 ; occupied
by Austrians and Spaniards, 219,
261 ; papal troops sent there, 262,
and driven out by the French,
265, iii. 272 ; how affected by the
peace of Monzon, ii. 268, 269 «. ;
the passes occupied by the imperial
army, 298
Gritti, Giovanni, his report (1589),
i. 368, iii. 149 ; his despatches,
i. 370 «., iii. 152
Gropper, Johann, at the conference
of Ratisbon, i. 121 ; supporter of
the Jesuits in Cologne, 433
Gualdi, his life of Olimpia Maidal-
china, written by Gregorio Leti,
iii. 324
Gualterio Sangenesino, Guido, his
life of Sixtus V, iii. 142
Guarini, Battista, author of " Pastor
Fido," sent as ambassador to
Venice and Poland, ii. 67
Guastalla, Ferdinand II, duke of,
lays claims to Mantua, ii. 285
INDEX
457
Guelphs, the, i. 3S, 199, 205, 309,
312, 343, ii. 33
Guercino, his paintings, i. 396, 411
Guercino, bandit, "king of the
Campagna," i. 358
Guerrieri, Lucio, presents a mc-
raorial to Innocent X on behalf
of l-'errara, iii. 330
Guicciardini, the, i. 376
Guicciardini, Francesco, iii. 30, 35,
SO
Guicciardini, Girolamo, his letter to
Cosimo de' Medici, i. 198 n.
Guidi, Alessandro, a product of
Queen Christina's academy, ii.
406
Guise, Charles, Cardinal of Lor-
raine, his relations with Paul III,
i. 207 ; at the Council of Trent,
260, 261, 269, 271, 272, 274, iii.
74> 75 ; patronizes the Jesuits, i.
525 ; brings Capuchins to France,
526
Guise, Fran9ois, duke of, marches
against Naples, i. 232 ; complains
of the pope's treatment, 233 ; re-
turns to France, 234
Guise, Henri, duke of, erects a
Jesuit college at Eu, i. 525 ; op-
poses the Huguenots, 530 ; the
idol of the Catholics, 530 ; master
of Paris and lieutenant-governor
of France, 533 ; assassinated, 544
Guise, Louis, Cardinal, brother of
Henri, murdered, i. 544
Guises, the, their claims on the
English crown, i. 247 ; their in-
fluence at the Council of Trent,
268, 269 ; incited against England
by Gregory XIII, 338, 339 ;' sup-
port the Jesuits, 483, 525 ; fear
the accession of Henry of Navarre,
528 ; ally themselves with Philip
II and take up arms, 529 ; make
themselves masters of a large part
of France, 529, 533
Gunpowder Plot, the, ii. 244
Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden,
proposes to grant the succession
to the Polish line, iii. 231 ; his
victories in the north, ii. 301 ;
makes a treaty with France, 302 ;
victorious in Germany, 308, 309,
312 ; his plans cannot be carried
out after his death, 313
Gustavus Vasa, his will, i. 417 ; his
sons, 474
Gyllenstiern, Swedish councillor, ii.
159
H
Haarlem, defence of, i. 465 ; number
of Catholics in the diocese, ii. 242
Hadrian, Cardinal, threatened with
poison, i. 41 «., iii. 9
Hainault, saved from iconoclastic
riots, i. 486 ; conquered by Philip
II, 491
Halberstadt, bishopric of, i. 422,
ii. 271 ; Jesuit missionaries in, 234
Halberstadt, bishop of (Christian of
Brunswick), commands West-
phalia, is defeated, iii. 260
Hall, in the Tyrol, Jesuits settle at,
i. 436 .
Hamel, Jesuit, at Louvain, ii. 97 n.
Hamericourt, Gerard de, bishop of
St. Omer, i. 486
Hammer, Johann, Jesuit, at Hildes-
heim, i. 503
Hanse Towns, the nuncio hopes for
toleration for the Catholic religion
in, iii. 260 ; Ferdinand makes pro-
posals to, in opposition to England
and Holland, ii. 276
Harlai, archbishop of Paris, to be
made patriarch of France, ii. 465 ;
his influence, 482
Havercamp, on the coins and medals
of Queen Christina, ii. 405
Havet, Antoine, bishop of Namur,
i. 486
Heidelberg, celebrity of its Protes-
tant university, i. 436 ; tone of the
court (1619), ii. 216; the library
transferred to Gregory XV, 232,
iii. 224, 234; mass performed, ii.
233
Heiligenstadt, Protestantism m, 1.
451 ; reconverted to Catholicism,
ii. 178
Heiligerlee, battle of, i. 457
Heinsius, Nicolaus, his friendship
for Queen Christina, ii. 391
Henrietta Maria, queen, her in-
fluence over Charles I, ii. 318
Henriquez, Jesuit, opponent of
Molina, ii. 97
458
INDEX
Henry II, emperor, his munificence
to the Church, i. 19
Henry III, emperor, his great power,
i. 18, 19; deposes and appoints
popes, 20, 21 ; fails to make him-
self the head of all Christendom,
22
Henry IV, emperor, i. 22, lot
Henry III, of England, i. 24
Henry VII, of England, claims the
right to nominate bishops, i. 31
Henry VIII, of England, his sup-
pression of monasteries, i, 31 ;
his relations with the pope, 97,
98 ; the divorce question, 98 ;
separates from Rome, 99
Henry II, of France, advised by
Paul III to make peace with
England, i. 208 ; forms an alliance
with the Farnese, 216 ; his position
after the battle of St. Quintin, 234
Henry HI, duke of Anjou, head of
the strict Catholic party in France,
i. 462 ; his behaviour in ecclesi-
astical matters, 527 ; his licentious-
ness, 528 ; declares the cause of
the Guises his own, 530 ; difficulty
of his position, 530; his flight
from Paris, 533 ; promises not to
hinder any attack on Geneva,
535 ; causes Guise to be assas-
sinated, 544; is himself assassinated
by Clement, 545
Henry IV, king of Navarre, be-
comes heir to the throne of
France, i.528 ; is excommunicated,
529 ; assumes the title of king of
France, 546; opposition to him,
546 ff. ; his rights defended, ii.
15, 16 ; acknowledged by the
Venetians, 18 ; lays siege to Paris,
31 ; exhorted to return to Catho-
licism, 39, 53 ; becomes a Catholic,
54 ; sends the duke of Nevers to
Rome, 55 ; returns to Paris and is
universally acclaimed, 58 ; assents
to the pope's conditions, 61 ; re-
ceives absolution, 62 ; its effects,
63, 83 ; his attitude in the affair
of Ferrara, 76, 'j-j ; readmits and
favours the Jesuits, 100^, 142,
202 ; the peace of Vervins, 104 ;
the affair of Saluzzo, 105, 109 ;
his attitude towards a war with
Turkey, 106, and towards the
dispute with Venice, 135 ; his
position between Catholics and
Protestants, 201, 202, 207, 208;
grants the latter the edict of
Nantes, loi, 199, 201 ; approves
the resolutions of the Catholic
clergy, 200
Hermes Trismegistus, i. 392
Herzogenbusch, canons of, sing Te
Deum for the murder of William
of Orange, i. 495
Hesse, reformation in, i, 83
Hesse, Frederick, prince of, warned
by Queen Christina against chang-
ing his religion, ii. 401
Hesse, Philip, landgrave of, re-
stores the duke of Wiirtember-g,
i. 95 ; at Ratisbon, 121 ; on the
power of bishops, 125
Hesse, William IV of, i. 522
Hezius, secretary to Adrian VI, i. 76
Hierarchy, its origin, i. 9 ; its growth
among German nations, 17 ; in-
ternal progress, 21 ff. ; becomes
secularized, 45^, 135; reformed
at the Council of Trent, 275 ;
position at the end of the i6th
century, ii. 4, 118 ; opposed in
France by the feeling of nation-
ality, 143 ; its political power
assailed by German canonists,
500 ; antipathy to the hierarchy
in France, 516 ; contest with the
civil power in Prussia, 521 ; sup-
ported by the three Catholic
powers, 533 ; spreads in America,
534 ; opposition of the temporal
sovereigns provoked by the Vati-
can council, 557
Hieronymites, the, i. 59 ^
Hildesheim, the Jesuits in, i. 503
Hoffaus, Jesuit, in Bavaria, i. 441
Holland, opposition of the towns to
Alva, i. 465 ; Belgian Protestants
take refuge in, 518. See also
Netherlands
Holm, Johan, servant of Queen
Christina, ii. 398, iii. 347, 348
Horn, Count, executed, i. 457
Hornberg, not admitted to the
bishopric of Wiirzburg, iii. 261
Hosius, Cardinal, bishop of Erme-
land, founds a Jesuit college, i.
473 ; his advice respecting Poland,
ii. 154
INDEX
459
Hotmnn, Charles, founder of the
League of the Sixteen, i. 531 ;/.
Huguenots, their increase in France
causes alarm in Spain, i. 429 ;
Alva's advice to the queen of
France concerning them, 457 ;
public opinion against them, 459 ;
defeated by the Jesuits in Lyons,
460 ; take to arms, 461 ; defeated
at Moncontour, 462 ; the massacre
of St. Bartholomew, 463 ; obtain
concessions from the government,
466 ; injured by the ruin of
Protestantism in the Netherlands,
525 ; put down by the Guises,
530, 532 ; obtain concessions by
the edict of Nantes, ii. loi, 199,
201 ; their position in 1600, 199 ;
they complain of desertions, 207 ;
inner dissensions, 209 ; republican
character of their constitution,
213 ; their connection with the
court factions, 219, and with
Geneva, iii. 238 ; defeated in all
quarters in 1621, ii. 219, 237 ;
causes and results of their defeat,
237 ff. , 264 ; take new courage,
267 ; obliged to accept disadvan-
tageous terms, 268 ; called on by
Buckingham to defend their
liberties, 277 ; lose La Rochelle,
278, 279 ; cause no more trouble,
296 : favoured by Richelieu, 317 ;
form friendly relations with Spain,
319 ; extirpated by Louis XIV,
464
Hungary, early obedience to Rome,
i. 29 ; in danger from the Turks,
74 ; in religious ferment, 249 ;
favours Protestantism, 418 ; the
peasantry remain Catholic, 430,
434; tlie Jesuits in, 4'^4; Turkish
war, ii. 106 ; persecution of the
Protestants, 182, 183 ; forms an
alliance with Austria under the
Archduke Matthias, 190, 191 ; a
Protestant made palatine, 191 ;
reinstatement of Catholicism, 230,
231 ; concessions made to the
Protestants, 317 ; influence of
Clement X, iii. 370
Huss, John, attempt to suppress his
memory in Bohemia, ii. 227
Hyacinth, Capuchin monk and
diplomatist, ii. 235
Iceland, last representatives of
Catholicism in, i. 417
Idolatry, decline of, i. 7, 8
Illuminati, the, i. 147
Imbize, demagogue in Ghent, i. 488,
494, 497
Immaculate Conception, dogma of,
ii. 534
Imola, i. 37 ; Guelphs and Ghibel-
lines in, 309, 343 ; opens the
gates to Duke Odoardo Farnese,
ii- 349
" In Coena Domini," bull, pro-
claimed anew by Pius V, i. 284,
291, iii. 104; qualified by Sixtus
V, 362 ; the reading prohibited
by Clement XIV, i. 495
Index of prohibited books, i, 167,
444. i'- 123
India,Catholic missions in, ii. 251^.,
257 ....
Indies, East, Jesuits in, 1. 182, ii.
25iJ^. ; the Church establishments
subordinate to Rome, 534
Indulgences, sale of, i. 31 ; by the
mendicant friars, 48 ; attacked by
Luther, 61 ; Adrian VI wishes to
reduce them, 75 ; restricted by
Pius V, 285 ; reformed by Urban
VIII, iii. 310
" Indulti," granted by the emperor,
in place of papal sanction, i. 523 ;
discontinued, 524
Infallibility, papal, attacked by the
Jansenists, ii. 444, 446 ; claimed
by Pius IX, 533 ; brought before
the Vatican council, 555^. , 564,^. ;
the dogma accepted, 569
Ingolstadt, the Jesuits in, i, 183,
433, 434, 438, 439 ; lack of candi-
dates for ecclesiastical offices, 423 ;
the university, 438, 443, 518, 546
Ingolstadt, diet of (1563), i. 442
Innocent III (Lothario Conti), ii.
132 ; the Vatican council com-
pared with that convened by him,
554
InnoeentVIII (Cardinal Cibo), letter
of Lorenzo de' Medici to, i. 35 ;
founds new offices in the Curia,
'• 321 ^ . .
Innocent IX (Giovanni Antonio
460
INDEX
Fachinetto), his election, reign,
and death, ii. 40. 41
Innocent X (Cardinal Pamfili), his
early life, iii. 325 ff. ; elected
pope, ii. 355 ; calls the Barberini
to account, 355, 356 ; repeals the
tax on floLir, 356 ; his character
and disposition, 358, 359, iii.
326 ff. ; compels the barons to
pay their debts, ii. 359 ; his lack
of trust, 360; elevates DonCamillo
Astalli, 361 ; ruled by his sister-
in-law, 362 ; his buildings, 382,
iii. 330 ; his financial measures,
ii. 410 ; suppresses many convents,
422 ; condemns the Jansenist pro-
positions, 445, 446 ; his death, 363
Innocent XI (Benedetto Odescal-
chi), his early life, election, and
character, ii. 461, iii. 379, 387,
393; attacks abuses and abolishes
nepotism, ii. 461, iii. 381, for which
he is blamed, 380 ; subsidizes the
Turkish war, 380, 386 ; his dis-
sensions with Louis XIV, ii.
462 ff. ; his death, 467 ; his Life
(anonymous), iii. 379 ; memorial
presented to him (1680), 380 ;
satirical ode against him, 381
Innocent XH (Antonio Pignatelli),
his career and character, iii.
389^; his election, ii. 468, iii.
390 ; his government and reforms,
391^. ; his relations with Cardinal
Albani, 395 ; compels the French
clergy to recant, ii. 469 ; his
advice to Charles II of Spain with
regard to the succession, 471
Innocent XIII (Michel Angelo
Conti), his election and character,
iii. 406; his death, 407
Innsbruck, negotiations between
Ferdinand I and Morone at, i.
265, iii. 70; the Jesuits settle in,
i. 436
Inquisition, the, i. 25 ; re-established
under Caraffa, 162 ff. ; favoured
by Paul IV, 242 ; its buildings in
Rome attacked, 243; left alone
by Pius IV, 253 ; intensified by
Pius V, 283 ; its severity in Spain,
292, 293, 428, 429 ; in the Nether-
lands, 454, 455 ; its introduction
into France demanded by the
pope, 548 ; interferes in the affairs
of the Jesuits in Spain, il. 89, 97 ;
condemns works of Jesuits in
Rome, 429 ; in Naples, 450
Interim, the, published in Germany,
i. 209 ; analysis of the voting on
it, iii. 53 ; sent to Rome, 55
Investiture, the emperor to be
deprived of the i-ight of, i. 22, 23 ;
dispute between Charles V and
Paul III over the word, 209
Ireland, the native population
Catholic, i. 430, 477 ; Gregory
XIII sends an expedition to aid
the rebels, 338, 478,, 479 ; cruel
punishment of the insurgents, 480 ;
the Irish nation strengthened by
Catholicism in their opposition to
England, ii. 5 ; in a state of per-
petual commotion, 245 ; to be
made part of the papal see, 276 ;
struggles with the Puritans, 318 ;
demands concessions to Catholics,
519 ; not favourable to the decree
of Infallibility, 565
Isabella of Castile, her ecclesiastical
regulations, i. 429
Isabella, the Infanta, to be recog-
nized as heir to the French throne,
ii- 53
Isei, the, of Cesena, i. 341
Isis, worship of, in Egypt, i. 4
Italy, temporal dominion of the
popes in, i. 34^. ; revival of litera-
ture, 49 ff. ; development of the
Italian language, 51 ; influence of
the poets, 51, 59; loss of inde-
pendence owing to foreign inter-
vention, 63 ; successes of the
Spaniards in, 79, 85; opinions
analogous to those of the Pro-
testants in, To6ff., 287; literary
and devotional societies, 106, 107 ;
new religious orders, 134^. ; the
Inquisition, 163^, , 287 ; influence
of the Jesuits, 182 ; Italian fac-
tions, 203 ; revival of strict
Catholicism, 249, 287 ; prepon-
derance of Italians at the Council
of Trent, 262 ; intellectual ten-
dencies at the end of the i6th
century, 386^. ; modern classical
forms of literature, ii. 211 ; taste
for theatrical amusements, 329 ;
allied with France against the
power of Austria (1622), 261 ; the
INDEX
461
p)eace of Monzcn (1626), 268, 269 ;
danger of the power of the empire
to, 281 ; fears of Spanish pre-
dominance, 283, 348 ; jealousy
of the extension of the papal
states (war of Caslro), 347 ff. ;
influence of Queen Christina on
Italian literature, 406 ; little
interest in theological study, 423 ;
rising against Austria (1848),
525 ff. ; formation of the national
assembly in Rome, 529 ; the
Church victorious over Italian
aspirations, 530; revival of the
revolt (1859), 539 ff.\ Victor
Emanuel takes the title of king
of Italy, 541 ; result of the battle
of Sadowa on, 547 ; the Italians
seize Rome, 570
Ivry, victory of Henry IV at, ii. 31
Iwan Wasiljowitsch, Czar of Russia,
ii. 170
James I, of England, his equivocal
policy, ii. 210 ; tolerated by the
Catholics, 212 ; his relations with
the pope, 243 ; his religious views,
244 ; his timidity, iii. 233 ; wishes
to marry his heir to a Spanish
princess, ii. 245 ; his promises in
connection therewith, 247, 248,
294 ; marries his son to a French
princess, 265
James II, of England, learns of the
designs of the prince of Orange, ii.
467 n. ; wishes to make England
Catholic, iii. 380
Janissaries, college of, founded by
Sixtus IV, i. 321
Jansen, Cornelius, at Louvain and
Bayonne, ii. 435; his " Augiis-
tinus," 435, 439; his teaching,
435^. ; his death, 438 ; a passage
in his book gives offence at Rome,
444 ; five propositions from it laid
before Innocent X, and con-
demned, 445, 446 ; defended by
the Jansenists, 446^.
Jansenists, their origin and doc-
trines, ii. 439 ; their translations
of the Scriptures, school-books,
and other publications, 442 ; dis-
putes with Rome, 444^. ; increase
of their strength and influence,
448 ; the formula of the Frencli
clergy not invented by them, 469
n. ; their doctrines condemned m
the bull Unigenitus, 482 ; increas-
ing diffusion of their tenets, 483,
484 ; co-operate in establishing
the civil constitution of the clergy
in France, 502 ; cause no more
trouble to the Curia, 546
Japan, Jesuits in, i. 182, ii. 256, 257 ;
St. Francis Xavier in, 251 ;
canonisation of monks martyred
in. 543
Jaureguy, attempts the life of
William of Orange, i. 494
Jay, Le, Jesuit, i. 176, 432
Jehangir, the emperor, hopes of his
conversion, ii. 254
Jerusalem, the crusaders in, i. 25;
Loyola's journey to, 147 ; designs
of Sixtus V for removing the tomb
of the Saviour to Italy, ii. 20
Jesi, defends her liberties, i. 314,
315
Jesuits, the, foundation of the order,
'• 153 ^ ; i^s further progress,
i6g ff. ; its constitution, 171 ff. ;
its zeal for education, 177, 336,
437 ff- ' 480 ; diffusion of the
Jesuits at the death of Loyola,
182 ; not favoured by the Spanish
government, 293 ; supported by
Gregory XIII, 336; at Vienna,
Cologne, and Ingolstadt, 432,
433 ; in Hungary and Bohemia,
434 ; in Moravia, 435 ; in the
Rhenish provinces, 435, 448, 450;
on the Maine, 436 ; in the Tyrol
and Bavaria, 436, 442 ; their work
in the universities, 437, and in
the schools, 438, iii. loi ; severity
of their methods of education,
i. 439 ; their influence in Germany,
440 ; in Fulda, 452 ; establish
themselves in France, 460^., 525 ;
in Styria, 471 ; in Poland, 473 ;
in Sweden, 475, 482, 483; their
attempts in England, 481 ; semi-
naries for Swedes and Russians,
482 ; activity in the Spanish
Netherlands, 487, 496, 497; at
Cologne and in Westphalia, 501,
502 ; in the diocese of Wtirzburg,
462
INDEX
506 ; favoured by Rudolf II, 509 ;
in opposition to Henry III in
France, 528 ; banished by Eliza-
beth from England, 537 ; their
doctrine of the supremacy of the
Church over the State, ii. 6 ff. ,
125 ; and of the sovereignty of
the people, 8 ^. ; banished from
PVance, 59, 84, 98, 441 ; internal
dissensions of the order in Spain,
85^ ; intervention of the Inquisi-
tion, 89; Philip II subjects the
order to a visitation, 90; Clement
VIII commands a general con-
gregation to be held, 91 ; changes
in the statutes of the order effected,
93 ; disputes concerning the
authority of Thomas Aquinas,
94 jf- ! quarrel with the Domi-
nicans, 97, 102 ; the disputes
referred to the pope, 98, 99 ; their
attitude to Henry IV after his
absolution, 100 ; the order re-
established in France, loi ;
favoured by Henry IV, loi, 103,
137, 142 ; obliged to leave Venice,
133. 1^37 ', termination of the
quarrel with the Dominicans, 140,
141 ; their activity in Poland, 152,
15s. ^75' 176; "their success in
Germany, 177 J^., iii. 188; deny
the validity of the peace of
Augsburg, ii. 186, 303 ; in Switzer-
land, 198; their influence on
German princes, 213 ; in Bohemia,
226, 228, iii. 259 ; in the Upper
Palatinate, ii. 232, iii. 265 ; educa-
tion on the Rhine and in West-
phalia in their hands, 279 ; their
missionaries in North Germany,
ii. 234 ; make progress in France,
239, and in the Netherlands, 242 ;
persecuted in England, 244 ; their
missions in America, 249, and in
the East, 25 ly. ; allay the scruples
of Ferdinand, 272 ; propose to
take possession of the restored
ecclesiastical property in Ger-
many, 304 ; summoned by Queen
Christina, 398, 399, iii. 346 ; the
"professed" members attain
power in the society, ii. 424^. ;
the successors of Acquaviva as
generals of the order, 426 J^. ;
a vicar appointed in the place of
Goswin Nickel, 428, 429 ; the
society disregards the authority
of the pope, 429 ; their com-
mercial transactions, 430, iii. 384 ;
disturbances caused by their
pupils, ii, 431 ; their views on
confession and on sin, 431, 432 ;
their doctrine of "probability,"
433; defects of the institution,
iii. 383 _f. ; on bad terms with
other orders, ii. 434 ; again
attached to the interests cf
the pope, 483 ; their position in
the i8th century, 485^.; their
conduct condemned by Benedict
XIV, 487; upheld by Clement
XIII, 488 ; driven out of Portugal.
489, 490 ; and out of France, and
other Bourbon countries, 492;
the order suppressed by Clement
XIV, 497 ; protected by Russia and
Prussia, 515 ; restored by Pius VII,
515 ; recalled to Spain, 5x6 ; again
expelled from that country, 517;
their organization opposed in
France, 521 ; where, however, they
regain the control of higher
education, 522 ; encotirage Pius IX
' to issue the Syllabus, 544 ; criticism
of their historians, iii. 215^.
Johannes a Deo, Portuguese monk,
ii. 206
John, king of Sweden, makes
approaches to Rome, i. 474,
iii. 171 ; converted by Possevin,
i. 475, 476 ; his death, ii. 157 ; his
liturgy condemned, 160
John of Austria, Don, his victory
over the Turks at Lepanto, i. 295 ;
governor of the Netherlands, 467,
489; Gregory XIII designs to
invade England by his means, 478
John, patriarch of Constantinople,
his declaration to Pope Hormisdas,
ii. 564 n.
John XXIII, pope, anecdote of,
i. 405, 406
Joseph II, emperor, ii. 498 ;
restricts papal authority, 499 ; his
ideas adopted by the king of the
Netherlands, 519 ; his enactments
abrogated in Austria, 532, 538
Joseph, Pere, confidential agent of
Richelieu, ii. 306, 438, 439
Jouvency. See Juvencius
INDEX
463
Jovius, his history praised by Leo X,
i. 50; used by Sarpi, iii. 50
Joyeuse, Henri de, Cardinal, French
ambassador to Venice, ii. 136^
Joyeuse, Henri, his conversion,
i. 526
Jubilees, in Rome, i. 320, 334, 377
Juliers, religious contentions in,
ii. 193 ; taken by the Spaniards,
220
Julius n (Giulio della Rovere), i. 36 ;
his character and warlike policy,
42^, 63, 64, iii. 20; his dealings
with the Venetians, i. 44, iii. 11,
12 ; his measures for increasing
his revenues, i. 321, iii. 13, 14 ; his
buildings, i. 54, 377 ; his dealings
with the towns of the Romagna,
305. 306
Julius HI (Cardinal Monte), his
election, i. 214 ; reassembles the
Council of Trent, 215 ; takes part
with Charles V against the French,
216 ; compelled to make a truce
with France, 217 ; suspends the
council, 218 ; retires to his villa,
218, 219 ; gives absolute authority
to the general of the Jesuits, 174 ;
his policy in England, 245 ; his
financial measures, 328, 330
Jurisdiction, ecclesiastical, exer-
cised by the popes, ii. 119, 121,
130, 449, 473, iii. 266, 3q8
Justification, doctrine of, i. 61 ;
accepted in Italy, 109^. ; agree-
ment on, at Ratisbon, 128 ; dis-
cussed and rejected at Trent,
158J/, ; defended by Ochino, 165 ;
the Jesuit view of, ii. 95, 96
Juvencius (or Jouvency), historian
of the Jesuits, ii. 59 n., 91 ;/.,
93 n., iii, 217
Kadan, peace of, i. 96, 97
Kaisersheim, abbot of, brings claims
against the dukes of Wtirtemberg,
ii. 272
Kammergericht (high imperial
court), directed to examine no
more complaints about Church
property, i. 96, 97, iii. 82 ; yearly
visitations suspended, i. 523, 524 ;
becomes attached to Catholicism,
ii. 184, iii. 194
Kempten, abbot of, takes part in
the formation of the League,
ii. 192
Kettler, Wilhelm von, bishop of
Miinster, half-Lutheran, i. 422 7/.
Khevenhiller, employed in the
affairs of Mantua, ii. 282
Klcsel, Cardinal, adherent of the
Archduke Matthias, iii, 195 ; pro-
ceedings against him, 227, 323
Koster, Frans, Jesuit, lectures on
astronomy at Cologna, i. 437
Kremsier, diet of, ii. 532
La Chaise, Jesuit, confessor to Louis
XIV, ii. 482
La Force, made marshal on becom-
ing a Catholic, ii. 238
Lahore, Christmas celebrated at,
in 1599, ii. 253
Lainez, adherent of Loyola, i. 151 ;
at the Council of Trent, 159, 270 ;
in Venice, 170 ; his educational
views, 438 ; proposes the sub-
scription of the " professio fidei "
by the German universities, 448 ;
suspected by the Spanish Inqui-
sition, ii. 94 «.
Lalaing, Count de, enters the service
of Philip II in the Netherlands,
i. 491, 493
Lami, Florentine man of letters, ii.
494 «.
Lamormain, Jesuit, confessor to
Ferdinand II, ii. 272, 313
Lancellotti, nuncio in Poland, i:i.
231
Lando, Giovanni, his report on
Alexander III (1691), iii. 385
Landriano, sent as nuncio to France
by Gregory XIV, ii. 38
Landsberg, treaty of, i. 520, ii.
192
Lanfranco, his influence of Paul V,
iii. 197
T>aocoon, the, i. 55, 381, iii. 25, 26
Lapland, Lutheran preachers in, i.
417
La Rochelle, siege of, i. 466, ii.
278 ; surrenders, 279, 295
464
INDEX
Lateran palace, built by Sixtus V,
i. 385, iii. 144, 146 ; hospital there
proposed, 392
Lavalette, Father, his unsuccessful
commercial transactions in Mar-
tinique, ii. 487, 490
Lavardin, Marquis, French ambas-
sador in Rome, ii. 465
Lazari, Dionysio, his report on
England (1622), iii. 233
League, the, against the Turks,
formed by Pius V, i. 294, 296, 329,
338
League, the, of German Catholics,
ii. 194, 196, 305, 309
League, the French, origin of, i.
339, 529 ; allies itself closely with
Spain, 544 ; opposes Henry of
Navarre, 546 ; its adherents ac-
cuse Sixtus V of avarice, ii. 28 ;
Philip II declares his determi-
nation to support it at all costs,
30; Gregory XIV declares in its
favour, 38, 40 ; its chiefs fall out
among themselves, 53 ; banished
from Paris, 58 ; attitude of
Clement VIII to it, i. 83, 84
Legates, papal, dispute over their
initiative at the Council of Trent,
i. 261 ff., 270 ; renewed at the
Vatican council, ii. 551 ; their
influence at Trent, i, 272, iii. 72 ;
their position in the papal towns,
i. 3x1, ii. 410, iii. 93
Leipzig, battles of (1631), ii. 309 ;
(i8r3), 513
Le Jay, Jesuit, i. 176, 432
Le Maitre, distinguished Jansenist,
ii. 438, 440, 441
Lentailleur, Jean, abbot of Anchin,
endows a Jesuit college at Douay,
i. 487
Leo III (the Isaurian), emperor,
letter from Gregory II to, i. 15
Leo III, pope, rescued from con-
tending factions by Charlemagne,
i. 16
Leo IX, his relations with the
French clergy, i. 21
Leo X (Giovanni de' Medici), his
election, iii. 31 ; proposes to
obtain the crown of Naples for
his brother Giuliano, 15 ; his con-
cordat with France, i. 30, 65 ;
makes concessions to the king of
Portugal, 32 ; his patronage of
art and literature, 55^. ; tries to
preserve the ruins of ancient
Rome, 380 ; and to reform the
calendar, iii. 88 ; his action after
the battle of Marignano, i. 65 ;
his attack on Urbino, 69, iii. 17,
32 ; his treatment of Luther, i.
68 ; his action at the election of
Charles V, iii. 32 ; his alliance
with the emperor, i. 68, iii. 33 ;
his death, i. 70, iii. 33 ; his suc-
cess, i. 70, 71 ; his character,
56, 71, iii. 17 ; his appearance,
22 ; his opposition to the French,
16, 23 ; his financial measures,
i. 322^., iii. 20
Leo XI (Alessandro de' Medici),
his election and death, ii. 14
Leon, de, colleagueof Father Joseph
at Ratisbon, ii. 306
Leonore, the Empress, iii. 275
Leopold, archduke of the Tyrol, ii.
262
Leopold II, emperor, reforms the
church of Tuscany, ii. 500
Lepanto, battle of, i. 295
Le Plat, his history of the Council
of Trent, iii. 78, 79
Lerma, duke of, Spanish minister,
ii. 135 and «., 137 ; his fall causes
displeasure in Rome, iii. 247
Lesdiguieres, leader of the Hugue-
nots, ii, 32 ; becomes a Catholic,
238
Less, Jesuit, at Lou vain, ii. 97 n.
Le Tellier, prevails on the pope to
issue the bull Unigenitus, ii.
482
Leti, Gregorio, criticism of his life
of Sixtus V, iii. wz ff. ; his life
of Olimpia Maidalchina (Gualdi),
324
Leyden, defence of, 1. 465
" Libel of Reformation," by Fer-
dinand I, i. 260 n.
Lichtenstein, Prince Carl von, in-
fluences the Moravian estates to
join the Archduke Matthias, ii.
191, iii. 195; governor of Bohemia,
in favour of the retention of Utra-
quist rites, ii. 227 and «., iii. 255,
258
Liege, dispute with the bishop, iii.
279
INDEX
465
Lilio, Luigi, his aid in the reform
of the calendar, i. 337
Lima, university of, li. 250
Limerick, the fort taken by Fitz-
gerald, i. 479
Lippomano, member of the " Ora-
tory of Divine Love," i. 107
Lipsius, Justus, his severity in
matters of faith, i. 498
Lisbon, question concerning the
patriarch of, iii. 419
Literary societies in Italy, i. 106^.,
ii. 384, 406, 407
Lithuania, the Lutherans propose
to establish a university in, i.
473 ; Jesuits in, ii. 175 ; conquered
by Gustavus Adolphus, 301
Liverpool, Lord, opposes Catholic
emancipation, ii. 519 and n.
Livonia, Lutheranism established
in, i. 417; Jesuits in, ii. 175;
occupied by Gustavus Adolphus,
301
Locke, John, Sarpi's theory of in-
tellectual powers similar to his,
ii. 128
Loggie of the Vatican, foundations
laid by Julius II, i. 377
Lombardo, work of, on earthquakes,
•i- 25s
Lombards, kingdom of the, i. 11, 12
Lombardy, power of the Venetians
in, i. 36 ; Charles V lays claim to,
67 ; the Imperialists in, 79, 84 ;
Charles Albert advances into, ii.
525 ; handed over to Piedmont,
540
Lope de Vega, gives expression to
Spanish opinions of monarchy,
ii. 12
Lopez, a Portuguese Jew, financial
agent of Sixtus V, i. 373
Loreto, raised to the rank of city by
Sixtus I, 363 ; Holy House of, ii.
20 ; gifts of Queen Christina to,
403
I^rraine, cardinal of. See Guise
Lorraine, Duke Charles of, annul-
ment of his marriage demanded
by the French, iii. 287
Lothaire, emperor, manifests inde-
pendence of the pope, i. 17
Lothaire, archbishop of Trier, his
chnracter, ii. 178
Loudun, assembly of, supports the
VOL. in.
people of B^arn, ii. 217 ; strength
of Protestantism in, 240
Louis XI, of France, makes con-
cessions to the pope, i. 30
Louis XII, his alliance with Caesar
Borgia, i. 63, iii. 7 ; summons a
council at Pisa, i. 68
Louis XIII, urged by the nuncio
against the Protestants, ii. 219 ;
and to attack Geneva, iii, 238 ;
makes a treaty with Savoy and
Venice, ii. 261, 262; incited
against England by Urban VIII,
274 ; is dangerously ill, 278 ;
marches against the duke of
Savoy, 295 ; his quarrels with his
family, 300 ; described in an In-
struction of Urban VIII, iii. 248,
249
Louis XIV, sends troops into Italy,
ii. 452 ; his dissensions with the
pope, 460, 462 ; supported by the
French clergy (the four articles),
463 ; his cruelties to the Hugue-
nots, 464 ; his measures against
the pope, 465, 466 ; enters into
negotiations, 467 ; restoration of
peace, 469 ; on good terms with
the Holy See, 472 ; his influence
on Europe, 484 ; proclaims the
authority of councils, 556
Louis XV, proposes to the general
of the Jesuits the appointment of
a vicar for France, ii. 491
Louis, count palatine of Neuburg,
raises hopes of his return to
Catholicism, i. 521
Louvain, the first Index published
at. i. 167; success of the Jesuits
in, 171 ; John of Austria master
of, 489 ; Jansen and Duvergier at,
ii- 435
Loyola, Ignatius, account of, i.
141 ff. ; formation of the Society
of Jesus, 152, 153; supports the
Inquisition, 163 ; his organization
of the Society, 171^. ; his " Spiri-
tual ICxercises," 179 J^ ; intimate
with Felice Perotti, 351 ; enforces
the doctrines of Thomas Aquinas,
ii, 94 ; his death, i. 182 ; canon-
ized, ii. 223, 224 ; his connnuni-
cations to Consalvusand Polancus,
iii. 219
Liibeck, bishopjic of, i. 422, 477
3 H
466
INDEX
Lucaris, Cyrillus, patriarch of Con-
stantinople, removed by the
Jesuits, ii. 259
Lucca, i. 165, 199 ; disputes with
Paul V, ii. 120
Lucerne, the Jesuits at, i. 482 ; in
alliance with the king of Spain,
535 > papal nuncios at, ii. 195 ;
its position among the Catholic
cantons, iii. 199
Ludovici, his Triumph of Charle-
magne, i. 58 n.
Ludovico il Moro, Paul IV utters
maledictions on his memory, i.
224
Ludovisi family, ii. 339 ; allied with
the Pamfili, 373 ; their buildings
in Rome, 3S1
Ludovisio, Alessandro. See Gregory
XV
Ludovisio, Ludovico, nephew of
Gregory XV, his birth and educa-
tion, iii. 222 ; his character, ii. 221,
iii. 223 ; his relations with Rainiero
Zeno, 240, and with Cecchini,
312 ^. ; his zeal for the spread of
Catholicism, ii. 222 ; his revenues,
339 ; he supports the Jesuits, iii.
224, but speaks of them with
caution, 228 ; obliged to leave
Rome, ii. 343, iii. 224, 314, 315 ;
offers to support Spain against
Gustavus Adolphus, 225 ; pro-
poses to summon a council in
opposition to Urban VIII, ii. 311 ;
his death, 315
Ludovisio, Niccolo, his marriages
and riches, ii. 339 ; his palaces,
381
Ludovisio, Orazio, general of the
Church, ii. 339
Lugo, Cardinal, consulted by Urban
VIII, ii. 353, iii. 304; urges the
pope to nominate cardinals, 306
Luis, Don, brother of Charles III
of Spain, designs of the Jesuits
with regard to, ii. 492
Lund, archbishop of (Johann Wes-
sel), i. 130 n., iii. 82, 83
Liioghi di Monte, i. 325, 326, 328^.,
372/".. ii. 333. 345. 346, 352» 376,
410 ff., 462, iii. 208, 297, 375,
381
Lupis, Father, consulted by Urban
VIII, ii. 353, iii. 304
Lusi family, in Unterwalden, ad-
herents of Spain and the papacy,
ii. 197
Lusi, Colonel, sent by Gregory XIV
into Switzerland, ii. 39
Lussi, Melchior, Landamman of
Unterwalden, i, 483
Luther, Martin, in Italy, i. 58 ;
opposes indulgences, 61 ; in the
Wartburg, 68 ; his renewed ac-
tivity, 76 ; rejects the Ratisbon
resolutions, 129, 133 ; his inner
conflicts compared with those of
Loyola, 145 ; his theology con-
trasted with Jansenism, ii. 440
Lutherans, their aversion to the
Calvinists, i. 187, ii. 210, 273,
321 ; severity and exclusiveness
of their tenets, i. 187 ; their suc-
cess in Denmark and Sweden,
417, and in North Germany, 417
^ ; at a disadvantage compared
with the Calvinists, ii. 95 ; hopes
of winning over the Lutheran
princes of Germany to Catho-
licism, 273 ; Lutheran worship
makes its way through the empire,
309 ; Lutherans oppose the uni-
fication of the two Protestant
churches in Sweden, 394, 395
Luti, Father, his connection with
Alexander VI, ii. 366 n.
■ Lutter, battle of, ii. 270
I Luxembourg, duchy of, held by
Don John of Austria, i. 489
Luxembourg, M. de, his mission
from Henry IV to Si.xtus V, ii.
26, 50; dismissed, 31
Luynes, French minister, attaches
himself to the Jesuits and the
papal party, ii. 214 ; forced by
the nuncio into an attack on the
Protestants, 219 ; opposes the
attack on Geneva, iii. 250, 251
Luynes, Cardinal, summons an
assembly of French bishops, ii.
490
Lyons, activity of the Jesuits in, i.
460, ii. 239; the Capuchins in,
i. 526 ; taken by the Guises, 529 ;
joins the League of the Sixteen,
532 ; negotiations at, concerning
the restoration of the Jesuits in
France, ii. 99 »., loi ; extension
of its boundaries, 105
INDEX
467
M
Macedo, Antonio, Jesuit, his inter-
course with Queen Christina, ii.
397. 398, iii. 349
Macerata, i. 302 ; supreme court of
justice established at, 363 ; cloth
manufactory of the Jesuits at,
ii. 430
Machiavelli, 1. 52, 56, 464, iii. 30, 33
-MachiaveUi, papal legate at the
peace congress at Cologne, ii. 316
Maculano, Cardinal, architect under
Urban VIII, ii. 381
Madruzzi, Cardinal, his character,
i. 400 ; nominated by Philip II as
a candidate for the papacy, ii. 36,
37 ; at the election of Clement
VIII, 42; abandons Cardinal
Sanseverina, iii. 168 ; influences
changes in the imperial tribunals,
ii. 184
Madura, Father Nobili in, ii, 252
Maestricht, treaty of, i. 491
Maffei, Jesuit historian, i. 402, iii.
141 ; his sources, 109 ; relations
of Orlandinus to him, 218, 219
Magalotti, Cardinal, iii. 244, 246,
267, 314
Magdeburg, Protestant archbishop
of, i. 422, 524, iii. 194 ; Jesuit
missionaries in, ii. 234; an impe-
rial prince made archbishop, 271 ;
taken by Tilly, 308
Maggio, Lorenzo, Jesuit, assures
Henry IV of the allegiance of the
order, ii. loi
Magius, provincial of the Jesuits in
Germany, i. 510
Maidalchina, Olimpia, sister-in-law
of Innocent X, her position and
influence, ii. 357, 358, 361^., 373,
416, iii. 324, 325, 329, 332
Mainz, archbishop of, i. 31 ; Jesuit
college established at, 435 ; the
citizens send their children to
Protestant schools, 421 ; Protes-
tants tolerated in, 450; captured
by the Swedes, ii. 309 ; education
controlled by Jesuits, iii. 279
Maisse, de, ambassador of Henry IV
in Venice, ii. 23
Malaspina, bishop, nuncio in Ger-
many and the north, i. 401 ; at
Cologne, 500; in Styria, 513;
with Sigismund III in Sweden,
ii. 158^., 167 ; his Dialogue on the
state of the empire (1600), iii. 182
Malatesta, the, expelled from Ri-
mini, i. 38, 42
Malatesta, Roberto, leader of
bandits, i. 344
Maldonat, Jesuit, his exposition of
the Bible, i. 460
Malherbe, writings of, ii. 211
Malines, Jesuit, despatched to
Stockholm to convert Queen
Christina, iii. 345
Malta, attacked by the Turks, i.
294. 455
Malta, grand-master of, i. 339 ;
commanderies of the order of,
ii. 341
Malvasia, his discoiuse on the
finances of the Curia, iii. 207
Mamiani, minister of Pius IX, ii. 527
Mamoun, Caliph, i. 49
Manbelli, the, peasants in the papal
states, i. 312, 313
Manfredi, the, expelled fromFaenza,
i. 38
Manresa, Loyola at, i. 144, iii. 219 ;
sacred cave at, 220
Manrique, Geronimo, bishop of
Carthagena, commissioned to
undertake the visitation of the
Jesuit order in Spain, ii. 90 ;
prevented by Sixtus V, 91 ; as
grand inquisitor, condemns Mo-
lina, 97; his death, 98
Mansfeld, Agnes von, acquainted
with Gebhard Truchsess, i. 468
Mansfeld, Ernst von, driven out of
the Upper Palatinate, ii. 225, iii.
260 ; to be supported by England
and France in an attack on
Austria, ii. 266 ; advances towards
the Elbe, 269 ; his defeat, 270
Mantica, auditore di Rota, his
learning, i. 401
Mantua, dissensions with Parma,
ii. 91 ; war of the Mantuan suc-
cession, 282 j^., 298, 299, 307, 309
Mantua, Maria of, marries the duke
of Nevers, ii. 284, 294
Mantua, Vincenzo II, duke of. Sir
CJonzaga
Manutius, Aldus, his slight success
in Rome, i. 386
468
INDEX
Marcallus II (Marcello Cervini,
cardinal of Montepulciano), hopes
raised by his election, i. 220 ; his
death, 221
March, the, Venice supph'ed with
corn by, i. 302, 340, iii. 150 ;
character of the inhabitants, i. 304,
iii. 214 ; overrun by bandits, i. 344 ;
favoured by Sixtus V, 363 ; revohs
from the papal government, ii. 541 ;
its deplorable state, iii. 412
Marco of Padua, Benedictine, i. 108
Marengo, battle of, ii, 506
Marescotti, Cardinal, excluded from
the papacy by the French, iii. 393
Margaret, daughter of Charles V,
married to Ottavio Farnese, i.
195 ; greeted as future sovereign
in Milan, 197 ; despises her
husband, 206
Maria Felice, daughter of Donna
Camilla, iii. 142
Maria Theresa, appealed to by
Clement XIII, ii. 493
Mariana, of Austria, queen of
Portugal, favours M. A. Conti,
iii. 406
Mariana, Jesuit, elaborates the idea
of the sovereignty of the people,
ii. 9 ; eulogizes the assassin
of Henry III, 10; opponent of
Acquaviva, 87, 88, 92 ; censures
, the opinions of Mohna, 97 ;
claims secular privileges for the
clergy, 130 n.
Marianazzo, bandit, refuses pardon,
i-347
Marie de' Medici, introduces the
Brethren of Mercy into France,
ii. 206 ; policy of her government,
208 ; desires to win the support
of the Huguenots, 217, 219
Marignano, battle of, i. 64, iii. 32
Marignano, Marchese di (Giangia-
como Medici), account of, i. 250,
Marino, seized from the Colonna by
Sixtus IV, i. 37
Mironites, the, the Roman " pro-
fessio fidei " introduced among
them, ii. 259
Marot, on the fate of the duchess
of Ferrara, i. 169
Marriage, papal dispensations, i. 75,
24T, ii. 2ZJ.7, 294 ; n^ixed marriages
in Poland, 17:5, and in Prussia,
520 ; marriage questions in France
removed from clerical control,
451 ; regulations of Napoleon
with regard to, 508 ; civil mar-
riages legalized in Piedmont, 538,
and condemned by Pius IX, 545
Marriage of priests, a condition of
religious peace in Germany, i,
125 ; discussed at Trent, 260, 261 ;
demanded by King John of
Sweden, 475
Marseilles, expedition against, i. 79 ;
meeting between P'rancis I and
the pope at, 93, 95 ; Capuchins
in, 526
Marsilio, Giovanni, defends the
theories of Sarpi, ii. 130 «. ; Paul
V demands that he should be con-
signed to the Inquisition, iii.
193
Mars taller, Leonhard, defender of
Catholicism in Germany, iii. 81
Martinelli, Masius Baronius, his
diary (1518-1540), iii. 40
Martino da Treviso, extolled by
G. P. Caraffa, iii. 91
Martyr, Peter. See Vermigli
Mary I of England, her death, i.
247
Mary Stuart, assumes the English
arms, i. 247 ; renounces her claim
to the throne, 248 ; imprisoned,
538 ; put to death, 540, 541
Mary, queen of Hungary, suspected
of Protestant tendencies, iii. 83
Masaniello, at Naples, iii. 367
Mascambruno, supersedes the
datary Cecchini, ii. 360 ; his
forgeries, 416
Mascarenhas, accused of an attempt
on the king of Portugal, intimate
with the Jesuits, ii. 489 n.
Mass, needing reform, i. 125, 261 ;
to be said in the native tongue in
Sweden, 475, 477; celebrated in
Bohemia according to Roman
ritual, ii. 227 ; openly celebrated
in the North of England under
James I, 243
Massimi, the, take part in the
tumults after the death of Paul IV,
i. 243 ; their palace, ii. 384
Mattei, their gardens, ii. 384
Mattej, Marghese, stops his carriage
INDEX
469
to pay respect to Cardinal Ales-
sandro Farnese, ii. 375
Matteucci, archbishop, papal com-
missary in support of the League,
ii- 39
Matthiae, Johann, tutor of Queen
Christina, ii. 394
Matthias, archduke, at variance
with the Emperor Rudolf, ii. 190 ;
makes peace with Hungary, 190 ;
reconciled with Maximilian, iii.
188 ; obtains Hungary, Austria,
and Moravia, ii. 191, iii. 189 ;
makes concessions to the estates,
ii. 191 ; as emperor, 194
Matthieu, Jesuit, sent to Rome for
the Guises, i. 529
Maximilian I, emperor, secretly
assisted by Leo X, iii. 16 ; favours
Luther, i. 63 ; Julius H's opinion
of him, iii. 11
Maximilian II, emperor, recognizes
the Moravian brethren, i. 426,
427 ; promotes Protestantism in
Austria, 470
Maximilian, archduke, liberated
from captivity by Cardinal Aldo-
brandini, ii. 46 ; reconciled with
Matthias, iii. 188
Maximilian, duke of Bavaria, his
joy at the assassination of Henry
III, i. 546 ; his admiration for
Acquaviva, ii. 90 ; effects a counter-
reformation in Donauwerth, 185,
186 ; at the head of the League,
192 ; forms an alliance with the
Emperor Ferdinand, 218 ; his
character, 212 ; described by Ca-
raffa, iii. 275 ; his reforming zeal,
ii. 232, 233 ; presents the Heidel-
berg Library to the pope, 232 ;
obtains the Palatine electorate,
234, 236, iii. 262 ; is not opposed
to the creation of an eighth
electorate, ii. 248 ; his dissatis-
faction and anxiety, 305 ; forms
an understanding with the nuncio
Rocci at Ratisbon, 306 ; and with
Richelieu, 310
Mayenne, duke of, leader of the
French league, i. 532, ii. 53
Mazarin, Cardinal, supports the
Harberini, ii. 356 ; cherishes ani-
mosity against Cardinal Chigi,
364 ; Innocent X and Alexander
VII both opposed to him, 452 ;
his alliance with Cromwell, 452,
iii- 338
Meat, taxes on, i. 329, 331
Mechlin, receives the reformed reli-
gion, i. 467; surrenders to Alex-
ander Farnese, .496
Mecklenburg, in the hands of Wal-
lenstein, ii. 271, 305
Medici, the house of, in Florence, i.
36, iii. 31 ; obnoxious toSixtus IV,
i. 36 ; allied with the Spaniards,
78 ; expelled from Florence, 86,
87 ; restored, 86 ; at the head of
the Ghibellines, 203 ; Paul IV's
designs against them, 227 ; their
share in the election of Sixtus V,
354, iii. 113, 114 ; their claims on
Urbino, ii. 348 ; their influence
over the papal power, 355 ; their
palace in Rome, i. 378 ; the Villa
Medici, 138
Medici, Alessandro de'. See Leo XI
Medici, Catherine de'. .S'<'^ Catherine
Medici, Cosimo de', duke of
Florence, i. 49 ; his attitude to
the Inquisition, 168, 287 ; opposes
the plans of Paul III, 199 ; con-
tributes to the election of Julius
III, 214 ; his cause for complaint
against the pope, 218 ; he gives
Monte Sansovino to the relations
of Julius, 219 ; consolidates his
power, 235 ; effects the election
of Pius IV, iii. 95; devoted to
Pius V, i. 287 ; made grand-duke
of Tuscany, 287
Medici, Ferdinand de'. Cardinal,
works for the election of Sixtus V,
J- 353 «•- 354. 355. ii'- 165. See
Ferdinand, grand-duke of Tus-
Giangiacomo.
Marchese di
Giovanni de'. See Leo X
Giovanni Angelo. See
cany
Medici, Giangiacomo. See Marig-
nano,
Medici,
Medici,
Pius IV
Medici, Giuliano de', brother cf
Leo X, i. 57, 65; proposal to
make him king of Naples, iii.
^5 .
Medici, Giulio de'. Cardinal, cousin
of Leo X, enters Milan, i. 69;
proposes the election of Adrian V,
71 ; is elected pope, jy ; his services
470
INDEX
to the house of Hapsburg, 78, iii.
19. Ste also Clement VII
Medici, Ippolito de', Cardinal, iii. 43
Medici, Lorenzo de', his relations
with the pope, i. 32, 35 ; his sons,
65.
Medici, Lorenzo de', the younger,
his administration of Florence
praised by Vettori, iii. 32
Medici, Fra Marco, Inquisitor-
general of Venice, i. 159 n.
Medici, Marie de'. See Marie
Melancthon, at Ratisbon, i. 121, 128
Memmingen, Protestant ascendancy
in, i. 423 ; the churches restored
to the Catholics, ii. 272 ; imperial
force assembles there, 298
M6nard, Nicolas Hugo, French
Benedictme, ii, 206
Mendez, Alfonso, Jesuit, appointed
patriarch of Ethiopia, ii. 259
Mendham, his " Memoirs of the
Council of Trent," iii. 79
Mendicant orders. See Friars,
mendicant
Mendoza, bishop of Salamanca, on
the influence of Cardinal Morone
at Trent, i. 270 n.
Mendoza, Diego, ambassador of
Charles V at Rome, the centre of
the Ghibellines, i. 204 ; his corre-
spondence with the emperor, 207
Mengersdorf, Ernst von, bishop of
Bamberg, determines to restore
Catholicism, i. 507
Mercurianus, Eberhard, elected
general of the Jesuits, ii. 86
Mespelbronn, Julius Echter von,
bishop of Wiirzburg. See Echter
Messina, Jesuit college at, i. 182
Metternich, von, ^ archbishop of
Trier. See Lothaire
Metz, i. 31, ii. 316
Mexico, Jesuit college and univer-
sity of, ii. 250
Miani, Girolamo, Venetian senator,
his philanthropic work, i. 139
Michael Angelo, i. 54, 378 ; his
pupils, 390
Micheli, Venetian ambassador in
France, on the extension of Pro-
testantism there, i. 424
Michiel, Marchio, his report (1560),
iii. 95
Milan, Henry III and the arch-
bishopric of, i. 19 ; the city taken
by the French (1515), 64 ; again
in the possession of the Im-
perialists (1521), 69, 78, 79, 81,
86 ; its condition after the war,
140 ; the Index printed there,
167 ; the Inquisition, 168 ; nego-
tiations with reference to transfer-
ring the duchy to Ottavio Farnese
(1543), 197, 198, iii. 68 ; Borromeo
as archbishop, i. 288 ; benefices
only to be given to natives, ii.
476 «.
Milanese, the, in favour under Pius
IV, i. 322 ; under Sixtus V,
361
Milensio, Fra Felice, vicar-general
of the Augustinians, ii. 187 ; pre-
vents the publication of an
Imperial concession to the Pro-
testants at Ratisbon, 188, 189;-
his report, iii. 194
Milledonne, Antonio, his History
of the Council of Trent, iii. 56
Millo, Mgr., datary, iii. 422
Miltitz, private chamberlain to Leo
X, his conduct in Germany, iii.
81
Minden, bishopric of, i. 422, ii. 272,
iii. 260
Minio, Marco, his report on Leo X
(1520), iii. 18
Minucci, Minuccio, his memoir on
the method of restoring Catholi-
cism in Germany (1588), i. 518^.,
iii. 158 ; influence of his recom-
mendations, 264
Mirandola, i. 44, 216
Missals, pubHshed by Pius V, i. 293,
294 ; improved under Paul V, ii.
123
Missions, organized, ii. 222 ; their
extent and results, 249 ff. ; the
Dutch come into collision with
them, 317 ; they provoke conten-
tions among the different orders,
434 ; want of men, iii. 399 ; Eng-
land throws them in the shade,
ii. 481
Moccaro, procurator, iii. 20
Mocenigo, Venetian ambassador in
France, empowered to congratu-
late Henry IV, ii. 18
Mocenigo, Aluise, his appreciation
. of Contarini, i. 123
INDEX
471
Mocenigo, Aluise, his report on
the Roman court (1560), iii. 93
Mocenigo IV, Aluise, on the hostility
of Catholic powers to Rome, ii.
476, 477; his report (1737). iii.
Mocenigo IV, another Aluise, his
report (1750), iii. 420
Mocenigo, Giovanni, on the rela-
tions of Paul V with the German
League, ii. 193 n. ; his report
(1612), iii. 195
Mocenigo, Piero, his report (1675),
iii- 374
Modena, Protestant opmions m, 1.
112, 166; the archives, etc., of
the court of Ferrara removed
there, ii. 81, 83 ; in disputes with
Cardinal Aldobrandini, 112 ; in
the war of Castro, 348, 350 ; its
claims on the papal states sup-
ported by France, iii. 351 ; takes
part against Clement XIII, ii,
493 ; joins Piedmont, 540
Molina, Luis, his book on free-will,
ii- 9Sff-
Molino, Domenico, at Venice, ii. 18
Molino, P'rancesco, his report
(1606), iii. 189
Monaldesclii executed by Queen
Christina, ii. 404, 405, iii. 343
Monasteries, suppressed in England ,
i. 31 ; follow tlie model of Cluny,
135 ; edicts of Paul IV concerning
them, 223 ; the Emperor Ferdi-
nand demands their reform, 260 ;
co-operation of monks in church
services regulated, 275, 286 ; strict
seclusion ordered by Pius V, 286,
294 ; convents in Germany lost
to Catholicism, 423 ; in Bavaria,
treated as state property, 445 ;
reoccupied in Wiirzburg, 508 ;
visited by the nuncios in Poland,
ii. 175, and in Switzerland, 196 ;
their condition in Germany, iii.
261, 265 ; the edict of restitution,
ii. 297 ; Ferdinand wishes to con-
vert the recovered monasteries
into Jesuit colleges, 298, 304 ;
they fall into contempt at Rome,
421, iii. 361, and are restricted
by Innocent X, ii. 422 ; many
suppressed inVenice by Alexander
Vll, 423, iii. 337; suppressed by
Joseph II, ii. 499 ; restored in
Tuscany, 516
Monchsreit, abbot of, brings claims
against the duke of Wiirtemberg,
ii. 272
Moncontour, battle of, i. 446, 462
Mondaga, Giorgio, heretic, at Ber-
gamo, i, 280 n.
Montagna, John, establishes the
Jesuits at Tournay, i. 497
Montaigne, his visit to Ferrara, ii.
64
Montalto, Cardinal, See Sixtus V
Montalto, Cardinal, grand-nephew
of Sixtus V, obtains a share in
the administration, i, 367, ii. 336 ;
brings Morosoni into the Consis-
tory, ii, 27 ; at the election of
Gregory XIV, 36, 37 ; won over
by the Spaniards, 41 ; at the
election of Clement VIII, 42 ; and
of Paul V, 114, 115
Montalto, Marchese Michele, i.
367
Monte, Cardinal. See Julius III
Monte, Cardinal, favourite of Julius
III, i. 219, 237
Monti. See Luoghi di Monte
Montebello, Marchese di, nephew
of Paul IV, i. 228, 233 ; his flight
from Rome, 254
Montebello, Marchesa, in disfavour
with Paul IV, i. 238
Montebrandino, bandit, put to
death, i. 360
Montecatino, Antonio, professor
and minister at Ferrara, ii. 67, 70,
78, 82
Monte Corona, congregation, i, 135,
136 n.
Montefeltro, feudal rights of the
empire over, ii. 300
Montefiascone, vineyards of, i. 303
Montefiascone, Mgr. di, formerly
nuncio at Venice, iii. 245
Montepulciano, Cardinal. See Cer-
vini
Montepulciano, Jesuits in, i. 170
Monte Sansovino, conferred on the
relations of Julius III, i, 219
Montferrat, ii. 285, 299
Montigny, arrested, i. 457 ;;.
Montigny, Emanuel de, Walloon
leader, enters the service of Philip
II, i. 491
472
Index
Montmorency, constable, letter of,
on Paul III, i. 211
Montorio, nuncio at Cologne, ii.
232, 236; his report (1624), iii.
260
Montserrat, Loyola at, i. 144
Monzon, peace of, ii. 168
Moravia, Jesuits summoned into,
i. 435 ; resigned by Rudolf II to
the Archduke Matthias, ii. 191 ;
the land becomes Catholic, 228^
Moravian Brethren, make advances
to Erasmus, i. 60; acknowledged
by Maximilian II, 426 ; their
churches closed by Rudolf II, ii.
183 ; expelled from Moravia, 229
Morelli, Ambrosio, his school at
Venice, ii. 126
Morigia, founder of the Barnabites,
i. 140, 291 n.
Moriscoes, i. 141
Morone, bishop of Modena, favour-
able to the teaching of Valdez, i.
112; nuncio in Germany, 120,
iii. 80, 86 ; at Ratisbon, i. 127 ;
advises the erection of the ' ' Colle-
gium Germanicum," 182 ; im-
prisoned, 243 ; at the Council of
Trent, 265 ff.^ 273 ; his report,
iii. 76, 102
Morosini, Andrea, assembles states-
men and scholars at his house in
Venice, ii. 18 ; schoolfellow of
Paolo Sarpi, 127
Morosini, Giovanni Francesco, his
report on Clement XI (1707), iii.
397
Morosini, Tommaso, assistant of
the Inquisition at Venice, i. 391 «.
Morosini, papal legate in France,
on the position of Henry III, i.
530 ; reproached by Sixtus V,
544 ; recalled, 546 ; received with
favour, ii. 27 ; his correspon-
dence printed by Tempesti, iii.
121
Mortangen, Ludwig von, Waiwode
of Pomerellia, ii. 155
Moscow, ii. 170
Moser, Friedrich Carl von, on the
Church in Germany, ii. 500 n.
Motte, Pardieu de la, governor of
Gravel ines, i. 489, 490
Moulart, Matthieu, bishop of Arras,
ii. 489, 490
Miihlberg, battle of, i: 20^
Miihlhausen, i. 534, iii. 122, 123
Mula, Marc Antonio de, his des*
patches (1561), iii. 96
Mula, A., opposes the suspension
of Venetian laws, ii. 136 ti.
Munich, Jesuits at, i. 436, 444 ;
captured by the Swedes, ii. 312
Munster, laid waste, i. 480
Miinster, Protestant tendencies at,
i. 421, 469 ; Catholic bishop
elected, 502 ; the Jesuits at, 503,
iii. 279 ; counter-reformation
continued, ii. 233 ; coadjutor
appointed, iii. 264 ; proposal to
found a university, 265
Muret, eminent Latinist, i. 400, 402
Musa, Arabian general, i. 11
Musettola, his influence on Clement
VII, iii. 37
Music, at Rome in the time of
Adrian VI, iii. 24 ; brought into
the service of the Church, i.
397/".. 444
N
Nachianti, bishop of Chiozza, at
the Council of Trent, i. 157
Najara, duke of, i. 141
Namur, i. 486, 489
Nani Zuanne, his report on Urban
VIII (1641), iii. 290
Nankin, first Christian church at,
"• 255
Nantes, edict of, ii. loi, 199, 201
Naples, i. 25, 79 ; proposal to make
Giuliano de' Medici king, iii. 15 ;
submissive to Charles V, i. 86 ;
Protestant doctrines promulgated
there, 110, ii. 41, iii. 163; the
academy closed (1546), i. 166;
the Inquisition, 168, 182 ; dis-
turbances at (1547), 203 ; plans
of the Neapolitan exiles, 208 ;
intrigues of the papal party, 210 ;
the exiles fill the Curia, 227, 332 ;
war of Paul IV against, 225,
231^. ; under Pius V, 291 ; cha-
racter of the Neapolitans in Rome,
405 ; disputes with Gregory XIII,
346, and with Paul V, ii. 119;
designs of Queen Christina, 404 ;
bishops ejected from their sees,
INDEX
473
426 ; claims of the Bourbons
renewed and carried into effect
(1733), 475 ; the nuncio sent away,
476 ; hostility to Rome, iii, 416,
417 ; rights of the Curia restricted,
ii. 479 ; the Jansenists there, 484
n. ; the Jesuits suppressed, 492 ;
last trace of feudal connection
with Rome obliterated, 500 ;
concordat, 516
Napoleon I, restores the Church in
France, ii. 507 ; destroys the Ger-
man church, 507 ; asserts the
claims of the civil power against
the Church, 507 ; is crowned by
Pius VII, 508 ; his plans concern-
ing the papacy, 509 ; carries off
the pope to Savona, 510, 511;
the concordat of Fontainebleau,
512 ; his opinion of the military
qualities of the inhabitants of
Romagna and the Marches, i. 305
Napoleon III, attitude of the clergy
to him, ii. 531 ; concludes the
September convention with Italy,
541 ; his policy with regard to the
Council, 563
Nardi, historian, i. 108
Nassau, count of, supports Arch-
bishop Truchsess of Cologne, i.
499
Nassau-Siegen, count of, his zeal
for Catholicism, ii. 271
Nationality, the sense of, opposes
clericaHsm, i. 27, ii. 13, 143 ;
blends with the different varieties
of religious beliefs, 320
Naudaeus, on Queen Christina, ii.
391
Navagero, Bernardo, his report on
Paul IV (1558), iii. 92
Negroni, treasurer under Innocent
XI, ii. 462 n.
Nepotism of the popes, contrary to
the spirit of Christianity, i. 40,
41 ; under Sixtus IV, 36 ; under
Alexander VI, 37^. ; under Leo
X, iii. 17, 19; under Paul III, i.
191, 195, 197, 204, 211 ; under
Julius III, 218 ; under Paul IV,
227, 228, 236, iii. 92 ; fall of the
nephews of Paul IV, 236^, 253,
254 ; changed character of nepo-
tism since Pius IV, 254, 255 ;
under Pius V, 285, 367 ; under
Gregory XIII, 334, 335 ; aggran-
dizement of papal families, ii.
336 ff. , iii. 266, 267 ; especially
under Sixtr.s V, i. 367, 406, ii.
336 ; under Clement VIII, ii. 107,
108, 337, iii. 175; under Paul V,
"• 337' 338 ; under Gregory XV,
221, 339, iii. 222; under Urban
VIII, ii. 291, 340^., 353, iii. 266
#•' 303- 304 ; under Alexander
VII, ii. 365 jf"., iii. 356; under
Clement IX, ii. 369, iii. 358, 361
ff. ; under Clement X, iii. 365,
367, 371 ; nepotism unfavourable
to intellectual qualities, 423 ;
Innocent XI abolishes the prac-
tice, 461, 462, iii. 380 ; bull of
Innocent XII, 391 ; which is ob-
served by Clement XI, 396 ; in-
come of a nephew under Innocent
XIII, 406
Neri, Filippo, in close intercourse
with Felice Peretti, i. 351 ; his
character as founder of the Con-
gregation of the Oratory, 402,
403 ; taken as a model by BeruUe,
ii. 205
Neri, failure of the house fatal to
Alexander VIII, iii. 393
Nestorians, in India, ii. 257 ; Nes-
torian archimandrite abjures the
doctrines of Nestorius, 259
Netherlands, Charles V pressed
there, i. 223 ; growth of Protest-
antism, 244, 426 ; the Walloon
provinces remain Catholic, 430,
485, 488 ; new bishoprics estab-
lished by Philip II, 454, 485, ii.
242 ; his rigorous measures, i. 454,
455 ; beginning of the revolt, 455 ;
Alva's proceedings, 296, 456 _^. ;
stubborn resistance, 465 Jf. ;
Catholic bishops and the Jesuits,
485 f- ; John of Austria founds
the Spanish Netherlands, 489 ^. ;
the northern provinces throw off
their allegiance, 492 ; glance at
the general history of the Nether-
lands, 492 ; progress of the war,
493 ff- ; intluence of the Jesuits,
496, 497, and of the Capuchins,
498 ; the Netherlandshard pressed
by Spinola, ii. 134 ; a truce granted
by Spain, 209 ; rising prosperity,
213 ; internal divisions, iii. 229 j
474
INDEX
renewal of the war, ii. 220 ; nume-
rical strength of the Catholics in
1622, 242 ; the alliance with
France renewed, 265, 268 ; an
army of Ferdinand II sweeps
across the country, 298, 301 ; their
success in the war against Spain,
317 ; their independence recog-
nized, 316 ; ecclesiastical affairs,
animosity between north and
south, 519, 520 ; a province of
the Catholic church established,
535
Nettuno, i. 229, 303
Neuburg, Ludwig, count palatine
of, hopes of his return to Catho-
licism, i, 521
Neuburg, Wolfgang Wilhelm, count
palatine of, at Ahausen, ii. 190 ;
his claims to the palatine electo-
rate, iii. 262 ; undertakes the
counter-reformation, ii. 271
Neuser, his letter to the Sultan, i.
436 71.
Nevers, Carlo Gonzaga, duke of,
his claim to Mantua, ii. 282 ;
arrives in Mantua, 283 ; marries
and is saluted duke of Mantua,
284 ; threatened by Spain and the
emperor, 284 ff. ; summoned to
submit, 298 ; the duchy resigned
to him, 307
Nevers, Louis Gonzaga, duke of,
his mission from Henry IV to
Clement VIII, ii. 55, 56
Nice, conference between Paul III,
Charles V, and Francis I at, i,
194. 195
Nicholas I, laments the loss of the
Greek patriarchate, i. 17 71.
Nicholas V, determines to make
Rome the capital of the world,
i- 376, 377< iii- 3. 4
Nickel, Goswin, general of the
Jesuits, antipathy against him, ii.
427 ; a vicar associated with him,
427, 428 ; appoints Pallavicini to
write the history of the Council of
Trent, iii. 65
Nicoletti, Andrea, his life of Urban
VIII, iii. 298^.
Nini, Paolo, first husband of Olimpia
Maidalchina, iii. 324
Noailles, bishop of Paris, ii. 482
Nobile, Lorenzo, presents a memo-
rial to Innocent X on behalf of
Ferrara, iii. 330
Nobili, Father, in Madura, i. 252
" Non gravetur," iii, 313
Nordlingen, Protestant supremacy
in, i. 423
Norfolk, Lord, his warning to
James II, ii. 467 «.
Noris, Cardinal, opposed by the
friends of the Jesuits as a candi-
date for the papacy, iii. 393
Novara, i. 195, 219
Novello, Francesco, his life of Leo
X, iii. 21
Noyelle, general of the Jesuits, iii.
383
Nuenar, Count, recommends the
election of Archbishop Truchsess
of Cologne, i. 468 ; supports him,
499.
Nunciatures, established in Euro-
pean capitals, ii. 118, iii. 223 ;
nuncios in Germany, i. 44^, 447,
500, 513, 518/:, ii. 184, 187, 191,
225/"., 235, 270, 272, 306, 315, 316,
450, iii. 56, 226, 252^., 2(x> ff.,
273^., 278^. ; in France, i. 530,
546, ii. 30, 31, 51, 52, 2ig, 240,
267, 310, 450, 451, 465, iii. 249 ;
in Switzerland, i. 534, ii. 195.^.,
iii. 198; in Poland, ii. 151.^.,
175, iii. 155, 201, 230, 231 ; in
Naples, ii. 476 ; in Savoy, iii.
250 ; the nunciature in Spain
closed, ii. 476; re-established,
516
Nuremberg, Protestant schools of,
i. 421 ; the bishop of Eichstadt
obtains rights against the town,
ii. 272
Nuytz, J. N., his doctrines at Turin,
ii. 538 ; papal brief against him,
544 «.
Oblati, order of regular clergy in
Milan, i. 290
Ochino, Bernardino, Capuchin, i.
113, 114; on Justification, 113,
165 ; threatened by the Inquisi-
tion, 165 ; flees to, Geneva, 165
Odescalchi, Livio, riephew of Inno-
cent XI, ii. 462
INDEX
475
Oettingen, confiscation of Church
property in, i. 423
Ofta, king of the Anglo-Saxons,
imposes the tax of Peter's pence,
i- 13
Olahus, Nicolaus, archbishop of
Gran, i. 434
Ohva, secretary at the Council of
Trent, his relations toSarpi, iii. 56
Oliva, rector of the Jesuits' college,
advises Alexander VII to summon
his nephews, ii. 366 ; made vicar,
427 ; his character and mode of
life, 428
Ohvarez, Spanish ambassador in
Rome, protests against Sixtus V,
ii, 28, 29 ; his influence on the
pope, 31 ; works for the election of
Sanseverina, 42
Olivarez, Spanish minister, asks the
pope for a dispensation for the
marriage of the Prince of Wales,
ii. 247 ; his misunderstanding witli
Buckingham, 265 ; in favour at
court, iii. 247 ; adopts the plan
for attacking England, ii. 275 ;
on the Mantuan succession, 282 ;
resolves to mortify Nevers, 284 ;
his relations with Cardinal I^udo-
visio, iii. 225
Olmiitz, Jesuits invited to, i. 435
Onate, Spanish ambassador, op-
poses the transference of the
Palatine electorate to Bavaria, ii.
236; approached by Urban VIII
with reference to an attack on
England, 274 ; on the peace of
Prague, 314 «.
Opitz, Joshua, preaches in Vienna
against the papacy, i. 509 ; is
banished, 510
Oppenheim, battle between Swedes
and Spaniards, ii. 309
Orange, Prince Maurice of, ii. 215,
2i6, iii. 229
Orange, Prince William of. See
William
Oratory of Divine Love, in Rome,
i. 107, 136
Oratory, Congregation of the,
founded by FiUppo Neri, i. 402,
403, ii. 205
Orbitto, i. 210
Ordination, clerical, dogma con-
cerning, i. 271, 275
Oriental bishops, at the Vatican
council, oppose the doctrine of
Infallibility, ii. 557
Orighi, secretary of the Consulta,
iii. 403
Orlandinus, Nicolaus, on the suc-
cess of Jesuit teaching, i. 178 ;
historian of the Jesuit order, iii.
2T5, 216, 2lSff.
Orleans, taken by the Guises, i. 530 ;
joins the League of the Sixteen,
532 ; goes over to Henry IV, ii. 58
Orsini family, heads of the Guelph
party, i, 38, 42 ; adherents of the
French, 204, 208 ; take part in the
tumults on the death of Paul IV,
243 ; connected with the family of
Sixtus V, 363 ; their pride, ii.
372 ; impoverished, 373 ; allied
with the Pamfili, 373 ; their
quarrels with the Colonna, 374 ;
their palace, i. 378
Orsini, Camillo, cardinal and go-
vernor of Parma, i. 211, 238, 240
Orsini, Giulio, leads the papal army
I against M. A. Colonna, i. 233
i Orsini, Latino, enemy of Alfonso
Piccolomini, i. 344
Orsini, Paolo Giordano, suspected
of the murder of the nephew of
Cardinal Montalto, i. 354, 356
Orsini, Virgino, son of Paolo Gior-
dano, marries a grand-niece of
Sixtus V, i. 363
Orsini, Cardinal, protector of the
Portuguese church, iii. 351
Orsino, Tomaso, da Foligno, sent
to Naples to visit the churches, i.
291
Orsolini, Tomaso, his plot against
Urban VIII, iii. 296, 297
Ortenburg, count of, excluded from
the Bavarian diet, i. 442, 443
Orvieto, i. 335, 364
Osnabriick, bishopric of, i. 469,
501 ; the Catholic party in, iii.
260 ; education controlled by the
Jesuits in, 279
Ossat, d', ambassador from Henry
IV to Clement VIII, ii. 60, 61,
63/;., 77, 84
Ostia, i. 119 ; taken by Alva, 229;
recovered by Pictro Strozzi, 230
Otho the Great, protects the pope,
i. 20
47^
INDE3C
Ottoboni, Cardinal, at the death-
bed of Innocent X, ii. 364 ; given
promotion, 370 ; manages the
affairs of the Venetian repubhc,
iii. 385. See also Alexander VIII
Oudenarde, taken by Alexander
Farnese, i. 492
Oudinot, General, his proclamation
on taking Rome, ii. 530
Oxenstierna, family of. Under Queen
Christina, ii. 401
Oxenstierna, Swedish councillor, ii.
159
Pacheco, Cardinal, i. 237
Pacijici, in Romagna, i. 313, 31-}.
Pacifico di San Gervaso, Fra, Capu-
chin, comes to France, i. 525
Paderborn, Protestantism in, i. 421,
469, 502 ; Catholic bishops ap-
pointed, 502, ii. 179 ; the Jesuits
in, 502, iii. 279 ; made entirely
Catholic, ii. 179, 233 ; a coadjutor
appointed, iii. 264
Padua, anatomical studies at, i. 387
Paez, Jesuit, at the Abyssinian
court, ii. 258
Pagliarici, Antonio dei. See Pale-
arius, Aonius
Palatinate, the, reformation in, i.
97 ; Catholic designs on, iii. 184 ;
invaded by the Bavarians and
Spaniards, ii. 218, 225 ; made
Catholic, 232, 271, iii. 265 ; the
electorate transferred to Maximi-
lian of Bavaria, ii. 234 ff., iii.
261 ^. ; plans for restoration, ii.
248, 265, 305, 315 ; opposed by
the pope, ii. 315, iii. 247^. ; the
exiled pastors return, ii. 309 ; the
elector restored, 316
Palearius, Aonius, reputed author
of the book, " On the Benefits of
Christ," i. no n., in n., 115, 166
Paleotto, Gabriel, his praise of
Milan, i. 290 ; his reports on the
Council of Trent, iii. 79 ; on
Sixtus V, 134
Palermo, Jesuit college at, i. 182
Palestrina, Pier Luigi, i. 398
Pallavicini, the, distinguished as
bankers, ii, 376
Pallavicini, S>forza, cdnfessoi* of
Alexander VII, ii. 365, 368 ; one
of the consultors on the Jansenist
propositions, 445 n. ; criticism of
his history of the Council of
Trent, iii. 65^. ; his life of Alex-
ander VII, 339
Pallavicini, secretary of state under
Pius VI, iii. 424
Palliano, i. 233, 235 n.
Palliano, duke of, i. 228 ; his ex-
cesses, 253; executed, 254
Pallotta, nuncio, relation between
his report and that of Caraffa,
iii. 277, 278
Palma, Benedetto, recommends
Duke Cesare of Ferrara to submit,
ii. 79
Pamfili family, iii. 326 ; enriched by
Olimpia Maidalchina, ii. 357 ;
their adherents among the Roman
nobility, 373 ; their palace, 382 ;
the Villa Pamfili, 362
Pamfili, Cardinal. See Innocent X
Pamfili, Camillo, marries Olimpia
Aldobrandini, ii. 358, 360
Pamfili, Girolamo, Cardinal, uncle
of Innocent X, iii. 326
Pamiers, bishop of, lives on alms,
ii. 462
Pampeluna, Loyola wounded at the
defence of, i. 142
Panciatichi, Cardinal, his maxim
with regard to the dataria, iii.
396, 397
Pancirolo, nuncio, on the peace
of Monzon, ii. 269 n. ; his influ-
ence under Urban VIII, iii. 293 ;
secretary of the congregatione di
stato, ii. 367, iii. 329 ; his death,
3^7
Panigarola, expelled from Ferrara,
ii. 70
Pantheon, at Rome, the model for
St. Peter's, i. 54, iii. 24
Panvinius, historian, iii. 162 ; on
St. Peter's, i. 55 «.
Paris, congress of {1856), ii. 539
Paris, Loyola at, i. 148 ff. ; Index
printed there, 167 ; Jesuits sent
there by Loyola, 171 ; averse to
Protestantism, 430, 459 ; opposed
to the Jesuits, 460 ; Huguenots
enticed there, 463 ; Capuchin
monastery founded, 526 ; the city
INDEX
477
comes into the bands of the
Guises, 533 ; attitude of the citi-
zens to Henry IV, ii. ii, 12;
besieged by Henry IV, 31 ; aided
by Gregory XIV, 38, 39 ; change
of opinion, 53, 58 ; entry of
Henry IV, 58 ; financial relations
of the clergy to the city, 200 n. ;
St. Cyran there, 437 ; taken by
the allies (1814), 513
Parliaments, in the papal states, i.
307, 326, ii. 524^.
Parma, seized by Julius II, i. 44;
given up by Leo X, 65 ; recovered,
69 ; Jesuits and the Inquisition
there, 169 and n. \ the dukedom
given to Pier Luigi Farnese, 204 ;
efforts to despoil the Farnese of
it, 211, 212 ; Ottavio Farnese
reinstated, 215 ; the garrison in
the pay of France, 216 ; does not
pay the sussidio, 327 ; has great
losses in disputes with Gregory
XIII, 346 ; has a dispute with
Mantua, ii. 91 ; implicated in the
proceedings of Cardinal Farnese,
112 ; the Italian states will not
suffer it to be appropriated by the
pope, 347, 348 ; its claims sup-
ported by France, iii. 351 ; families
from Parma in Rome, ii. 376 ;
the clergy compelled to pay their
share of military expenses, 473 n. ;
the duchy given to a Spanish
Infant, 475 ; the Jesuits driven
out, 492 ; papal monitorium
issued, 493 ; suspended by Cle-
ment XIV, 495 ; joins Piedmont,
540
Parma, duke of. Sec Farnese,
Odoardo
Parry, English ambassador in Paris,
forms confidential relations with
the nuncio, ii. 243
Parsons, English Jesuit, i, 481 ;
writes against Elizabeth, 543 «,,
ii. 6, 7 n.
Pascal, a product of Port-Royal, ii.
442
Pasquin, i. 72, ii. 407
Passau, bishop of, takes part in
the formation of; the League, ii.
192
Passionei, Cardinal, iii. 422
Patna, Jesuit station at, ii. 2^-^
Patrizi, Francesco, his attacks on
Aristotle, i. 392 ; at Ferrara, ii. 67
Paul III (Alessandro Farnese),
appoints distinguished men car-
dinals, i. 116, 190; disposed to
reform, 119 ; resolves to convoke a
council, iii. 81, but will not tole-
rate a German national council,
82 ; his Instruction to Morone, i.
120, iii. 80, 86 ; to Montepulciano,
82 ; to Contarini, i. 126, iii. S9ff'>
77, 87 ; his views on the Ratisbon
resolutions, i. 130, 133, iii. 63, 75,
76 ; summons the Council of
Trent, i. 156, 200; renews the
Inquisition, 162, 163 ; imposes
the sussidio, 326 ; his character,
188^. ; his relations with Francis I
and the emperor, 194^., 199, 208 ;
appropriates Camerino, 194 ; his
proceedings against Perugia, 317 ;
his conference with Charles V at
Busseto, 197, iii. 68 ; aUies him-
self with the emperor against the
Protestants, i. 200 ; draws back,
£01, 202, and forms a connection
with France, 203, 207 ; transfers
Parma and Piacenza to his son
Pier Luigi, 204 ; his further in-
tentions and plans, 207, 208 ; his
hesitation and inactivity, 208 ff. ;
wishes to restore Piacenza to the
Church, 211 ; falls out with his
kindred, 212 ; dies, 213 ; his posi-
tion in history, 213 ; success of his
policy, 245 ; story of his election,
transferred to Sixtus V, iii. 120
Paul IV (Giovanni Pietro CarafTix),
his election, i. 221 ; his character
and mode of life, 221, 222, 225 n. ;
his first edicts, 223, 224 ; his hatred
of the Spaniards and the em-
peror, 224 ; his nepotism, 227,
236, iii. 92 ; allies himself with
France, i. 225 ; reviews his troops,
229 ; he is defended by Germr^is
and Protestants, 230, 233 ; forced
to make peace, 235 ; change of
attitude to his nephews, 236^. ;
his church reforms, 240^. ; favours
the Inquisition, 242 ; imposes a
tax on the regular monastic
orders, 329 ; diminishes the re-
venues of the dataria, 331 ; his
policy towards England ,""243/: ;
478
INDEX
opposes Ferdinand of Austria,
248 ; illness and death, 243 ; dis-
turbances in Rome after his death,
243, iii. 94
Paul V (Cardinal Borghese), his
election, ii. 115 ; immediate
change in him, 116, iii. 189 ; his
severity, ii. 116, 117 ; his treatment
of the cardinals, iii. 190^., 196,
197 ; involved in disputes w^ith
Italian states, ii. 119^ ; especially
with Venice, i-ziff.; excommuni-
cates the Venetian government,
131 ; final result of the dispute,
139, 140; his declaration in the
aftair of the Jesuits and Domini-
cans, 141 ; his relations to Spain
and France, iii. 197 ; promises to
support the German League, ii.
192 ; complains of Matthias, 194 ;
maintains peace among the Ca-
tholic powers, 210 ; subsidizes the
German Catholics, 218 ; refuses
to consent to the Spanish marriage
of the Prince of Wales, 246 ; fixes
the price of corn, 413 ; his death,
220 ; increase of debt during his
reign, 333 ; influence and wealth
of his nephews, 337, 338, iii. 209;
liis buildings, ii. 380, 381, 385 ;
manuscript "Vita Pauli V," iii.
187
Paulucci, Cardinal, secretary of
state under Clement XI, iii. 395,
403. 405
Pavvlowski, Stanislaus, bishop of
Olmiitz, on the ecclesiastical con-
dition of Moravia, i. 435^.
Pazmany, Archbishop, his success
in the service of Catholicism, ii.
230, 231 ; in favour of liberty of
conscience in the empire, 313
Fazzi, conspiracy of the, i. 36, iii. 5
Peasants, in the papcl states, their
relations with the barons, i. 310,
iii. 205 ; their clans, i. 311, 312 ;.
poverty among them, ii. 415
Peckius, Peter, chancellor of Bra-
bant, his proposal at the Hague,
ii. 220
Pekin, the Jesuit Ricci at, ii. 254
Penitenziaria, the, i. 45, 75, 119
Pensions, benefices burdened with,
ii. 419, iii. 357
Pepin le Bref, protects Boniface, i.
14; lays the foundation of the
temporal sovereignty of the pope,
15
Pepin of Heristal, i. 14
Pepoli, Giovanni, Count, strangled
by order of Sixtus V, i. 359
Pepoli, Cardinal, buys the office of
treasurer of the camera, i. 371
Pereira, Pinto, Portuguese ambas-
sador to Queen Christina, ii. 398
Peretti, reputation of the house after
Sixtus V, ii. 336 ; their debts, iii.
206
Peretti, Camilla, sister of Sixtus V,
i- 363. 373. ii- 27, 71. iii- 132
Peretti, Felice. See Sixtus V
Peretti, Michele, made Marchese di
Mentana, i. 367, ii. 336
Peretti, Piergentili, father of Six-
tus V, i. 348, iii. 117, 134, 135
Peretti, Zanetto, ancestor of Sixtus
V, i. 348
Perez, Hurtado, Jesuit, rector in
Olmiitz, i. 435
Peroto, killed by Caesar Borgia, i.
40, iii. 8
Perron, Cardinal du, supports the
Jesuits, ii. 103 ; announces the
election of Leo XI to Henry IV,
114; on the income of the pope,
332
Persia, Sixtus V forms relations
with, ii. 20
Persico, Antonio, contests with
Felice Peretti, i. 350
Perugia, i. 71 ; Baglioni driven
from, 43, 305 ; famous for hemp,
303 ; character of its inhabitants,
304 ; not deprived of municipal
freedom by Julius II, 305, 306 ;
secular vice-legates there, 306 ;
deprived of its freedom by Paul
III, 317, 318 ; Paul IV appoints
a new governor, 240 ; literary
contest of Franciscans there, 350 ;
the sons of superior officials edu-
cated there, 519 ; attacked by the
grand-duke of Tuscany, ii. 351 ;
refuses to pay arrears of taxes, 413
Pesaro, his report from Rome
(1656), iii. 333
Pesaro, i. 38, ii. 329; the bishopric
unoccupied, 420
Pescara, imperial general in Italy,
i, 81
INDEX
479
Peter's pence, established by King
Offa, i. 13 ; collected in the north,
29 ; re-established by Paul IV, 246
Petrarch, his influence on Italian
literature, i. 59
Pflug, Julius, at Ratisbon, i. 121 ;
his ideas of reformation, 260 n.
Pfyffer, Ludwig, erects a Jesuits'
college at Lucerne, i. 483
Philip the Fair, of France, his
contest with the papacy, i. 27
Philip II, of Spain, i. 183; hostility
of Paul IV to him, 227, 246 ;
tries to save the Caraffa, iii. 96 ;
has to protect the English Catho-
lics, 100 ; opposes the initiative
of the prelates at the Council of
Trent, i. 268 ; Vi'ishes to restrict
the chapters, 271 ; approves of the
election of Pius V, 279, 281 ; his
relations with this pope, 284, 291,
455 1 permits the publication of
the decrees of the C'ouncil, 292,
454 ; incited against the Nether-
lands by Pius V, 296, 455, and
against England by Gregory XIII,
338, 478 ; his strict Catholicism,
429, 454 ; his severe measures in
the Netherlands, 454 f. ; sends
Alva there, 456 ; supports the
French government, 462 ; pleased
at the massacre of St. I3artholo-
mew, 464 ; receives deputies from
the Netherlands, 465 ; contributes
to Gregory's Irish expedition, 479;
contributes to the Jesuits' college
at Lucerne, 483 ; founds a uni-
versity at Douay, 486 ; concludes
the treaty of Maestricht, 491 ;
conquers Portugal, 493 ; allies
himself with the Guises, 529 ;
makes a treaty with the Wald
cantons, 535 ; his part in the
election of Sixtus V, 354, whose
edicts he orders to be obeyed in
Milan and Naples, 362 ; urged
by Sixtus V to attack England,
539, 540; treaty with the pope,
541 ; fits out the Armada, 542 ;
proposes a new attack, 543 ; op-
poses Henry of Navarre, 546, 547 ;
tolerates the Jesuit doctrines of
the sovereignty of the people, ii.
12 ; assures the pope of his sup-
port of the League, 30; influences
the election of Gregory XIV, 36;
sends his troops into France, 39 ;
fails to obtain the election of
Sanseverina, 41 ff. ; his caution
in the affair of Ferrara, 76 ; orders
a visitation of the Jesuit order, 90 ;
his demands at the general con-
gregation, 92, 93 ; his religious
ideas perpetuated in South Ame-
rica, 534
Philip III, of Spain, his attitude
towards the outbreak of hostilities
between Paul V and Venice, ii.
135 ; prepares to assist Ferdinand,
218
Philip IV, of Spain, his share in
Urban VIII's designs on England,
ii. 274; jealousy of his queen, iii.
247
Phihp V, of Spain, congratulated
by Clement XI, ii. 472 ; begs for
ecclesiastical powers, iii. 398
Piacenza, seized by Julius II, i. 44 ;
given up by Leo X, 65 ; recovered,
69; transferred by Paul III to
Pier Luigi Farnese, 204 ; taken
possession of by the imperial
troops, 206 ; dispute between
pope and emperor, 209 jf., 215;
restored to the Farnese, 235 ; does
not pay the sussidio, 327 ; the
pope tries to deprive the Farnese
of it, 347 ; the clergy compelled
to pay war contributions, 473 n. ;
the duchy given to a Spanish
Infant, 475
Piccinardi, beheaded by Paul V, ii.
117
Piccini, abbate, under Cardinal Al-
tieri, iii. 373
Piccolomini, general of the Jesuits,
ii. 427
Piccolomini, Alfonso, leader of the
bandits, i. 344 ; pardoned by Gre-
gory XIII, 347; he reappears, -
ii- 33
Piedmontese, the, take part with the
League, ii. 39 ; restrict clerical
influence, 538 ; papal regiments
refuse to act against them. Sec
also Sardinia
Pietro of Valencia, establishes silk
manufacture in the papal states,
i. 364
Pigna, professor at Ferrara, ii. 67
48o
INDEX
Pilgrimages, given up in Germany,
i. 422 ; revived, 507, ii. 182 ; in
Switzerland, 196
Pimentelli, Antonio, Spanish am-
bassador to Queen Christina, ii.
402
Pio, Alberto, resigns Bertinoro to
Gregory XIII, i. 341
Pio, Ridolfo, his estates bought by
Giovanni Francesco Aldobrandini,
ii- 337
Pio, Cardinal of Carpi. See Carpi
Pisa, Council of, i. 68 ; the univer-
sity under the Inquisition, 168 ;
treaty of, ii. 452
Pistoia, ii. 370 ; synod of, ii. 500, 504
Pitaro, on the maritime trade of the
papal states (1612), iii. 211
Pitt, in favour of Catholic emanci-
pation, ii. 518
Pius II (Aeneas Sylvius), i. 29 ; his
poverty, 319
Pius IV (Giovanni Angelo Medici),
his election, i. 250 ; his birth and
family, 250 ; contrast with his
successor, 251, 252 ; his treatment
of the ambassadors, 252 ; leaves
the Inquisition untouched, 253 ;
condemns the Caraffa, 253, 254 ;
iii. 96 ; his independence, i. 254 ;
levies a tax on meat, 329 ; in-
creases the number of saleable
offices, 330 ; gives cardinals high
places in the government, iii. 94 ;
his reforms, i. 256 ; desires peace,
256; brings about the reassembling
of the Council, 257 ; his position
with regard to it, 258, 262, 263 ;
comes to an understanding with
Ferdinand, 265 ff., and with
Philip II, 258; praises the zeal
of the Cardinal of Lorraine, 269 ;
decides on the initiative of the
prelates, 270 ; supports the rights
of the Spanish chapters, 271 ;
drops the proposed reformation
of the sovereigns, 273 ; reserves
tlie right of interpreting the de-
crees of the Council, 275 ; his
buildings, 378 ; appoints a com-
mission on Church music, 397 ;
his concessions to the duke of
Bavaria, 442 ; his life threatened
by Accolti, 277 ; his death, 278
f*ius V (Michele Ghislieri), his elec-
tion, i. 278 ; his early asceticism,
279 ; as Inquisitor, 280 ; examines
Felice Peretti, 351 ; his life as
pope, 281, 282 ; his character and
influence on the Church and Curia,
282 ff. ; his relations with Venice,
288 ; considerate to the duke of
Bavaria, 446 7?. ; on friendly terms
with Philip II, 291 ; his aversion
to Maximilian II, 471 ; his power
and influence, 293, 294 ; forms a
league against the Turks, 294,
295 ; his declaration to English
Catholics, 296, 478 ; on the agri-
culture in the Campagna, 302;
increases the tax on meat, 329 ;
reforms the administration of the
papal states, 332 ; his Instruction
to the nuncio at the diet of Augs-
burg (1566), 447 ; his cruel orders
to the troops against the Hugue-
nots, 296, 462; his death, 296;
his character, ordinances, etc.,
transferred to Sixtus V, iii. 103 ;
described by Venetian ambas-
sadors, \ozff.
Pius VI (Giovanni Angelo Braschi),
goes to Vienna, and makes con-
cessions to the emperor, ii. 499 ;
slights the cardinals, iii. 424 ;
rejects the civil constitution of
the clergy in France, ii. 503,
and tlie doctrines of the synod
of Pistoia, 504 ; taken to France,
and dies, 505
Pius VII (Gregorio Barnaba Chiara-
monti), his election, ii. 505, 518;
assents to the new organization of
the French clergy, 506 ; refuses
to publish the concordat with
Italy, 507 ; goes to Paris to crown
Napoleon, 508 ; failure of his
hopes, 508, 509 ; rejects Napo-
leon's demands, 510 ; carried off
to Savona, 510, 511 ; excommu-
nicates Napoleon, 511 ; concludes
the concordat of Fontainebleau,
512 ; revokes it, 513 ; restored by
the allies and returns to Rome,
514 ; his allocution to the cardinals
extolling the services of the non-
Catholic sovereigns, 514 ; restores
the Jesuits, 515
Pius IX (Giovanni Maria Mastai-
Ferretti), his plection, ji. 524 ; l^is
INDEX
481
tlrst reforms and constitution, 524 ;
appears to share the feelings of
the Italians, 525 ; but refuses to
wage war against Austria, 526,
527 ; besieged in his palace, 528 ;
flees to Gaeta, 528 ; returns to
Rome, 530 ; expresses the idea of
the unity of the Church, 523 ;
proclaims the dogma of the Im-
maculate Conception, 534; his
appeal to the Oriental Christians,
534 ; establishes an English hier-
archy, 535 ; his opinion on theolo-
gical research, 537 n. ; his journey
through Central Italy, 539 ; his
relations with the revolted pro-
vinces, 540, 542 ; defends the
temporal power of the papacy,
542, 543 ; issues the Syllabus, 544 ;
convenes the Vatican council,
546^. ; refuses the participation
of the sovereigns, 550 ; the bull
of convocation, 550 ; holds fast
to the conception of primacy,
551 ^. ; allows no freedom of
debate, 555 ; claims infallibility,
SS9ff' I confirms the dogma, 569 ;
resigns Rome to the Italians, 570
Plateis, chancellor at Prague, iii.
Plato, studied by Queen Christina,
ii. 391, 392, and by Ganganelli,
491
Plautus, Italian imitations of, i. 51,
56
Poissy, assembly of, ii. 200 71.
Poitiers, Protestants in, ii. 240
Poitou, Capuchins in, ii. 239
Polanco, his prospects of election
as general of the Jesuits, ii. 85 ;
his notes on Loyola, iii. 219
Poland, religious ferment in, i. 249 ;
growth of Protestantism, 417,
418, iii. 154 ; the peasantry re-
main Catholic, i. 430 ; Jesuits
opposed by Protestants, 473 ;
report on its religious affairs, iii.
154^. ; unbridled love of freedom
prevalent, 170 ; position of the
nuncios. 155, ii. 151 ; decision
concerning bishoprics, 152 ; com-
mercial treaty with England frus-
trated by the nuncio, 153, iii. 156 ;
the land made Catholic again
under Sigismund III, ii. 155, 156,
VOL. III.
iii. 171 ; internal dissensions, ii.
172 ff. ; mixed marriages, 175 ;
influence of the nuncios and the
Jesuits, 175, iii. 201, 230, 231 ;
violence of the pupils of the
Jesuits, ii. 176 ; Protestantism
not suppressed, 177, 209; Poland
aided by Ferdinand against the
Swedes, 298 ; makes a truce with
Sweden, 302 ; to which country it
must give up its claims, 317 ; the
nobility become autonomous, 371 ;
supported by Clement X in the
Turkish war, iii. 369, 377; Queen
Christina tries to obtain the crown,
ii. 404 ; members of the higher
clergy brought before the tribunal
of the pope, iii. 398 ; Russia places
Greek bishops in the united pro-
vinces, ii. 481 ; first partition, 496 ;
religious character of the revolt
against Russia, 537
Pole, Reginald, a refugee in Venice,
i. 108 ; on Contarini's treatise on
justification, 109 ; supports the
supremacy of the pope, 114; as
cardinal, 116 ; on the congress of
Ratisbon, 128 ; will not allow the
doctrine of justification to be re-
jecled, 158 ; legate in England,
245 ; deprived of the dignity of
legate by Paul IV, 246
Polidoro, Pietro, his life of Mar-
cellus II, iii. 88
Pomerania, becomes Protestant, i.
97 ; occupied by the imperial
troops, ii. 271
Pomponazzo, Pietro, i. 57, 58
Pomponio Leto, i. 189
Pomponne, French minister, son of
Andilly, ii. 448
Ponte, regent in Naples, excommu-
nicated by Paul V, ii. 119, 120
Pontine marshes, drained, i. 364
Porcari, Stephen, his conspiracy,
iii. 3
Porta, his relations with Paolo
Sarpi, ii. 128
Port-Royal, penances of the con-
gregation of, ii. 203 ; attaches
itself to St. Cyran, 438 ; in the
hands of the Arnauld family,
441
Port-Royal des Champs, li. 440, 441
Portugal, early thoughts of annexing
2 I
482
INDEX
it to Spain, iii. .30 ; the ecclesias-
tical orders of knighthood in the
patronage of the crown, i, 32 ;
establishment of the Jesuits, 170,
182 ; they become all-powerful,
293 ; Portugal conquered by Philip
II, 493; after separation from
Spain, not recognized by the
popes, ii. 451 ; consequent con-
dition of the Church, 451, iii. 351 ;
patronage of the king ever the
churches over-sea, 377 ; further
ecclesiastical claims, 418 ; his
right of patronage extended, ii.
478 ; traces of Jansenism, 485 ;
the Jesuits expelled, 489, 490 ;
Clement XIV sends a nuncio,
495
Portuguese, religious motives in
their conquests and discoveries, ii.
249; in the Indies, 251, 252, 254,
258 ; assist the Abyssinians against
the Kaffirs,
Portuguese
families in Rome, 376 ; Deone's
invectives against them, iii. 318
Porzia, Bartolomeo, count of, papal
legate to Duke Albert of Bavaria,
i. 445 n.
Posen, Jesuits in, i. 473, ii. 176
Possevin, Antonio, Jesuit, sent to
Sweden, to attempt the conversion
of King John, i. 475^. ; estab-
lishes a seminary at Braunsberg,
482 ; in Russia, ii. 170
Possinus, Petrus, historian of the
Jesuits, iii. 217
Powsinsky, Bartholomaeus, papal
envoy to Sigismund III, ii. 158 ;
his Instruction, 158, iii. 170
Prague, the Jesuits at, i. 183, 434 ;
proposal to found a Catholic uni-
versity, iii. 226 ; activity of the
nuncio Caraffa, ii. 225 ; suppres-
sion of the Utraquist ritual, 227,
iii. 253^. ; heretics removed from
the senate, 258 ; the university
given over to the Jesuits, 259 ;
large attendance at the Catholic
churches, ii. 228
Prague, peace of, ii. 313, 314 ; con-
gress of, 513
Prague, archbishop of, on the result
of the doctrine of InfallibiUty in
Bohemia, ii. 565
Predestination, doctrine of, in a
sermon of Felice Peretti, i. 351 ;
attacked by the Jesuits, ii. 95
Prelacy, the institution acquires its
modern form, ii. 409 ; men of
talent frequently shut out, 423
Priesthood, its rise, i. 8, 9 ; degene-
racy of, 47 ; renovated in Italy,
134^-
Primacy of the pope, not universally
acknowledged in the first cen-
turies, i. 9 ; conceded to Leo IX
in France, 21 ; claimed by the
popes since Gregory VII, 23;
ignored in Germany, 83 ; not
questioned in Italy, 114 ; recog-
nition of it demanded by Paul III
at Ratisbon, 127, 133, iii. 62, 63 ;
declaration of Ems, ii. 500 ; as
conceived by Pius IX, 533, 551,
Primi, the, distinguished as bankers,
ii. 376
Printers in Venice, ruined by the
regulations of the Curia, ii. 123 ;
in Prague subjected to the censor-
ship of the Jesuits, iii. 259
Priuli, Lorenzo, Venetian ambassa-
dor in Rome, i. 304 «. , 339 «.,
362 «. ; his report (1586), iii. 148;
his despatches, 152
Priuli, Luigi, his villa of Treville,
i. 108 ; explains the Ratisbon
articles, 130
Probability, Jesuit doctrine of, ii.
433
" Professio Fidei," i. 275, 293, 448,
449. 475. 501. 511. ii- 259
Propaganda, the, ii. 223, 224, 241,
383. 536, iii- 231, 251
Protestantism, Charles V determines
to destroy it, i. 87, iii. 39 ; its
development and progress in
Europe, i. 100, loi, 244^., 258,
416 ff., 484 ; especially in Great
Britain, 246^., 424; in Scandi-
navia, Poland, and Hungary, 416
ff. ; in Germany, 4i8jf ; in France,
244, 424 ff., ii. 199, 240 ; in the
Netherlands, i. 426 ; analogous
opinions in Italy, 106 jf., iii. 90,
163 ; its relations to Catholicism,
at the Council of Trent, i. 157, 203
ff; opposed and driven back in
Germany, 441^., 500/"-. S^'^ff-^
517, 518, ii. 177^. ; rooted out in
INDEX
483
the Spanish Netherlands, i. 493
ff. ; loses ground in France, 526 ;
accepts the doctrine of the divine
right of kings, ii. 14, 15 ; asserts
its supremacy in Sweden, 160, 161,
168 ; attacked, but not suppressed,
in Poland, 174 ff. ; division into
sects, 210, 211 ; inclination to
republicanism, 213 ; suffers losses
in France, 219, 238 ff. ; is sup-
pressed in Bohemia, 225 ff. , and
in Moravia, Austria, and Hun-
gary, 228^., and elsewhere, 232
ff. ; recovers breath, 266, 267 ;
aided by dissensions among the
Catholics, 280, 313, 319 ; main-
tained by Gustavus Adolphus in
Germany, 308, 309 ; supported
even by Richeheu, 317 ; its
strength in England, 318, 535,
536 ; owes its deliverance to the
pohtical enterprises of the popes,
319 ; individuality of Protestant
states, 321 ; interests of Protestan-
tism promoted by the policy of
Innocent XI, 467 ; changed rela-
tions with Catholicism, 518 ; con-
demned by Pius IX, 545 ; the
Protestant church in Germany,
536
Protestant party in Germany, estab-
lished (1526), i. 83 ; repulsed by
Charles V, 87 ; in alliance with
Francis I, 94, 95 ; its growth after
the peace of Kadan, 97 ; plans
for restoring it to Catholicism,
iii. 83 ; the war of Schmalkalden
{1546), 200, 201 ; allied with the
French against the emperor
(1552), 216^., 244; its progress
about 1563, 418 ^. ; tries to win
over the ecclesiastical princes,
468 ff. ; demands confirmation of
the peace of Augsburg, ii. 186 ;
refuses to accept the edict of
interposition and quits the diet,
189; forms the Union, 190; de-
feated and repressed, 269 ff, 297,
301 ; firm opposition to the edict
of restitution, 303 ; attaches itself
to Gustavus Adolphus, 308 ; ob-
tains equality at the peace of
Westphalia, 317 ; restored to
power by the rise of Prussia, 481
Prussia, christianized, i, 24 ; secu-
larizes Church property, 417 ; the
Catholics hope to get the duchy
into their power, ii. 167 ; Ferdi-
nand II proposes to restore it
to the empire, 298 ; Gustavus
Adolphus there, 301 ; the Jesuits
find shelter, 515 ; the rise of
Prussia, 480, 481 ; called to arms
(1813), 513; dispute between
Church and State, interference of
the papacy, 520; war with Austria,
its importance for Italy, 547 ;
result of the war with France, 570
Prussinowski, William, bishop of
Olmlitz, invites the Jesuits, i. 435
Pubschiitz, Hans von, establishes a
Protestant consistory at Glatz, i.
470
Pultusk, Jesuits in, i. 473, ii. 152, 155
Purgatory, declaration of Alexander
VI, i. 48 ; doubts concerning,
162, 165 ; dogma of, determined,
271, but ignored in Germany,
422
Puritans in England, i. 542, ii. 213,
243. 249, 318
" Putanisme de Rome, Le," iii. 354
Pyrenees, peace of the, the pope
takes no part in, ii. 453
Quedlinburg, abbey of, Protestant,
i. 422
Quietists in Rome, iii. 385, 387, 388,
399
Quirini, editor of the correspon-
dence of Cardinal Pole, i. 130 u.,
159 n.
Quirini, Giacomo, his report on
Alexander VII and Clement IX
(1668). ii. 368, iii. 357
Quiroga, Capuchin, opposes the
retention of the edict of restitu-
tion, ii. 313, 314 n.
R
Racine, came from Port-Royal, ii.
442
Radziwill, palatine of Wilna, iii.
Raesfeld, dean of Munster, i. 50^
484
INDEX
Raggi, Lorenzo, treasurer under
Urban VIII, iii. 309
Rainaldus, his relation to Pallavicini,
iii. 78
Raittenau, Wolf Dietrich von, arch-
bishop of Salzburg, persecutes the
Protestants, i. 515, 516 ; his fiscal
measures, 516 ; his character, 516,
517, iii. 211
Rangone, papal nuncio to the false
Demetrius, ii. 170 ; in Poland,
173 «•. 175
Rangone, family, of Modena, i. 341
Ranzau, Heinrich, hopes of his
return to Catholicism, i. 522
Raphael, i. 54, 56, 380 «. ; his pupils,
390 ; his grave, iii. 24 ; his Arazzi
intended for the Sistine Chapel,
28
Ratisbon, the bishop and chapter
forced to erect a seminary, i. 445 ;
Protestants driven out, 517
Ratisbon, bishop of, issues a cir-
cular, ii. 187, iii. 195 ; takes part
in the formation of the League,
ii. 192
Ratisbon, conference of {1541), i.
121 ff., 162, iii. 58, 75; diet of
(1608), ii. T%6 ff. ; assembly of
princes at (1638), iii. 261; as-
sembly of Catholic electors at
(1630), ii.3oS^
Ravenna, the Ghibellines in, i. 309 ;
protests against the government
of the Curia, 314 ; the Venetian
corn - magazines confiscated by
Gregory XIII, 340 ; factions in,
343 ; transfer of the archbishopric,
ii. 420 71.
R6, Buckingham's expedition to the
island of, ii. 277
Referendario di Segnatura, office of,
ii. 409 ■
" Regale," extended by Louis XIV,
ii. 460, 462 ; its origin, iii. 186
Regalisti, in the Curia, ii. 495
Reggio, seized by Julius II, i. 44 ; a
fief of the empire, ii. 72
Reggio, bishop of, not made a
cardinal, iii. 201
Relics, obliged to be concealed in
Germany, i. 422 ; veneration of,
revived, 439. 444, 508 ; destroyed
in Sweden, ii. 165 ; Queen Chris-
tina's attitude to, 399
Reni, Guido, his paintings, i. 395
Reuse, assembly of electors at, i. 27
Republican tendencies, inherent in
Protestantism, ii. 213, 238 ; in the
papal states, 529
Restitution, edict of, ii. 272, 273,
297 ; excites contention, 303, 304 ;
proposal to suspend it in Bran-
denburg and Saxony, 305 ; the
suspension not agreed to by the
pope, 307 ; the emperor allows it
to drop, 313
Rethel, duke of. See Nevers,
Carlo Gonzaga, duke of.
Retz, Cardinal, and the Jansenists,
ii. 443
Reuchlin, the first Hebrew grammar
written by, i. 60
Rezzonico, nephew of Clement
XIII, ii. 489
Rezzonico, his influence with Pius
VI,- iii. 424
Rhetius, Johann, Jesuit, of Cologne,
i- 433
Rhodes, taken by the Turks, i. 73,
74
Riario, Girolamo, nephew of Sixtus
IV, i. 36, 37
Ribadeneira, Pedro, his life of
Loyola, i. 145 n., 150 n., 152 «.,
iii. 218 ff. ; his book against
Machiavelli, ii. 12 n.
Ricci, Jesuit, in China, ii. 254
Ricci, Lorenzo, general of the
Jesuits, refuses to alter the con-
stitution of the society, ii. 491
Richardot, Franfois de, bishop of
Arras, i. 485, 486
Richardot, Franfois de, nephew of
the foregoing, i. 490
Richelieu, Cardinal, resolves to
crush the power of Austria and
Spain, ii. 264, 265 ; makes ad-
vances to the English, 264 ;
danger of his position, 267, 268 ;
concludes the peace of Monzon,
268 ; agrees to attack England,
275 ; captures La Rochelle, 278,
279, 295 ; his interference in the
affair of Mantua, 286, 294, 295 ;
closely attached to the papacy,
296 ; favours the Huguenots, 317
Richer, defender of Gallican prin-
ciples, iii. 249
Ridolfi, i. 324
INDEX
485
Riga, conquered by Gustavus Adol-
phus, ii. 301
Rimini, i. 38 ; famous for its oil,
303 ; the Guelphsin, 309 ; factions
.in. 343
Rio, Francesco del, his house in
Rome, i. 378
Riviera, Mgr., secretary to the con-
clave, iii. 405 ; removed from the
ministry, 416
Robustelli, Giacopo, massacres the
Protestants in the Grisons, ii. 219
Rocci, nuncio at the diet of Ratis-
bon, ii. 306
Rocheome, Father, his apology for
the Jesuits, ii. 100
Roderic, Simon, Jesuit in Portugal,
i. 170
Rohan, Henri due de, supports
Marie de' Medici, ii. 217, 238 n. ;
opposes Richelieu, 267 ; opposes
the attack on Geneva, iii. 250,
251
Rokoss, in Poland, summoned
against Sigismund III, ii. 173 ;
dissolved, 174
Romagna, its fertility, i. 36, 302 ;
character of the inhabitants, 304,
405 ; relation of the towns to
the papal throne, 306 ff. ; com-
munities of peasants in, 311, 312 ;
the " Pacifici " in, 313; confisca-
tions of Gregory XIII in, 341 ; fac-
tions in, 343 ; bandits in, ii. 33 ;
the duke of Ferrara invited to, 75 ;
he is obliged to give up his portion
of, 80 ; Relatione della Romagna
(1615), iii, 212
Rome, worship of emperors, i. 6,
7 ; rise and growth of Christianity,
•jff. ; bishops of, become supreme,
9; invasions, 11, 12; prosperity
under Leo X, 55, 323, 404; lack
of belief prevalent, 58 ; its culture
and wealth, 84; sack of (1527),
85; the Inquisition, 163; auto-
da-fe's, 169 ; threatened by Alva
(1556), 229. 234; tumults on the
death of Paul IV, 243 ; lightness
of its taxation, 323. iii. 4; its
splendour in the middle ages, i.
376 ; its state on the return of the
popes from Avignon, 376; build-
ings of Julius II, 377 ; buildings
of Sixtus V, 379 ff., iii, 146;
antiquities preserved by Leo X,
i. 380, but destroyed by Sixtus V,
381 ff. ; improvement in morals,
399 ; character of the population,
404, 405 ; opposition to the Aldo-
brandini, ii. no ; becomes an
important money-market, 333 ;
its position during the war of
Castro, 349, 350 ; Rome under
Urban VIII, iii. 295, 296, 308,
309; under Gregory XIII, 321,
322 ; influence of the aristocracy,
ii. 371; noble families, 372^.;
ceremonial of the court, 374 ;
change in the character of the
population, 377 ff. ; number of
inhabitants in the 17th century,
378 ; new buildings of the popes,
379 ff- I buildings of Alexander
VIII, iii. 351, 352 ; many foun-
tains, ii. 380, 381 ; libraries and
academies, 383, 384, iii. 410 ;
destruction of antiquities, ii. 385 ;
the centre of culture, 386 ; the
gathering-place of all nations, iii.
386, 410 ; lack of good preachers,
ii. 424 ; a Jansenist preaches in,
443 ; occupied by the French
(1798), 505 ; return of Pius VII
(1814), 513; volunteers raised to
assist Charles Albert, 525 ; the
national assembly (1849), 529;
occupied by the French, 530 ;
assembly of bishops (1862), 543 ;
another assembly (1867), 548 ;
taken by the Italians, 570
Romillon, Jean Baptiste, founder of
the ' ' Fathers of Christian Doc-
trine," ii. 205
Roscioli, urges Urban VIII to
abandon a consistory, iii. 202
Rosel, Isabella, her account of
Loyola's ecstasy, iii. 219
Rosenhan, accompanies Malines
and Casati to Stockholm, iii. 346,
347
Roseo, Mambrino, on the war of
Paul IV against Naples, i. 232 ;/.
Rosetti, papal legate, at the peace
congress (1636), ii. 316
Rospigliosi fiiniily, ii. 369, 374
Rospigliosi, Camillo, brother of
Clement IX, and his sons, iii.
364
Rospigliosi, Cardinal, secretary of
486
INDEX
the, " congregatione d stato," ii.
368, iii. 357. See Clement IX
Rospigliosi, abbate, made cardinal,
his work and character, iii. 358,
359, 362, 363 ; allied with Altieri,
365 ; neglected by Clement X,
372, 376
Rossi, Pellegrino, minister of Pius
IX, ii. 527 ; assassinated, 528
Rota (Ruota), the, i. 119, 361, 401,
ii- 359. 374. iii- 203, 415; abuses
in, ii. 417
Rota, Antonio, papal secretary, iii.
422
Rotto, Giovan Battista, adherent of
Protestant doctrines at Bologna,
i. 115
Rouen, Jesuits and Capuchins in,
i- 525, 526 ; the League of the
Si.xteen in, 532 ; relieved by
Alexander Farnese, ii. 40 ; goes
over to Henry IV, 58
Rozzoni, his report on Clement X,
iii. 372
Rucellai, works of, i. 51
Rudolf II, emperor, threatens the
count palatine Casimir with the
ban, i. 500 ; his devotion, 509 ;
is involved in disturbances in
Vienna, 509, 510 ; banishes Opitz
and commences a persecution of
the Protestants throughout the
empire, 510; causes the visitation
of the Kammergericht to be post-
poned, 524 ; grants a renewal of
his investiture to the duke of
Ferrara, ii. 73 ; his melancholy,
iii. 189 ; promotes the counter-
reformation, ii. 182 ff. ; repre-
.sented by Ferdinand at the diet
of Ratisbon, 187, iii. 194; at
variance with his brother Mat-
thias, ii. 190, to whom he is
compelled to resign Hungary,
Austria, and Moravia, 191 ; makes
concessions to Bohemia, 191 ; his
death, 193
Rumpf, Wolf, minister of Rudolf
II, ii. 73
Rusdorf, his admiration of Gustavus
Adolphus, ii. 301
Russia, designs of the Catholics on,
ii. 167, 169^ ; the false Deme-
trius in, 170, 171 ; places Greek
bishops in Poland, ii. 481, 482;
protects the Jesuits, 515 ; sup-
presses the Polish rising and
breaks with Rome, 538
Rusticucci, Cardinal, his character,
i. 400; at the election of Sixtus
V, iii. 165
Ryhove, demagogue in Ghent, i. 488
Sacchetti, Cardinal, ii. 354; on the
abuses in the government of the
papal states, 418 ; Instruction to
him, as nuncio to Spain, iii. 246
Sacchinus, historian of the Jesuits,
iii. 216, 217, 220
Sacraments, the, discussed at Trent,
i. 161, 261, 275
Sacripante, bandit in theMaremma,
i'- 33
Sadolet, Cardinal, i. 107, 109 71.,
116, iii. 44
Sadowa, battle of, decisive for Italy,
ii- 547
Sagredo, Niccol6, his report on
Rome (1661), iii. 350
Sagripante, Cardinal, datary, iii.
395f 405
St. Angelo, castle of, i. 85, 229,
358 ; Sixtus V deposits his treasure
there, 369 ; newly fortified by
Urban VIII, ii. 289, 381 ; sur-
rendered to the Italians by Pius
IX, S70
St. Cyran, abbey of, ii. 435
St. Cyran. See Duvergier
St. Gall, abbot of, his zeal for
Catholicism, ii. 197
St. Malo, bishop of, appeals for
help to the nuncio, ii. 240
St. Marcellin, difficulties concerning
a Protestant preacher in, ii. 240
St. Maur, Benedictine congregation
of, ii. 206
St. Olon, the nuncio shut up in, ii.
465
St. Omer, the Jesuits at, i. 486, 488
St. Peter's, Rome, its ruinous con-
dition, i. 375 ; rebuilt by Julius
II. 54' 376 ; the cupola added by
Sixtus V, 385, iii. 144 ; completed
by Paul V, ii. 381 ; additions of
Alexander VII, iii. 352, 357
St. Quintin, battle of, i. 234, 246
INDEX
487
St. Veit, Protestants in, i. 420 ;
Catholics excluded from muni-
cipal elections, 472 ; Protestant
citizens exiled from, ii. 182
Salamanca, university of, i. 148,
338 ; the Jesuits in, 170
Saldanha, Cardinal, entrusted with
the visitation of the Jesuit order,
ii. 487
Sales, St. Franfois de, monastic in-
stitutions of, ii. 204, 205
Salmasius, visits Queen Christina,
ii. 391
Salmeron, adherent of Loyola, i.
151, 153 ; at the Council of Trent,
159
Salt, sale of, in the papal states, i.
305. 317. 323. 326, ii. 333; tax
on, 352 ; reduction of price of,
411 ; the " salara di Roma," 334,
iii. 117 ; monopoly of, in Ferrara,
ii. 65
Saluzzo, taken possession of by
Savoy, i. 547 ; negotiations con-
cerning, ii. 105 ; left to Savoy,
105, 112; taken by the French,
299
Salvatore Fra, PVanciscan, tutor of
Felice Peretti, i. 349, iii. 124, 136
Salviati, Antonio Maria, sent by
Gregory XIII to Catherine de'
Medici, iii. 109
Salviati, Giacopo, i. 307, 324, iii.
35. 38. 43. 45
Salviati, Cardinal, his character, i.
400
Salviati palace, destroyed by Alex-
ander VII, ii. 383, iii. 352
Salzburg, i. 31 ; religious conten-
tions in, 420, 515
Salzburg, synod of, i. 445
Sancerre, defence of, i . 466
Sandys, Edwin, bishop of London,
demands the execution of Mary
Stuart, i. 540, 541 n.
Sanga, papal secretary, his letter
to Campeggio, i. 98 n.
Sangallo, Antonio, builds a fortress
at Ancona, i. 316
Sangro, nuncio in Spain, ii. 235 7/. ;
Instruction to him (1621), iii. 229
San Lorenzo, famous for its manna,
San Marino, preserves its freedom,
ii. 326, iii. 212
San Michele a Ripa, its wool and
silk manufactures, iii. 408, 409
Sannazaro, his "Arcadia," i. 52
San Onofrio, Cardinal, iii. 268
Sanseverina, Cardinal. 6'^£?Santorio
Sanseverina, Barbara, described by
Tasso, ii. 69
San Sisto, Cardinal, won over for
the election of Sixtus V, i. 355,
iii. 118, 119, 165
Santafiore, Count, defends Civitella,
i. 232 ; cruel orders of Pius V to,
296
Santo Bartolo, on Queen Christina's
cameos, ii. 405
Santorio, Cardinal of Santa Seve-
rina, in favour of preservirg
antiquities, i. 381 ; Inquisitor in
Rome, 391 «., 392 n. ; his cha-
racter, 400, ii. 41 ; arranges a
treaty between Spain and the
pope, i. 547 ; his chance of elec-
tion as pope, ii. 42, iii. 167 ff. ;
his disappointment, ii. 43, 44,
iii. 169 ; his activity in Naples,
163 ; interferes in the question
of the re-investiture of Ferrara, ii.
73 71., iii. 166, 167; his auto-
biography, 163
Sanuto, his Ciironicle, iii-. 6, 7, 36
Sanvitale, Leonora, described by
Tasso, ii. 69
Sardinia, consigned to a new-
sovereign, ii. 474; concessions
granted to, by Benedict XIV, ii.
478, and by Clement XIV, 495 ;
new bishoprics in, 516 ; opposition
to clerical privileges in, 538 ; de-
nounces papal government, 539 ;
the king takes the title of king
of Italy, 541
Sarpi, Paolo, i. 159 n.\ at Venice,
ii. 18 ; his birth, education, and
character, 126 _^ ; his hatred of
the papacy, 1:9, iii. 54, 55, 63,
65; convinces the Venetian
jurists, ii. 129 ; success of his
work, 144 ; criticism of his history
of the Council of Trent, iii. 25^ ;
Paul V demands that he shall be
consigned to the Inquisition, 193
Sarrazin, abbot of St. \'aast, sup-
porter of Alexander Farnese, i.
490
Sassatelli of linola, the, i, 311, 343
488
INDEX
Sauli, Cardinal, I'i. 134
Saumur, assembly of Huguenots at,
ii, 210
Savelli, the, their privileges, ii. 372,
374
Savonarola, Girolamo, i. 6j
Savoy, disputes with France, ii. 105 ;
concludes a treaty with Louis
XIII, 261, 262; makes a truce
with Genoa, 269 ; recalls her am-
bassador from Rome, 450 ; right
of appointing to bishoprics not
conceded to the duke, iii. 377 ;
who attains to royal power in
defiance of the pope, ii. 474
Savoy, Charles Emanuel, duke of.
See Charles Emanuel
Savoy, Emanuel Philibert, duke of,
congratulates Borromeo, i. 290 ;
grants new privileges to the
Waldenses, 427 ; endeavours to
mediate in the perplexities of the
year 1572, iii. 109
Saxe-Lauenburg, Duke Henry of,
Lutheran archbishop of Bremen,
and bishop of Osnabriick and
Paderborn, i. 469, 522 ; his death,
501
Saxony (the electorate), reformation
in, i. 83 ; disposed to adopt the
Gregorian calendar, iii. 194 ; its
demands at the diet of Ratisbon,
ii, 186, 187 ; takes the Catholic
side in the election of the Emperor
Matthias, 193 ; opposes the trans-
ference of the palatine electorate
to Bavaria, 236 ; the edict of re-
stitution to be suspended in, 305 ;
report on the churches of Saxony
(1603), iii. 184
Saxony, Augustus, elector of, at-
tempts to win him back to
- Catholicism, i, 520, 521 n., iii. 183
Saxony, John Frederick, elector of,
opposes Duke Maurice and the
emperor, i, 202
Saxony, John George I, elector of,
won over to the Catholic party,
ii. 218 ; opposes the banishment
of Lutheran preachers from
Prague, 225, 226 ; hopes of his
conversion to Catholicism, 273 ;
resigns the idea of restoring
Protestantism in his hereditary
dominions, 313
Saxony, Maurice of, i. 202 ; opposes
Charles V in the Tyrol, 217
Scandinavia, Protestantism in, i.
loi, 249, 416, 424
Schall, Adam, in China, ii, 255
Schmalkalden, war of, i. 200, 426
Schomberg, Niccolo, iii, 35, 38, 45
Schorich, George, Jesuit, in Baden
and Bavaria, i. 446
Schwarzenberg, Count, takes part
in the counter - reformation in
Baden, i. 446
Schweikhard, Johann, archbishop
of Mainz, ii. 178 ; as high chan-
cellor, 212 ; reforms the Berg-
strasse, 233 ; is persuaded to con-
sent to the transference of the
palatine electorate, 236, iii. 262 ;
his recommendations to the pope,
265
Schwerin, bishopric of, restored to
Catholicism, ii. 272
Schwigger, Heinrich, private secre-
tary of the duke of Bavaria, i. 434
Scotland, predominance of Pro-
testants in, i. 248, 424
Scotti, nuncio in France, on the
attitude of the Jesuits to the
pope, ii. 429 n. ; on the restric-
tions on ecclesiastical jurisdiction,
450 «.
Sebastian, king of Portugal, i. 293 ;
his expedition to Africa, 479
Secretaries, papal, work on the
suppression of their college by
Innocent XI, iii. 382
Sega, nuncio in Spain, i, 478, 479 n. ;
in France, ii, 51, 52
Segnatura, the, ii. 409
Sela - Christos, brother of the
emperor of Abyssinia, converted
to Catholicism, ii. 258
Seld, imperial vice-chancellor, i.
260 n., iii. 71, loi
Seltan-Segued, emperor of Abys-
sinia, becomes a Catholic, ii. 258
Seminaries, for young ecclesiastics,
i. 275, 294, 445, 448, 480, 518,
ii. 196, 206, 517, iii, 265
Sennesio, Clemente, his influence on
Pietro Aldobrandini, ii. 108 n.
Sentinelli, accuser of Monaldeschi,
iii- 343
Septizonium of Severus, the, de-
stroyed by Sixtus V, i, 381
INDEX
489
Serafino, Monslgnor, his mission to
France postponed, ii. 31
Seripando, general of the Augus-
tinians, on justification, i. 158,
159. ii- 57
Serra family, the, i. 312
Serristori, Averardo, his despatches,
iii. 96
Servaes, Bailliu of Seeland, delivers
the district of \\'aes to the
Spaniards, i. 494
Servantio, his diary, i. 271 ;/.
Servius Tullius, myth of his cliild-
hood, repeated of Sixtus V, iii.
135
Sessa, imperial ambassador to
Adrian VI, iii. 26
Sfondrati, the, their views on the
succession in Ferrara, ii. 72, iii.
166
Sfondrato, Cardinal, at the election
of Julius III, i. 214
Sfondrato, Cardinal. See Gregory
XIV
Sfondrato, Cardinal, opponent of
Sanseverina, iii. 166, 167
Sfondrato, Ercole, duke of Monte-
marciano, sent to help the League,
ii. 38
Sforza family, in Milan, i. 36 ;
driven out of Pesaro, 38
Sforza, Cardinal, given powers to
suppress the bandits, i. 345 ; in-
fluences the election of Gregory
XIV, ii. 37 ; opposes Sanseverina,
iii. 167, 168
Shakespeare, his influence, ii. 211
Sicily, French descent on, i. 75 ;
consigned to a new sovereign, ii.
474 I granted to the Spanish In-
fant, 475 ; the clergy favourable
to Rome banished, 476
Siena, severities of the Inquisition
towards the university, i. 168 ;
adherents of the Guelphic party
there, 198, 210; taken by Charles
V, 210 ; the people complain
of Juhus III, 218 ; the Caraffa
aspire to the possession of it, 229,
230 ; seized by Duke Cosimo,
235 ; taken by the Marchese di
Marignano, 251 ; quitted by the
Borghese, ii. 115 ; under Alex-
ander VH, 365. 367, 415
Siena, archbishop of, on justification,
i. 157, 158 ; quits the Council of
Trent, i6i
Sigismund Augustus, king of
Poland, his religious views, i. 418
Sigismund III, succeeds to the
crown of Poland, i. 542, ii. 154 ;
his zeal for Catholicism, 154 ^. ;
becomes king of Sweden, 157 ;
is under an obligation to maintain
the Protestant church, 157 ; his
intentions, 159 ; isolation of his
position, 161 ; is obliged to com-
ply with the Protestant demands,
162 ; his attitude to the Catholics,
164 ; opposition of Duke Charles,
165 ; lands in Sweden, 166, 168 ;
is totally defeated, and returns to
Danzig, 169 ; acknowledges the
false Demetrius, 170 ; effect of his
policy in Poland, 172 ^. ; has a
misunderstanding with Paul V,
iii. 2or, 230 ; rejects the proposals
of Gustavus Adolphus, 231
Silesia, designs of Brandenburg on,
iii. 189 ; the Calvinists not tole-
rated there, 226
Silk manufacture, in the papal
states, i. 364, iii. 355, 408, 409
Sillery, commendator, in the negotia-
tions over the Valtelline, iii. 270,
.271
Simony, i. 75, ii. 200, .451, 495
Sin, Jesuit definition of, ii. 432
Singlin, adherent of St. Cyran, ii.
441
Sinigaglia, granted privileges by
Caesar Borgia, i. 305; its corn-
trade, ii. 326 ; trade with Turkey,
iii. 409 ; its fair injurious to trade,
412
Sinolfo, prothonotary of Sixtus IV,
i. 321
Siri, the, farmers of the imports of
Castro, ii. 346; refuse to fulfil
their contract, 347
Sirleto, Cardinal, connected with the
reform of the calendar, i. 338 ; at
the election of Sixtus V, iii. 113,
114; his learning and character,
i. 400
Sitia, bishop of, advises the estab-
lishment of a Greek college, i.
^.337
Sitiano, conies mto the possession of
Gregory XIII, i. 341
490
INDEX
Sistine chapel, the, i. 241, 398, iii.
28
Sixtus IV (Francesco della Rovere),
founds a temporal sovereignty, i.
36. 37. 45 ; extends the privileges
of the mendicant orders, 47 ; de-
velops the system of selling
offices, 321 ; builds the Ponte
Sisto, 2)77 ! Instructions for his
nuncios to Frederick III, iii. 5
Sixtus V (Felice Peretti), Cardinal
Montalto, his birth and parentage,
i. 348 ; his early career, 349^. , iii.
132^., i. his autograph memo-
randum b3ok, i. 368, iii. 123^. ;
patronized by Cardinal Carpi, i.
350, iii. 136, 137, 143; his Lent
sermons in Rome, i. 350 ; his
success and promotion, 352 ;
stories of his election, 352^., iii.
113 y., 118 y., 165; his severity
against the bandits, i. ZS7 ff' \ cha-
racteristics of his administration,
360^. ; founds new congregations
of cardinals, 365 ; limits the
number of cardinals, 366 ; his
system of nepotism, 366, 367, ii.
336; his frugality, i. 368, 370;
amasses a treasure, 370 ff., iii.
147 ; raises money by the sale of
offices, i. 371 ; imposes heavy
duties, 373 ; his public buildings,
376 ff. , iii. 144, 145 ; destroys
antiquities, i. 381, iii. 147 ; erects
the obelisk before St. Peter's, i.
382 /: ; completes the cupola of
St. Peter's, i. 385, iii. 144 ; his
cautious policy in Germany, i.
501, 504 ; his joy over the success
of Bishop Julius of Wiirzburg,
508, and of the Austrian princes,
514 ; excommunicates Henry of
Navarre and the prince of Condd,
529, iii. 147 ; invites Queen Eliza-
beth to return to Catholicism, i.
539 ; urges the king of Spain to
attack England, 539, 540 ; his
indignation against Henry III of
France, 544, 545 ; opposes Henry
of Navarre, 546, ii. 22 ; promises
to support Philip II, i. 547 ; in-
fluenced by Acquaviva, ii. 91 ;
extravagant schemes, 19 J^. ', his
conversation with the Venetian
ambassadors, 23 ^. ; his change of
opinion with regard to Henry IV,
26, 27 ; suspends the Capuchin
general, 28 ; the Spanish ambas-
sador protests against his policy,
28, 29 ; his irresolution, 30, 31 ;
especially with regard to the
Spanish treaty, 31, 32; his death,
34; biographies of, iii. 112^,
132/".
Sleidan, Johann, construction of his
history, iii. 48 ; used by Sarpi, 49
Socher, his " Historia provinciae
Austriae," iii. 218
Solms, Count, supporter of Arch-
bishop Truchsess of Cologne, i.
499
Solothurn, i. 483, iii. 199
Solyman I, Sultan, proposals of
Caraffa to, i. 231
Somasca, congregation of, i. 140
Sorahzo, Girolamo, on Carlo Bor-
romeo, i. 255 ; on Pius IV and the
Council, 258 ; bewails the result
of the Council, 263 ; his report
(1563), iii. 97
Soranzo, Hieronymo, his report
(1621), iii. 220; second report
(1628), 243
Soranzo, Zuanne, his despatches
(1581-2), iii. 152
Sorbonne, the, opposes the Jesuits,
i. 460 ; attitude of, against Henry
III, 532, ii. Ti ; changes its views
and acknowledges Henry IV, 59 ;
many doctors of the Sorbonne
among the Jansenists, 447 ; de-
fends the divine right of bishops,
ii. 249
Soriano. See Suriano
Soto, secretary of Calatagirona, at
the negotiations of Vervins, ii.
104
Soubise, Huguenot leader, opposes
Richelieu, ii. 267, 268
Sovereignty of the people, theory of,
developed by the Jesuits, ii. 8j/.,
14 ; no longer suited to the time,
212 ; in Italy, opposed to the
temporal power of the pope, 529,
540, 542, 549
Spada, nuncio in Paris, negotiates
concerning an attack on England,
ii. 275, 276
Spada, Gio. Battista, his report on
INDEX
491
Rome under Urban VIII, iii. 295 ;
his conceit, 329
Spada, secretary of state under
Innocent XII, iii. 391
Spangenberg, his commentaries, i.
420
Spanheini, on the coins and medals
of Queen Christina, ii. 405
Sj^ain, regained from Mahometan-
ism, i. 24 ; ecclesiastical rights of
the crown, 32, 268, 429 ; religious
character of her chivalry, 141 ;
the Inquisition, 162 ; Jesuitism
takes rise there, 170, 182 ; dis-
cipline restored in the monasteries,
223 ; the chapters seek to regain
their immunities, 271 ; strict
ecclesiastical government under
Philip II, 249,' 292 ; severity of
the Inquisition, 292, 293, 428,
429 ; forms a union with Venice
against the Turks (1571), 294,
295 ; treaty with the pope against
Henry IV, 547 ; her predominance
in Europe, ii. 17, 25 ; Dominican
interest strong there, 94, 103, 137 ;
proposed league of Italian states
against her (1605), 112; her ad-
herents in Switzerland, 197, and
the Orisons, 198 ; in close con-
nection with Marie de' Medici,
208, 210 ; modern classical forms
of literature there, 211 ; in connec-
tion with the English and Irish
Catholics, 245 ; reasserts her old
claims (1622), 261 ; leaves the
decision of the affairs of the
Grisons to the pope, 261, 294 ;
policy of Richelieu directed
against, 264^, 317 ; makes peace
with France (1626), 268 ; pro-
posed attack on England, 274,
275 ; again at war with FVance,
295 ff. ; acknowledges the inde-
pendence of the Dutch (1648),
316 ; power of the aristocracy,
371 ; abuses of the right of nomi-
nation to benefices by the Curia,
419, 420, iii. 418 ; adherents of
the Jansenists there, ii. 443, 484 ;
question of the Spanish succession,
470 ff., iii. 396, 400, 401 ; the
nunciature closed, ii. 476 ; con-
cordat with Benedict XIV, 477,
478 ; declarations of the clergy
against the Jesuits, 496 ; the
Jesuits recalled, 516 ; revolution
with anti-clerical tendency, 517 ;
concordat with Pius IX, 530
Spaniards, the, leagued with the
popes, i. 78 ; their preponderance
in Italy established (1527), 85 ;
successes in Italy and the Nether-
lands (1557), 231 ff. ; make peace
with the pope, 235 ; the Spanish
bishops bring forward the ' ' Cen-
sures " at Trent, 201, 217, iii. 72;
raise the question of the residence
of bishops, i. 259, iii. 57, 58 ;
quarrel with the Italians at the
Council, i. 262, and with the
French, 268 ; oppose the burdens
on Church property, 268 ; agree
to the decrees of the Council, 270
ff.; their characteristics in Rome,
405 ; wish to adopt a milder policy
in the Netherlands, 464, 465 ;
forbearing in politics, but inex-
orable in religious matters, 493 ;
tlieir attitude to the Jesuit doc-
trines of ecclesiastical authority
and the sovereignty of the people,
ii. 12; their preponderance in the
Jesuit order, 85 ; discontented at
the election of Acquaviva, 86 ;
their influence in the election of
Gregory XIV, 36, and of Innocent
IX, 40; endeavour to secure the
election of Cardinal Sanseverina,
41 ^. ; propose to recognize the
Infanta Isabella as heir to the
French throne, 53 ; oppose the
absolution of Henry IV, 55, 60 ;
declare for Duke Cesare of Fer-
rara, 76 ; agree to the peace of
Vervins, 104 ; their importance in
Rome restored, 109, iii. 180; their
position in the disputes between
the pope and Venice, ii. 135 ;
declare against the Jesuit order,
137 ; negotiate for a Swedish
harbour, 166 ; their plans with re-
gard to the gulf of Venice, iii. 221 ;
descend on the Grisons, ii. 219 ;
renew the war in the Netlierlands,
220 ; reluctant to consent to tlu;
transference of the palatine elec-
torate, 235 ; at the siege of La
Rochelle, 279 n. \ their part iii
the war of the Mantuan succession,
492
INDEX
282^., 295, 299; fight on the
Rhine against the Swedes, 309 ;
protest against the conduct
of Urban VIII, 311, iii. 288;
form friendly relations with the
Huguenots, ii. 319 ; lose their
authority at the papal court, 353 ;
their parly there receives new
strength, 355, 360 ; attempt to
restrict the interference of Rome,
450 ; character of their influence
on the States of the Church,
471
Spannocchi, Horatio, his report on
Poland (1586), iii. 153
Sparre, Swedish councillor, ii. 159
Spinola, Spanish leader in the
Netherlands, ii. 134
Spinola, Cardinal, proposes M. A.
Conti as pope, iii. 406, 407
Spires, diet of (1526), i. 82 ; the
Jesuits in, 436
Spoleto, character of its inhabitants,
i. 304
Spon, his visit to Rome in 1674, 1.
386
" Squadrone volante," of cardinals,
ii. 364 and «., 369, 407, iii. 358,
366, 372, 376
Squillace, Spanish minister, ii. 486
Stangebro, battle of, ii. 168
States of the Church. See Church,
States of the
Steier, the rector of, driven out,
ii. 182
Stein, Johann von, archbishop of
Trier, invites the Jesuits, i. 435
Stephen, St., Hungarian saint, not
admitted into the Roman calen-
dar, ii. 297
Stephen Bathory, king of Poland,
Si.xtus V wishes to co-operate
with him, ii. 20 ; influenced by Bo-
lognetto, 152^ ; his declaration
to the Palitine Radziwill, iii. 155
Stockholm, Jesuits allowed to settle
in, i. 475, but soon depart, 477;
Sigismund's troops admitted into,
ii. 168 ; Jesuits at the court of
Queen Christina, 398, iii. 346^".
Strada, Francesco, at Montepul-
ciano, i. 170
Stralendorf, Leopold von, restores
Catholicism in the Eichsfeld, i.
451
Strassburg, 1*. 31, ii. 220; the
chapter and the city, 272
Striggio, Mantuan minister, ii. 284
Strozzi, Pietro, chief of the Floren-
tine exiles, i. 205 ; supplies the
pope with troops, 230
Strozzi palace in Rome, ii. 384
Stukeley, Thomas, his expedition
supported by Gregory XIII, i. 339,
479
Stumm, battle on the plains of, ii.
302
Styria, preponderance of Protestants
in, i. 471 ; the estates obtain re-
ligious concessions, 472, 512 ;
counter-reformation in, 512 ff. ;
recovery of the Protestants, ii.
180 ; Cathohcism restored by
Ferdinand II, 180^., 270
Suarez, Franciscus, at Coimbra, ex-
pounds the doctrines of Bellar-
mine, ii. 9
Subsidies, paid by the popes, i. 339,
512, ii. 39, 106, 218, 224, 313,
335, 466 n., 467, 472, iii. 369,
371. 385
Suderkoping, diet of, abolishes the
Catholic ritual in Sweden, ii. 164
Sully, desires an Italian war, ii. 134
Suriano Antonio, his report on
Clement VII (1533), iii. 42; his
second report (1536), 44 ; used by
Pallavicini, 73
Suriano, Michiel, his report on
Pius V (1571), iii. 103
Surius, his History of the Saints
translated into German, i. 444
"Sussidio," the, introduced by Paul
III, i. 326, 327, 331; its amount
in 1560, 327 ; cannot be collected,
346 ; its oppressive character, iii.
355
Sutri, synod at, i. 20
Sweden, evangelical principles of,
i. 417, 477 ; failure of the Jesuits
in, 475^ ; plans for the restora-
tion of Catholicism under Sigis-
mund III, ii. 157/". ; the Protest-
ants declare for Duke Charles of
Siidermania, 160 ; their demands,
161 ; victory of Duke Charles,
168, 169 ; Ferdinand II supports
the Poles against, 298 ; truce
made with Poland, 302 ; the em-
peror wishes to conciliate Sweden,
INDEX
493
305, 307 ; victories of the Swedes
in Germany, 308 ff. ; attitude of
Urban VIII to, 315 ; the estates
endeavour to restrict the royal
power, 371 ; question of a republic
discussed, 387
Swiss, the, in alliance with Julius II
and Leo X, i. 63, 64 ; beaten
(1515), 64; fight with, in Faenza
(1521), 314; assist Paul IV in
Italy (1557). 233 ; are again
beaten, 234 ; in the service of
Henry III of France, 533
Switzerland, position of Protestant-
ism in, i. loi ; the Jesuits in,
482 ff. ; Borromean league of the
Catholic.cantons, 534 ; these con-
clude a treaty with Spain, 535,
ii. 198 ; equal balance of parties,
194 ; activity of the nuncios, 195
ff. ; divisions among the cantons,
iii. 198, 199 ; predicted result of
the decree of Infallibility there,
565
Syllabus, the, ii. 544, 545 ; oppo-
sition to its dogmatisation at the
Vatican council, 555
Syria, Sixtus V plans an incursion
into, ii. 20
Syrmia and Bosnia, bishop of, at
the Vatican council, ii. 561, 565
Tabor, made Catholic, ii. 228
Tanucci, minister in Naples, ii. 486
Tarugi, Cardinal, his friendship
with Baronius, i. 403
Tasso, Bernardo, his works, i. 389,
393 ; his eulogy of the court of
Urbino, ii. 326 n. , 327 n.
Tasso, Torquato, his works, i. 393,
ii. 67 ; his description of the court
of Ferrara, 68, 69 ; imprisoned, 71
Telesius, speculations of, i. 391
Tenipesti, Casimiro, criticism of his
life of Sixtus V, iii. 121 ff. ; his
sources, 133, 134, 140, 142
Teofilo di Tropea, Inquisitor, i. 164
Teresa, Saint, reforms the order of
Carmelite nuns, ii. 203 ; influence
of her enthusiasm, 204
Teyn church at Prague, ii. 227, iii,
255. 256
Thcatic, taste for the, in Italy, ii.
329
Theatines, order of the, founded, i.
137 ; Loyola influenced by them,
151 ; they incite the pope against
Queen Elizabeth, 247; belong
to the strict party in Rome, 333 ;
obliged to leave Venice, ii. 133
Theiner, his work on Sweden criti-
cized, i. 477 n.
Theodosius the Great, edict of, i. 10
Theologians, most influential at the
end of the i6th century, ii. 3
Thess^, Marshal, French ambassa-
dor, leaves Rome, ii. 474
Thomas Aquinas, St., on temporal
and spiritual authority, ii. 8 n. ; the
Jesuits at first adhere to but after-
wards abandon his doctrines, 94,
95 ; Dominicans rely on, at tlic
Vatican council, 566
Thomas i Kempis, school of, i. 59
Thomas, St., Christians of, in India,
ii. 257
Thorn on the Vistula, ii. 155 ; the
English wish to open a warehouse
there, iii. 156
Thuanus, composition of his His-
tory, iii. 49, 162 ; used by Sarpi,
50 ; the nuncios wish to forbid it,
iii. 250
Thiingen, Neithard von, bishop of
Bamberg, his edict of reformation,
ii. 178, 179
Thurn, Count, Protestant leader,
ii. 229
Tiepolo, Antonio, his despatches,
iii. 152
Tiepolo, Lorenzo, on the views of
the imperialists with regard to
benefices in Naples and Milan, ii.
476 n. ; his report (1712), iii. 402
Tiepolo, Niccol6, his report on the
conference at Nice, i. 194 n.
Tiepolo, Paolo, on the reforms of
Pius V, i. 287 ; on the revenues
of the pope in 1576, 330 and «. ,
332 n. ; on Gregory XIII and his
son, 334 n., 336 n. ; on the Pro-
testants put to death by Charles
V, 426 n. ; on the losses of Catho-
licism, 427 n. ; his reports, iii.
102, 107, 152
Tillemont, came from Port-Royal,
ii. 442
494
INDEX
Tilly, requested to protect the Heid-
elberg library, ii. 232, iii. 263;
consecrated medals given to his
troops, 235 ; defeated at Leipzig,
ii, 309; his death, 312
Tirano, massacre of Protestants at,
ii. 219
Tithes, i. 31, 32, 46, 442, 474, ii.
122/:, 152, 451, iii. 155
Titles, introduced into Italy, i. 388
Tivoh, seized by Alva, i. 229 ; re-
covered by Strozzi, 230 ; arms fac-
tory established at, by Urban
. VIII, ii. 289
Tobacco, taxed by Clement X, iii.
371
Toledo, Francesco, Jesuit, his influ-
ence on Gregory XIII, i. 334;
preaches against the nominations
of Sixtus V, 366 71. ; promotes the
absolution of Henry IV, ii. 100
Toledo, Juan Alvarez de. See
Alvarez
Tolentino, i. 302 ; made a bishopric,
363
Tomaso da Modena, at Ratisbon,
i. 127
Torelli, Countess Lodovica, i. 140
Torregiani, Cardinal, supports the
Jesuits, i. 488, 489
Torres, Bishop, nuncio under Pius
V, i. 40X
Torres, Archbishop, sent by Gregory
XV to Poland, iii. 230
Torture, i. 242
Tosco, Cardinal, i. 403
Toulouse, Jesuits in, i. 461 ; Capu-
chins in, 526 ; the League of the
Sixteen in, 532 ; Spanish troops
in possession of, ii. 39
Tournay, taken by Alexander Far-
nese, i. 492 ; Jesuits retur;i to, 497
Tradition, reverence to be paid to,
i. 157, 161 ; the Protestant, Ca-
tholic, and Jansenist views of, ii.
440
Trajan's column, restored by Sixtus
V, i. 382
Transubstantiation, rejected by the
Protestants at Ratisbon, i. 133 n.
Transylvania, ecclesiastical property
confiscated in, i. 418
Trausen, minister of Ferdinand I,
iii. 71, loi
Trent, Council of, i, 155^., 200, 203,
214, 218, 253^. ; closed, 274 ; its
results, 274, 275, 430, 453; its
decrees accepted, 275, in Spain,
292, in Germany, 447, 448, 449,
in the Netherlands, 454, 455, 486,
in Poland, ii. 152 ; their adoption
in France demanded by the
bishops, i. 527, and by Clement
VIII, ii. 61, iii. i85 ; its doctrines
defended by the Jesuits, ii. 95 ;
the resolutions with regard to
residence renewed by Paul V, iii.
1 17, 191; publication of the de-
crees in B^arn demanded, ii. 208 ;
their introduction in Germany to
be effected by the nuncio, iii. 194 ;
hopes of carrying them out in
Austria, ii. 532 ; validity of the
decree concerning the papal states
disputed, 544; histories of the
council by Sarpi, iii. 47 ff., by
IMilledonne, 56, by Pallavicini,
^Sff- < by Rainaldus, and Le Plat,
78, by Mendham, 79
Tricarico, in the French camp at
Marignano, iii. 32
Trier, the archbishop of, obtains
the right of nomination to bene-
fices, i. 31 ; Protestant party in,
421, 435; reduced to obedience
by Jacob von Eltz, 449 ; the people
uphold Catholicism, ii. 5 ; educa-
tion controlled by Jesuits, iii. 279
Trinita, Count della, threatens the
Inquisitor Ghislieri, i. 280 ; is
afterwards sent as ambassador to
him when pope, 282
Trivixan, Domenego, his report on
Julius II (1510), iii. 12
Truchsess, Gebhard, becomes arch-
bishop of Cologne, i. 468 ; at-
taches himself to the prince of
Orange, 468, 469 ; adopts the re-
formed religion, 499 ; compelled
to flee, 500
Truchsess, Otto, Cardinal, founds
the university of DilHngen, i. 423,
and hands it over to the Jesuits,
436. 437 ; procures the removal of
Colonel Friedrich from Rome, iii.
97
Turin, the university opposes the
papal claims, ii. 538
Turks, the, i. 29 ; their success in
Illyria and Dalmatia, 348 ; they
INDEX
495
seize Belgrade and Rhodes, 73 ;
alliance and war against them,
190 «., 194, 195; their progress
in the Mediterranean, 294 ; de-
feated at Lepanto, 295 ; Sixtus
V hopes to put an end to their
empire, ii. 19 ; Clement VIII
makes war on them, 106 ; they
take Canischa and advance, 181 ;
threaten to invade Hungary, 265 ;
plans of the king of Poland
against them, iii. 377
Tuscany, under the influence of
Charles V, i. 86 ; the Inquisition
in, 168, 287 ; in dispute with Gre-
gory XIII, 346; expresses devo-
tion to Sixtus V, 362 ; not loved
by Cardinal Aldobrandini, ii. 112 ;
the church reformed by Leopold I ,
500 ; monasteries restored in,
516 ; joins Piedmont, 540
Tuscany, Ferdinand, grand-duke
of (previously Cardinal de' Me-
dici), friendly with Henry IV of
France, ii. 19 ; influences the elec-
tion of Gregory XIV, 37 ; com-
plains of Clement VIII, 50 ;
communicates the pope's views
to the French Catholics, 57 ; sup-
ports Duke Cesare of Ferrara, 75 ;
his opinion of the claims of Paul
V, 120
Tuscany, Ferdinand II, grand-duke
of, ii. 276 ; in the war of Castro,
350
Tuscany, Francis, grand-duke of,
takes part in the election of
Sixtus V, i. 354
Tyrnau, Jesuit college at, i. 435 ,
Tyrol, the, Charles V pressed by
the elector Maurice in, i. 217 ;
Protestantism gains no admission
in the Tyrolese Alps, 430 ; Jesuits
in, 436, 437 ; remains Catholic,
472, 514 ; Duke Bernard advances
towards, ii. 312
U
Ubaldini, Cardinal, removed from
Rome by Urban VIII, iii. 314
Ulm, churches restored to the Catho-
lics in, ii. 272 ; wc^r contribution
remitted, 390
Umbria, revolts against the papal
government, ii. 541
Umiliati, order of, reformed by
Carlo Borromeo, i. 290
Unigenitus, bull, ii. 482
Union of German Protestants, ii.
igoff. ; dissolved, 218
Upsala, archbishopric of, ii. 158,
160
Upsala, council held at (1593), ii.
160, 162
Urban VII (Giovanni Battista Cas-
tagna), his election and death, ii.
36
Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini),
his birth and early life, ii. 287,
iii. 283^. ; elected pope, ii. 288,
iii_. 224 ; his tastes, opinions, and
personal appearance, ii. 289, iii,
241, 306 ; his manner of life, ii.
283, 284, 291, 292 ; his buildings,
289, 381, 382, 385 ; his adminis-
tration and conduct of business,
290, 291, iii. 244, 245, 283, 292,
307 ; his generous disposition,
308 ; his violent temper, 314 ; his
tinancial measures, ii. 334 ; his
poems, 292 ; his self-esteem, 293 ;
his relations with France, iii. 242,
286, 287 ; hostile to Austria and
Spain, ii. 293 ff., iii. 244, 287;
his influence in the failure of the
proposed alliance between Austria
and England, ii. 294 ; in the affair
of the Mantuan succession, 294 ;
he appeals to France, 294, 295 ;
his share in the conclusion of
peace between France and Eng-
land, iii. 300 ; endowment of his
nephews, ii. 340 _^. ,354, iii. 268,
269, 303, 304 ; fails to hold the
French to their promised conces-
sions in the affair of .the Grisons,
ii. 263, 264, iii. 272 ; endeavours
to recover the lost fortresses in the
Grisons, ii. 267, 269 n., 294, iii.
273 ; appoints an imperial prince
archbishop of Magdeburg, ii.
271 ; is not content with the peace
of Augsburg, 273 ; wishes to at-
tack England, 274, 275 ; opposes
the wishes of the emperor, 297,
299 ; his instructions to Rocci at
Ratisbon, 306 ; his involved
policy, 309, 319, iii. 298 ; the
496
INDEX
emperor complains of his con-
duct, ii, 310; Cardinal Borgia
protests, 311, iii. 314 ; holds
firmly to the edict of restitution,
ii- 307. 313 ; his instructions to
Ginetti, 315 ; influence of his
policy on the position of the pa-
pacy, 315, 316 ; takes possession
of the duchy of Urbino, 330 ;
lakes Castro, 347 ; insults the
Venetians, 348, iii. 290 ; his de-
fensive preparations against Duke
Odoardo Farnese, ii. 349, 350 ;
his expedients for procuring
money, 351, 352 ; attempts on
his hfe, iii. 296 ; extends the
powers of the prefetto dell' An-
nona, ii. 414 ; disapproves of the
work of Jansen, 444 ; founds a
congregation of Immunities, 449 ;
compelled to yield the demands
of the Venetians, 353 ; his doubts
and fears, and death, 353, iii.
301^. ; his political failures, 285,
286
Urban, bishop of Laibach, confessor
of Ferdinand I, i. 432
Urbino, i. 359, ii. 45, 226, 376 ;
occupied by Napoleon, 510
Urbino, the duchy falls to the family
of Julius II, i. 42 ; attacked by
Leo X, 66, iii. 17, 32 ; deprived
of Camerino by Paul III, i. 195 ;
its importance for the Venetians,
304 ; feudal rights of the empire
over it, ii. 300 ; description of
the duchy, 325 ff. ; joy at the
birth of a prince, 329 ; taken
possession of by the papal govern-
ment, 330 ; its revenue, 334 ;
discontent of the inhabitants, iii.
283
Urbino, Francesco Maria I, duke
of, attacked by Ueo X, i. 66
Urbino, Francesco Maria II, duke
of, to command the papal forces
against Henry of Navarre, i. 547,
ii. 31 ; described by Bernardo
Tasso and Mocenigo, 327 n. ;
marries Lucrezia d'Este, 327 ; his
second marriage with Livia della
Rovere, 328 ; resigns his govern-
ment to his son, 329 ; but is
obliged to resume it on his son's
death, 329 ; is forced to yield to
the pope's demands and to resign
the duchy, 330, iii. 394 ; his
death, ii. 330
Urbino, Guidobaldo I, duke of,
driven out by Caesar Borgia, i.
38
Urbino, Guidobaldo II, duke of,
compelled to resign Camerino, i.
195 ; his court, ii. 326 ; forces his
son to marry Lucrezia d'Este, 327
Urbino, bishopric of, burdened with
pensions, ii. 419
Ursuline nuns, received in France,
ii. 205
Utraquists, in Bohemia, ii. 182, 183 ;
their ritual suppressed, 226, 227,
iii. 254/".
Utrecht, Catholics in the archdiocese
of, ii. 242 ; Jansenist church es-
tablished in, 483
Utrecht, peace of, ii. 474
Valdez, Juan, his writings, i. no
ff. ; his adherents, 112, 168
Valenti, Cardinal, secretary of state
under Benedict XIV, iii. 422
Valentini, Filippo, flees from the
Inquisition, i. 166
Valentinian, the Emperor, edict of,
upholding the pope, i. 10
Valerian, Capuchin, in favour of
liberty of conscience in the em-
pire, i. 313
Valiere, Agostino, his character and
learning, i. 401
Valiguano, Jesuit, in Japan, ii. 256
Valladolid, disputation between
Jesuits and Dominicians at, ii. 97
Valle, Marchese della, complains
of the nephews of Paul IV, i. 237
Valtelline, the Ghislieri Inquisitor
in, i. 280 ; the people of, Catholic,
ii. 196 ; revolt against theGrisons
in, 219 ; held as a deposit by the
pope, 262, iii. 240, 270 ; annexed
to the three Rhaetian confede-
racies, ii. 263 ; agreement of Spain
and France concerning, 268
Varani, noble family in Camerino,
i. 42, 194
Vargas, Spanish ambassador m
Rome, i. 252, iii. 96
INDEX
497
Vasto, Marchese del, governor of
Milan, i. 197
Vatican, the, works of art in, i. 55 ;
printing press established in,
366 n. ; restored by Julius II,
377 ; additions to by Clement
VIII, ii. 379; the library, 383,
405, used as an arsenal by Urban
VIII, 289, 290, occupied by the
French, 505
Vatican Council, the, ii. 546^. ; par-
ticipation of reigning sovereigns
refused, 550, 552 ; bull of convo-
cation, 550; right of proposition,
551 ; opening, and numbers pre-
sent, 554 ; freedom of debate cur-
tailed 555, 561 ; doctrine of
Infallibility, 555 J". , 564 J^. ; the
council adjourned, 569
Vaucelles, truce of, i. 226 n.
\'ega, della, viceroy of Sicily, intro-
duces the Jesuits, i. 182
Venafro, principality of, ii. 336
Venafro, bishop of. See Aquino
\''end6me, duke of, to marry Vit-
toria Farnese, i. 195
Venetians, excommunicated by
Sixtus IV, i. 36 ; their attitude to
Caesar Borgia, 41 ; attacked by
Juhus II, 43, 44, 306 ; maintain
their position, iii. 11, 12 ; in alli-
ance with Francis I, i. 64; allied
with Charles V and Paul III
against the Turks, 194 ; abandon
the duke of Urbino, 195 ; con-
clude peace with the Turks, 196 ;
efforts to include them in a league
with France, 203, 207, 208 ; Vene-
tian ambassadors and Pius IV,
252, 257 ; their relations with
Pius V, 288 ; allied with Spain
against the Turks, 294, 295 ; ex-
press their satisfaction at the
massacre of St. Bartholomew,
464; their relations to the pea-
sants in the papal states, 312 ;
try to obtain a loan from Gregory
XIII, 339; his treatment of them,
340, 346, 361 ; their characteristics,
in Rome, 405 ; displeased at the
doctrine of papal omnipotence
and the influence of Spain, ii. 17 ;
recognize Henry IV as king of
France, 18, 23 ; anger of Sixtus
V on this account, 23 _^.; their
VOL. III.
disputes with Paul V, 121 ^. ;
prosperity of Venetian printing
ruined by Rome, 123 ; the clergy
refuse to publish the papal excom-
munication, 133 ; refuse to sus-
pend their laws, 136, lo permit
the return of the Jesuits, 137, and
to receive public absolution, 139 ;
their party in the Grisons, 198 ;
stand in close relationship with
England, 277 n. ; the ambassadors
and Urban VIII, 292 ; insulted by
Urban, 348, iii. 290 ; march with
the Modenese into the papal states,
ii. 350 ; they gain their demands,
353 ! request Alexander VII for
aid against the Turks, 423, iii. 334
Venice, in alliance with Clement
VII, iii. 34, 36 ; the resort of
literary exiles, i. 108 ; the refuge
of orphaned children, 139 ; Lu-
theran opinions in, iii. 90 ; Loyola
in, i. 150; Index printed at,
167, iii. 136 ; the Inquisition in,
i. 168; Jesuits' college in, 170;
filled with emigrants, 198 ; ob-
tained her supply of corn and
troops from Roniagna and the
March, 302, 304, 312, 340 ; her
government of subject com-
munities, 306 ; her disputes with
Gregory XIII, 346, iii. 107, 108 ;
settled by Sixtus V, i. 362 ; change
in her government {1582), ii. 17 ;
supports Duke Cesare of Ferrara,
75 ; her disputes with Paul V,
121 J^. ; is excommunicated, 131 ;
drives out the Jesuits, Theaiines,
and Capuchins, 133 ; gives up
the two clerical prisoners, 138 ; is
absolved, 139 ; her rights in the
Gulf, iii. 221 ; makes a treaty
with France against Austria
(1622), ii. 262, iii. 242 ; disbands
her forces, ii. 269 ; is hated by
the house of Austria, 299 ; pro-
mises to pay part of the subsidies
for Sweden, 303 ; her relations
with Urban Vill, iii. 288 ; orders
suppressed, ii. 423, iii. 335 j^. ;
opposes the claims of Rome, ii.
451 ; disputes with the Curia
(1702), iii. 396 ; takes part against
Clement XIII, ii. 493 ; included
in the kingdom of Italy, 547
2 'k
49S
INDEX
Vcnier, his report on Clement VIII
(i6oi), iii, 179
Venier, Francesco, his report on
Benedict XIV (1744), iii. 420
Venier, S., opposes the suspension
of the Venetian laws, ii. 136 n.,
^ 137 «•
Vercelli, Cardinal, his commentary
on the reign of Gregory XIII, iii.
108 n.
Vercelli, bishop of, deputed by
Napoleon to negotiate with the
pope, ii. 506
Verden, bishopric of, falls into the
hands of the Protestants, i. 422 ;
restored to Catholicism, ii. 272
Verdun, Jesuits and Capuchins
settle in, i. 525, 526 ; taken by
the Guises, 529 ; papal army
joins that of the League at, ii.
39 ; stipulations concerning, at
the peace of Westphalia, not ap-
proved by Rome, 316
Vermigli, Peter Martyr, flies from
the inquisition, i. 165
Verona, the churches of, under
Giberto, i. 288
Verospi, auditor of the rota, sent to
Germany, iii. 227
Vervins, peace of, ii. 104, 453
Vettori, Francesco, on the extrava-
gance of Leo X, i. 322 ; his sum-
mary of Italian history, iii, 30
Victor Emanuel, takes the title of
king of Italy, ii. 541 ; obtains
Venice and demands Rome, 547
Victoria, Juan, Jesuit, rector at Vi-
enna, i. 438
Vida, Marco, at the court of Leo
X, his poem on chess, i. 50
Vida, Ottonel, on the offices of the
Church, i. 1T4
Vienna, Jesuits' college founded in,
i. 432 ; assisted by Gregory XIII,
337 ; students of the university do
not enter the Church, 423 ; the
Jesuit schools in, 438 ; tumult at
the Corpus Christi procession
(1578), 509, 510 ; Protestant books
confiscated, 511 ; the university
in the hands of the Jesuits, ii.
230 n. ; expedition against (1703),
473 ; Jansenists in, 482, 499 «. ;
the revolution of 1848, 525, 532
Vienna, bishop of, recommends
severity against the Protcstailts,
i. 120
Vienna, concordat of, i. 31
Vienne, bishop of, complains of a
Huguenot preacher, ii. 240
Vieta, copy of his works corrected
by Sarpi, ii. 128
Vieuville, French minister, ii. 264
Viglienna, Spanish ambassador in
Rome, supports Cardinal Far-
nese, ii. 109 ; wishes for war
between the pope and Venice,
134 ; Instruction to (1603), iii. i8r
Villanova, Francesco, Jesuit, i. 170
Villele of Bordeaux, Father, his suc-
cess, ii. 239
Villeroy, French minister, opposes
a war in Italy, ii. 135
Vincent de Paul, St., founds the
Congregation of the Mission, ii.
206, 207
Virgin, Fraternities of the, in Wlirz-
burg, i. 501 ; in Switzerland, ii.
196 ; in France, 239 ; at Pekin,
254
Visconti, Carlo, his letters used by
Sarpi, iii. 56, 57, and by Palla-
vicini, 74, 75 ; his mission to
Spain, 67, lOD
Visconti, governor of Fermo, killed,
iii. 331
Visconti, Monsignorino, murdered,
i. 250
Visitation, order of the, founded by
St. Francis de Sales, ii. 204
Vitelleschi, Mutio, general of the
Jesuits, on the protectors of the
order, iii. 224 ; on the founding
of papal families, ii. 342 ; his
character, 426 ; promotes Sacchi-
nus, iii. 217
Vitelli, noble family of, i. 38, 42
Vitelli, Vitellozzo, Cardinal, i. 238
Viterbo, i. 56, 302 ; the oath of the
podesti, sent by the pope received
by the priors of, 305 ; the Villa
Maidalchina there, iii. 324
Vitri, commandant of Meaux, goes
over to Henry IV, ii. 58
Volterra, cardinal of, imprisoned,
iii. 26
Vossius, Isaac, at the court of Queen
Christina, ii. 391, 395
Vulgate, declared the authentic
translation, i. 157, 161
INDEX
499
w
Wachtmeister, General, his rela-
tions with the Jesuits Malines
and Casati, iii. 347
Wadding, Luca, Minorite, opposes
the condemnation of Jansen's
book, ii. 445
"W'adstena, monastery of, dissolved
and destroyed, ii. 165
Wald cantons, the, Carlo Borromeo
in, i. 483 ; make a treaty with the
bishop of Basle, 484, and with
the king of Spain, 535 ; their
relations to Lucerne, iii. 198
Waldeck, Bernhard von, bishop of
Osnabriick, subscribes the " pro-
fessio fidei," i. 501
Waldenses, the receive privileges
from the duke of Savoy, i. 427
Wall, Spanish minister, ii. 486
Wallenstein. his designs on Italy,
ii. 301 ; his arrogance, 305 ; dis-
missed by the emperor, 307 ;
might have taken Stralsund, iii. 281
Walloons, the, remain true to
Catholicism, i. 430, 485, 487 ;
position of the nobles, 485 ; at-
tached to the house of Burgundy,
489 ; led by Mortigny, 491 ; agree
to the return of the Spanish
troops, 493
Walpurgis, St., Jesuit pilgrimages
to the tomb of, i. 439
Walther, Hans, leader of the lands-
knechts, i. 233
Wattenwyl, at Berne, implicated in
the negotiations with the duke of
Savoy, i. 536 n.
Weller, Gerhard, Jesuit, in the
diocese of Wiirzburg, i. 506
Wellington, duke of, declares that
Ireland can no longer be governed
without concessions to the Catho-
lics, ii. 519
Welser, Matthew, Fra Milensio re-
ferred to him, iii. 195
Wcnceslaus, St., not admitted into
the Roman calendar, ii. 297
Westminster, archbishopric of,
established by Pius IX, ii. 535
Westphalia, Protestantism in, i.
421, 499; counter-reformation in,
SOI. ii. 233
Westphalia, peace of (1648), ii. 316,
317 ; share of Queen Christina in,
389 ; protest of the pope against,
316, 453
White Hill, battle of, ii. 218
Wiborg, Lutheran bishopric founded
at, i. 417
Wied, count of, supports Arch-
bishop Truchsess of Cologne, i.
499
Wilier, Father, confessor of Rudolf
II, iii. 195
William, duke of Bavaria, his pro-
posal as to nomination to German
benefices, i. 523
William, prince of Orange, i. 455,
465 ; strength of his position,
467, 468, 485, 489 ; assassinated,
495
William III, of Orange, his relations
with Innocent XI, ii. 466
Wilna, Bishop Valerian of, erects a
Jesuit school, i. 473 ; seminary
"for young Livonians and Russians
at, 482 ; the Protestant church
destroyed, ii. 176
Winckelmann, enchanted with Italy,
iii. 414
Wine, duty on, i. 373, ii. 352, iii.
315. 371
Wittenberg, Cardinal Campeggio
proposes to place the university
under ban, i. 88 ; Protestant
centre, 249
Wittgenstein, Count von, supports
Archbishop Truchsess of Cologne,
i. 499
Wladimir, the Wladika of(Rupac-
cio Pacciorio), goes over to the
Roman church, ii. 156, iii. 231
Wladislaus IV, of Poland, his de-
signs on Sweden, ii. 214; his
tolerance, 317
Wolf Dietrich von Raittenau. See
Raittenau
Wolgast, battle of, ii. 273 «.
Wolsey, Cardinal, papal legate, i.
3^. 97 '/•
Woollen manufacture, in the papal
states, i. 365, iii. 355, 408, 409,
4^3
Worms, diet of(i52i), i. 68; nego-
tiations of Charles V and Cardinal
Farnese at (1545), 199
WUrtemberg, reformed, i. 97, 423 ;
500
INDEX
claims of ecclesiastics to confis-
cated property in, ii. 272
Wiirtemberg, John Frederick, duke
of, at Ahausen, ii. 190
Wiirtemberg, Ulrich, duke of, re-
stored by the landgrave of Hesse,
i- 95
Wurzburg, Protestantism in, i. 419 ;
the Jesuits welcomed in, 436 ;
persecution of Protestants in,
506 ; falls into the hands of Gus-
tavus Adolphus, ii. 309
Wurzburg, bishop of. See Echter,
Julius
X
Xaintes, bishop of, ii. 240
Xavier, St. Francis, companion of
Loyola, i. 149 ; sent by the king
of Portugal to the East Indies,
170 ; his work there, and travels
in the East, 251, 252 ; canonized,
224
Xavier, Geronimo, nephew of the
foregoing, at the court of Akbar,
ii. 253
Ypres, the reformed religion re-
ceived in, i. 467 ; surrenders to
Alexander Farnese, 494; the
Jesuits return to, 497
Zaccaria, founder of the Barnabites,
i. 140
Zaccaria, Mgr. , commissioner of the
treasury under Cardinal Altieri,
iii. 374
Zagarolo, principality of, bought
from the Farnese for the family
of Gregory XV, ii. 339
Zamoyski, chancellor of Poland,
iii. 157; his faction influences the
accession of Sigismund III, ii.
154 ; recommends the king to
conquer Sweden, 168 ; is dis-
satisfied, 172 ; his power, 172 n. ;
the provincial deputies attach
themselves to him, 172 ; his
death, 173
Zanetti, Guido, of Fano, given up
to the Inquisition, i. 288
Zebrzydowski, palatine of Cracow,
at the head of the provincial
deputies against Sigismund III,
ii. 173 ; is compelled to submit,
174
Zelanti, in the Curia, ii. 495, iii. 394
Zeno, Rainiero, his report on Gre-
gory XV and Urban VIII, iii.
.239
Zips, the towns of, forced to return
to Catholicism, ii. 183
ZoUern, Cardinal, iii. 252
Zorzi, AL, opposes the suspension
of Venetian laws, ii. 136 n.,
137 «.
Zorzi, Marin, his report on the
negotiations of Leo X with Fran-
cis I, iii. i4j^.
Zorzi, Zorzo, hears in France of the
designs against England, ii. 277 «.
Zrinyi, Count Adam, expels Protes-
tant pastors, ii. 231
Zug, canton, i. 535, iii. 199
Zulian, Girolamo, his report (1783),
iii. 423
Zutphen, taken by the Spaniards, i.
500
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