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Full text of "The history of the popes during the last four centuries. Mrs. Foster's translation revised in accordance with the latest German ed. by G.R. Dennis"

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VOL. Ill 









VOL. Ill 










1. Address of the Curia to Nicholas V (1453) ... 3 

2. Instructions of Sixtus IV to his Nuncios to Charles V (1478) 5 

3. Report of Polo Capello to the Venetian Senate (1500) . . 6 

4. Death of Alexander VI ....... 9 

5. Report of Polo Capello (15 10) 11 

6. Report of Domenego Trivixan (i 510) . . . .12 

7. Report of Marin Zorzi (1517) ...... 14 

8. Report of Marco Minio (1520) ...... 18 

9. Diary of Sebastiano de Branca de Telini . . . .19 

10. Life of Leo X 21 

11. Historical Notices of the pontificates of Leo X, Adrian VI, 

and Clement VII 2i 

12. Report of Aluise Gradenigo {1523) ..... 22 

13. Report of the Venetian Ambassadois to Adrian VI . .24 

14. Conclave and Election of Clement VIE .... 26 

15. Instruction to Cardinal Farnese, Legate to the Emperor . 29 

16. History of Italy by Vettori 30 

17. Report of Marco Foscari (1526) 34 

18. Report of Caspar Contarini on his embassy to Clement VII 

and Charles V (1530) 37 


19. Instruction to the Emperor by Cardinal Campeggio at the 

diet of Augsburg (1530) 38 

20. Diaries of Martinelli and Firmanus . . . . .40 

21. Report of Antonio Suriano (1533) 42 

2ia. Report of Antonio Suriano (1536) 44 



Fra Paolo Sarpi ........ 47 

Sforza Pallavicini . . . . . . . • ^5 



22. Instruction from Paul III to his Nuncio at the Council of 

Trent (1536) 80 

23. Instruction for selecting a city wherein to hold the Council 

of Trent (1537) 81 

24. Instruction to Cardinal Montepulciano, Legate to Charles V 

(1539) .82 

25. Instruction to the Bishop of Modena, Nuncio at the Council 

of Spires (1540) - . .86 

26. Instruction to Cardinal Contarini, Legate in Germany (1541) 87 

27. Report of Matteo Dandolo {1551) 87 

28. Life of Marcellus II, by his brother . . . . .88 

29. Life of Paul IV, by Caracciolo . , 89 

30. Report of Bernardo Navagero (1558) . . . . .91 

31. Report of Aluise Mocenigo (1560) . . . . •93 

32. Report of Marchio Michiel (1560) . . . . •95 

33. Despatches of Venetian Ambassadors (1560-61) . . -95 




34. Trial of Cardinal Carafifa (1560) .... 

35. Report of Girolamo Soranzo (1563) .... 

36. Instruction to the Spanish Ambassador, Alcantara (1562) 

37. Instruction to Carlo Visconti, Nuncio to the king of Spai 


38. Report by Commendone to the Legates at the Council (1563) 

39. Report of Cardinal Morone (1564) . . . 

40. Antonio Canossa on the attempt to assassinate Pius IV 

41. Report of Paolo Tiepolo (1568). . . . 

42. Report of Michiel Suriano (1571) .... 

43. Account of Pius V . 

44. Rome under Gregory XIII (1574) .... 

45. Second Report of Paolo Tiepolo (1576) 

46. Commentary on the pontificate of Gregory XIII by Cardinal 


47. Report of Ghisilieri to Gregory XIII 

48. The Court of Rome, by Cardinal Commendone . 







I. Critical Remarks on Leti and Tempesti, 
Biographers of Sixtus V 

Gregorio Leti . 
Casimiro Tempesti 


II. Manuscripts 

49. Autograph Memoirs of Sixtus V 

50. Life of Sixtus V, corrected by himself 

51. Anonymous Life of Sixtus V . 

52. Memoirs of the Pontificate of Sixtus V 

53. Life of Sixtus V, by Gualterio . 

54. Life of Sixtus V, by Galesini . 





55. Anonymous Life of Sixtus V 146 

56. Report to Sixtus V 147 

57. Report of Lorenzo Priuli (1586) 148 

58. Report of Giovanni Gritti (1589) 149 

59. Report of Badoer (1589) 150 

60. Venetian Despatches (1573-1590) . . . . • 151 

61. Report of Spannocchi on the Ecclesiastical affairs of Poland 153 

62. Minucci on the Restoration of Catholicism in Germany (1588) 158 



63. Conclaves 160 

64. Life of Cardinal Santaseverina ...... 163 

65. Lifeof Clement VIII 169 

66. Instruction to Powsinsky, on his embassy to Poland (1593) ; 

and Report of the King of Poland's entry into Sweden 

(1594) 170 

67. Report on Poland (1598) 170 

68. Report on the political and religious state of Sweden (1598) 171 

Intercalation— Remarks on Bentivoglio's Memoirs 172 

69. Report to Cardinal d'Este . . . . . '174 

70. Report of Delfino (1600) 17^ 

71. Report of Venier (1601) 179 

72. Instruction to the Spanish Ambassador, Viglienna (1603) . l8l 

73. Malaspina on the Empire, and the provinces infested with 

heresy ......••• 182 

74. Report on the Churches of Saxony (1603) . . • .184 

75. Instructions to the Nuncio Barberini on his proceeding to 

France {1603) 185 

76. Life of Paul V . . . . . . . .187 


77. Report on the unhappy state of Germany by the Nuncio 

Ferrero . . . . . . . . .188 

78. Report of the Embassy of congratulation from Venice, on the 

accession of Paul V (1605) 

79. Instruction to Cardinal Gessi, Nuncio to Venice (1607) 

80. Milensio, Report of the Diet of Ratisbon . 

81. Report of Giovanni Mocenigo {161 2) 

82. Report from the Swiss Nunciature j and Report of the Car- 

dinal of Aquino on the Grisons .... 
S^. Instruction to Diotallevi, Nuncio to Poland (16 14) , 

84. Account of Bologna (1595) ..... 

85. Instruction for a Legate at Bologna .... 

86. Payments of the Vassals of the Roman Barons to the Pope, 

and Imposts paid to the Barons .... 

87. Revenues of Roman Nobles ..... 

88. Proposals for the relief of the Apostolic Treasury by Malvasia 


89. Grants from Paul V to his family .... 

90. Report on the States of the Church (161 1 ) 

91. Pitaro on Maritime Commerce (1612) 

92. Report from Romagna ...... 

93. Campanella on Ecclesiastical Government 

Intercalation — Remarks on Certain Jesuit Histo 

94. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Gregory XV (1621] 

95. Life of Ludovico Ludovisio 

96. Instruction to the Bishop of Aversa, Nuncio to Ferdinand II 

(1621) . . 

97. Instruction to the Patriarch of Alexandria, Nuncio to the 

King of Spain (162 1 ) ...... 

98. Instruction to the Archbishop of Antrinopoli, Nuncio to 

Poland (1621) 

99. Instruction to the Bishop of Nola, Nuncio to Poland 
100. Report of La2ari to the Propaganda (1622) . , 
loi. Instruction to Leo Allatius on going to fetch the Palatine 

Library (1622) ,,,,.,,, 234 



102. Instruction to Don Tobia Corona (1622) . , . , 236 

103. Report of Rainiero Zeno (1623) 239 

104. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Urban VIII (1624) 243 

105. Instruction to the Bishop of Gravina, Nuncio to Spain 

(1624) 246 

106. Instruction to the Archbishop of Damiata, Nuncio to France 

(1624) 248 

107. Instruction to the Bishop of Cesena, Nuncio to Savoy (1624) 250 

108. Report on the state of Religion in Bohemia (1624) . , 252 

109. Report to Urban VIII, by the Bishop of Nicastro (1624) . 260 
no. Instruction to Luigi Caraffa, Nuncio to Cologne (1624) . 263 

111. Report of Pietro Contarini (1627) ..... 266 

112. Report of Caraffa on the Empire and Germany (1628) . 273 

113. Report on the Diocese of Augsburg (1629) . . . 278 

114. Report of Caraffa on the Rhine and Lower Germany (1634) 278 

115. Report of Aluise Contarini (1632-35) .... 282 

116. Death of Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini (1638) . . 289 

117. Report of Zuanne Nani (1641) 290 

118. Report of Spada on the Roman Government . . . 295 

119. Disputes of the Barberini family with Odoardo Farnese . 297 

120. Life of Urban VIII, by Andrea Nicoletti . . . 298 



121. Life of Cardinal Cecchini, by himself .... 311 

122. Diary of Deone (1640-44) , 317 

123. Report on the State of Rome 321 

124. Compendium of events from Gregory XIII to Clement IX . 322 

Remarks on "Gualdi Vita di Donna Olimpia 

Maldachina" (1666) 324 

125. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Innocent X (1645) • 325 

126. Report of Aluise Contarini (1648) . . . , . 328 




127. Memorial to Innocent X from the city of Fermo (1648) 

128. Report of Giustiniani (1652) . , , , . 

129. Report of the Venetian Ambassadors to Alexander VII (1656) 

130. Life of Alexander VII, by Pallavicini , , 

131. Report of Casati on the Conversion of Queen Christina 

132. Report of Corraro (1660) ..... 

133. Report of Sagredo {1661) 

134. Report of Pietro Basadona (1663) .... 

135. Life of Alexander VII (1666) 

136. Report of Giacomo Quirini (1667) .... 

137. Report on Rome, to the King of France (1669) 

138. Report of Antonio Grimani (1670) .... 

139. Report on the State of Rome (1670) 

140. Life of Clement X, by Cartari .... 

141. Life of Clement X, by a Jesuit .... 

142. New Government of Rome under the Pontificate of Clement X 

143. Report on the State of Rome, by Federigo Rozzoni 

144. Report of Piero Mocenigo (1675) 

145. Treatise on the Government of Rome 

146. Life of Innocent XI ... . 

147. Memorial to Innocent XI (1680) 

148. Satirical Ode against Innocent XI . 

149. Discourse on the Suppression of the College of Apostolic 

Secretaries by Innocent XI . . 

150. Political, moral and satirical writings on the Maxims and 

Government of the Jesuits . 

151. Report of Giovanni Lando (169 1 ) 

152. Confession of Alexander VIII 

153. Report of Domenico Contarini {1696) 

154. Report of Nicolo Erizzo (1702) 

155. Report of Giovanni Francesco Morosini (1707) 

156. Report of Lorenzo Tiepolo (17 1 2) . 

157. Report of Andrea Corner (1724) 

158. Report of Pietro Capello (1728) 

159. Observations on the present condition of the States of the 





1 60. Autograph instructions for officials . 

161. Regulations for Commerce 

162. Report of Aluise Mocenigo IV (1737) 

163. Reportof Francesco Venier (1744) . 

164. Report of Aluise Mocenigo IV (1750) 

165. Report of Girolamo Zulian (1783) , 









No. I 

Ad S. Z^'" Nostrtwi Poniificem Maximum Nicolmim V con- 
formatio curie romajie loquentis edita per E. S. oratorcni 
Joseph. B. doctorem cum kumili semper rccom7nendatione. 
(1453.) [The Address of the Roman Curia to his 
Hohness, Pope Nicholas V, set forth and presented by 
Doctor Joseph B., Orator of the Holy Church.] Vatican 
Library, No. 3618. 

A LAMENT over the well-known conspiracy of Stephen 
Porcari, which, although not presenting any more minute 
details concerning it, yet places before us certain important 
circumstances explanatory of the general position of things ; 
it gives intimation, for example, of the principal object pro- 
posed to himself by Nicholas V in his architectural under- 

"Arces fortificat muris turrimque superbam 
Extruit . . . ne quisque tyrannus ab alma 
Quemque arm is valeat papam depellere Roma." 

Previous popes had frequently been compelled to quit 
their capital. Nicholas built that he might be prepared to 
defend himself against all assailants, whether from within or 
from without. There is further exhibited in this document 
the condition of Rome as compared with that of other Italian 

*'Si tu perquiris in omnibus illam [libertatemj 
Urbibus Italiac, nullam mihi credo profecto 
Invenics urbem quae sic majore per orancm 
Libertate modum quam nunc tua Roma fruatur, 
VOL. III. 3 r. 2 


Omnis enim urbs dominis et bello et pace coacta 
Praestita magna suis durasque gravata gabellas 
Solvit, et interdum propriam desperat habere 
Justitiam, atque ferox violentia civibus ipsis 
Saepe fit, ut populus varie vexatus ab illis 
Fasce sub hoc onerum pauper de divite fiat ; 
At tua Roma sacro nee praestita nee similem vim 
Nee grave vectigal nee pondera cogitur ulla 
Solvere pontifici ni humiles minimasque gabellas : 
Praeterea hie dominus tribuit justissimus almam 
Justitiam cuicunque suam, violentaque nuUi 
Infert : hie populum prisco de paupere ditem 
Efficit, et placida Romam cum pace gubernat." 

The author reproaches the Romans for labouring to 
attain the freedom of ancient Rome. It is indeed estab- 
lished beyond a doubt that the papal rule was milder than 
that of any other Italian government ; and the knowledge 
of this fact contributed largely to the territorial extension 
of the States of the Church. Our author considers it un- 
pardonable that the citizens should oppose resistance to 
that Church from which they obtained so many benefits both 
spiritual and temporal. 

" Qui bus aiiri copia grandis 
Argeniiqueferax, aeternaque vita salusque 
Provenit, uc nulli data gratia tam ardua genti." 

The pope is advised to provide still more effectually for 
his safety, to increase his fortifications, and never to go to 
St. Peter's without a guard of 300 armed men ; he is^ at the 
same time, recommended to aim at securing the affections 
of the Roman people, and to support the poor, more par- 
ticularly those of good descent, " vitam qui mendicare 
rubescunt ; " 

" Succurre volentibus artes 
Exercere bonas, quibus inclyta Roma nitescat ; " 

which was indeed a counsel scarcely needed by Nicholas V. 
This little work is moreover referred to in the " Vita 
Nicolai V a Domenico Georgio conscripta, Romae, 1742," 
p. 130. 


No. 2 

Imtnutiones datae a Sixto IV RE. PP. Z>«'*/- ^^ Agnellis 
protojwtario apostolico ct Anf de Frassis S. palatii cau- 
sariim audi tori ad M. Imp er at oris, i Dcc'^ 1478. [In- 
structions given by Sixtus IV to the nuncios sent to the 
Emperor, etc.] Bibl. Altieri, VII. G. i. 90. 

The oldest Instruction that I have found among the MSS. 
that have come under my observation. It begins thus — 
" Primo salutabunt Serenissimum Imperatorem." 

The attack of the Pazzi on the Medici had taken place 
on the 26th of April, 1478. All Italy was thrown into 
commotion by this outrage. " Ecclesia justa causa contra 
Laurentium mota, clamant Veneti, clamat tota ista liga." 

The ambassadors were instructed to prevent the emperor 
from giving credence to a certain Giacopo de Medio, whom 
the Venetians had sent as their emissary to the imperial 
court. " Est magnus fabricator et Cretensis : multa enim 
referebat suis, quae nunquam cogitaveramus neque dixera- 
mus." They were to request the mediation of the emperor : 
the king of France had already offered his intervention, but 
the pope preferred to reserve the honour of that office to the 
emperor. " Velit scribere regi Franciae et ligae isti, osten- 
dendo quod non recte faciunt et parum existimant Deum et 
honorem pontificis, et quod debent magis favere ecclesiae 
justitiam habenti quam uni mercatori, qui semper magna 
causa fuit quod non potuerunt omnia confici contra Turcum 
quae intendebamus parare, et fuit semper petra scandali in 
ecclesia Dei et tota Italia." 

This affair was all the more perilous for the pope from the 
fact that a purpose was entertained of opposing his temporal 
assumptions by means of a council. " Petunt cum rege 
Franciae conciUum in Galliis celebrari in dedecus nostrum." 

We are hereby reminded of the attempt that was in 
fact made some years later to convoke a council, and by 
which the archbishop of Carniola acquired a certain repu- 
tation. Johann von Mliller has given a few pages to this 
subject in the 5th vol. of his History of Switzerland (p. 286), 


but he does not make the secular motives by which the advo- 
cates of this demand for a council were actuated sufficiently 
obvious. Cardinal Andreas was not altogether so spiritual 
as Miiller's work would make him appear. The ambassadors 
of Florence and Milan sought the cardinal in Basle, present- 
ing themselves in the name of the entire league, which had 
taken the field against Sixtus. They found in him — we have 
their own report — great experience and knowledge of the 
world (" gran pratica et experientia del mundo "), together 
with a vehement hatred to the pope and his nephew. " E 
huomo per fare ogni cosa purche e' tuffi el papa e '1 conte." 
[He is a man capable of doing anything, provided he can 
but ruin the pope and the count.] See Baccius Ugolinus 
Laurentio Medici in Basilea a di 20 Sept. 1482, in Fabroni 
Vita Laurentii, ii. 229. We here perceive that the spiritual 
opposition of the princes was undertaken from purely secular 
motives. They also possessed spiritual weapons, and these 
they brought into action against those of the pope. 

No. 3 

Relatione fatta in pregadi per Polo Capello el cavalier vemito 
orator di Roma, 1500, 28 Sett. [Report presented to the 
Venetian Senate by Polo Capello, regarding his embassy 
to Rome.] In the Archives of Vienna. 

This is the first report that I have found on the papal 
court by a Venetian ambassador. It does not appear in the 
Venetian archives; and it may be inferred that the reports 
were not at that time presented in writing. It is given in 
the Chronicle of Sanuto, in which may be usually found 
whatever was transacted in the senate (or pregadi). 

Polo Capello promises to treat on four subjects : the 
cardinals, the relations or dispositions of the pope towards 
the king of France and towards Venice respectively; the 
intentions (el desiderio) of his holiness, and what they might 
expect from him ; but as this division of his subject was not 
founded on any very accurate distinctions, he does not 
rigidly adhere to it. 

He remarks in the first place, that neither Venice nor 


France was in particular favour with the pope ; the former, 
because, having seized on a part of the Milanese territory, 
fears were entertained lest the remainder of Italy should be 
also attacked ; the latter, because the king of France did not 
keep his promises to the pope. In this document we find 
the conditions of the treaty formed in the year 1498 between 
the king and the pope. The pope granted the king a dis- 
pensation permitting him to separate from his wife. In 
return, the king engaged to confer a domain on Caesar 
Borgia, the pope's son, that should yield him a revenue of 
28,000 francs, a wife of the blood-royal (Navarre?), and the 
renunciation of all attempts on Naples, except in aid of the 
Borgia family (" del regno di Napoli non se impazzar se non 
in ajutar il papa ") ; whence we perceive that the pope had 
himself, even at that time, designs on Naples. But these 
promises were not kept. The matrimonial alliance proposed 
to Caesar Borgia was not exactly what had been desired. 
The pope went so far as to purchase an estate of 12,000 
francs, as a security for the dowry, but the young bride 
remained in France. It was only by the superior force of 
the king that the pope was held to peace. " Quando il 
S"" Lodovico intrb in Milan," says Capello very significantly, 
" publice diceva (il papa) mal del roy." [When S"" Ludo- 
vico entered Milan, the pope publicly spoke ill of the king.] 
Alexander was enraged because the French would not give 
him aid for the expulsion of Bentivoglio from Bologna. 

This report, in common with all those which are taken 
from the Chronicle of Sanuto, has been printed in the Floren- 
tine collection of Venetian Reports, vol. vii., 1846; and I 
should have abbreviated or omitted my extracts from it, but 
for the fact that the copy of Sanuto at Venice from which 
the reprint was made, presents some differences from the 
original which I used at Vienna. Thus in the sentence just 
given " il re Ludovico " is printed, and " di lui " instead of 
" del roy." In this case, " il re " is opposed to the sense 
and makes the whole passage unintelligible. 

Not only does the report give an insight into the inner 
workings of the papal policy of those days, but it is also 
valuable for its personal descriptions. 

The author first alludes to the death of Alexander's 


son-in-law. Caesar Borgia had already wounded him. "By 
way of precaution he sent to Naples for physicians : the 
wounded man was ill thirty-three days, and Cardinal Capua 
received his confession ; he was nursed by his wife and sister, 
who was married to the prince of Squillaci, another son of the 
pope ; they remained with him, and prepared his food in a 
small vessel with their own hands, for fear of poison, because 
of the hatred felt towards him by the duke of Valentinos, 
the pope causing him to be guarded lest that duke should 
kill him ; and when the pope went to visit the sick man, the 
duke did not accompany him, once only excepted, and then 
he said, ' What has not been done at dinner shall be done 
at supper.' Accordingly, one day, — it was the 17th of 
August, — he entered the room, the patient having already 
risen, and made the wife and sister go out ; then Michiele 
came in, as if called^ and strangled the said youth." 

" The pope loves his son the duke, but is in great dread of 
him ; he is twenty-seven years of age, remarkably handsome, 
very tall and well made, evert exceeding King Ferandin" 
(Ferdinand, the last king of Naples^ that is, who was con- 
sidered extremely handsome). " He killed six wild bulls, 
fighting with the spear on horseback, and in regard to one, 
he struck off his head at one blow, which seemed a prodigy 
to all Rome; he has most regal habits and spends very 
largely, for which the pope is displeased with him. Besides 
this, he slew M. Peroto at another time under the very mantle 
of the pope, so that the blood burst over the face of the pope ; 
which M. Peroto was a favourite of the pontiff. He also 
murdered his brother, the duke of Gandia, and caused the 
body to be thrown into the Tiber. All Rome trembles at 
this duke, and every one fears assassination from him." 

Roscoe, in his Life of Leo X, has endeavoured to clear 
the memory of Lucrezia Borgia from the scandalous impu- 
tations heaped upon her. To the accusations brought 
against her earlier life, he has opposed a crowd of favourable 
witnesses respecting the latter part of it. But even the 
German translator of his work is not convinced by his argu- 
ments, believing rather that Lucrezia had amended her 
conduct. The report we are now examining is, however, 
further remarkable, because it affords a favourable testimony 


to the character of Lucrezia, even in her earlier days ; its 
words are — " Lucrezia la qual b savia e liberal " [Lucrezia 
who is wise and generous]. Caesar Borgia was rather her 
enemy than her lover. He despoiled her of Sermoneta, 
which had been granted to her by the pope, remarking that 
she was but a woman, and would not be able to defend it : 
" ^ donna, non lo potra mantenir." 

No. 4 

Among the various documents to be found in the fifth 
volume of Sanuto, the following appears to be the most 

" This is the inanmr in which Pope Alexander VI cafne 
to his death. 

" The cardinal datary D"° Arian da Corneto, having re- 
ceived a gracious intimation that the pontiff, together with 
the duke of Valentinos, designed to come and sup with him 
in his vineyard, and that his holiness would bring the supper 
with him, the cardinal suspected that this determination had 
been taken for the purpose of destroying his life by poison, 
to the end that the duke might have his riches and appoint- 
ments, the rather as he knew that the pope had resolved to 
put him to death by some means, with a view to seizing his 
property, as I have said — which was very great. Consider- 
ing of the means by which he might save himself, he could 
see but one hope of safety — he sent in good time to the 
pope's carver, with whom he had a certain intimacy, desiring 
that he would come to speak with him ; who, when he had 
come to the said cardinal, was taken by him into a secret 
place, where, they two being retired, the cardinal shewed the 
carver a sum, prepared beforehand, of 10,000 ducats, in 
gold, which the said cardinal persuaded the carver to accept 
as a gift and to keep for the love of him, and after many 
words, they were at length accepted, the cardinal offering, 
moreover, all the rest of his wealth, at his command — for he 
was a very rich cardinal — for he said he could not keep the 
said riches by any other means than through the said carver's 
aid, and declared to him ' You know of a certainty what 


the nature of the pope is, and I know that he has resolved, 
with the duke of Valentinos, to procure my death by poison, 
through your hand,' — wherefore he besought the carver to 
take pity on him and to give him his hfe. And having said 
this, the carver declared to him the manner in which it was 
ordered that the poison should be given to him at the 
supper, but being moved to compassion he promised to 
preserve his life. Now the orders were that the carver 
should present three boxes of sweetmeats, in tablets or 
lozenges, after the supper, one to the pope, one to the said 
cardinal, and another to the duke, and in that for the cardinal 
there was poison ; and thus being told, the said cardinal 
gave directions to the aforesaid carver in what manner he 
should serve them, so as to cause that the poisoned box of 
confect which was to be for the cardinal, should be placed 
before the pope that he might eat thereof, and so poison 
himself and die. And the pope being come accordingly 
with the aforesaid duke to supper on the day appointed, 
the aforesaid cardinal threw "himself at his feet, kissing them 
and embracing them closely ; then he entreated his holiness 
with the most affectionate words, saying, he would never 
rise from those feet until his holiness had granted him a 
favour. Being questioned by the pontiff what this favour 
was, and requested to rise up, he would first have the grace 
he demanded, and the promise of his holiness to grant it. 
Now after much persuasion the pope remained sufficiently 
astonished, seeing the perseverance of the said cardinal and 
that he would not rise, and promised to grant the favour. 
Then the cardinal rose up and said, ' Holy Father, it is not 
fitting that when the master comes to the house of his 
servant, the servant should eat with his master like an equal 
(confrezer parimente),' and therefore the grace that he 
demanded was the just and honest one that he, the servant, 
should wait at the table of his master, and this favour the 
pope granted him. Then having come to supper, and the 
time for serving the confectionery having arrived, the carver 
put the poisoned sweetmeats into the box, according to the 
first order given to him by the pope, and the cardinal, being 
well informed as to which box had no poison, tasted of that 
one, and put the poisoned confect before the pope. Then 


his holiness, trusting to his carver and seeing the cardinal 
tasting, judged that no poison was there, and ate of it 
heartily ; while of the other, which the pope thought was 
poisoned, but which was not, the said cardinal ate. Now at 
the hour accustomed, according to the quality of that poison, 
his holiness began to feel its effect, and so died thereof: but 
the said cardinal, who was yet much afraid, having physicked 
himself and vomited, took no harm and escaped, though not 
without difficulty. Farewell." 

This account, if not an authentic one, is at least a very 
remarkable description of Alexander's death, and is, perhaps, 
the best we have relating to that occurrence. 

No. 5 

Sommario dc la relatiofie di S. Polo Capello^ vemiio orator 
di Roma, fatia in CoUegio 15 10. [Summary of Polo 
Capello's report of his embassy to Rome, delivered 
to the College 15 10.] 

After the great misfortunes suffered by the Venetians in 
consequence of the league of Cambray, they soon contrived 
to win over Pope Julius II again to their side. Polo Capello 
brings forward certain details hitherto unknown, in regard 
to the manner in which this result was produced. The pope 
was anxious in respect to the consequences that might 
ensue from a meeting then projected between Maximilian 
and the king of France. " Dubitando perche fo ditto il re 
di Romani et il re di Francia si volcano abboccar insieme et 
era certo in suo danno." It is true that for a certain time 
he enforced on the Venetians the necessity of resigning 
those towns which, according to the terms of the league, 
should have fallen to the emperor ; but when he saw that 
the enterprise of Maximilian came to so bad a conclusion, 
he ceased to press further on that matter. The pontiff held 
a very mean opinion of Maximilian : " E una bestia," said 
he ; " merita piu presto esser rezudo ch' a rezer altri." [He 
is a stupid animal, and rather deserves to be bridled himself 
than to bridle others.] It was considered on the contrary 


very greatly to the honour of the Venetians, whose name 
had been looked upon in Rome as already extinguished, 
that they had stood their ground. The pope gradually 
determined to grant them absolution. 

Capello entertained the most profound respect for the 
personal qualities of the pontiff. "E papa sapientissimo, 
e niun pol intrinsechamente con lui, e si conseja con pochi, 
imo con niuno." [He is a very wise pope ; he permits no 
one to influence his judgment, and takes counsel with few, 
or indeed with none.] The influence possessed by Cardinal 
Castel de Rio was but a very indirect one. " Parlando al 
papa dira una cosa, qual dita il papa poi considererk 
aquella." [When in conversation with the pope, he will 
make some remark, which being uttered, the pope will 
afterwards consider it over.] At that moment, for example, 
the cardinal was opposed to the Venetians, yet the pontiff 
concluded his agreement with them none the less. Capello 
considered him to be well supplied with money^ thinking 
he might have 700,000 ducats, if not a million, in his 

No. 6 

Sommario di la relatione di Domenego Trivixan, venuto 
orator di Ro7?ia, in pregadi 15 10. [Summary of 
Domenego Trivixan's report of his embassy to Rome, 
presented in the Senate 1510.] 

The report given by Capello in the college is continued 
by Trivixan to the senate, but with this difference, that 
while the former develops the concealed motives of action, 
the latter contents himself with giving a general sketch : this 
also is, nevertheless, worthy of notice. 

He agrees with the estimation of his colleague of the 
moneys to be found in the papal treasury, but adds the 
remark that this sum was destined by the pope to be used 
in a war against the infidels. " II papa e sagaze praticho : 
ha mal vecchio galico e gota, tamen e prosperoso, fa gran 
fadicha : niun poi con lui : aide tutti, ma fa quello li par. — 
E tenuto e di la bocha e di altro per voler viver piu 


moderatamente." [The pope is a man of great practical 
sagacity, but has long suffered from disease of the liver and 
gout ; he is, nevertheless, still active, and endures labour well ; 
he permits none to govern him, listening to all, but doing 
what best pleases himself. He is held, both by word and 
otherwise, to resolve on living more moderately.] I under- 
stand that it was beHeved that he would be more moderate 
in eating and drinking, as well as in every other respect. 
From the Venetian copy the words are printed thus : 
"e ritenuto della bocca e di altro." — "A modo di haver 
quanti danari il vole : perche come vacha un beneficio, non 
li da si non a chi (ha) officio e quel officio da a un altro, si 
che tocca per esso assai danari; ed h divenudo li officii 
sensari piu del solito in Roma." [He has a method of 
procuring whatever money he pleases : for whenever a 
benefice falls vacant he confers it only on one who already 
has an office, which office he also confers on some other, 
so that by this means he draws a sufficiency of money ; and 
offices have become more than commonly venial in Rome.] 
That is, the offices that men actually hold have become 
brokers or procurers for other benefices. For the reading of 
the other copy, " sul vender gli uffici ci sono sensali," seems 
to be merely an arbitrary alteration due to misunderstanding. 
" II papa a entrado, due. 200,000 di ordinario, et extra- 
ordinario si dice 150 m." [The ordinary revenue of the 
pope is 200,000 ducats, and the extraordinary is said to be 
150,000.] That is, the popes have usually so much, — " JMa 
questo ha di do terzi piu di extraordinario, e di ordinario 
ancora I'entrade " [but this pope has two-thirds more, both 
of the ordinary and extraordinary revenue] ; so that he 
must have had about a million. He proceeds to explain 
this as follows : — " Soleano pagare il censo carlini X al 
ducato e la chiesa era ingannata : era carlini XII U el due. 
vole paghino quello convien, et a fatto una stampa nova 
che val X el due. e son boni di arzento, del che amiora da 
X a XlII^ la intrada del papa, e diti carlini si chiamano 
Juli." [It was customary to pay the taxes at the rate of ten 
carlini to the ducat ; but the Church was hereby defrauded, 
for the ducat was worth thirteen carlini and a half; then 
the pope determined that a just payment should be made. 


and he has issued a new coinage, the value being ten pieces 
to the ducat, and these are of good silver. The pope's 
revenues are improved from ten to thirteen and a half, and 
the said new carlini are called Juli.] We here see what was 
the origin of the small coins current in the present day, for 
it was not until recent times that the paoli now in use have 
superseded the name and use of the Juli. The carlini, by 
which accounts were computed and which were the common 
medium of exchange, had become so much debased and 
depreciated that the treasury sustained a serious loss by 
them. It was thus for the interest of his exchequer that 
Julius II issued a good coinage. 

" Item e misero : a pocha spesa. Si accorda col suo 
maestro di caxa : li da el mexe per le spexe due. 1,500 e 
non piu. Item fa la chiexia di S. Piero di novo, cosa 
beUissima, per la qual a posto certa cruciata, et un solo 
frate di S. Francesco di quello habia racolto ditti frati per 
il mondo li porto in una bota, due. 27,000 si che per questo 
tocca quanti danari el vuol. A data a questa fabrica una 
parte de I'intrada di S. M. di Loreto e tolto parte del 
vescovado di Recanati." [Item, he is penurious and spends 
little; he makes an agreement with his house-steward, to 
whom he gives 1,500 ducats for the expenses of the month, 
and no more. Item, he is building the church of St. Peter 
anew, a very beautiful thing it is, and for this he has established 
a sort of crusade, and a single Franciscan friar brought him, 
in one sum, 27,000 ducats, which those friars had gathered 
throughout the world. He has, besides, given to this fabric 
a portion of the revenues of Santa Maria di Loreto, and 
has taken for the same purpose a part of the bishopric of 

No. 7 

Sommario de la relatione di S. Marin Zorzi, dotor, venuto 
orator di corte^fata in pregadi a dl i^j Marzo, 15 17. 
[Summary of Doctor Marin Zorzi's report of his 
embassy to the court of Rome, etc.] 

■ Marin Zorzi was chosen ambassador to the court of 


Leo X on the 4th of January, 15 14, and, after he had 
declined the office, was again elected to it on the 25 th of 
January. If it be true that his commission had particular 
reference to the expedition of Francis I, as we learn from 
Paruta (lib. iii. p. 109), it must have been about the 
beginning of the year 15 15 that he first proceeded to 

His report refers to that period. It is tlie more im- 
portant because he proposed to give information in this 
document in regard to matters on which he had not ventured 
to write while in Rome. " Referira," says the summary, 
which appears to have been written subsequently, " di quelle 
cose che non a scritto per sue lettere, perche imUta occurnuit 
quae iwn stmt scribendar 

These are chiefly in relation to the negotiations of the 
pope with Francis I, which were.- not known even to Paruta 
himself, and of which the best information, so far as my 
knowledge extends, will be found in this document. 

Allusions are occasionally made by different writers to a 
supposed desire on the part of Pope Leo for a crown to be 
conferred on his brother Giuliano, but how this was to be 
effected has never yet been made clearly apparent. Zorzi 
assures us, that at this time Leo proposed to the king of 
France — " that with regard to the kingdom of Naples, it 
would be well to take it from the hands of the Spaniards 
and give it to the most noble Giuliano, his brother." He 
adds : " and about this affair he gave himself no little pains, 
for he was not content that his brother should be a duke, 
but resolved to make him king of Naples. The most 
Christian king would have given him the principality of 
Taranto, with other territories ; but the pope was not 
satisfied with that. Whereupon there came divers ambas- 
sadors to the pope ; Mons"" di Soglei and Mons" di Borsi 
among others ; and the pope said, — ' If the king will consent 
to this arrangement, then we will be for his majesty.' And 
here these matters came to a pause ; the most.Christian king, 
desiring that the pope should not be against him, determined 
to proceed to Italy in great force ; and so he did, but the 
pope suddenly leagued himself with the emperor, the Catholic 
king, the king of England, and the Swiss." 


The letters of Canossa, printed in the " Archivio Storico 
Itahano," m the year 1844, declare that this project was 
seriously discussed; but it will be manifest that the affair 
was not so entirely unmentioned by " domestic and foreign 
historians " as the editor imagined. 

The notices given by Zorzi in relation to the time of the 
campaign, I have already communicated, either in the text 
or in the notes. 

But how strongly the pope was in secret opposed to the 
French, is rendered manifest by the fact that he not only 
reproached the Venetians for the decided part they took in 
favour of the French, during Maximilian's enterprise of the 
following year, but also by the further proof of his having 
secretly assisted Maximilian himself : " O che materia," he 
remarked, " a fatto questo senato a lassar le vostre gente 
andar a Milano, andar con Francesi^ aver passa 8 fiumi, o 
che pericolo e questo " [Oh what a business this senate has 
made of it, to let your people go to Milan, to permit your 
troops to join the French, and cross eight rivers in their 
cause — Oh what a danger is this !] ; and further : "II papa 
a questo subito mandb zente in favor del imperador e sotto 
man dicendo : M. Ant. Colonna e libero capitano a soldo 
del imperador." [Thereupon the pope suddenly despatched 
troops to the assistance of the emperor, but underhand, and 
saying that Marc Antonio Colonna was a free captain in 
the pay of the emperor.] The ratification of the treaty of 
Bologna was meanwhile delayed. The king sent ambas- 
sador after ambassador to demand its completion. At 
length the pope on his part despatched his emissary to 
France, and the treaty was sealed. 

Francis I soon found an opportunity to avenge himself. 
The pope encountered unexpected opposition from the 
duke of Urbino. In relation to which the Venetian ambas- 
sador here assures us that, " il re non si tien satisfacto del 
papa : e contento Francesco Maria prosperi " [the king does 
not consider himself well treated by the pope, and is desirous 
that Francesco Maria should succeed]. 

He then gives a more minute description of the pope. 
" A qualche egritudine interior de repletion (the Venetian 
copy has ' anteriore di risoluzione ') e catarro ed altra 


cosa, non licet dir, videl. in fistula. E horn da ben e liberal 
molto, non vorria faticha si'l potesse far di mancho, ma per 
questi soi si tao faticha. E ben suo nepote ^ astuto e apto 
a far cosse non come Valentino ma pocho mancho." [He 
is disturbed by some inward complaint arising from reple- 
tion, catarrh, and other causes which we do not enume- 
rate. He is a worthy man, and very liberal; not willing to 
give himself much labour, if he can avoid it, but he exerts 
himself readily for the sake of his kinsmen. As to his 
nephew, he is shrewd enough, and gives himself no little 
license — not as did Valentino, but yet little less.] He alludes 
to Lorenzo de' Medici, and he asserts positively what others 
(e.(^. Vettori) have denied, that Lorenzo himself had eagerly 
striven to possess himself of Urbino, Giuliano is reported to 
have entreated the pope only two days before his (Giuliano's) 
death, that he would spare Urbino, where he had been received 
and sheltered so kindly after his expulsion from Florence, 
but the pope would not listen to him : he replied, — " Non e 
da parlar deste cose " [This is no time to be talking of these 
matters] ; and this he did because, " de altra parte Lorenzin 
li era attorno in volerli tuor lo stato " [on the other side, 
Lorenzo was pressing him to take possession of the duchy]. 

Among the advisers of the pope, he first alludes to Giulio 
de' Medici, afterwards Clement VII, whose talents he does 
not estimate so highly as others have done. " He is a good 
man, but of no great ability, although the principal manage- 
ment of the court is at this time in his hands. He was for- 
merly at the court of Portugal." He next speaks of Bibbiena, 
whom he considers to be in the interests of Spain, because he 
had been enriched by Spanish benefices ; and lastly he men- 
tions Lorenzo, " qual a animo gaiardo " [an active spirit]. 

The name of Lorenzo leads him to speak of Florence. 
He says a few words in regard to the constitution, but adds, 
■ — " At this time all order is disregarded : what he (Lorenzo) 
wills, that is done. Yet Florence is rather disposed towards 
the French than otherwise ; and the party opposed to the 
Medici cannot make an alteration, although this state of 
things does not please them." The militia and regular troops 
had been partially disbanded. The revenues consisted, 
first, of the dutieg paid at the gates and in the city, which 
VOIv. Ill, c 


amounted to 74,000 ducats ; secondly, of the sums drawn 
from the towns tributary to Florence, amounting to 120,000 
ducats ; and thirdly, of the balzello^ a direct impost and sort 
of tithe, producing 1 60,000 ducats. 

This brings him to the revenues of the pope, which he 
estimates to be altogether about 420,000 ducats; and he 
then returns to the expenditure and personal qualities of the 
pontiff. " He is learned in classic literature and the canon 
law, and above all is a most excellent musician : when he 
sings with any one, he causes that person to be given 100 
ducats, or more ; and, to mention a circumstance previously 
forgotten (by him, the ambassador), the pope derives from 
vacancies some 60,000 ducats, or more, annually, which is 
about 8000 ^ ducats per month ; and this he expends in gifts, 
and in playing at primero, a game in which he delights 

These examples suffice to shew the lively and graphic 
character of Zorzi's report : it is given with infinite simplicity, 
and in an easy conversational style, so that the reader seems 
to hear and see all that the author describes. 

No. 8 

Summary of the Repoi't of Marco Minio^ returned from the 
Cotirt {of Rome), June, 1520. Sanuto, vol. 28. 

Marco Minio was the successor of Zorzi, but his report 
is unfortunately very short. 

He begins with the revenues, which he finds to be in- 
considerable. " The pope has but a small income from the 
papacy, and the revenues are of three kinds : first, the 
annates, from which he derives 100,000 ducats annually; 
but of the consistorial annates, which are drawn from the 
bishoprics and abbacies, the one half belongs to the car- 
dinals : from the various offices he draws about 60,000 ; 
and from compositions 60,000 ducats a year. He has no 
ready money, because he is very liberal, and cannot keep 
money; and, moreover, the Florentines and his relations 

* So says the copy, but it cannot possiblj^ be right. 


will never permit him to retain a penny ; and the said 
Florentines are greatly detested at court, because they 
thrust themselves into every thing. The pope remains 
neutral between France and Spain ; but he, the speaker, 
considers the pope to be inclined towards Spain, because 
he was restored to his native city by Spain^ and even owes 
to the Spaniards his elevation to the papacy. Cardinal de' 
Medici, his nephew, who is not of legitimate birth, has great 
influence with the pope ; he is a man of much practical 
ability. — (We perceive from this remark, that the cardinal's 
reputation had increased since the time cf Zorzi.) He 
possesses great authority, yet he does nothing of importance 
without first consulting the pope : he is now at Florence, 
where he holds the government of the city. Cardinal 
Bibbiena is also in considerable esteem with the pope, but 
this Medici does every thing." 

The ambassador assures his countrymen that the senti- 
ments of the pope are tolerably favourable towards them 
(the Venetians). He did not certainly desire to see Venice 
greater than she was, but would not permit the republic to 
be destroyed for any advantage in the world. 

No. 9 

Diary of Sebastiano de Branca de Telini. Barberini 
Library, No. 1103. 

This diary is comprised in sixty-three leaves, and ex- 
tends from the 22nd of April, 1494, to 15 13, in the time 
of Leo X. It is certainly not to be compared to Burcardus ; 
and since very little of what was passing was known to the 
writer of it, we cannot use it even for the rectification of 
that author's observations. Branca de Telini saw nothing 
more than was seen by all the world. 

Thus he describes the entrance of Charles VIII, whose 
army he estimates at from 30,000 to 40,000 men. He con- 
siders Charles himself to be the most ill-looking man he had 
ever beheld; but his people, on the contrary, he thought 
the handsomest in the world : " la piu bella gente non fu 
vista mai." Telini must not be taken literally ; he is fond 


of expressing himself in this manner. He relates that a 
man had paid as much as 300 ducats for a horse. 

Caesar Borgia was the most cruel man that ever lived. 
The times of Alexander were marked and distinguished by- 
atrocities, famines, and exorbitant iiuposts. "Pope Alex- 
ander ordered the whole revenues of all the priests, and all 
the public officers, and all the churches both within and 
without Rome, to be set aside for three years, for the pur- 
pose of a crusade against the Turks, and then he gave the 
total amount to his son for the more effectual prosecution of 
the war." According to Branca, Caesar Borgia gave audi- 
ence to no one but his executioner Michilotto. All his 
servants went richly clothed : " dressed in brocade of gold 
and silver even to their stockings ; their slippers and shoes 
were made of the same." 

Telini was a great admirer of Julius II. "Non lo fece 
mai papa quello che have fatto papa Julio." [Never did 
any pope so much as has been done by Pope Julius.] He 
enumerates the cities that he" subdued, but is of opinion that 
by his wars he had rendered himself guilty of the death of 
10,000 men. 

Next came Leo : he began with promises, *' that the 
Romans should be free from imposts, and that all offices 
and benefices within the city of Rome should be conferred 
exclusively on Romans : all which occasioned great rejoic- 
ings throughout Rome." 

Our diarist occasionally brings forward individuals in 
private life; and we are here made acquainted with the 
boldest and most renowned of procurators. *' Ben*° Moccaro, 
il piu terribile uomo (the most powerful, most violent), 
che mai fusse stato in Roma per un huomo privato in 
Roma." He lost his life by means of the Orsini. 

Even in this, otherwise unimportant work, we see the 
spirit of the times and of the several administrations reflected 
as in a mirror. We have the times of terror, of conquest, 
and of tranquillity, as exhibited under Alexander, Julius, 
and Leo, respectively. Other diaries, on the contrary, that 
of Cola Colleine for example, extending from 1521 to 1561, 
Qontain nothing whatever of importance, 

Nos. id, ii] Appendix— SECTION i a 

No. 10 

Vi/a Leofiis X Pontificis Maxlmi per Franciscnm N'ovelhini 
Roma?iwn^ J, V. Professorem. Barberini Library. 

" Alii (says the author) longe meHus et haec et alia mihi 
incognita referre, et describere poterunt." Without doubt 
they could j his little work is altogether insignificant. 

No. II 

Quacdam historica quae ad notitiam temporiim pertinent pon- 
tljicatmmi Leonis X, Adn'ani VI, dementis VII. Ex 
libris notariorum sub iisdem pontijicibus. [Certain his- 
torical notices pertaining to the pontificates of Leo X, 
Adrian VI, and Clement VII, taken from the books of 
the notaries under the said pontiffs.] Extracted by 
Felix Contellorius. Barberini Library. 48 leaves. 

Short notices of the contents of the instruments ; as, for 
example, *' Leo X assignat Contessinae de Medicis de 
Rudolfis ejus sorori due. 285 auri de camera ex introitibus 
dohanarum pecudum persolvendos." 

I have occasionally made use of these notices. Perhaps 
the most interesting and remarkable, as having hitherto 
remained without mention, is the following extract from a 
brief of the nth of June, 1529 :— Certain valuables belong- 
ing to the papal see had been given in pledge to Bernardo 
Bracchi, and at the time of the sacking of the city Bracchi 
thought it advisable to bury them in a garden. He con- 
fided the place of their concealment to one man only, a 
certain Geronimo Bacato of Florence, to whom he told it, 
to the end that some one might be able to point it out in 
case of any mischance befalling himself. Some short time 
after this confidence was made, Bernardo Bracchi was seized 
by the Germans and grievously maltreated ; Geronimo then, 
believing that his friend had died under the torture, imparted 


the secret in his turn to one sole person, and from a similar 
motive. But this man was not so discreet : the Germans 
heard of the concealed treasure, and by renewed and more 
severe tortures they compelled Bracchi at length to discloise 
the place of its deposit. To save the valuables, Bracchi 
entered into an obligation to pay the sum of 10,000 ducats; 
but Geronimo considered himself as a traitor, and killed 
himself from shame and rage. 

No. 12 

Sommarlo di la relation fatta in pregadi per S. Alnixe Gra- 
denigo, vefwfo orator diRoina^ 1523, Marzo. [Summary 
of Aluise Gradenigo's report of his embassy to Rome, 
etc.] In Sanuto, vol. 34. 

He first speaks of the city, which he declares to have 
increased in a short time by about 10,000 houses : next he 
proceeds to the constitution. Of the conservators he re- 
ports, that they claimed precedence of the ambassadors, 
who refused to allow the claim ; with regard to the cardinals, 
he says that Giulio de' Medici had risen still higher in re- 
putation; he calls him, "hom di summa autorita e richo 
cardinale, era il primo appresso Leon, hom di gran ingegno 
e cuor : il papa (Leone) feva quello lui voleva " [a man of 
the highest authority and a very rich cardinal, he ranked 
before all with Pope Leo, a man of great powers and high 
spirit : the pope (Leo) did whatever he desired to have 
done]. He describes Leo X as "di statura grandissima, 
testa molto grossa, havea bellissima man : bellissimo parla- 
dor : prometea assa, ma non atendea. ... II papa si serviva 
molto con dimandar danari al imprestido, vendeva poi li 
officii, impegnava zoie, raze del papato e fino li apostoli 
per aver danaro " [of very lofty stature, with a very large 
head and a most beautiful hand: he was an admirable 
speaker, and made great promises, but did not keep them. 
The pope had very frequent recourse to borrowing money ; 
he then sold the different offices, pledged the jewels and 


valuables of the papacy, and even the apostles, to procure 
himself money]. He estimates the temporal revenues at 
300,000 ducats; the ecclesiastical at 100.000. 

He considers the policy of Leo to have been decidedly 
adverse to France. If at any time it seemed otherwise, the 
pope was only dissembling. " Fenzeva esso amico del re 
di Francia." But at the time to which our report refers, 
he was openly and avowedly opposed to France, the cause 
of which, according to Gradenigo, was that, '' disse che M' 
di Lutrech et M' de I'Escu havia ditto che '1 voleva che 
le recchia del papa fusse la major parte restasse di la so 
persona." Does this mean that he desired to have nothing 
remaining of the pope but his ears ? Certainly a very coarse 
jest, and in extremely bad taste. Leo took it very ill. On 
receiving intelligence of the conquest of Milan, he is related 
to have said, that this was but the half of the battle. 

Leo left the papal treasury so completely exhausted, 
that it was found needful to employ for his obsequies the 
wax candles that had been provided for those of Cardinal 
S. Giorgio, who had died a short time before him. 

The ambassador awaited the arrival of Adrian VI. He 
describes the moderate and regular habits of that pontiff's 
life, and remarks, that he had at first maintained a strict 
neutrality between the two great parties. " It is said that 
the pope, as regards his own opinion, is neutral, although 
he is dependent on the emperor, and has it much at heart 
to effect a truce, that he may the better attend to the affair 
of the Turks. These things are inferred from his daily pro- 
ceedings, as well as from the discontent of the viceroy of 
Naples, who repaired to Rome in the hope of prevailing on 
the pontiff to declare himself for the emperor; but his 
holiness refused to do so; whence the viceroy departed 
without arriving at his ends. The pope is deeply intent on 
the affairs of Hungary, and desires that an expedition should 
be set on foot against the infidels. He is afraid that the 
Turk may effect a descent upon Rome, and is therefore 
anxious to see the Christian princes united, and to make 
universal peace, or, at the least, a truce for three years." 

24 Appendix— SECTION i [no 13 

No. 13 

Stmimario del viazo di oratori nostri andorno a Roma a dar 
la obedientia a papa Hadriano VI. [Summary of the 
journey of our ambassadors to Rome to tender allegi- 
ance to Pope Adrian VI.] 

This is the only report which possesses the interest of 
a traveller's description^ and which also alludes to subjects 
connected with art. 

The ambassadors describe the flourishing state of An- 
cona, and the fertility of the March. In Spello they were 
hospitably received by Orazio Baglione, and proceeded 
thence to Rome. 

They also describe an entertainment given to them by 
Cardinal Cornelio, a fellow-countryman. The account they 
give of the music they heard while at table is worthy of 
notice : " A la tavola vennero ogni sorte de musici, che in 
Roma si atrovava, li pifari excellenti di continuo sonorono, 
ma eravi clavicembani con voce dentro mirabilissima, liuti 
e quatro violoni." [There were brought to the table every 
kind of musician to be found in Rome : excellent flute- 
players performed continually; there were harpsichords 
producing most wonderful tones^ with lutes and four violins.] 
Grimani also invited them to a feast. ^' Poi disnar venneno 
alcuni musici, tra li quali una donna brutissima che canto 
in liuto mirabilmente." [Then at dinner there were musicians, 
and among them a most ill-favoured woman, who sang to 
the lute most admirably.] 

They next visited the churches ; at that of Santa Croce 
certain ornaments were in course of preparation for the 
doors : " Alcuni arnesi e volte di alcune porte di una preda 
raccolta delle anticaglie." Every little stone that was being 
wr6ught there deserved, in their opinion, to be set in gold 
and worn on the finger. They next proceed to the Pantheon, 
and there an altar was in process of erection, at the foot of 
which was the grave of Raphael. They were shewn decora- 
tions, apparently of gold, looking as pure as that of the 
Rhenish gulden ; but they were of opinion that if the gold 

No. 13] API^ENDIX— SECTION 1 25 

had been real, Pope Leo would not have permitted it to 
remain there. They express their admiration of the columns 
— larger than their own in St. Mark's. "Sostengono un 
coperto in colm'o, el qual e di alcune travi di metallo." 
[They support the roof, which is a dome, and is formed by 
certain beams of metal.] 

They give themselves up, with infinite simplicity, to their 
admiration of the Roman antiquities. I know not whether 
this book will fall into the hands of antiquaries. The follow- 
ing description of the colossal statues in the Quirinal (on 
Monte Cavallo) is, at least, very striking. " Monte Cavallo 
is so called, because, on the summit of the hill, which is 
very well peopled, there is a certain structure, formed of a 
piece of very rough wall (a rude pedestal), on one of the 
angles of which there is a horse of stone— apparently Istrian 
— very ancient and corroded by time, and on the other 
corner is another horse, both of them modelled from the 
middle forwards, the head, neck, fore-feet, shoulders, and 
half the back; beside them stand two great giants, men 
double the natural size, naked, and each holding back one 
of these horses with one arm. The figures are very beauti- 
ful, finely proportioned, and of the same stone as the 
horses ; and the horses are also beautiful, — equally so with 
the men : under one of them are inscribed the words ' Opus 
Phidiae,' and under the other ' Opus Praxitelis,' both inscrip- 
tions being in handsome capital letters." The ambassadors 
then visit the Capitol, where they find, among many other 
beautiful statues, " a peasant in bronze, drawing a thorn 
from his foot, made in the natural rustic manner; to those 
who look at him he seems to be lamenting the pain of the 
thorn — a work of absolute excellence." They next proceed 
to the Belvedere, where they admire above all things the 
Laocoon. The German landsknechts have hitherto been 
charged with having rendered it necessary to restore an arm 
to this masterpiece of art, but we here find that the arm 
had disappeared before the sack of the city. " Ogni cosa 
b Integra, salvoche al Laocoonte gli manca il brazzo destro." 
(So also in the copy, p. 116.) They are in an ecstasy of 
admiration. And declare of the whole group that " it wants 
nothing but life." They describe the boys extremely well : 


" One of them is labouring witli his Httle arm to free 
his leg from the fierce serpent ; but finding that he cannot 
help himself, is turning his weeping face imploringly towards 
his father, whose left arm he holds with 'his other hand. 
A different sorrow is perceived in each of these boys ; the 
one is grieving for the death that he sees so near him, the 
other because his father can give him no help, but is 
himself suffering and his strength faiUng." They add the 
remark that King Francis I had requested the gift of this 
noble work from the pope, when they met at Bologna ; but 
his holiness would not consent to rob his Belvedere of the 
original, and was having a copy made for the king. They 
tell us that the boys were already finished, but that if the 
maestro lived five hundred years and laboured a hundred 
at his copy, it would never attain the perfection of the 
original. In the Belvedere they also found a young Flemish 
artist, who had executed two statues of the pope. 

They next inform us of the pope and of his court. 
The most important fact they communicate is, that the 
cardinal of Volterra, who had previously been able to re- 
press the Medici, had been arrested and was held in prison, 
because letters of his had been seized, wherein he exhorted 
King Francis to venture an attack on Italy at that moment, 
seeing that he could never hope to find a more favourable 
opportunity. This enabled Cardinal de' Medici to rise again, 
and the imperial ambassador Sessa supported him. The 
change in Adrian's policy may very probably have been 
determined by this incident. 

No. 14 

dementis VII P. M. conclave et creatio. Barberini Library, 
No. 4, 70 leaves. 

We find the following remark on the title-page : — ** Hoc 
conclave sapit stylum Joh. Bapt. Sangae, civis Romani, qui 
fuit dementi VII ab epistohs." But this opinion may be 
rejected without hesitation. Another MS. in the Barberini 
Library, bearing the title, " Vianesii Albergati Bononiensis 


commentarii rerum sui temporis," contains nothing but this 
conclave. It forms the first part of his " Commentaries," 
of which there is no continuation to be found. We may- 
assume, therefore, that the author of the above-mentioned 
conclave was Vianesio Albergati. 

But who was this author? Mazzuchelli names many 
Albergati, but not this one. 

In a letter of Girolamo Negro, w^e find the following 
anecdote. A native of Bologna caused information to be 
given to Pope Adrian VI, that he, the Bolognese, had an 
important secret to communicate to his holiness, but had 
no money to defray the cost of his journey to Rome. 
Messer Vianesio, a friend and favourite of the Medici, 
made interest for him, and at length the pope told him he 
might advance the twenty-four ducats required by the 
Bolognese for his journey, which should be returned to him. 
Vianesio did so ; his man arrived, and was brought into the 
palace with the utmost secrecy. " Holy Father," said he, 
" if you would conquer the Turks, you must prepare a vast 
armament both by land and sea." This was all he had to 
say. " Per Deum ! " exclaimed the pope, whom this greatly 
irritated, the next time he saw Messer Vianesio, "this 
Bolognese of yours is a great cheat ; but it shall be at your 
cost that he has deceived me ; " and he never returned the 
twenty four ducats expended by Vianesio. This Albergati 
is in all probability the author of the Conclave in question ; 
for in the little work before us he says that he had acted as 
intermediary between the Medici and the pope — " Me etiam 
internuntio." He was well acquainted with Adrian, whom 
he had previously known in Spain. 

He has, nevertheless, erected to the memory of this 
pontiff the most inglorious monument that can well be 
conceived. His remarks serve to shew us the extent and 
depth of the hatred which Adrian had awakened among 
the Italians. " Si ipsius avaritiam, crudelitatem, et princi- 
patus administrandi inscitiam considerabimus, barbaro- 
rumque quos secum adduxerat asperam feramque naturam, 
merito inter pessimos pontifices referendus est." He is not 
ashamed to repeat the most contemptible lampoons on the 
departed pontiff. One, for example, where Adrian is first 

28 APPENDIX— SECtlON I [No. 14 

compared to an ass, then to a wolf: "post paulo facienl 
induit lupi acrem ; " nay, finally, even to Caracalla and 
Nero. But if we ask for proofs of this imputed worthless- 
ness, we find the ill-used pontiff fully justified, even by what 
Vianesio himself relates. 

Adrian VI had a room in the Torre Borgia, the key of 
which he always kept in his own possession, and which 
those around him named the " Sanctum Sanctorum." This 
room was eagerly examined on the death of the pontiff". 
As he had received much and spent nothing, it was sup- 
posed that his treasures would be found in this chamber ; 
but the sole contents were books and papers, with a few 
rings of Leo X, and scarcely any money. It was then at 
last admitted, " male partis optime usum fuisse." 

The complaints of this author as to the delays interposed 
in public business may be better founded. It was Adrian's 
habit to say, " cogitabimus, videbimus." It is true that he 
referred the applicant to his secretary ; but after long delays, 
this officer also referred him to the auditor of the treasury, 
who was indeed a well-intentioned man, but one who could 
never bring any matter to a close, bewildering himself by 
an excessive, but ill-directed activity. " Nimia ei nocebat 
diligentia." The applicant returned once more to Adrian, 
who repeated his " cogitabimus, videbimus." 

But in proportion with his abuse of Adrian is the eulogy 
he bestows on the Medici and Pope Leo X. His goodness, 
the security enjoyed under his government, and even his 
architectural labours are all lauded in turn. 

From the remarks of Albergati, I conclude that the 
Arazzi of Raphael were originally designed for the Sistine 
Chapel. " Quod quidem sacellum Julius II opera Michaelis 
Angeli pingendi sculpendique scientia clarissimi admirabili 
exornavit pictura, quo opere nullum absolutius extare aetate 
nostra plerique judicant ; moxque Leo X ingenio Raphaelis 
Urbinatis architecti et pictoris celeberrimi auleis auro pur- 
pura que intextis insignivit, quae absolutissimi operis pulchri- 
tudine omnium oculos tenent." 


No. 15 

Ifistnittione al Card^ Rev^ di Farnese, che fu poi Paul II T^ 
(jtiando a?ido legato aW Imf" Carlo V doppo il sacco di 
Roma. [Instruction to the most reverend Cardinal 
Farnese, afterwards Paul III, when he went as legate 
to the Emperor Charles V after the sack of Rome.] 

I first found this Instruction in the Corsini Library, No. 
467, and afterwards obtained a copy in the handwriting of 
the middle of the sixteenth century. 

This document was known to Pallavicini, who refers to 
it in his " Istoria del Concilio di Trento," lib. ii. c. 13; 
but the following chapters make it obvious that he has not 
made so much use of it as his words would imply; he has 
taken his narrative from other sources. 

These instructions are highly important, not only as 
regards the affairs of the papacy, but also concerning the 
whole of European politics at a most momentous period. 
They also contain many weighty particulars not to be found 
elsewhere. I therefore thought it advisable, in the early 
editions of this work, to print the document in full. Since 
then, however, it has been printed in the " Papiers d'e'tat du 
Cardinal Granvelle" (vol. i. pp. 280-310) — a collection 
which no student of the history of this period can neglect : 
I have therefore not considered it necessary to reprint it, 
and content myself with repeating the introductory remarks 
on the origin and contents of the Instruction. 

In June, 1526, the pope had issued a brief, wherein he 
succinctly enumerated all the points on which he felt ag- 
grieved by the emperor. To this the emperor made a very 
animated reply, in September, 1526. The state-paper which 
appeared at the time under the title " Pro divo Carolo V . . . 
apologetic! libri " (see Goldast, Politica Imperialia, p. 984), 
contains a circumstantial refutation of the pope's assertions. 
The instruction before us is connected with these papers. 
It consists of two parts : one in which the pope is spoken 
of in the third person, probably composed by Giberto, or 
gQme oth^r confidential pnnister of the pontift', and of the 


utmost importance in relation to past events, both under 
Leo and Clement : the second is much shorter, and begins 
with the words " Per non entrare in le cause per le quali 
fummo costretti " (Papiers d'etat, p. 303) ; and here the 
pope speaks in the first person : it was therefore most prob- 
ably drawn up by himself. Both are prepared with a view 
to the justification of the measures taken by the Roman 
court, and are calculated to place the proceedings of the 
viceroy of Naples, on the other hand, in the worst possible 
light. It would, without doubt, be inadvisable to trust 
them to the letter on each separate point, for we occasion- 
ally find misrepresentation of facts. It would be desirable 
to know what was the reply of the imperial court to the 
charges here made. Yet, in general, not only the papal 
policy, but also a considerable part of that of Spain, is 
elucidated by this document. We find, for example, that 
even so early as the year 1525, there were some thoughts 
of annexing Portugal to Spain. 

No. 16 

Sommario dcW Istoria d! Italia dalV anno 15 12 insino a 
1527. Scritto da Fra?icesco Vet fori. [Summary of the 
history of Italy, from 1512 to 1527; written by Fran- 
cesco Vettori.] 

This is a very remarkable little work, by a sensible 
man, the friend of Machiavelli and Guicciardini, and one 
intimately acquainted with the affairs of the house of Medici, 
as well as with those of the Italian peninsula in general. I 
found it in the Corsini library in Rome, but could only take 
extracts ; I should otherwise have requested permission to 
get it printed, which it well deserves to be. 

The plague of 1527 drove Vettori from Florence, and it 
was at his villa that he wrote this review of the most recent 

His attention is directed principally to Florentine affairs : 
in opinion he approximates closely to those of his friends 
above mentioned. In treating of the modes of government 


adopted in his native city by the Medici, in the year 15 12, 
which were such that every thing was in the hands of Car- 
dinal de' Medici, afterwards Leo X, he says, " Si ridusse la 
citta, che non si facea se non quanto volea il card' de' Me- 
dici." [The city was reduced to this, that nothing could be 
done there, excepting only what it pleased Cardinal de' Me- 
dici to do.] He adds, that this was called tyranny, but that 
he for his part knew no state, whether principality or republic, 
wherein there was not something tyrannical. " Tutte quelle 
republiche e principati de' quali io ho cognitione per his- 
toria o che io ho veduto mi pare che sentino della tiran- 
nide." The example of France or of Venice may be 
objected to him ; but in France the nobles held the prepon- 
derance in the state and monopolized the church patronage. 
In Venice 3000 men were seen to rule, and not always 
justly, over 100,000 : between the king and the tyrant there 
is no other difiference than this, that an upright governor 
deserves to be called a king, a bad one merits the name of 

Notwithstanding the intimate terms on which he stood 
with both the popes of the house of Medici, he is far from 
being convinced of the Christian character of the papal 
power. "Whoever will carefully consider the law of the 
gospel will perceive that the pontiffs, although they bear 
the name of Christ's vicar, yet have brought in a new re- 
ligion which has nothing of Christ but the name : for 
whereas Christ enjoins poverty, they desire riches; while 
he commands humility, they will have pride; and where 
he requires obedience, they are resolved to command all 
the world." It will be manifest that this worldliness of 
character, and its opposition to the spiritual principle, con- 
tributed largely to prepare the way for Protestantism. 

The election of Leo is attributed by Vettori above all 
else to the opinion entertained of his good nature. Two 
terrible popes had preceded him, and people had had enough 
of them. Medici was chosen. " Havea saputo in modo 
simulare che era tenuto di ottimi costumi." [He had known 
so well how to dissemble, that he was considered a man of 
excellent moral conduct.] The person who took the most 
active part in his election was Bibbicna, who knew the 


inclinations of all the cardinals, and managed to win them 
over even in opposition to their own interests. " Condusse 
fuori del conclave alcuni di loro a promettere, e nel con- 
clave a consentire a detta elettione contra tutte le ragioni." 

The expedition of Francis I in the year 15 15, with the 
deportment of Leo during that campaign, are admirably 
described by Vettori. That no more unfortunate conse- 
quences resulted from it to the pope he attributes princi- 
pally to the clever management of Tricarico, who entered 
the French camp at the moment when the king was mount- 
ing his horse to oppose the Swiss at Marignano, and who 
afterwards conducted the negotiations with the utmost 

Then follow the revolt of Urbino. I have already de- 
scribed the reasons alleged by Vettori on the part of Leo.^ 
" Leone disse, che se non privava il duca della stato, el 
quale si era condotto con lui e preso danari et in su Tardore 
della guerra era convenuto con li nemici ne pensato che era 
suo subdito ne ad altro, che non sarebbe si piccolo barone 
che non ardisse di fare il medesimo o peggio : e che haven- 
do trovato il ponteficato in riputatione lo voleva mantenere. 
Et in veritk volendo vivere i pontefici come sono vivuti da 
molte diecine d'anni in qua, il papa non poteva lasciare il 
delitto del duca impunito." 

Vettori composed, besides, a life of Lorenzo de' Medici. 
He praises him more than any other writer has done, and 
places his administration of the Florentine government in a 
new and peculiar light. That biography and the summary 
we are now considering complete and explain each other. 

He treats, also, of the election of the emperor, which fell 
within that period, affirming that Leo assisted the efforts of 
the king of France only because he was previously convinced 
that the Germans would not elect him. The calculation of 
Leo, according to Vettori, was that Francis I, in order to 
prevent the election of Charles, would give his interest to 
some German prince. I find the unexpected declaration, 
which I do not, indeed, desire to have implicitly accepted, 
that the king really did at length endeavour to secure the 

' See vol i. p. 66. 


election of Joachim of Brandenburg. " 11 re . . . haveva 
volto il favore suo al marchese di Brandenburg, uno delli 
electori, et era contento che li danari prometteva a quelli 
electori che eleggevano lui, dargli a quelli che eleggevano 
dicto marchese." It is certain that the conduct of Joachim, 
on the occasion of that election, was very extraordinary. The 
whole history of this occurrence — strangely misrepresented, 
both intentionally and unintentionally — well merits to re- 
ceive, once for all, a satisfactory elucidation.^ 

The treaty of Leo with the emperor Charles was con- 
sidered by Vettori to have been imprudent beyond all 
comprehension. " La mala fortuna di Italia lo indusse a 
fare quello che nessuno uomo prudente avrebbe facto." 
He lays the blame of this more particularly on the per- 
suasions of Geronimo Adorno. Of the natural considera- 
tions by which the house of Medici was influenced he does 
not choose to speak. 

Of Pope Leo's death he relates certain of those par- 
ticulars which I have adopted (in the text). He does not 
believe him to have been poisoned. " Fu detto che mori 
di veneno, e questo quasi sempre si dice delli uomini grandi 
e maxime quando muojono di malattie acute." [It was Jiaid 
that he died of poison ; and this is almost always said of 
great men, more especially when they die of acute diseases.] 
He is of opinion that there was more cause for surprise at 
Leo's having lived so long. 

He confirms the assertion that Adrian refused, in the 
first instance, to do any thing against the French ; it was 
only after receiving a pressing letter from the emperor that 
he agreed to contribute some little aid towards opposing 

It would lead us too far if we were here to adduce all 
the remarks made in this work with relation to the subse- 
quent course of events; it is nevertheless remarkable and 
worthy of attention, even in cases where the author does 
but express his own opinion. In these, as we have said, 
he makes a near approach to Machiavelli, and has an equally 
bad opinion of mankind. " Quasi tutti gli uomini sono 

* I have since endeavoured, in my German History, to approach 
nearer to the truth. — Note to the second edition. 



adulatori e dicono volontieri quelle che piaccia agli uomini 
grandi, benche sentino altrimenti nel cuore." [Almost all 
men are flatterers, and are ever ready to say what is likely 
to please great men, even though they may think very dif- 
ferently in their hearts.] He declares the violation of the 
treaty of Madrid by Francis I to have been the best and 
most noble action that had been performed for many cen- 
turies. "Francesco," he says, "face una cosa molto con- 
veniente, a promettere assai con animo di non observare, 
per potersi trovare a difendere la patria sua." [Francis did 
a very proper and suitable thing in making large promises 
without any purpose of fulfilling them, that he might put 
himself in a condition to defend his country.] A mode of 
thinking worthy of the " Principe." 

But Vettori proves himself to have had a kindred spirit 
in other respects with the great authors of that age. The 
work before us is full of originality and talent, and is ren- 
dered all the more attractive by its brevity. The author 
speaks only of what he actually knows, but that is of great 
importance. It would require a more circumstantial exami- 
nation than we have given to do him justice. 

No. 17 

Sommario di la relatione di S. Marco Foscari^ venuto orator 
del sommo pontefice a di 2 Marzo^ 1526. [Summary of 
the report of Marco Foscari's embassy to the pope, etc.] 
In Sanuto, vol. 41. 

Marco Foscari was one of the ambassadors who pro- 
ceeded to Rome to offer allegiance to Pope Adrian VI. 
He appears to have remained in Rome from that time 
until 1526. 

He treats, to a certain extent, of the times of Adrian ; 
but his remarks in relation to Clement VII are all the more 
important from the fact that, in consequence of the close 
connection existing in those days between Venice and the 
pope, he had uninterrupted and animated intercourse with 
th-at pontiff. 


He thus describes Clement : " A prudent and wise man, 
but slow to resolve, and thence it is that he is irresolute 
and changeable in his proceedings. He reasons well, and 
sees every thing, but is very timid. In matters of state, 
no one is permitted to influence him ; he hears all, but then 
does what he thinks most fitting. He is a just man, a man 
of God ; and in the segnatura, which is composed of three 
cardinals and three referendaries, he will never do any thing 
to the prejudice of others, and when he signs any petition 
he never revokes what he has granted, as Pope Leo used to 
do. This pontiff does not sell benefices, nor bestow them 
simoniacally. When he gives benefices, he does not take 
offices in their place that he may sell them, as Pope Leo 
and other popes have done, but will have every thing pro- 
ceed regularly and legally. He does not squander the 
revenue or give it in presents, nor does he take from others ; 
hence he is reputed to be parsimonious. There is, likewise, 
some dissatisfaction in Rome on account of Cardinal 
Armellino, who has devised many expedients for raising 
money and has imposed new duties, even taxing those who 
bring thrushes and other eatables into Rome. . . . He is 
extremely continent, and is not known to indulge in any 
kind of luxury or pleasure. ... He will have no jesters, 
comedians, or musicians; nor does he hunt. His only 
amusement is the conversation of engineers^ with whom he 
talks about waterworks and such matters." 

He next speaks of the pope's advisers. He would not 
permit his nephew to exercise any power; even Giberto 
had very little influence in state affairs. " II papa lo aide, 
ma poi fa al suo modo." [The pope hears him, but then 
proceeds in his own manner.] He considers that Giberto — 
"devoto e savio" — is favourable to the French, but that 
Schomberg — " libero nel suo parlar " — was disposed to the 
imperialists. The emperor had a firm adherent also in 
Zuan Foietta, who was less frequently in attendance on the 
pope from the time that Clement had formed his league 
with France. Foscari alludes also to the two secretaries 
of the pope, Giacopo Salviati and Francesco Vizardini 
(Guicciardini) ; he considers the latter the more able man, 
but quite in the French interest. 


It is worthy of remark, that the pope was not on much 
better terms with the French than with the imperiaUsts. He 
perceived clearly what he had to expect at their hands. 
He felt himself to be truly allied with Venice alone. 
"Conosce, se non era la Signoria nostra, saria ruinada e 
caza di Roma." [He knows that if it were not for our 
Signory, he would be ruined and hunted out of Rome.] 

Pvome and Venice maintained and fortified each other 
in their efforts for Italian interests, and considered their 
honour to consist in upholding them. The pope was proud 
of having prevented Venice from coming to an under- 
standing with the emperor. Our ambassador, on the other 
hand, directly asserts that it was himself (Foscari) by whom 
Italy had been made free. He tells us that Clement had 
already determined to acknowledge Bourbon as duke of 
Milan, but that he had so earnestly dissuaded him from 
doing so, as at length to prevail on him, and he changed 
his purpose. 

He affirms that the pope would grant the emperor the 
dispensation needful for his marriage only on certain con- 
ditions ; but that the emperor had contrived to obtain it 
without these conditions. 

There is a certain peculiarity to be remarked in respect 
to this " Relatione." When the ambassadors were directed 
at a later period to prepare and present their reports in 
writing, Marco Foscari did so as well as the others, but we 
are instantly struck by the fact that the second relation 
is infinitely feebler than the first. The latter was written 
immediately after the occurrences described in it, and while 
all was fresh in the recollection of the writer ; but so many 
important events took place afterwards, that the recollection 
of the earlier facts had become faint and obscure. We 
learn from this how much we are indebted to the diligence 
of the indefatigable Sanuto. This is the last report, of 
which my knowledge is derived from his chronicle. There 
follow others which were preserved in private copies revised 
by their authors. 


No. 18 

Relatione riferita net consigUo de pregadi per il clarissimo 
Gaspar Cofitarini^ ritor?iafo ambasciatore del papa Cle~ 
mente VII e dal imp"' Carlo V, Marzo, 1530. [Caspar 
Contarini's report of his embassy to Clement VII, and 
the emperor Charles V, etc.] Information! Politiche, 25. 
Berlin Library. 

This is the same Gaspar Contarini of whom we have 
had occasion to speak so highly in our history. 

After having been already engaged in an embassy to 
Charles V (his report of which is extremely rare — I have 
seen one copy of it only in the Albani palace in Rome), he 
was chosen as ambassador to the pope in 1528 before the 
latter had returned to Rome, after so many misfortunes and 
so long an absence. Contarini accompanied the pontiff 
from Viterbo to Rome, and from Rome to the coronation 
of the emperor at Bologna. In the latter city he took part 
in the negotiations. 

Of all that he witnessed in Viterbo, Rome, and Bologna, 
he here gives a relation, to which we have but one objection, 
namely, that his narrative is so extremely brief. 

The embassy of Contarini took place at the important 
period when the pope was gradually becoming disposed 
again to enter into such an alliance with the emperor as had 
formerly been concluded between that monarch and the 
Medici. The ambassador very soon remarks with astonish- 
ment, that the pope, notwithstanding the grievous injuries 
and offences he had received from the imperialists, was yet 
more inclined to give his confidence to them than to the 
allies, a disposition in which he was confirmed principally 
by Musettola ; " huomo," says Contarini, " ingegnoso e di 
valore assai, ma di lingua e di audacia maggiore." While 
the fortune of war remained undecided, the pope would 
come to no resolution ; but when the French were defeated 
and the imperialists gradually evinced a readiness to resign 
the fortresses they had occupied, he no longer hesitated. 
In the spring of 1529, the pope was already on good terms 
with the emperor, and in June they concluded their treaty, 


the conditions of which Contarini could not obtain sight of 
without great difficulty. . 

Contarini also describes the persons with whom he acted. 

The pope was rather tall, and was well formed. He had 
at that time scarcely recovered from the effects of so many 
misfortunes and from a severe illness. " He is neither 
affected by strong attachment nor violent hatred," says Con- 
tarini ; " he is choleric, but restrains himself so powerfully 
that none would suspect him of being so. He is certainly 
desirous of relieving those evils by which the Church is 
oppressed, but does not adopt any effectual measures for 
that purpose. With regard to his inclinations, it is not easy 
to form a positive opinion : it appeared for some time that 
he took the matter of Florence somewhat to heart, yet he 
now suffers an imperial army to march against the city." 

Contarini remarks that many changes had been made in 
the ministry of Clement VII. 

The datary Giberto always retained a larger share than 
any other person of his master's confidence ; but after the 
measures adopted under his administration had resulted in 
so disastrous an issue, he retired of his own accord, and 
thenceforward devoted himself to his bishopric of Verona. 
Niccolo Schomberg, on the contrary, after an embassy on 
which he had been sent to Naples, had returned to take 
active part in the most important affairs. Contarini con- 
siders him to lean greatly to the imperialists, a man of good 
understanding and beneficent habits, but violent withal. 
Giacopo Salviati had also great influence, and was at that 
time still believed to be in the interests of France. 

Although this paper is very short, it nevertheless supplies 
us with much instructive matter. 

No. 19 

Instrudio data Caesari a rev"^" Campeggio in diet a Angus tajta, 
1530. [Instruction given to the emperor by the most 
reverend Cardinal Campeggio at the diet of Augsburg, 
1530.] MS. Rome. 

Up to this time political affairs have been treated as most 


important, but ecclesiastical matters now gradually obtain 
the larger share of attention. At the very beginning of 
this document we meet with that sanguinary proposal for 
the reduction of Protestantism of which I have previously 
spoken ; it is here even called an " Instruction." 

The cardinal remarks, that in conformity with the posi- 
tion he holds and with the commission of the Apostolic See, 
he would proceed to set forth the measures which, according 
to his judgment, ought to be adopted. 

He describes the state of affairs in the following 
manner : " In certain parts of Germany, all the Christian 
rites which were given to us by the ancient holy fathers 
have been abrogated in accordance with the suggestions 
of these scoundrels ; the sacraments are no longer adminis- 
tered, vows are not observed, marriages are contracted 
irregularly, and within the degrees prohibited by the 
laws," &c. &c., for it would be superfluous to transcribe 
this capiicinade. 

He reminds the emperor that " this sect " would not 
procure him any increase of power, as he had been pro- 
mised ; and assures him of his own spiritual aid in the event 
of his adopting the counsels suggested. "And I, if there 
shall be need, will pursue them with ecclesiastical censures 
and penalties, omitting nothing that it may be needful to do. 
I will deprive the beneficed heretics of their benefices, and 
will separate them by excommunications from the Catholic 
flock. Your highness also, with your just and awful imperial 
ban, will subject them to such and so horrible an extermina- 
tion, that either they shall be constrained to return to the 
holy Catholic faith, or shall be utterly ruhied and despoiled 
both of goods and life. And if any there be, which God 
forbid, who shall obstinately persevere in that diabolical 
course, . . . your majesty will then take fire and sword 
in hand, and will radically extirpate these noxious and 
venomous weeds." 

To the kings of England and France, also, Cam- 
peggio proposes the confiscation of all property held by 

He generally keeps his attention fixed, however, on Ihc 
affairs of Germany ; and shews how it was believed that the 


articles of the treaty of Barcelona, to which he continually 
recurs, might be interpreted. " It will be well and to the 
purpose, that when this magnificent and Catholic undertaking 
shall have been put firmly and directly on its way, there 
should be chosen, some few days after, efficient and holy 
inquisitors, who, with the utmost diligence and assiduity, 
should go about seeking and inquiring if there be any, quod 
absit, who persist in these diabolical and heretical opinions, 
nor will by any means abandon them, ... in which case 
they shall be castigated and punished according to the 
rule and practice observed in Spain with regard to the 

In Wilh. Maurenbrecher : " Karl V und die deutschen 
Protestanten " (App. No. i) the report of Campeggio is 
given in full from the Archives of Simancas. I notice a few 
slight differences ; e.g. in the Spanish transcript, instead of 
" assiduita," as in the Italian version, " desteritk " is urged on 
the Inquisition. Such variations always occur. 

Happily all were not of Campeggio's opinion ; nor 
indeed do such schemes appear frequently in the documents 
that we have examined. 

No. 20 

Diariornm cerimonialium Masii Baronii de Martinellis V. j. 

D. et caerimoniarum apost. maglstri (liber) 1518-1540. 
Diarium Joannis Francisci Firmani Capellae SS'"' /)'"' ;/;/. 

Papae cerimoniarum derici sub Clem. VII., Fmilo III, 

Marcello II, FaiUo IV et Fio IV, Fontificibtis. British 

Museum, 8447. 

Notes for the inner history of the papal household, not 
so valuable as some earlier documents, but still worth con- 
sideration, MartineUi frequently finds himself in opposition 
to what actually takes place. If his advice had been followed 
at the coronation of the emperor, everything would have 
been done in a more worthy manner; but he has only 
brought down on himself the hatred of the imperial party. 
He is much displeased because Pope Clement does not allow 


the young daughter of the emperor to kiss his feet, but kisses 
her himself : " non placuit mihi, Ucet puella X annorum." 

The most remarkable thing in both MSS. is the authentic 
information which they give of the presence of Charles V in 
Rome, in April, 1536, and of his speech on April 7. 

Martinelli says : " Nota, quia Imperator voluit venire in 
cameram paramentorum, ubi Papa induitur paramentis, in 
qua jam omnes Cardinales venerant, et in circulo inter eos 
colloquendo expectavit Pontificera, quern venientem vene- 
ratus est et a sinistra illius vocari fecit Cardinales omnes ad 
circulum et oratores principum et alios principes qui reperie- 
bantur, et in conspectu Pontificis et praesentia praefatorum 
Dominorum longum habuit sermonem in modum querelae 
et protestationis, contra Christ'" Regem Franciae lingua 
vulgari itala, narrando multa gesta et contenta inter ipsum et 
praefatum Regem et qualiter et in quibus defecerat sibi et 
modo magnum exercitum paraverat contra eum et ducem 
Sabaudiae, ejus affinem et feudatarium, perturbando et impe- 
diendo expeditionem, quam ipse Caesar jam ceperat contra 
infideles, et continuabat : quod si inter eos et exercitus 
illorum dimicandum foret, ex quibus vel uterque exercitus 
vel alter tantum rueret, et strages Christianorum tot seque- 
rentur, timendum erat de pernicie totius Christianitatis, in 
qua de facili irrueret rabies Turcharum ; quod adeo ne talia 
succederent existimabat expedire reipublicae christianae, ut 
Altissimus tam ipsum quam regem Franciae tolleret de 
medio, vel quod ipsimet inter se lites et contentiones diri- 
merent, ne tota Christianitas pateretur." 

J. Frz. Firmanus gives much the same information^ and 
continues as follows : " Papa vero condoluit et promisit se 
semper laboraturum pro pace et quiete ipsorum et illud a 
deo supplicationibus petiturum ; cum vero Papa iret ad 
capellam, orator regis Franciae rogavit Imperatorem, ut 
dignaretur dare in scriptis quae dixerat ut posset ipsi regi 
insinuare, cui respondit, quod nihil secum agere debebat, 
sed Pontifici et aliis dixisse quae sibi visa fuerant opportuna. 
— Die Martis (post feriam 2. Resurrectionis). — Fuit illo 
mane intimatus cardinalibus recessus imperialis prohora 18. 
qui omnes convenerunt dicta hora in locum in quo fieri solent 
consistoria et Imperatorem exspectarunt, qui dicta hora ivit 


ad Papam qui occurrit Sti Marci (?) usque ad aulam Ponti- 
ficiam et insimul cameram secretariae intrarunt et steterunt 
per mediam horam colloquentes, cumque exivissent ad anti- 
cameram Imperator vocatis Cardinalibus Praelatis proceribus 
et oratoribus dixit Papa praesente, quod ea, quae praece- 
dente die in camera paramentorum contra regem Franciae 
protuleratj non animo et intentione ipsum injuriandi dixerat, 
sed ut manifestaret intentionem suam bonam circa salutem 
et quietam christianae religionis, nee fuerat ejus animus vel 
intentio provocare praedictum regem ad duellum, sed voluit 
inferre quod melius fuisset si ambo morerentur quam tota 
respublica Christiana damna perniciem et continuas ruinas 
pateretur, et multa his similia et super his dixit, quae ego 
audire minime potui propter frequentiam Cardinalium et 
aliorum nob ilium, quibus dictis hora 20. discessit associatus 
a Pontifice usque ad primam scalam per quam itur ad cortile, 
ubi habuit benedictionem a Papa, et in cortile ascendit 
equum album et abiit." 

No. 21 

Relatio vir'i nobilis Aniojiii Stiriani doctor is et equitis, qui 
reversals est orator ex curia Roma 71a ^ presetitata in col- 
legio 18 Jiilii, 1533- [Report of Antonio Suriano, 
doctor and knight, of his embassy to Rome.] Archivio 
de Venetia. 

" Among the most important particulars," he begins by 
remarking, " that ambassadors accredited to' princes are 
bound to observe, are the personal qualities of those 

He first describes the character of Clement VII. He is 
of opinion that if the regularity of this pontiff's life and 
habits be principally considered, his unwearied diligence in 
giving audience and assiduous observance of all ecclesiastical 
ceremonies, he will be supposed to have a melancholy 
temperament ; but that those who know him well declare 
him to be rather of sanguine disposition, only cold at heart 
— so that he is very slow to resolve, and readily permits 
himself to be dissuaded from his resolutions. 


*'Io per me non trovo die in cose pertinent! a stato la 
sia proceduta cum grande dissimulatione. Ben cauta : et 
quelle cose che S. S'* non vole che si intendano, piu presto 
le tace che dirle sotto falso colore." [For my own part, I 
do not think that in matters pertaining to the state, his 
holiness has proceeded with any great dissimulation, being 
cautious indeed ; but such things as his holiness does not 
wish to be known, he passes over silently in preference to 
describing them under false colours.] 

With regard to the ministers of Clement VII, those to 
whom the earlier reports allude most frequently are no 
longer in power — they are not even mentioned. Giacopo 
Salviati, on the other hand, comes prominently forward^ 
holding the principal administration of Romagna and direct- 
ing the government of the ecclesiastical dominions generally. 
With respect to these matters, the pope relied implicitly on 
him. It is true that he perceived him to have his own 
interests too constantly in view, and had complained of 
this even in Bologna, but he permitted him to remain 
employed in public affairs. 

But precisely for that cause Salviati was detested by the 
other connections of the pope. They considered him to 
stand in their way ; and when Clement was less liberal to 
them than they desired, they ascribed it to Salviati. " Pare 
che suadi al papa a tener strette le mani ne li subministri 
danari secundo h lo appetito loro, che e grande di spender 
e spander." 

But the kinsmen of Clement were also very much at 
variance among themselves. Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici 
would have preferred remaining in a secular state, but the 
pope did but remark, in relation to this matter, that he was 
"a foolish devil, and did not wish to be a priest." " L'^ 
matto diavolOj el matto non vole esser prete." It was, 
nevertheless, exceedingly vexatious to the pope when Ippo- 
lito really made attempts to expel Duke Alexander from 

Cardinal Ippolito lived on terms of strict friendship with 
the young Catherine de* Medici, who is here called the 
*' duchessina." She was his " cousin, in the third degree, 
with whom he lives in great aftection, being equally beloved 


by her in return ; there is no one in whom she more con- 
fides, and in all her wants and wishes she applies to no one 
but to the said cardinal." 

Suriano describes the child who was destined to hold so 
important a position in the world as follows : — " Her dis- 
position is lively, her character firm and spirited, her manners 
good. She has been brought up and educated by the nuns 
of the Delle Murate convent in Florence, ladies of excel- 
lent reputation and holy life. She is small in person and 
thin, not pretty, with the large eyes peculiar to the house of 

Suitors from all quarters presented themselves to seek 
her hand. The duke of Milan, the duke of Mantua, and 
the king of Scotland, desired her as their consort; but 
various objections were made to all these princes : the 
French marriage was at that time not yet decided. "In 
accordance with his irresolute nature," remarks Suriano, 
" the pope speaks sometimes with greater, and sometimes 
with less warmth respecting this match." 

But he thinks that the pontiff is certainly disposed to 
conclude the French alliance, in order that he may win the 
French party in Florence to his own side. On other points 
he treats of the foreign relations of the Papal See very 
briefly, and with much reserve. 

No. 2ia 

Relatione di Roma d'* Antonio Suriano^ 1536. Foscarini MS. 
in Vienna and the Library of St. Mark's, Venice. 

In the copies of this report the date varies from 1535 
to 1539. The correct date I consider to be 1536; first, 
because the emperor's return to Rome is mentioned in the 
report, and this took place in April, 1536; and next, be- 
cause there is a letter extant, from Sadolet to Suriano, dated 
Rome, Nov. 1536, which proves that the ambassador must 
have left the papal capital before that date. 

This is a letter (Sadoleti Epp., p. 383), of which the 
purport is greatly to the honour of Suriano : *' Mihi ea officia 


praestitisti, quae vel frater fratri, vel filio praestare indulgens 
pater solet, nullis meis provocatus officiis." 

Three days after the presentation of the preceding report 
Suriano was again appointed ambassador to Rome (July 

21, 1533). 

The new report describes the further progress of the 
events previously alluded to, more particularly the conclu- 
sion of the French marriage, which does not appear to have 
been satisfactory to all the pope's relations. *' I will not 
conceal that this marriage was contracted against the wish of 
Giacopo Salviati ; and still more against that of the signora 
I.ucretia, his wife, who laboured to dissuade the pope from 
it, even to the extent of using reproachful words." This was 
doubtless because the Salviati were then disposed to favour 
the imperialists. Suriano further treats of the remarkable 
interview between the pope and the emperor, to which we 
have already called attention. The pope conducted himself 
with the utmost caution and forethought; and would not 
pledge himself to anything in writing. " Di tutti li desiderii 
s'accommodo Clemente con parole tali che gli facevano 
credere S. S** esser disposta in tutte a He sue voglie senza 
pero far provisione alcuna in scritture." The pope wished 
to have no war — none, at least, in Italy ; he desired only to 
keep the emperor in check : " con questi spaventi assicu- 
rarsi del spavento del concilio." [By means of these fears, 
to secure himself from the dread of a council.] 

Gradually the council became the principal consideration 
of the papal policy. Suriano discusses the points of view 
from which the Roman court considered this question, in 
the commencement of the pontificate of Paul III. Already 
Schomberg declared that it would be agreed to only on con- 
dition that whatever was brought before it should be first 
submitted to the pope and cardinals, to be examined, dis- 
cussed, and determined on in Rome. 



The council of Trent, its preliminaries, convocation, 
twice repeated dissolution, and final assemblage, with all 
the motives contributing to these events, engross a large 
portion of the history of the sixteenth century. The im- 
measurable importance of its effect on the definitive estab- 
lishment of the Catholic faith, and its relation to that of 
the Protestants, I need not here insist on. This council 
forms precisely the central point of the theological and 
political discords which mark the century. 

It has accordingly been made the subject of two elaborate 
historical delineations, both original, and both in themselves 
of great importance. 

But not only are these works directly opposed to each 
other, but the world has quarrelled about the historians no 
less than about their subject. Thus, even in our own times, 
Paolo Sarpi is received by one party as honest and trust- 
worthy, while Pallavicini is accounted fallacious and un- 
worthy of belief; by the other party, Pallavicini is declared 
to merit implicit credence, while Sarpi is afifirmed to be 
almost proverbially mendacious. 

On approaching these voluminous works, we are seized 
with a sort of terror. It would be a sufficiently difficult 
task to make oneself master of their contents, even did they 
treat only of authentic and credible matters ; but how much 
more formidable is that task rendered by the fact that we 
have to be on our guard at every step, lest we should be 
falsely directed by one or the other, and drawn into a 
labyrinth of intentional deceptions ! 

It is, nevertheless, impossible to test their authenticity 
step by step, by means of facts better known to other 



authorities ; for where could impartial information respect- 
ing this subject be found? — and even could we find it, 
fresh folios would be required before we could effect a 
satisfactory investigation. 

There is, then, nothing remaining to us but to attempt 
to gain a clear comprehension of the method pursued by 
each of our authors. 

For all that appears in the works of an historian does 
not necessarily belong to himself, more particularly in works 
so comprehensive and so rich in matter as those in question. 
He receives the great mass of his facts from various sources, 
and it is in the mode of treatment to which he subjects his 
materials, and the mastery he obtains over them, that we 
first become acquainted with the individual man, who is 
himself the pervading spirit of his work and in whom its unity 
must be sought. Even in these folios, from which industry 
itself recoils in terror, the presence of a poet makes itself felt. 

Storia del Concilia Tridentino di Pietro Soave Folano. The 
first edition, free from extraneous additions. Geneva, 

It was in England, and by the agency of Dominis of 
Spalatro, an archbishop converted to Protestantism, that 
this work was first published. Although Era Paolo Sarpi 
never acknowledged himself to be the author, there is yet 
no doubt that it is due to him. It may be gathered from 
his letters that he was occupied with such a history. There 
is a copy in Venice, which he had himself caused to be 
made, and which has been corrected by his own hand ; and 
it may be affirmed that he was the only man who could, 
at any time, have composed a history such as that now 
before us. 

Era Paolo stood at the head of a Catholic opposition to 
the pope, the hostility of which proceeded originally from 
political motives ; but this party held views similar to those 
of the Protestants on many points, from having adopted 
certain principles of St. Augustine, and were indeed oc- 
casionally charged with Protestantism, 


But Sarpi's work is not to be at once regarded with 
suspicion on account of these opinions. The whole world 
may be said to have been then divided between decided 
adherents and decided opponents of the council of Trent ; 
from the former there was nothing but eulogy to be expected, 
from the latter nothing but reproach. The position of Sarpi 
was, upon the whole, removed from the influence of both 
these conflicting parties ; he had no inducement to defend 
the council on every point, nor was he under the necessity 
of wholly condemning it. His position secured to him the 
possibiHty of examining passing events with an unprejudiced 
eye ; it was only in the midst of an Italian Catholic republic 
that he could have gathered the materials requisite for that 

If we desire to attain a correct idea of the mode in which 
he proceeded to his labour, we must first recall to memory 
the methods by which great historical works were composed 
before his time. 

Writers had not then imposed on themselves the task 
either of gathering materials into a complete and uniform 
body, a thing always so difficult to do, nor yet of subjecting 
them to a critical examination ; they did not insist on ex- 
ploring original sources of information, nor, finally, did they 
elaborate, by intellectual effort, the mass of matter before 

How few, indeed, are they who impose on themselves 
this labour, even in the present day ! 

At that time, authors were content not only to take those 
authorities which were generally considered authentic as the 
basis of their histories, but they proceeded further, and even 
adopted whole passages, simply completing the narration, 
where that was practicable, by means of the new materials 
which they had brought together and which were inter- 
polated at the points requiring them. This done, their 
principal care then was to give all this matter a regular and 
uniform style. 

It was thus that Sleidan formed his work out of the 
documents relating to the history of the Reformation, as he 
could best procure them; these he then linked together 
without much discrimination or critical labour, transforming 


them by the colouring of his Latinity into one uniform 

Thuanus has transferred, without scruple, long passages 
from other historians to his own pages. He has taken 
Buchanan's Scottish History, for example, has separated 
its various parts, and inserted them amidst the different 
portions of his work. His English history was supplied to 
him from materials sent by Camden ; the German he takes 
from Sleidan and Chytraeus, the Italian from Adriani, and the 
Turkish he has borrowed from Busbequius and Leunclavius. 

It is true that this was a method whereby there was but 
little chance of securing originaUty, and, as one of its con- 
sequences, the reader frequently receives the work of another 
author instead of him whose name is on the title-page. It 
has been revived and again adopted in our own day, more 
especially by the writers of French memoirs, who are, 
indeed, altogether without excuse^ for it should be the peculiar 
characteristic of these works to communicate the unaltered 

To return to Sarpi. In the very commencement of his 
work he places before us the following undisguised account 
of his own position. 

" It is my purpose to write the History of the Council 
of Trent. For, though many renowned historians of our 
age have touched upon separate points thereof in their 
various works, and Johann Sleidan, a very accurate writer, 
has related the causes which gave rise to it (' le cause 
antecedenti ') with infinite diligence, yet were all these mat- 
ters put together, they would not present a circumstantial 
narration. As soon as I began to concern myself with the 
affairs of mankind, I felt a great desire to obtain a thorough 
knowledge of that history ; and when I had gathered all 
that I found written regarding it, and also the documents 
which had been printed or had been scattered about 
in manuscript, I began to seek further among the papers 
left by the prelates and others who had taken part in the 
council, and so to examine such intelligence as they had 
furnished in regard to the matter, with the votes they had 
given, as recorded either by themselves or others, and all 
information transmitted by letters from the city of Trent at 
vol., m. j; 


the time of the council. In doing this, I have spared no 
pains or labour, and have had the good fortune to procure a 
sight of whole collections of notes and letters from persons 
who took a large part in those negotiations and transactions. 
When I had thus brought together so many documents, 
furnishing more than sufficient materials for a narrative, I 
resolved to put them in order and form a connected rela- 
tion of them." 

Sarpi has here described his position with evident 
simplicity. We see him on the one side placed amidst the 
historians whose accounts he arranges and links together, 
but which he does not find sufficient, and on the other side 
we perceive him to be provided with manuscript materials, 
from which he completes what has been left deficient by his 
printed auxiliaries. 

Unhappily, Sarpi has not supplied us with a detailed 
enumeration of these authorities, whether manuscript or 
printed, neither had that been the method of his predeces- 
sors ; he gave his whole care, as they had done, to the purpose 
of weaving a well-ordered agreeable history, which should 
be complete in itself, out of the mass of intelligence that he 
had found. 

Meanwhile we are enabled to ascertain of what printed 
historians he availed himself, even without requiring these 
particulars, and we find that these were for the earlier periods 
Jovius and Guicciardini ; next Thuanus and Adriani, but 
principally Sleidan, whom he has moreover mentioned by 

For example, in the whole of his narrative describing 
the state of affairs at the time of the Interim, and after the 
transfer of the council to Bologna, he had Sleidan before 
him. It was but in a few instances that he consulted the 
sources whence that author had derived his information ; in 
all other cases he has nothing but Sleidan. 

It will repay our labour to examine his mode of proceed- 
ing, and will conduct us a step further in the examination 
we have undertaken. 

He not unfrequently gives a direct translation of Sleidan, 
— a free one certainly, but still a translation. In regard to 
the negotiations of the emperor with the princes, for example, 


as touching their preliminary submission to the authority of 
the council of Trent (Sleidan, lib. xix. p. 50) : — 

" Et Palatinus quidem territatus fuit etiam, nisi morem 
gereret, ob recentem anni superioris offensionem, uti diximus, 
cum vix ea cicatrix coaluisset: Mauricius, qui et socerum 
landgravium cuperet liberari et nuper admodum esset auctus 
a Caesare, faciundum aliquid sibi videbat. Itaque cum 
Caesar eis prolixe de sua voluntate per internuncios pro- 
mitteret, et ut ipsius fidei rem permitterent flagitaret, illi 
demum Octobris die vigesimo quarto assentiuntur. Reliquae 
solum erant civitates ; quae magni rem esse periculi videbant 
submittere se concilii decretis indifterenter. Cum iis Gran- 
vellanus et Hasius diu multumque agebant; atque interim 
fama per urbem divulgata fuit, illos esse praefractos, qui 
recusarent id quod principes omnes comprobassent : auditae 
quoque fuerunt comminationes, futurum ut acrius multo 
quam nuper plectantur. Tandem fuit inventa ratio ut et 
Caesari satisfieret et ipsis etiam esset cautum. Etenim 
vocati ad Caesarem, ut ipsi responsa principum corrigant, 
non suum esse dicunt, et simul scriptum ei tradunt, quo 
testificantur quibus ipsi conditionibus concilium probent. 
Caesar, eorum audito sermone, per Seldium respondet, sibi 
pergratum esse quod reliquorum exemplo rem sibi permit- 
tant et caeteris consentiant." . . . (Sarpi, lib. iii. p. 283.) 
" Con I'elettor Palatino le preghiere havevano specie di 
minacce rispetto alle precedenti offese perdonate di recente. 
Verso Mauricio duca di Sassonia erano necessita, per tanti 
beneficii nuovamente havuti da Cesare, e perche desiderava 
liberare il lantgravio suo suocero. Perilche promettendo 
loro Cesare d'adoperarsi che in concilio havessero la dovuta 
sodisfattione e ricercandogli che si fidassero in lui, final- 
mente consentirono, e furono seguiti dagli ambasciatori dell' 
elettore di Brandeburg e da tutti i prencipi. Le citta ricu- 
sarono, come cosa di gran pericolo, il sottomettersi indiffe- 
rentemente a tutti i decreti del concilio. II Granvela negotib 
cort gli ambasciatori loro assai e longamente, trattandogli 
anco da ostinati a ricusar quello che i prencipi havevano 
comprobato, aggiongendo qualche sorte di minacce di con- 
dannargli in somma maggiore che la gih, pagata : perilche 
finalmente furono costrette di condescendere al voler di 


Cesare, riservata perb cautione per I'osservanza delle pro- 
messe. Onde chiamate alia presenza dell' imperatore, et 
interrogate se si conformavano alia deliberatione de' pren- 
cipi, risposero che sarebbe stato troppo ardire il loro a voler 
correggere la risposta de' prencipi, e tutti insieme diedero 
una scrittura contenente le condition! con che avrebbono 
ricevuto il concilio. La scrittura fu ricevuta ma non letta, 
e per nome di Cesare dal suo cancellario furono lodati che 
ad essempio degli altri havessero rimesso il tutto all' impe- 
ratore e fidatisi di lui : e I'istesso imperatore fece dimostra- 
tione d'haverlo molto grato. Cosi I'una e I'altra parte voleva 
esser ingannata." [Entreaties to the Elector Palatine were 
a kind of menace, on account of his recent offences, which 
had been lately pardoned : in the case of Maurice, duke of 
Saxony also, there was a necessity for compliance, because 
of the many benefits that he had just received from the 
emperor, and also because he desired to liberate the land- 
grave, his father-in-law. For which causes, and on the 
emperor's promising them that he would take measures to 
secure them all due satisfaction from the council, at the 
same time that he requested them to confide in him, they 
ultimately consented to do so, and were followed by the 
ambassadors of the elector of Brandenburg, and all the 
other princes. The cities refused, considering it a dangerous 
thing to submit themselves indifferently to all the decrees 
of the council. Granvelle negotiated much, and at great 
length with their ambassadors, charging them indeed with 
obstinacy for refusing to agree to that which had been 
approved by the princes, adding a sort of threat that they 
should be condemned in a larger amount than that already 
paid. Wherefore they were finally compelled to yield to 
the emperor's will, but taking care, nevertheless, for. the 
observance of the promises. Then, being called into the 
presence of the emperor, and questioned as to whether they 
would conform to the resolution of the princes, they replied 
that it would be too bold in them to wish to correct the 
answer of the princes, and together with this, they gave in a 
written statement of the conditions on which they would be 
willing to receive the council. The paper was received but 
not read; and they were commended by the chancellor, in 


the emperor's name, for having remitted all to the emperor, 
and confided themselves to him according to the example 
of the others : the emperor himself also made a show of 
being much pleased with this. Thus both parties chose to 
be deceived.] 

Even in this translation it is obvious that Sarpi does not 
adhere with strict truth to the facts laid before him. It is 
not affirmed by Sleidan that Granvelle threatened the cities ; 
what the German describes as a mere common rumour, the 
Italian puts into the mouth of the minister. The expedient 
adopted in the matter of the cities is more clearly expressed 
in the original than in the translation, and as in this instance, 
so it is in innumerable other passages. 

If that were all, there would be nothing further to remark ; 
the reader would merely require to bear constantly in mind 
that he had a somewhat arbitrary paraphrase of Sleidan before 
him : but we occasionally meet with alterations of a more 
important character. 

In the first place, Sarpi had not acquired an accurate idea 
of the constitution of the empire ; he has, in fact, always in 
his thoughts a constitution consisting of three estates, — the 
clergy, the temporal sovereigns, and the cities. He not un- 
frequently alters the expressions of his author, for the purpose 
of bringing them into harmony with his own peculiar and 
erroneous conception of the matter. Sleidan, for example 
(hb. XX. p. 108), discusses the votes given in respect of the 
Interim in the three colleges, i. In the electoral college. 
The three ecclesiastical electors are in its favour, the three 
secular electors are opposed to it : " Reliqui tres electores non 
quid em ejus erant sententiae, Palatinus imprimis et Mauricius, 
verum uterque causas habebant cur Caesari non admodum 
reclamarent." 2. By the college of princes : " Caeteri prin- 
cipes, qui maxima parte sunt episcopi, eodem modo sicut 
Moguntinus atque collegae respondent." 3. " Civitatum non 
ita magna fuit habita ratio." Now, from this Sarpi makes 
what follows (lib. iii. p. 300) : the votes of the three ecclesi- 
astical electors he gives as Sleidan has done, but proceeds 
thus : " Al parer de' quali s'accostarono tutti i vescovi : i 
prencipi secolari per non offendere Cesare tacquero : et a 
loro esempio gli ambasciatori delle cittil parlarono poco, nh 


di quel poco fu tenuto conto." [To the opinion of whom, 
all the bishops attached themselves : the temporal princes 
remained silent, that they might not offend the emperor; 
and, led by their example, the ambassadors of the cities 
spoke little, nor was any account made of that little.] Thus, 
what Sleidan has said of two electors, is here extended to all 
the temporal princes. The bishops are made to appear as 
if giving their votes separately, and all the odium is thrown 
upon them. The great importance to which the council of 
the princes of the empire had at that time attained, is com- 
pletely misunderstood. Even in the passages cited above, Sarpi 
affirms that the princes had gone over to the opinion of the 
electors ; while the fact was, that they had already expressed 
a decision of their own, which differed from that of the 
electoral princes on very many points. 

But it is of still higher moment that Sarpi, whilst adopt- 
ing the statements he finds in Sleidan, and inserting them 
together with statements which he finds elsewhere, and which 
he extracts or translates, has also interwoven his own remarks 
and observations through the whole course of the narrative. 
Let us examine the nature of these, for this is extremely 

For example, the worthy Sleidan (lib. xx. p. 58) repeats, 
without the least suspicion, a proposal of the bishop of 
Trent, wherein three things are demanded : the recall of 
the council to Trent, the despatch of a legate into Ger- 
many, and a regulation, fixing the manner in which pro- 
ceedings should be continued, in the event of a vacancy 
occurring in the papal see. This Sarpi translates literally, 
but interpolates the following remark : " The third requisition 
was added," he says, " to remind the pope of his advanced 
age, and his approaching death, that he might thus be 
rendered more compliant and disposed to greater conces- 
sions, for he would surely not wish to leave the resentment 
of the emperor as a legacy to his successor." 

Such is the spirit of his observations throughout the 
work : they are steeped in gall and bitterness, one and all. 
" The legate summoned the assembly, and gave his opinion 
first ; for the Holy Spirit, which is wont to move the legates 
in accordance with the wishes of the pope, and the bishops 


in accordance with those of the legates, inspired them on 
this occasion in his usual manner." 

According to Sleidan, the Interim was sent to Rome, — 
** for there was still something conceded to the Protestants 
in it." According to Sarpi, the German prelates insisted on 
this, " for," says he, " they have laboured from old times to 
maintain the papal authority in reverence, because this was 
the only counterpoise that could be presented to that of the 
emperor, which they could not withstand but with the aid of 
the pope, especially if the emperor should once compel them 
to do their duty according to the practice of the primitive 
Christian church, and should seek to restrain the abuses of 
the so-called ecclesiastical liberty within due limits." 

It is obvious that Sarpi differs widely, upon the whole, 
from the compilers who preceded him. The abstract that 
he makes, the epitome he gives, is full of life and spirit. In 
spite of the foreign material that he works on, his style has 
an easy, pleasant, and agreeable flow ; nor does the reader 
perceive the points of transition, when he passes from one 
author to another. But with these qualities there is, without 
doubt, connected the fact that his narration assumes the 
colour of his own opinions : his systematic opposition to the 
Roman court, his ill-will or his hatred towards the papacy, are 
constantly apparent, and so much the greater is the effect 

But Paolo Sarpi had, as we have seen, materials wholly 
different from any to be found in printed authorities ; and 
from these it is that by far the most important part of his 
work has been derived. 

He has himself distinguished the " interconciliary " and 
preliminary events from the proper history of the council. 
He tells us that he desires to treat the former more in the 
manner of an annual register, or book of annals ; the latter in 
that of a diary. He has also made another difference, which 
consists in this, that for the former he has for the most part 
adhered to the well-known and current authors ; while for the 
latter, on the contrary, he has drawn from new sources, and 
used original documents. 

The question first, in regard to these authorities, is, of 
what kind and nature they were. 


And in reference to this, I cannot believe that he could 
obtain much information as to particulars from such a man 
as Oliva, secretary to the first legate sent to the council ; or 
from Ferrier, French ambassador to Venice, who was also at 
the council. With respect to Oliva, indeed, Sarpi has com- 
mitted a great error, since he describes him as leaving the 
council before he really did so. The French documents 
were very soon printed. The influence of these men, who 
belonged to the malcontent party, with Sarpi, consisted in 
this, that they confirmed and strengthened the aversion he 
felt to the council. The Venetian collections, on the other 
hand, supplied him with the original acts and documents in 
great number and completeness : letters of the legates, for 
example, as those of Monte ; notes of secret agents, such as 
Visconti ; reports of the nuncios, Chieragato, for example ; 
circumstantial diaries, that had been kept at the council ; the 
Lettere d'Avisi, and other memorials in vast numbers, and 
more or less authentic. Sarpi was in this respect so fortu- 
nate, that he had opportunity- of availing himself of some 
documents which have never since come to light, and which 
Pallavicini, notwithstanding the important and extensive 
aid afforded him, was not able to procure. For these, the 
inquirer into history must have recourse to the pages of Sarpi 
through all time. 

There now remains only the question of how he employed 
these materials. 

He has, without doubt, directly transferred some portions 
of them to his own work, with very slight modifications. 
Courayer assures us, that he had held in his hands- a manu- 
script report on the congregations of the year 1563, which had 
been used and almost copied by Sarpi : " que notre historien 
a consultee, et presque copiee mot pour mot." 

I have in my possession a manuscript " Historia del S. 
Concilio di Trento scritta per M. Antonio Milledonne, Seer. 
Veneziano," which was also known to Foscarini (Lett. Venez. 
i. p. 351) and to Mendham, by a contemporary and well- 
informed author; and this, notwithstanding its extreme 
brevity, is by no means unimportant, in relation to the later 
sittings of the council. 

Now, I find that Sarpi has occasionally adopted this 


manuscript word for word. For example, Milledonne says : 
"II senato di Norimbergo rispose al nontio Delfino, che non 
era per partirsi dalla confessione Aiigustana, e che non accet- 
tava il concilio, come quello che non aveva le condition! 
ricercate da' protestanti. Simil risposta fecero li senati di 
Argentina e Francfort al medesimo nontio Delfino. II senato 
di Augusta e quello di Olma risposero, che non potevano 
separarsi dalli altri che tenevano la confessione Augustana." 
The following are the words of Sarpi (p. 450) : " II noncio 
Delfino nel ritorno espose il suo carico in diverse cittk. Dal 
senato di Norimberg hebbe risposta, che non era per partirsi 
dalla confessione Augustana, e che non accettera il concilio, ' 
come quello che non haveva conditioni ricercate da' protes- 
tanti. Simili risposte gli fecero li senati d' Argentina e di 
Francfort. II senato d'Augusta e quello d'Olma risposero, 
che non potevano separarsi dagli altri che tengono la lor 

Sarpi refrains from following Milledonne only where 
the latter has used terms of praise, even though these 
eulogies are wholly unprejudiced. 

Thus Milledonne remarks, that " II O Gonzaga prattico 
di negotii di stato, per aver governato il ducato di Mantova 
molti anni doppo la morte del duca suo fratello fino che li 
nepoti erano sotto tutela, gentiluomo di bell' aspetto, di 
buona creanza, libero e schietto nel parlare, di buona mente, 
incHnato al bene. Seripando era Napolitano, arcivescovo 
di Salerno, frate eremitano, grandissimo teologo, persona di 
ottima coscienza e di singolar bontk, desideroso del bene 
universale della christianitk." 

Sarpi is much more reserved and frugal of praise in 
regard to these men : he remarks, for example (p. 456), 
" Destino al concilio Fra Girolamo, C Seripando, teologo 
di molta fama." That he considers to be enough. 

The letters of Visconti, which Sarpi had before him, 
were subsequently printed, and we perceive, on comparing 
them with his pages, that he has in some places kept very 
close to them. Take as an example Visconti, Lettres et 
Negotiations, vol. ii. p. 174: — " Ci sono poi stati alcuni 
Spagnuoli, li quali parlando dell' istituzione de' vescovi e 
della residenza havevano havuto ordine di afifirmare queste 


opinioni per vere come li precetti del decalogo. Segovia 
segui in queste due materie I'opinione di Granata, dicendo 
ch'era veritk espressa la residenza ed istituzione delli vescovi 
essere de jure divino e che niuno la poteva negare, soggi- 
ungendo che tanto piu si dovea fare tal dichiarazione per 
dannare I'opinione degli heretici che tenevano il contrario. 
Guadice, Aliffi e Montemarano con molti altri prelati 
Spagnuoli hanno aderito all' opinione di Granata e di Se- 
govia; ma piacque al signore dio che si fecero all' ultimo 
di buona risoluzione." 

Compare Sarpi, viii. 753: — "Granata disse, esser cosa 
indegna haver tanto tempo deriso li padri trattando del 
fondamento dell' instituzione de' vescovi e poi adesso trala- 
sciandola, e ne ricerco la dichiarazione de jure divino, dicendo 
maravegliarsi perche non si dichiarasse un tal punto verissimo 
et infallibile. Aggionse che si dovevano prohibire come 
heretici tutti quel libri che dicevano il contrario. Al qual 
parer adheri Segovia, affermando che era espressa verith, 
che nissuno poteva negarla, e si doveva dichiarare per dan- 
nare I'openione degli heretici che tenevano il contrario. 
Seguivano anco Guadice, Aliffe et Monte Marano con gli 
altri prelati Spagnuoli, de' quali alcuni dissero, la loro 
openione esser cosi vera come li precetti del decalogo." 

We perceive that Sarpi was no common transcriber, and 
the more we compare him with his sources, the more we 
become convinced of the talent he possessed for completing 
the connection of his materials, and for giving force and 
elevation to the manner of his authorities by some slight 
turn of expression. But equally obvious are the efforts he 
makes to strengthen all impressions unfavourable to the 

His unprinted sources are treated precisely in the same 
manner as his printed materials; nor could we indeed 
expect that it should be otherwise. 

But it will be readily perceived that this method has 
occasionally much influenced his mode of presenting matters 
of fact. This appears among other instances in his account 
of the most important of the German religious conferences, 
— that held at Ratisbon in 154 1. 

He here again follows Sleidan, and very closely ; he had 


also, without doubt, the report which Bucer drew up in 
relation to this conference before him. 

But in his mode of using these German authorities he 
again commits the same faults. The states twice returned 
replies to the proposals of the emperor in this diet, and each 
time they were divided among themselves. The electoral 
college was favourable to the emperor's purpose ; the college 
of princes was opposed to it. But there was a further 
difference, namely, that the princes gave way the first time, 
and did not do so on the second occasion ; on the contrary, 
they returned a dissentient reply. 

Sleidan seeks to explain the opposition of the college 
of princes by remarking that there were so many bishops 
among its members, — certainly a very important point as 
regarded the constitution of the empire. But Sarpi com- 
pletely destroys the essential meaning of this passage by 
persisting in calling the college of princes directly " bishops." 
Speaking of the first reply, he says, " I vescovi rifiutarono " 
[the bishops refused] ; of the second, " I vescovi, con alcuni 
pochi prencipi cattolici " [the bishops, with some few Catholic 
princes] ; whereby, as we have said, he completely misre- 
presents the constitution of the empire. 

But we will not dwell further on this point. The principal 
question is, in what manner he used those secret sources that 
were attainable to himself only, and which he might venture 
to believe would long remain unknown. 

Towards the history of that diet, he had the Instruction 
addressed to Contarini, which Cardinal Quirini afterwards 
printed from a Venetian manuscript. 

And here we have first to remark, that what Sarpi found 
in the Instruction he has interwoven here and there into the 
conferences held between the legate and the emperor. 

We find in the Instruction, for example : — " Eos articulos 
in quibus inter se convenire non possunt, ad nos remittant, 
qui in fide boni pastoris et universalis pontificis dabimus 
operam ut per universale concilium vel per aliquam viam 
aequivalentem, non praecipitanter, sed mature et quemadmo- 
dum res tanti momenti exigit, finis his controversiis impo- 
natur, et remedium quod his malis adhibendum est quam 
diutissime perdurare possit." 


SarpI makes Contarini require, " ogni cosa si mandasse 
al papa, il qual prometteva in fede di buon pastore et 
universal pontefice di fare che il tutto fosse determinate 
per un concilio generale o per altra via equivalente con 
sincerita e con nissun affetto humano, non con precipitio, 
ma maturamente " [that every thing should be referred to 
the pope, who promised, on the faith of a good pastor and 
as universal pontiff, to secure that all should be determined 
by a general council, or by some equivalent means, with 
uprightness and without bias of human affection, — not pre- 
cipitately, but maturely]. 

In another place the Instruction proceeds as follows : 
"Si quidem ab initio pontificatus nostri, ut facilius hoc 
religionis dissidium in pristinam concordiam reduceretur, 
primum christianos principes ad veram pacem et concordiam 
per literas et nuntios nostros saepissime hortati sumus ; mox 
ob banc eandem causam concilium generale . . . christianis 
regibus et principibus etiam per proprios nuntios significa- 
vimus . . . multaque in Germania religionis causa non ea 
qua decuit autoritatem nostram, ad quam religionis judicium 
cognitio et examen spectat, reverentia tractari et fieri, non 
absque gravi dolore animi intelleximus ; tum temporum 
conditione moti, tum Caesareae et regiae majestatum vel 
earum oratorum pollicitationibus persuasi, quod ea quae hie 
fiebant boni alicujus inde secuturi causa fierent, partim 
patientes tulimus," &c. 

Sarpi adds to this : " Sicome la S** S. nel principio del 
pontificato per questo medesimo fine haveva mandato lettere 
e nuntii a' prencipi per celebrar il concilio, e poi intimatolo, 
e mandato al luogo i suoi legati, e che se haveva sopportato 
che in Germania tante volte s'havesse parlato delle cose 
della religione con poca riverentia dell' autorita sua, alia 
quale sola spetta trattarle, I'haveva fatto per essergli dalle 
M** S. data intentione e promesso che cio si faceva per 
bene." [As his holiness in the beginning of his pontificate 
had for this very cause sent letters and nuncios to princes 
for the convocation of a council, and afterwards signified 
the place and sent his legates to it, so if he had endured 
that religion and its concerns should so often have been 
spoken of in Germany with little reverence towards his 


authority, to which it belongs to treat of them, he had done 
so because his majesty had given him assurance and promises 
that this was done for a good end.] 

We have said enough to shew that the declarations which 
Sarpi puts into the mouth of Contarini are taken directly 
from the Instruction itself; and when we are once made 
aware of how the matter stands, we can readily excuse him ; 
yet it is not to be denied that truth is sometimes placed in 
jeopardy by this method of proceeding. The legate received 
instructions constantly altered to meet the exigencies arising 
from daily claims in the course of events. Sarpi represents 
him as proposing reasons for referring to Rome only the 
points on which no agreement had been come to, at a time 
when it was required in Rome that all should be submitted 
for the approbation of the Roman court, not excepting even 
those points on which the parties had already agreed. 

But to this first departure from his authority, where he 
has applied the words of an Instruction to a case for which 
they were never intended, he adds others of still greater 

The pope declares himself in the Instruction to be 
strongly opposed to a national council : " Majestati Caesareae 
in memoriam redigas, quantopere concilium illud sit semper 
detestata, cum alibi tum Bononiae palam diceret nihil aeque 
perniciosum fore et apostolicae et imperiali dignitatibus quam 
Germanorum nationale concilium, ilia nulla meliore via 
quam per generale concilium obviam iri posse confiteretur : 
quin imo etiam S. M. post Ratisbonensem dietam anno 
d"' 1532 habitam pro sua singulari prudentia omni studio 
semper egit, ne qua imperialis dieta hactenus sit celebrata 
ac ex ea occasione ad concilium nationale deveniretur." 

This also Sarpi gives literally, and even cites it as taken 
from the Instruction, but still with a remarkable addition : 
*'Che raccordasse all' imperatore quanto egli medesimo 
havesse detestato il concilio nationale essendo in Bologna, 
conoscendolo pernicioso all' autorita imperiale : poiche i 
sudditi preso animo dal vedersi concessa potest^ di mutare 
le cose della religione pensarebbono ancora a mutare lo 
stato : e che S. M. dopo il 1532 non volse mai piii celebrare 
in sua presenza dieta imperiale per non dar occasione di 


domandar concilio nationale." [That he should remind the 
emperor how much he had himself detested the national 
council when he was at Bologna, as knowing it to be per- 
nicious to the imperial authority ; because subjects, taking 
courage from finding themselves granted power to change 
affairs of religion, would next think of changing matters of 
state; so that his majesty, after 1532, would never more 
have an imperial diet held in his presence, that he might 
not give occasion for demanding a national council.] 

Who could avoid supposing from this that the emperor 
had himself expressed the idea of a nation readily changing 
the form of its government, when once it had altered that 
of its religion? Yet, on this point, I cannot believe the 
author simply on his own assertion ; nothing of the kind is 
to be found in the Instruction ; it is, indeed, a thought that 
did not obtain currency in the world until after the events 
of a later period. 

I do not think my criticism will appear too minute. 
How shall we ascertain whether a writer speaks the truth 
or not, except by comparing him with the original authorities 
that he has had before him ? 

And I discover a deviation still more important than 
those that we have already observed. 

Even in the first conference that he describes as taking 
place between the emperor and Contarini, we find him inter- 
weaving the words of the Instruction — those important words 
to which we have already referred. 

The pope excuses himself for not having given to the 
cardinal so full and extensive an authority as the emperor 
and king desired to see him invested with. " Primum, quia 
videndum imprimis est, an protestantes ... in principiis 
nobiscum conveniant, cujusmodi est hujus sanctae sedis 
primatus tanquam a Deo et Salvatore nostro institutus, sacros, 
ecclesiae sacramenta, et alia quaedam quae tam sacrarum lite- 
rarum autoritate tum universalis ecclesiae perpetua observa- 
tione hactenus observata et comprobata fuere et tibi nota 
esse bene scimus : quibus statim initio admissis omnis super 
aliis controversiis concordia tentaretur." 

Sarpi makes Contarini say, " Che S. S** gli aveva data 
ogni potesth, di concordare co' protestanti, purche essi 


ammetino i priucipii, che sono il primato della sede apostolica 
instituito da Christo, et i sacramenti sicome sono insegnati 
nella chiesa Romana, e le alire cose determinate neila holla 
di Leone, offerendosi nelle altre cose di dar ogni sodisfattione 
alia Germania." [That his holiness had given him all power 
to agree with the Protestants, provided they would admit 
the first principles, which were, the primacy of the Apostolic 
See instituted by Christ, and the other things determined in 
the bull of Leo, offering, in respect of all other questions, to 
give full satisfaction to Germany.] 

We see how great a difference is here ; it was in the 
vague and undefined character of the pope's words that 
the only possibility of an 'amicable issue lay. The con- 
ference could have had no conceivable object if this 
expedient had not left it the prospect of such an issue ; but 
in Sarpi this is altogether done away with. The pope is 
not merely desiring "quaedam quae tibi nota esse bene 
scimus," but openly demands the recognition of the decrees 
contained in Leo's bull, the condemnation, that is, of the 
Lutheran tenets : this was a thing which was utterly 

Sarpi will by no means acknowledge that the papal see 
gave proof of a disposition to conciliatory measures of any 
kind whatever. According to him, Contarini w^as compelled 
to assert the papal authority in its most rigorous forms. In 
Sarpi, Contarini begins at once with the declaration that 
" the pope could by no means share the power of deciding 
on doubtful points of faith with any person whatsoever ; to 
him, alone, was the privilege of infallibility accorded, in the 
words, "Ego rogavi pro te, Petre;" matters concerning 
which, in the Instruction at least, there is not a word to be 

Upon the whole, Sarpi considered the papacy in the 
light of his times. After the restoration was accom- 
plished, it became much more despotic and inflexible than 
it had been during the times of its danger and depression. 
But it was in its plenitude of power and in the perfection 
of its self-confidence that it stood before the eyes of Sarpi. 
He transferred to earlier times what he perceived and felt 
in his own : all the information he obtained, all the 


documents that passed through his hands, were interpreted 
in this spirit, which was entirely natural to him, and was 
derived from the position held by his native city, and by 
his party in that city, as also from his own personal 

We have yet another historical work by Paolo Sarpi, 
which relates to the dissensions between Rome and Venice 
in the year 1606: " Historia particolare delle cose passate 
tra '1 summo pontefice Paolo V e la Ser'"* Rep* di Venetia ; 
Lion, 1624." This is written, for the most part, in a simi- 
lar spirit. It is a masterly delineation, and, upon the 
whole, is true ; still it is a partisan work. With regard to 
the dissensions among the Venetians themselves, which 
broke forth on that occasion and formed so important a 
characteristic of their domestic history, there is little or 
nothing to be found in Sarpi. To judge from what he says, 
it would appear that there was but one opinion in Venice ; 
he is continually speaking of the "princeps," by which 
name he designates the Venetian government. The employ- 
ment of this fiction scarcely permits him to attain to any 
very minute or exact representation of internal relations. 
He glides very lightly over such things as were but little 
to the honour of Venice, such as the delivering up of the 
prisoners, for example, speaking as if he did not know why 
they were first given up to the ambassador, and then, 
with a different form of words, to the cardinal. Nor does 
he mention the fact that the Spaniards were favourable 
to the exclusion of the Jesuits. He had vowed an im- 
placable hatred to both, and will not give himself the 
trouble to remark that their interests were on this occasion 
at variance. 

It is much the same with his History of the Council ; 
the original authorities, the sources of information, are 
collected with diligence, elaborated carefully, and used with 
the highest intelligence. Neither can we affirm that they 
are falsified, or that they are frequently and essentially 
perverted; but the spirit of the work is one of decided 

By this method, Sarpi laid open a new path. To what 
had been mere compilation, he gave the unity of a general 


and definite tendency. His work is disparaging, reproachful, 
and hostile. It is the first example of a history in which 
the whole development of the subject is accompanied by 
unceasing censures. The character of his work is far more 
decided in this respect than that of Thuanus, who first made 
a slight approach to the manner wherein Sarpi has found 
innumerable followers. 

Jstoria del Condlio di Trento scritta dal Padre Sforza Pal- 
lavicino della Compagfiia di Gesu^ 1664. 

A book like the history of Sarpi, so richly furnished 
with details never before made known, so full of spirit and 
sarcasm, treating of an event so important, and one of which 
the consequences exercised a commanding influence on 
those times, could not fail to produce the deepest impression. 
The first edition appeared in 161 9, and between that year 
and the year 1662, four editions of a Latin translation had 
been published. There were^ besides, a German and a 
French translation. The court of Rome was the more 
earnestly determined to have this work refuted, from the 
fact that it contained many errors which were immediately 
obvious to all who were accurately acquainted with the 
events of that period. 

A Jesuit, Terentio Alciati, prefect of studies at the 
Collegio Romano, immediately occupied himself with the 
collection of materials for a refutation, which should be also 
a circumstantial exposition of the subject. His book 
received the title of " Historiae Concilii Tridentini a veritatis 
hostibus evulgatae Elenchus ; " ^ he amassed an enormous 
body of materials, but died in 1651, before he had brought 
them into order. 

The general of the Jesuits, Goswin Nickel, selected 
another member of his order, Sforza Pallavicini, who had 
already given evidence of some literary talent, for the 
completion of the task, and for this purpose relieved him 
from all other occupations. The general appointed him to 

' It 13 SO called in Mazzuchelli. 
vol- III. F 


this work, we are told by Pallavicini himself, ''as a 
condottiere appoints one of his soldiers." 

He published the results of his labours in three thick 
quartos, of which the first appeared in the year 1656. 

It is a work comprising an immense accumulation of 
material, and is of the utmost importance for the history 
of the sixteenth century, beginning, as it does, from the 
commencement of the Reformation. The archives were 
all thrown open to the author, and he had access to all that 
could promote his purpose in the several libraries of Rome. 
Not only were the acts of the council, in all their extent, at 
his command, but he had also the correspondence of the 
legates with Rome, together with various other collections 
of documentary evidence, and sources of information 
innumerable, all at his entire disposal. He is far from 
attempting to conceal his authorities ; he rather makes a 
parade of their titles in the margin of his book : the number 
he cites is nearly countless. 

His principal object is to refute Sarpi. At the end of 
each volume, he places a catalogue of the " errors, in 
matters of fact," of which he maintains that he has convicted 
his opponent; he reckons 361, but adds, that he has con^ 
futed innumerable others, which do not appear in the 

In his preface, he announces that he "will not suffer 
himself to be drawn into any slight skirmishing ; whoever 
shall propose to attack him may advance in full order of 
battle, and refute his whole book as he had wholly refuted 
Paolo Sarpi." But what an undertaking were that ! We 
are not to be tempted into any such mode of proceeding. 

We must be content, as we have said, with giving the 
means of forming an idea of Pallavicini's method by the 
collection of some few examples. 

Since he drew from so many secret records and other 
sources previously unknown, and in fact derived his whole 
work from their combination, our first inquiry must be 
directed to the manner in which he availed himself of these 

We shall do this with the more facility in cases where 
the original authorities used by Pallavicini have since been 


printed ; but I have had the good fortune to examine a whole 
series of documents quoted by him, which have never been 
printed : our first business must now be to compare the 
originals with his text. 

I will do this in respect to some few points consecutively. 

1. And first, it must be acknowledged, that Pallavicini 
has in many instances made a very satisfactory use of the 
Instructions and other papers laid before him, and given 
faithful extracts. I have compared an Instruction received 
by the Spanish ambassador in November, 1562, for example ; 
as also the answer returned to him by the pope in March, 
1563, and the new Instruction despatched by the pope to 
his nuncio, with the extracts made from these papers by 
Pallavicini, and have found them to be throughout in perfect 
harmony. (Pall. xx. 10; xxiv. i.) He has simply availed 
himself of a right, when, in certain cases, he has made 
transpositions which do no injury to truth. It is indeed 
true that he occasionally softens the strength of the 
expression ; as, for example, where the pope says that he 
had opened the council again, only because he relied on 
the support of the king, and in the persuasion that the king 
would be his right arm, a guide and leader in all his 
purposes and proceedings. " II fondamento che facessimo 
nella promessa di S. M** e de' suoi ministri di doverci assistere 
ci fece entrare arditamente nell' impresa, pensando di avere 
S. M*^ per nostro braccio dritto e che avesse a esserci guida 
o conduttiero in ogni nostra azione e pensiero." He thus 
makes the pope merely say that he would not have reopened 
the council had he not cherished the expectation that the 
king would be his right arm and leader ; but since he has 
suffered the substance to remain, there is no great cause 
for censure. In regard to the mission of Visconti to Spain, 
and that of another ambassador to the emperor, Sarpi is 
of opinion (viii. 61) that their commission to propose a 
meeting was a mere pretence ; but this is too subtle a 
suspicion; the proposal for a congress, or a conference as 
it was then called, is one of the points most urgently insisted 
on in the Instruction. Pallavicini is without doubt quite 
right in maintaining this. 

2. But Pallavicini is not always the more correctly 


informed of these two writers. When Sarpi relates that 
Paul III had proposed to the Emperor Charles V, at the 
conference of Busseto, the investiture of his nephew, who 
had married a natural daughter of Charles, with the fief of 
Milan, Pallavicini devotes an entire chapter to the refutation 
of this assertion. He will not believe the historians in whose 
works it appears. " How," he exclaims, " could the pope 
then have ventured to write letters to the emperor in such a 
tone as that he employed?" "Con qual petto avrebbe 
ardito di scrivere a Carlo lettere cosf risentite?" The 
emperor might have at once reproached him with shameless 
dissimulation (simulatione sfacciata). Now, since Pallavicini 
is so much in earnest, we must needs believe that he is here 
writing bo7id fide. Yet the facts as related by Sarpi are 
nevertheless founded in truth. By the dispatches of the 
Florentine ambassador (Dispaccio Guicciardini, 26 Giugno, 
1543) this is established beyond contradiction. 

In a manuscript life of Vasto may be found still more 
circumstantial details respecting this matter. We will here 
cite a " Discorso " of Cardinal Carpi which tends to the 
same purpose. Nay, the pope had not given up this idea 
even in the year 1547. — Le cardinal de Bologne au roy 
Henry II, Ribier, ii. 9 : — " L'un — le pape — demande Milan, 
qu'il jamais n'aura; I'autre — I'empereur — 400,000 sc, qu'il 
n'aura sans rendre Milan." Notwithstanding this, Pope 
Paul III did certainly write those letters. 

3. But the question next arises whether Pallavicini's 
errors are generally made bona fuie. This cannot have been 
the case in every instance ; it sometimes happened that his 
documents were not so orthodox and Catholic as himself. 
While the passing events of the time were still in progress 
— while they were displaying themselves in all their varying 
aspects, and presenting the possibihty of changing develop- 
ment and differing results, it was not possible to take such 
strict views in regard to them as were entertained when all 
was again established on its former basis. Such an agree- 
ment as that made at the peace of Augsburg could not 
possibly be approved by the rigid orthodoxy of the seven- 
teenth century. Pallavicini accordingly bemoans the "detri- 
menti gravissimi" resulting from it to the Holy See; he 


compares it with a palliative which only brings on a more 
dangerous crisis. He had nevertheless found the report of 
a nuncio in relation to it, by whom its necessity was clearly 
perceived. This was Delfino, bishop of Liesina. Pallavicini 
brings forward the report presented by that bishop to 
Cardinal Caraffa, and has, in fact, made use of it. But in 
what manner has he done this ? 

All the reasons by which Delfino proves the absolute 
necessity for this agreement, are changed by Pallavicini into 
so many excuses alleged by the Emperor Ferdinand in his 
own behalf. 

The nuncio says, that there was at that time no prince 
and no city which had not some quarrel with their neigh- 
bours ; these he specifies, and declares that the land was 
going to ruin ; — Brandenburg, Hesse, and Saxony, as if 
constituting an opposition diet, affirmed that they would 
hold together. The king had entreated the emperor to 
make peace with France and to direct his attention to 
Germany, but he refused to do so. In the midst of all 
these disorders, the states assembled; the king then con- 
firmed the points on which both parties had agreed, and so 
joyfully had they done this (s\ allegramente), that since the 
days of Maximilian, Germany had never been so quiet as it 
then \vas. 

Now on all these matters Pallavicini also touches (1. xiii. 
c. 13); but how much does he weaken the effect by placing 
these remarks in the mouth of a prince who is merely seek^ 
ing to excuse himself! 

" Scusavasi egli di cio con addurre che haveva richiesto 
d'ordini specificati Timperatore, confortandolo alia pace di 
Francia, . . . ed havergli ricordato esser questa Tunica arme 
per franger I'orgoglio de' protestanti, etc." [He excused 
himself for that by alleging that he had requested specific 
orders from the emperor exhorting him to peace with France ; 
and had reminded him that this was the only weapon where- 
with they could crush the pride of the Protestants, &c.] Let 
us contrast these ambiguous phrases with the words of Del- 
fino. '' II ser"'** re vedendo questi andamenti (the religious 
dissensions) scrisse a S. M"^ Cesarea esortandola alia pace 
col christianissimo, accioche ella possa attendere alle cose di 


Germania e farsi ubedire, etc." [The most serene king, 
beholding these proceedings, wrote to his imperial majesty, 
entreating him to make peace with the most Christian king, 
to the end that he might attend to the affairs of Germany, 
and might make himself obeyed, &c.] 

It is without doubt a great inaccuracy, and in a writer 
who boasts so loudly of his authentic information, altogether 
unpardonable, that he should convert the relation of a 
nuncio into the exculpation of a prince ; but the worst aspect 
of this proceeding is, that the correct view of the occurrence 
becomes obscured by it. 

The whole of the documents used are generally trans- 
lated from the style of the sixteenth century into that of the 
seventeenth ; but they are dishonestly treated, 

4. If we confine ourselves to the relations existing 
between the pope and Ferdinand I, we have still some few 
remarks to make. We know that the emperor pressed and 
wished for a reform which was not very agreeable to the 
pope. In the course of the first months of the year 1563, 
Pius twice sent his nuncios— first Commendone, and after- 
wards Morone — to Innsbruck, where the emperor resided at 
that time, in the hope of prevailing on him to desist from 
his opposition. These were very remarkable missions, and 
had important consequences as regarded the council. The 
manner in which Pallavicini (xx. 4) has given the reports of 
these missions is an interesting subject of observation. We 
have the report of Commendone, Feb. 19, 1563, which 
Pallavicini had also before him. 

And respecting this we have first to remark, that Palla- 
vicini m.aterially weakens the expressions employed at the 
imperial court, as well as the purposes entertained there. 
With regard to the alliance subsisting at that time between 
the emperor and the French, as represented by the Cardinal 
of Lorraine, he makes Commendone say, "Rendersi credibile 
che scambievolmente si confirmerebbono nel parer e si pro- 
metterebbono ajuto nell' operare." [It was to be expected 
that they would confirm each other in opinion, and promise 
aid each to the other in their undertakings.] Commendone 
expresses himself in a totally different manner. The imperial 
court did not merely propose to seek reform in common 


with the French : " Pare che pensino trovar modo e forma 
di haver piii parte et autorith, nel presente concilio per 
stabiHre in esso tutte le loro petitioni giuntamente con 
Francesi." [They seem intent on ways and means for 
securing the greater weight and authority in the present 
council, that, in conjunction with France, they may carry 
through all their measures.] 

But there are many things that Pallavicini omits entirely. 
An opinion prevailed at the imperial court that, with a more 
conciliatory disposition and by more earnest reforms, much 
better progress might have been made and more good 
effected with regard to the Protestants. " La somma e che 
a me pare di haver veduto non pur in S. M^^ ma nelli 
principali ministri, come Trausen e Seldio, un ardentissimo 
desiderio della riforma e del progresso del concilio con una 
gran speranza quod remittendo aliquid de jure positive et 
reformando mores et disciplinam ecclesiasticam non solo si 
possono conservare li cattolici ma guadagnare e ridurre 
degli heretici, con una opinione et impressione pur troppo 
forte che qui siano molti che non vogliano riforma." [The 
sum of the matter is, that I think I have seen, not indeed in 
his majesty, but in the principal ministers, such as Trausen 
and Seld, a most earnest desire for reform and for the 
progress of the council, with a firm hope that by remitting 
somewhat of the positive law, and by the reform of morals 
and discipline in the church, they might not only preserve 
the Catholics in their faith, but even win over and bring 
back heretics; but there is also too fixed an opinion and 
impression that there are some here who are resolved 
against all reform.] I will not attempt to discover who 
those Protestants may have been from whom there was 
ground for expecting a return to the Catholic church in the 
event of a regular reform ; but these remarks are much too 
offensive to the courtier prelate to permit of Pallavicini's 
reporting them. Allusion being made to the difficulties 
found in the council, Seld answered laconically : " Opor- 
tuisset ab initio sequi sana consilia." The complaints in 
respect of difficulties presented by the council arc reported 
by Pallavicini, but he suppresses the reply. 

But, on the other side, he gives at full length a 


judgment pronounced by the chancellor in favour of the 

In short, he dwells on whatever is agreeable to him, but 
ignores whatever does not suit himself and the Curia; or 
he tries to give the matter a favourable turn. For example, 
the legates were opposed to the purpose of the bishops, who 
desired to exclude abbots and the generals of religious 
orders from voting on the question (vox decisiva), "per 
non sdegnar tante migliara de' religiosi, fra' quali in veritk 
si trova oggi veramente la teologia" \that they might not 
give offence to so many thonsafids of the regular cltigy^ 
among whom, in fact, the true theology must nowadays 
be sought]. (Registro di Cervini, Lettera di 27 Decem. 
1545. Epp. Poli, iv. 229.) Here Pallavicini takes occasion 
to set forth the motives actuating their decision in a light 
very honourable both to the bishops and the orders. " II 
che (the admission of the generals, that is) desideravano, 
perche in effetto la teologia, con la quale si doveva decidere 
i dogmi, resedeva ne' regolari^ ed era opportuno e dicevole 
che molti de' giudici havessero intelligenza esquisita di arti- 
coli da giudicarsi" (VI. ii. i, p. 576). [They desired the 
admission of the regular clergy, because it was among them 
that the theology, whereby the tenets in dispute were to be 
judged, had taken up its abode, and it was manifestly de- 
sirable that many of the judges should possess the clearest 
comprehension and the most finished judgment respecting 
the articles to be submitted to their decision.] 

5. Now it is obvious that this method cannot have failed 
to impair the accuracy of the views presented by Pallavicini 
to his reader. 

For example, in the year 1547, the Spaniards brought 
forward certain articles of reform known under the name of 
Censures. The transfer of the council followed very soon 
afterwards, and there can be no question as to the fact that 
this event was greatly influenced by these Censures. It was, 
without doubt, of the utmost significance that the immediate 
adherents of the Emperor Charles should present demands 
so extraordinary at the very moment when he was victorious. 
Sarpi has given them at full length, lib. ii. p. 262, subjoining 
the replies of the pontiff shortly after. But demands so 


Outrageous on the part of orthodox prelates do not suit the 
purpose of Pallavicini. He tells us that Sarpi relates many 
circumstances concerning this matter, of which he can find 
no trace; and says he can discover nothing more than a 
reply of the pope to certain proposals of reform presented 
to him by several fathers, and which had been made known 
to him by the president, '^ sopra varie riformazioni proposte 
da molti de' padri " (lib. ii. c. 9). What these were he takes 
good care not to say. To have done so might have im- 
peded him in his refutation of Sarpi's assertion that the 
transfer of the council was attributable to worldly motives. 

6. In the art of holding his peace in relation to such 
matters as may not conveniently be made public, he has 
proved himself quite a master. 

In the third book, for example, he has occasionally cited 
a Venetian report by Suriano. And in allusion to this 
report, he says that the author asserts himself to have made 
diligent search, and acquired unquestionable information 
respecting the treaties between Francis and Clement; nor 
does Pallavicini think of contradicting him on this point 
(III. c. xii. n. i). He adopts portions of Suriano's work, 
on the contrary, and gives them in his own narrative ; such, 
for example, as that Clement had shed tears of pain and 
anger on hearing that his nephew was taken prisoner by 
the emperor. It is evident, in short, that he puts faith in 
Suriano's statements. He declares also that this Venetian 
is directly opposed to his countryman Sarpi. The latter 
affirms, namely, that " il papa negotio confederazione col re 
di Francia, la quale si concluse e stabili anco col matri- 
monio di Henrico secondogenito regio e di Catarina " [the 
pope negotiated an alliance with the King of France, which 
was rendered more stable, and concluded by the marriage 
of Henry, the second son of the king, with Catherine], 
Respecting this matter Pallavicini exclaims aloud. "The 
pope," says he, "did not ally himself with the king, as 
P. Soave so boldly maintains." He appeals to Guicciar- 
dini and Suriano. Now what does Suriano say ? He traces 
at great length the whole course of the inclination of Clement 
towards the French, shews when and where it began, how 
decidedly political a colour it bore, and finally speaks of 


the negotiations at Bologna. He certainly denies that 
matters had proceeded to the formation of an actual treaty, 
but he merely refutes the assertion that a positive draft in 
writing was prepared. " Di tutti li desiderii (del re) s'ac- 
commodo Clemente con parole tali che gli fanno credere, 
S. S*^ esser disposta in tutto alle sue voglie, senza perb far 
provisione alcuna in scrittura." He subsequently relates 
that the king had pressed for the fulfilment of the promises 
then made to him. " S. M*^ chr™* dimandb che da S. S'^ li 
fussino osservate le promesse." And this, according to the 
same author, was one of the causes of Clement's death. Here 
we have the extraordinary case of falsehood being in a 
certain sense truer than the truth itself. There is no doubt 
that Sarpi is wrong, where he says that an alliance was 
concluded ; the treaty, commonly so called, never was put 
into legal form. Pallavicini is right in denying the exist- 
ence of this treaty; and yet, upon the whole, Sarpi comes 
much nearer to the truth. There was the closest union, 
but it was entered into verbally only, and not by written 

7. Similar circumstances may be remarked in the use 
made by Pallavicini of the letters of Visconti. Sarpi has 
sometimes borrowed more from these letters than is literally 
contained in them : for example, he says, vii. 657, speaking 
of the decree for enforcing residence, that the Cardinal of 
Lorraine had spoken at great length and very indistinctly, so 
that it was not possible to ascertain whether he was favour- 
able, upon the whole, to that decree or not. Hereupon he is 
stoutly attacked by Pallavicini : " Si scorge apertamente il 
contrario " (xix. c. 8) ; he even cites Visconti to support his 
contradiction. But let us hear Visconti himself: " Perche 
s'allargb molto, non poterb seguire se non pochi prelati." 
(Trento, 10 Dec. in Mansi, Misc. Baluzii, iii. p. 454.) [None 
but a few prelates could follow his words, because he en- 
larged greatly.] Thus it was perfectly true that his hearers 
could not follow him, and that his meaning was not pro- 
perly understood. Further on Pallavicini is enraged with 
Sarpi for having given it to be understood that the cardinal 
had refrained from appearing in one of the congregations, 
because he desired to leave the French at full liberty to 


express their opinions, and that he made the intelligence 
he had received of the death of the king of Navarre his 
pretext for absenting himself. Pallavicini protests, with 
vehemence, that this was the true and sole motive of the 
cardinal. '^ Ne io trovo in tante memorie piene di sospetto, 
che cio capitasse in mente a persona." {Ibid) [Nor do I 
find among so many records full of suspicions that this had 
ever occurred to any one.] How, was there no one in whose 
mind this absence had awakened suspicion ? Visconti says, 
in a letter published by Mansi in another place : *' Lorraine 
called those prelates, and told them that they were to speak 
freely of all they had in their minds without fear of any 
one; and there were some who thought that the cardinal 
had remained at home for that express purpose." Of the 
assertion that the cardinal had used the king's death as a 
pretext, it is true that Visconti says nothing, unless, indeed, 
he did so in other letters ; which is the more probable, from 
the fact that Sarpi had evidently other sources of informa- 
tion under his eyes at this place. But as to the true point 
in question, that the cardinal was suspected of remaining 
at home for the reason assigned, that is certainly to be 
found literally expressed in these writings. And what are 
we to say to this, since Pallavicini unquestionably saw them ? 
8. The general purpose of Pallavicini is, in fact, to refute 
his opponent without having any interest in the question as to 
how truth might best be brought to light. This is in no case 
more obvious than in that part of his work which relates to 
the conference of Ratisbon, of which we have already treated 
so fully. Pallavicini also was acquainted with the Instruc- 
tion here referred to, as will be readily imagined, only he 
considered it to be more secret than it really was ; but 
from the mode in which he handles it, we gain a perfect 
acquaintance with himself. He makes a violent attack on 
Sarpi, and reproaches him for representing the pope to declare 
that he would accord entire satisfaction to the Protestants, 
provided they would agree with him in the main points 
already established of the Catholic tenets : "Che ove i Lute- 
rani convenissero ne' punti gih, stabiliti della chiesa romana, 
si offeriva nel resto di porger ogni sodisfattione alia Ger- 
mania." He affirms this assertion of Sarpi's to be directly 


contrary to the truth : ^' Questo h dirimpetto contrario al 
primo capo dell' Instruttione." How! Can he venture 
to affirm that the opposite of this was the truth? The 
pope's Instruction is thus expressed : " Videndum est an 
in principiis nobiscum conveniant, . . . quibus admissis 
omnis super aUis controversiis concordia tentaretur," and the 
other words which have been quoted above. It is true that 
Sarpi has here fallen into an error by restricting the legate 
more closely than the truth would demand. He has also 
said too little of the conciliatory disposition of the pope. 
Instead of discovering this error, as it most obviously was, 
Pallavicini describes Sarpi as saying too much. He enters 
into a distinction between articles of faith and others, which 
had not been made in the bull, and brings forward a number 
of things which are true indeed, but which are not the only 
things that are true, and cannot do away with the words 
really to be found in the Instruction, nor invalidate their 
force. In matters altogether unessential, he is strictly correct ; 
but he totally misrepresents and distorts things of vital 
importance. Nay, we sometimes find him attempting to 
convict Sarpi of intentional and deliberate falsehood, — for 
example, i. iv. 13 : " Mentisce Soave, con attribuire ad arte 
de' pontefici I'essersi tirato il convento in lungo, senza 
effetto." [Soave asserts a falsehood, when he attributes the 
long extension of the diet (of Worms), without having pro- 
duced any effectual result, to the acts of the popes.] Yet it 
is clear that such was the case, as results from the whole cor- 
respondence of Morone relating to that convention, as we 
now have it before us. In short, Pallavicini proceeds as 
might an advocate who had undertaken to carry through his 
sorely-pressed client, on every point, and at whatever cost. 
He labours hard to place him in the best light, and brings 
forward all that seems likely to help his course ; but what- 
ever he thinks likely to do it injury, he not only leaves out of 
view, but directly denies its existence. 

It would be impossible to follow Pallavicini through all 
the lengthened discussions into which he enters ; it must suffice 
that we have made ourselves acquainted, to ascertain extent, 
with his manner. 

It must be allowed that we do not gather from our 


researches the most encouraging results as regards the 
history of the council. 

It has indeed been affirmed, that from these two works 
combined, the truth may be elicited. This may perhaps be 
maintained if we confine our remarks to very general views, 
and regard the subject merely as a whole; but Avhen we 
examine particulars, we find that it is not the case. 

These authors both deviate from the truth ; this lies 
between them, without doubt, but we can never obtain it by 
conjecture. Truth is something positive ; it is an indepen- 
dent and original existence ; it is not by a mere reconcilia- 
tion of conflicting assertions that we can arrive at truth, — we 
acquire it only by a perception of the actual fact. 

Sarpi, as we have seen, affirms that a treaty was concluded 
at Bologna ; Pallavicini denies it : now from no conjecture in 
the world could we deduce the fact that the treaty was made, 
but verbally only and not in writing, by w^hich the contra- 
diction certainly is reconciled. 

The Instruction given to Contarini is misrepresented 
by them both ; their discrepancies can never be brought into 
harmony ; it is only by examining the original that we can 
arrive at the truth. 

They possessed minds of totally opposite character. 
Sarpi is acute, penetrating, and sarcastic ; his arrangement 
is exceedingly skilful, his style pure and unaffected; and 
although the Crusca would not admit him into the catalogue 
of classic writers, — probably on account of certain provin- 
cialisms to be found in his works, — yet are his writings, 
after the pompous display of words through which we have 
to wind our way in other authors, a true enjoyment. His 
style is well adapted to his subject, and in power of de- 
scription he is, without doubt, entitled to the second place 
among the modern historians of Italy. I rank him immedi- 
ately after Machiavelli. 

Neither is Pallavicini devoid of talent. He frequently 
makes ingenious parallels, and often defends his party with 
considerable address. But his intellect has something 
weighty and cumbrous in its character. His talent was for 
the most part displayed in making phrases and devising 
subterfuges : his style is overloaded with words. Sarpi is 


clear and transparent to the very bottom. Pallavicini is not 
without a certain flow of manner, but he is obscure, diffuse, 
and shallow. 

Both are positive and thorough-going partisans. The 
true spirit of the historian, which, apprehending every cir- 
cumstance and object in its purest truth, thus seizes and 
places it in the full light of day, — this was possessed by 
neither. Sarpi was doubtless endowed with the talent 
required, but he would never desist from accusing. Palla- 
vicini had talent also, though in a much lower degree j but 
at every cost he is resolved on defending. 

Nor can we obtain, even from both these writers together, 
a thorough and complete view of their subject. A circum- 
stance that must be ever remarkable, is the fact that Sarpi 
contains much which Pallavicini never succeeded in eliciting, 
numerous as were the archives and resources of all kinds 
laid open to his research. I will but instance one memoir, 
that of the nuncio Chieregato, concerning the deliberations 
at the court of Adrian VI, which is of the highest import- 
ance, and against which Pallavicini makes exceptions that 
signify absolutely nothing. Pallavicini also passes over many 
things from a sort of incapacity ; he does not perceive the 
extent of their importance, and so he allows them to drop. 
But, on the other hand, Sarpi was excluded from innumer- 
able documents which Pallavicini possessed. Of the corre- 
spondence maintained by the Roman court with the legates, 
for example, Sarpi saw but a small portion. His errors are 
for the most part attributable to the want of original sources 
of information. 

But there were many important documents to which neither 
of them had recourse. There is a short report of Cardinal 
Morone, who conducted the decisive embassy despatched to 
Ferdinand I, which is of the highest moment in regard to 
the history of all the later sittings of the council. This was 
not used by either of our authors. 

Nor must it be imagined that Rainaldus or Le Plat have 
completely supplied this deficiency. Rainaldus frequently 
gives no more than extracts from Pallavicini. Le Plat often 
follows the latter or Sarpi, word for word, and takes the 
Latin translations of their text as authentic memorials of 


what he could not find authority for elsewhere. He has also 
used fewer unprinted materials than might have been ex- 
pected. In Mendham's " Memoirs of the Council of Trent," 
there is much that is new and good. We find in p. 181, for 
example, an extract from the acts of Paleotto, together with 
his introductions, even to individual sessions, as the 20th, 
for instance ; but he has not given due care to the study and 
elaboration of his subject. 

Would any one now undertake a new history of the 
council of Trent, — a thing which is not to be very confidently 
expected, since the subject has lost much of its interest, — he 
must begin anew from the very commencement. He must 
collect the several negotiations, and the discussions of the 
different congregations, of which very little that is authentic 
has been made known ; he must also procure the despatches 
of one or other of the ambassadors who were present. Then 
only could he obtain a complete view of his subject, or be in 
a condition to examine the two antagonistic writers who have 
already attempted this history. But this is an undertaking 
that will never be entered on, since those who could certainly 
do it have no wish to see it done, and will therefore not 
make the attempt ; and those who might desire to accomplish 
it do not possess the means. 



We return to our manuscripts, in which we find informa- 
tion which, even when fragmentary, is at least authentic and 

No. 22 

Ijistructio pro causa fidei et cojicilii data episcopo Mutinae^ 
PaiLli III, ad regem RomanortLm mmtio dest'mato. 24 
Oct.^ 1536. MS. Barberini Library, 3007, 15 leaves. 

A conclusive proof is afforded by this Instruction of the 
sense entertained by the Roman court that it was highly 
needful to collect its strength and take heed to its reputation. 
The following rules were prescribed, among others, to the 
nuncio. He was neither to be too liberal nor too sparing, 
neither too grave nor too gay ; he was not to make known 
his spiritual authority by notices affixed to the church doors, 
since he might thereby cause himself to be derided. Those 
who required his intervention, could find him without that. 
He was not indeed entirely to remit his dues, except under 
peculiar circumstances, but he was never to exact them too 
eagerly. He was to contract no debts, and was to pay for 
what was supplied him at inns. "Nee hospitii pensione 
nimis parce vel fortasse etiam nequaquam soluta discedat, 
id quod ab aliquibus nuntiis aliis factum plurimum animos 
eorum populorum in nos irritavit. ... In vultu et colloquiis 
omnem timorem aut causae nostrae diffidentiam dissimulet. 
. . . Hilari quidem vultu accipere se fingant invitationes, 
sed in respondendo modum non excedant, ne id forte mali 
iis accidat quod cuidam nobili Saxoni, camerario secreto q. 



Leonis X (Miltitz), qui ob Lutheranam causam componendam 
in Saxoniam missus, id tantum fructus reportavit, quod saepe, 
perturbatus vino, ea effutire de pontifice et Romana curia a 
Saxonibus inducebatur non modo quae facta erant, sed quae 
ipsi e malae in nos mentis affectu imaginabantur et optabant ; 
et ea omnia scriptis excipientes postea in conventu Vormati- 
ensi nobis publice coram tota Germania exprobrabant." 

We learn from Pallavicini also (i. 18), that the conduct 
of Miltitz had caused his memory to be held in very little 
respect at the court of Rome. 

The Instruction we are now considering, and which 
Rainaldus has adopted almost entire into his work (xxi. 19), 
is further remarkable from the fact that it supplies us with 
the names of many less known defenders of Catholicism in 
Germany ; among them are Leonh. Marstaller, Nicol. Appel, 
Joh. Burchard, the Dominican, " qui etsi nihil librorum 
ediderit contra Lutheranos, magno tamen vitae periculo ab 
initio usque hujus tumultuspro defensioneecclesiae laboravit." 
Among those better known, Ludwig Berus, who had fled 
from Basle to Freiburg in Breisgau, is particularly extolled 
and recommended to the nuncio, "tum propter sanam et 
excellentem hominis doctrinam et morum probitatem, turn 
quia sua gravitate et autoritate optime operam navare poterit 
in causa fidei." It is well known that Berus had found means 
to make himself respected, even among Protestants. 

No. 23 

Insiruttione mandata da Roma per Velettlone del liwgo del 
concilio, 1537. [Instruction sent from Rome for the 
selection of the place wherein the council is to be held, 
1537.] Informationi Politt. vol. xii. 

It was now without doubt the intention of Paul III to 
convoke a council. In the Instruction before us he affirms 
that he was fully resolved (tutto risoluto) on doing so ; but 
his wish was that it should be assembled in Italy. He was 
equally disposed to choose either Piacenza or Bologna, 
places belonging to the Church, the common mother of all ; 
yoL. III. G 


or he would have been content to select a city of the 
Venetians, since they were the common friends of all. His 
reason was that the Protestants were by no means earnest 
in regard to the council, as was manifest from the conditions 
which they proposed respecting it. Even here we perceive 
the presence of that idea which afterwards acquired so high 
an historical importance, namely, that the council was only 
an affair of the Catholics among themselves. 

The pontiff, moreover, gives intelligence to the emperor 
of his efforts for the promotion of an internal reform : " Sarh 
con effetto e non con parole." [It shall be effectual, and 
not a matter of words only.] 

No. 24 

InsinittioJie data da Paolo III al O Montepulciajio^ destbiato 
alP imperatore Carlo V sopra le cose della religione in 
Germania^ 15 39* [Instruction given by Paul III to 
Cardinal Montepulciano, on his embassy to the Emperor 
Charles V to treat of the religious affairs of Germany, 
1539.] Corsini Library, No. 467. 

It was, nevertheless, most evident that the necessity for 
a reconciliation was first made obvious in Germany. On 
some occasions both parties were placed in opposition to 
the pope from this cause. At the convention of Frankfurt 
very important concessions were made to the Protestants 
by the imperial ambassador, Johann Wessel, archbishop of 
Lund, — a truce of fifteen months, during which all judicial 
proceedings of the Kammergericht should be suspended, 
and the promise of a religious conference, in which the 
pope should take no part. This was of course altogether 
abhorrent to Paul III. Cardinal [Cervini of] Montepulciano, 
afterwards Marcellus II, was therefore despatched into 
Germany for the purpose of preventing so uncatholic an 

The Instruction accuses the archbishop of Lund, in the 
first place, of being moved by corrupt personal motives, 
attributing his compliant conduct to gifts, promises, and 


hopes of further advancement. *'La community d' Augusta 
gli dono 2,500 fiorini d'oro, poi gli fu fatta promissione di 
4,000 f. singulis annis sopra il frutto del suo arcivescovato 
di Lunda occupato per quel re Luterano." [He received 
2,500 gold florins from Augsburg, and a promise was 
made to him in addition of 4,000 florins yearly, to be paid 
out of the revenues of his archbishopric of Lund, then 
occupied by that Lutheran king of Denmark.] He was 
further said to be desirous of remaining on good terms with 
the duke of Cleves and Queen Mary of Hungary ; for this 
sister of the emperor, who was then governor of the Nether- 
lands, was suspected of being very decidedly favourable to 
the Protestants. " Secretamente presta favore alia parte de' 
Luterani, animandogli ove puo^ o con mandarli huomini a 
posta disfavoreggia la causa de' cattolici." [She secretly shews 
favour to the Lutheran party, encouraging them to the utmost 
of her power, and by sending men to their aid she purposely 
injures the cause of the Catholics.] She had sent an envoy 
to Schmalkalden, and expressly exhorted the elector of Trier 
to abstain from joining the Catholic league. 

Mary and the archbishop, that is to say, represented 
the anti- French and anti-papal tendency of politics in the 
imperial court. They wished to see Germany united under 
the emperor. The archbishop declared that this depended 
only on the yielding of some few religious concessions : 
" Che se S. M^ volesse tolerare che i Luterani stassero nei 
loro errori, disponeva a modo e voler suo di tutta Germania." 
[That if his majesty would tolerate the persistence of the 
Lutherans in their errors, he might dispose of all Germany 
according to his own manner and pleasure.] 

The pope replied, that there were very different means 
of settling matters in Germany. Let us listen to his own 

"The diet of Frankfurt being therefore dispersed and 
broken up for the aforesaid causes, and his imperial majesty, 
with other Christian princes, being advised that because of 
the evil dispositions of these times a general council cannot 
for the present be held, our lord the pope, notwithstanding 
that he had so long before proclaimed this council, and has 
used every effort and means for convening it, is now of 


opinion that his majesty would do well to think rather of 
the convocation of an imperial diet for the prevention 
of those evils which are so especially to be expected to 
arise out of a national Council. And his holiness believes 
that such evils might easily be brought about to the dis- 
turbance of quiet in Germany, both by Catholics and 
Lutherans, when the Catholics, having seen infinite disorders 
following on the proceedings of any royal and imperial 
minister, should also perceive that their majesties were slow 
to apply the remedies. Nor would the said national council 
be less injurious to the imperial and royal majesty, for those 
secret causes of which his majesty is aware, than to the 
Apostolic See ; for it would not fail to give occasion to a 
schism throughout all Christendom, as well in temporal 
as in spiritual government. But while his holiness is of 
opinion that this imperial diet may be held in the event 
of his majesty's being able to be present, either in Germany 
or in some place near to that wherein the said diet shall 
assemble, he is convinced that it ought not to be convoked, 
if, on the contrary, his imperial majesty, engaged by his 
other occupations, should not be able to continue thus close 
at hand. Nor would his holiness advise that his majesty 
should depend on the judgment of others, however numerous, 
capable, or good, who should solicit and endeavour to pro- 
cure the holding of the said diet in the absence of his 
majesty; lest the same disorders should ensue that have 
followed upon other special diets where his majesty was 
not present. It will, nevertheless, be advisable that the 
report should be continually bruited about from all quarters 
that his majesty intends to appear in Germany and there 
hold the diet. All other honest means and ways should 
likewise be used to restrain and keep in tranquillity those 
princes who solicit and demand the said diet ; then when 
his majesty shall arrive in good earnest, he may proclaim 
and hold the same. But meanwhile, his majesty, perceiving 
how good and useful it may be to promote the propagation 
of the Catholic league, should for the present give his atten- 
tion principally to that matter, and he might write to his 
ambassador in Germany to that effect ; or if it seem good 
to him, may send other envoys whp should labour with all 


diligence, and by every possible means, to increase and 
extend the said Catholic league by acquiring and gainirg 
over every one, and this, even though at first they should 
not he altogether sincere in the true religion, for by little 
and little they may afterwards be brought to order; besides 
that for the present it is of more consequence that we 
take from their ranks, than that we add to ours. And 
for the furtherance of this purpose, it would greatly avail 
if his majesty would send into Germany whatever sums of 
money he can possibly command, because the rumour of 
this, being extended through the country, would confirm 
others in their purpose of entering the league, which they 
would do the more readily on perceiving that the chief 
sinews of war are not wanting. And for the more eifectual 
consolidation of the said Catholic league, his holiness will 
himself despatch one or more emissaries to the Catholic 
princes, to encourage them in like manner by promises of 
aid in mone}-, and other benefits, when things shall have 
proceeded to such an extent for the advancement of religion 
and the preservation of the dignity, both of the Apostolic 
See and of his imperial majesty, as to give warrant that 
there is good ground for expecting the outlay to produce 
its fruit. Nor in this will his holiness be forgetful of his 
majesty. And it would not be ill-advised, that among these 
means his majesty should adopt the pretext of the Turkish 
affairs, to send, under that colour, a certain number of 
Spanish and Italian troops into those parts, and by retaining 
them in the territories of his brother, the king of the Romans, 
to secure that in case of need there should be due assistance 
at hand." 

Pallavicini was acquainted with this Instruction as well 
as with the preceding one (lib. iv. c. 14). We perceive, 
from what he says, that the notices relating to Germany in 
the latter of these documents were obtained from the letters 
of Aleander, who acquired so equivocal a reputation for 
himself in these negotiations. Rainaldus also gives extracts 
from them ; but this very instance will serve to shew how 
needful it is to consult original authorities. In Rainaldus, 
the rather obscure passage just quoted reads as follows : 
" Interea omni studio catholicorum foedus augcre atque ad 


se nonnullos ex adversariis pellicere niteretur, mitteret etiam 
aurum militare ut foederatis adderet animos fluctuantesque 
ad se pertraheret." 

No. 25 

Instrudioms pro rev^'^ dom'^'* episcopo Muiinensi aposioUco 
mmtio inte7'f^lturo conventui Germatiorum Spirae^ 12 
Maji^ 1540, cekbrando. [Instructions for the bishop of 
Modena, apostolic nuncio to the German conference 
at Spires.] Barberini Library, 3,007. 

The religious conferences nevertheless took place. We 
here see the light in which they were regarded at Rome : 

" Neque mirum videatur alicui si neque legatis neque 
nuntiisplenaria facultas etautoritas decidendi aut concordandi 
in causa fidei detur, quia maxime absurdum esset et ab omni 
ratione dissentaneum, quin imo difficile et quam maxime 
periculosum, sacros ritus et sanctiones, per tot annorum 
censuras ab universali ecclesia ita receptas, ut si quid in his 
innovandum esset, id nonnisi universalis concilii decretis vel 
saltem summi pontificis ecclesiae moderatoris mature et bene 
discussa deliberatione fieri debeat, paucorum etiam non 
competentium judicio et tam brevi ac praecipiti tempore et 
in loco non satis idoneo committi. 

" Debet tamen rev. dom. nuntius domi suae seorsim 
intelligere a catholicis doctoribus ea omnia quae inter ipsos 
et doctores Luth.eranos tractabuntur, ut suum consilium 
prudentiamque interponere et ad bonum finem omnia diri- 
gere possit, salva semper sanctissimi Domini Nostri et 
apostolicae sedis autoritate et dignitate, ut saepe repetitum 
est, quia hinc salus universalis ecclesiae pendet, ut inquit 
D. Hieronymus. Debet idem particulariter quadam cum 
dexteritate et prudentia catholicos principes, tam eccle- 
siasticos quam saeculares, in fide parentiim et majorum 
suorum confirmare, et ne quid in ea temere et absque 
apostolicae sedis autoritate, ad quam hujusmodi examen 
spectat, innovari aut immutari patiantur, eos commone- 

Nos. 26, 27] APPENDIX— SECTION III 87 

No. 26 

Instructio data rev'^° Card}' Confareno in Germaniam legato, 
2^ Jan. 1541. [Instruction given to Cardinal Contarini, 
legate in Germany.] 

This has been already printed, and is often mentioned. 
The Roman court was at length induced to make certain 

Between the years 1541 and 1551, our collection con- 
tains a number of letters, reports, and instructions by no 
means inconsiderable ; they comprehend all parts of Europe, 
and not unfrequently throw a new light on events. They 
cannot, however, be investigated in detail here, for the 
book which these extracts would further illustrate was not 
designed to give a complete representation of that period. 
I confine myself, therefore, without much scruple, to the 
more important. 

No. 27 

155 1 die 20 Jnnii^ in senate Matthams Dandulus, eques, ex 
Roma orator. 

The above is the title of the report presented by Matteo 
Dandolo, — who, as we see from the letters of Cardinal Pole 
(ed. Quir. ii. p. 90), was brother-in-law to Caspar Contarini, — 
after a residence of twenty-six months in Rome. He 
promises to be brief : " Alle relation! non convengono delle 
cose che sono state scritte se non quelle che sono necessarie 
di esser osservate." 

He treats first of the latter days of Paul III. Of this part 
I have already cited the most important facts. He then 
speaks of the conclave, and all the cardinals are mentioned 
by name. Dandolo asserts that he arrived with members 
of the college belonging to the university of Padua : we 
see how well he must have been informed. And he gives 
us various interesting particulars, some of which I reproduced 
in the early editions. These extracts I can now omit, as 


Tommaso has printed the whole report in the Florentine 
collection, vii. 333-360, from transcripts which, though 
imperfect, e.g. in the reckoning of the papal income, are yet 
better than the one I used. 

No. 28 

Vifa dl Mar cello IT, scritta di propria mano del Signer Alex. 
Cervini, suo fratello. [Life of Marcellus II, written 
by his brother Signor Alex. Cervini, with his own hand.] 
Alb. No. 157. 

There is a most useful little work respecting Pope 
Marcellus II by Pietro Polidoro, 1744. Among the 
sources whence this author derived his work, we find the 
very first that he mentions to be this biography by Alex. 
Cervini. Unfortunately, however, the original copy was 
greatly injured so early as the year 1598, by a fire that broke 
out in the family residence at Montepulciano, and we have 
but a fragment of it remaining. I extract from it the 
following passage, which refers to the attempt at a reforma- 
tion of the calendar made under Leo X, and is not to be 
found in Polidoro : — 

" His father, therefore, having accustomed him to these 
habits, and exercised him in grammar, rhetoric, arithmetic, 
and geometry, it chanced that he became also much versed 
in natural astrology, and more than he would have been 
in the ordinary course of things, the cause of which was as 
follows : — His holiness our lord, who was pope at that time, 
Leo X, caused to be made known by public edict that who- 
ever might possess a rule or method for correcting the year, 
which up to that time had got wrong by eleven days, should 
make it known to his holiness ; wherefore the above-mentioned 
M*". Riccardo (father of the pope), as one who was tolerably 
well versed in that profession, applied himself to obey the 
pontiff, and therefore by long and diligent observation, and 
with the aid of his instruments, he sought and found the 
true course of the sun, as appears from his essays and 
sketches sent to Pope Leo X, to whom, and to that most 

No. 29] APPENDIX— SECTION ill 89 

glorious house of Medici, he had ever shewn faithful 
service ; more particularly to the magnificent Giuliano, from 
whom he had received favours and great offers. The death 
of that Signor prevented the fulfilment of the design that 
M"". Riccardo should attend the person of his excellency 
into France, or wherever else he might go, as had been 
agreed between them. Neither could our lord his holiness 
carry out the publication of the correction of the year, 
because of various impediments, and finally, because of his 
own death, which followed not long after." 

We see how the minds of the Italians were actively 
employed on this matter, even in the times of Leo X ; 
and that the bishop of Fossombrone, who recommended 
the reform of the calendar in the Lateran council of 
1513J was not the only person who gave attention to the 

No. 29 
Antonio Caracciolo^ Vita di Papa Paolo IV. 2 vols. fol. 

Antonio Caracciolo, a Theatine, a Neapolitan, and a 
compiler all his life, could not fail to apply himself diligently 
to the history of the most renowned Neapolitan pope, the 
founder of the Theatines, Paul IV, and we owe him our 
best thanks for doing so. He has brought together a vast 
amount of information, and innumerable details, which but 
for him would have been lost. His book forms the ground- 
work of Carlo Bromato's elaborate performance : " Storia 
di Paolo IV, Pontefice Massimo, Rome, 1748," which 
presents an exceedingly rich collection of materials, in two 
thick and closely-printed quartos. 

But, from the rigid severity of the censorship exercised 
in the Catholic church, there resulted the inevitable con- 
sequence that Bromato could by no means venture to admit 
all the information afforded him by the sources to which he 

I have frequently alluded to a circumstantial report of 
G. P. Caraffa to Clement VII on the condition of the Church, 
prepared in the year 1532. From this Bromato (i. p. 205) 


makes a long extract. But he has also made several 
omissions, and that of matters most particularly essential ; 
for example, the remarks on the extension of Lutheran 
opinions in Venice. 

" Let his holiness be implored that, for the honour of 
God and his own, this city not being the least or the vilest 
object in Christendom, and there being in the said city and 
in her dominions many and many thousands of souls com- 
mitted to his holiness, he will be content to hear from a 
faithful witness some portion of their wants, which are 
indeed very great, but of which there shall be now set forth 
at least some part ; and because, as the apostle saith, without 
faith it is impossible to please God, you shall begin with 
this, and acquaint his holiness with the heresies and errors 
in the life and conduct of many who do not keep Lent, do 
not go to confession, &c. — in the doctrine of others, who 
publicly speak of and profess these heresies, putting about 
also prohibited books among the people, without respect to 
rule. But above all, you will say that this pestilence, as 
well of the Lutheran heresy as of every other error, contrary 
to the faith and to sound morals, is chiefly disseminated and 
increased by two sorts of persons, that is to say, by the 
apostates themselves, and by certain friars, chiefly "con- 
ventuali." Also his holiness should be made aware of that 
accursed nest of conventuals, the Minorite Friars; for he 
by his goodness having restricted some of his servants who 
would have moved in this matter, these friars have begun 
to put all in confusion; for, having been disciples of a 
heretic monk, now dead, they have determined to do honour 
to their master. . . . And, to say what are my thoughts in 
this matter, it appears to me that in so great an emergency 
we ought not to confine ourselves to the usual method, but, 
as in the menacing and increasing fury of war, new expe- 
dients are daily adopted, as the occasion demands, so in this 
still more important spiritual warfare, we should not waste 
our time in sleep. And since it is known to his holiness 
that the office of the Inquisition in this province is in the 
hands of those conventuals aforesaid, the Minorite Friars, 
who will only by chance and occasionally persuade them- 
selves to perform any real and fitting inquisition, such as 


was exercised by that master Martino da Treviso, of whose 
diligence and faith I know that his hoHness was informed 
by the above-named bishop of Pola, of honoured memory, — 
since he has been now transferred to another office, and is 
succeeded in the Inquisition by I know not whom, but, so 
far as I can learn, a very insufficient person, it will therefore 
be needful that his holiness should take the requisite 
measures, partly by arousing and exciting the ordinaries, 
who are everywhere no better than asleep, and partly by 
deputing some persons of authority to this country, and 
sending hither some legate, who, if it were possible, should 
be free from ambition and cupidity, that so he might apply 
himself to repair the honour and credit of the Apostolic See, 
punishing those rascal heretics, or at least driving them away 
from the midst of the poor Christians ; for wherever they 
shall go they will carry with them the testimony of their 
own wickedness, and of the goodness of the faithful Catholics, 
who will not have them in their company. And since the 
pest of heresy is for the most part introduced by preach- 
ing, by heretical books, and by a long continuance in an 
evil and dissolute life, from which the passage to heresy 
is easy, it seems that his holiness would make a holy, 
honourable, and useful provision by taking measures in this 

There are other notices of more or less importance con- 
tained in the work of Caracciolo, which have for the most 
part remained unknown, but which, in a work of greater 
detail than that here presented to the reader, ought not to 
be passed over. This Italian biography is wholly distinct 
from another of Caracciolo's writings, the " Collectanea 
historica de Paolo IV : " it is an entirely different, and much 
more useful work. There are, nevertheless, some things in 
the Collectanea which are also to be found in the "Vita;" 
as, for example, the description of the changes which 
Paul IV proposed to make after he had dismissed his 


No. 30 

Relatione di M. Bernardo Navagero alia 6*'"'' Rep'"- di Veneiia 
tornajido di Rojna ambasciatore app7*esso del pontejice 
Faolo IV 1558. [Report presented to the Republic 
of Venice by M. Bernardo Navagero, ambassador to 
Paul IV, on his return from Rome.] 

This is one of the Venetian Reports which obtained a 
general circulation. It was used even by Pallavicini, who was 
attacked on that account. Rainaldus also mentions it ( Annales 
Eccles. 1557, No. 10), to say nothing of later authors. 

It is, without doubt, highly deserving of these honours. 
Bernardo Navagero enjoyed in Venice the consideration 
which was due to his learning. We perceive from Foscarini 
(Delia Lett. Ven., p. 255) that he was proposed as historio- 
grapher to the republic. In his earlier embassies to Charles 
V, Henry VIII, and SoHman, he had become practised in 
the conduct of difficult affairs, as well as in the observation 
of remarkable characters. He arrived in Rome immediately 
after the accession of Paul IV. 

Navagero describes the qualities required of an am- 
bassador under three heads : understanding, which demands 
penetration ; negotiation, which demands address ; and re- 
porting, which requires judgment that he may say only what 
is necessary and useful. 

He commences with remarks on the election and power 
of a pope. It is his opinion that if the popes would 
earnestly apply themselves to the imitation of Christ, they 
would be much more to be feared. He then describes " le 
conditioni," as he says, "di papa Paolo IV, e di chi lo 
consiglia," [the qualities of Pope Paul IV, and of those who 
advise himj— that is, above all, his three nephews. I have 
made use of his descriptions, but the author is not always 
to be followed in his general conclusions. He thinks that 
even Paul IV had no other object than the exaltation of 
his own house. Had he written later, after the banishment 
of the nephews, he would not have expressed such an 
opinion. That event marked the point of change in the 


papal policy, from worldly views to those of a more spiritual 
character. From personal descriptions, Navagero proceeds 
to an account of the war between Paul IV and Philip II : 
this also is quite as happily conceived, and is full of the 
most intelligent remarks. There next follow a review of 
the foreign relations of Rome, and reflections on the probable 
result of a future election. It is only with the most cautious 
discretion that Navagero proceeds to speak of this matter. 
" Piu," he says, " per sodisfare alle SS. VV. EE. che a me 
in quella parte." [More to satisfy your excellencies than 
myself, I speak of this part.] But his conjectures were not 
wide of the mark. Of the two in regard to whom he per- 
ceived the greatest probability of succession, he names, in 
fact, the one who was elected, Medighis (Medici), although 
it is true that he considered the other, Puteo, to be a still 
more likely successor. 

" But now," he says, *' I am here again. I again behold 
the countenance of my sovereign, the illustrious republic, in 
whose service there is nothing so great that I would not 
venture to attempt it, nothing so mean that I would not 
undertake it." This expression of devotedness gives 
heightened colour to the description. 

No. 31 

Relatione del CI"''" M. Aluise Mocenigo Cav""' ritoniato della 
corte di Roma,, 1560. [Aluise Mocenigo's report of his 
embassy to Rome.] Venetian Archives. 

Mocenigo remained during seventeen months at the court 
of Paul IV. The conclave lasted four months and eight 
days : he then conducted the embassy during seven months 
at the court of Pius IV. 

He first describes the ecclesiastical and secular ad- 
ministration, that of justice, and the court under Paul IV. 
He makes an observation respecting these things, of which 
I have not ventured to make use, although it suggests 
many reflections. " I cardinali," he says, " dividono fra 
loro le cittk delle legationi (nel conclave) : poi continuano 
in (juesto ipodo ^ t>eneplacito delli pontefici." [The cardinal? 


divide the different cities of the legations among themselves 
(in the conclave), and the arrangement afterwards remains, 
but subject to the good pleasure of the pope.] May we 
then consider this the origin of the administration of the 
state by the clergy which was gradually introduced? In 
1563 Pius IV excuses himself on the ground of the needs 
of the papal treasury, for giving cardinals high places in the 
civil government. In the speech which he delivered to the 
cardinals on Dec. 30, 1563, he says: "Quod vero ponti- 
ficatus initio quibusdam cardinalibus dedimus provincias, 
quibus ad biennium legationis nomine praeessent, easque 
illi quadriennium obtinuerunt, cogimur aliquando illo subsidio 
multas magnasque difficultates sublevare ; nam et tenuiores 
cardinales, quo dignitatis gradum tueri possint, sunt adju- 
vandi, et providendum aerarii angustiis . . . quare, non 
modo acquis, sed etiam libentibus, illis cardinalibus, speramus 
nos illo adjumento provinciarum tot pubHcis consulturos 
incommodis; praesertim cum ipsi etiam affines nostri 
cardinales sint de suis provinces discessuri." Julii Pogiani 
epistolae et orationes, ed. ab H. Lagomarsinio, vol. iii. p. 
385 ; Italian version in Pallavicini, xxxiv., a. 

Nor does he forget the antiquities, of which Rome 
possessed a richer abundance at that time than at any 
other, as is testified by the descriptions of Boissard and 
Gamucci : "In every place, whether inhabited or unin- 
habited, that is excavated in Rome, there are found vestiges 
of noble and ancient structures; also from many places 
most beautiful statues are dug out. Of marble statues, if all 
were placed together, there might be made a very large army." 

He next comes to the disturbances that broke forth on 
the death of Paul IV, and were repeated in a thousand 
fresh disorders, even after they appeared to be allayed. 
"When the people had ceased, there flocked to the city 
all the broken men and outlaws, so that nothing was heard 
of but murders, and some were founds who for eight, seven, 
or even for six scudi, would take upon themselves the charge 
of killing a man ; and this went to such a degree that many 
hundred murders were committed in a few days, some from 
motives of enmity, others on account of lawsuits, — many that 
they might inherit the property of the murdered, and others 


for divers causes^ so that Rome seemed, as the saying is, Hke 
* il bosco di baccaro.' " 

The conclave was very joyous, — every day there were 
banquets. Vargas (whose reports on the conclave have now 
been printed in Bollinger's " Beitrage zur Geschichte der 
letzten sechs Jahrhunderte," i. 265-324) was there whole 
nights, at least " alii busi del conclave." But the person 
who really elected the pope was Duke Cosimo of Florence. 
"The duke of Florence has made him pope; it was 
he who caused him to be placed among the nominees of 
King Philip; then by various means he had him recom- 
mended by the queen of France ; and finally, by great in- 
dustry and diligence, he gained the CarafTa party to his 
side." How completely do all these intrigues, described 
in the histories of the conclaves, lie exposed in their utter 
nothingness ! The authors of these histories, themselves for 
the most part members of the conclaves, saw only the mutual 
relations of the individuals with whom they were in con- 
tact; the influences acting on them from without were 
concealed from their perception. 

The report concludes with a description of Pius IV, so 
far as his character had at that time been made manifest. 

No. 32 

Relatione del Cl"^ M. Marchio Michiel^ K"" e Froc, ritornato 
da Pio IF, sommo pontejice^fatta a 8 di Zugno^ 1560. 
[Report of the embassy of M. Marchio Michiel to 
Pius IV.] 

This is the report of an embassy of congratulation, which 
was absent from Venice only thirty-nine days, and cost 
13,000 ducats. As a report it is very feeble. Michiel 
exhorts to submission towards Rome. "The jurisdiction 
of the pope should not be invaded, and that the mind of 
his holiness may not be disturbed, the avogadors should 
pay him all those marks of respect that are proper, but 
which I have often remarked them to omit." 


No. 33 

Dispacci degli ainhasciatori Veneti^ 1560 (May 18 to Sept. 21). 
Informat. Politt. vol. viii. 272 leaves. LetteredelVAmulio 
(Sept. 24 to Nov. 28). Inform. Politt. vol. xiii. Rag- 
guagli deir amhasciatorc Veneto in Roma, 1561 (end of 
Jan. to Feb. 25). Inform. Politt. vol. xxxvii. 71 leaves. 

The Ragguagli are also despatches, dated January and 
February, 1561, and are all from Marc Antonio de Mula, 
who for some time filled the place of ambassador. (See 
Andreae Mauroceni Hist. Venet. lib. viii. tom. ii. 153.) They 
are very instructive, giving interesting particulars in regard 
to the circumstances of the times and the character of 
Pius IV. The closing fortunes of the Caraffa family occupy 
a prominent place, and we learn from these documents that 
Philip II then wished to save these old enemies of his. 
This was even charged against him as a crime at the court 
(of Rome). Vargas replied, that Philip II had given them 
his pardon ; " quel gran re, quel santo, quel cattolico non 
facendo come voi altri" [that great king, that holy and 
Catholic monarch, not doing as ye Romans do]. The pope, 
on the contrary, reproached them with the utmost vehemence : 
" Havere mosse I'arme de Christiani, de Turchi e degl' 
eretici, . . . e che le lettere che venivano da Francia e 
dagli agenti in Italia, tutte erano contrafatte, &c." [That 
they had moved Christians, Turks, and heretics to war, . . . 
and that the letters which came from France and from the 
agents in Italy, were all forged, &c.] The pope said he 
would have given 100,000 scudi to have it proved that they 
were innocent, but that atrocities such as they had committed 
could not be endured in Christendom. 

I abstain from making extracts from these letters ; it will 
suffice to have intimated the character of their contents. 

A beginning has been made with printing the despatches 
of the ambassadors. Among others, those of the Florentine 
Averardo Serristori, concerning his missions to Paul III, 
1541-1545, 1547-1549; Julius III, 1550-1554; Paul IV, 
1555; Pius IV, 1561-1564; Pius V, 1566-1568, were 
printed in 1851. They are of some value with reference 
tp the Italian relations. 

Nos. 34, 35] APPENDIX— SECTION III 97 

No. 34 

Extractus processus cardinalis Caraffae. Inff. vol. ii. pp. 465- 
516. With the addition : Haec copia processus forniati 
contra cardinalem Caraffavi rcducta in suinmam cum 
imputationibus fisci eonimquc reprobationibus perfect a f nit 
die. XX Nov. 1560. 

From the ninth article of the defence, under the word 
"Heresy," we learn that Albrecht of Brandenburg sent a 
certain Colonel Friedrich to conclude a treaty with Paul IV. 
The colonel had even an audience of the pope himself; but 
the cardinal of Augsburg (Otto von Truchsess) made so 
many objections and representations against him, that he 
was at length sent out of Rome. See Archivio Storico 
italiano, vol. xii. pp. 461 ff.^ where two chapters from the 
Trial of Caraffa are printed. With this may be mentioned : 
"El successo de la muerte de los Garrafas con la decla- 
racion y el modo que murieron y el di y hora, 1561." — ■ 
Inform, ii. 

No. 35 

Relatione di Giroiamo Sorafizo del 1^62,. Roma. Venetian 

The date, 15 61, which is on the copy in the archives, is, 
without doubt, incorrect. According to the authentic lists 
of the embassies, Girolamo was certainly chosen as early as 
the 22nd of September, 1560, because Mula had accepted 
an appointment from Pius IV, and had on that account 
fallen into disgrace with the republic. But that offence was 
forgiven, and it was not until Mula had been nominated 
cardinal, in the year 1562, that Soranzo superseded him. 
The latter frequently makes allusion to the council also, 
which did not, in fact, sit at all in the year 1561. Alberi 
also gives the date 1563. 

Girolamo Soranzo remarked, that the reports were 
agreeable as well as useful to the senate : " E volontieri 

VOL. III. li 


udite e maturamente considerate." He prepared his own 
report with pleasure, no less than with diligence. It is 
printed in the tenth volume of the Florentine Collection 
of Venetian Reports, so that we need not quote from 
it here. 

Among other things, he throws light on the conversion 
of the king of Navarre to Catholicism. 

No. 36 

Instrutiiom del ;r cattoUco al C M"" d Alcantara, suo am- 
hasciatore^ di quello ha da trattar in Roma. Madr. 30 
Nov. 1562. [Instructions from the Catholic king to his 
ambassador Alcantara, touching matters to be treated 
of in Rome.] MS. Rome. 

These Instructions are accompanied by the pope's reply. 
Pallavicini has made satisfactory extracts from this docu- 
.ment (Pal. xx. 10), with the exception of the following 
passage, which he does not appear to have clearly under- 
stood. " Circa I'articolo della communione sub utraque 
specie non restaremo di dire con la sicurtk che sapemo di 
potere usare con la M^ Sua, che ci parono cose molto 
contrarie il dimandar tanta liberta e licenza nel concilio et 
il volere in un medesimo tempo che noi impediamo detto 
concilio e che prohibiamo all' imperatore, al re di Francia, 
al duca di Baviera et ad altri principi che non possano far 
proponere et questo et molti altri articoli che ricercano 
attento, che essi sono deliberati et risoluti di farli proponere 
da suoi ambasciatori e prelati, etiam che fosse contra la 
volonta dei legati. Sopra il che S. M^ dovrk fare quella 
consideratione che le parera conveniente. Quanto a quello 
che spetta a noi, havemo differita la cosa fin qui, cercaremo 
di differirla piii che potremo, non ostante le grandi istanze 
che circa cio ne sono state fatte : e tuttavia se ne fanno dalli 
sudetti principi, protestandoci che se non se gli concede, 
perderanno tutti li loro sudditi, quali dicono peccar solo in 
questo articulo e nel resto esser buoni cattolici, e di pill 
dicono che non essendogli concesso, li piglieranno da se, e 
si congiungeranno con li settarii vicini e protestanti; da 


quali quando ricorrono per questo uso del calice, sono 
astretti ad abjurare la nostra religione : sicche S. M'^ puo 
considerare in quanta molestia e travaglio siamo. Piacesse 
a Dio che S. M** cattolica fosse vicina e potessimo parlare 
insieme ed anche abboccarsi con I'imperatore — havendo per 
ogni modo S. M^ Cesarea da incontrarsi da noi, — che forse 
potriamo acconciare le cose del mondo, o nessuno le 
acconcierk mai se non Dio 50I0, quando parerk a Sua 
Divina Maest^." [In regard to the article of communion 
in both kinds, we do not hesitate to say, with all the 
freedom that we know we may use towards his majesty, that 
it appears to us a great contradiction to demand so much 
liberty and license in the council, and at the same time to 
desire that we should impede the said council, and should 
prevent the emperor, the king of France, the duke of 
Bavaria, and other princes, from having the faculty of pro- 
posing this and many other articles, all requiring attention, 
and which these monarchs have deliberately determined to 
have proposed by their ambassadors, even though their doing 
so should be contrary to the will of the legates. With 
relation to this matter, his majesty must adopt such resolu- 
tions as shall appear to him most suitable. As to what 
concerns ourselves, we have contrived to defer the matter 
until now, and will do our utmost to prolong the delay, 
notwithstanding the urgent representations which have been 
made to us in respect of it, and which continue to be made, 
by the above-named princes, who protest to us that if it be 
not conceded to them, they will lose all their subjects, and 
these commit no fault, as they say, except in this one 
particular, for in all the rest they are good Catholics. And 
they further say, that if this privilege be not granted to 
them, they will take it for themselves, joining with the 
neighbouring sectaries and the Protestants, by whom, on 
their having recourse to them for this use of the cup, they 
are compelled to abjure our religion : let his majesty then 
consider in how great a strait we are placed, and what 
perplexity we suffer. Would to God that his Catholic 
majesty were near us, so that we might speak together, or 
indeed that we could both meet and confer with the 
emperor; for his imperial majesty ought, by all means. 

100 APPENDIX—SECTION III [Nos. 37, 38 

to have an interview with us, and perchance we might thus 
give better order to the affairs of the world ; but otherwise, 
none will ever be able to amend them, save God alone, 
when it shall seem good to his Divine Majesty.] 

No. 37 

Instruttioiie data al S""" Carlo Visconti^ mandafo da papa 
Pio IV al re cattolico per le cose del concilio di Tre?tfo, 
[Instruction given to Signor Carlo Visconti, sent from 
Pope Pius IV to the Catholic king, touching the affairs 
of the Council of Trent.] Signed, — Carolus Borromseus, 
ultimo Oct. 1563. 

This document is not comprised in the collection of the 
nuncio's letters, which includes those only to Sept. 1563, 
but is remarkable from the fact that it investigates the 
motives for closing the council. Pallavicini (xxiv. i. i.) 
has adopted the greater part of this Instruction, but in an 
order different from that in which it was written. The most 
remarkable circumstance here made known, perhaps, is, that 
it was proposed to bring the affairs of England before the 
council, a design that was abandoned only from motives of 
consideration for Philip II. " Up to the present time we 
have not been willing to speak, or to suffer that the council 
should speak, of the queen of England (Mary Stuart), much 
as that subject deserves attention, nor yet of that other 
(Elizabeth), and this from respect to his Catholic majesty ; 
but still a plan must, at some time, be adopted respecting 
these things, and his majesty should at least take measures 
that the bishops and other Catholics may not be molested." 
It is here rendered manifest that the office of protecting 
the Catholics of England was imposed as a kind of duty on 
Philip II. 

No. 38 

Relatione in scriptis fatta dal Commefidone ai S""' Legati del 
concilio sopra le cose ritratte deW i7nperatore^ 19 Feb. 

No. 38] APPENDIX— SECTION lit lol 

1563- [Report made in writing by Commendone to 
the legates at the Council, in regard to the matters 
touched upon by the emperor.] 

" La somma b che a me pare di aver veduto non pur in 
S. M'* ma nelli principali ministri, come Trausen e Seldio, 
un ardentissimo desiderio della riforma e del progresso del 
concilio con una gran speranza quod remettendo aliquid de 
jure positivo et reformando mores et disciplinam eccle- 
siasticam non solo si possono conservare li cattolici ma 
guadagnare e ridurre degli heretici, con una opinione o 
impressione pur troppo forte che qui siano molti che non 
vogliano riforma." [In fact, I thought I could perceive, 
not indeed in his majesty, but in the principal ministers, 
such as Trausen and Seld, a most earnest desire for reform, 
and for the progress of the council, with a firm hope that 
by a certain remission of the positive law, and by a reform 
of the morals and discipline of the Church, not only might 
the Catholics be preserved, but some of the heretics also 
might be gained and recovered, together with an opinion 
or impression, perhaps too powerful, that there were many 
here who did not wish for reform.] 

The activity of the Jesuits in particular had made an 
impression. "Seldio disse, che li Gesuiti hanno hormai 
mostrato in Germania quello che si puo sperare con effetto, 
perche solamente con la buona vita e con la prediche e con 
le scuole loro hanno ritenuto e vi sostengono tuttavia la 
religione cattolica." [Seld remarked, that the Jesuits have 
now shewn clearly in Germany what effects may be hoped 
for, since merely by their purity of life, their preaching, and 
their schools, they have maintained, and still wholly support, 
the Catholic religion in that country.] 

A learned friend, to whom I am indebted for several 
similar references for this period^ draws my attention to the 
fact that Commendone's report is printed in " J. Pogiani 
epistolae et orationes olim collectae at A. M. Gratiano, 
nunc ab H. Lagomarsinio adnotationibus illustratae," Rome, 
1757, vol. iii. pp. 242/: 

102 APPENDIX— SECTION III [Nos. 39-41 

No. 39 

Relatione sommaria del cardinal Morone sopra la legatione 
sna, 1564, Januario. [Summary Report of Cardinal 
Morone, touching his embassy in January, 1564.] 
Altieri Library, VII. F. 3. 

This ought properly to be given word for word. 
Unfortunately I did not find myself in a position to take a 
copy. The extract that I have inserted in the third book 
must therefore suffice. 

No. 40 

Afitonio Can OSS a : On the attempt to assassinate Pius IV. 
See vol. i. p. 278. 

No. 41 

Relatione di Roma al tempo di Pio IV e V di Paolo Tiepolo^ 
ambasciatore Veneto. [Report from Rome in relation 
to the times of Pius IV and V, by Paolo Tiepolo, 
Venetian ambassador.] First found in MS. at Gotha, 
afterwards in many other collections. 1568. 

This Report is described in almost all the copies as 
belonging to the year 1567 ; but since Paolo Tiepolo 
expressly says that he was thirty-three months at the court 
of Pius V, and the latter was elected in January, 1566, it is 
clear that its true date must be some time after September, 
1568. The despatches also of this ambassador — the first 
that were preserved in the Venetian archives — come down 
to this year. 

Tiepolo describes Rome, the States of the Church and 
their administration, as well as the ecclesiastical power, 
which, as he says, punishes by interdicts, and rewards by 
indulgences. He next institutes a comparison between 
Pius IV and V, touching on the piety, justice, liberality, 
habits, and general dispositions of these pontiffs respectively. 


Venice had found a very mild pope in the former, in the 
latter an extremely rigorous one. Pius V complained 
incessantly of the restrictions which Venice permitted 
herself to impose on the ecclesiastical immunities. He 
instances the taxation of monasteries, the trial of priests by 
the civil tribunals, and the conduct of the " Avogadores." 
Still, in despite of these misunderstandings, the comparison 
of Tiepolo tends entirely to the advantage of the more rigid, 
and to the disadvantage of the milder pope. We perceive 
clearly that the personal qualities of Pius V had produced 
an impression on this ambassador similar to that received 
from his character by Europe generally. 

This report has been extensively circulated, as we have 
said; it has also been occasionally inserted in printed 
works ; but let us remark the manner in which this has 
been done. In the "Tesoro Politico," i. 19, there is a 
" Relatione di Roma," in which all that Tiepolo says of 
Pius V is applied to Sixtus V. Traits of character, nay, 
even particular actions, ordinances, &c., are transferred 
without ceremony from one pope to the other. This 
report, thus completely falsified, was afterwards inserted 
in the *' Respublica Romana " (Elzevir), where it will be 
found, word for w^ord, p. 494, under the title " De statu 
urbis Romae et pontificis relatio tempore Sixti V papae, 
anno 1585." 

No. 42 

Relatione di Roma del C/'"** S"" Michiel Snriano K. ritornato 
amhasciatore da N. S. Papa Pio V, 15 71. [Report on 
Rome by M. Suriano, ambassador to Pius V.] 

Michael Suriano, in whom, as we are told by Paruta, 
the study of literature added a more brilliant lustre to his 
'talents for business (Guerra di Cipro, i. p. 28), was the 
immediate successor of Paolo Tiepolo. I will not repeat 
his description of Pius V, which I printed in the earlier 
editions, as it is given in the tenth volume of the Florentine 
Collection, p. 200. 

There is no difficulty in believing that the ambassador 

104 APPENDIX— SECTION III [Nos. 43, 44 

occupied a trying position with the pope whom he here 
describes. When Pius became aware, for example, that the 
Venetians would not publish the bull " In Coena Domini," 
he fell into a violent rage : " si perturbo estremamente, et 
acceso in collera disse molte cose gravi et fastidiose." This 
rendered the management of business doubly difficult. 
Suriano lost, in fact, the favour of his republic. He was 
recalled, and a large portion of this report is written for 
the purpose of justifying his conduct ; but here we cannot 
follow him. 

No. 43 

Ififormatione di Plo V. Inform. Politt. Ambiosian 
Library, F. D. 181. 

This, it is true, is anonymous, but was written by some 
one who was accurately informed, and is corroborative of 
other descriptions. One of the facts we learn from this 
document, is the singular one that, notwithstanding all the 
rigour of this pious pope, yet factions prevailed in his house- 
hold ; the older servants were opposed to the younger, who 
attached themselves more particularly to the grand cham- 
berlain, M'* Cirillo : the latter was generally accessible to 
all. " Con le carezze e col mostrar di conoscere il suo 
valore facilmente s'acquistarebbe : ha I'animo elevatissimo, 
grande intelligenza con Gambara e Correggio, e si stringe 
con Morone." 

No. 44 

Relatione delta corte di Roma net tempo di Gregorio XIII, 
[Report of the Court of Rome in the time of Gregory 
XIII.] Corsini Library, No. 714. Dated Feb. 20, 

Anonymous, but nevertheless very instructive, and bear- 
ing the stamp of authenticity. The author considers it 
difficult to judge of courts and princes. " Diro come si 


giudica nella corte e come la intendo." [I will shew how 
they judge at court, and will say what I think of it myself.] 
He gives the following description of Gregory XIII : — 

" Having attained to the pontificate at the age of 71, he 
seemed desirous of changing his very nature, so that the 
rigour which he had always blamed in others was now 
apparent in himself, more particularly as regarded any free- 
dom of intercourse with women, in relation to which he was 
more severe than his predecessor, enforcing all rules and 
regulations with a still more rigorous exactitude. He dis- 
played equal severity in the matter of gambling, for certain 
persons of the most distinguished rank, having begun to 
amuse themselves in the commencement of his pontificate 
by playing for a few scudi, he reproved them with acrimony. 
It is true that some thought this playing was discovered to 
be a mere pretext to conceal intrigues that were set on foot 
respecting a new pontiff, in consequence of a slight indis- 
position which his holiness had in the commencement of his 
reign. From that time, the opinion that his holiness had 
been made pope by the most illustrious Cardinal de' Medici, 
and would be governed by him, began to lose ground, and 
it was made clearly apparent that his holiness abhorred the 
thought of any one pretending to arrogate an influence over 
him, or to intimate that he had need of being guided, nor 
will he have it supposed that he is governed by any but 
himself. It is indeed certain that in all judicial matters he 
is highly competent to act, understanding them perfectly, 
and requiring no advice on the subject. In affairs of state, 
on the contrary, his holiness might advantageously be better 
informed than he is, because he has never studied them 
profoundly. Thus he is sometimes irresolute ; but when he 
has well considered the matter before him, he obtains a very 
clear perception of its different bearings, and after listening 
to various opinions, readily discerns the best and soundest. 
He is most patient and laborious, is never unoccupied, and 
takes very little recreation. He is constantly giving audience, 
or examining papers. He sleeps but little, rises very early, 
is fond of exercise and of the open air, which he does not 
fear, however unfavourable may be the weather. In eating 
he is most temperate, and drinks very httle, preserving 


himself in perfect health without quackeries or nostrums of 
any kind : he is gracious in outward demeanour to those 
who have done anything to please him. He is not profuse, 
nor even what would be called liberal, according to the opinion 
of the unthinking, who do not consider or discern the differ- 
ence there is between a sovereign who abstains from extor- 
tion and rapacity, and one who tenaciously keeps what he 
has. This pontiff does not covet the property of others ; 
nor does he lay plots against them to make himself master 
of it. He is not cruel nor sanguinary, but being continually 
in fear of war, either with the Turk or with heretics, he is 
anxious to have a good amount of money in the treasury, 
and to preserve it there, without spending it on useless 
things. He is said to have about a million and a half of gold. 
Yet he is much disposed to magnificence, loves splendour, 
and is above all things desirous of glory ; by which desire 
it is, perhaps, that he is sometimes led to do things that are 
not pleasing to the court. For these reverend " padri Chiet- 
tini," who know his character well, have gained the upper 
hand of him, by persuading him that the influence and 
authority which Pius V possessed were to be attributed 
solely to his reputation for piety and goodness. With this 
they hold his holiness, as it were, in leading-strings, and 
compel him to do things contrary to his character and incli- 
nations, for he has always been of a kindly and gentle dis- 
position, and they restrict him to modes of life to which he 
is not accustomed, and that are uncongenial to him. It is 
believed that to effect this, they have employed the expedient 
of causing letters to be addressed to them by the fathers of 
their order resident in Spain and other places, which letters 
are filled with repetitions of the praises everywhere bestowed 
on the holy life of the late pontiff, and continually insist on 
the great glory he acquired by his reputation for piety, and 
by his reforms ; and in this manner they are said to maintain 
their authority, and to persevere in governing his holiness. 
It is rumoured, besides, that they are also assisted by the 
bishop of Padua, nuncio in Spain, a creature of Pius V and 
of themselves. And so powerful is the pontiff's desire of 
glory, that he denies himself and puts restraint on his own 
nature, even to the extent of refraining from those proofs of 


affection towards his son, which would be accounted reason- 
able and honourable by every one, because he is influenced 
by the scruples inspired by the aforesaid fathers. Thus the 
great fortune of his holiness in having attained his high 
dignity from so poor a condition, is counterbalanced by this 
state of things, and by his having kindred from whom he 
can derive no satisfaction, and who do not appear to his 
holiness to be possessed of capacity for important affairs, 
nor proper to be entrusted with the business of the state." 

He proceeds to describe the cardinals in a similar 
manner. Of Granvelle, he remarks, that he did not main- 
tain his credit, he was intent on his own gratifications, and 
was considered avaricious. In the affairs of the League he 
had nearly occasioned an open rupture between the king 
and the pope. Commendone, on the contrary, is highly 
extolled. " He possesses virtue, goodness, and experience, 
with infinite soundness of judgment." 

No. 45 

Seconda relatione deW ainbasciatore di Roma, claf^^ M. Paolo 
.Tiepolo K' ; 3 Maggio, 1576. [Second report of Paolo 
Tiepolo, ambassador to Rome.] 

The anonymous report mentioned above speaks of 
Tiepolo also, and in the highest terms ; he is described as 
a man of clear head and great worth. " He is modest, 
and, unlike the usual habit of the Venetians, is courteous 
and liberal. He is extremely well received, gives general 
satisfaction, and shews great prudence in shaping his course 
through these toils and difficulties." 

When the Venetians separated themselves from the 
league formed against the Turks, for example, he had to 
maintain a difficult position. It was believed that the pope 
would propose in the consistory that the Venetians should 
be excommunicated, and certain of the cardinals were pre- 
paring to oppose any such purpose. *^ With the exception 
of Cornaro (a Venetian), there was not one who would 
come to see me or send for me, much less would any of 


them advise, console, or assist me." The true cause of the 
separate peace, Tiepolo asserts to have been that the Span- 
iards, after promising to be prepared and armed, in April, 
1573, declared, in that month, that their armament would not 
be complete until June. It tended greatly to mitigate the 
anger of the pope, that Venice finally determined to create 
his son a Venetian " nobile." Tiepolo describes this son of 
the pope, Giacomo Buoncompagno, and then discourses at 
large concerning the civil administration of the cardinal of 
Como. The Report is printed in Alberi, Relazioni degli 
Ambasc. Venet., vol. x. p. 203. 

No. 46 

Commentariorntn de rehis Gregorii XIII lib. i. et ii. Albani 

Unfortunately incomplete. The author. Cardinal Ver- 
celli, when, after certain preliminary observations, he pro- 
ceeds to speak of Gregory's pontificate, promises to treat of 
three things : the war with the Turks, the war of the Pro- 
testants against the kings of France and Spain, and the 
disputes respecting the jurisdiction of the Church. 

But unluckily we find in the second book that the war 
against the Turks is given no farther than to the treaty of 
peace with the Venetians. 

With the relations subsisting between eastern affairs and 
those of religion we are acquainted. Our author's expla- 
nation of the perplexities involving the affairs of the year 
1572 is by no means a bad one. Intelligence had been 
received to the effect that Charles IX was abetting the 
movements of the Protestants in the Netherlands. " Quod 
cum Gregorius moleste ferret, dat ad Gallorum regem 
litteras quibus ab eo vehementer petit ne suos in hoc se 
admiscere helium patiatur : alioquin se existimaturum omnia 
haec illius voluntate nutuque fieri. Rex de suis continendis 
magnae sibi curae fore pollicetur, id quod quantum in se 
est praestat : verum ejusmodi litteris, quae paulo minacius 
scriptae videbantur, nonnihil tactus, nonnullis etiam conjec- 
turis eo adductus ut se irritari propeque ad bellum provocari 


putaret, ne iniparatum adorirentur, urbes quas in finibus 
regni habebat diligenter communit, duces suos admonet 
ut operam dent ne quid detrimenti capiat, simulque Emanu- 
elem Allobrogum ducem, utriusque regis propinquum et 
amicum, de his rebus omnibus certiorem facit. Emanuel, 
qui pro singulari prudentia sua, quam horum regum dissensio 
suis totique reipublicae christianae calamitosa futura esset, 
probe intelligebat, ad pontificem haec omnia perscribit, 
eumque obsecrat et obtestatur, nascenti malo occurrat, ne 
longius serpat atque inveteratum robustius fiat. Pontifex, 
quam gereret personam minimum oblitus, cum regem Gallo- 
rum adolescentem et gloriae cupiditate incensum non difficil- 
lime a catholicae fidei hostibus, quorum tunc in aula maxima 
erat autoritas, ad hujusmodi bellum impelli posse animad- 
verteret, reginam tamen ejus matrem longe ab eo abhorrere 
dignitatisque et utilitatis suae rationem habituram putaret, 
mittit eo Antonium Mariam Salviatum, reginae affinem eique 
pergratum, qui eam in officio contineat, ipsiusque opera 
facilius regi, ne reip. christianae accessionem imperii et 
gloriam quae ex orientali expeditione merito expectanda 
esset invideat funestumque in illius visceribus moveat bellum, 

In so far, then, the pope was certainly indirectly impli- 
cated in the massacre of St. Bartholomew. It was his 
interest to prevent by all possible means the outbreak of 
war between Spain and France. It is greatly to be wished 
that we possessed the portion of this work which related to 
the religious dissensions. 

I have been further induced to quote the above passage 
by the fact that the very first lines prove it to belong to the 
sources of which Maffei has availed himself in his " Annali 
di Gregorio XIII, Pontefice Massimo." Let the reader 
compare the passage with Mafifei, i. p. 27. " Scrisse a 
Carlo risentitamente, che se egli comportava che i sudditi e 
ministri s'intromettessero in questa guerra per distornarla, 
egli tutto riconoscerebbe da lui e dalla mala sua intenzione. 
E per I'istesso fine operb che li signori Veneziani gli man- 
dassero un' ambasciatore con diligenza. Rispose Carlo 
modestamente, ch'egli farebbe ogni possibile perch^ i suoi 
ne a lui dovessero dar disgusto, n^ agli Spagnuoli sospetto 


di quello ch'egli non aveva in pensiero. Ma non resto 
pero di dolersi con Emanuele duca di Savoja della risentita 
maniera con che gli aveva scritto il pontefice : parendogli 
che si fosse lasciato spingere dagli Spagniioli che avessero 
voglia essi di romperla : et'ad un tempo comincio a presi- 
diare le cittk delie frontiere." [He wrote angrily to Charles, 
that if he suffered his subjects and ministers to mingle in 
that war, for the purpose of impeding it, he (the pope) should 
attribute all the mischief to him and his evil intentions. 
And the pontiff contrived that the Venetians should, with 
all diligence, despatch an ambassador to the French king 
for a similar purpose. Charles replied modestly, that he 
would do his best to prevent his subjects from causing 
displeasure to the pope, and from giving the Spaniards 
suspicion of his intending what he had never even thought 
of. But he did not fail to complain to Emanuel, duke of 
Savoy, of the angry manner in which the pope had written 
to him, saying it was his opinion that his holiness had suffered 
himself to be urged on by the Spaniards, who had themselves 
wished to interrupt the peace ; and at the same time he began 
to garrison the cities of the frontiers.] 

I find, besides, that in various parts the work of Maffei 
is no other than an amplified transcript of the document we 
are examining. Yet I do not, in the least, desire to detract 
from the merit of Maffei's work by this remark; I am 
indebted to it for very valuable information, and though 
not entirely impartial, it is moderate, rich in matter, and 
UDon the whole worthy of confidence. 

No. 47 

Relatione di mo7U'^ rev""" Gio. P. Ghisilieri a papa Gregorio 
XIII, to7'na7ido egU dal presidentato della Romagna, 
[Report of Ghisilieri to Pope Gregory, on his return 
from the presidency of Romagna.] See vol. i. p. 310. 


No. 48 

Discorso over ritratto della corte di Roma di mons'' ill''''' 
Commeiidone alV ilt^"* s^ Hier. Savorgnano. [A dis- 
course, or sketch, relating to the court of Rome, pre- 
sented bj Commendone to Geronimo Savorgnano.] 
Library of Vienna; Rangone manuscripts. No. 
XVIII., fob 278-395. 

To all appearance, this work belongs to the time of 
Gregory XIII. I would not answer for the name of Com- 
mendone; but whoever the writer was, he was a man of 
talent, and deeply initiated into all the more secret rela- 
tions of Roman life. 

He describes the court as follows : " This common- 
wealth is a principality of the highest authority in a universal 
aristocracy of all Christians, having its seat in Rome. Its 
principle is religion. But if it be true (he further proceeds 
to say) that religion is the end, and that this is to be main- 
tained by virtue and sound doctrine, it is impossible but that 
an alteration in the condition of men's minds shall involve 
the danger of confusion to the whole commonwealth." 

He then treats principally of this conflict between the 
spiritual and secular efforts and interests ; and above all 
things inculcates the necessity of a cautious foresight. 
" Close attention to every movement, and to all personal 
acts and proceedings. House, servants, equipages, should 
all be suitable ; honourable and virtuous acquaintance only 
should be formed, nor should anything ever be affirmed 
that is not certainly known." The court requires " good- 
ness, elevation of mind, prudence, eloquence, theology." 
But all is still uncertain. " This should be regarded as a 
voyage at sea, in which, although prudence may do much, 
and render most winds favourable to us, yet it cannot secure 
fair weather, or prescribe any determined time of arrival, 
neither will it give us certainty of reaching the port. Some 
there are who in the summer season, with a noble and well- 
furnished bark, will go down, or make but slow way ; while 
others make good speed, though the season be winter and 
they have but a frail or dismantled ship." 



I. Critical Remarks on Leti and Tempesti, the BioGRArnERs 

Vita di Sisfo V, poijtefice Romano^ scritta dal Signer Geltio 
Roger i alV instanza di Gregorio Leti. Losanfia, 1669. 
[Life of Sixtus V, written by Signor Geltio Rogeri at 
the suggestion of Gregorio Leti.] 2 vols. ; afterwards 
published under less singular titles, in 3 vols. 

The reputation of an individual, or the mode of view taken 
of an event, is far more frequently determined by popular 
writings which have succeeded in obtaining extensive 
currency, than by more important historical works, which 
often require too long a time in preparation. The public 
does not make minute inquiry as to whether all the relations 
presented to it be really founded on truth; it is content 
when the recollections presented in print are as abundant 
and varied as those furnished in conversation, but more 
concise, and, by consequence, more piquant. 

The biography of Sixtus V, by Leti, is a book of this 
kind ; the most effective, perhaps, of all the works published 
by that voluminous writer. It has determined the idea of 
Pope Sixtus, which has ever since governed public opinion 
with respect to that pope. 

The reader invariably finds himself in the utmost embar- 
rassment on his first attempt to study such books : he cannot 
deny to them a certain degree of truth, and they are not to 
be wholly disregarded; yet it instantly becomes obvious 
that they cannot be trusted far, although it may generally 
be impossible to determine where the line should be drawn. 



We do not obtain the power of forming a sound judg- 
ment on this question until we have discovered the sources 
from which the author obtained his materials, and carefully 
examined the manner in which he has employed them. 

By progressive and continued research we came upon 
the sources whence Leti drew his materials, and we cannot 
refrain from comparing the accounts he has given with these 

I. In the whole history of Sixtus V there is nothing 
more talked of than the manner in which he is reported to 
have attained the papacy, and his conduct in the conclave. 
Who is there that does not know how the decrepit cardinal, 
tottering along, bent and leaning on his staff, had no sooner 
been made pope than he suddenly raised himself, a vigorous 
man, threw away the crutch, and threatened with the exercise 
of his power those very men from whom he had w^on it by 
deception ? This narration of Leti's has been received and 
obtained credence throughout the world. We ask whence 
he derived it ? 

There exist documents in regard to every papal election, 
adducing the motives, or rather describing the intrigues pre- 
ceding it ; and with regard to the election of Sixtus V, we 
find a so-called " Conclave," written as these papers usually 
were at the time, and evincing an accurate knowledge of 
the persons taking part in the election. " Conclave nel 
quale fu creato il C Montalto che fu Sisto V." 

We perceive on the first comparison that Leti had this 
document in particular before him. It will be seen, indeed, 
that he has done little more than paraphrase it. 

Concl. MS. : — " II luned\ mattina per tempo si ridussero 
nella capella Paulina, dove il cardinal Farnese come decano 
celebro messa, e di mano sua communico li cardinal! : dipoi 
si venne secondo il solito alio scrutinio, nel quale il cardinal 
Albani hebbe 13 voti, che fu il maggior numero che alcun 
cardinale havesse. Ritornati i cardinali alle celle, si attese 
alle pratiche, et Altemps comincio a trattare alia gagliarda 
la pratica di Sirleto, ajutato da Medici e delle creature di 
Pio IV, per la confidenza che havevano di poter di qualsi- 
voglia di loro disponere : ma subito fu trovata Tesclusione, 
scoprendosi contra di lui Este, Farnese e Sforza." 
VOL. uu I 


Leti: — " Lunedl mattina di buon' hora si adunarono 
tutti nella capella Paolina, ed il cardinal Farnese in quality 
di decano celebro la messa, e communico tutti i cardinali : e 
poi si diede principio alio scrutinio, nel quale il cardinal 
Albano hebbe 13 voti, che fu il numero maggiore. Doppo 
questo li cardinali se ne ritornarono alle lor celle per pran- 
sare, e doppo il pranso si attese alle pratiche di molti : ma 
particorlamente Altemps comincio a trattare alia gagliarda 
le pratiche di Guglielmo Sirleto Calabrese, ajutato dal car- 
dinal Medici e dalle creature di Pio IV, per la confidenza 
che haveva ogni uno di loro di poterne disporre : ma in 
breve se gli fece innanzi I'esclusione, scoprendosi contro di 
lui Este, Farnese e Sforza." 

And as with the principal facts, so with the accessories ; 
for example, the MS. has : — " Farnese incapricciato et acceso 
di incredibile voglia di essere papa, comincia a detestare 
publicamente la pratica et il soggetto, dicendo : lo non 
so come costoro lo intendono di volere far Sirleto papa." 
Leti : — " II primo che se gli oppose fu Farnese, incapricciato 
ancor lui ed acceso d'incredibile voglia d'esser papa : onde 
parendo a lui d'esserne piii meritevole, come in fatti era, 
comincio publicamente a detestare la pratica ed il soggetto, 
dicendo per tutti gli angoli del conclave : lo non so come 
costoro I'intendono di voler far papa Sirleto." 

It is the same with regard to occasional observations ; 
for example, the manuscript describes the effect produced 
on Cardinal Alessandrino by the disguise of Sixtus, and the 
offence it gave him. " Ma Dio, che haveva eletto Montalto 
papa, non permesse che si avertisse a quello che principal- 
mente avertire si dovea, ne lascio che Farnese ne suoi si 
svegliassero a impedire la pratica, credendo che non fosse 
per venire ad effetto dell' adoratione, ma solo per honorare 
Montalto nello scrutinio." Although so pious a mode of 
expression is foreign to the manner of Leti, he has yet found 
it convenient to copy this passage, and to insert it in his 
book ; with some few slight changes he has transcribed it 

Now is this not rather an encomium on the often dis- 
puted fidelity of Leti, than an accusation against him ? 

But let us proceed to the one thing by which doubt is 


here excited — the conduct of the cardinal. It is remarkable 
that as regards this one point, Leti no longer agrees with 
his original. 

Leti says, " Montalto se ne stava in sua camera e non 
gik nel conclave, fingendosi tutto lasso et abandonato 
d'ogni ajuto humano. Non usciva che raramente et se 
pure andava in qualche parte, come a celebrare messa, o 
nello scrutinio della capella, se ne andava con certe maniere 

[Montalto remained apart in his chamber, and did not 
go into the conclave, pretending to be quite worn out and 
past all human aid. He went out very rarely, and when he 
did go to any place, as, for example, to celebrate mass, or to 
the scrutiny in the chapel, he would depart again with a 
certain semblance of being wholly indifferent to what was 
going forward.] 

The original, on the contrary, says, " Sebene non mos- 
trava una scoperta ambitione, non pretermetteva di far poi 
tutti quelli officii che il tempo et il luogo richiedevano, 
humiliandosi a cardinali, visitandoli et offerendosi, ricevendo 
air incontro i favori e I'offerte degli altrij' 

[Although he did not evince any open ambition, yet 
neither did he neglect the performance of those offices which 
the time and the place demanded, humbling himself to the 
cardinals, paying them visits, and making them offers, while 
on his part he received the visits and offers of the others.] 

The original says, that he had taken these steps even 
before the conclave, with regard to Cardinal Farnese, and had 
afterwards visited Cardinal de' Medici and Cardinal d' Este. 
It relates further, that on the evening before his election, he 
had paid a visit to Cardinal Madruzzi, and on the morning 
of the day had also visited Cardinal Altemps, receiving from 
both the assurance that he should be elected. In a word, 
Montalto is described in the original as a man in good health, 
active, and full of life : nay, that he was still so vigorous, 
and in the force of his years, is adduced as one of the 
motives for his election. The whole relation of his pre- 
tended debility and seclusion, which has acquired so wide a 
currency, is an addition of Leti's ; but the source whence he 
took this, whether he merely followed the popular rumour. 


a mere unfounded report, or found the story in some previous 
writer, — these are questions to which we shall return. 

2. A second material feature in the generally received 
opinion and reputation of Sixtus, is formed by the impres- 
sion produced by his financial arrangements. This also is 
founded in part on the statements of Leti. In the second 
division of his book, p. 289, there is a summary of the papal 
revenue and expenditure, to which a certain degree of credit 
has been accorded, even by the most reasonable and well- 
informed observers : " Rendite ordinarie c'havea la sede 
apostolica nel tempo che Sisto entrava nel pontificato." 
We ought at least to be able to trust his figures in 

But even on this point, it is immediately manifest that 
affairs are not as Leti represents them. At the accession 
of Sixtus, in April, 1585, the contracts which Gregory XIII 
had made with the farmers of the revenue in August, 1576, 
for nine years, were still in force. Of these we have an 
authentic statement, under the title, " Entrata della reverenda 
camera apostolica sotto il pontificato di N. Sig'^ Gregorio 
XIII, fatto neir anno 1576." This document is very exact 
in its details, presenting, first, the sum contracted for ; next, 
an account of such portions as were alienated ; and, finally, 
the sums remaining, — each separately stated. Now with 
this account, the details presented by Leti are far from 
agreeing. He has given the proceeds of the Roman customs 
and excise (dogana) at 182,450 scudi, while the true 
amount was 133,000 only. Of all the sums that he has 
enumerated, there is not one correct. But where did he 
find the materials for this account ? It is not possible that 
it should be altogether imaginary. There is in our possession 
another statement for the year 1592, two years after the 
death of Sixtus V. With this document the summary of 
Leti agrees in almost every item, and even in the order of 
their arrangement : in both, for example, we find the follow- 
ing articles in succession : — " Dogana di Civita Vecchia, 
1,977 scudi; di Narni, 400; di Rieti, 100; gabella del 
studio di Roma, 26,560; gabella del quadrino a libra di 
carne di Roma, 20,335," &c. &c. But what a confusion is 
this ! In these items all the changes effected by Sixtus 


were already commenced, and should have been here 
particularized. Neither does the confusion end here. Leti 
had apparently trusted to some very incorrect manuscript, 
if, indeed, he did not himself introduce intentional changes ; 
it is at least certain that he has made the most extraordinary 
deviations from his authorities. The salara di Roma pro- 
duced 27,654 scudi; he makes it 17,654: the treasury and 
salara of Romagna brought in 71,395 scudi; he gives 
11,395. ^^^ ^t will suffice to say, that his statement is 
never correct even for any other year; it is false and 
useless in all its parts. 

3. We already perceive that he compiled without judgment 
or critical accuracy; he transcribed original documents, 
without doubt, but he did this too hastily. How, indeed, 
was it possible that in the restless and fugitive life he con- 
stantly led, he could have produced so many books, had 
he bestowed on them the due amount of labour? From 
what source, then, did he derive his materials on this 
occasion ? 

In the Corsini library in Rome, there is a MS., " Detti 
e fatti di Papa Sisto V," which supplies us with sufficient 
information as to the life and proceedings of that pontiff. 

It is manifest at the first glance that in this work are all 
the essentials of* Leti. We have only to compare the first 
passages that present themselves. 

The manuscript of the Corsini says, for example, " II 
genitore di Sisto V si chiamava Francesco Peretti, nato nel 
castello di Farnese, di dove fu costretto non so per qual 
accidente partire, onde s'incamino per trovare la sua fortuna 
altrove : et essendo povero e miserabile, non aveva da poter 
vivere, essendo solito sostentarsi di quello alia giornata gua- 
dagnava grandemente faticando, e con la propria industria 
viveva. Partitosi dunque da Farnese, se ne ando a trovare 
un suo zio." 

Leti has, in like manner, in his first edition, " II padre 
di Sisto si chiamava Francesco Peretti, nato nel castello di 
Farnese, di dove fu constretto non so per qual' accidente 
occorsoli di partirsi, cio che fece volentieri per cercar fortuna 
altrove, mentre per la poverty della sua casa non haveva di 
che vivere se non di quello che lavorava con le propria 


mani alia giornata. Partito di Farnese la matina, giunse la 
sera nelle grotte per consigliarsi con un suo zio." 

This is obviously entirely the same account, with a few 
slight changes of expression. 

Occasionally we find short interpolations in Leti, but 
immediately afterwards, the manuscript and his printed 
work correspond again. 

When we further inquire, whence proceed those additions 
with which Leti has been pleased to endow the narrative of 
the conclave, we shall find that these also are taken from 
this Corsini manuscript. The passage which we have given 
above from Leti appears in the manuscript as follows : — 
" Montalto se ne stava tutto lasso con la corona in mano et 
in una piccolissima cella abandonato da ogn' uno, e se pure 
andava in qualche parte, come a celebrar messa, o nello 
scrutinio della capella, se ne andava, &c." It is clear that 
Leti uses this text with only very slight modifications of 

I will add one more passage on account of the import- 
ance of the subject, The MS. says, " Prima di cominciarsi 
il Montalto, che stava appresso al card' di San Sisto per non 
perderlo della vista o perche non fosse subornato da altri 
porporati, gli disse alle orecchie queste parole : Faccia in- 
stanza V. S"* ill'"'* che lo scrutinio segua senza pregiudicio 
deir adoratione : e questo fu il primo atto d'ambitione che 
mostro esteriormente Montalto. Non manco il card' di San 
Sisto di far cio : perche con il Bonelli unitamente principio 
ad alzare la voce due o tre volte cosi : Senza pregiudicio 
della seguita adoratione. Queste voci atterrirono i cardinali : 
perche fu supposto da tutti loro che dovesse esser eletto per 
adoratione. II card' Montalto gik cominciava a levar quelle 
nebbie di fintioni che avevano tenuto nascosto per lo spatio 
di anni 14 Tambitione grande che li regnava in seno : onde 
impatiente di vedersi nel trono papale, quando udi leggere 
la meik e piii delli voti in suo favore, tosto allungo il collo 
e si alzo in piedi, senza attendere il fine del scrutinio, e 
uscito in mezzo di quella capella gitto verso la porta di 
quella il bastoncello che portava per appoggiarsi, ergendosi 
tutto dritto in tal modo che pareva due palmi piii longo del 
solito. E quello che fu piii maraviglioso, &c." 


Let lis compare with this the corresponding passage in 
Leti, i. p. 412 (edition of 1669). 

" Prima di cominciarsi Montalto si calo nell' orecchia di 
San Sisto, e gli disse : Fate instanza che lo scrutinio si 
faccia senza pregiudicio dell' adoratione : che fu appunto il 
primo atto d'ambitione che mostro esteriormente Montalto. 
Ne San Sisto manco di farlo, perche insieme con Ales- 
sandrino comincio a gridare due o tre volte : Senza pre- 
giudicio deir adoratione. Gi^ cominciava Montalto a levar 
quelle nebbie di fintioni che havevano tenuto nascosto per 
piti di quindeci anni I'ambitione grande che li regnava nel 
cuore : onde impatiente di vedersi nel trono ponteficale, 
non si tosto intese legger pili della meth, de' voti in suo 
favore che assicuratosi del ponteficato si levo in piedi e 
senza aspettare il fino dello scrutinio getto nel mezo di 
quella sala un certo bastoncino che portava per appoggiarsi, 
ergendosi tutto dritto in tal modo che pareva quasi un piede 
pill longo di quel ch'era prima : ma quello che fu piii mara- 
viglioso," &c. Here it is again obvious that, with the 
exception of a few unimportant literal changes, the passages 
are absolutely identical. 

On one occasion Leti brings forward an authority for his 
narration : " lo ho parlato con un Marchiano, ch'e morto 
venti (in later editions, trenta) anni sono, et assai caduco, il 
quale non aveva altro piacere che di parlare di Sisto V, e ne 
raccontava tutte le particolarith,." [I have conversed with a 
native of the March, who has been dead these twenty years, 
and was then very old, whose sole pleasure consisted in 
talking of Sixtus V, and who used to relate all sorts of 
particulars concerning him.] Now, it seems in itself im- 
probable that Leti, who arrived in Rome in the year 1644, 
at the age of fourteen, should have had intercourse with 
persons intimately acquainted with Sixtus V, or should have 
derived much assistance for his book from their conversa- 
tion. But this is again another passage adopted from the 
above-mentioned manuscript : " Et un giorno parlando con 
un certo uomo dalla Marcha, che b morto, che non aveva 
altro piacere, che di parlare di Sisto V," The twenty or 
thirty years are added by Leti, for the purpose of giving 
increased credibility to his relation. 


Here, also, Leti appears to me to have used a defective 
copy. The MS. tells us, in the very beginning, that the boy 
was often compelled to watch the cattle at night in the open 
fields, — " in campagna aperta." Instead of this, Leti has, 
" in compagnia d'un' altro," which has all the appearance of 
an ill-corrected error in transcribing. The M. A. Seller! of 
Leti, also, must have been, according to the MS., M. A. 

In a word, Leti's Vita di Sisto V is by no means an 
original work. It is merely a new version of an Italian MS. 
that had fallen into his hands, with certain additions and 
alterations of style. 

The whole question, therefore, is, what degree of credit 
this manuscript deserves. It is a collection of anecdotes, 
made after a considerable lapse of years, and apocryphal in 
its character throughout. The narration, in respect to the 
conclave in particular, is alto;2:ether unworthy of belief. 
Sixtus V was not the person of whom this story was first 
related; the same thing had already been said of Paul III. 
In the preface to the "Acta Concilii Tridentini, 1546," an 
extract from which will be found in Strobel's Neue Beitrage, 
v. 233, there occurs the following passage in relation to 
Paul III : " Mortuo Clemente valde callide primum simu- 
labat . . . vix prae senio posse suis pedibus consistere : 
arridebat omnibus, laedebat neminem, suamque prorsus 
voluntatem ad nutum reliquorum accommodabat : . . . ubi 
se jam pontificem declaratum sensit, qui antea tarditatem, 
morbum, senium et quasi formidolosum leporem simulabat, 
extemplo tunc est factus agilis, validus, imperiosus, suamque 
inauditam ferociam . . . coepit ostendere." We perceive 
clearly that this is the foundation for the narrative given in 
the Corsini manuscript, and related by Leti. 

Leti did not think of first examining the truth of his 
manuscript, or of rectifying its errors. On the contrary, he 
has done his best to distort what he found in it still further 
from the truth. 

He was, nevertheless, received with decided approba- 
tion ; his work passed through edition after edition, and has 
appeared in many translations. 

It is a remarkable fact, that history, as it passes into the 


meittdi-y of man, always touches on the confines of mytho- 
logy. Personal qualities stand forth in bolder relief, they 
become more sharply defined, and in one mode or another 
approach to a comprehensible ideal ; events receive a more 
distinct and positive character of delineation, accessory 
circumstances and co-operative causes are forgotten and 
neglected. It is in this manner only that the demands of the 
imagination appear capable of receiving entire satisfaction. 

At a later period comes the learned inquirer, who is 
amazed that men should ever have adopted opinions so 
erroneous : he does his best for the dissipation of these 
phantasies and falsehoods, but eventually becomes aware 
that his purpose is by no means easy of attainment. The 
understanding is convinced, but the imagination remains 

Storia della vita e geste di papa Sis to V, so7ntno pontefice^ 
scritta da I P""" M""" Casimiro Teinpesti. Kovia^ I755- 
[Life of Sixtus V, by Casimiro Tempesti.] 

We have already spoken of the moderate, cheerful, and 
well-intentioned pontiff Lambertini, Benedict XIV. His 
pontificate is further distinguished by the fact that almost 
all works of any utility, in respect to the internal history of 
the papacy, belong to that period. It was at that time that the 
Annals of Maffei were printed, that Bromato prepared his work 
in relation to Paul IV, and that biographies of Marcellus II 
and Benedict XIII appeared. Then also it w^as that Casimiro 
Tempesti, a Franciscan, — as was Sixtus V himself, — under- 
took to refute the errors of Leti. 

For this purpose all desirable facilities were accorded 
to him. He was permitted to make unrestricted search 
through the Roman libraries, where he found the most 
valuable materials in the richest abundance, — biographies, 
correspondence, memorials of all kinds ; and these he 
proceeded to incorporate in his work. Perhaps the most 
important of all this mass of documents is the correspondence 
of Morosini, the nuncio in France, which fills a large part 
of his book ; for he has generally adopted his materials in 
his text, with but very slight modifications. 


On this point we have but two remarks to make. 

In the first place, he assumes a pecuHar position in 
regard to the authorities he uses. He beUeves them and 
transcribes them, but he is persuaded that the pope must 
have been on bad terms with these writers — that he must 
have offended them ; so that they no sooner begin to find 
fault with the pontiff, than Tempesti renounces them, and 
labours to affix some different explanation to such actions 
of his hero as they call in question. 

But he sometimes departs altogether from his authorities, 
either because they are not sufficiently zealous for the 
Church, or because he has not attained to a clear com- 
prehension of the matter treated. An example of this will 
be found in the affair of Miihlhausen, in the year 1587. 
The manuscript that Tempesti designates as the " Anonimo 
Capitolino," and which he has in very many places directly 
transcribed, relates this occurrence with much perspicuity. 
Let us observe the mode in which he uses it. 

In remarking the disputes that broke out at Miihlhausen, 
" about a Httle wood that was barely worth twelve crowns," 
as Laufer expresses himself (Helv. Geschichte, xi. 10), the 
Anonimo very properly observes, "io non so che causa," 
[I know not for what cause]. Of this Tempesti makes, " in 
urgente lor emergenza" [in their pressing emergency]. The 
people of Miihlhausen put some of their senators in prison : 
"carcerarano parecchi del suo senato." Tempesti says, 
"carcerati alcuni," without remarking that they were 
members of the council. Fears were entertained lest the 
inhabitants of Miihlhausen should give themselves up to 
the protection of the Catholic districts, and separate them- 
selves from the Protestants : " Che volesse mutar religione 
e protettori, passando all' eretica fede con raccomandarsi 
alii cantoni cattolici, siccome allora era raccomandata alii 
eretici." This is in allusion to the fact that Miihlhausen, on 
its first entrance into the Swiss confederation in 15 15, was 
not acknowleged by Uri, Schwyz, Lucerne, and Unterwalden, 
as these cantons afterwards refused it their protection on 
joining the reformed church. (Glutz Blotzheim, continua- 
tion of Miiller's Schweizergeschichte, p. 373.) Tempesti 
has not an idea of this peculiar position of things. He says 


very drily : " Riputarono che i Milausini volessero dichiararsi 
cattolici." [They believed that the people of Miihlhausen 
desired to declare themselves Catholics.] Tempesti pro- 
ceeds in like manner, even where the author shews by his 
typographical signs that he is using the words of others. 
The " Anonimo Capitolino " says that Pope Sixtus V was 
about to send 100,000 scudi into Switzerland for the pro- 
motion of this secession, when he received intelligence that 
all the dissensions were appeased. Tempesti, nevertheless, 
declares that the pope did send the money; for he is re- 
solved to make his hero, above all things, magnificent and 
liberal, although it is certain that liberality was by no means 
the quality for which he was most remarkable. 

I will not accumulate examples further. These are his 
modes of proceeding in all cases wherein I have compared 
him with his authorities. He is diligent, careful, and pos- 
sessed of good information, but limited, dry monotonous, 
and destitute of any true insight into affairs ; his collections 
do not enable the reader to dispense with an examination 
of the originals. His work was not calculated to counteract, 
by an equal impression, the effect of that produced by the 
book of Leti. 

II.— Manuscripts 

Let us now return to our manuscripts ; for precise and 
positive information, we are, after all, constantly thrown 
back on them. 

And first we meet with a MS. by Pope Sixtus himself, — 
memoranda written with his own hand, and made while he 
was still in his convent. 

No. 49 

Memorie autografe di papa Sisio V, Chigi Library. 
No. III. 70. 158 leaves. 

This document was found in a garret by a certain 


Salvetti, who made a present of it to Pope Alexander VII. 
There is no doubt whatever of its authenticity. 

" Questo hbro sara per memoria di mie poche facenducce, 
scritto di mia propria mano, dove do che sara scritto a 
laude di Dio sara la ignuda verita, e cosi priego creda ogn' 
uno che legge." [This book shall be for a memorial of my 
few small proceedings, written with my own hand, wherein 
that which shall be written to the praise of God shall be the 
naked truth, and so I pray every one who reads it to believe.] 

The book first contains accounts, of which, however, at 
least one leaf is missing, if not more. 

*' E qui sark scritti," he continues, " tutti crediti, debiti 
et ogn' altra mia attione di momento. E cos\ sara la verita 
come qui si trovera scritto." [And here shall be written 
all that is owing to me, and all that I owe, with every thing 
of moment that is done by me ; and the truth will be such 
as shall here be found written.] 

To what I have already narrated in the text, I will here 
add one example more. " Andrea del Apiro, frate di San 
Francesco conventuale, venne a Venetia, e nel partirse per 
pagar robe comprate per suo fratello, qual mi disse far 
botega in Apiro, me domando in prestito denari, e li prestai, 
presente fra Girolamo da Lunano e fra Cornelio da Bologna, 
fiorini 30, e mi promise renderli a Montalto in mano di fra 
Salvatore per tutti il mese presente d'Augusto, come appar 
in un scritto da sua propria mano il di 9 Agosto 1557, quale 
e nella mia casetta. H. 30." [Andrea of Apiro, friar con- 
ventual of St. Francis, came to Venice, and when departing, 
desired from me a loan of money to pay for goods which he 
had bought for his brother, who, he told me, keeps a shop 
in Apiro, and I lent him thirty florins, there being present 
Fra Girolamo of Lunano, and Fra Cornelio of Bologna, and 
he promised to restore them to me at Montalto, paying 
them into the hands of Fra Salvatore, first taking all the 
present month of August, as appears in a writing under his 
own hand, of the ninth day of August, 1557, which writing 
is in my little chest.] 

We here gain an insight into these little monastic pro- 
ceedings ; how one lends money to another, the borrower 
assisting the little trade of his brother, while others serve as 


witnesses to the transaction. Era Salvatore also makes his 

Then follows an inventory of books. " Inventarium 
omnium librorum tarn seorsum quam simul ligatorum quos 
ego Fr. Felix Perettus de Monte alto emi et de licentia 
superiorum possidco. Qui seorsum fuerit ligatus, faciat 
numerum ; qui non cum aliis, minime." I am now sorry 
that I did not take notes from this catalogue ; but it seemed 
to me to be very insignificant. 

At length we find at page 144 — 

*' Memoria degli anni che andai a studio, di officii, pre- 
diche e commissioni avute." [Memoranda concerning the 
years that I passed as a student, my offices, my engagements 
as a preacher, and the commissions I received.] 

This I will give at full length, although Tempest! has 
made various extracts from it. It is important, as being 
the only diary of a pope that we possess. 

"Col nome di dio 1540 il di i settembre di mercoldi intrai 
a studio in Ferrara, e vi finii il triennio sotto il r''*' m'" Bart'' 
dalla Pergola. Nel 43 fatto il capitolo in Ancona andai a 
studio in Bologna sotto il r'^° maestro Giovanni da Correggio : 
intrai in Bologna il di S. Jacobo maggior di Luglio, e vi 
stetti fino al settembre del 44, quando il costacciaro mi 
mando baccellier di convento in Rimini col rev"'° regente m' 
Antonio da citta di Penna, e vi finii il tempo sino al capitolo 
di Venezia del 46. Fatto il capitolo andai baccellier di 
convento in Siena con m'" Alexandro da Montefalco, e qui 
finii il triennio fino al capitolo d'Assisi del 49. Ma il costac- 
ciaro mi die' la licentia del magisterio nel 48 a 22 Luglio, 
e quattro d\ dopo me addottorai a Fermo. Nel capitolo 
generale di Assisi fui fatto regente di Siena 1549 e vi finii il 
triennio, fu generale mons''® Gia Jacobo da Montefalco. A 
Napoli : nel capitolo generale di Geneva fui fatto regente di 
Napoli 1553 dal rev"'° generale m'" Giulio da Piacenza e vi 
finii il triennio. A Venezia : nel capitolo generale di Brescia 
1556 fui fatto regente di Venezia, e vi finii il triennio, e 
I'anno primo della mia regeria fui eletto inquisitor in tutto 
rill'"'* dominio 1557 d\ 17 di Gennaro. Nel capitolo generale 
di Assisi 1559 eletto generale m""** Giovan Antonio da Cervia, 
fui confirmato regente et inquisitore in Venezia come di 


sopra. Per la morte di papa Paolo 1 1 II I'anno detto d'Agosto 
partii da Venezia per visitare li miei a Montalto, inquisitore 
apostolico : mosso da gran tumulti ; il 22 di Febbraro 1560 
tornai in ufficio col brieve di Pio 1 1 II papa, et vi stetti tutto 
'IGiugno, e me chiamo a Roma: il di 18 Luglio 1560 fui 
fatto teologo assistente alia inquisitione di Roma e giurai 
I'officio in mano del card' Alessandrino. 

" (Prediche.) L'anno 1540 predicai, ne havevo anchor 
cantato messa, in Montepagano, terra di Abruzzo. L'anno 
1 54 1 predicai a Voghiera, villa Ferrarese, mentre ero stu- 
dente in Ferrara. L'anno 1542 predicai in Grignano, villa 
del Polesine di Rovigo, e studiavo in Ferrara. L'anno 1543 
predicai alia fratta di Badenara (viveva il Diedo e'l Man- 
frone) e studiavo in Ferrara. L'anno 1544 predicai alia 
Canda, villa della Badia, e studiavo in Bologna. L'anno 
1545 predicai le feste in Rimini in convento nostro, perche 
il m™ di studio di Bologna nepreoccupo la predica di Monte 
Scutulo, et ero bacc° di convento di Rimini. L'anno 1546 
predicai a Macerata di Montefeltro et ero bacc** di convento 
di Rimini. L'anno 1547 predicai a S. Geminiano in Toscana 
et ero bacc" di convento a Siena. L'anno 1548 predicai a 
S. Miniato al Tedesco in Toscana, et ero bacc'' di Siena. 
L'anno 1549 predicai in Ascoli della Marca, partito da Siena 
par I'ingresso de Spagnoli introdutti da Don Diego Men- 
dozza. L'anno 1550 predicai a Fano et ero regente a 
Siena. L'anno 155 1 predicai nel domo di Camerino con- 
dotto dal r"'** vescovo et ero regente a Siena. L'anno 1552 
predicai a Roma in S. Apostoli, e tre ill""' cardinalime intrat- 
tennero in Roma, e lessi tutto l'anno tre dl della settimana 
la pistola a Romani di S. Paolo. L'anno 1553 predicai a 
Genova, e vi se fece il capitolo generale, et andai regente a 
Napoli. L'anno 1554 predicai a Napoli in S. Lorenzo, e 
vi ero regente, e lessi tutto l'anno in chiesa I'evangelio di 
Giovanni. L'anno 1555 predicai nel duomo di Perugia ad 
instanza dell' ill"'*' cardinale della Corgna. L'anno 1556 fu 
chiamato a Roma a concilio generale, che gi^ principio la 
santita di papa Paulo 1 1 II, pero non predicai. L'anno 1557 
fu eletto inquisitor di Venezia e del dominio, e bisognandome 
tre d\ della settimana seder a tribunale non predicai ordi- 
nariamentCj ma 3 (?) di della settimana a S. Caterina in 


Venezia. L'anno 1558 predicai a S. Apostoli di Venezia e 
4 giorni della settimana a S. Caterina, ancorche exequissi 
I'officio della s*'"* inquis"^ L'anno 1559 non predicai salvo 
tre d\ della settimana a S. Caterina per le molte occupationi 
del s. officio. L'anno 1560 tornando col brieve diS. Santitk 
a Venezia inquisitore tardi predicai so:0 a S. Caterina come 
di sopra. 

" (Commissioni.) L'anno 1548 ebbi da rev""' m'^ Bar- 
tolommeo da Macerata, ministro della Marca, una com- 
missione a Fermo per liberar di prigione del S"* vicelegato 
fra Leonardo della Ripa : lo liberal e lo condussi in Mace- 
rata. L'anno 1549 ebbidal sud*' R. P'^ commissione in tutta 
la custodia di Ascoli da Febbraro fino a pasqua. L'anno 
istesso dair istesso ebbi una commissione nel convento di 
Fabriano e vi rimisi frate Evangelista dell' istesso luogo. 
L'anno 1550 ebbi dall' istesso padre commissione in Sene- 
gaglia: rimisi fra Nicolo in cassa e veddi i suoi conti. 
L'anno 155 1 ebbi commissione dalrev"'" p""^ generale m*"^ Gia 
Jacobo da Montefalco a visitar tutta la parte de Monte- 
feltro, Cagli et Urbino. L'anno 1552 ebbi dall' ilP° cardi- 
nale protettor commissione sopra una lite esistente tra il 
guardiano fra Tommaso da Piacenza et un fra Francesco da 
Osimo^ che aveva fatto la cocchina in Santo Apostolo. 
L'istesso anno ebbi commission dal rev"'"" padre generale 
m™ Giulio da Piacenza nel convento di Fermo, e privai di 
guardianato m"" Domenico da Montesanto, e viddi i conti 
del procuratore fra Lodovico da Pontano, e bandii della 
provincia fra Ciccone da Monte dell' Olmo per aver dato 
delle ferite a fra Tommaso dell' istesso luogo. L'anno 1555 
ebbi del sudetto r""' generale commissione di andar in Cala- 
bria a far il ministro, perche aveva inteso quello esser morto, 
ma chiarito quello esser vivo non andai. L'anno 1557 ebbi 
commissione sopra il Gattolino di Capodistria, sopra il 
Garzoneo da Veglia et altre assai commissioni di fra Giulio 
di Capodistria. L'anno 1559 fui fatto commissario nella 
provincia di S. Antonio, tenni il capitolo a Bassano, e fu 
eletto ministro m""" Cornelio Veneto. L'anno 1560 fui fatto 
inquisitore apostolico in tutto il dominio Veneto, e dell' 
istesso anno fui fatto teologo assistente alia inquisitione di 
Roma il di 16 Liiglio 1560. 


" Nel capitolo generale di Brescia 1556 fui eletto pro- 
motor a magisterii con I'Andria e con m™ Giovanni da 
Bergamo, et otto baccalaurei da noi promossi furon dottorati 
dal rev'"° generale m'" Giulio da Piacenza, cioe Antonio da 
Montalcino, Ottaviano da Ravenna, Bonaventura da Gabi- 
ano. Marc Antonio da Lugo, Ottaviano da Napoli, Antonio 
Panzetta da Padova, Ottaviano da Padova, Martiale Cala- 
brese. Otto altri promossi ma non adottoratti da s. p. r'"* : 
Francesco da Sonnino, Antonio da Urbino, Nicolo da Monte- 
falco, Jacobo Appugliese, Antonio Bolletta da Firenze, 
Constantino da Crema, il Piemontese et il Sicolino. lo pero 
con I'autorita di un cavalier di S. Pietro da Brescia adottorai 
Antonio da Urbino, il Piemontese e Constantino da Crema. 
Di Maggio 1558 con I'autorita del cavalier Centani adottorai 
in Venezia fra Paolo da S. Leo, frate Andrea d'Arimino, 
Giammatteo da Sassocorbaro e fra Tironino da Lunano, 
tutti miei discepoli." 

[In the name of God, on Wednesday, September the ist, 
1540, I entered on my studies" in Ferrara, and finished the 
triennium there under the reverend Master Bartolomeo 
dalla Pergola. In 1543, after the chapter had been held 
in Ancona, I went to study in Bologna under the reverend 
Master Giovanni da Correggio; I arrived at Bologna in 
the month of July, on the day of St. James the Elder, and 
remained there until September, 1544, when the examiner 
sent me as convent-bachelor to Rimini, v.ith the most reverend 
regent. Master Antonio, of the city of Penna, where I com- 
pleted my time till the chapter of Venice in the year 1546. 
At the conclusion of the chapter I went as convent-bachelor 
to Siena with Master Alessandro da Montefalco, and there 
finished the triennium till the chapter of Assisi in 1549. 
But' the examiner gave me a master's Hcense on the 22nd 
of July, 1548, and four days after, I took the degree of 
doctor at Fermo. In the chapter-general of Assisi, I was 
made regent of Siena in 1549, and there I finished the 
triennium — Monsignore Gia Jacopo da Montefalco being 
general. At Naples : in the chapter-general of Genoa, I 
was made regent of Naples in 1553, by the most reverend 
general. Master Giulio da Piacenza, and there I finished 
the triennium. At Venice ; in the general chapter of Brescia, 


in 1556, I was made regent of Venice, and there finished 
the triennium, and in the first year of my agency I was 
elected inquisitor for the whole of the most illustrious 
dominion on the 17th of January, 1557. In the chapter- 
general of Assisi, 1559, Master Giovan Antonio da Cervia 
being elected general, I was confirmed regent and inquisitor 
in Venice as aforesaid. On the death of Pope Paul IV, in 
August of the same year, I went to visit my relations at 
Montalto, apostolic inquisitor. Induced by the great 
tumults prevailing, I returned to office on the 22nd of 
February, 1560, with a brief from Pope Pius IV, and re- 
mained there until the end of June, when I was called to 
Rome. On the i8th of July, 1560, I was made assistant 
theologian to the Inquisition of Rome, and was sworn into 
ofiEice by Cardinal Alessandrino. 

[(Preachings.) In the year 1540 I preached — as yet I 
had never sung mass — in Montepagano, a place in 
Abruzzo. In the year 1541 I preached at Voghiera, a 
town of Ferrara, while I was a student at Ferrara. In the 
year 1542 I preached at Grignano, a town of the Polesine 
di Rovigo, and was studying at Ferrara. In the year 1543 
I preached to the brotherhood of Badenara (Diedo and 
Manfrone were then living), and was studying in Ferrara. 
In the year 1544 I preached at Canda, a town of Badia, 
and was studying in Bologna. In the year 1545 I preached 
the festival sermons at Rimini in our own convent, because 
the pulpit of Monte Scutulo was already occupied by the 
master of the college in Bologna, and I was bachelor of 
the convent of Rimini. In the year 1546 I preached at 
Macerata di Montefeltro, and was bachelor of the convent 
of Rimini. In the year 1547 I preached at S. Geminiano 
in Tuscany, and was bachelor of the convent of Siena. In 
the year 1548 I preached at S. Miniato al Tedesco in 
Tuscany, and was bachelor of Siena. In the year 1549 I 
preached in Ascoli della Marca, having left Siena on 
account of the entrance of the Spaniards, who were intro- 
duced by Don Diego Mendozza. In the year 1550 I 
preached at Fano, and was regent at Siena. In the year 
155 1 I preached in the cathedral of Camerino, being ap- 
pointed by the most reverend bishop, and was regent at 


Siena. In the year 1552 I preached in the church of the 
Holy Apostles in Rome, and three most illustrious cardinals 
entertained me in Rome, and throughout that year I read the 
epistle of St. Paul to the Romans three days in every week. 
In the year 1553 I preached at Genoa, and the chapter- 
general was held there, and I was sent as regent to Naples. 
In the year 1554 I preached at Naples in the church of 
S. Lorenzo, and was regent there, and throughout that year 
I read the gospel of St. John in that church. In the year 

1555 I preached in the cathedral of Perugia at the request 
of the most illustrious Cardinal della Corgna. In the year 

1556 I was called to Rome to the general council, which 
was now commenced by his holiness Pope Paul IV, but I 
did not preach. In the year 1557 I was elected inquisitor 
of Venice and of its entire territory ; and having to sit in 
court three days of every week, I did not usually preach, 
excepting three (?) days of the week at S. Caterina in 
Venice. In the year 1558 I preached at S. Apostoli in 
Venice, and four days of the week at S. Caterina, although 
I still performed the office entrusted to me by the Holy 
Inquisition. In the year 1559 I did not preach more than 
three days in the week at S. Caterina, because of the multitude 
of cases before the Holy Office. In the year 1560, return- 
ing to Venice as inquisitor,' with the brief of his holiness, I 
preached in the afternoons only at S. Caterina as aforesaid. 

[(Commissions.) In the year 1548 I received from the 
very reverend Master Bartolomeo da Macerata, minister of 
the March of Ancona, a commission to Fermo, for the 
purpose of liberating Fra Leonardo della Ripa from the 
prison of the vice-legate. I liberated him accordingly, and 
conducted him to Macerata. In the year 1549 I had com- 
missions from the same reverend father for the whole district 
of Ascoli, from February to Easter. In the same year, 
and from the same person, I had a commission to the con- 
vent of Fabriano, and I there reinstated Frate Evangelista, 
of the same place. In the year 1550 I had from the same 
father a commission in Senegaglia, where I restored Fra 
Nicolo to his house, and examined his accounts. In the 
year 155 1 I had a commission from the very reverend 
father-general, M'^ Gia Jacob o da Montefalco, to visit all 


the district of Montefeltro, Cagli, and Urbino. In the 
year 1552 I received from the most iUustrious cardinal- 
protector a commission with respect to a law-suit pending 
between the guardian, Fra Tommaso da Piacenza, and a 
certain Fra Francesco da Osimo, who had superintended 
the kitchen department in Santo Apostolo. The same year 
I had a commission from the most reverend father-general, 
M*^ Giulio da Piacenza, to the convent of Fermo, when I 
deprived Master Dominico da Montesanto of the guardian- 
ship, and examined the accounts of the procurator, Fra 
Ludovico da Pontano; and I banished Fra Ciccone da 
Monte deir Olmo from the province, for having inflicted 
certain wounds on Fra Tommaso, of the same place. 
In the year 1555 I had a commission from the aforesaid 
most reverend general to go into Calabria, and act as 
minister, because he had heard that the minister was dead ; 
but being informed he was alive, I did not go. In the 
year 1557 I had a commission respecting Gattolino di Capo- 
distria, and respecting Garzoneo da Veglia, with several 
commissions besides, of Fra Giulio di Capodistria. In 
the year 1559 I was made commissioner of the province 
of S. Antonio ; I held the chapter at Bassano, and Master 
Cornelio Veneto was elected minister. In the year 1560 I 
was appointed inquisitor apostolic for all the dominions of 
Venice, and on the i6th of July, in the same year, was 
made assistant theologian to the Inquisition of Rome. 

[At the chapter-general held in Brescia in the year 1556, 
I was elected promoter to masterships, together with Andrea 
and Master Giovanni da Bergamo; and at that time eight 
bachelors, promoted by us, were admitted to doctors' 
degrees by the very reverend general. Master Giulio da 
Piacenza; namely, Antonio da Montalcino, Ottaviano da 
Ravenna, Bonaventura da Gabiano, Marc Antonio da Lugo, 
Ottaviano da Napoli, Antonio Panzetta da Padova, Otta- 
viano da Padova, and Martiale Calabrese. Eight others 
were also promoted, but were not admitted to doctors' 
degrees by the most reverend father : Francesco da Son- 
nino, Antonio da Urbino, Nicolo da Montefalco, Jacobo 
Appugliese, Antonio Bolletta da Firenze, Constantino da 
Crema, il Piemontese, and il Sicolino. But with the 


authority of a knight of S. Pietro da Brescia, I did myself 
confer the degree of doctor on Antonio da Urbino, il 
Piemontese, and Constantino da Crema. In May, 1558, with 
the authority of the CavaUer Centani, I also admitted, in 
Venice, Fra Paolo da S. Leo, Fra Andrea d'Arimino, 
Giammatteo da Sassocorbaro, and Fra Tironino da 
Lunano, who were all my pupils, to be doctors.] 

No. 50 

De vita Sixti V, ipsius inanu emendata. Altieri Library. 
57 leaves. 

This, it is true, is only a copy, but one in which the 
errors of the first writer, and the corrections made by the 
pope, are faithfully transcribed. The corrections are seen 
written over the words that have been crossed through. 

It begins by describing the poverty of this pope's parents, 
who earned their maintenance " alieni parvique agri cultura." 
Above all other members of the family, he praises the 
Signora Camilla, who at the time he wrote had certainly 
but very moderate claims to notice. " Quae ita se intra 
modestiae atque humilitatis suae fines continuit semper, ut ex 
summa et celsissima fortuna fratris, praeter innocentiae atque 
frugalitatis famam et in relictis sibi a familia nepotibus pie 
ac liberaliter educandis diligentiae laudem, nihil magnopere 
cepisse dici possit." He enlarges on the education, advance, 
and early administration of the pontiff, and is particularly 
remarkable for the zeal with which he insists on the Christian 
principle obvious in the architecture of Rome, and the 
eulogies he bestows on that tendency. 

This little work must have been composed about the 
year 1587. It was the intention of the author to depict 
the succeeding periods also. " Tum dicentur nobis plenius, 
cum acta ejus (Sixti) majori parata ordine prodere memoriae 
experiemur. Quod et facturi pro viribus nostris, si vita sup- 
petet, omni conatu sumus ; et ipse ingentia animo complexus, 
nee ulla mediocri contentus gloria, uberem ingeniis materiam 
praebiturus egregie de se condendi volumina videtur." 


Now the most important question with respect to the 
MS. before us is, whether it really was revised by the ] ope. 

Tempesti, who was not acquainted with the copy in the 
Altieri library, was in possession of a little work that had 
been recommended to him as having been composed by 
Graziani and revised by Pope Sixtus. Elsewhere also 
we find it stated that Graziani had begun to write a 
life of Sixtus V, which was revised by the pope, and 
passages are quoted which, a few accidental errors ex- 
cepted, correspond with ours; Lagomarsini proposed to 
print it. In the form in which Tempesti knew it, it 
closely resembles, but is not identical with ours. Tempesti 
draws attention, among other points (p. 38), to the fact, that 
Graziani makes the pope begin his first procession from 
S. Apostoli, whereas this procession, in fact, went from Ara 
Coeli to S. Maria Maggiore. But this is a mistake much 
more likely to escape the observation of a man who had 
become pope, and had the affairs of the whole world on his 
hands, than that of the padre Maestro Tempesti. In our 
" Vita," however, this error is not to be found. The first 
words, " Verum ut acceptum divinitus honorem ab ipso Deo 
exordiretur, ante omnia," are the same in both. Then 
Graziani continues : " Supplicationes Romae ad templum 
Franciscanorum, quod ab Apostolis nominatur olim ; " while 
the MS. has " supplicationes decrevit, quas ipse cum patri- 
bus et frequente populo pedibus eximia cum religione obivit 
a templo Franciscanorum ad S. Mariam Majorem." The 
passage serves to shew the relation between the two texts. 
Graziani appears to have made the first draft, and to have 
then corrected it and laid it before the pope to be revised 
by him. 

Another biography, the next which we shall examine, 
relates that Sixtus had made a note on the margin of 
certain commentaries, to the effect that, " sororem alteram 
tenera aetate decessisse ; " and we find that this very thing 
has been done on the manuscript before us. 7'he first author 
had written, " Quarum altera nupsit, ex cujus filia Silvestrii 
profluxisse dicuntur, quos adnumerat suis pontifex, &c." 
These and some other words Sixtus struck out, and wrote 
in addition, "Quarum altera aetate adhuc tenera decessit." 


This second biography further says : " In illis commen- 
tariis ab ipso Sixto, qui ea recognovit, adscriptum reperi 
Sixti matrem Marianam non quidem ante conceptum sed 
paulo ante editum fiHum de futura ejus magnitudine divinitus 
fuisse monitam." This also we find in our manuscript. 
The author had said that Peretti had received the prediction 
in a dream, "nasciturum sibi fiUum qui aUquando ad 
summas essei dignitates perventurus." The word father is 
marked out, and "ejus uxor partui vicina" inserted. 

By these corroborations our little work acquires great 
authenticity : it proves itself to be immediately connected 
with the autograph of the pope mentioned above, and well 
deserves to be separately printed. The reprint should be 
based on the Altieri MS. and the variations from Graziani 

No. 51 
Sixtus V, Pontifex Maximtts. Altieri Library. 30 leaves. 

This is the work by which we have been enabled to 
establish the authenticity of the preceding. I do not think 
that it was known either to Tempesti or any other writer. 

The author wrote after the death of Sixtus. Already he 
complains that the pontiffs memory was injured and mis- 
represented by many fabulous inventions. " Sixtus V," he 
begins, "^ memoriae quibusdam gratae, aliquibus invisae, omni- 
bus magnae, cum cura nobis et sine ambitu dicetur : curam 
expectatio multorum acuit (although the manuscript was 
never printed), ambitum senectus nobis imminens praecidit." 

He considers his subject to be very important. " Vix 
aut rerum moles major aut majoris animi pontifex uUo 
unquam tempore concurrerunt." 

In the first part of his little work the author relates the 
life of Sixtus V to the period of his elevation to the papal 
throne. For this purpose he derives his materials from the 
above-named biography, the correspondence of Sixtus, 
which he frequently cites, and oral communications from 
Cardinal Paleotto, or from a confidential member of the 
pope's household, called Capelletto. From these sources 
he obtained many remarkable particulars. 


Cap. I. "Sixti genus, parentes, patria." — We here 
find the strange story that Sixtus had desired in his youth 
to be called Crinitus [the long-haired] ; nay, that he even 
was so called in his monastery for a certain time. By this 
word he meant to signify a comet, and chose the name as 
expressing his hopes in his own future fortunes ("propter 
speratam semper ab se ob ea quae mox exsequar portenta 
nominis et loci claritatem "). There is supposed to be an 
allusion to this in the star of his armorial bearings ; but that 
is certainly not a comet. The pontiff himself told Paleotto 
that the pears in his arms were meant to signify his father 
(Peretti), and that the mountains designated his native land; 
the lion bearing the pears was meant to imply at once 
magnanimity and beneficence. 

II. "Ortus Sixti divinitus ejusque futura magnitudo 
praenunciatur." — Sixtus himself relates that his father once 
heard a voice calling to him in the night, "Vade, age, 
Perette, uxori jungere; paritura enim tibi filium est, cui 
Felicis nomen impones : is enim mortalium olim maximus 
est futurus." He was a strange fellow, without doubt, this 
Peretti. His wife was at that time in the service of the 
above-named Diana,^ in the town. Following the intimation 
of this prophetic encouragement, he stole away to the town 
through the night and the fogs, for he dared not shew 
himself in the day, from fear of his creditors. An extra- 
ordinary origin this ! At a later period Peretti formally 
assured his creditors of their safety on the strength of his 
son's good fortune. When he had the child in his arms, 
he would declare that he was carrying a pope, and would 
hold out the little foot for his neighbours to kiss. 

III. "Nomen." — Peretti declared, when objections were 
made to him against the name of Felix : " Baptismo potius 
quam Felicis nomine carebit." The bed once took fire from a 
light left burning near it ; the mother rushed to save her child, 
and found it unhurt and laughing ; very much as it happened 
to ServiusTullius,the child of the slave-girl, whose predestined 
greatness was announced by the flame that played around his 
head while asleep. After so many centuries had passed, the 
prodigy was repeated, or at least, the belief in it was revived, 

' See vol. i. p. 349, note. 


IV. " Studia." — That the pontiff had tended swine was 
a fact that he was not fond of having repeated ; and finding 
it inserted in the above-named commentaries, he forbade 
their continuance. The narration in this chapter describes 
the rapidity of his early progress, and how he gave his 
master too much work for his five bajocchi. ^' Vix mensem 
alterum operam magistro dederat, cum ille Perettum adit, 
stare se conventis posse negans : tam enim multa Felicem 
supra reliquorum captum et morem discere, ut sibi, multo 
plus in uno illo quam in ceteris instituendis omnibus 
laboranti, non expediat maximam operam minima omnium 
mercede consumere." The future pontiff was rather severely 
treated by Era Salvatore. He got many a blow for not 
placing his food before him in proper order. The poor 
child raised himself on tiptoe, but was so little that he could 
still scarcely reach the level of the table. 

V. Monastic life. — This is what we have related in the 
text when describing his mode of study, and the disputation 
at Assisi. The first fame of his preaching. When on a 
journey, the people of Belforte stopped him, and would 
not permit him to leave them until he had thrice preached 
to an immense concourse of the inhabitants. 

VI. " Montalti cum Ghislerio Alexandrino jungendae 
familiaritatis occasio." 

VII. "Per magnam multorum invidiam ad magnos 
multosque honores evadit." — In Venice particularly, where 
he carried through the printing of the Index, he had much 
to endure. He was on one occasion compelled to leave 
the city, and hesitated to return. Cardinal Carpi, who had 
been his protector from the time of the often-cited dispensa- 
tion, gave the Eranciscans of Venice to understand that unless 
Montalto were suffered to remain there, not one of their order 
should continue in the city. Yet he could not maintain his 
ground there. The brethren of his own order accused him 
before the Council of Ten, charging him with occasioning 
disorders in the republic, namely by refusing absolution to 
those who were in possession of forbidden books ("qui 
damnatos libros domi retineant"). He was compelled to 
return to Rome, where he became consultor to the Inquisition. 

VIII. " Romanae inquisitionis consultor, sui ordinis 


procurator, inter theologos congregationis Tridentini concilii 
adscribitur." — By the Franciscans of Rome also, Montalto 
was received only on the express recommendation of 
Cardinal Carpi, and the latter sent him his meals ; he 
supported him in every position, and recommended him on 
his death-bed to Cardinal Ghislieri. 

IX. " Iter in Hispaniam." — He accompanied Buoncom- 
pagno, afterwards Gregory XIII. Even at that time there 
was by no means a good understanding between them. 
Montalto was sometimes obliged to travel in the baggage- 
waggon. " Accidit nonnunquam ut quasi per injuriam aut 
necessitatem jumento destitutusvehiculis quibus impedimenta 
comportabantur deferri necesse fuerit." Many other slights 

X. " Post honorifice delatum episcopatum per iniquorum 
hominum calumnias cardinalatus Montalto maturatur." — The 
nephew of Pius V was also opposed to him : " alium veterem 
contubernalem evehendi cupidus." The pope was told^ 
amongst other things, that four carefully-closed chests had 
been taken into the apartments of Montalto, who had 
lodged himself with exceeding splendour and luxury. Pius 
hereupon went himself unexpectedly to the monastery. He 
found bare walls, and asked what wTre the contents of the 
chests, which were still in the room : " Books, holy father," 
said Montalto, " that I propose to take with me to St. Agatha" 
(St. Agatha was his bishopric), and he opened one of the 
chests. Pius was highly pleased, and soon afterwards made 
him cardinal. 

XI. " Montalti dum cardinalis fuit vita et mores." 
Gregory deprived him of his pension, which many thought 
to be significant of his future pontificate : — " Levis enim 
aulicorum quorundam superstitio diu credidit, pontificum 
animis occultam quandam in futuros successores obtrecta- 
tionem insidere." 

XII. " Francisci Peretti caedes incredibili animi aequitate 

XIII. "Pontifex M. magna patrum consensione de- 

Then follows the second part. 

*' Hactenus Sixti vitam per tempera digessimus : jam 


hinc per species rerum et capita, ut justa hominis aestimatio 
ciiique in promptu sit, exequar." 

But of this part only three chapters are to be found : — ■ 
"Gratia in benemeritos j — pietas in Franciscanorum ordinem; 
— publica securitas." 

The last is by far the most important, on account of 
the description it furnishes of the times of Gregory XIII. 
I did not make a complete transcript of the whole, but will 
at least give an extract : — " Initio quidem nonnisi qui ob 
caedes et latrocinia proscripti erant, ut vim magistratuum 
effugerent, genus hoc vitae instituerant ut aqua et igne pro- 
hibiti latebris silvarum conditi aviisque montium ferarum 
ritu vagantes miseram anxiamque vitam furtis propemodum 
necessariis sustentarent. Verum ubi rapinae dulcedo et 
impunitae nequitiae spes alios atque alios extremae impro- 
bitatis homines eodem expulit, coepit quasi legitimum aliquod 
vel mercimonii vel artificii genus latrocinium frequentari. 
Itaque certis sub ducibus, quos facinora et saevitia nobili- 
tassent, societates proscriptorum et sicariorum ad vim, caedes, 
latrocinia coibant. Eorum duces ex audacia vel scelere 
singulos aestimabant : facinorosissimi et saevissima ausi 
maxime extollebantur ac decurionum centurionumque nomi- 
nibus militari prope more donabantur. Hi agros et itinera 
non jam vago maleficio sed justo pene imperio infesta 
habebant. . . . Denique operam ad caedem inimicorum, 
stupra virginum et alia a quibus mens refugit, factiosis 
hominibus et scelere alieno ad suam exaturandam libidinem 
egentibus presente pretio locare : eoque res jam devenerat 
ut nemo se impune peccare posse crederet nisi cui proscrip- 
torum aliquis et exulum periculum praestaret. lis fiebat 
rebus ut non modo improbi ad scelera, verum etiam minime 
mali homines ad incolumitatem ejusmodi feras bestias sibi 
necessarias jjutarent. ... Id proceribus et principibus viris 
perpetuo palam usurpari. . . . Et vero graves Jacob o Bon- 
compagno susceptae cum primariis viris inimicitiae ob vio- 
latam suarum aedium immunitatem diu fortunam concussere. 
Procerum plerique, sive quos aes alienum exhauserat, sive 
quorum ambitio et luxus supra opes erat, sive quos odia et 
ulciscendi libido ad cruenta consilia rejecerant, non modo 
patrocinium latronum suscipere, sed foedus cum illis certis 


conditionibus sancire ut operam illi ad caedem locarent mer- 
cede impunitatis et perfugii. Quum quo quisque sicariorum 
patrono uteretur notum esset, si cui quid surreptum aut per 
vim ablatum foret, ad patronum deprecatorem confugiebatur, 
qui sequestrum simulans,utrinque raptor, turn praedae partem 
a sicariis tum operae mercedem a supplicibus, aliquando 
recusantis specie, quod saevissimum est rapinae genus, ex- 
torquebat. Nee defuere qui ultro adversus mercatores atque 
pecuniosos eorumque filios, agros etiam et bona ex destinato 
immitterent, iisque deinde redimendisad sequeconfugientibus 
operam , venderent, casum adeo miserantes ut ex animo 
misereri credi possent. . . . Lites sicariorum arbitrio privatis 
intendebantur, summittebantur vi adacti testes, metu alii a 
testimonio dicendo deterrebantur. . . . Per urbes factiones 
exoriri, distinctae coma et capillitio, ut hi in laevam, illi in 
dexteram partem vel villos alerent comarum vel comam a 
fronte demitterent. Multi, ut fidem partium alicui addictam 
firmarent, uxores necabant, ut filias, sorores, affines eorum 
inter quos censeri vellent ducerent : alii consanguinearum 
viros clam seu palam trucidabant, ut illas iis quos in suas 
partes adlegerant coUocarent. Vulgare ea tempestate fuit 
ut cuique sive forma seu opes mulieris cujuscunque placuis- 
sent, earn procerum aliquo interprete vel invitis cognatis 
uxorem duceret : neque raro accidit ut praedivites nobilesque 
homines exulum abjectissimis et rapto viventibus grandi 
cum dote filias coUocare vel eorum indotatas filias ipsi sibi 
jusso matrimonio jungere cogerentur. . . . Sceleratissimi 
homines tribunalia constituere, forum indicere, judicia ex- 
ercere, sontes apud se accusare, testibus urgere, tormentis 
veritatem extorquere, denique solemni formula damnare: 
alios vero a legitimis magistratibus in vincula conjectos, 
causa per prorem (procuratorem) apud se dicta, absolvere, 
eorum accusatores ac judices poena talionis condemnare. 
Coram damnatos praesens poena sequebatur : si quid statutum 
in absentes foret, tantisper mora erat dum sceleris ministri 
interdum cum mandatis perscriptis riteque obsignatis cir- 
cummitterentur, qui per veram vim agerent quod legum 
ludibrio agebatur. . . . Dominos et reges se cujus colli- 
buisset provinciae, ne solennibus quidem inaugurationum 
parcentes, dixere multi et scripsere. . . . Non semel sacra 


supellectile e templis direpta, augustissimam et sacratissi- 
mam eucharistiam in silvas ac latibula asportarunt, qua ad 
magica flagitia et execramenta abuterentur. . . . Mollitudo 
Gregoriani imperii malum in pejus convertit. Sicari- 
orum multitude infinita, quae facile ex rapto cupiditatibus 
conniventium vel in speciem tantum irascentium ministrorum 
iargitiones sufficeret. Publica fide securitas vel petentibus 
concessa vel sponte ablata : arcibus, oppidis, militibus 
praeficiebantur. Eos, velut ab egregio facinore reduces, 
multitude, quocunque irent, spectando effusa mirabatur, 
laudabat. . . ." 

No. 52 

Memorie del pontificato di Sisto V. [Memoirs of the pontificate 
of Sixtus v.] Altieri Library, XIV. a. iv. fol. 480 leaves. 

This circumstantial work is not entirely new and un- 
known. Tempesti had a copy taken from the archives of 
the Capitol, and he describes the author of it as the Anonimo 

But Tempesti is extremely' unjust towards this work. 
He has copied it in numberless passages, yet in the general 
estimate at the commencement of his history, he declares 
it to be unworthy of credit. 

Yet it is without doubt the best work that has been 
written in relation to Sixtus V. 

The author had the most important documents at his 
command. This is perfectly obvious from his narrative, 
and he has himself assured us of it ; as regarded German 
affairs, for example, he says, " Mi risolvo di narrar minu- 
tamente quanto ne trovo in lettere e relationi autentiche." 

With regard to the financial arrangements of Sixtus V 
he has the most exact information, and follows them step 
by step throughout. Yet he proceeds to this part of his 
task with infinite discretion. " The most extravagant and 
startling proposals," he says, '^were made to him for the 
raising of money, but all wearing a very plausible appear- 
ance : their character being such, I do not venture to com- 
mit them all to paper, and will but adduce some few, which 
I have seen set forth in the original letters of the inventors." 


Our author had written a life of Gregory XIII, and 
therefore it is, perhaps, that he has been supposed to be 
Maffei ; but I can find no other reason whatever for identify- 
ing him with that Jesuit. 

It is to be regretted that this work also is only a 
fragment. Even from the beginning the earlier events are 
wanting. They were written, but the work — our manuscript, 
at least — breaks off in the midst of a sentence. The measures 
taken in the first years of the pope are then examined, but 
the writer comes down only to the year 1587. 

We might the better console ourselves for the loss of 
the first part, because we are elsewhere so well provided 
with good information relating to that period; but the 
absence of the latter portion is exceedingly to be regretted. 
It is a kind of European history, which the author com- 
municates from really authentic and credible authorities. 
With respect to the year 1588, the '^ Annus climactericus " 
of the world, we should, without doubt, have found most 
valuable information from this writer. 

Let us observe the reasonable manner in which he ex- 
presses himself at the beginning of his work. " I have 
left no path untried by which I could arrive at the light of 
truth, but have diligently opened out all I could find, and 
walked therein with unwearied assiduity, as will be seen by 
the account I render of the writings and reports to which I 
have had recourse in the composition and texture of this 
history. I pray God, the author and father of all truth, 
that as He has given me the fixed determination to utter no 
falsehood with the view to deceive others, so He will grant 
me such light as that I shall never say what is false from 
having been myself deceived." 

This is a prayer altogether worthy of a historian. 

At the election of cardinals in 1587, he concludes with 
these words : " E le speranze spesso contrarie alle proprie 
apparenze." [Hopes are often contrary to what they seem.] 

I have adopted a great part of his statements, after 
having compared them with those of other authentic 
sources : what remains could not be added here without 
exceeding the compass of this work. 


No. 53 

SixH V Po7itificis Maxi??ti vita a Giudo Gtialterio Saiigenesmo 
descripta. [Life of Sixtus V, by Guido Gualterio 
of Sangeno.J MS. in the Altieri Library^ viii., f. i. 
54 leaves. 

Tempesti alludes to a diary kept in the times of Sixtus V 
by an author of this name.^ It is the same author who wrote 
the biography now before us, and in this work he refers to 
the earlier one. His labours had been especially rewarded 
by Sixtus V. 

The copy in the Altieri palace is entirely authentic and 
perhaps unique : it contains remarks in the author's hand- 
writing. " Me puero cum in patria mea Sangeno, &c.," he 

He wrote his work soon after the death of Sixtus V, in 
the early part of the pontificate of Clement VIII, of whom 
he often speaks. He mentions that the intelligence of the 
conversion of Henry IV had just arrived, so that we may 
with certainty assume the year 1593 as that in which he 
composed his book. 

The author is also particularly worthy of credit. He was 
closely connected with the family of Peretti. Maria Felice, 
daughter of the Signora Camilla, was brought up in Sangeno \ 
the wife of the author was her intimate friend. He was 
himself familiarly acquainted with Antonio Bosio, the 
secretary of Montalto's first protector. Cardinal Carpi. 
" Summa mihi cum eo necessitudo intercedebat." Thus 
he was particularly well informed in regard to the earlier 
circumstances of the pope's life. 

He devotes to them the first part of his work. 

He informs us how Era Felice first became acquainted 
with Pope Paul IV. A Minorite church in the March had 
been burnt, but the host remained uninjured. There must 
have been some particular circumstance connected with this 
fact ; suffice it to say, that a great consultation was held in 

^ The beginning of it was printed in 1844, in the Archivio Storico 
Italiano, Appendice No. 8, p. 345. 


relation to it. Cardinal inquisitors, generals of orders, 
and many other prelates, were assembled. Cardinal 
Carpi brought Montalto with him, and insisted that this 
favourite of his should also be allowed to give his opinion. 
Montalto gave it accordingly; all agreed that it was the 
best, and Carpi departed in great good humour. " In ejus 
sententiam ab omnibus itum est. Surgens cardinalis Car- 
pensis dixit : Probe noram quem virum hue adduxissem." 

The description of the future pontiff's Aristotelian labours 
is remarkable. 

The edition of Posius, who was in fact a disciple of 
Montalto, is directly ascribed by Gualterius to Montalto 
himself. " Aristotelis Averroisque opera ex pluribus antiquis 
bibliothecis exemplaria nactus emendavit, expurgavit, apto- 
que ordine in tomos, ut vocant, undecim digessit. Mediam 
et magnam Averrois in libros posteriorem expositionem 
apta distributione Aristotelis textui accommodavit : mediam 
Averrois expositionem in septem metaphysicorum libros 
invenit, exposuit, ejusdem Averrois epitomata quaesita et 
epistolas suis restituit locis, solutionibus contradictionum a 
doctissimo Zunara editis (wherein the contradictions between 
Aristotle and Averroes were reconciled) centum addidit." 

He next delineates the character of his hero : " Mag- 
nanimus dignoscebatur, ad iram tamen pronus. Somni 
potens : cibi parcissimus : in otio nunquam visus nisi aut 
de studiis aut de negotiis meditans." 

Thus he arrives at the conclave. Whereupon he begins 
to describe the acts of Sixtus V, classed under his different 
virtues : " Religio, Pietas, Justitia, Fortitudo, Magnificentia, 

Singular as this classification is, we are, nevertheless, 
made acquainted with many beautiful things in proceeding 
through it. 

Earnestly has Gualterius laboured to defend the pope 
against the complaints made of him on account of his im- 
posts. But let us observe how he has done this. " Imprimis 
ignorare videntur, pontificem Romanum non in nostras 
solum facultates sed in nos etiam ipsos imperium habere." 
What would the present times say to such a right on the 
part of the state ? 


He has devoted particular attention to the architectural 
works of Sixtus V, and his remarks on the subject are very- 

He describes the condition of the old Lateran. " Erat 
aula permagna quam concilii aulam vocabant (without doubt 
on account of the Lateran councils held down to the time 
of Leo X) ; erant porticus tractusque cum sacellis nonnullis 
et cubiculis ab aula usque ad S. Sabae quam S. Salvatoris 
capellam vocant. Erant s. scalarum gradus et porticus vetus- 
tissima e qua veteres pontifices, qui Lateranum incolebant, 
populo benedicebant. Aedes illae veteres maxima populi 
veneratione celebrari solebant, cum in illis non pauca monu- 
menta esse crederentur Hierosolymis usque deportata. Sed 
fortasse res in superstitionem abierat : itaque Sixtus, justis 
de causis ut credere par est, servatis quibusdam probatioribus 
monumentis, Sanctis scalis alio translatis, omnia demolitus 

We perceive that the author submits, but he is sensible 
of the wrong done. No less remarkable is the description 
of St. Peter's as it was at that time (1593). 

" In Vaticano tholum maximum tholosque minores atque 
adeo sacellum majus quod majorem capellam vocant aliaque 
minora sacella et aedificationem totam novi templi Petro 
Apostolo dicati penitus absolvit. At plumbeis tegere laminis, 
ornamentaque quae animo destinarat adhibere, templique 
pavimenta sternere non potuit, morte sublatus. At quae 
supersunt Clemens VIII persecuturus perfecturusque creditur, 
qui tholum ipsum plumbeis jam contexit laminis, sanctissimae 
crucis vexillum aeneum inauratum imposuit, templi illius 
pavimentum jam implevit, aequavit, stravit pulcherrime, 
totique templo aptando et exornando diligentissimam dat 
operam : cum vero ex Michaelis Angeli forma erit abso- 
lutum, antiquitatem omnem cito superabit." 

We learn from this that there was still nothing else 
contemplated but the completion of Michael Angelo's plan, 
and it even appears as though the whole had been really 
contemplated (penitus absolvit). 

We have already seen one remarkable notice of the 
colossal statues. I will here add another. 

The author is speaking of the open space on the Quirinal. 


Of its adornment under Sixtus V he says : " Ornavit perenni 
fonte et marmoreis Praxitelis et Phidiae equis, quos vetustate 
cum eorum rectoribus deformatos una cum basi marmorea 
in pristinam formam concinnavit et e vetere sede ante Con- 
stantini thermas in alteram areae partem prope S. Pauli 
monachorum aedes transtulit." In old plates also, one of 
which is copied in Mier (see his Geschichte der Kunst, 
ii. 299, and the illustrations, Plate xv.), the colossal statues 
appear in a greatly mutilated form, very much as the 
Venetian ambassadors describe them to be (see ante, p. 25). 
It is obvious that they were put into their present condition 
under Sixtus V. 

No. 54 

Galesini Vita Sixti V. Vatican, 5438. 122 leaves. 

. A manuscript without any particular title ; on the first 
leaf is the following dedication : — 

*' Sanctissimo patri Sixto V, pontifici maximo, vigilantis- 
simo ecclesiae Dei pastori, providissimo principi, sapientis- 
simo universae reipublicae christianae moderatori et rectori, 
commentarium hoc de vita rebusque ab eo in singulos annos 
diesque publice et pontificie actis gestisque distributum ac 
luculenter scriptum Petrus Galesinus magno et summo 
benignissimoque patrono singularis in ilium pietatis atque 
observantiae ergo in perpetuum dicavit." 

These words suffice to shew that we have in this instance 
rather a panegyric than a biography before us. 

The author considers it remarkable that Sixtus should 
have been the fourth child born to his parents — " sol enim 
quarto die creatus est" — and that he was elected pope on 
the day of the foundation of Rome. 

Our author's narrative of the pontiff's early years is of 
very fragmentary character. But here, also, we find another 
proof that a young man of talent attains to the best de- 
velopment of his faculties under poverty and severity of 
discipline. In the Peretti family, the rule of the mother 

VOL. III. " ' ' L 


appears to have been a rigid one : " Matris metu, cum 
aliquid mail se commeruisse videret, in omnes partes corporis 
se excitavit." 

His labours at his villa are thus alluded to : " Opus 
manu faciebat, ita ut vel hortos coleret vel arbores sereret, 
aut aliqua ratione, instar diligentissimi agricolae, egregiae 
insitionis opera consereret, interlocaret." 

In the various acts of his pontificate, the strict religious 
spirit to which Sixtus surrendered himself comes very pro- 
minently forward ; in regard to his buildings, for example : 
" Ut urbis opera et idolatriae simulacra, inanis et falsae 
gloriolae insanarumque superstitionum monumenta, adhuc 
in urbe jam diu nimis inveterata quadam rerum olim 
Romanarum a christiano cultu abhorrentium curiositate, . . . 
ad christianae pietatis ornamentum pertraheret." 

The origin of the Lateran palace. — " Pontifex cum vix 
cubiculum inveniret quo se reciperet, continuo jussit aedes 
pontificia majestate dignas in Laterano extrui : valde enim 
absurdum absonumque duxit basilicam Lateranensem, om- 
nium ecclesiarum matrem, proprium pontificis Romani 
episcopatum, aedes non habere quae cum tanta episcopatus 
dignitate convenirent." 

He considers that Rome was upon the whole very 
religious. " Dat magna pietatis et integritatis indicia. 
Clericorum disciplina fere est ad pristinos sanctissimos 
mores restituta, ratio divini cultus administratioque sacrarum 
aedium ad probatum veterem morem plane perducta. . . . 
Ubique in ipsis ecclesiis genuflexiones : ubique in omni fere 
urbis regione fideles qui sacra ilia sexta feria (Good-Friday) 
infinitis verberibus miserandum in modum propria terga ita 
lacerabant ut sanguis in terram usque defluxerit." 

No. 55 

" Vita SixH V anoiiyma. Vatican, 5563. 

A few leaves only relating to the early years of Sixtus V. 
His name Felix is here attributed to a drea^i of his father, 


No. 56. 

Relatione al Papa Sixto V. [Report to Sixtus V.] 
41 leaves. 

By a member of the Curia who did not frequent the 
palace, and who knew only just so much as was known to 
every one. It was originally addressed to a friend who 
desired to be informed respecting the acts of Sixtus V, and 
afterwards to the pope himself. 

In works like that now before us, written by people of 
ordinary capacity, who do but come forth accidentally from 
the general crowd, it is interesting to observe the general 
effect produced by a government on the great masses of the 

In the little work before us, which is written throughout 
in the stricter religious spirit which began to prevail at the 
close of the sixteenth century, we perceive first of all the 
powerful impression produced by the conversion of pagan 
into Christian monuments. " The holy crosses on the 
summits of the obelisks, and the statues of the principal 
apostles on the columns, obliterate the memory of the 
ancient idolatries. In like manner the cross placed in the 
hand of the statue signifying Rome, which . stands on 
the tower of the Capitol, shews that nowadays, Rome, that 
is the pope, does not use the sword to subjugate the world, 
as did the infidel Roman emperors, but the cross to mark 
the day of salvation to all mankind." It is a striking fact, 
that these ideas of spiritual domination should have been 
so popular even among people of inferior consideration. 
Further on, the author denies that the pope intended to 
procure himself greater importance among foreign princes 
by means of his treasure, in order, as some said, to appear 
very wise, — " per esser savioni." He did not need this ; 
his purpose was rather to reward obedient princes, and to 
punish the refractory : *' Col tesoro castigher^ i prencipi 
ribelli di santa chiesa, et ajuterk i prencipi obbedienti nelle 
imprese cattoliche." He applauds Sixtus for having ex- 
communicated Henry IV. " Immediately on being made 


pope, he turned to God for aid, and then deprived the 
wicked heretical king of the kingdom of Navarre, . . . and 
principally by these spiritual arms the popes have made 
and unmade emperors and kings." That priests and monks 
are to be considered as a kind of papal soldiery, is here for 
once admitted even by the Roman side. " The pope has 
large garrisons in all kingdoms, which are the friars, monks, 
and priests; as numerous, well paid, and provided for in 
peace as in war. In affairs of religion, he is resolved to be 
sole and absolute master, as is the will of God ; and blessed 
are those people who shall have the most obedient princes. 
If sovereigns would maintain the principle of discussing 
affairs of state rather with priests than with their secular 
counsellors, believe me, they would keep their subjects 
obedient and faithful." All the assertions of the politico- 
ecclesiastical doctrine are here brought forward in the 
popular comprehension of them. Bui; what was this secular 
authority of the pope when compared with the power he 
possesses of exalting a poor servant of God to be a saint ? 
This canonization which Sixtus V had renewed, our author 
cannot sufficiently praise. " For the greater glory of God, 
he has dedicated certain days as feasts to saints who 
were not in the calendar, partly to the end that Christians 
may have opportunity to spend so much the more time for 
the honour of God and the salvation of their souls through 
the intercession of saints, by abstaining from servile works, 
and partly that the friends of God may be duly honoured." 
Among other reasons he says that it will " prove to infidels 
and false Christians, that the true servants of Christ the 
Saviour are alone able to make the lame to walk, the dumb 
to speak, and the blind to see, or to raise the dead to life." 

No. 57 

Relatione presentaia neW ccc"'° coUegio dal cV"" Stg*" Lorenzo 
Friiili, ritornato di Roma, 1586, 2 Luglio, [Report 
of Lorenzo Priuli on his return from Rome.] 

From the Ronian docuni^ntSj we proceed to those of 


Lorenzo Priuli had witnessed the latter years of Gregory 
XIII, and the earUer ones of Sixtus V ; he is full of the 
contrasts they present. 

But we must not permit ourselves to be too much in- 
fluenced by his opinions ; the early years of a pope almost 
always produced a more favourable impression than his 
later life; either because the powers required for govern- 
ing a state necessarily decline with increasing years, or 
because there is gradually discovered in every man some 
attribute that one could wish absent. 

But Priuli is not unjust. He considers that the adminis- 
tration of Gregory was also very useful to the Church. " Nella 
bonta della vita, nel procurare il culto ecclesiastico, I'osser- 
vanza del concilio, la residenza dei vescovi, nell' eccellenza 
della dottrina, I'uno legale I'altro teologicale, si possono dire 
assai simili." [In respect to purity of life, provision for 
public worship, observance of the council, and enforcing the 
residence of bishops; in excellence of learning, — the one 
legal, the other theological, — they may be said to be much 
alike.] He thanks God for having given to his Church such 
excellent rulers. 

We perceive that foreign ambassadors were also in- 
fluenced by the modes of thought then prevailing at the 
papal court. 

Priuli considers the election of Sixtus V as almost 
miraculous, — the immediate interposition of the Holy Spirit. 
He reminds his native city that it had become eminent and 
prosperous by means of its good understanding with the 
popes, and advises them above all things to maintain it. 

No. 58 

Relatione del cl"^'' Sig^ Gio Griiti ritornato amhasdatore da 
Roma anno 1589. [Report of Giovanni Gritti on 
returning from his embassy to Rome.] 

In the Venetian archives there is only a defective copy. 
It was with the utmost eagerness that I took up another, 
which I found in the Ambrosiana Library at Milan, but this 


also contains just as much as the former, and not a word 

This is all the more to be regretted, because the author 
proceeds most systematically to his work. He proposes 
first to treat of the papal states^ and then of the person of 
the pope, whose great admirer he announces himself to be ; 
thirdly, he means to propound the views of the pontiff; and 
finally, to discourse of the cardinals and the court. 

But there is only a small part of the first division remain- 
ing. The manuscript breaks off precisely where the author 
is about to shew the manner in which the revenues increased 
under Sixtus V. Nevertheless, I cannot doubt that the work 
was completed. What we have is at least no sketch, but 
certainly part of an elaborate work. 

Yet it is extraordinary that even in the archives there is 
only a defective copy to be found. 

No.. 59 

Relatione di Roma delH a?nbasdafore Badoer K^ relata hi 
senato amio 1589. [Badoer's report of his embassy to 

This report is not to be found in the Venetian archives. 
It is in the collection of the Quirini family, but only as a 

There are eight leaves, which contain nothing but a few 
notices relating to the rural districts. 

Badoer remarks that Venice had estranged her adherents 
of the March by delivering them up so readily to the pope, 
or by causing them to be put to death at his request. 

The increase of the commerce of Ancona had been 
talked of, but the ambassador does not fear that this would 
prove injurious to the Venetians. 

" Essendo state imposte allora (at the time of his de- 
parture) da Sisto V doi per cento sopra tutte le mercantie, 
le quali a querelle d'Anconitani furono poi levate, non era 
gionta in 14 mesi alcuna nave in quel porto." [A tax 
amounting to two per cent, having been imposed on all 


merchandise by Sixtus V, which was afterwards taken off 
on the complaints made by the people of Ancona. No ship 
had arrived in that port for the space of fourteen months.] 

We perceive that the two imposts of Gregory XIII and 
Sixtus V, although afterwards repealed, yet, from the un- 
certainty of gain to which the merchants suddenly found 
themselves exposed, contributed very largely to the decline 
of trade in Ancona. At that time the principal part of the 
business was in camlets and furs, but the Jews found no 
suitable opportunity for exchange in cloth or other wares. 
The customs were farmed for 14,000 scudi only, yet even 
this sum was never realized. 

Badoer is moreover desirous that the example of Spain 
should be followed, and that such friends as Venice may 
have in the March should be pensioned. He breaks off 
just as he is preparing to name those friends. 

No. 60 
Dispacci Veneti 15 73-1 590. 

No one could suppose that with so rich a profusion of 
documents one could still feel in want of information. Yet 
this had nearly been the case in the present instance. We 
have seen what an evil star presided over the destiny of 
Venetian reports ; the Roman records elucidate only the 
first part of this pontificate with any fulness of detail. I 
should have seen myself reduced to Tempesti for this latter 
part, — one of the most important epochs, — had not the 
despatches of the Venetian ambassadors come to my 

In Vienna I had already copied the whole series of 
Venetian despatches from 1573 to 1590, which are preserved 
in the archives, partly in authentic copies, and partly in 
mbricaries prepared for the use of the government. 

In making oneself master of the first, there is indeed a 
certain difficulty ; a monthly budget sometimes extends to 
100 leaves; in their voyage by sea they have received 
injury from the sea-water; they crumble on being opened. 


and the breathing is affected by an offensive dust. The 
rubricaries are more easily managed ; they are protected by 
covers, and their abridged form facilitates the selection of 
matters that are really essential, from the thousand insigni- 
ficant affairs which Italian states may have had to transact 
among themselves, but which do not merit historical repro- 
duction. . 

We find here the reports of Paolo Tiepolo to 1576, of 
Antonio Tiepolo to 1578^ of Zuanne Correr to 1581, Lunardo 
Donato to 1583, Lorenzo Priuli to 1586, Zuanne Gritti to 
1589, and Alberto Badoer to 1591. 

In addition to these regular ambassadors, there occa- 
sionally appear envoys extraordinary : Zuanne Soranzo, 
from October, 1581 to February, 1582, who was deputed 
on account of the dissensions concerning the patriarchate of 
Aquileia; the embassy of congratulation to Sixtus in 1585, 
which consisted of Marc Antonio Barbaro, Giacomo Fosca- 
rini, Marino Grimani, and Lunardo Donato, who caused 
their common report to be drawn up by the secretary 
Padavino : finally, Lunardo Donato was again sent on 
account of the political complications of the year 1589. 
The despatches of this last are by far the most important. 
The relations existing at that time between the republic and 
the pope assumed importance, even for the general history 
of the world. They are fortunately to be found in all their 
extent, under the following title : " Registro delle lettere 
deir ill"™" signor Lunardo Donato K'' ambasciatore straordi- 
nario al sommo pontefice; comincia a 13 ottobre 1589 e 
finisce a 19 decembre 1589." 

But we have not even yet enumerated all the collected 
documents relating to the proceedings of the ambassadors. 
There was besides a special and private correspondence of 
the ambassadors with the Council of Ten, and we find this 
very neatly written on parchment ; the first volume has the 
title : " Libro primo da Roma, secreto del consiglio di X 
sotto il serenissimo D. Aluise Mocenigo inclito duca di 
Venetia." The subsequent volumes have corresponding 

I am perfectly aware of the objections that may be 
made to the use of despatches from ambassadors. It is true 


that they are written under the impression of the moment, 
are seldom quite impartial ; often bear upon particular cir- 
cumstances only, and are by no means to be implicitly 
relied on, or directly adopted. But let any man name the 
memorials or writings that can be received altogether with- 
out hesitation. In all cases certain grains of salt are 
indispensable. The ambassadors were at all events con- 
temporary witnesses, present on the spot, and bound to 
observe what passed ; they must therefore be wholly destitute 
of talent, if their reports, when read to some extent, do not 
give an impression of reality to the events which they 
describe, and make us feel almost as though we were 
actually present. 

Now our Venetians were men of great ability, and of 
much practical experience, and I consider these despatches 
highly instructive. 

But how far should we be carried if I should proceed to 
give extracts in this place from this long series of volumes ? 

My readers will doubtless permit me to abide by the 
rule I have laid down, of avoiding extracts from despatches 
in this Appendix. A lengthened series of them would alone 
convey an adequate idea of their contents. 

I will, on the other hand, touch upon two important 
missions, both falling within the times of Sixtus V. 

No. 61 

Relazioiie aW ill"'° e rev"'" cardinale Riistkncci sef^" di N. 
Sig"" papa Sisto V delle cose di Polojiia intonio alia re- 
ligiofie e delle azioni del cardinale Bologiietto in qiiatti'o 
anni ch!egli e stato niintio in quella provincia^ divisa in 
dne parti : nella prima si tratta de' danni che fanno le 
eresie in tutlo quel regno, del termine in che si trova ii 
misero stato ecclesiasticOj e delle difficolta e speranze che si 
possono avere intorno a rimedii : nella seconda si narrano 
a modi temiti dal cardinale Bolognetto per svperare quelle 
difficolta, et il profitto che fece, ct il suo negoziare in tutto 
il tempo delta sua nuntiatura : di Horatio Spannocchj\ 
gid seg^'"" del detto sig''' card'' Bolognetto. [Report of 


Horatio Spannocchi presented to Cardinal RusticuccI, 
secretary of Sixtus V, In relation to the religious affairs 
of Poland, and the proceedings of Cardinal Bolognetto 
during the four years that he was nuncio in that pro- 
vince, etc.] 

The secretary of Bolognetto, Spannocchi, who had been 
with him in Poland, employed the leisure of a winter's resi- 
dence in Bologna in the preparation of this report, which 
is not only circumstantial, but also very instructive. 

He first describes the extraordinary extension of Pro- 
testantism in Poland, " non lasciando pure una minima citik 
o castello libero" [not leaving even the smallest town or 
castle untouched]. He attributes this phenomenon, as may 
be readily supposed, principally to secular considerations; 
he maintains that the nobles inflicted fines on their vassals 
if they did not attend the Protestant churches. 

Moreover, in Poland, as in the rest of Europe, a state 
of indifference was beginning to prevail : " The difference 
between being a Catholic or a member of a different sect, is 
treated with jesting or derision, as a matter without the least 

The Germans, of whom some had settled and married, 
even in the smallest towns, had a large share in the diffusion 
of Protestant doctrines ; but, still more dangerous, according 
to our author, were the Italians, who propagated the opinion 
that in Italy and under the cloak of Catholicism, doubts 
were entertained even of the immortality of the soul ; that 
they were only Waiting an opportunity to declare themselves 
openly against the pope. 

He next describes the condition into which the clergy 
had fallen under the^c; circumstances. - 

" Great numbers of the poor clergy are destitute even of 
food, partly because the rulers of the cities — for the most 
part, if not wholly, heretics — have taken possession of the 
goods of the church, either to increase their own patrimony, 
to endow with them the ministers of their own sect, or to 
bestow them in different modes on profane persons; and 
partly because they refuse to pay tithes, although due from 
them, not only by the divine law and that of the canon, but 


also more particularly by the especial constitution of that 
kingdom. Whence the unhappy priests in many places, 
not having wherewith to sustain themselves, abandon the 
churches. A third cause is, that the ecclesiastical jurisdic- 
tion has fallen to decay, together with the privileges of the 
clergy, so that nowadays there is no difference made between 
the property of churches or monasteries and that of secular 
persons — citations and sentences are set at nought. ... I 
have myself heard the principal senators declare that they 
would rather suffer themselves to be cut to pieces than 
consent to any law by which they should be compelled to 
pay tithes as a due to any Catholic whatever. It was 
publicly decreed in the council six years since, that no one 
should be pursued for payment of these tithes by any court, 
whether ecclesiastical or civil; and since, from various 
impediments, the said composition was not made in the 
next council, they continue to refuse payment, nor will 
the different officers execute any sentence in reference to 
the said tithes." 

He considers it very difficult for a nuncio to effect any- 
thing. It would be impossible to introduce the Inquisition, 
or even more rigid laws respecting marriage; already the 
very name of the pope was abominated; the clergy con- 
sidered it their duty to defend the interests of the country 
against Rome ; and there was only the king on whom they 
could reckon. 

The Palatine Radziwill of Wilna had communicated to 
the king an exhortation to war against the Turks, composed 
by a disciple of Zwingli. The nation was herein recom- 
mended first of all to reform its proceedings, and above all 
to put away the images, the worship of which was con- 
sidered by the author to be idolatry. The king would not 
suffer the discourse to pass in that form. He wrote the 
following words on the margin with his own hand : " Praestat 
hoc omittere quam falso imputare et orationem monitoriam 
religionis antiquissimae suggillatione infamem reddere. O 
utinam faciant novae sectae nos tam diuturna pace fiorentes 
atque fecit sancta religio catholica veros secutores suos." 
A declaration on which the writer of this report builds great 


He next proceeds to an investigation of Bolognetto's 
undertakings, which he classes under seven heads : — 

1. Restoration of the papal authority. 

2. Persecution of heretics. 

3. Reform of the clergy : " Modi per moderare la licen- 

tiosa vita di sacerdoti scandalosi." 

4. Re-establishment of divine worship. 

5. Union of the clergy. 

6. Defence of their rights. 

7. Measures with respect to the whole Christian com- 


I have already described in general terms the efficiency 
of Bolognetto in carrying out these designs. By way of 
example, I add the following more minute account of his 
influence on the English negotiation. 

" The queen of England requested from the king of 
Poland a license for her EngHsh merchants, that they might 
introduce their merchandise, and sell it freely throughout 
his kingdom, where the merchants of the kingdom in Danzig 
only were now permitted to sell, requiring at the same time 
that they should have permission to open a public warehouse 
in Thorn, which is the most celebrated port of Prussia, 
after that of Danzig. Also that they might thence after- 
wards carry their wares themselves to all the fairs held in 
Poland, whither commonly none may carry merchandise 
except the merchants of the country, who are for the most 
part Germans, Prussians, or Italians. And on the same 
occasion this pretended queen further requested that in 
the decree for this concession, it should be declared that no 
molestation was to be offered to her merchants on account 
of their religion, but that they should be suffered to execute 
it freely after their own manner whithersoever they might 
go throughout the kingdom. This proposal gave universal 
satisfaction to all the PoHsh nobility. The people of 
Danzig alone opposed it bravely, shewing that from this 
concession, the most extreme injury would result to their 
port, so renowned and so famous through all the world, and 
that the hope of lower prices would prove fallacious, princi- 
pally because the foreign merchants, when they should have 
the power of selling at their own good pleasure, and could 


hold their merchandise a long time in their hands, would 
only sell them for a much higher price than that now re- 
quired by the merchants of the country. Nevertheless, the 
equal privileges which the queen of England offered to the 
merchants of Poland, of power to do the same thing in 
England, seemed already to have induced the king to grant 
all that was demanded ; which had no sooner come to the 
ears of Bolognetto, than he went to seek his majesty, and 
shewed him with the most effectual arguments, how monstrous 
a thing it would be to acknowledge so scandalous a sect by 
his public decree ; and how it was not without some con- 
cealed hope or deceit of some kind that yonder pernicious 
woman desired to have the Anglican sect declared by public 
decree in possession of power to exercise its rites in that 
kingdom, where all the world knows but too well that 
every man is suffered to believe whatever he may please 
in matters of religion : — by these and other most sufficient 
reasonings. King Stephen became so fully convinced, that 
he promised to make no mention whatever of religion in 
any agreement that he should enter into with that queen or 
her merchants." 

It will be perceived, that this report contains notices of 
a purely political nature. 

In conclusion, the author goes more particularly into 
this part of the subject. 

He describes Poland as divided into a multitude of 
factions. Dissensions, in the first place, between the dif- 
ferent provinces, and then between the clergy and the laity 
in each province ; between the senators and the provincial 
deputies ; between the more ancient and higher nobles and 
those of inferior degree. 

The high-chancellor Zamoyski is represented as extremely 
powerful. The grant of all appointments was vested in him, 
more particularly since a vice-chancellor and a king's secre- 
tary had entered wholly into his interests : " da che e stato 
fatto il Baranosky vicecancelliere et il Tolisky segretario del 
re, persone poco fa incognite." 

Generally speakings the appointments made by Stephen 
Bathory had been far from securing universal approbation. 
Attention w^s already directed to his successor, Sigismund ; 


" amatissimo di tutti i Polacchi " [greatly beloved by all the 

We now possess also very comprehensive reports from 
Bolognetto himself, in Theiner's Ann. Eccles. torn. iii. 
716-721, 727-736, 760-787. 

No. 62 

Dlscorso del molto illustre e rev"''' Mons'' Mhmccio Minucci 
sop'a il modo di restittdre lit religione cattolica in Ale- 
magna. 1588. [Discourse of Monsignor Minuccio 
Minucci on the means of restoring the Catholic religion 
in Germany.] 

A very important document, of which I have made 
extensive use (see especially vol. i. p. 518, and following). 

Minucci served long under Gregory in Germany, and 
makes very frequent appearance in Maffei. In the docu- 
ments before us, he endeavours to explain the existing state 
of things, to the end, as he says, that Rome might learn to 
refuse the patient dangerous medicines. 

He complains from the beginning, that so little pains 
were taken on the Catholic side to gain over the Protestant 
princes. He then proceeds — for his mission was during the 
times of eager and still undecided conflicts — to examine the 
attacks of the Protestants on Catholicism : " I have deter- 
mined to relate the contrivances which the heretics daily put 
in practice for the purpose of drying up or utterly destroying 
the very root of Catholicism." Finally, he describes the 
manner in which they ought to be withstood. 

He shews himself to be unusually well informed in 
German affairs, yet he cannot always repress a certain 
astonishment, when he compares the state of things as they 
then were with the tranquillity and order of Italy or Spain. 
We have ourselves alluded to the restless proceedings of 
Casimir of the Palatinate. Let us observe the amazement 
they occasioned to a foreigner. 

" Casimir, after having set the authority of the emperor 
at naught in a thousand ways, but chiefly in burning near 


Spires the munitions that were on their way to Flanders, 
under the safe-conduct of the emperor ; after having offended 
the king of Spain, not by that act only, but also by the 
frequent assistance afforded to his rebels in Flanders, and by 
having granted a site in his territories for the said rebellious 
Flemings to build a city (Frankenthal) ; after having so 
frequently carried havoc into France, and so continually 
desolated Lorraine, sometimes in person, and sometimes by 
despatching his troops thither ; after having put a decided 
affront upon the archduke Ferdinand, by impeding the 
cardinal his son on the road to Cologne, with threats and 
even with violence ; after being the declared enemy of the 
house of Bavaria, and acted in person against the elector of 
Cologne, — is yet permitted to remain securely in an open 
territory, and in the midst of those who have received so 
many injuries at his hands : yet he has neither fortresses nor 
soldiers to inspire him with confidence; neither friends nor 
relations who could give him aid or defend him. But he 
profits by the too long-suffering patience of the Catholics, 
who could instantly and with safety inflict such ruin upon 
him as he has inflicted so frequently on the states of others, 
if they would only resolve on it, and had the courage to 
do it." 



No. 6$ 


I DO not fear being called to account for not having regis- 
tered in this place every fugitive writing, every unimportant 
essay which I have met with in manuscript during the 
manifold researches demanded for my work. I have rather, 
perhaps, already done too much. Many a reader who has 
given me his attention thus far, might very probably be dis- 
satisfied with an unfashioned medley of various languages. 
Yet it would not be advisable to give a translation only of 
the original documents.^ To do this would diminish their 
usefulness as well as their authenticity. Thus I could not 
venture to insert the whole mass of my collectanea without 
further ceremony in this appendix. 

Of the conclaves, for example, with respect to which a 
vast number of manuscripts may be found, I will but present 
a summary notice. 

After every election of a pope, more particularly from the 
second half of the sixteenth century to the beginning of the 
eighteenth, there appeared a report of the proceedings \ it was, 
indeed, only a written one, but was, nevertheless, so arranged 
as to obtain a very extensive circulation, so that it frequently 
called forth counter-statements. Occasionally these accounts 
were prepared by cardinals, but more commonly by their 
secretaries, who were present at the conclave under the 
name of " conclavisti," and who made it their business to 
watch the course of the different intrigues with a view to the 

^ [Ranke having printed the originals, they are now accessible to 
students. In the present edition for English readers it has therefore 
beeii thought better to print English translations of the documents.— Ed.] 
J 60 


interest of their masters, to whom respect for the deportment 
demanded by their dignity, would have made such observa- 
tion no easy matter. But there were occasions when others 
also took up the pen. " Con quella maggior diligenza che 
ho potuto," says the author of the Conclave of Gregory XIII, 
" ho raccolto cos\ dalli signori conclavisti come da cardinal! 
che sono stati partecipi del negotio, tutto I'ordine e la verita 
di questo conclave." [I have gathered with the utmost 
diligence, as well from the conclavisti as from the cardinals 
who took part in the negotiation, the whole arrangement of 
that conclave, and all the truth relating to it.] We perceive 
that he was not himself present. The accounts that fall into 
our hands are sometimes diaries, sometimes letters, but 
sometimes, also, they are elaborate narrations. Each little 
work is complete in itself; the universally-known formalities 
are, however, here and there repeated. Their value is 
extremely unequal, as may be supposed. In some instances 
the whole sense is frittered away in incomprehensible details, 
while in others — but these are rare — the compiler has 
attained to a real perception of the ruling motives in action. 
From nearly all, however, the reader may derive instruction, 
if he has courage and does not become weary. 

The great mass of writings of this kind still extant may be 
learned from the Marsand catalogue of the Paris library, as 
well as from other sources. They have also found their way 
into Germany. The 33rd, 35th, and other volumes of the 
Berlin Information! contain copies in great abundance. In 
Johann Gottfried Geissler's " Programm de Bibliotheca 
Milichiana," iv, Gorlitz, 1767, there is an account of the con- 
claves contained in the 32nd, 33rd, and 34th codex of the 
collection of that place. The most complete list with which 
I am acquainted is to be found in Novaes' " Introduzione 
alle Vite de' Sommi Pontefici," 1822, i. 272. He had access 
to the library of the Jesuits, in which there was preserved a 
tolerably complete collection of these writings. 

It followed from the nature of the matter that these docu- 
ments very soon reached the public in another way, at least 
in part. First they were incorporated into the histories of the 
popes. The conclave of Pius V, if not in its whole extent, 
yet in its commencement and at the close, was transferred 



into the history of Panvinius. Cicarella has translated the 
conclaves of Gregory XIII and Sixtus V, at least in great 
part j the latter with all the comments and reflections that 
appear in the Italian. The passage that Schrockh, " N. 
Kirchengesch." iii. 288, brings forward as from Cicarella, is 
taken word for word from the conclave. Thuanus also has 
given a place to these notices ; but, as we soon perceive on 
more minute comparison, it is from Cicarella, and not from 
the originals, that he takes them (lib. Ixxxii. p. 27). In the 
" Tesoro Politico " also this last " conclave " is adopted, but 
in a few hastily-made extracts only, and very imperfectly. 
And as with these, so also has it been with other conclaves. 

But gradually, and first in the seventeenth century, the 
idea was entertained of making collections of these conclaves. 
The first printed collection has the title " Conclavi de' ponte- 
fici Romani quali si sono potuto trovare fin a questo giorno," 
1667. It begins with Clement V, but has then a blank down 
to Urban VI, and a second chasm down to Nicholas V ; from 
this time they go regularly forward down to Alexander VII. 
The purpose of this publication, at least the ostensible one, 
was to shew, by the examples to be there found, how Httle 
human wisdom can avail against the guidance of heaven. 
*'Si tocca con mano che le negotiationi piu secrete, dis- 
simulate et accorte . . . per opra arcana del cielo svaniti 
sortiscono fini tanto difformi." But this was not the view 
taken by the world at large, who were, on the contrary, 
principally eager to become possessed of the curious and 
sometimes discreditable matter to be found therein. A 
French edition appeared in Lyons, and as this was soon 
exhausted, a reprint, revised from the original, was brought 
out in Holland, dated Cologne, 1694 (not, as Novaes gives 
it, 1594). This, enriched with further additions, has often 
been reprinted. 

In this manner the original memoirs of the conclaves 
have undergone various alterations. If we compare the 
French collection with the originals, we find it to be the 
same on the whole, but in particular passages there are 
considerable variations. Yet, so far as I can discover, these 
changes proceed rather from misapprehension than from evil 


But there are other collections also which have never 
been printed. I am myself in possession of one, which 
supplies the omissions in the printed editions, while it has 
at least an equal authenticity with any one of them. But 
for any detailed use of these documents, an examination of 
the originals will certainly be always desirable. 

No. 64 

Vita e successi del card^ di Santaseverina. [Life and Fortunes 
of Cardinal Santaseverina.] 

An autobiography of this influential cardinal, of whom 
we have frequently had occasion to speak. 

It is somewhat diffuse, and often loses itself in trifles ; 
the judgments it pronounces on individuals as well as on 
events are strongly marked by the personal qualities of the 
man; yet we find that the work communicates many 
peculiar and characteristic details. 

There remains only, that we give here in extenso, some 
few of those to which occasional reference has been made 
in the text. 

I. The Protestants in Naples 

" The sect of the Lutherans still increasing in Naples, I 
armed myself against that thorn with the zeal of the Catholic 
religion, and with all my power, together with the authority 
of the Inquisition, by public preachings, written by me in a 
book called Quadragesimale ; also by public and private 
disputations at every opportunity, as well as by prayer, I 
laboured to diminish that grievous pestilence, and to root it 
out of our bounds. For this cause I suffered most bitter 
persecutions at the hands of the heretics, who sought to 
insult me by every means, and waylaid, me on all the roads, 
thinking to kill me ; of which I have written a little book, 
specially entitled * Persecutions incited against me, Giulio 
Antonio Santorio, servant of Jesus Christ, for the truth of 
the Catholic faith.' There was a shrine in a corner of our 
garden, with an image of the most holy Mary having the 


infant Jesus in her arms, and before it there sprang up an 
olive sapling, which, to the admiration of every one, grew 
very quickly to be a great tree, being in a close place, and 
shaded by trees. To this little chapel it was my wont to 
retire for prayer and discipline, whenever I had to preach 
or dispute against the Lutherans, and I felt myself wonder- 
fully invigorated and emboldened, so that I was without any 
fear of evil or danger, although most certainly menaced with 
such by those enemies of the cross ; moreover I felt within 
me such joy and gladness that I desired to be slain for the 
Catholic faith. . . . Meanwhile as the rage of those heretics 
whom I had brought to justice increased against me ever 
more and more, I was constrained at the end of August or 
beginning of September, in 1563, to take refuge in Naples, 
in the service of Alfonso Caraffa, cardinal of the title of S. 
Giovanni e Paolo, archbishop of Naples, where I served 
as deputy under Luigi Campagna di Rossano, bishop of 
Montepeloso, who exercised the office of vicar in Naples. 
And after he had departed, to avoid the popular tumult 
excited against us by the burning of Giovanni Bernardo 
Gargano and Giovanni Francesco d' Aloys, called il Caserta, 
which took place on the 4th of March, about the twentieth 
hour of the day, I remained alone in the government of that 
church ; where, after many perils encountered, many threat- 
enings endured, stones cast, and shots fired at me, a most 
cruel and venomous plot was contrived for my ruin 
by Hortensio da Batticchio, with fra Fiano (?) di Terra 
d'Otranto, a sacrilegious and relapsed heretic, pretending 
that I, together with the Cardinal of Naples and Mons' 
Campagna, had required him to distil a poison of so much 
potency, that it should infect the air, and so destroy Pope 
Pius IV, because of his enmity to the family of Caraffa; 
and the heretic had no doubt of making the pope under- 
stand as much by means of Signor Pompeo Colonna." 

II. Gregory XIII and Sixfus V. 

*' He scarcely thought that he should die, notwithstand- 
ing his great age, having always lived with exceeding 
moderation, and having passed through all the gradations 


of the court. When he had ceased to lecture at Bologna, 
he came to Rome, and was made assistant curator of the 
Capitol, held the office of deputy to the auditor of the 
treasury, and was appointed referendary, but the first time 
he brought a cause before the segnatura he utterly failed : 
thereupon, overwhelmed by shame and confusion, he was 
determined to abandon the court, but was dissuaded from 
doing so by Cardinal Crescentio. When he ought by the 
rotation to have been made auditor, Palleotto was preferred, 
and placed before him by Julius III, when, being again 
discouraged by this double disgrace, he once more resolved 
to leave Rome, but was again consoled, and withheld from 
departure by the same Cardinal Crescentio. He was made 
bishop of Vieste by Paul IV, was nominated consultor of 
the holy office, appeared at the council of Trent, was made 
cardinal by Pius IV, and was despatched into Spain about 
the affair of Toledo. Then after the death of Pius V of 
sacred memory, with a wonderful unanimity, he was elected 
to the pontificate. Thus elevated, he lived with much 
charity, liberality, and modesty ; he would indeed have been 
admirable, and even unequalled, if his worth and greatness 
of mind had not been mingled with that affection for his 
son, which in great measure obscured his most worthy 
actions and the Christian charity which he exercised towards 
both strangers and all others, so that he was truly the father 
of all. His death was instantly announced to the sacred 
college by the cardinal nephews, San Sisto and Guastavillano, 
when, after the performance of the obsequies, and of all 
other ceremonies usual on the occurrence of a vacancy in 
the see, the conclave was begun. And therein was Cardinal 
Montalto elected pope, formerly our colleague both in the 
affair of Toledo and in promotion to the cardinalate. This 
being done by the special exertions of Cardinal Alessandrino 
and Cardinal Rusticucci, who won over Cardinals d'Este 
and de' Medici to his interest, greatly to the displeasure of 
Cardinal Farnese ; Cardinal San Sisto, on whom he had 
counted largely for aid against his rivals and enemies, 
having broken his word with him, and Cardinal Riario 
having acted very earnestly against him ; but afterwards this 
last repented bitterly of this, for he did not meet with the 


gratitude that he had expected; as it happened also to 
Cardinal Alessandrino, who, greatly rejoicing, believed he 
should be able to manage the pontificate after his own 
manner. Coming down from St. Peter's, I begged him to 
intercede with his holiness for Mons*" Carlo Broglia, rector of 
the Greek College, that he might obtain a benefice for which 
he had applied. He answered me very graciously, ' Do not 
let us trouble this poor old man, for we shall certainly be 
masters.' At which, smiling, I then replied secretly in his 
ear^ ' God send that you have not cause to repent when this 
evening is over.' As in effect he had, for he was never 
cheerful of heart through all that pontificate, being con- 
stantly beset with difficulties, vexations, troubles, and sorrows. 
It is very true that he was himself to blame for the greater 
part of them, for he fell into them by neglect, inadvertence, 
or otherwise; besides that, he was inordinately arrogant, 
and continually enumerating the benefits, services, and 
honours he had done to his holiness. In the first conversa- 
tion that I found means to procure with his holiness, I con- 
gratulated him upon his accession to the pontificate, telling 
him that it had been by the will of God, since at the very 
moment when he was elected the forty hours were ended. 
His holiness thereupon bewailed the malignity of the times 
with much humility, and with tears. I exhorted him to 
commence his pontificate with a general jubilee, and that he 
should also give his utmost care to the Ploly See and to its 
affairs, knowing well that to it he owed the origin of his 

III. Affairs of Ferrara. 

" The duke of Ferrara having come to Rome about the 
investiture, of which he pretended to have had hopes given 
to him, there was much confusion and many discussions. 
Then I, having vigorously opposed the grant, both in public 
and private, as also in the consistory, entirely lost the favour 
of the pope, at the same time bringing on myself the anger 
of Cardinal Sfondrato, who went about Rome saying that I 
held false opinions respecting the pope's authority, as he had 
also charged on the Cardinal of Camerino, who shewed great 


eagerness in the service of the Apostolic See. Finding 
myself offended by an accusation so far from my thoughts, 
— I, who had gone to the encounter of so many perils in 
defence of the pope's authority and the Apostolic See, — I 
could not but be greatly indignant; and, as it was fitting 
that I should do, I composed an ' Apologia pro Cardinale 
Sancta Severina contra Cardinalem Sfondratum,' wherein the 
office and duty of a cardinal are treated of. The pope, who 
had been greatly disturbed in consistory, and very angry in 
the camera, afterwards, in the palace of S. Marco, begged my 
forgiveness with tears and much humility ; he also thanked 
me, repenting of the decree that he had issued to the preju- 
dice of the bull of Pius V, 'de non alienandis feudis.' 
The duke having left Rome without gaining any concession 
whatever, from that time forth shewed himself my enemy, 
saying that I had been the chief cause of his not having ob- 
tained the investiture of Ferrara for the person he should 
thereafter name ; and that I, as being his old friend, should 
have spoken more indulgently, and not have been so violent 
against the measure,— as if I had been more bound to men 
than to God and to the holy church." 

IV. Conclave after the Death of Innocent IX. 

"The conclave opened at the beginning of the year 
1592, when the malignity of my enemies was redoubled. 
Cardinal Sfondrato evinced the utmost animosity against 
me, not only from fear of his own interests, but even still 
more because of the anger he felt at the words of Cardinal 
Acquaviva, who, fearful and jealous on account of the arch- 
bishop of Otranto, his relation, and other Neapolitan nobles, 
friends of mine, left no stone unturned against me. The 
cardinals Aragona, Colonna, Altemps, and Sforza had united 
together against me ; they were bitter enemies to each other, 
but were perfectly agreed in their opposition to myself: 
Aragona, in spite of the continual attentions and deference 
'that I had shewn him, but using as a pretext the abbey 
that I had taken from the abbot Simone Sellarolo ; Colonna, 
.notwithstanding the many services that I had rendered him 


at all times, but he remembered that I had hindered the 
Talmud in opposition to the Jews, and he brought up again 
the death of Don Pompeo de Monti, with the discredit 
thrown on his sister ; Altemps^ notwithstanding the favours 
that I had done him, both with Pope Sixtus and the 
senator Pellicano, in respect to his son, the ravisher of 
Giulietta, for which that worthy personage fell into dis- 
grace with Sixtus— but such were the commands of Gal- 
leotto Belard"*, his master ; Sforza, notwithstanding that I had 
favoured him in the affair of Massaino when Pope Sixtus 
was fulminating against him, for which he thanked me and 
kissed my hand in the presence of the good old Cardinal 
Farnese — to whom he had also proved himself ungrateful 
after having received from that good prelate the abbey of 
S. Lorenzo extra moenia; but he said he could not desert 
his friends, though in fact he was full of fears, knowing what 
his conscience had to reproach him with. The ingratitude 
with which Palleotto treated me is known to all. The night 
of the 20th of January arrived, when they made a tragedy 
of my affairs, even Madruzzi, formerly my dear friend and 
colleague in the holy office^ giving a silent assent to my 
rivals for my downfall,^ labouring in this way to obtain the 
pontificate for himself; but he had to swallow certain bitter 
morsels, which being unable to digest, he died miserably in 
consequence. I omit to mention the fraudulent proceedings 
of Cardinal Gesualdo, who as a NeapoHtan, could not endure 
that I should be preferred before him, and who was even 
moved by envy against his own countrymen, for he had 
agreed with the other Neapolitan cardinals, Aragona and 
Acquaviva, all three having resolved to have no fellow- 
countryman their colleague in the cardinalate. But the act 
which Cardinal Colonna committed at that time was the 
most unworthy one ever heard of, disapproved even by his 
most intimate friends, and taken very ill at the court of 
Spain. Canano had been wont to hold me in so much 
reverence, that nothing could surpass it, and ever before 
he would always kiss my hand wherever he met me, but 

^ The Venetian ambassador Moro also remarks that Santa Severina 
was not chosen, "per mancamento di Gesualdo decano e Madrucci" 
[because Gesualdo the deacon and Madruzzi had failed him]. 


now, forgetful of all friendship, he thought only of obedience 
to his duke of Ferrara. Borromeo, assisted by me in his 
promotion, from regard to the memory of that holy cardinal 
of S. Prassede, and who had always made profession of 
being my dear friend; yet, allured by the gain of certain 
abbeys resigned to him by Altemps, now raved like a mad- 
man ; he who professed nothing but purity, devotion, 
spirituality, and conscientiousness. Alessandrino, the con- 
triver of all the plots, did not fail to adopt his usual course, 
persecuting his best friends and creatures, to the alienation 
of them all, and above all, he was made to feel this after 
the elevation of Sixtus, for he heard what he did not like in 
full conclave from the mouth of the cardinal of Sens, who 
exclaimed publicly against him. On the other hand, the 
fervour of my friends and supporters was not inferior. 
Cardinal Giustiniano having proved himself more earnest 
than any other, that courageous and sensitive spirit was in 
grievous trials all that day and night, — my cell had even 
been already despoiled. But the night succeeding was to 
me the most painful of any, however sorrowful, that I had 
ever passed, so that from my heavy travail of soul and bitter 
anguish, I sweated blood — a thing incredible to relate ; yet 
taking refuge with much humility and devotion in the Lord, 
I felt myself entirely liberated from all suffering of mind 
and from every sense of mundane things, returning to 
myself and considering how fragile, how transient, and how 
miserable they are, and that in God alone, and in the con- 
templation of him, are true happiness, contentment, and joy 
to be found." 

No. 65 
Vita et Gesia Clemetitis VIII. Informatt. Politt. xxix. 

Originally intended to be a continuation of Ciaconius, 
where, however, I do not find it. 

A narration of the rise of the pope, and of his first 
measures. " Exulum turmas coercuit, quorum insolens 
furor non solum in continentem sed in ipsa litora et sub- 
vecta Tiberis alveo navigia hostiliter insultabat." So little 

170 APPENDIX— SECTION V [Nos. 66, 67 

had Sixtus put them down for ever. With respect to the 
absolution of Henry IV, the opposition of Clement to the 
king is particularly insisted on, with the difficulty of obtain- 
ing the absolution from him : finally the conquest of Ferrara 
is described. " A me jam latius coepta scribi opportuniori 
tempore immortalitati nominis tui consecrabo." But neither 
can I find anything of this. As the work appears, it is of 
little consequence. 

No. 66 

InstrtUtione al S'' Bartolommeo Powsinsky alia M^" del re di 
Polo7iia e Suetia. i Aug. 1593. Sig?zed, Cinthio Aldo- 
braiidini. [Instructions to Signor Bartolommeo Pow- 
sinsky for his embassy to the king of Poland, &c,] 

RagguagUo della andata del re di Polonia in Suetia. 1594. 
[Report of the king of Poland's journey into Sweden, 

I find nothing to add to the contents of these documents, 
which I have already used for the text, except perhaps the 
assertion in the second, that Duke Charles was in reality 
detested : " because he had monopolized almost all rights 
of purchase and merchandise, with all the mines of metals, 
more especially those of gold and silver." 

No. 67 
Relatiojie di Polonia. [Report from Poland.] 1598. 

Drawn up by a nuncio, who complains bitterly of the 
unbridled love of freedom displayed by the Poles. 

They desired a feeble king, not one of warlike disposi- 
tion. They declared, "" Che coloro che hanno spirito di 
gloria, gli hanno vehementi e non moderati e pero non 
diuturni, e che la madre della diuturnit^ degli imperii e la 
moderatione." [That those who are led by the desire of 
glory are of vehement, and not moderate character, conse- 
quently are not for permanence ; but the mother of per- 
manence in empires is moderation.] 


Nor did they desire any connection with foreigners, 
maintaining that it would never be difficult for them to 
defend their country. They could always bring 50,000 
horse into the field, and, at the worst, could always recover 
in winter what they might have lost in the summer. They 
appealed to the example of their forefathers. 

The nuncio bids them recall to mind that " the ancient 
Poles knew not what it was to sell grain in the Baltic Sea, 
in Danzig or Elbing, nor were they intent on cutting down 
forests to sow corn, nor on draining marshes for the same 

The nuncio further describes the progress of Catholicism, 
which was at that time in the most prosperous condition. I 
have used the most important passages in the text.. 

No. 68 

Relatione dello stafo spiriiuale e politico del regno di Snezia, 
1598. [Report of the reHgious and pohtical state of 
the kingdom of Sweden.] 

This relates to the enterprise of Sigismund against 
Sweden, immediately before his second journey. Its essen- 
tial portions have, in like manner, been given in the text. 

But there still remain some few remarks of interest in 
relation to earlier events. 

Erik is described in direct terms as a tyrant. " Per im- 
presa faceva un asino carco di sale a piedi d'una montagna 
erta e senza via per salirvi sopra, et egli era dipinto con un 
bastone in mano, che batteva il detto asino." [A device was 
made of an ass laden with salt, at the foot of a very steep 
mountain, with no path for crossing it, and the king was 
depicted with a stick in his hand, beating the said ass.] The 
author explains this symbol, which was indeed sufficiently 
intelligible. The people were to be compelled by force to 
do what was impossible. 

John is considered as a decided Catholic. " Perche era 
in secreto cattolico, siccome al nuntio ha affirmato il re suo 


figliuolo, usb ogni industria perche il figliuolo ritornasse 
mentre esso viveva in Suetia a fine di dichiararsi aperta- 
mente cattolico e ridurre il regno ab abbracciar essa fede." 
[He being secretly a Catholic, as the king his son affirmed 
to the nuncio, made every effort to procure his son's return 
while he was himself alive, to the end that he, declaring 
himself openly Catholic, might compel the kingdom to 
embrace the same faith.] 

To these assertions I am, however, not disposed to sub- 
scribe. The worthy Sigismund probably imagined these 
things, that he might have the consolation of believing 
himself descended from a Catholic father. 

On the other hand, the first enterprise of Sigismund is 
described, in a manner bearing the full stamp of truth, 
and of a thorough knowledge on the part of the writer. 
The hopes connected with his second expedition are set 
forth in all the extent of their bearing on European interests 
in general. 

Remarks on Bentivoglio's Memoirs 

In his sixty-third year, — not, as the edition in the 
^' Classici Italiani" affirms, in 1640, but in 1642, as Mazzu- 
chelli also asserts, — Cardinal Guido Bentivoglio (born 1579), 
having composed many other works on political subjects, 
began to write personal memoirs. 

His original purpose was to include his first residence at 
the Roman court, his nunciatures in France and the Nether- 
lands^ as also the period of his cardinalate. Had he com.- 
pleted his purpose, the history of the seventeenth century in 
its earlier half would have been enriched by one valuable 
work the more, and that replete with thought and discern- 

But he died before he had finished even the first part. 
His work, " Memorie del card' Guido Bentivoglio," comes 
down only to the year 1600. 

It conveys an impression of repose and comfort as 
enjoyed by the aged prelate, who, released from the weight 


of business, is passing life easily in the calm quiet of his 
palace. It is very agreeable reading, equally amusing and 
instructive; but the cardinal was naturally restrained by 
certain considerations proper to his position from speaking 
so freely and fully as he evidently would have done. 

The description,, for example, that he has given with 
tolerable minuteness of the cardinals by whom he found 
Clement VIII surrounded, has but a very general resem- 
blance to those given of the same persons by other 

The very first, Gesualdo, deacon of the college, is 
described by Bentivoglio as " a distinguished man of amiable 
manners, who does not seek to mingle in public affairs, 
although he does not shun them ; " but of what we learn 
from others, and what doubtless Bentivoglio also perfectly 
knew, how Gesualdo impeded the election of Sanseverina 
from mere personal dislike ; the pretensions he advanced of 
superior rank over the other cardinals, who endured them 
very reluctantly ; how all his subsequent efforts were given 
to the acquirement of friends by whose aid he might attain 
to the pontificate, and how he more particularly attached 
himself to Spain, — of all these things we do not learn a word 
from Bentivoglio. 

The second is Aragona. Of him Bentivoglio remarks : 
" He had led the cardinals in earlier conclaves, more par- 
ticularly the younger : he governed Rome most admirably 
during the absence of the pope : he was fond of handsome 
furniture, had a most beautiful chapel, and was continually 
changing the altar-pieces." But this is no description of the 
man. Aragona was, as we learn from Delfino, an old man 
tormented by the gout, and whose death might be expected 
soon to happen ; but he only clung the more tenaciously to 
his hopes of obtaining the papacy. He was by no means 
so much respected by the Spanish court as he desired to be ; 
neither had he succeeded in obtaining admission to the 
congregation for the affairs of France, and it was known 
that he took this very ill. Yet he laboured to maintain the 
closest intimacy with the Spanish ambassador, on account 
of his ulterior views. 

That impression of repose and serenity which we have 


described this book as producing, proceeds from the fact that 
the lights are designedly subdued ; that life is not really 
depicted in the truth of its phenomena. 

No. 69 

Relatione fatta aW ill'"" sig''' card!" d'Esle al tempo delta sua 
pj-omotione die doveva andar in Roma, [Report made 
to Cardinal d'EstCj when he was about to proceed to 
Rome on his promotion.] Vienna Library, Foscarini 
MSS., No. 169. 46 leaves. 

In consequence of the treaty entered into with the family 
of Este by Clement VIII on the escheat of Ferrara, he 
included a prince of that house, Alessandro, in the promotion 
of the 3rd of March, 1599. 

It was this prince who was to be prepared for his entrance 
into the Roman court by the instruction before us. Although 
it is without date, it must unquestionably be placed within 
the year 1599. 

The purpose for which this report was written makes it 
at once entirely different from those of the Venetian ambas- 
sadors. It was intended to enable the prince to steer like 
a dexterous pilot, — "per potere come prudente nocchiero 
prendere meglio I'aura propitia della corte." Of political 
relations it contains nothing. Even the misfortune that had 
just overtaken the house of Este is passed over in silence. 
The sole purpose of the writer is to describe the peculiar 
characteristics of the most important persons. 

The pope, his nephews, and the cardinals are depicted. 

Clement VIII. — " Of blameless life, upright intentions, 
and a most capacious mind. It may be affirmed that he 
possesses within himself the whole theory and practice of 
politics, and the philosophy of government." We find here 
that Salvestro Aldobrandini had incited Paul IV to the war 
against Naples ; that attempts had, nevertheless, been after- 
wards made to reconcile that house at least with the Medici. 
" It is said that Pius V, desiring to promote Cardinal Gio- 
vanni, brother of the present pontiff, assured the grand-duke 


Cosimo that the whole of this family would ever be most 
faithful to him, and that he sent this same Ippolito Aldo- 
brandini^ now pope, to bear testimony to that fact to his 
highness, by whom he was very well received." At that 
time Giovanni Bardi was in the greatest favour with the 
pope. " Among the servants of Clement, the nearest to his 
person, and the most favoured, is the Signor Giovanni 
Bardi of the counts of Vernio, lieutenant of the guard, a 
man of great goodness, virtue, and nobility." The new 
cardinal was all the safer in connecting himself with Bardi, 
from the fact that he was attached to the house of Este. 

The Nephews. — The pre-eminence of Pietro Aklobran- 
dini over San Giorgio was decided. " San Giorgio^ having 
schooled his mind to his fortunes, and mortifying his pre- 
tensions, no longer struggles or contends with Aldobrandini, 
but either seconds his purposes, or refrains from opposing 
him, and appears to be content with the segnatura of justice 
which he has obtained." 

The cardinals were divided into two factions, — the 
Spanish, to which Montalto was already attached, and that 
of Aldobrandini. The former had at that time twenty-five 
decided and firm adherents, the latter fourteen only. The 
author correctly points out as the most probable candidate 
for the papacy that one of them who really did afterwards 
attain to it, — Alessandro de' Medici, namely. The terms 
on which he stood with the grand-duke of Tuscany were 
not known, but he was all the more in favour with Clement 
on that account, — "per patria e conformita di humore" 
[from community of country and disposition], as much, 
indeed, as if he had been the pope's own creature. 

The historian of the Church, Baronius, is not unfavour- 
ably depicted. " Much beloved for his learning, goodness, 
and simplicity : he seems to be all spirit, wholly resigned to 
God ; he makes a jest of the world, and even of his own 


No. 70 

Rdatio7ie di Roma deW til'"' Sig"" Gioan Delfino K"" e Pro" 
ritoniato amba^ciatore sotto il p07itificato di Clemente 
F///(i6oo). [Delfino's report on returning from his 
embassy to Clement VIII, &c.] 

This also is one of the reports that have been widely 
circulated; it is very circumstantial (my copy has ninety- 
four quarto leaves), and is very instructive. 

I. Delfino begins with a description of the pope ("il 
nascimento, la natura e la vita del papa ") and his nephews. 

" Of the two cardinals (Aldobrandini and San Giorgio), 
I consider it in a manner necessary to speak collectively. 
The latter is forty-five years of age, a man of high spirit, 
proud, and well versed in general affairs ; but I much fear 
that he is of a bad disposition, or that the course of events 
which have deprived him of those great hopes which he had 
reason to entertain at the commencement of the pontificate 
cause him to be so, for he conducts himself towards every 
one, not only with severity, biit even with reckless harshness. 
San Giorgio was greatly beloved, and held in high esteem 
by the pope before he had attained to the pontificate, and 
afterwards he had the principal management of affairs for a 
considerable time. It was even beheved by every one that 
he must certainly be the first nephew, because the other was 
younger, of no great promise^ and possessing few acquire- 
ments. But, whether from his want of prudence to govern 
himself, as was needful he should do, — having broken with 
the ambassador of Spain, when he threw down his cap, and 
with the Tuscan ambassador, when he told him that the 
pope ought to drive him from the court ; — from his having 
given offence to all, on a thousand occasions, or from the 
great prudence and address of the other, or from the natural 
force of blood, — San Giorgio has daily declined in credit 
and authority, so that he has no one to follow him, and 
never obtains any thing that he asks. It is true that he has 
still charge of Italian and German affairs; but the public 
ministers discuss the same with Aldobrandini, and in all 


difficult points they have recourse to him. I had myself 
certain stormy interviews with this Cardinal San Giorgio at 
first ; nay, even in the very first audience, I was compelled, 
by regard for the dignity of the republic, to remonstrate 
openly ; and two or three times I have caused myself to be 
heard so freely, that I know my words have produced their 
fruit with him. And the pope took him to task, particularly 
on the last occasion, respecting Ferrara ; but since that time 
there have constantly passed between us every possible 
demonstration of good-will, and I have always treated him 
with due honour. I believe certainly that he is ill-aifected 
towards your serenity, both by nature and circumstances ; — 
his nature, I have already described, and will therefore 
speak of the circumstances only. First, your serenity should 
know that for some time past he has thrown himself entirely 
into the hands of the Spaniards, and has shewn himself 
little disposed to favour those who are united with the 
French; and this evil disposition has been increased by 
his perceiving that Cardinal Aldobrandini has on all occa- 
sions protected the affairs of your excellencies, as if it were 
not possible that these two should concur in any measure, 
however just and reasonable it may be. All which may 
serve to make known the miseries endured by poor ambas- 
sadors and public representatives." 

II. The second chapter — that, at least, which in our 
copies is formally designated as such — relates to the form 
of government, the finances, and the military force. Del- 
fino is amazed, as well he might be, at certain portions of 
the financial administration. " While the revenues of the 
Church are mortgaged to their whole extent, both the ordi- 
nary and the extraordinary, and, what is worse, castles and 
jurisdictions are purchased from the subjects at i^ or 2 per 
cent. (I understand this to mean that they yield so much), 
and mortgages are paid 9 or 10 per cent., it seems strange 
to all thinking men, that in the midst of such embarrassment 
these purchases should be made, and what is more, when 
they desire to make a certain expenditure, they do not 
supply the funds from the moneys in the castle, lest they 
should presently spend and consume the whole." We per- 
ceive that there were people even in those times, who were 
VOL. Ill, N 


startled at the hoarding of borrowed money. In respect 
to Ferrara, also, after the first short-lived satisfaction of the 
inhabitants, many discontents arose. " Nobles and people, 
all would willingly give themselves to any prince whatever, 
so they might but escape from the hands wherein they 
now are." 

III. " Intelligenze." — These inform us of the doubtful 
terms in which the pope stood with the emperor and with 
Philip II (he awaited the death of the king with a sort of 
anxiety) ; how unfriendly were his relations with Florence, 
for all remembered perfectly well that the house of Aldo- 
brandini belonged to the exiled families : " le cose passano 
peggio che con ogn' altro, ricordandosi d'esser andato il 
papa e la sua casa ramingo per il mondo." How much 
more cordially he proceeded, on the contrary, with France 
and Poland, more especially with the latter, with which he 
had a community of interests and purposes : " concorrendo 
e dair una e dall' altra parte interessi nel presente e disegni 
nel tempo a venire." But for no one was Clement more 
interested than for the prince of Transylvania : " The pope 
has conducted himself with so much affection towards the 
prince of Transylvania, keeping an apostolic nuncio at his 
court, giving him, during my stay, 60,000 scudi at three 
different times, and inducing the emperor to perform a 
multitude of good offices in his favour, that he might be 
almost said to have become pledged and interested to the 
continuance of such protection. And I believe that the 
poor prince deserved it, because he had resolved on the 
war, in consequence of his reliance on the counsels and 
promises of his holiness, which was clearly manifest from 
the manner in which at the commencement, now three years 
since, and even a year later also, his holiness extolled the 
virtue and excellence of the prince to the very skies, 
having told me many times that he alone had supported 
the war against the Turks; and still more so from the 
cession that he recently made to him of his states, when 
he made a great talk about very little done; for we see 
clearly, that though he promised both the emperor and 
prince to make the latter a cardinal, yet he would have 
done nothing at all of the sort, wherefore I fully believe 


that his holiness has been much rejoiced by seeing him 
return to the government of his dominions." 

IV. Cardinals. — They are all discussed in turn, and more 
or less favourably pronounced upon. 

V. " De' soggetti che cascano in maggior consideratione 
per lo pontificato." [Of the persons considered most likely 
to obtain the pontificate.] 

VI. " Interessi con Venetia." [Affairs connected with 
Venice.] — There are already a thousand disputes in pro- 
gress. " If some provision be not made against these pre- 
tensions and disorders, there will arise some day embarrass- 
ments of great difficulty, principally through these new 
acquisitions (relating to the navigation of the Po) ; so that 
whenever I think of this matter, the knowledge I have 
of the nature of priests and of the Church causes me great 

This fear was but too soon justified. 

No. 71 

Vcnier : Relatio7ie di Roma, 1601. [Venier : Report from 

The dissensions between the pope and Venice had 
already become rather serious. The Venetians refused 
to send their patriarch to Rome for examination. Bitter 
contentions had arisen about the Gora mouth of the Po ; 
it was in consequence of these disputes that Venier was sent 
to Rome. 

He remained there but a short time : the description 
that he gives of Clement VIII is nevertheless exceedingly 

" With respect to the character and designs of the pope, 
so far as it belongs to me to consider them for the present 
conjuncture of the affairs that your serenity is at this time 
transacting with his holiness, I have to remark that the 
pope, at his present age of sixty-five years, is stronger and 
more healthy than he was some years since, having no 
other indisposition than that of chiragra or gout ; and this, 


according to the physicians, is serviceable, as keeping him 
free from other ailments : its attacks are, besides, much less 
frequent than formerly, as well as less violent, from the 
careful regimen he observes, and his extreme moderation 
in respect of drinking, with regard to which he has for a 
considerable time past practised remarkable abstinence. 
These habits are, besides, extremely useful to him in keep- 
ing down the corpulency to which his constitution disposes 
him, and to reduce which he makes a practice of taking 
very long walks, whenever he can do so without interruption 
to business; his great capacity enabling him easily to 
accomplish all, so that there still remains a portion of time 
at his own disposal, which he spends in giving audience to 
private persons and others, who are in constant waiting 
upon his holiness. He applies himself to all important 
affairs with the most earnest attention, persisting through- 
out, without ever shewing signs of weariness ; and when he 
sees them happily completed, he rejoices wonderfully over 
the pleasure this affords him. Nor does any thing gratify 
him more than to see himself esteemed, and to know that 
his reputation, of which he is exceedingly jealous, is 
respected : and whereas, from his very sanguine and choleric 
disposition, he is very easily exasperated, bursting forth 
with great vehemence into exaggerations full of heat and 
bitterness ; yet when he perceives that the listener is silent 
with his tongue, although his countenance becomes sad- 
dened, he recovers himself by an immediate effort, and with 
the utmost kindness endeavours to do away with all bitter- 
ness : and this is now so well known among the cardinals, 
that they give courteous warning thereof to their friends, 
as was given to myself at the first conference by the 
most illustrious cardinal of Verona, who thought he was 
giving me a very useful rule of conduct. The thoughts of 
his holiness are much turned to glory ; nor can it be 
imagined how greatly sovereigns gain in his favour when 
they promote his inclination. Hence the Spaniards, in par- 
ticular, who are ever on the watch to preserve and increase 
the great influence they possess in the court of Rome, by 
no means neglect the opportunity ; thus they have applied 
themselves with the utmost promptitude to set forth that 


expedition against the Turks which we have seen, while 
they endure and put up with no small hardships, to which 
they are exposed in their most important affairs in common 
with all others who reside in and transact affairs with the 
Roman court, more especially in matters of jurisdiction : by 
these means the Spaniards are continually advancing their 
interests, and frequently obtain no small advantages. The 
pontiff is generally considered to be a person of great 
virtue, goodness, and piety, of which he is pleased to see 
the effects become manifest in great and important results. 
And though the cardinals perceive that in the present pon- 
tificate the authority they were accustomed to enjoy in 
times past is greatly diminished, although they find them- 
selves almost entirely excluded from all participation in the 
most important affairs, since it often happens that they do 
not receive the notice, formerly usual, of negotiations until 
after their final conclusion ; yet they appear to hold the 
pontiff in great esteem — they praise his holiness in terms of 
high reverence, exalting his prudence and other virtues in 
most expressive phrase, and affirming that if they had now 
to elect a pontiff, they would choose none other than this 
same. But their thoughts are very secret and deep, and 
words and appearances are turned to suit the purposes of 
the speakers, more frequently perhaps in Rome than in any 
other place." 

The ambassador succeeded in once more appeasing the 
contentions, although the pope had already begun to talk 
of excommunication. He considers Clement to be, never- 
theless, well disposed to the republic on the whole. Venice 
submitted to send her patriarch to Rome. 

No. 72 

Insiru/tione aW ill"^ et ecc"*"* marchese di Vigliefina, amhas- 
ciatore cattolico in Roma, 1603. [Instruction to the 
Marquis Viglienna, Spanish ambassador to Rome, &c.] 
Informatt. Politt., N°. 26. 

Viglienna was the successor of Sessa. Our author very 
judiciously leaves it to the departing ambassador to give 


information respecting the pope and his immediate depen- 
dents. He has himself supphed us with notices of the 
cardinals. His object is to point out the faction to which 
each prelate belongs. We perceive from his account that 
the state of things had greatly altered since 1599. There 
are now but ten cardinals enumerated as decidedly Spanish. 
In earlier times there was but little said of those inclined to 
France; but our ambassador counts nine of them — the 
remainder belong to no party. 

This writer also is deeply impressed with the import- 
ance of the Curia. " Qui le differenze, le pretensioni, le 
paci, le guerre si maneggiano. . . . Le conditioni invitano 
i pill vivaci e cupidi di grandezza, di maniera che non e 
meraviglia che qui fioriscano i piu acuti ingegni." [Here 
it is that differences and pretensions are disposed of, 
that peace and wars are arranged. . . . The character of 
the place invites the most active spirits, and those most 
covetous of greatness, so that it is no wonder to find the 
most acute minds flourishing there.] 

No. 73 

Dialogo di Mons^ Malaspma sopra lo stato spiritnale e 
politico deir imperio e delle provincie ififetfe dheresie. 
[Dialogue of Monsignor Malaspina on the spiritual 
and political state of the empire, and of the provinces 
infested by heresy.] Vallic. N°. 17. 142 leaves. 

A dialogue between Monsignor Malaspina, the arch- 
bishop of Prague, and the bishops of Lyons and Cordova, 
— churchmen, that is to say, of the four principal nations, — 
about the year 1600. The occupation of Ferrara is men- 
tioned in it. 

The special purpose of this paper is to compare what 
earlier popes had done for the progress of Catholicism with 
what had been effected by Clement VIII. 

Under the earlier popes : — " i. The reduction of the 
Indies; 2. The celebration of the council; 3. The holy 
league, and the naval victory ; 4. The erection of colleges ; 


5. The offer from the heretics of the primacy of Peter to 
the patriarch of Constantinople (?) ; 6. The firmness of 
the Catholic king in refusing to make concessions to the 
heretics of the Low Countries in matters prejudicial to 

By pope Clement VIII : — " i. The pastoral and uni- 
versal government; 2. The particular government of the 
dominions of the ecclesiastical states ; 3. The life of his 
holiness ; 4. The possibility of vanquishing the Turk now 
made manifest by means of his holiness; 5. Ferrara occu- 
pied ; 6. The most Christian king of France made 
Catholic." ^ 

Malaspina concludes that this last was of more import- 
ance than all that the others had effected. Very naturally. 
The work is dedicated to the papal nephews. 

I have not been able to discover more than one single 
passage worthy of notice in all this long paper. 

The author was present at the electoral diet of Ratisbon, 
in the year 1575. He there conversed with the Elector 
Augustus of Saxony. This prince was still far from exciting 
hopes among the Catholics of his conversion to their faith. 
He declared, on the contrary, that he made but small account 
of the pope, either as pope or as sovereign of Rome, and 
thought just as little of his treasurer, for that the papal 
treasure chamber was rather a cistern than a living spring. 
The only thing he considered worthy of attention was the 
fact that a monk like Pius V could unite so many powerful 
princes for a Turkish war : he might effect as much against 
the Protestants. In fact, Gregory XIII did propose such an 
attempt. Since he perceived that France declined taking 
any part in the Turkish war from fear of the Huguenots, 
he considered that a general confederacy of Catholic 
princes, directed equally against Turks and Protestants, was 
a thing needful. Negotiations were immediately opened in 
Styria for that purpose, both with the emperor and the 
Archduke Charles. 


No. 74 

Relatione delle chiese di Sassonia. Felicihis auspiciis ill"^' 
comitls Frid. BorrotiieL 1603. [Report on the churches 
of Saxony.] Ambrosiana Library, H. 179. 

This is another of the various projects of Catholicism, 
with a view to recovering possession of Germany. 

The author has persuaded himself that people in Germany 
have gradually become wearied of Protestantism. The 
fathers are already but little concerned for the bringing up 
of their children in their own religion. " Li lasciano in 
abandono, perche Dio gl'inspiri, come essi dicono, a qual 
che sia per salute dell' anime loro." [They leave them 
to themselves, to the end, as they say, that God may 
inspire them with that which shall be for the welfare of 
their souls.] 

In this conviction he forms designs on two leading Pro- 
testant states. Saxony and the Palatinate. 

In Saxony the administrator had already annihilated 
Calvinism. He must be won over by the hope of recovering 
the electorate. " Mettergli inanzi speranza di poter per la 
via della conversione farsi assoluto patrone dell' elettorato." 
The nobles of the country would also gladly see the proba- 
bility of again acquiring the bishoprics. 

With respect to the Palatinate, he expresses himself as 
follows : — " Casimir had a sister, a widow, who had been 
wife to a landgrave of Plesse, and was living at Braubach, a 
domain on the Rhine. She appears to possess many moral 
virtues, and some degree of religious light : she is wont to 
practise many works of charity with much zeal, bestowing 
many alms, and consoling the sick of those districts, whom 
she provides with medicine. She converses willingly with 
certain fathers of the Jesuit order, and with the archbishop 
of Trier. ... It is the opinion of many that with greater 
diligence, and by means of some Jesuit father in her favour, 
or of some Catholic prince or bishop, it w^ould be an easy 
thing to bring her entirely over to tiie true faith ; ... for 
which, if the blessed God would grant his grace, and the 


thing were done with befitting secrecy, she would be an 
excellent instrument for afterwards converting her nephew 
with his sister and another daughter left by Casimir." 

The author is here alluding to Anna Elizabeth of the 
Palatinate, wife of Philip II of Hesse Rheinfels, who died 
in the year 1583. She had previously been suspected of 
Calvinism, and had even been wounded in a tumult on 
that account. We see that at a later period, while residing 
on her jointure estate of Braubach, which she was em- 
bellishing, she was suspected of a tendency to the opposite 
creed of Catholicism. 

This was the combination of circumstances on which our 
author builds. He thinks that if the young count palatine 
were then to be married to a Bavarian princess, the whole 
territory would become Catholic. And what an advantage 
it would be to gain over an electorate ! 

No. 75 

Instruttlone a V. S"^ Mons'' Barbcrino, arcivescovo di Nazaret^ 
destinato ?tuuiio ordinario di N. Sig''" al re christianissimo 
in Francia^ 1603. [Instruction to Monsignor Bar- 
berini, archbishop of Nazareth, on being sent papal 
nuncio to France, &c.] MS. Rome. 

Prepared by Cardinal P. Aldobrandini, who makes fre- 
quent mention of his own former embassy to the French 
court. Its object is the furtherance of Catholicism in France, 
where it had already received a powerful impulse from the 
conversion of Henry IV. 

Let us listen to some of the charges given to the nuncio 
(who was afterwards Pope Urban VIII). " Your excellency 
will proceed in such a manner with the king, that he shall 
not only give evidence of his desire for the conversion of 
heretics, but shall aid and favour them after their conversion. 
The idea of balancing matters so that both the parties shall 
be maintained in amity, is a vain, false, and erroneous pro- 
position ; it can be suggested only by politicians, evil-minded 
persons, and such as love not the supreme authority of the 


king in the kingdom. . . . Our lord the pope would have 
you place before him (the king) for his consideration a most 
easy method (for getting rid of the Protestants), one that will 
cause no commotion, can be very easily executed, and pro- 
duces its effect without constant labour. It is that which his 
holiness has on other occasions suggested to his majesty, 
adducing the example of the king of Poland ; namely, that 
he should confer no appointment or promotion on heretics. 
. . . Your excellency will also remind his majesty that he 
should occasionally give a shrewd rap to those fellows (the 
Huguenots), for they are an insolent and rebellious crew. . . . 
Your excellency must plainly tell the king that he ought to 
discontinue the ' economati ' (custody of vacant sees), and 
avoid the practice of giving bishoprics and abbacies to soldiers 
and women." 

The right of the " regale," which afterwards occasioned 
so many disputes, had its origin in these " economati : " 
"The king nominates the economo, who, by virtue of a 
decree, and before the apostolic decision has been made, 
administers both spiritual and temporal affairs, confers 
benefices, and constitutes vicars, who judge, absolve, and 

The nuncio was also to labour for the confirmation of 
the king himself in the Catholic faith, for it was not possible 
that he could have received sufficient instruction during the 
war. He was enjoined to urge the appointment of good 
bishops and to promote the reform of the clergy; if possible, 
he was also to see that the decrees of the Council of Trent 
were published : the king had promised the cardinal on his 
departure, that this should be done within two months, yet 
several years had now passed, and it was still delayed. He 
was further to advise the destruction of Geneva : " di tor via 
il nido che hanno gli eretici in Ginevra, come quella che e 
asilo di quanti apostati fuggono d'ltalia." 

But it is Italy that the pope has most at heart. He 
declares it to be intolerable that a Huguenot commander 
should be sent to Castel Delfino, on the southern side of the 
Alps. His example would be deadly. 

Clement was very earnestly occupied with the idea of a 
Turkish war. Each of the sovereigns ought to attack the 


Turks from a different point. The king of Spain was already 
prepared, and only required an assurance that the king of 
France would not raise a war against him meanwhile in other 

No. 76 

Pauli V pontificis maxima vita cotnpendiose scripta. [Epitome 
of the life of Pope Paul V.] Barberini Library. 

A panegyric of no great value. 

The judicial administration of this pontiff and that of his 
government generally, as well as his architectural under- 
takings, are all extolled at length. 

" Tacitus plerumque et in se receptus ; ubique locorum 
et temporum vel in mensa editabatur, scribebat, plurima 

"Nullus dabatur facinorosis receptui locus. Ex aulis 
primariis Romae, ex aedium nobilissimarum non dicam atriis 
sed penetralibus nocentes ad supplicium armato satellitio 

" Cum principatus initio rerum singularum, praecipue 
pecuniarum difificultate premeretur, cum jugiter annis XVI. 
tantum auri tot largitionibus, substructionibus, ex integro 
aedificationibus, praesidiis exterorumque subsidiis insump- 
serit, rem frumentariam tanta impensa expediverit^ . . . 
nihil de arcis Aeliae thesauro ad publicum tutamen congesto 
detraxerit, subjectas provincias sublevaverit : tot immensis 
tamen operibus non modo aes alienum denuo non contraxit, 
sed vetus imminuit ; non modo ad inopiam non est redactus, 
sed praeter publicum undequaque locupletatum privato 
aerario novies centena millia nummum aureorum congessit." 

This panegyrist does not appear to have considered the 
creation of so many new " luoghi di monte " as a loan. 


No. 77 

Relatione dello stato infelice della Germania^ cum propositione 
delli rimedii opportiuii^ inandata dal ?tu7itio Ferrero^ 
vescovo di Vercelli, alia S'^ di N. Si'-^''^ papa Paolo V. 
[Report on the unhappy state of Germany, with a 
proposal of the fitting remedies, presented by the 
nuncio Ferrero, bishop of Vercelli, to Pope Paul V.] 
Barberini Library. 

This is probably one of the first circumstantial reports 
that came into the hands of Paul V. The nuncio alludes to 
the insurrection of the imperial troops against their general, 
Basta, in May, 1605, as an event that had just occurred. 

The unfortunate course taken by the war under these 
circumstances^ the progress of the Turks, and that of the 
rebels who were in open strife with the emperor, were with- 
out doubt his chief reasons for calling Germany unhappy. 

For, on the other hand, he did not fail to perceive the 
many conquests which the Catholic church was making in 

" The immediate cause of these successes have been the 
pupils, both of Rome and various cities or other places of 
Germany, where the piety of Gregory XIII afforded them 
opportunity of instruction at the cost of the apostolic treasury, 
together with the colleges and schools of the Jesuit fathers, 
wherein heretics are received mingled with the Catholics ; 
because the aforesaid students become prelates or canons." 

He declares repeatedly that the Jesuit schools had won 
over large masses of young men to Catholicism; but he 
complains of an extraordinary dearth of Catholic parish 
priests, more particularly in Bohemia, 

He enters also into the political state of the country. 
He considers the danger from the Turks to be rendered 
very menacing and serious by the feeble and ill-prepared 
condition of the emperor, and the internal dissensions of 
the house of Austria. 

" The Archdukes Matthias and Maximilian are now 
united in friendship, perceiving that by their divisions they 


were playing the game desired by the emperor. Thus the 
second archduke has resolved to yield to the first, as to him 
in whom, by the claims of primogeniture, is vested the right 
to the kingdom of Hungary, Bohemia, and the states of 
Austria. Albert also has promised to acquiesce in whatever 
shall be done, and by common consent they have required 
the emperor by letters to adopt some resolution for the 
stability of the house ; but he has fallen into so melancholy 
a state, whether because of their union, and vexation at not 
being able to avail himself of those seditions, or for some 
other cause, that he provides neither for the imperial house, 
for his states, nor for himself." 

Many other remarkable circumstances are also brouglit 
to light, — the fact, for example, that designs upon Silesia 
were entertained by the house of Brandenburg even at that 
time. " II Brandeburgh non dispera con gli stati che ha 
in Slesia e le sue proprie forze in tempo di revolutione tirar 
a se quella provincia." 

No. 78 

Relatione delP iU"^" S"" Franc. Molino cav^ e pro" ritornato da 
Rofna con nil'"* sig"* Giovan?ii Mocenigo cav'\ Piero Duodo 
caif e Francesco Contarini cav^^ mandati a Roma a con- 
grainlarsi con papa Paolo V dclla sua asso7itione al 
ponteficato : letta in senate 25 Genn. 1605 (1606). 
[Report by Francesco Molino of his joint embassy 
with Giovanni Mocenigo, &c., to congratulate Pope 
Paul V on his accession.] 

The outbreak of troubles was already foreseen; the 
ambassadors observed Pope Paul V as minutely as possible. 

"When Leo XI was declared pope, they delayed the 
pontifical investment for two hours; but this pope was 
believed to be clothed pontifically almost before he was 
elected, and while yet but equal to the other cardinals ; for 
he had scarcely been declared before he began to manifest 
the pontifical reserve and gravity so conspicuously, in looks, 
movements, words, and deeds, that all were filled with 


amazement and wonder, many perhaps repenting, but too 
late, and to no purpose. For this pontiff, — wholly different 
from his predecessors, who, in the hurry and warmth of those 
first moments, all consented to the requests as well of the 
cardinals as others, and granted a vast number of favours, — 
this pope, I say, remained from the first most reserved and 
se-rious — nay, declared himself resolved not to grant or pro- 
mise the most trifling request, affirming that it was needful 
and proper that he should take due consideration with regard 
to every request presented to him. Thus there were but 
very few who received any favours, and those after the lapse 
of some days. Nor does he at all enlarge his liberality ; on 
the contrary, his reserve seems always increasing, so that the 
court is apprehensive of a continued scarcity of favours, and 
closer restriction on all points, whereat all are very sorrow- 
ful. Among the cardinals there is not one that can boast 
of having had so much familiarity or intimacy with him as 
to make sure of readily obtaining any thing at his hands : 
and they all hold him in so much dread, that when they 
have to wait upon him for the negotiation of affairs, they are 
quite bewildered and disconcerted; for not only do they 
always find him standing on his dignity, and giving his replies 
in few words^ but he further encounters them with resolu- 
tions almost always founded on the most rigid letter of the 
law. He will make no allowance for customs, which he calls 
abuses, nor for the practice of preceding pontiffs, to which 
not only he declares himself incapable of reconciling his 
conscience, but he further says, those popes may have done 
wrong, and have now perhaps to render an account to God, 
or else they may have been deceived, or that the cases have 
been different from those then before him : thus he dismisses 
the cardinals, for the most part, very ill satisfied. He is not 
pleased that any should speak long in dissent or argument, 
and if he does listen to one or two replies, when he has met 
them by decisions of law, by the canons, or by decrees of 
councils, which he cites in refutation of their opinions, he 
turns away if they proceed further, or commences some 
other subject ; for he would have them to know, that after 
his labours for thirty-five years in the study of the laws, and 
in their continual practice, while exercising various offices in 


the Roman court and elsewhere, he may reasonably pretend 
(though he does not say this in express words) to so exact 
an acquaintance with the subject, as never to take any false 
step, whether in the decisions that he propounds or the 
determinations that he makes. He alleges also, that in 
matters of doubt, the judgment and interpretation, more 
particularly in ecclesiastical matters, belong to him as 
supreme pontiff. Things being thus, the cardinals, who for 
some time past have not been wont to contradict, as they 
formerly did, or even to offer counsels but when they are re- 
quested and commanded to speak freely, take care to do so 
in conformity with the opinion they perceive to be enter- 
tained by the ruling pontiff, even though they do not think 
with him, restraining themselves with this pope much more 
than even with his predecessors ; and they will every day 
have more and more cause to keep silence, for their opinion 
is now asked less than by any others : Paul neither desires 
to hear it from the body collectedly, nor from any one of 
them apart, as Pope Clement and other pontiffs used to do. 
He makes all resolutions for himself, and announces them 
at once in the consistory, where he will now complain of 
the evil of the times, and now inveigh against different princes 
with bitter words, as he did but lately while we were there^ 
in reference to the surrender of Gran, complaining of it, 
and laying the blame on the emperor and other sovereigns, 
with very pointed and biting expressions ; or anon remmd- 
ing the cardinals of their duties and obligations, will suddenly 
bring out protests against them, without precedent, order, or 
rule, by which he throws them into the utmost confusion, as 
he did, for example, when he signified to them the necessity 
for their residence^ and, as I have said, not by way of com- 
mand, as was usual with other pontiffs, who assigned the 
prelates a specific time, though a short one, to repair to 
their churches, but solely by declaring that he would not 
absolve the absentees from mortal sin while they received 
the revenues, which determination he founded on the canons 
and the council of Trent. By this form of words, and a 
decision so unexpected, pronounced with so much heat, he 
caused such dismay among the cardinal-bishops, that, know- 
ing they could stay no longer in Rome, without heavy 


scruples and great remorse of conscience — without causing 
scandal, and above all, incurring the particular opinion of 
the pope that they cared little for the warnings of his holi- 
ness, had little fear of God, and small regard for their own 
honour in the eyes of the world, they have taken the resolu- 
tion either to depart to their sees (and some have even 
already set off), or to resign them, though some few, 
indeed, have requested a dispensation to remain until the 
rigour of the wdnter has passed, and then to go in the spring. 
Nor has he admitted their holding legations in the provinces 
or cities of the States of the Church as an excuse or means 
of defence. There are only two who are to be excepted 
from the necessity of residence : first. Cardinal Tarasio, 
archbishop of Siena, who is very old, and quite deaf, and 
even he will not be excused from renouncing his revenues ; 
and the cardinal of Verona, who is also exempted on account 
of his very great age, as well as because he has for many 
years had his nephew in the office of coadjutor ; and this 
last has supplied the place of his uncle extremely well." 

But in spite of this severity on the part of Paul V, the 
ambassadors made very good progress with him upon the 
whole. He dismissed them in the most friendly manner, 
nor could he have expressed himself more favourably. They 
were therefore astonished that affairs should so soon after- 
wards have taken a turn so entirely different, and at the 
same time so formidable. 

No. 79 

Instmttione a mons''' ilvescovo di Rimini {O Gessi) destinato 
nitntio alia repuhlica di Venetia dalla Santitd di N. S. P, 
Paolo V. 1607. 4 Gingno. [Instruction to the bishop 
of Rimini, nuncio from Pope Paul V to the Republic 
of Venice.] Albani Library. 

Prepared immediately after the termination of the 
disputes, but still not in a very pacific temper. 

The pope complains that the Venetians had sought to 
conceal the act of absolution. In a declaration to their 


clergy there appeared an intimation that the pope had 
revoked the censures, because he acknowledged the purity 
of their intentions (" che S. Beat"® per haver conosciuta la 
sincerita degli animi e delle operationi loro havesse levate le 
censure "). Paul V nevertheless goes so far as to entertain 
a hope that the " Consultores " — even Era Paolo — would be 
given up to the Inquisition. This passage is very remark- 
able. " Delle persone di Era Paolo Servita e Gio. Marsilio 
e degli altri seduttori che passano sotto nome di theologi s'b 
discorso con V™ Sig"* in voce : la quale doveria non aver 
difficolta in ottener che fossero consignati al sant' officio, non 
che abbandonati dalla republica e privati dello stipendio che 
s'b loro constituito con tanto scandalo." [With respect to 
the persons of Era Paolo, a Servite, and Giovanni Marsilio, 
with others of those seducers who pass under the name of 
theologians, your excellency has received oral communica- 
tion, and you ought not to have any difficulty in obtaining 
that these men should be consigned to the holy Inquisition, 
to say nothing of being at once abandoned by the republic, 
and deprived of that stipend which has been conferred on 
them to the great scandal of all.] It was impossible that 
such suggestions should fail to exasperate the enmity of Era 
Paolo, and to make it implacable. The pope knew not the 
character of the enemy he was thus making for the papacy. 
His Monsignori and llhistrissimi are all forgotten^ while the 
spirit of Era Paolo still lives^ at least, in one part of the 
opposition existing wdthin the limits of the Catholic church, 
even to the present day. 

The resistance which the pope had encountered in Venice 
made the most profound impression on his mind. "His 
holiness desires that the ecclesiastical authority and juris- 
diction should be manfully defended by your excellency ; 
but your excellency will be also very cautious to adopt no 
cause for which you have not very good reason, since 
there is pei-Jiaps less evil in not co7itending than in being 
defcated^^ (perche forse b minor mala il non contendere che 
il perdere}. 



No. 80 

Ragguaglio della dieta imperiale fatta in Ratisbona Vajino del 
S"" 1608, nella quale hi hwgo deW ecc""" e rev'"" Mons^ 
Afitofiio Gaefano^ arcivescovo di Capua, nnntio apostolico, 
r'wiasto in Praga appi'esso la M*"^ Cesarea,/ii residence 
il padre Filippo Milensio maestro Agostino vie'''" generale 
sopra le provincie aqzulonarie, A IP ecc'"" e rev""" sig'^^ e 
principe il sig^ card'' Francesco Barberini. [Account of 
the imperial diet held at Ratisbon in 1608, whereat 
Father Filippo Milensio, vicar-general of the Augus- 
tinians, &c., filled the place of Gaetano, archbishop of 
Capua, and apostolic nuncio; who was detained at 
Prague by the emperor. Presented to Cardinal Fran- 
cesco Barberini.] 

When the Emperor Rudolf summoned a diet in 1607, 
Antonio Gaetano was nuncio at his court. 

Gaetano was instructed to effect the more complete 
introduction of the Tridentine decrees, and the acceptance 
of the Gregorian calendar, to which the three secular electors 
were already disposed, — Saxony most decidedly so; he 
had already instructed his ambassador to that effect — and 
to attend more particularly to the Catholic interests in the 
Kammergericht. The interruption experienced by the 
affairs of that court is accounted for in the Instruction, as 
follows : — 

" The Magdeburg heretic intruder, being supreme presi- 
dent of this tribunal, and desiring to exercise the duties of 
his office, was not admitted ; thus from that time no causes 
have been heard, and the suits have accumulated, more 
especially the offences offered to the Catholics, the heretics 
insisting that they ought to have equal place in that tribunal 
with the Catholics, and continually labouring to usurp the 
ecclesiastical possessions." 

It was easily to be foreseen that very animated discus- 
sions- must arise in the diet with relation to this matter, yet 
the nuncio himself could not be present. The emperor sent 
the Archduke Ferdinand thither as his representative, and 


would have considered it as an affront had the nuncio left 

Gaetano sent the vicar of the Augustinians, Era Milensio, 
in his place. As the latter had passed some years in Ger- 
many, he could not fail to be in some degree acquainted 
with the position of things. But in addition to this, he was 
referred by the nuncio to Matthew Welser, — " per esatta 
cognitione delle cose dell' imperio,'* [for minute information 
respecting affairs of the empire,] — and to that bishop of 
Ratisbon, a letter from whom was at that time producing so 
great an excitement among the Protestants. He was also 
to attach himself to the counsels of Father Wilier, the 
emperor's confessor. 

It was not, unfortunately, till many years afterwards that 
this Augustinian drew up the report of his exertions in the 
diet. The account he gives of his own proceedings is never- 
theless highly remarkable ; and we have already inserted it 
in the body of our work. 

He attributes the whole of the disorders that had at that 
time broken out in the empire to the disputed succession : 
" The report prevaiUng that Rudolf intended to adopt the 
Archduke Leopold, younger brother of Ferdinand, and that 
afterwards he had inclined to Ferdinand himself." Matthias 
was exceedingly displeased at this. But he found in Klesel 
and in Prince Lichtenstein, who had so much power in 
Moravia, very faithful and influential adherents. 

According to this report of the Augustinian, Dietrich- 
stein and Gaetano had an important share in the conclusion 
of the agreement between the brothers. 

No. 81 

Relatione di Roma delV Ulustrissi7no S'' Gtovan Mocenigo 
Kav^ Amb^ a quella corte Panno 161 2. [Report from 
Rome by Giovanni Mocenigo, ambassador to Rome.] 
Inff. Politt. vol. XV. 

The first ambassador after the settlement of the dissen- 
sions was Francesco Contarini, 1 607-1 609. Mocenigo 


speaks highly of the advantage he had derived from Con- 
tarini's prudent management. He himself, who had already 
been employed in embassies during eighteen years, remained 
in Rome from 1609 to 161 r. The quiet tone of his report 
suffices to shew that he also succeeded in maintaining a 
good understanding. 

In the report before us, Mocenigo did not propose to 
repeat generalities or matters well known, but rather to 
exhibit the personal qualities of the pope and his disposition 
towards the Venetian republic. " La qualitk, volontk, dis- 
])ositione del papa e della republica verso questa republica. 
Trattero il tutto con ogni brevita, tralasciando le cose pill 
tosto curiose che necessarie." 

1. Pope Paiil V. — " Sombre (maestoso), tall, and of few 
words : yet it is currently reported in Rome that there is no 
one can equal him in point of politeness and good offices : 
he is truthful, guileless, and of most exemplary habits." 

2. Cardinal Borghese. — " Of a fine presence, courteous, 
and benevolent, he entertains great reverence for the pope, 
and renders all who approach him content, at least by good 
words. He is esteemed and respected by every one." In 
the year i6ti he had already secured an income of 150,000 

3. Spiritual power. — He remarks that former popes had 
sought to acquire honour by granting favours; but that 
those of his times laboured rather to retract the favours 
already granted (" rigorosamente studiano d'annullare et 
abbassare le gia ottenute gratie "). Yet sovereigns earnestly 
endeavoured to remain on good terms with them, because it 
was believed that the obedience of the people was founded 
on religion. 

4. Temporal power. — He finds that the population of 
the States of the Church is still very prone to war : "pron- 
tissimi alle fattioni, alii disagi, alle battaglie, all' assalto et a 
qualunque attione militare." The papal forces were, never- 
theless, in utter ruin. There had formerly been 650 light 
cavalry kept against the bandits ; but when these were put 
down, they had sent this body of cavalry to the Hungarian 
war, without raising any other in its place. 

5. Form of government, absolute. — The cardinal-nephew, 

No. S2] appendix:— SECTION V 197 

the datary, and Lanfranco had some influence; otherwise 
the cardinals were only consulted when the pope desired to 
hear their opinions ; and even when his holiness did consult 
them, they replied rather according to his wishes than their 
own views. " Se pure dimanda consiglio, non h alcuno che 
ardisca proferir altra parola che d'applauso e di laude, sicche 
tutto viene terminato dalla prudenza del papa." And this 
was in fact the best thing to be done, because the factions 
of the court had turned all opinion into mere party spirit. 

6. Relation to Spain and France. — The pope en- 
deavoured to maintain a neutral position. " When any one 
dependent on the Spaniards commenced a discussion as to 
the validity or invalidity of the queen's marriage, he has 
evinced a determination to defend the motives and cause of 
the queen. The few good Frenchmen in the kingdom of 
France itself have not failed to prove that they were ready 
to take arms, provided they had received any favour from 
the pope or the king of Spain. 

" The king of Spain is more respected by the court of 
Rome than any other sovereign. Cardinals and princes 
rejoice when they can have pensions from him, and be 
placed among his dependents. The pope was formerly 
pensioned by him ; and as a favoured subject of his majesty, 
was aided in his elevation to the papacy by singular and 
unparalleled benefits. He takes care to satisfy the duke of 
Lerma, to the end that this latter may serve as the principal 
instrument of his purposes with his Catholic majesty." 

7. His council : " Temporising and frequently dissem- 
bling with the pontiffs. — When victors, they use their victory 
after their own fashion ; when vanquished they accede to 
any condition imposed on them." 

, No. 82 

Relatione della minziatura d^ Snizzeri. [Report from the Swiss 
nunciature, &c.] Informationi Politt. vol. ix. fol. 1-137. 

Jnformatione mandata da I S"" C^ d^ Aquino a Mons'^ Feliciana 
Silva vescovo di Foligfio per il paese di Snizzeri c Grisoni. 


[Information from the cardinal of Aquino to the bishop 
of Foligno in relation to Switzerland and the Grisons, 
&c.] Ibid. fol. 145-212. 

In Lebret's Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten-und 
Kirchengeschichte, vol. vii. p. 445, will be found extracts 
from the letters sent by the Roman court to the nuncios in 
Switzerland in the years 1609 and 16 14. They cannot be 
called very interesting, standing alone as they do, without 
replies or reports that might illustrate their meaning : they 
are not even intelligible. 

The first of these nuncios was the bishop of Venafro, 
the same whose report in relation to Switzerland has been 
cited by Haller (Bibliothek der Schweizergeschichte, vol. v. 
No. 783). "The papal nuncio," he remarks, "Lad. Gr. of 
Aquino, bishop of Venafro, has given proof of his dis- 
cernment and ability in this work, which well deserves 
to be printed." Haller made a copy from it in Paris with 
his own hand, and this he deposited in the library of 

The report he has eulogized is that now before us ; but 
we have it in a more complete form than that in which it 
was known to Haller. 

When the bishop of Venafro resigned the nunciature, 
which he had administered from 1608 to 161 2, he not only 
communicated to his successor, the bishop of Foligno, the 
Instruction that he had received from Cardinal Borghese, 
but presented him also with a circumstantial account of the 
mode in which he had acted upon that Instruction and had 
himself proceeded in his office. " Di quanto si e eseguito 
sino al giorno d'hoggi nelli negotii in essa raccommanda- 
timi." This is the second of the manuscripts now before 
us. It begins with a description of the internal dissensions 
of Switzerland. 

" And following the same order as that observed in the 
above-named Instruction, I proceed to say, that for many 
years past there has been a great change going on in the 
Catholic cantons, more particularly in the good understand- 
ing and concord that formerly existed between them : for 
nowadays, not only are they divided by the Spanish and 

No. 82] APttiNDlX— SECTION V 199 

French factions, and by the pensions, but also by other 
interests, emokiments, and rivalries, so that there is now so 
little friendship among them that many grave evils may 
result from this state of things unless there be presently 
applied some special remedy. A particular diet is required 
for this, and should be held, to the sole end that it might 
renew the ancient leagues of friendship, brotherhood, and 
affection, — a thing which I have often proposed with great 
applause, although I have never yet been able to bring it to 
an effectual end. Altorf is the ancient rival of Lucerne, 
and carries with it the other two cantons of Schwyz and 
Unterwalden, beholding very unwillingly the pre-eminence 
and first place taken by the nobles of Lucerne ; for which 
reason it frequently opposes them in public affairs for no 
better reason than mere rivalry and want of understanding. 
Lucerne leads with it Freiburg, Solothurn^ and even Zug, 
thus making another party. Zug is divided within itself, 
there being very serious disputes between the townspeople 
and the peasantry : these last, also, desiring to be known 
as masters. Thus in every Catholic canton there are many 
dissensions, both public and private, to the prejudice of the 
deliberations, and at the hazard of much greater evils, if 
there be not some remedy applied, which I am labouring to 
do with the utmost diligence." 

At the same time that he sends this information, the 
nuncio promises a still more circumstantial account. " Fra 
pochi giorni spero di mandarle copia d'una piena e piii 
diffusa relatione di tutti li negotii della nuntiatura." 

This is the first-named manuscript, and that known to 

In this document the nuncio proceeds somewhat metho- 
dically to work. Chapter I. — " Delia grandezza della nun- 
tiatura." He first describes the extent of the nunciature, 
which he declares to be as large as the kingdom of Naples, 
and including, moreover, inhabitants using the most varied 
tongues. Among these he does not forget to mention the 
Romansch language, — " Una favella stravagantissima, com- 
posta di otto o dieci idiomi." [A most preposterous speech, 
made up of eight or ten dialects.] 

II. " Degli ambasciatori de' principi che resiedono 

^00 Appendix— SECTION v [No. s^ 

appresso Suizzeri e de' loro fini." [Of the ambassadors of 
princes residing among the Swiss, and of their views.] 

III. " Delle diete e del modo, tempo e luogo dove si 
congregano fra Suizzeri." [Of the diet, and of the time and 
place of the Swiss convocations.] 

IV. " Delli passi che sono nella nuntiatura de' Suizzeri." 
[Of the passes that are in the Swiss nuntiature.] For the 
passes were precisely the principal object of contention 
between the various powers, 

V. " Stato spirituale della nuntiatura de' Suizzeri." [Of 
the spiritual state of the Swiss nunciature.] The most 
important, and, as was requisite, the most circumstantial 
chapter, pp. 28-104 : and in this an account is given 
of various dioceses, and also a report concerning the 

VI. " Officio del nuntio per ajutare lo stato spirituale e 
de' modi piii fruttuosi di farlo." [Office of the nuncio estab- 
lished to aid the spiritual power, and of the best and most 
effectual modes for doing so.] 

VII. " Che debbia fare il nuntio per dare sodisfattione 
in cose temporali nella nuntiatura." [Of what the nuncio 
should do to give satisfaction in regard to the temporal 
affairs of his nunciature.] 

The care with which all the more important points were 
discriminated and gone through will be at once perceived. 
The execution proves the writer's knowledge, no less of 
past times than those present : it shews zeal, ability, and 
discernment. The report, as might be expected, repeats 
the greater part of what was contained in the Instruction. 

Yet our nuncio did not think even this sufficient. He 
adds to the report a " Compendio di quanto ha fatto mons""^ 
di Venafro in esecutione dell' instruttione datali nel partire 
di Roma" [Summary of what the bishop of Venafro has 
done in execution of the directions given him on leaving 
Rome], which he had prepared on another occasion, and 
which must have been almost identical with the Informa- 
tion. He remarks this himself, yet he appends the little 
document nevertheless. In the copies afterwards taken, it 
was, without doubt, and very properly, omitted. 

Instead of this paper there follows an " Appendice de' 


Grisoni e de' Vallesani," no less remarkable than the pre- 

"E questo," the writer at length concludes his volu- 
minous work, "b il breve summario promesso da me del 
stato della nuntiatura Suizzera con le parti che a quella 
soggiaciono. Deo gratias. Amen." [And this is the short 
summary promised by me of the state of the Swiss nuncia- 
ture, and of the districts depending on it. Thanks be to 
God. Amen.] 

He still thought that he had given only a brief outline 
of such things as were best worth noting; so little is it 
possible to represent the world in words. 

I have used the Notices here found only so far as they 
were subservient to my own purpose (see vol. ii. pp. 195, 
ef seq.) \ the publication of the remainder must be left to 
the industry of the Swiss.^ 

No. 83 

Insirnttlone data a mons^ Diotallevi^ vescovo di S. A?ideio, 
destinato dalla S*"" di N''" Sig"" papa Paolo V mmtio al 
re di Foloftia 16 14. [Instruction to the bishop of 
S. Andelo, nuncio from Pope Paul V to the king of 

A general recommendation to promote the Catholic 
religion, the introduction of the decrees of the Council of 
Trent, and the appointment of tried Catholics to public 
employments, and never to endure any thing that can result 
to the advantage of the Protestants. 

There are traces, nevertheless, of a certain misunder- 

The pope had refused to nominate the bishop of Reggio 
cardinal, as the king had requested. The nuncio is 
directed to take measures for pacifying the king on that 

He is particularly enjoined never to promise money. 

^ A translation of this report has in fact appeared since this was 
written. See Schreiber, Taschenbuch fur Geschichte und Alterthiimer 
in Silddeutschland, 1840, p. 280 ; 1841, p. 289 ; 1844, p. 29. 


" For either because they do not perceive, or do not 
understand, the excessive embarrassments of the Apostolic 
See, foreign princes, more especially those north of the 
Alps, are very ready to seek assistance, and if the least hope 
were given them, they would then consider themselves 
greatly offended if they should afterwards be deprived of 
such hope." 

Respecting the latter years of Paul V, we find but few 
ecclesiastical documents ; we will therefore employ the space 
thus left by examining some others which refer to the ad- 
ministration of the state during that period. 

No. 84 

Informatioiie di Bologna di 1595. Ambrosiana Library, 
Milan. F.D. 181. 

The position and constitution of Bologna, with the sort 
of independence it maintained, were so remarkable and 
important^ that papers and documents relating to this city, 
though only a provincial one, were readily included in the 

In the 22nd volume of the " Informationi," we find 
a great mass of letters of the year 1580, addressed to 
Monsignor Cesi, legate of Bologna, and relating to his 

They are almost all recommendations, chiefly inter- 

The grand duke and grand duchess of Tuscany intercede 
for Count Ercole Bentivoglio, whose crops had been se- 
questered. After a short time the grand duchess expresses 
her acknowledgments for the compliance granted to her 
request. The duke of Ferrara recommends an actress of 
the name of Victoria; Cardinal San Sisto, certain tur- 
bulent students of the university : " We too," he remarks, 
^'have been scholars." Giacomo Buoncompagno, son of 
the pope, begs favour for a professor who had been de- 
prived of his office ; the cardinal of Como, who had at that 


time the chief management of affairs, for certain monks ^Yho 
had been disturbed in their privileges, but he does not use 
the tone of one who may command. There are, bgsides, 
petitions of a different character. A father, whose son had 
been murdered, entreats most urgently — nay, imploringly — 
that justice shall be done upon the murderer, who was 
already imprisoned in Bologna. 

It was principally as regarded the administration of 
justice that the influence of the governor was available. 
In all other matters, the city was exceedingly inde- 

" The senators," says our Report, " confer with the su- 
perior on all important affairs ; and having all the customs 
and revenues of the city in their hands, excepting the duty 
on salt and wine, which belongs to the pope, they dispose 
of the public moneys, controlled by an audit, which is made 
in the presence of the superior, and by a mandate, bearing 
his sign manual, with that of the gonfaloniere : it is signed 
also by the special officers appointed for each branch of 
revenue. They have the regulation of the taxes and imposts 
laid on the peasantry, whether real or personal, the tax on 
oxen and the capitation-tax ; they have the care of the 
imposts paid by the rural districts, of the walls, gates, and 
enclosures ; they see that the number of soldiers is kept up 
in each district, take care that no encroachments are made 
on the public rights, and that the beauty of the city is pre- 
served; they regulate the proceedings of the silk-market; 
they elect every month for the civil tribunal (' ruota civile ') 
four foreign doctors, who must be doctors of at least ten 
years' standing, and these take cognizance of and decide all 
civil causes." 

The question next arising is, to what extent the repre- 
sentatives of the government retained their influence in this 
state of things. It was manifestly, as we have said, princi- 
pally in judicial affairs. " An auditor-general is joined with 
the * ruota ' in the hearing of causes, and there is another 
special auditor for such causes as the auditor-general sum- 
mons before his own tribunal ; moreover there is a judge 
of criminal cases called 'auditore del torrione' of such 
place as he resides in ; which last official has two sub-auditors 


as assistants, and all these functionaries are paid by the 

There next follow certain statistical accounts. " The 
extent of country is about 180 miles : it sows about 120,000 
bushels of corn, and gathers one year with another from 
550,000 to 660,000 bushels. It has 130,000 inhabitants 
(the city 70,000, — before the famine it contained more than 
90,000), hearths 16,000; consumption 200,000 bushels of 
corn (the bushel containing 160 lbs.); 60,000 measures 
(costolate) of wine ; 18,000 bushels of salt; 1,700,000 lbs. of 
oil: there are killed 8,000 oxen, 10,000 calves, 13,000 pigs, 
8,000 sheep, 6,000 lambs ; and 400,000 lbs. of candles are 
burnt. ... It is computed that one year with another there 
die in the city 3,000 persons, and 4,000 are born : there are 
500 marriages, and from 60 to 70 take conventual vows; 
there are born to the poor 300 illegitimate male children 
in the year. There are 400 coaches and other carriages : 
600,000 lbs. of silk cocoons are annually brought to the 
city, of which 100,000 lbs. are yearly wrought for the use 
of the city." 

No. 85 
Instruttione per un legato di Bologna. (Vallic.) 

Of a somewhat later period. We remark the following 

" Invigilare sopra gli avvocati cavillosi et in particolare 
quelli che pigliano a proteggere a torto i villani contro li 
cittadini e gentilhuomini, . . . accarezzare in apparenza 
tutti li magistrati, non conculcare i nobili." [To keep 
special watch over the cavilling lawyers, and more par- 
ticularly over such of them as take upon them wrongfully to 
protect the people of the rural districts against the citizens 
and gentlemen, ... to make a pretence of caressing all 
magistrates, and not to be too hard upon the nobles.] The 
crying evil of the oudaws had risen to such a point, that 
some of them were to be found even among the matriculated 


Other papers take us into the Roman Campagna ; they 
shew us how the unfortunate peasant was harassed, what the 
barons received, and how the land was cultivated. 

No. S6 

Dichiaratione di tutto quello che pagano i vassalli de baroni 
Romani al papa e aggra^j che pagano ad essi baroni, 
[Declaration of all that the vassals of the Roman 
barons pay to the popes, and of the imposts they pay 
to the barons themselves.] 

" 1. The different payments made by the vassals of the 
Roman barons to the pope. — They pay the salt-tax ; they 
pay a quattrino on every pound of meat ; they pay the tax 
imposed by Sixtus V for the support of the galleys ; they 
pay the triennial subsidies ; they pay for the dead horses, 
that is for the quartering of cavalry; they pay a certain 
tax called soldiers' money ; they pay an impost called the 
' archivio ; ' they pay another called the tax of St. Felix ; 
they pay the pint-tax, imposed by Sixtus V ; and they also 
pay a certain impost called the ' sale forastico.' 

" 2. Payments that are made by those same vassals to 
the barons. — They pay further to the barons, where there 
are mills, so much corn, and this is a heavy sum. They 
pay a fixed portion of wine, and the same of oil, where it 
is made; they pay for sending the swine into the chestnut 
and oak woods after the produce is gathered in, and this 
they call * ruspare ; ' they pay a tax on taverns ; they pay 
on chandlers' or provision shops ; they pay bakers'-tax, and 
the tax on glass-makers ; those who go to glean when the 
grain is cut also pay; they pay for their cattle going to 
pasture; they pay a fixed portion of their corn and oats. 
All these burdens amount, as may be seen by the revenues 
of Duke Altemps, to 2,803 scudi, which includes the mulctures 
taken from the vassals at the mill when their corn is ground. 
This sum is drawn from the vassals of Montecapuri (?), of 
the duchy of Altemps, who count from 180 to 190 hearths ; 
and this is given as an example from which a moderately 


accurate idea may be formed of the manner in which the 
vassals belonging to Roman barons of the Papal States 
are burdened : and let it be observed, that herein is not 
included what is paid to the treasury." 

No. 87 

Nota delta entrata di molti signori e duchi Romafii. [Note 
of the revenues of many Roman nobles and dukes.] 

This document, like the preceding, belongs, without 
doubt, to the times of Clement VIII, who is simply called 
the pope. 

The Colonna family are distinguished by having vassals ; 
other families possessed more allodial property. The 
revenues of the Contestabile Colonna are computed at 
25,000 scudi, those of Martio Colonna of Zagarolo at 

We have seen how the public system of debt was imitated 
by the barons. The Sermoneta family, about the year 1600, 
had an income of 27,000 scudi, but they had 300,000 scudi of 
debt. The duke of Castel Gandolfo had 14^600 scudi, 
revenue, with a debt of 360,000 scudi. The house of 
Montalto surpassed all others \ its debts were to the amount 
of 600,000 scudi. The collective revenues of the Roman 
barons were estimated at 271,747 scudi, and their domains 
were valued at nine millions of gold. 

The author considers these estates to be by no means 

" These lands, contrary to the common opinion and to 
what I myself believed, are managed with the utmost care and 
diligence, being ploughed four, six, or even seven times, and 
cleared from weeds twice or thrice, — one of these weedings 
being in the winter. The weeds are taken up by hand, 
the land is cropped in rotations of four years, grain is sown 
in the fallows two years out of the four : where none is sown, 
the cattle are put in. The ears of corn are cut high, so that 
much straw remains : this is afterwards burnt, which makes 
the ground productive. The ploughs used for these lands do 


not generally go very deep, because the greater part of them 
have no great depth of soil, and they very soon reach the 
subsoil. The country is all cultivated by day-labourers; 
reaped, sown, and weeded: all the labour it requires, in short, 
is done by strangers, and the people who work in the said 
Campagna are supported by the profits arising from their 
breed of horses. The country, good and bad lands taken 
together, and counting one year with another, may be said 
to yield six for one ; but it must be observed that in many 
instances these nobles do not themselves cultivate the lands 
around their castles, but let them to their vassals for such 
terms as shall be agreed on ; and this may suffice to say of 
the Campagna of Rome. The average rent of this land is 
of 50 giuli the rubbio : thus, to render it fertile, the land 
will cost 100 scudi and 10 giuli the rubbio." 

There were computed to be at that time 79,504 rubbii in 
the Campagna, the collective product of which was 318,016 
scudi yearly, four scudi the rubbio. Of this there belonged 
to the barons something more than 21,000; to religious 
institutions nearly 23,000; above 4,000 to foreigners; and 
31,000 to the rest of the Roman people. At a later period 
this proportion was alterel3, because the Roman citizens sold 
so much of their part. 

But let us proceed to more general relations. 

No. 88 

Per sollevare la camera apostolica. Discorso di mons'' Mai- 
vasia. 1606. [Method of relieving the Apostolic 
treasury, by Mons. Malvasia.] 

In spite of the heavy imposts, it was observed with 
alarm that the papal government possessed nothing. " The 
interest," exclaims our author, " consumes nearly the whole 
revenue." The meeting of the current expenses is a matter 
of continual difficulty, and if any extraordinary demand arises, 
the government knows not which way to turn. The impo- 
sition of new taxes would not be possible, and new re- 
trenchments are not even advisable. "Magnum vectigal 


parsimonia " ; — nothing remains but to reduce the rate of 
interest, and at the same time to take money from the castle. 
Instead of the numerous monti, with their varying rates of 
interest, there should be but one, a " monte papale " at four, 
or at the highest, five per cent. All the rest ought to be bought 
in, and the government would be fully justified in redeeming 
them at the nominal value of the " luogo," the right having 
usually been reserved to itself by the Apostolic See. Former 
popes, as, for example, Paul IV, had been obliged to sell 
at 50 per cent. ; Clement VIII himself had received only 
96I per cent. The author next proceeds to shew how far 
this method is practicable. 

" It will then be seen that, taking into account the 
extreme abundance of money now in the market of Rome, 
with the addition made to it by the million drawn from the 
castle, and considering the difficulty and danger of sending 
money and gold abroad, because of the aforesaid prohibition 
(which he had proposed), it will be seen that the greater 
part of those whose monti and offices are extinguished will 
gladly enter this ' monte papale ; ' and those who shall 
prefer to have their money in cash may be paid from the 
aforesaid million, and from the price of the ' monte papale ' 
which will be in course of sale. It may also be taken into 
account, that of the ' monti non vacabili ' a great part are 
tied down and conditioned to reinvestment, for the security 
of reserved dowries, of ' luoghi pii ' and other claims : 
these will necessarily be transferred to the ' monte papale,' 
and the holders will be in no haste to receive the money, for 
which they must have to seek another investment, as the 
fulfilment and satisfaction of the conditions and obligations to 
which they are subjected ; so that thus also this afiair will be 
greatly promoted and facilitated. 

" The camera may further take to itself all the monti of 
corporate bodies as well as of individuals, and reduce them 
as above, enjoying the overplus until they shall be extin- 
guished by the said corporate bodies or individuals. 

"All those who shall be willing to change their other 
monti and offices for the said ' monte papale,' should have 
their patents made out for the first time without any expense 


" In this manner your holiness may, in a short time, 
relieve and liberate the See and the apostolic treasury from 
these heavy debts and burdens ; for, from the gains that 
will result from the aforesaid extinction and reduction of 
privileges and interests, which, according to the calculation 
given to your holiness by your commissioner of the 
treasury, amounts, the interest being reduced to five per 
cent., to at least 431,805 scudi per annum, there may be 
annually extinguished 331,805 scudi of debt, besides the 
100,000 scudi which shall be assigned to replace the 
million borrowed from the castle to make up the amount 
of the third million that is wanting." 

It will suffice here to remark the earnest attention that 
now began to be given to the securing of an orderly system 
of finance. It will not be necessary to produce the calcula- 
tions. The Roman court did not adopt any proposal of 
this kind, but continued to follow the more easy and con- 
venient methods. 

No. 89 

Nota di dana7'i^ officii e mobili donati da papa Paolo V a 
suoi parenti e coiicessioni fatteli. [Note of the moneys, 
offices, and valuables bestowed by Pope Paul V on his 
relations, and of the grants conferred upon them.] 

The pope had been advised to call in the offices and 
monti bearing interest. We have here, — i. " Nota officiorum 
concessorum excell'"" domino M. Antonio Burghesio tempore 
pontificatus felicis recordationis Pauli V." There are in the 
whole 120 offices, the value of which is computed according 
to the ordinary market price. 2. " Nota di molte donationi 
di monti fatte alii sig'' Francesco Gioan Battista e M. A. 
Borghese de Paolo V, con le giustificationi in margine di 
qualsivoglia partito." Extracts are given from the official 
books, that is to say, in which these parts are entered. 
Under similar lists we find an account of the sums bestowed 
on them in hard cash, as well as other valuables, and also 
of the privileges and immunities corifejTed oq them. The 
VOL. III. p 


vouchers are appended in the following manner : " Nel libro 
della thesoreria secreta d'Alessandro Ruspoli, fol. 17, e da 
doi brevij uno sotto la data delli 26 Genn. 1608, et I'altro 
delli II Marzo, registrati nel libro primo signaturarum 
PauU V negU atti di Felice de Totis, fol. 116 et fol. 131. — 
A di 23 Dec. 1605 sc. 36 m. d'oro delle stampe donati al 
sig"" GB Borghese per pagar il palazzo, et il restante impie- 
garli nella fabrica di quello, quali scudi 36 m. d'oro delle 
stampe provenivano del prezzo del chiamato di mons"" 
Centurioni, ridotti a 24 moneta a ragione di Giulii 13 per 
scudo, sono 46,800 sc." 

I have already shewn to what extraordinary sums these 
donations amounted, and what was the influence exercised 
by the advancement of the papal families on the capital and 
the provinces. 

No. 90 

Relatione dello stato ecdesiastico dove si contengono 7nolti 
particolari degni di consider atioiie. 1611. [Report 
on the Papal States^ wherein are contained many 
particulars worthy of consideration.] Inform. Politt. 
xi. ff. 1-27. 

We are told in the very beginning that the author was 
asked for this report in the morning, and that now in the 
evening of the same day he was sen-ding it in. 

It would be truly wonderful if he could have found 
means to dictate so circumstantial a report, which is, more- 
over, by no means ill arranged, and presents much that is 
remarkable, in a few hours. We here find, for example, 
the admission that in many parts of Italy the number of 
inhabitants was declining^ either by pestilence and famine, 
the murders committed by banditti, or the overwhelming 
burden of the taxes, which rendered it impossible any 
longer to marry at the proper age and to rear a family of 
children. The very life-blood of the people was wrung 
from them by the taxes, while their spirits were paralyzed 
and crushed by the endless restrictions on trade. 


At one point the anonymous author betrays himself. 
He remarks that he had written a book, " Ragione di Stato." 
He says somewhere, " Ho diffusamente trattato nella Ra- 
gione di Stato." 

By this we obtain a clue to the writer. In the year 
1589 there appeared at Venice a book thus entitled, — 
" Delia ragion di stato libri X con tre libri dellc cause della 
grandezza delle cittk." It is dedicated to that Wolf Die- 
trich von Raittenau, archbishop of Salzburg, who was the 
first of the German princes to introduce a more rigid 
administration of government, modelled on that of Italy. 
Its author is the well-known Giovanni Botero, whose 
" Relationi universali " enjoyed in their day an almost 
universal circulation. 

It is manifest that these " Relationi " must now be ex- 
amined to see if they do not also include the one before us. 

In what is properly to be called the main work, that 
wherein the Papal States are mentioned in a summary 
manner, it is not to be found ; but there is a smaller book 
which is frequently appended to the former : " Relationi del 
sig" Giov. Botero Benese, . . . di Spagna, dello stato della 
chiesa, del Piamonte, della contea di Nizza, dell' isola Tapro- 
bana," of which the dedication is dated 161 1. Here, then, 
we find our report word for word. 

The opening alone is different. The " Relation " 
bears the title : " Discorso intorno alio stato della chiesa 
preso dalla parte dell' ufificio del cardinale che non e stam- 
pata." It belonged, as we perceive, to a work on the 
duties of cardinals. 

I leave it to the decision of the reader, whether the 
most credulous would be misled by the above-named 

No. 91 

Tarqu. Pitaro sopra la negotiatione 7naritima. 1 7 Ott, 
161 2. [Pitaro on maritime trade.] Vallic. 

Among other counsels, Botero recommends the en- 
couragement of the trade of the States of the Church. 


There was, in fact, at that time a plan for excavating a new 
harbour for the city of Fano. It was expected that the 
commerce of the towns of Urbino would be attracted to the 
new port. 

But our author opposes this plan with the most con- 
vincing reasons. He thinks that the projectors might re-ad 
their own fate in the example of Ancona, which he declares, 
as did the Venetians shortly after, to have fallen into extreme 
decay. " The foreign merchants have left the city ; the 
native traders are bankrupt ; the gentry are impoverished, 
the artisans ruined, and the populace almost dispersed." 
To build a harbour with borrowed money was more likely to 
ruin Fano altogether than to promote its welfare, — as had 
happened to Ascoli, which had raised a considerable loan 
to bring its Maremma into a state of cultivation, but had by 
no means succeeded in doing so. 

It was, in fact, not advisable, for other causes, to make 
this attempt, since the towns of Urbino must in every case 
very soon lapse to Rome. 

No. 92 
Relatiojie della Romagna. (Altieri Library.) 

About the year 1615: 1612 is expressly mentioned, but 
it is of great importance for the whole period from the pon- 
tificate of Julius III. The parties that divided the province 
are described. The transfer of estates, as consequent more 
particularly on the advancement of the papal families, is 
very clearly explained. I have frequently used this work, 
but will give place here to a remark in relation to San 
Marino, which in those early times gradually raised itself to 
freedom by progressive exemptions. 

^' The republic of San Marino is presumed to be free, 
except in so far as it is under the protection of the duke of 
Urbino. In 1612 it was proposed and carried in the 
council, that on the failure of the house of delle Rovere, the 
republic should declare itself under the protection of the 
Apostolic See; from which San Marino thereby obtained 


certain privileges, and particularly that of drawing corn and 
provisions from the Roman states. This territory, with 
two other domains annexed to it, comprises about 700 
hearths. It is situated among mountains, is a fortified 
town, and the gates are guarded by soldiers of its own. 
The inhabitants have the free administration of justice and 
grace. They elect their principal magistrates for the time 
being among themselves, and these are called conservators, 
and receive from the people of San Marino the title of most 
illustrious. In case of any serious offence, it is their habit 
to procure foreign officials for the conduct of the proceed- 
ings, having recourse in particular to the ministers of his 
highness the duke of Urbino, on whom they confer such 
authority as they deem fitting. The state is poor, not 
having so much as 500 scudi of revenue ; but some of the 
inhabitants are in easy circumstances, and others rich, the 
small extent of the country considered. They are wont to 
hire banditti of all kinds, but as scandals sometimes arise 
from this, they have decreed that banditti shall not be hired 
except on certain conditions ; yet it is not easy to procure 
safe-conduct from them." 

No. 93 

Parole universali dello govenio eccksiastlco, per far una 
greggia et un pastore. Secreto al papa solo. [Universal 
words of ecclesiastical government for making one 
flock and one shepherd. For the pope only.] Infor- 
matt xxiv. 26 leaves. 

In spite of the condition of the country, which was 
gradually becoming so manifestly worse, there were yet 
people who entertained the boldest designs. 

But more extraordinary or more extravagant proposals 
were perhaps never brought forward than those made by 
Thomas Campanella in the little work before us. 

For there cannot be a doubt that this unlucky philoso- 
pher, who fell under the suspicion of intending to wrest 
Calabria from the Spanish monarchy, and to have taken 


part in the extravagant plans of the duke of Ossuna, was 
the veritable author of this work. " Questo h il compendio/' 
he says, " del libro intitolato il Governo Ecclesiastico, il 
quale restb in mano di Don Lelio Orsino, et io autore tengo 
copia in Stilo patria mia." [This is a summary of the book 
entitled the ^' Ecclesiastical Government," which remained 
in the hands of Don Lelio Orsino ; and I, the author, have 
a copy of it in Stilo, my native place.] 

To this, he adds, " Haec et longe plura explicantur in 
Monarchia Messiae." Campanella was from Stilo : this 
Monarchia Messiae was his work. We cannot doubt that 
he either composed or revised that now before us. 

We may leave the date undetermined. He was pro- 
bably possessed through his whole life by notions of this 

He remarks that the pope had very warlike subjects. 
" The people of Romagna and the March are naturally 
inclined to arms : thus they serve the Venetians, French, 
Tuscans, and Spaniards, because the pope is not a warrior." 
But he advises the pope also to become warlike. There 
was still the material for Ciceros, Brutuses, and Catos. 
Nature was not wanting ; art only was deficient. 

He thinks that the pope ought to raise two armies ; the 
one of St. Peter for the sea, the other of St. Paul for the 
land, somewhat after the manner of the Janissaries. Never 
had an armed religion been vanquished, especially when it 
was well preached. 

For he does not in anywise leave that out of his reckon- 
ing. He recommends that the most able men should be 
selected from all the orders, who should be freed from their 
monastic duties, and permitted to devote themselves to the 

Law, medicine, and the liberal arts should be studied in 
thS monasteries, as well as theology. The people should 
be preached to of the golden age, when there should be one 
shepherd and one fold^ — of the blessedness of liberated 
Jerusalem, and of patriarchal innocence. The longings of 
the people after these things should be awakened. 

But when would so happy a state of things commence ? 
" Then," he replies, '^ when all temporal sovereignties shall 


be put an end to, and the vicar of Christ shall rule over 
the whole earth." "Sarh, nel mondo una greggia et un 
pastore, e si vedra il secol d'oro cantato da poeti, I'ottima 
republica descritta da philosophi, e lo stato dell' innocenza 
de' patriarchi, e la felicith, di Gerusalemme liberata da mano 
degli eretici et infedeli. E questo fia quando saranno 
evacuati tutti li principati mondani e regenera per tutto il 
mondo solo il vicario di Christo." 

There should be set forth, as he advises, the doctrine 
that the pope is lord in temporal as well as spiritual things, 
— a priest such as Abimelech, not such as Aaron. 

Such opinions were still entertained towards the close 
of the sixteenth century, or — for I will not attempt to de- 
termine the precise period — in the first ten years of the 
seventeenth century. We already know the extraordinary 
progress being made at that time by the Roman power. 
Before I return to the documents touching that period, let 
me be permitted to add yet a word with respect to the 
historians of the Jesuits, who were then at the height of 
their influence. 

Remarks on Certain Historians of the Jesuit Order 

Self-esteem and leisure gradually led the greater part 
of the religious orders to narrate their own histories in very 
circumstantial detail. 

But no one of them has done this so systematically 
as the Jesuits. It was their full determination to give to 
the world a connected and comprehensive history of their 
exertions, prepared by their own hands. 

And, in fact, the " Historia Societatis Jesu," known 
under the names of Orlandinus and of those who continued 
his book, is a work of the highest importance for the history 
of the order, — nay, we may even say for that of the century 

Nicolaus Orlandinus, a native of Florence, had for some 
time presided over the college of Nola and the novices of 

2i6 APrENDIX— SECTION V [No. 93 

Naples, when in 1598 he was summoned by Acqiiaviva to 
Rome, and appointed historian of the order. In his style 
of writing, as well as in the business of life, he was exceed- 
ingly careful, accurate, and wary, but very infirm. It was 
with difficulty that he brought down his work to the death 
of Ignatius. He died in 1606. 

His successor in this occupation was Franciscus Sacchinus, 
from the territory of Perugia, who is, upon the whole, the 
most distinguished of the Jesuit historians. He was the son 
of a peasant; his father occasionally visited him in the 
Collegium Romanum, where he taught rhetoric, and it is 
recorded to his honour that he was not ashamed of his 
origin. On his appointment, he devoted himself to the 
composition of his history, at which he laboured for 
eighteen years in the house of probation on the Quirinal 
at Rome, and very rarely quitted his residence. Yet he 
passed his life none the less in contemplation of the great 
interests of the world. The restoration of Catholicism was 
still making the greatest progress. What can be more in- 
viting for the historian than to describe the first beginnings 
of an event, of which the development and effects are pass- 
ing in their living reality beneath his eyes ? Sacchinus was 
fully impressed with the characteristic peculiarity of his 
subject, — the universal conflict fought out in the enthusiasm 
of orthodoxy. " I describe wars," he says, " not of the 
nations with each other, but of the human race with the 
monsters and the powers of hell ; — wars not merely affecting 
single provinces, but embracing all lands and every sea ; — 
wars, in fine, wherein not earthly power, but the heavenly 
kingdom is the prize of battle." In this spirit of Jesuitical 
enthusiasm he has described the administration of Lainez, 
1556-1564, that of Borgia to 1572, and of Everardus Mer- 
curianus to 1580, — each in one volume containing eight 
books, with the first ten years of Acquaviva's government 
in the same number of books. These form four tolerably 
thick and closely-printed folio volumes; he nevertheless 
excuses himself for being so brief. Nor can he indeed be 
accused of prolixity, or of falling into tediousness. He is, 
as a matter of course, partial — partial in the highest degree ; 
he passes over whatever does not please him : from the 


materials before him he frequently takes only what is 
honourable to the society, and so forth. But notwithstand- 
ing this, there is much to be learned from his books. I 
have compared him here and there with his authorities, — 
with the Litterae Annuae, for example, so far as they are 
printed and were accessible ; for books of this kind are very 
rare in these parts, and I have been compelled to apply to 
the libraries of Breslau and Gottingen for aid. In every 
instance I have found his extracts to be made with judgment 
and propriety, — nay, even with spirit and talent. But while 
occupied with this work, Sacchinus had acquired so extensive 
and accurate an acquaintance with the affairs of the society, 
that he was called to take part in them by the general Mutio 
Vitelleschi himself. It were to be desired for our sakes 
that this had not happened; for Sacchinus would then have 
completed the history of Acquaviva's administration, and 
one of the most important epochs would have been more 
clearly illustrated than was the case at a later period. 
Sacchini died in 1625. Even his last volume was brought 
to a close, and published by Petrus Possinus. 

But as time passed, so also did enthusiasm diminish. 
The " Imago primi Saeculi," in the year 1 640, had already 
declined in richness of contents, was more credulous of 
miracles, more common-place. It was not until 17 10 that 
there appeared a continuation of Sacchinus by Jouvency, 
comprising the last fifteen years of Acquaviva's rule. 
Jouvency also has undeniable talent ; he narrates in a per- 
spicuous and flowing manner, though not without pretension. 
But the misfortune is, that he took the word "Historia" 
much too literally, and would not write annals as Sacchinus 
had done. Thus he distributed the materials that lay before 
him, arranging them under different heads. '^Societas 
domesticis motibus agitata — societas externis cladibus jactata 
— vexata in Anglia — oppugnata — aucta, etc." It resulted 
from this, that he did not give due attention to that which 
was, without doubt, the most important point, — the renewed 
extension of Catholicism in Protestant countries. The 
method of annals was, besides, much more suitable to a 
subject such as this. With all his historical labours, 
Jouvency has produced nothing but fragments. 


Neitlier did he obtain much applause for his work. The 
order even entertained the idea at one time of causing 
the whole period to be rewritten after the manner of 
Sacchinus. Julius Cordara, who continued the history from 
1616 to 1625, confined himself closely to that model. But 
the spirit of earlier times was irrecoverably lost. The volume 
of Cordara is very useful, but is not to be compared in 
freedom or power with his earlier predecessors, or Qven 
with Jouvency. It appeared in 1750. After that time the 
society had to struggle too hard for its very existence to 
have leisure for thinking of a continuation to its history. 
What has happened since then would, moreover, have made 
a much less magnificent display. 

In addition to this general history, there are, as is well 
known, very many provincial histories of the order. These 
have, for the most part, the general history as their basis ; 
they are, indeed, often directly copied from it. We remark 
this most strikingly in Socher, " Historia provinciae Austriae," 
where Sacchinus is copied even to particular terms of ex- 
pression. The " pudet referre " of the original, for example, 
is reproduced as " pudet sane referre " by Socher. (Sacchin. 
iv., vi., 78. Socher, vi.. No. 33.) 

But I will not suffer myself to enter on a criticism of 
these authors; the field is much too wide; it is^, besides, 
certain that they are not likely to mislead in the present 
day, when they receive too little credit, rather than too 
much. I will take leave to make one observation only on 
the history of Ignatius Loyola himself. 

If we compare Orlandinus with the other two more 
important historians of Ignatius Loyola, we are at once 
struck by the fact that he agrees much more exactly with 
the one, Maffei — " De vita et moribus D. Ignatii Loioiae" — 
than with the other, Pietro Ribadeneira. The manner of 
this agreement is also remarkable. MafFei's book appeared 
as early as 1585 ; that of Orlandinus was not produced until 
fifteen years later, and from the close resemblance between 
the two, Maffei might very well appear to have served as a 
model for the other. Maffei is, nevertheless, more elaborate 
and artificial m his manner throughout ; Orlandinus is more 
natural, more simple, and has more force in description. 


The enigma is solved when we discover that both drew from 
the same source — the notes of Polancus. Maffei does not 
name him ; but a special treatise by Sacchinus, *' Cujus sit 
autoritatis quod in B. Cajetani vita de B. Ignatio traditur," 
which is to be found in the later editions of Orlandinus, in- 
forms us that Everardus Mercurianus had laid the manu- 
scripts of Polancus before him. From the same Polancus, 
Orlandinus also afterwards drew the principal part of his 
work ; no wonder, therefore, that they agree. But we have 
the original memoranda in a more genuine form in Or- 
landinus than in Maffei : the first is more diUgent, more 
circumstantial, and better authenticated by documentary 
evidence ; the latter seeks his renown in historical ornaments 
and correct Latin ity. 

But whence proceed the variations of Ribadeneira ? He 
drew principally from a different manuscript authority — the 
memoranda of Ludovicus Consalvus. 

Consalvus, as well as Polancus, derived his information 
from the oral communications of Ignatius himself; but we 
can perceive thus much, that Polancus gathered more of 
the accidental and occasional expressions of the general, 
while Consalvus knew how to lead him at once into a 
circumstantial narrative; as^ for example, in relation to his 
first spiritual call. 

From this it results that we have here to distinguish a 
double tradition; the one, that of Polancus, repeated by 
Maffei and Orlandinus; the other, that of Consalvus, repeated 
by Ribadeneira. 

By far the most remarkable is that of Consalvus : he has 
given, so far as can be supposed possible, an account really 
derived from Ignatius himself. 

But in this, as in all other traditions, we very soon 
become aware of an amplification of the simple material. 
This was commenced even by Ribadeneira. He takes the 
narration of the eight days' ecstasy, for example, which 
Ignatius had in Manresa, and from which he was awakened 
by the word " Jesus," out of the relations of the lady Isabella 
Rosel of Barcelona. " Examen Ribadeneirae in comment, 
praev. AA. SS. Julii, t. vii. p. 590." 

But his readers were far from being satisfied with him. 


Of many of the miracles already commonly believed, he 
took no notice. " Nescio," says Sacchinus, " quae mens 
incidit Ribadeneirae, ut multa ejus generis miracula prae- 
teriret.'' It was on account of these very omissions that 
Polancus commenced his collection, and that Mercurianus 
caused his work to be elaborated by MafFei, whence they 
were transferred to Orlandinus. 

But even these narrations did not suffice to the wonder- 
craving Jesuitism of the seventeenth century. As early as 
the year 1606, people had gone so far as to affirm the 
sanctity of a cave in Manresa, which was said to be the 
place wherein the Exercitia Spiritualia were composed, 
although neither the first nor even the second of these 
traditions mentions a word of this cave, and the Dominicans 
maintained, doubtless with perfect truth, that the spelunca 
of Ignatius was in their monastery. 

The most violent di-ssensions between the Dominicans 
and Jesuits were just then in force, a motive sufficient to 
make the Jesuits seek another scene for the foundation of 
their order. 

We now return to our manuscripts respecting Gregory XV 
and Urban VIII. 

No. 94 

Relatione delli ec^T' S""' Hieron. Ghistlnian K"" Protf, Ant 
Grirnani K^^ Franc, Contarini Proc''^ Hieron. Soranzo 
K", amb'' estraord. al sonimo pontefice Gregorio XVPanno 
1 62 1, // 7fiese di Maggio. [Report of Signors Hieron. 
Giustinian, Ant. Grimani, Francesco Contarini^ and 
Hieron. Soranzo, ambassadors extraordinary to pope 
Gregory XV, in May, 162 1] 

Of little importance, as are all reports of this kind. 

The description of the new pope and of his government 
could not be more than a hasty sketch, after so short a resi- 
dence; a few remarks on the journey, the conclave, the 
origin and previous life of the newly-chosen pontiff, with 


the first proceedings of his administration, generally form 
the whole material of the report. 

Something more might, nevertheless, have been expected 
on this occasion, because the ordinary ambassador, Geronimo 
Soranzo, who had resided five years at the court of Rome, 
made one of the four ambassadors, and prepared the report 
in concert with the other three. 

The interests of the Venetian senate were, however, not 
identical with our own ; they were political, not historical. 
The personal character and court arrangements of a departed 
prince no longer awakened curiosity, and had no essential 
importance. Soranzo contents himself with a few remarks. 
" Non debbo tralasciare di narrare qualche cosa della piu 
gravi che mi sono occorse di maneggiare in s\ lunga et im- 
portante legatione." 

The point of chief moment is, that Soranzo explains the 
position which Venice had assumed towards the papal court, 
in the affairs that had shortly before been in discussion with 

"The Spaniaids submitted to the consideration of his 
holiness the favourable opportunity now presenting itself for 
reviving the claims of the Church in the gulf (of Venice). 
The ambassador laboured to shew the just, ancient, and 
indubitable possession of the gulf; adding that the republic 
would have recourse to foreign aid to defend it, and would 
avail itself of the English and Dutch — nay, even of the 
Turks themselves; and that if his holiness fomented the 
unjust and unfair pretensions of the Spaniards, he would 
throw all Christendom into the utmost confusion. One 
day his holiness said to me, ' We consider it necessary that 
the affairs of the gulf should remain unaltered : the inno- 
vations that have taken place there have displeased us 
greatly : we have said this to every one who has spoken to 
us of the matter.* " 

We perceive that there were once more precautions 
required, lest another outbreak of open hostility should 

Soranzo laboured only to convince Paul V that the re- 
public was not disposed to the Protestants. " Lo resi al 
pieng capace della bontk e del puro zelo della republica." 


The ambassadors entertained the conviction that the 
new pope would not incUne to the Spaniards. The cha- 
racter and manner of his election seemed to justify this 

" In the election of Gregory XV, the operation of the 
Holy Spirit was made manifest. Borghese, who had the 
command of six votes more than were required to make 
the pope at his own pleasure, had resolved to have Campori 
elected; but three of his creatures dissenting, and other 
obstacles afterwards arising, he was induced to nominate 
his creature Ludovisio ; but more by the instigation of 
others, than by his own inclination. This cardinal possessed 
the good-will of Aldobrandini ; he was believed by the 
Spaniards to entertain pacific dispositions, and the French 
considered him to be their friend." 

The papal nephew seemed also to maintain himself still 
unfettered. " Mostra sinora genio alieno da Spagnoli " 
[he has hitherto shewn himself averse to the Spaniards], 
say the ambassadors. 

But all this too soon underwent a change. 

No." 95 

Vita e fatti di Ltidovico Ludovisi^ di S. R. Ch. vicecanc. 
nepote di papa Gregorio XV, scritto da Luc. Antonio 
Gitmti suo servitore da Urbino. [Life and measures of 
Ludovico Ludovisio, vice-chancellor of the holy Roman 
Church, nephew of Pope Gregory XV. Written by 
his servant, Luc. Antonio Giunti of Urbino.] Cors. 
122 leaves. 

" Ludovico, ch'e poi stato il card^ Ludovisi, nacque in 
Bologna dal conte Oratio della famiglia di Ludovisi e dalla 
contessa Lavinia Albergati I'anno 1595, a 27 d'Ottobre." 
[Ludovico, who afterwards became Cardinal Ludovisio, was 
born in Bologna on the 27th October, 1595. His father 
was Count Oratio, of the family of Ludovisi, his mother 
the Countess Lavinia Albergati.] He was educated in the 
Jesuits' college at Rome, was admitted doctor in 1 615, in 


1 61 7 he accompanied his uncle on the latter being sent as 
nuncio to Bologna, and in 161 9 he entered on the career 
of the prelacy : on the day after the coronation of his uncle, 
1 6th February, 1 621, he was nominated cardinal, and thence 
obtained that eminent position in the world which we have 
already described. 

" I will give," says the author, " a certain idea of such 
things as were partly proposed by him, and brought about 
by his agency, or at the least promoted by his efforts during 
the pontificate of his uncle Gregory." 

I. Traits of character. — "He heard all that was said 
with a more than common coolness. The ambassadors 
could never have enough of transacting business with him : 
he gave himself to all, that all might give themselves to 
him. He did justice and shewed mercy at the same time, 
without passion or duplicity." 

' 2. Promotions. — He appointed the cardinals who had 
promoted the election of his uncle to different legations: 
Orsini to Romagna, Pio to the March (of Ancona), Ubal- 
dini to Bologna, and Capponi he made archbishop of Ra- 
venna. Thus their good services were rewarded. Nuncios 
were despatched to all the courts : Massimi to Tuscany, 
Pamfili to Naples, Corsini to France, Sangro to Spain, 
Caraffa to the emperor, Montorio to Cologne. Aldobran- 
dini served as general, Pino as paymaster in Germany. 
The greater part of the Instructions furnished to these 
nuncios are still extant. The following account of the 
manner in which these documents were prepared is thus 
rendered all the more interesting. "Although they were 
drawn up by Monsignor Agucchia, a prelate of Bologna, 
yet the cardinal gave particular attention to them himself, 
by adding notes on the chief points, and making memo- 
randa of the motives, intentions, and opinions of his holi- 
ness, together with such counsels and remedies as were 
suggested by his own foresight and knowledge." We per- 
ceive, then, that the essential parts were supplied by the 
cardinal-nephew, while Agucchia, a fellow-townsman of 
Ludovisio, undertook the completion. 

3. Bulls relating to the papal election. — The forms pre- 
viously used were altered, secret scrutiny was introduced, 


the adoration was abolished. Giunti describes the dis- 
advantages arising from the adoration : " It made the car- 
dinals more diffident in the expression of their opinions; 
it produced and fomented serious antipathies between the 
excluders and the excluded ; it caused the pontiff to be 
chosen without due deliberation, when the heads of the 
factions had made their inclinations manifest ; it occasioned 
the result of the elections to depend, for the most part, on 
the younger cardinals." It will be readily supposed that 
Ludovisio had other and more secret motives for this change, 
but these are not here brought forward. 

4. The establishment of the Propaganda ; the canoniza- 
tion of saints. — Of these we have treated in the text. 

5. The transfer of the Electorate ; discussion of the 
personal share taken by Ludovisio in that event. 

6. The acquisition of the Heidelberg library : "... on 
account of which, Cardinal Ludovisio exerted himself greatly, 
seeing that he considered the acquirement of it among 
the most fortunate events of his uncle's pontificate. Doctor 
Leon Allaccio, Greek writer in the said Vatican library, was 
selected to go and receive it, and take charge of it to Rome." 

7. His protection of the Capuchins, whom Ludovisio 
esteemed very highly, as he did, even more particularly, the 
Jesuits. — Vitelleschi says, that by the ^'special protection 
which God has ever extended to that society, it has come 
to pass that some great cardinal has always stood forward 
as its patron — Alessandro Farnese, Odoardo Farnese, Ales- 
sandro Orsino, and now Ludovico Ludovisio." He had 
richly supported the Jesuit churches in Rome and Bologna 
from his private fortune ; and for the completion of the 
former, he finally bequeathed 200,000 scudi in his will. He 
had constantly bestowed 6,000 scudi a year towards that 
purpose during his lifetime. The author includes that sum 
in the alms he describes him to have given in charity, and 
which he computes to have been exactly 32,882 scudi 

8. The election of Urban VIII. — This is here ascribed 
to the cardinal : " superando con la sua destrezza le diffi- 
colta che si traponevano" [surmounting by his dexterity 
the difficulties that opposed it]. His removal from Rome 


to his archiepiscopal see of Bologna was entirely determined 
by himself. 

9. His subsequent life. — He preached occasionally in 
Bologna, and it was by him that the Bolognese were in- 
duced to add Ignatius and Xavier to the number of their 
heavenly protectors. But the principal thing related is, that 
he placed himself in earnest opposition to the vacillating 
policy of Urban VIII, in accordance with the principles by 
which he had himself conducted the administration. When 
the victories of Gustavus Adolphus in 1631 were made 
known to him, he offered the Spanish court 100,000 scudi, 
with the proceeds of all his Spanish abbeys, of which he 
held ten, during such time as the war should continue. 
Giunti gives the letter in which Ludovisio makes this offer, 
which he founds on the " presenti bisogni della Germania e 
deir augustissima casa di S. M*^ base e sostegno della reli- 
gione cattolica " [the present necessities of Germany, and of 
the most august house of his majesty, the basis and support 
of the Catholic religion]. This offer was not accepted in 
Spain, but Olivarez wrote to the cardinal in reply, that 
although his majesty declined his proposal, he would yet 
not fail to shew the cardinal whatever favours he could 
himself desire, and which might appear to be for interested 
purposes, if the offer were accepted. 

Of the intention attributed by a Venetian to the cardinal 
of calling a council against Pope Urban VIII, we do not 
here find any trace. 

Upon the whole, indeed, this biography is written very 
much in the tone of an official panegyric. Although con- 
taining much useful and authentic information, and many 
trustworthy particulars, it refrains from all communication 
of a more questionable character. 

The cardinal died soon after. "La cui anima," says 
Giunti in conclusion, " riposi in cielo." 



No. 96 

Instruttione a mons^ vescovo d! Avers a^ nuntio desiinaio 
da N. Sig''' alia M^^ Cesarea di Ferdmando II 
Imperatore. Roma^ 12 Apr. 1621. [Instructions to the 
bishop of Aversa, nuncio elect to the Emperor Ferdi- 
nand II.] 

We have seen the important effects of CarafFa's 
exertions : the Instruction furnished to him by Gregory 
XV on his proceeding to his nunciature would therefore 
be worthy of our attention, were it only on that account ; 
but it becomes still more so from the fact that it reveals 
the views entertained at Rome after the battle of Prague. 

Gregory commences by assuming that it was the purpose 
of the Protestants to root out the house of Austria, to wrest 
the empire to themselves, and then to press forward into 
Italy, despoiHng and plundering that noblest part of the 
world. But God had given events a different direction ; it 
must now be the part of man to turn this interposition to 
the utmost possible advantage. 

He enjoins the nuncio to direct his attention to the 
following points : — 

I. Confirming the strength of the empire by means of 
the CathoHcs. — He promises aid to the emperor, and urges 
that the victory should be promptly followed up. 

II. The restoration of the Catholic religion. — The pope 
is rejoiced at the progress it is making in Austria and 
Moravia. He is comforted by perceiving that in Silesia 
they have at least refused to tolerate the Calvinists. But 
he would not give his sanction to the toleration, even of the 
Augsburg confession in Hungary, although that confession 
certainly comes nearest to Catholicism : " La confessione 
che, quantumque rea, si dilunga assai meno dalla professione 
cattolica di quello che facciano le piii sette cattoliche." 
But he is most of all anxious respecting Bohemia. For the 
restoration of Catholicism in that country he recommends 
the following measures : — 

1. The foundation of a Catholic university in Prague. 

2. The re-establishment of the Catholic parish priests 


in the ancient parishes, and of Catholic schoolmasters in 
the cities. 

3. The use of catechisms and good books for all, but for 
children and ignorant people (idioti) the ancient spiritual 
songs in the Bohemian tongue'. 

4. Catholic booksellers and printers, bookshops and 
printing-presses of heretics being subjected to visitation. 

5. The labours of the Jesuit fathers and other religious 

6. The poor colleges should be restored to their 
efficiency, by making over to them the alienated ecclesi- 
astical property. 

All means of instruction and education. But the nuncio 
is further reminded that he must oppose the appointment of 
Protestants to public offices. " The minds of men being more 
effectually moved by their own interests than by other motives, 
they will begin by degrees, more particularly the young, to 
bend their spirits to the Catholic religion ; if for no other 
cause, yet for the sake of participation in public honours." 

III. The re-establishment of the ecclesiastical tribunals. 
— On this subject the pope has many complaints to make. 
The bishops are still reluctant to submit to the decrees of 
the council of Trent; the canons pursue various corrupt 
practices ; the chapters make a very bad use of the patronage 
they exercise ; even the emperor allows himself too much 
liberty. " L'imperatore istesso sotto varii pretest! di spogli, 
di juspatronati, di concessioni apostoliche, di avocarie, di 
incamerationi e di pienezza di potest^ trattiene le chiese gli 
anni vacanti, et in quel mentre se ne prende per se I'entrate." 

IV. Restoration of the papal authority. — The emperors 
appear to see with gladness that the pope dares no longer 
come forward with his bulls and excommunications. The 
papal court has, moreover, lost a very large portion of the 
revenues in money formerly derived from Germany, which 
amounted in earlier times to 200,000 scudi. Gregory 
will not give his approval to the proceedings with Klesel ; 
but expresses himself with great moderation on the subject. 
"Non b mai piaciuto troppo quel fatto." Verospi, the 
auditor of the rota, was sent over to conduct the proceedings. 

V. The relation of the emperor to Italy. — This might be 


made useful, more especially in the affairs of the Valtelline. 
The consent of Spain had not yet been given to the 
demolition of the conquered fortresses. " It seems that the 
duke of Feria and other ministers of his imperial majesty are 
opposed to that measure, as desiring to retain those forts, 
and with them the glory of that conquest." But the pope 
clearly perceived the danger that might arise from this. The 
Protestants in Germany would desire nothing better than to 
see the sword unsheathed in Italy. 

VI. The conduct and deportment of the nuncio. — He is 
above all things recommended in the first place to Ecken- 
berg, as was to be expected; but it is highly remarkable 
that the papal nephew speaks of the Jesuits with the utmost 
reserve and caution only. " The nuncio will make great 
account of Father Beccano, the emperor's confessor, and 
must avail himself skilfully of his assistance, — not neglecting 
meanwhile to observe the language and opinions of that 
father, the better to discover his purposes, and to acquaint 
me with them ; and in like manner he will have recourse to 
the Jesuit fathers with a wary confidence." *' Con avveduta 
confidenza ! " — an admirable piece of advice. 

We are meanwhile made aware of the magnificent designs 
already conceived by the pope. Even at that time he con- 
templated the restitution of all Church property. With this 
remarkable passage we will conclude our extract. " In 
proportion as progress shall be made in the acquirement of 
territories previously held by heretics, your excellency will 
urge on his majesty with the utmost earnestness, that he 
should recover the ecclesiastical possessions occupied by 
them, and restore them to the Church and their true patrons. 
An application to this eifect was made by order of Pope 
Paul V, when the marquis Spinola took possession of the 
Palatinate, and the emperor replied that the time was not 
yet come for treating of that matter." 

We perceive then that the idea of the Edict of Restitu- 
tion was conceived by Paul V in 1620, but was at that time 
rejected by the emperor as premature and inopportune. 

The nuncio of Gregory XV was now to press anew for 
that measure, and was to represent to the emperor the merit 
he would acquire by it. 


No. 97 

Jnstruttione a mons^ Sajigro, patriarcha d^ Alessandria et 
arcivescovo di Ben£ve?tto, per andar imnzio di S. S''^ al re 
cattoHco. 1621. [Instruction to Monsignor Sangro, 
patriarch of Alexandria and archbishop of Benevento, 
when proceeding as nuncio to the king of Spain.] 

Sangro is reminded that the power of Spain is now for the 
most part in the hands of Uzeda and of the grand inquisitor. 
He must therefore more particularly remind the latter of his 
spiritual duties. 

In order to discover secrets, he is recommended to attach 
himself to the ambassadors of Venice and Tuscany; "de' 
quali si suol cavare molto " [from whom there is usually 
much to be drawn]. 

The questions of immunity, of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 
and of the collettoria, are afterwards discussed minutely ; but 
I am obliged to confess that the defective and illegible copy 
which I found deterred me from entering more fully into these 

The principal matter is still the discussion of the political 

The nuncio is directed above all things to demand the 
renewal of the war with Holland. 

He was to remind the Spanish court that Prince Maurice 
was already old and feeble, and that his death was daily to 
be expected ; that the division between the Arminians and 
Gomarists weakened the Provinces, where Count Henry was 
hoping to obtain the supreme power by the aid of the former, 
while Count Ernest founded similar hopes on the assistance 
of the latter; that the Zealanders were poor, and the 
Hollanders hated by the rest for their arrogance. " Thus 
the king could not turn his forces against them at a better 
time or more fitting opportunity." 


No. 98 

Instruttione a V. Sig^^"" M"" di Torres, arcivescovo di Antri- 
nopoli, nuntio destinato da N. Sig^" in Polonla. 30 
Maggioy 1 62 1. [Instruction to Monsignor Torres, arch- 
bishop of Antrinopoli; nuncio elect to Poland.] 

The misunderstanding between Paul V and Sigismund III 
was not altogether without importance. "Se la pietk del 
re," says Gregory XV in this Instruction, " e la riverenza che 
a questa sede egli porta, non havesse ammorzato del tutto o 
almeno coperte le scintille de' dispiaceri loro, se ne sarebbe 
per li soffioni altrui acceso alcun fuoco di discordia mani- 
festa." [If the piety of the king, and the reverence which he 
bears to this see, had not entirely quenched, or at least 
subdued, the sparks of their resentments, the fires of open 
discord would certainly have been enkindled from them by 
the breath of others.] 

Gregory now labours to pacify all these dissensions. He 
is impressed by the merits of this king, who could not have 
been made a better Catholic even in Rome itself. 

The nuncio is reminded that he must above all things be 
careful to let his deportment be such as to incur no blame : 
" because all eyes are fixed on the nuncio, and take example 
from him in holiness of manners, and the king himself pro- 
poses him as a model to his prelates." To give diligent 
attendance at the banquets of the great, would certainly not 
in itself be an unlikely means of obtaining influence, but in 
the end it would diminish the respect which it was necessary 
for a nuncio to receive. 

It was desirable that the nuncio should visit the 
churches in person, as was formerly done. 

But the point principally insisted on was still education. 
The institution of the Dottrina Christiana, as existing in 
Italy, was to be introduced into Poland also. Care must be 
taken to provide catechisms, and worldly or Protestant songs 
must be superseded by others of Catholic import. 


No. 99 

Instruttione a V, S"'"^ M"" Lancellotti^ vescovo di Nola, 
destinato da N. S^" sno nuntio in Polonia. [Instruc- 
tion to Monsignor Lancellotti, bishop of Nola, nuncio 
elect to Poland.] 

I do not know whether belonging to 1622 or 1623, but 
certainly still under Gregory XV. 

The Instruction furnished to Torres was communicated 
to the present nuncio also. At the command of the Propa- 
ganda, all bishops had, since that time, been compelled to 
present reports on the state of their dioceses : from these 
documents the nuncio was directed to procure further 

Political relations are brought more prominently forward. 
The nuncio was enjoined to do his utmost for the jjreserva- 
tion of the good understanding existing between the Poles 
and the house of Austria: the Turks and the rebellious 
subjects of the emperor would thereby be held in check. 

The Poles would gladly have concluded a peace, or at 
least a truce for twenty years, with Gustavus Adolphus. The 
latter also proposed that the Polish line should succeed to 
his throne in the event of his dying without children, but 
Sigismund rejected every overture. " Benche Gustavo per 
conditione espressa offrisse che morendo lui senza figliuoli 
gli avesse a succedere S. M'^ e la sua stirpe, s'oppose a 
questi consigli." It was only from consideration for the 
Poles that he agreed to a short truce. 

The affairs of the United Greeks had already been dis* 
cussed in the Instruction given to Torres, but were clearly 
and thoroughly explained in this paper. 

" The Greeks in the time of Clement VIII being in- 
fluenced by Rupaccio Pacciorio, who was first bishop or 
vladica of Vladimiera, and afterwards metropolitan of 
Chiovia, their bishops or vladici agreed, those of Leopoli 
and Premisla excepted, who remained in their obstinacy, to 
unite themselves to the church of Rome, and to acknow- 
ledge the pope for their head, as they did in 1595, according 


to the form and profession of faith contained in the Floren- 
tine council. But so many dissensions arose out of this, and 
so earnestly did the Greek nobles, favoured by the heretics, 
oppose themselves to that union in the diet, that the kingdom 
had nearly been turned upside down, because very few of 
the clergy, and still fewer of the people, were willing to accept 
it, affirming that all had been done for the private designs 
and ambition of a few, without their participation. Thus, 
though the Catholic bishops and pastors do still remain, yet 
they stand alone, without finding flocks willing to follow 
them. Moreover, they run great risk of being driven from 
their sees, and of having those churches taken from them 
which were previously wrested from the schismatics and con- 
ferred upon them. There is, accordingly, great noise made 
about this in all the diets ; and in the past year it happened 
that a bishop, or perhaps it might be the schismatic patriarch 
of Jerusalem, sent into Muscovy and Russia by the patriarch 
of Constantinople, fixed himself among the Russians, and 
created there as many schismatics as there were United 
Greeks, besides exciting the Cossacks, who are all schismatic 
Greeks, to demand in the diet, with very large offers, because 
the kingdom had need of them for the war with the Turks, 
that their ancient pretensions should be satisfied. The 
bishop of St. Angelo, now nuncio, nevertheless contrived to 
divert the blow, so that, between his exertions and the public 
necessities, which left no leisure for new conflicts, the 
matter was reduced to silence by authority of the king. 
There is yet continual apprehension from the United Greeks, 
and the most intelligent prelates prognosticate that evil will 
ultimately arise from them, if some precaution be not taken 
to prevent it. Hence there are some who think that it would 
have been better if this union had never been made ; for 
they affirm that it would have been much more easy to lead 
the nobles separately, and family by family, into the Catholic 
church ; and of this they adduce as proof the fact that all 
those who have singly abandoned the Greek rite and the 
schism, remain fixed in their attachment to our church." 


No. 100 

Relatione faita alia congrcgaiione de Propaganda Fide da 
Dionysio Lazari sopra alcnne cose che possono essere di 
servitio alia santa fede cattoUca. 1622. [Report pre- 
sented to the congregation " de Propaganda Fide " by 
Dionysio Lazari with respect to certain things which 
may be useful to the holy Catholic faith.] 

Dion. Lazari had been in England for some time, or, as 
he expresses himself, " molti mesi " [many months], and here 
suggests the means by which Catholicism may be restored 

He considers that the methods to be pursued are 
three : — negotiation with one, or with many, or measures 
of violence. 

He is of opinion, however, that much might be effected 
with King James personally, his majesty being indifferent as 
regarded his creed, and very timid. " Per la pratica che ho 
di lui, lo stimo indifferente in qualsivoglia religione." It 
would be well to foster his suspicions, even by means of 
forged or supposititious letters : " Far artificiosamente avisar 
qualche suo ministro fuori del regno di persona da loro 
creduta fedele, e nelF istesso regno far trovar qualche lettera 
a nome supposito che trattasse in forme segrete queste 
materie." [To contrive that some minister of his, out of the 
kingdom, should receive seeming advices from some person 
believed trustworthy, and to manage that some letter in a 
feigned name should be found in the kingdom, which 
might treat of these matters with forms of secrecy.] 
Buckingham, also, might well be gained over ; his wife was 
the daughter of a Catholic, and was secretly a Catholic 
herself ("^ segreta cattolica figlia'anche di segreto catto- 
lico "). Buckingham attached great importance to alliances 
with foreign powers ; it was through these that he might be 
most easily won, and the rather as he was always in danger 
from the parliament. " Essendo composto il parlamento 
quasi per la maggior parte di puritani, stimarebbe egli specie 
d'efficace vendetta Tindurre il re al cattolicismo." [The 


parliament being for the most part composed of puritans, he 
would esteem it an efficient vengeance to lead the king 
into Catholicism.] 

Influence to be gained over the people. It would be very 
useful if they could only obtain freedom of preaching: 
"which might be accomplished by means of money, pro- 
posing, so to speakj a toll or tax on preachers and hearers, 
for the king is often led, by the gain to be made, into things 
contrary to his will." 

He says that violent measures were not to be thought of. 
But we see clearly that even peaceable ones, such as he 
proposed, could not have been carried out. 

Lazari belongs to that class of people who believe that 
they can influence the progress of events by means of in- 
trigue and cunningly-contrived plans, which can, however, 
never be the case. 

He has no hopes from the present generation_, which has 
been wholly nurtured in the Protestant opinions. The 
prince alone, afterwards Charles I, appears to him to give 
some promise. " lo v'ho grandissima speranza, per vederlo 
d'indole molto ingenua, di costumi assai generosi, molto 
sobrio nel detestar li cattolici." [I have the greatest hopes 
of him, perceiving him to be of an extremely ingenuous 
disposition, of sufficiently generous character, and very tem- 
perate in expressing aversion to the Catholics.] 

No. loi 

Instruttione al dottor Leone Allatio per andare in Germania 
per la libreria del Palat'mo. 1622. [Instruction to 
Doctor Leone Allatio, on going into Germany to fetch 
the Palatine library.] Court library at Vienna, MS. 

The Instruction by which Leo Allatius, then scriptor to 
the Vatican, was empowered to take possession of the 
Heidelberg library. 

This document is found not only in Vienna, but also in 
many other libraries ; for example, in the Chigi library in 


Rome, among the collections of Instructions by Gregory 
XV. The literary interest attached to the subject has also 
caused it to be made known. Quade, Baumgarten, and 
Gerdes, one after the other, have had it printed in Latin. 

Having once come within the domain of Protestant 
literature, it was at length inevitably made the subject of 
discussion. In the " Geschichte der Bildung, Beraubung 
imd Vernichtung der alten heidelbergischen Biichersamm- 
lungen" (Heidelberg, 1817), p. 235, our learned fellow- 
citizen and friend G. R. Fr. Wilken — so I wrote in 1836 — 
has suggested serious doubts of its authenticity. 

And the Latin translation is in fact executed in a 
manner that cannot fail to awaken mistrust. But fortu- 
nately this disappears when we have the original manuscript 
before us. 

In the Latin, for example, we find the following words 
in relation to the medals furnished to Allatio for the soldiers 
of Tilly : — " Unum adhuc R. T. D. suppeditamus strata- 
gema, ut scilicet sibi magnam nummorum comparet copiam, 
quos a Sanctis canonisatos esse fingat." It is without doubt 
incredible that the Roman court should have expressed 
itself in this manner to one of its servants. 

We find accordingly, on consulting the original, that it 
is in truth quite different. *' E qui soggiungero a V. S. che 
se le dara un grosso numero di medaglie con I'indulgenza 
della canonizzatione de' santi fatta da N. S." [And here I 
may add, that you shall be furnished with a great number 
of medals, with the indulgence of the canonization of saints 
made by his hohness.] By this I understand, medals com- 
memorating the canonization of the saints who had been 
placed in the calendar by Gregory XV, with an indulgence 

There is just as little to be found in the original, of 
Allatio addressing the duke of Bavaria in German, as the 
Latin version will have him to have done. — " Tradito," we 
find it in Baumgarten, "brevi a Sancto Patre fidei ipsius 
concredito, Germanico idiomate eum affandi." In the 
original, on the contrary, we have, " Presentando a Sua 
Altezza il breve di N. S% le parlerk a nome di Sua S''^ con- 
forme al tenore di esso." [Presenting to his highness the 


brief of our lord the pope, you shall speak in the name of 
his holiness according to the tenor of the same.] 

This is a translation which outrages the Italian, as well 
as all probability. 

But when we examine the original, and remark how 
much more judiciously it was composed, and in circum- 
stances that leave no room for doubt, we can no longer 
question its authenticity. 

It is, nevertheless, certainly true that Allatio was com- 
manded to circulate a rumour to the effect that the library 
was to be transferred to Munich, and not to Rome. " In 
ogni caso sara bene di metter voce che si abbia da condurre 
solamente a Monaco e non a Roma." We have already 
seen how often the greatest caution was impressed as a 
duty on the papal envoys. Further instructions of similar 
character were given to Allatio ; for example : " Massi- 
mamente per i paesi sospetti sark sempre meglio di andare 
in habito corto, come persona negotiante del dominio 
Veneto." [It will be always advisable, more particularly 
in the suspected countries, that you should appear in a short 
coat, like one occupied in commerce from the Venetian 
territories.] So much dissembling and disguise was thought 
needful to success. 

That such directions should be given in writing should 
scarcely excite our wonder. In that court, and more par- 
ticularly in the chancery of Ludovisio, they were fond of 
writing. The Instructions prepared by Agucchia are not 
wanting in important political views^ but they are also loaded 
with trifles of this kind. The compiler desired to have the 
credit of thinking of every thing. 

There was, besides, much cause for apprehending the 
rage to be awakened among the inhabitants of Heidelberg 
by this loss to their metropolis, more especially among the 
reformed party. The library was to be escorted by a 
detachment of cavalry. 

No. 102 

InstnUtione at padre Don Tobia Corona, de^ chierici regolari^ 
mandato da papa Gregorio XV al re di Francia e prima 


al dtica di Savoia per Hfnpresa della cittct di Ginevra. 
1622. [Instruction to Father Corona, of the chierici 
regolari, sent by Gregory XV to the king of France, 
and first to the duke of Savoy, respecting the enter- 
prise against the city of Geneva.] Library of Frank- 
furt-am-Main, MSS. Glauburg, vol. 39^ n. i. 26 
leaves. 4to. 

The commencement of this paper is as follows : — 
" LTtalia che dall' eterna providenza e stata eletta a reggere 
hora I'imperio temporale, bora lo spirituale del mondo." 
[Italy, which has been elected by eternal Providence to 
govern at one time the temporal, at another the spiritual 
empire of the world.] 

To this spiritual domination, Geneva is above all things 
abhorrent ; " non solo come plena di huomini appestati ma 
come catedra di pestilenza " [not only as being full of men 
infected with plague, but as itself the very seat of pesti- 

To chastise it, to destroy that city, was a task especially 
befitting the pope as the vicar of Christ, and the duke of 
Savoy, who still called himself count of Geneva. And accord- 
ingly the popes and dukes had frequently attempted that 
enterprise, but had constantly been impeded by the pro- 
tection that France had extended to the city. Now, how- 
ever, the state of things is altered. " France is occupied 
with the task of subduing the rebel heretics, and will be 
pleased to see that they are deprived of strength and repu- 
tation in other quarters, by measures similar to those she 
is herself adopting, and without any cost to her." 

The pope had formed the plan of this attack from the 
very commencement of his pontificate, and thought the way 
might be prepared for its execution by the mission of a con- 
ventual ecclesiastic. " Since our motive is that of religion, 
it will be advisable that we should avoid all rumour, con- 
cealing our proceedings as much as possible ; therefore we 
will send a monk thither. Your reverence will conduct 
this affair throughout as originating in the mind of his 
holiness, without any other inspiration than that of the Holy 


He is first to awaken in the duke of Savoy " the propen- 
sities of a warlike heart ; " but if he should require help, he 
must represent to him how greatly the support accorded to 
the emperor and the League had exhausted the Apostolic 
See, how many claims the Poles were making, and the heavy 
expenses occasioned by Avignon ; yet he was by all means 
to lead him to hope for some assistance ; " che Sua S'^ non 
sara stretta a S. A. di tutti quelli ajuti che dalle picciole 
forze uscir potranno." The envoy is also directed to request 
all needful information respecting the rights of Savoy to 

But the most important part of his mission was the kind 
of representations that he should make to the king of 
France, i. That the king must beware of incurring the 
suspicion that he was persecuting the Protestants solely from 
regard to his political interests. 2. That even these interests, 
rightly understood^ required the destruction of Geneva. 
" If Geneva had not afforded shelter to Calvin, his majesty 
would not now be compelled to bear arms against his 
obstinate and perverse Huguenot subjects ; nor would 
republics be seen rising up against the monarchy. . . . 
There are popular republics (those of the Huguenots) that 
have their citizens and adherents on every hand's breadth 
of ground ; nay, even in the court itself, and perhaps in the 
very chamber of the king. . . . Already the republic of the 
Huguenots is founded; already are its laws published; 
already are magistrates, counsellors, and commanders of 
armies appointed in every province. There remains nothing 
more for them to do than themselves to take up arms 
against the king and drive him from his throne." 

How prominently the element and tendencies of 
monarchy were brought forward in the midst of these 
Catholic endeavours, is here made manifest. Geneva was 
to be destroyed as the chief and adviser of the Huguenot 
republics. It could now look for no assistance, since all 
other Protestant communities were fully occupied with 
their own affairs, and the English were bound fast by 

And of what importance could this augmentation of 
Savoy be considered, in comparison with the might of 


France ? The pass could not be defended against the 
Swiss, since the king held possession of Bresse. " The 
Catholic cantons, with which the crown is most closely 
allied, will be gratified as well as benefited by the change. 
The canton of Freiburg, surrounded by Bernese heretics, 
although it be valiant and not afraid of them, will none the 
less prefer to have for its neighbours on the side of the lake, 
that city become Catholic, and placed under the dominion 
of a friendly and Catholic prince, rather than the same 
remaining free and heretical." 

Cardinal Retz, the Constable (Luynes), and Pere Arnoux, 
are the persons named to Corona as those from whom he 
may more particularly expect support. 

We shall presently speak of the results of this mission. 

No. 103 

Relatione di Romafaita nel Senato Vencto da IP ambasciador 
Rainiero 2^no alii 22 di Nov. 1623. [Report from 
Rome, presented to the Venetian Senate by the ambas- 
sador Rainiero Zeno.] Iijformat. Politt., vol. xiv., 
loi leaves. 

The ambassadors, returning from their missions, usually 
express themselves with modesty and deference, as well 
towards the princes from whom they return as towards their 
hearers. Rainiero Zeno is the first who gives evidence of a 
great self-complacency. He not only declares that he lays 
before the senate a clear view and balance of the papal 
revenues and expenditure, which he had compiled with the 
most diligent care (f. 80), but even reminds them of the 
lively colours with which he had portrayed first one and 
then another of the cardinals in his despatches (f. in). Of 
Pope Urban himself, he says, without ceremony, " with two 
words I brought his arguments to nothing." He asserts, in 
express terms, that " the Divine Majesty had given him the 
talent of penetrating the innermost thoughts of the most 
reserved men ; " and makes Cardinal Ludovisio utter an 
encomium on the Venetian republic, because she always 


selected men of the most approved ability for the embassy 
to Rome. 

Rainiero Zeno appears some years later in the Venetian 
troubles of 1628. Here, also, whatever proceeds from his 
pen has that stamp of self-approval manifest in the report 
before us, and which betrays itself in so many Italians and 
Spaniards of that century. 

Among men of this character there could not fail to be 
many collisions ; Rainiero Zeno accordingly experienced the 
most unpleasant incidents in the course of his embassy. 

These took place for the most part in the pontificate of 
Gregory XV. Ludovisio desired a display of reverence 
and observance that Zeno would not accord him: they 
consequently soon fell into violent dissensions. 

In the latter part of his report Zeno describes these 
contentions. He boasts of having frequently given sharp 
replies to the papal nephew — of reducing him to silence. 
He derived especial satisfaction from having arrived by 
secret means at the knowledge of things which the cardinal 
nephew believed to be veiled in the deepest secrecy, and 
respecting which he would then let him see that he was 
perfectly well acquainted with the whole. It rejoices him 
to think of the vexation this occasioned to Ludovisio. 
" He saw that with me he must give up his mighty conceit 
of being impenetrable to every one." But he will not have 
it supposed that much evil came of this ; on the contrary, 
the republic was thereby advanced in reputation. When 
it was proposed to leave the Valtelline as a deposit in the 
hands of the Spaniards, there was nothing so much dreaded 
by Ludovisio as the noise of the Venetian protests, — " il 
fracasso che era per far io, il rimbombo delle mie proteste " 
[the uproar that I was sure to make, the resounding of my 

But these times had, meanwhile, passed away. Urban VIII 
had ascended the papal throne, and Rainiero Zeno makes it 
his particular care to describe the personal character, the 
court, and political administration of that pontiff, so far as 
they had at that time developed. 

He declares repeatedly that the cardinals made it their 
only thought to speak in such a manner as might satisfy 


the pope. He considers it perfectly right that no man 
should think of attempting to bring the papal finances into 
order. There is no instrument, he says, so well fitted to 
throw all Christendom into confusion as the head of a pope. 

He thereupon sketches a portrait of Urban VIII. " He 
is a prince of grave and venerable aspect, tall in stature, 
of an olive complexion ; his features are noble, and his 
hair black, beginning to turn grey ; more than commonly 
elegant in appearance, singularly graceful in his gestures 
and the movements of his body. He speaks admirably 
well, and on whatever subject you enter with him, he has 
arguments at will, and displays extraordinary proficiency 
in every matter. He has hitherto shewn a great love for 
poetry, which he has never ceased to cultivate, even in his 
most serious occupations and studies. Those who are well 
acquainted with this art, and with what is called humane 
letters, have been always well received by him, and he has 
courteously favoured them in all that came within his power ; 
yet this taste does not abstract his attention from things 
of greater importance, and which were more essential to 
the due performance of his duties in such offices as have 
successively passed through his hands. I speak of the 
study of law, in which he has laboured incessantly from his 
earliest youth even to these last years, and that with the 
extraordinary closeness of application required by his charge 
of prefect to the segnatura of justice, a magistracy demanding 
severe study, extreme acuteness, and the most exact accuracy, 
because of the variety of the affairs brought before it. He 
is so well versed in the business of the world, and the 
interests of princes, that it might be thought he had passed 
his whole time in the schools of politics." 

It is by no means necessary that we should extract further. 
The resemblance of this portrait is only in the general 
outline; the more delicate features of that intellectual 
physiognomy are not to be found here, whether because 
they were not developed until a later period, or that Zeno 
had not the power of comprehending them. 

The case is precisely similar with the following descrip- 
tions of the pope's relatives and the cardinals, of whom the 
author gives a circumstantial account. 

VOL. lU. R 


One thing only demands notice, that he advises the 
senate to expect no kind of service from the Venetian 
cardinals. " Priuli," he says, " languido di spirito come di 
corpo." [Priuli, feeble in mind as in body.] So con- 
temptuously does he treat them ! Of Venier he will not 
speak at all, in order that he may have no contentions with 
his kinsmen. 

He next proceeds to the political relations. He declares 
himself at least content that this time a pope has been 
elected who is not in love with the Spaniards. Albuquerque 
had found the soil exceedingly stubborn, and could not 
get what he wanted. The relations of Urban VIII to 
France are described by Zeno in the following manner. 

" It is not to be doubted that the pontiff has a most 
friendly disposition towards the kingdom of France, a thing 
pointed out to us as highly probable by many circum- 
stances; for his greatness first took its rise in that court, 
and, although it is true that he rose by his own merits, yet 
he does not himself deny that he received great assistance 
from the attestations of Henry IV to the satisfaction pro- 
duced by his mode of transacting business, and to that 
monarch's assurance of the pleasure it would give him to 
see him participate in the honours usually conferred on 
other residents who had held the same charge. The frank 
and ingenuous proceedings of the French, wholly free from 
the artifice and duplicity common to other nations, are in 
perfect accord with the disposition of his hoHness; there 
is also a certain conformity in the modes of study to which 
the French apply themselves, and in which they excel, with 
those in which his holiness takes pleasure, — the more polite 
Hterature, that is to say, the more graceful kinds of erudition, 
poetry, and the study of languages, in which he also delights, 
and has engaged, in so far as his active duties have per- 
mitted. He esteems that kingdom as much as words can 
say, because he considers it as a counterpoise to the am- 
bition of the others, which unquestionably aim at universal 

The pope took it very ill that the Venetians should connect 
themselves with heretics and unbelievers. He thought there 
could certainly have been other assistance found for them. 


Zeno concludes by once more recalling to mind the toils 
and struggles that his office had cost him; his incessant 
watchings, his sleepless nights, and the bitter vexations by 
which his health had been impaired. "Yet am I more 
rejoiced," he says, " to have worn out my Hfe in the service 
of my native land, than if I had lived at ease for a whole 
century, but remained inactive." 

No. 104 

Relatione degli ecd^^ signori amb''^ straordinarii Corner^ 
Erizzo^ Soranzo e Zeno, ritornati nltima?nente da Roma^ 
letta aW ecd^" senato 25 Febr. 1624. {i.e. M. V. 1625.) 
[Report of the ambassadors extraordinary, Corner, 
Erizzo, Soranzo, and Zeno, lately returned from Rome.] 

When Gregory XV declared that he would no longer 
transact business with Rainiero Zeno, the Venetians sent 
Geronimo Soranzo to take his place. Yet Zeno was still 
in Rome, as we have just seen, when Urban VIII was 
elected. Both were commissioned to congratulate the new 
pontiff, Corner and Erizzo appearing to complete the 

The report which they prepared in common is free from 
those effusions of self-love to which Zeno alone gave indul- 
gence ; it acquires a certain importance from the fact that 
the affairs of the republic had again become complicated by 
the matter of the Valtelline. 

Pope Urban appears to have been greatly dissatisfied by 
the Venetians having taken part with the French in their 
attack on the papal garrisons. " Che i cannoni della repub- 
lica si fossero voltati contra i luoghi tenuti in deposito della 
S. S^, che chiamo luoghi dell' istessa chiesa." 

" Ne mancano," continue the ambassadors, " in Roma 
soggetti d'ogni grado et d'ogni qualitk che proponevano a 
S. S*^, come ella medesima ci disse, ad usare contra quell 
ecc""" senato le censure ecclesiastiche." [Nor are there 
wanting in Rome men of every rank, and of all characters, 
who proposed to his holiness, as he told us himself, that he 


should utter the ecclesiastical censures against the most 
excellent senate.] 

They laboured to excuse themselves as well as they 
possibly could : they affirmed that it was the purpose of the 
Spaniards to possess themselves of universal monarchy : 
"rendersi patroni di quelli passi, per facilitarsi la mon- 
archia di questa provincia." [To make themselves masters 
of those passes, and thereby facilitate their attainment of the 
sovereignty of that province.] They alleged that religion 
had been perfecdy secure, and that their having formed a 
league with Ultramontanes was the less to be brought 
against them as a ground of reproach, because they had 
been forbidden by the popes themselves to raise troops in 
the States of the Church. 

Urban had believed that they would make him some 
conciliatory proposal in relation to that affair; but they had 
no commission to that effect. On his side, also, he was on 
that account inaccessible to their requests. They were 
obliged to content themselves with merely perceiving that 
his displeasure was mitigated : " non si impetrava altro che 
mitigamento dell' acerbitk mostrata del suo animo." 

But this could not have been a very difficult matter to 
attain, since the aversion of Urban to the Spaniards had 
already made itself manifest. He declared "che non po- 
teva parlar alto, perche troppo era circondato da' Spagnoli, 
e che a Madrid lo chiamavano heretico, ma che armato si 
havrebbe fatto rispettare" [that he dared not speak above 
his breath, so closely was he surrounded by Spaniards, and 
that at Madrid they were calling him a heretic ; but that if 
he were armed he would make himself respected]. 

His subsequent opinions and conduct were already 
shadowed forth in these words. 

It is principally with interests of this kind that our report 
is occupied, but it also attempts to give an intimation of 
affairs in general. Let us observe how it describes the chiefs 
of the government in the first years of Urban VIII. 

"With regard to those who are now in the highest 
authority with the pontiff for the most essential affairs, they 
are restricted to two persons, namely. Cardinal Magalotti 
and Don Carlo Barberini, brother of his holiness. It is 


true that both affect to be quite unconscious of this 
authority, and not to possess it : they avoid all official 
interviews, pretend to know nothing of the affairs in hand, 
do not approve of being frequently visited; and by this 
mode of proceeding, very unlike that adopted by the kindred 
of other popes, they more effectually sustain the reputation 
of his holiness, desiring to have it understood that all 
depends entirely on his commands alone. 

" In events of very grave importance, his holiness was 
sometimes wont to summon to his councils the cardinals 
Bandini, Melini, Scaglia, Santa Susanna, and some others ; 
because, knowing them to be of very severe character, he 
sought by this appearance to give proofs of esteem for the 
sacred college and for their persons : not that he was in 
effect much inclined towards them, or tmsted greatly to 
their opinions. And this conceit of his holiness, which is 
clearly perceived by the said cardinals as well as by others, 
is complained of by every one, all affirming that after his 
determination respecting affairs is taken, he communicates 
with them, but not with any intention of accepting their 
advice. They perceive also that he becomes daily more 
negligent in making these communications, omitting, indeed, 
altogether to hold consultations with the cardinals. It is 
true, that though greatly induced to this by the wish to 
retain absolute dominion and authority in his own hands, 
yet he is the more confirmed in it because he knows 
them to be dependent on one or other of the foreign 
sovereigns, and attached to the interests of those princes* 
so that he considers this course to be most advantageous 
for himself. 

^' With respect to matters touching the republic, Mon- 
signor Gessi and Monsignor di Montefiascone are admitted 
to the consultations, as having been nuncios to this city and 
well acquainted with its affairs. Occasionally also, Anzolo 
Badoer is also invited, but he lives in Rome under another 
name and surname, having become a priest and fixed him- 
self there finally, residing for his greater security in a house 
attached to the monastery of the Frati della Scalla, in whose 
church he generally says mass. But, as we have said, 
Cardinal Magalotti and Signor Carlo Barberini are the 


fixed stars of that firmament; and all negotiations, being 
confined to those two heads, are conducted with the closest 
secrecy ; so that what we cannot attain to by conjecture, 
it is very difficult to know by any other means, unless we 
are directly informed by the pontiff himself. 

" Don Carlo displays a similar independence of princes 
to that possessed by his holiness. He is fifty-eight years 
old, of good constitution, and strong. He is disposed to 
give satisfaction to the people by keeping the cities well 
supplied with all things. In his private affairs he is a careful 
economist, and is" anxious to make himself rich, knowing 
well that the reputation of men is enhanced by wealth, — nay, 
that gold exalts and distinguishes its possessor advantageously 
in the eyes of the world; besides that, it is the generally 
received opinion that it is not reasonable or suitable for a 
man who has once been the kinsman of a pope, to remain 
after his death in narrow circumstances-. He is a man of 
few words, but sensitive. He has shewn the highest rever- 
ence for the most serene republic, but we having said to 
him, on paying our compliments, that we wished his holi- 
ness a long reign, he replied with a certain bitterness, that 
if the pope were to be respected and honoured as pope, — 
alluding to matters then proceeding in the Valtelline, — he 
should desire long life for him ; but that if it were to be 
otherwise, he should pray the Almighty to take him to 
himself as soon as possible. 

" Cardinal Magalotti also professes to live in perfect 
independence. He is a sagacious and prudent man, shew- 
ing great vivacity of mind and restlessness of spirit, and it 
is believed that he might be gahied. As the cardinal-nephew 
increases in age and experience, it is thought that they will 
scarcely go on well together, and that the pope will therefore 
take care to avail himself of the cardinal's services at the 
right moment, in some legation." 

No. 105 

Instnittione a J/" Sacchetti^ vescovo di Gravina, mmzio des- 
tinafo di N, S""' per la M'^ caW". 1624. [Instruction 


to Monsignor Sacchetti, bishop of Gravina, nuncio elect 
to the king of Spain.] Barb. fol. 26 leaves. 

The directions of Sacchetti refer, first, to the domestic 
affairs of Spain ; secondly, to those of Europe generally. 

1. There were at all times manifold rivalries and dis- 
putes between Rome and Spain. The Roman court was 
just then, for example, extremely displeased that a cardinal 
such as Lerma should be deprived of his revenues and 
summoned before a secular tribunal. But while the pope 
laboured to put a stop to these proceedings, he caused 
Lerma to be admonished, at the same time, that he must 
resign all hope of worldly greatness, — that nothing further, 
indeed, could be done, since Olivarez was so high in favour ; 
wherefore he would do well to make up his mind, and after 
having lived so long for others, at length to live to God and 
himself. On the other hand the nuncio was referred to 
Olivarez, with whom the Roman court was at that moment 
still on good terms. The following remarkable circumstance 
is brought forward on this occasion : — " It has come to pass 
that the jealousy of the queen, aroused by some suspicion 
that the king had bestowed his affections elsewhere, has led 
her to complain to the king of France, her brother, in such 
sort that the latter had taken a resolution to make it a matter 
of public dispute with his brother-in-law. But the prede- 
cessor of your excellency wrote about the business, and said 
he had found a remedy by establishing confidence between 
Count Olivarez and the queen, who had before been ex- 
ceedingly distrustful of him." 

The nuncio is also recommended to have recourse to 
the grand inquisitor, and is directed to stimulate that 
official to increased watchfulness against the introduction of 
heretical books into Spain and the Indies. 

2. There had been conceived in Spain the idea of 
securing the German line in more peaceful possession of 
their late acquisitions by means of two new marriages. The 
hereditary prince palatine and Bethlem Gabor were both to 
be married to princesses of the imperial house. By these 
means it was hoped that the Hungarian troubles, and still 
more certainly those of Germany, might be got over. This 


purpose did not at first obtain credence in Rome, but on 
the receipt of further intelligence, it was no longer possible 
to doubt. The pope hastened to make remonstrances to 
the king against this design. It had appeared from certain 
letters, that it was by no means the purpose of the EngHsh 
to allow the prince palatine to become Catholic, even 
though he did go to the imperial court. And would they 
venture to confide in so unstable a man as Gabor? He 
(the pope) could neither believe nor sanction such pro- 
posals, and charged his nuncio to oppose them with his 
utmost power. — "V. S"*, ma con destrezza et a tempo, 
facci per impedirli (questi due matrimonj) tutto quello che 
umanamente pud." 

We know that Pope Urban himself had a large part in 
defeating these, if far-sought, yet well-intentioned plans. 
The mission of Rota, which we have before mentioned, is 
explained by these expressions. 

No. io6 

Insfruttione a V. S''^'' arcivescovo di Damiafa e chierico di ca- 
mera per la mi,ntiatu7'a ordinaria al re crist"'". 23 Genu. 
1624. [Instruction to the Archbishop of Damiata, 
clerk of the chamber, nuncio in ordinary to the king of 

This Instruction is the counterpart of that given to 

Here also the pope condemns the above-described plan 
for the restitution of the Palatinate in the most violent 
manner. He calls on the king to use his influence to 
induce Saxony to abstain from impeding the progress of 
the Bavarian power. After that he wishes for nothing more 
earnestly than the destruction of Orange, which was only a 
gathering-place for heretics. 

But the most important part of this document refers 
to the internal affairs. King Louis XIII is described as 
follows : — " The king is beyond measure virtuous, and 


abhors all those vices which are wont to accompany sove- 
reign power. He is not haughty, but most affable. He is 
not too much attached to his own opinion, but rather loves 
to receive good counsels. He is no lover of ease, but is 
devoted to labour, which he bears bravely ; he knows no 
pleasure but that of the chase ; he cherishes no abject or 
grovelling thought, but is most desirous of glory, yet without 
neglecting the duties of piety. His ministers of state, as 
also his attendants at the chase, whom he readily accosts, 
may enjoy a degree of liberty with his majesty which the 
rigid etiquette of the great rarely permits. Among those 
who have access to his majesty on account of the chase, his 
principal favourite is the sieur de Toiras, a wary and prudent 
man, who does not mix himself up with state affairs, that he 
may the better conceal his influence, but is very capable of 
acting in them." 

Under this monarch, Catholicism was making the most 
brilliant progress. The nuncio is enjoined to promote all 
the missions to the very utmost of his power, more particu- 
larly those in the south of France : he is directed to defend 
their interests on all occasions at the court of the king. 

But even at that time a constantly-renewed and 
insuperable opposition was arising from the Galilean 

There was at least a portion of the members of the 
Sorbonne by whom the doctrine of the independence of the 
temporal power and the divine right of bishops was put 
forward and defended. Some even propounded the opinion 
that parish priests had a right to as much power in their 
parishes as the bishops in their bishoprics. These doctrines 
the pope considers abominable : it grieves him sorely that 
though Richer, who defended these opinions with especial 
earnestness, was excommunicated, yet he paid no regard 
to that circumstance, but continued to say mass as before. 
The parliaments were meanwhile taking active measures to 
limit the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The appeals " comme 
d'abus/' the inquiries into the despatches of the dataria, the 
encroachments on the jurisdiction of the bishops, appeared 
to the pope like so many usurpations. ^' They favour all 
who appeal to them, and in this manner they seek to 


subjugate such provinces as are not yet subjected to them, 
as, for example, Brittany, Provence, and Bourg-en-Bresse." 

In the prohibition of books^ also, the parliaments inter- 
fered. Gladly would the nuncios have forbidden works 
such as those of De Thou and Richer, but they found it 
impossible. The new nuncio is directed to prevent the 
coming out of mischievous books, rather than to wait for 
their appearance : — "The printing-presses are true hotbeds 
of all false doctrines, and it will be necessary that the nuncio 
should seek to make friends of the booksellers, that they 
may give notice from time to time of what books are in the 
press, seeing that when once they are printed, there is 
difficulty in obtaining the prohibition." 

We see clearly that the entire conflict between the Curia 
and Gallicanism had already commenced, — that conflict 
which, under its various forms, kept different periods of the 
old Bourbon monarchy in constant commotion. 

No. 107 

Ifistruttione a V, S''^"' mons^ Campeggi, vescovo di Cese^ia, 
destinato da N, Sig'^'' suo mmiio al 6*'"" Sig'^ diica di 
Savoia. 1624. [Instruction to Monsignor Campeggi, 
bishop of Cesena, papal nuncio to the duke of Savoy.] 

An Instruction that is remarkable, particularly as throw- 
ing further light on the previously-named mission of Don 
Tobia Corona. We perceive that the enterprise against 
Geneva was brought to nothing, principally by the opposi- 
tion of Luynes and Rohan, who were still powerful, but also 
in part by the respect in which the Huguenots generally 
were held. We also learn, however, that the hope of it was 
not by any means relinquished on that account. 

" From whom the first suggestion of this enterprise pro- 
ceeded, whether from the pope or the duke, is not well 
known. It is true that the pope sent briefs and letters of 
exhortation to the duke himself, and to the prince of 
Piedmont, whence it might be conjectured that the pope 
was the author of it; but his highness the duke displayed 


such prompt alacrity in receiving the exhortation, that it does 
not seem likely to go very wide of the truth if we believe 
him to have induced the pope to write to him. The difficulties 
encountered by Father Corona did not originate with the 
king or queen, who readily yielded to the pontifical per- 
suasions : they arose from the constable Luynes, followed 
by the principal ministers, who were moved either by their 
own interests or by their wish to pay court to the constable, 
and by certain grandees of the Huguenot party. It is 
believed that the aversion to this enterprise displayed by 
Luynes was inspired by the due de Rohan ; and if we inquire 
the motive that could impel the latter to oppose the under- 
taking, we find no other than his own desire for the main- 
tenance of the heretics, he being one of them, and the fear 
he felt of losing a large body of followers in France from 
his adherents having to go to the succour of the Genevese. 
The negotiation of Father Tobia resulted in this, that not 
only the king was not displeased by that mission, but that 
none — even of those who well perceived all its purport — 
dared openly to blame it. All that was said was, that some 
declared the time was not come for attempting so great an 
undertaking; and others said the duke ought not to have 
placed the king in that strait till after the thing was done, 
because that then his majesty would not have been able to 
refuse his approbation to the piety and magnanimity of the 
duke, while previously to the fact his majesty could not 
violate that faith under which the Genevese believed they 
were reposing in security. From that time to the present 
it has been believed that the duke intended to attempt a 
surprise; and now there is no longer any doubt of this, 
because his highness has declared himself to his holiness, 
entreating his assistance. His holiness has replied that he 
will grant it wiUingly, and in a manner similar to that 
adopted by Pope Gregory. But as that course would not 
be compatible with the secrecy demanded for a surprise, 
his highness has preferred to content himself with the 
promise of our lord the pope, that he will use his influence 
with the most Christian king, so that after the thing has 
been done, his majesty shall not be indignant thereat." 
There is, moreover, mention in this document of certain 


affairs more especially touching Piedmont. They shew 
that a path was opening to the disputes of a later period. 
The duke claimed the privilege of nominating to episcopal 
sees : the pope would acknowledge nothing but his right 
of recommendation ; he evinces displeasure at certain 
burdens that were laid on the clergy. 

No. io8 

Ragguaglio dello stato di reUgmie ml 7'egno di Boemia e sue 
provi7tcie incorporate. 1624. [Account of the state of 
religion in the kingdom of Bohemia and its incorporated 

In May, 162 1, Carlo Caraffa arrived in Prague, and 
proceeded immediately to the work with which Gregory XV 
had especially charged him, — the superintendence, namely, 
of the restoration of Catholicism in Bohemia. 

Eighteen months after this, as he himself informs us, 
consequently in November, 1622, he prepared a report of 
his labours, under the title " Relatio Bohemica," which he 
despatched to the newly-founded Propaganda. I had sight 
of the original work, which circulated among the members 
of the Congregation : these were cardinals Sauli, Bandini, 
Barberini (afterwards Urban VIII), Borgia (at a later 
period the violent opponent of Urban), Ubaldini, Santa 
Susanna, Valerio Sagrato, and Zollern, with the prelates 
Vives, Agucchi, and Scala. Zollern was deputed to take 
a copy and report from it. 

This first report Carafifa enlarged fourteen months after- 
wards, consequently in June, 1624; and sent it, under the 
title given above, to Urban VIII, in order, as he says, " to 
kindle his paternal zeal into still greater love towards the 

There is an elaborate printed work by Caraffa entitled, 
" Commentaria de Germania sacra restaurata ; " which is 
one of the most important sources for the history of the 
first ten years of the thirty years' war; but, in the first 
place, he could not there enter so fully into the details of 


his Bohemian labours, to which he ahvays looks back with 
complacency, as in a report especially devoted to that 
purpose ; and there were, besides, certain other considerations 
required for a printed work, certain restrictions imposed by 
various motives. The Report, on the contrary, speaks out 
in full freedom, giving all the facts in detail. 

It does not, indeed, comprise more than the beginning 
of the changes effected in Bohemia ; but as respects these 
it is, in fact, of great importance. 

I have already availed myself of these details in the 
narrative, but necessarily with close compression. I will 
here add a few particulars, from which it will be seen under 
what difficulties, chiefly created by the government of the 
country, the nuncio carried his views into effect. 

I. The introduction of the Latin ritual. 

" Having held a conference respecting that matter with 
Plateis, and considering that those few Bohemians who 
were Catholics frequented without any restriction the churches 
of our ritual, where, nevertheless, they always heard the 
divine offices performed in the Latin tongue, I judged that 
we ought not to despair of causing the same to be done by 
those also who should be newly converted, more especially 
if it were insinuated to them by the preachers that this 
tongue is, as it were, in a certain sort essentially most 
suitable for the divine offices in use through all Catholic 
countries, and particularly in those churches which are com- 
prised beneath the rule of the western empire, as a sign of 
the superiority and predominance of the Roman church 
over all others. Wherefore, I gave orders to the said 
Plateis, that at the first possible moment he should employ 
his utmost diligence towards restoring the use of the afore- 
said tongue in such churches as were already taken from 
the hands of the heretics. Accordingly, on the day of the 
holy apostles Simon and Jude, in the year 1621, on the 
occasion of the church of Saint Stephen, the principal parish 
of the new town, being provided by the archbishop with a 
Catholic incumbent, which parish was inhabited by the very 
meanest of the people, among whom there were very few 
Catholics, the most immaculate sacrifice of the mass was 
celebrated in the presence of a very great number of heretics 


in the aforesaid church, in the Latin tongue, with the use of 
holy water, invocation of saints, and all the Roman rites, 
two centuries after the Latin tongue had been excluded 
from that church, wherein the mass had not been celebrated 
for very many years, either in one language or the other. 
This example was afterwards^ followed, not only by the 
churches of the city, but by those of all other places in the 
kingdom, without any complaint or outcry whatever on 
the part of the people ; and I, being in Prague, have seen 
the said people conduct themselves with much attention 
at the divine offices." 

2. Deprivation of the cup. 

" Then when I had learned the desires and views of the 
sacred congregation of the holy office, from the letters and 
documents sent me at that time, I determined to forbid 
the cup altogether, and to give no further ear to the 
clamours and prayers of those inhabiting the said kingdom, 
arguing that if they were disposed to be obedient sons of 
holy church, they would walk in this as well as in every 
other matter in concert with the rest of the Catholic body ; 
but if they should refuse to give up this abuse, rooted in 
the minds even of Catholics by that pretended concession 
of Pius IV, it must be held as a proof of pride and obstinacy, 
and as a sign that they were not true Catholics. Whence, 
laying aside all other considerations, and disregarding the 
dangers alleged by politicians, who imagined that insurrec- 
tions and irremediable evils would proceed from this 
innovation, I caused all the parish priests to be prohibited 
from offering the wine to any one, commanding them 
that, whosoever should demand both kinds, they should 
ask if he were a Catholic, and on his declaring himself 
to be such, should set forth to him the necessity of giving 
obedience to the Roman ritual, which excludes the laity 
from the cup. Then many who were not touched by true 
zeal, hearing this, persisted in their obstinacy, not com- 
municating in either form, and we meanwhile kept fast 
to our purpose that the cup should not be offered; but 
there was not one of those priests who had returned to 
their allegiance, and who had the reconciled churches in 
their cure, who would have had courage to offer the bread 


only in the face of the heretics who frequented the said 
churches, if the chancellor Plateis had not so intrepidly 
commenced that holy enterprise in the parish of Saint 
Martin, as hath been noted above. Which usage, being 
introduced to the praise of God in the other churches, is 
observed in them with perfect tranquillity, although the 
statesmen gave me trouble enough in the matter. For the 
heretics, seeing the design that they had formed of com- 
pelling true Catholic priests to administer the sacrament 
under both kinds to be blown to the winds, had recourse, 
in the year just past, 1622, to the aid of the said states- 
men; but in what manner they comported themselves on 
that occasion it is not my business at this time to relate. 
Let it be sufficient to say that they extorted a letter from 
Prince Lichtenstein, who was then here, by virtue of which, as 
though it were by order of his majesty, summoning the two 
parish priests of the Teyn Church and Saint Henry, who had 
formerly been Dominicans, they commanded them, that in 
the solemnities of Easter, they should present the sacrament 
indifferently to every one^ to whatsoever ritual he might 
belong, under both kinds. Accordingly, on Thursday, ' in 
Coena Domini,' by the pure perfidy of the said statesmen, 
there was committed the greatest abomination in the Teyn 
Church ; more than two thousand wicked heretics receiving 
the venerable body of the Lord consecrated under the two 
forms of bread and wine, from the hands of the legitimate 
priests, the holy sacrament being thus given to dogs by the 
fault of Catholic men. To this Plateis did not fail to make 
such opposition as might have been expected from him ; but 
nothing could avail against their temerity ; wherefore, to main- 
tain the prohibition of the use of the cup, he resolved to take 
courage, and to dispense the sacrament publicly, under the 
form of bread alone, as he did three days after in the church 
of Saint Martin. And I, having had notice of that impious 
crime, went instantly to make a bitter complaint of it to his 
majesty, beseeching, in every manner most likely to prevail, 
that his ministers should not take it upon themselves to inter- 
meddle in those things which concerned the reverence due 
to the awful sacrament of the altar, which belonged solely to 
the spiritual power, as relating to the salvation of the soul j 


lamenting, further, that they, without fitting respect, should 
venture to interfere with the ministers of religion, not shew- 
ing any sign of obedience towards God and the holy Roman 
see, of which his majesty had ever proved himself so 
observant. By all which the emperor, being beyond measure 
affected, instantly gave most rigid command to the said 
statesmen to the effect that they should leave the care of 
ecclesiastical affairs and of religion to churchmen, repre- 
hending them severely for the presumption they had com- 
mitted. Thereupon they rose violently against myself and 
Plateis, as being those from whom they were persuaded 
that the rebuff they had received from his majesty had 
originated ; and besides that they bitterly threatened Plateis, 
they did not abstain from assailing my authority also, inti- 
mating to monsignor the archbishop, that he was not 
bound to obey me in a matter of so much importance as 
the suppression of the use of the cup in Prague, unless I 
shewed him a special brief from his holiness to that effect ; 
neither did they omit to stir up the aforesaid parish priests, 
bidding them be of good courage, and persuading them 
that they need have no fear either of me or the archbishop, 
since they would be always protected and upheld by the 
political government, to which, in that kingdom, the ecclesi- 
astics were subjected by ancient usage. By these means 
they contrived that the priest of the Teyn Churchy again 
prevaricating, committed an act of open disobedience, 
and had the boldness to preach to the people that they 
should not suffer the papists, who sought to tyrannize in 
every thing, to take away the use of the cup, and that they 
should pray to God for him, the true defender of that ancient 
rite of their fathers; so that the populace made some 
little tumult, presenting themselves that evening to the 
number of 2,000 at the house of that priest, as if in his 
defence. But this having come to my knowledge, I at 
once incited his majesty to indignation, and obtained his 
command that the said priest should be arrested, and given 
over to monsignore the archbishop. This was executed 
without any delay; and the populace which had first 
shewn so much eagerness for his security did not make 
the slightest movement, although they beheld him carried , 


away in the face of day, and before all the people. And 
he, after some weeks of incarceration, having died in prison, 
his place in that church, which is the principal one of the 
old town, was supplied by another priest, a Catholic, and 
further by the preaching of the canon Rottua, a man 
distinguished both for learning and zeal, who still ad- 
ministers the duties of that charge with great advantage, 
and the attendance of a vast concourse, both of Catholics 
and heretics, all of whom willingly hear the preaching of 
that good priest, attracted by his efficacious and attractive 

3. General proceedings. 

" By decree of his majesty, and in conformity with the 
resolutions adopted by the preliminary congregation held 
in Vienna, all the cities of the kingdom have since been 
reformed, the heretical ministers and preachers being driven 
out of them, and from the districts around them. In each 
of them, besides the priest, there have been placed a cap- 
tain, judge, president of the council and chancellor, all 
Catholic — the heretical worship being banished from their 
borders for ever ; for the emperor had become convinced 
by experience and the example of the fidelity of Budweis, 
and the perfidy of almost all the others, how great a differ- 
ence was made by the question of whether the cities were 
heretic or Catholic. And although the prince of Lichten- 
stein, who was already drawing back from the reform now 
commenced, because of the many rumours of the displeasure 
it caused in Saxony, continued to promote it on my causing 
the order to be repeated to him, yet he remained undecided 
respecting the circles of Eger and Culm, on account of 
their bordering on Saxony, and that they claimed to hold 
of the empire, and not of the crown of Bohemia. From all 
this it comes to pass that there still remain certain preachers 
in the kingdom who are protected by heretic barons, or by 
Catholics of little faith ; more particularly do they abound 
in the circle of Leitmeritz, supported by a Catholic baron, 
who, professing great intimacy and friendship with the 
elector of Saxony, is persuaded that in this manner he does 
a thing highly pleasing to the said elector. It is true that 
from my having exhorted him to drive them forth, and 
yoL. HI. s 


caused him to be spoken to by others to the same effect, 
he has promised to send them away; but I doubt that, 
withheld by his wife, who is a heretic, he will neglect to 
do so until compelled by force. Some of the preachers 
have also remained in those cities wherein heretic soldiers 
are quartered, the royal commissioners not having been 
willing to expose themselves to the peril of tumults by 
reforming these cities ; but now that the expectation of war 
is diminishing, they will either disband these heretic soldiers, 
or will assign them to other quarters, in order that the reform 
may take place. There is one also yet remaining in the 
city of Kuttenberg, the prince of Lichtenstein excusing 
himself for not being able to expel him by declaring that, 
if he did so, the men of that place would not labour in the 
mines worked there. Nevertheless, on the return of the 
emperor to Prague, I trust in God that a remedy will be 
applied to all these things. Nor should I omit to mention 
that in my passage from Ratisbon to Prague, having traversed 
a great part of Bohemia, and thence from Prague to Vienna, 
I have found the reformation effected everywhere ; the city 
of Jaromir, where certain regiments of infantry belonging to 
the colonel-duke of Saxony were quartered, excepted ; but 
I afterwards sent strict orders from his majesty that this 
should be remedied, and also that in each of those cities 
the children should be educated in the Christian doctrine, 
and taught to pray in the Latin tongue. 

" All conventicles of the heretics have bee-n prohibited 
under heavy penalties, both within the city of Prague and 
beyond its walls, with whatever pretext they might be 
assembled. The order for this was given many months 
since, at my request ; but although I had repeatedly called 
for its execution from the government of Prague, it had 
never before been enforced. 

" All the heretics have been removed from the senate of 
the city of Prague, their places being supplied by Catholic 
members; and they have been deprived of all effectual 
authority, having left to them only a certain appearance of 
power in matters of no great importance, and all the privi- 
leges prejudicial to the Catholic religion, accorded to them 
by former kings, being formally annulled, the emperor having 


an excellent opportunity for doing this, because he had re- 
conquered the kingdom by force of arms, after it had been 
in open rebellion. The academy or college of Charles IV 
has been restored to its primitive institution, to the glory 
of God and the Catholic religion, being placed under the 
care of the Jesuit fathers, who have also the superintendence 
of all the schools in the kingdom ; and they are, besides, 
using their best diligence to prevent the printing or selling 
of books that are contrary to Catholic truth, the booksellers 
and printers being subjected to their censorship. There has 
been some difficulty with respect to the aforesaid academy, 
for there was a wish for the appointment of a lay president, 
which I did not willingly listen to ; but I hope that eventually 
the care of this matter will be left to the archbishop, who, 
by his ancient privileges, lays claim to be chancellor of the 

" An additional sum of 4,000 thalers yearly has been 
assigned to the house instituted in Prague for the poor by 
Ferdinand III, so that the number of persons supported 
there has been increased from 80, which they were at first, 
to 200. There have also been given to the Jesuit fathers 
20,000 thalers at one time, to be expended on the building 
of their college ; and in this matter it has not been requisite 
that they should employ my good offices, having no need of 
any one to mediate between them and the emperor, because 
of the evident utility of their proceedings. Estates pro- 
ducing 6,000 thalers yearly have been assigned to increase 
the revenues of the chapter of the cathedral, and 24,000 for 
the augmentation of the archiepiscopal income : but the 
estates of the archiepiscopate being considerably deteriorated 
and decayed, monsignore the archbishop desires to remain 
for a certain time bishop of Ossegg, that see being already 
assigned to the revenues of the archbishop by Rudolf, in 
place of the pension from the treasury, which was paid with 
difficulty. The parish churches of Prague, and of the whole 
kingdom, have been again placed at the disposal of monsignore 
the archbishop, even those which were originally possessed 
by individual nobles, who were all rebels ; the emperor 
having reserved that right to himself, while the estates of 
those rebels have also been sold, care being taken that for 


many leagues around Prague all the lands should be bought 
by Catholics." 

No. 109 

Relatione, alia S'"- dl N. S'' papa Urbano VIII delle cose 
appartenenti alia nnntiaiura dl Colonia per M"" Montorio^ 
vescovo di Nicastro^ ritornato nimtlo di qiiclle parti I anno 
di N. S"' 1624. [Report to Pope Urban VIII, of 
matters appertaining to the nunciature of Cologne, held 
by Monsignor Montorio, bishop of Nicastro.] 

It was in the midst of the disorders of war that Montorio 
arrived in Germany. He sets forth the danger in which the 
Catholics would have been involved if Mansfeld, who held 
the Upper Rhine-land from Strassburg to Mainz, and the 
bishop of Halberstadt, who commanded Westphalia, could 
have succeeded in effecting a junction with Baden-Durlach. 
But all these leaders suffered defeat. He then describes 
the advantages that had proceeded from these victories, and 
the position to which the German church had attained. 

In Fulda, the counter-reformation had again commenced 
with the utmost energy. The Catholic party had made its 
way into Osnabriick by the aid of the Infanta and the army 
of the leagued princes. In Minden they had hope of ob- 
taining an archduke for their bishop. In Bremen, also, 
great effort had been made by special missions to prevail 
on the chapter to elect a Catholic coadjutor; but for this 
time a Danish prince had gained the day; yet the nuncio 
hoped at least to see toleration granted to the Catholic 
religion in all the Hanse Towns. It appeared to him that 
the emperor might directly demand this, more particularly 
as those towns derived great advantages from the Spanish 
and Portuguese trade. A church had already been opened 
in Altona, from which many hopes were formed for Catho- 
licism in the north : " as that they might be enabled after 
some time to found a seminary, whence they might procure 
labourers, who, after they shall have learned the Norwegian 
and Danish tongues, may bring those more northern nations 
to the light of the true faith." 


To secure this progress, Montorio considered internal 
reform in the German church indispensable. The prelates 
adopted the dress of the laity, and made no scruple of going 
to the wars : concubinage prevailed openly, and the nuncio 
had refused, on account of that offence, to admit a certain 
Hornberg, who was otherwise a very eligible candidate, to 
the bishopric of Wiirzburg. The German bishops were 
also said to think little of the pope; they nominated to 
benefices during the reserved months, and by means of their 
officials presumed to do many unlawful things. "They 
gmnt dispensations for marriage within the prohibited 
degrees; also in respect to holy orders and for vacant 
benefices, super defectu natalium, they make concessions 
extra tempora; give dispensations super defectu aetatis, 
and have even sometimes granted them for the marriage 
of persons in holy orders." They called themselves bishops 
" by the grace of God," without any mention of the 
Apostolic See, and treated their ecclesiastical possessions 
almost as if they w^ere their real property. Nor were 
matters any better in the convents. The abbots conducted 
themselves as so many absolute lords. In the towns, nothing 
was thought of but feastings, and mixed societies of men 
and women. In the convents of rural districts, they gave 
themselves up to the chase, and nothing was seen but hounds 
and huntsmen. 

The nuncio would very fain have set his hand to the 
needful reform, but he was prevented by contagious diseases, 
the tumults of war, and political affairs. 

He treats of these also with great ability. I have not 
been able to adopt into my text all that he says of the 
transfer of the Electorate, and will therefore insert it here. 

" The affairs that have occurred up to the present time 
are perhaps known to your holiness; and, although the 
briefs that were sent me by Pope Gregory, to the effect that 
I should proceed to the diet assembled for those matters in 
Ratisbon, arrived somewhat late, I proceeded nevertheless, 
during the utmost rigour of winter, and at very great cost, 
much discomfort, and many perils, to present myself there. 
But having reached Wiirzburg, and having made known 
my coming to the ministers of your holiness, and to the 


electoral princes congregated there, it was signified to me 
that my preseuce was no longer necessary, since the con- 
clusion of the affair was retarded by a more important cause 
than the absence of agreement among the princes there 
assembled, and that the sight of so many apostolic ministers 
gathered there would but increase the difficulty by awaken- 
ing the jealousy of the Protestants, and causing them to 
think this transfer treated rather as a matter of religion than 
of state policy. I abstained, therefore, from going thither, 
and the more readily because the elector of Mainz, who, 
as dean of the electoral college, was, so to speak, the 
arbiter of the matter, having been solicited by me some 
months before, remained firm in the promises then made 
me, that he would promote the designs of the pope and the 
emperor. The commissioners from Trier had orders from 
their prince, given at my instance, that they should not 
dissent from the resolutions made by the electors of 
Mainz and Cologne. I will not pause here to point out 
to your holiness the difficulties which I encountered in 
disposing Mainz to agree to the said transfer, for at one 
time he would say that he abhorred the city of Ratisbon, 
because its air was injurious to his health ; at another time, 
he affirmed that he was entirely drained of money, and 
could not support the expenses which a suitable appearance 
in that city would require ; then, that the business was not 
ripe, the consent of Spain and Saxony not having been 
obtained; anon, that he feared the menaces of the king of 
England, of the duke, and of other sectaries ; and^ finally, 
that this transfer would kindle a new and more sanguinary 
war in Germany, to the obvious detriment of the Catholic 
religion, whilst the ecclesiastical princes who had hitherto 
borne all the burden of the war, and must continue to bear 
it, exhausted by their previous contributions to the League, 
despoiled of their possessions by the insolence and rapine 
of our own soldiers, no less than by those of the enemy, 
not only were destitute of means to prepare for a new war, 
but were reduced to such extremities that they had been 
constrained to dismiss their households and to live almost 
privately. Nor did he fail to bring forward the claims of the 
count palatine of Neuburg, as being the nearest kinsman of 


the Palatine, and not likely to awaken so much jealousy among 
Protestants, who dreaded the aggrandizement of the Bavarian, 
to whom, in conformity with the imperial constitutions, ac- 
cording to the golden bull, that dignity was due as to the 
nearest claimant, the said duke protesting that to his last 
breath he would never consent that others should be pre- 
ferred to him. But let it suffice to sa^, that in four or five 
days, during which I stayed with him m Aschaffenburg, and 
after long discourses, both by word of mouth and in writing, 
I obtained the decision that I desired. The transfer was 
effected, and is still maintained. The Palatinate is occupied 
in part by the Bavarian, in part by the Spaniards ; nor does 
any thing remain to the Palatine except the city of Franken- 
thal, deposited for a certain period in the hands of the most 
serene Infanta of Flanders, in concert with the English king. 
" While I was in Aschaffenburg respecting this affair, the 
news of the taking of Heidelberg arrived there ; and I, 
having already made efforts, by commission of his holiness, 
with the duke of Bavaria for the Palatine library, and having 
received the offer of it, sent instantly an express to Count 
Tilly, urging him to look to the preservation of the same, 
since I had been assured that^ both for the quality and 
quantity of the books, principally manuscripts, it was of in- 
estimable value ; and his excellency replied that all was in 
his possession, and carefully preserved according to the 
duke's orders. Whereof, when I had given my report to 
the masters, they having sent a person to take it, the said 
library was, after some months' delay, conveyed to Rome." 

No. no 

InstruiHone a V. S. Moils'^ Caraffa, vescovo di Tricarico, des- 
tinato da N. S. siw nuntio in Coiofiia. 26 GUigno^ 1624. 
[Instruction to Monsignor Caraffa, bishop of Tricarico, 
despatched by the pope as nuncio to Cologne.] 

Luigi Caraffa was the successor of Montorio : he was 
nuncio to Cologne at the same time that Carlo Caraffa 
administered the nunciature of Vienna. 

264 . APPENDIX— SECTION V [Ko. lis 

The pope communicates his views respecting German 
affairs to the nuncio in a very circumstantial Instruction. 

He therein discusses all those points respecting the 
internal discipline of the Church which had been suggested 
by Montorio. The Apostolic See had already suffered great 
losses, both in revenue and consideration ; the nuncio is 
exhorted to labour for the recovery of these lost advantages. 
*'V. S. stia attentissima a tutto quello che pub sostentare 
I'autorita apostolica e specialmente a procurare che da essa 
eschino le dovute provisioni beneficiali." It is to be re- 
marked, that instructions are here given to the nuncio which 
are directly founded on the counsels of Minuccio Minucci. 
He is required, for example, to send a list to Rome of such 
German ecclesiastics as were most worthy of promotion. 
*• De' pill costumati, de' piii dotti, de' pih nobili, de' meglio 
appoggiati all' autorita d'alcun principe cattolico. — Cosi noi 
aremo notizie tali che sollecitamente la sede apostolica potra 
provedere prima che scorra il suo tempo«" This is precisely 
the proceeding which Minucci had recommended in 1588. 
But time had also suggested other measures. The most 
important of these was that a Catholic coadjutor might be 
appointed to any see, even during the lifetime of a bishop, 
on his becoming too old for its due administration. This 
had already been done in Paderborn as well as in Miinster, 
and with the best results. 

The principal matter, nevertheless, was still the more 
extensive diffusion of Catholicism. 

The Catholic League was to be maintained by every 
possible effort. The nuncio is charged to see that all pay 
their contributions to that object. There was an eccle- 
siastical society founded in Cologne for the conversion of 
Protestants, in which the princes of Austria and Bavaria 
took part, and which possessed a good revenue : the nuncio 
is instructed to be careful that it did not decline. Certain 
princely houses were fixed upon as presenting hopes that 
they might the most readily be won over to Catholicism ; 
namely Darmstadt and Saxony. The nuncio is exhorted 
to stimulate this disposition, " that those princes might not 
withstand the grace which God may shew them." He is, 
above all, to promote the erection of seminaries, and the 


introduction of the Jesuits. This passage is perhaps the 
most important of \he whole Instruction, and may be sub- 
joined in full. 

" It will be a work most worthy of your lordship to 
labour for the promotion of the seminaries already founded, 
and to cause that new ones shall be instituted; and for 
these and similar works, who does not see that the Jesuit 
fathers are admirable ? Therefore the predecessor of your 
most reverend lordship took measures to procure their intro- 
duction into Frankfurt, wTiting the most earnest letters on 
that subject to the emperor; and the elector of Cologne 
was equally willing to act in that matter. Then our lord 
the pope, in furtherance of this good purpose, caused his 
nuncio at the court of the emperor to be written to, that he 
might in no case be displeased thereat ; and your lordship 
will concert with him for what remains to be done, advising 
him of the progress made, and the hopes that may be enter- 
tained. The elector of Mainz has made representations 
to his holiness, that by divine favour the Catholic religion is 
gaining hold on the Lower Palatinate, and that nothing is 
judged more expedient as a means for its propagation than 
the erection of seminaries and houses wherein the nobles of 
the Rhine may be brought together : to do which, he has 
suggested to his holiness that the property of certain monas- 
teries might be very suitably applied, more especially those 
of Germersheim, Spanheim, and Odernheim, situated in the 
diocese of Mainz, and formerly occupied by the princes 
palatine of the Rhine. And this proposal was considered 
to be of great moment by his hoHness ; but before deciding 
upon it, he desired that the predecessor of your lordship, 
having diligently taken precise information, should report to 
him distinctly respecting the condition of the said monasteries, 
with his opinion of the matter; but the shortness of the 
time not having permitted him to execute all these things, 
his holiness desires that your lordship should complete what 
remains to be done with the utmost diligence and exactitude. 

" The elector of Cologne also desires to found an univer- 
sity in his city of Miinster, and the question has been dis- 
cussed in the sacred congregation ' de propaganda fide,' his 
holiness being disposed to favour the institution of the said 


university, but on condition that, in addition to the sciences, 
the canon and civil laws should be taught therein. And 
this shall serve for the guidance of your lordship, so that 
you may treat with the said elector on this understanding, 
when his highness shall speak to you of having obtained the 
apostolic permission for the said institution." 

No. Ill 

Relatione deW ill"'" et ecc""* Sif Fietro Contarinl K', ritornato 
deir a7nbasceria ordinai'ia di Roma^ presentata alii 22 
GiiignOj ^627, e letta il medesimo giorno neW ecc""" senato. 
[Report read to the Venetian Senate of Pietro Conta- 
rini, ordinary ambassador to Rome.] 

P. Contarini had passed more than three years and a 
half (forty-four months), at the court of Urban VIII, when 
he presented this report. 

He makes four divisions, and in these he treats of the 
temporal government, the spiritual administration, the most 
important affairs of the court, and its most influential 

He is particularly full and instructive on the extension 
of the spiritual jurisdiction. He considers that it had never 
before been exercised in Italy with so much rigour. By its 
double purpose of maintaining an im.mediate command over 
the ecclesiastical body, and the unrestricted disposal of all 
Church property, the Roman court must become very danger- 
ous to temporal princes. He describes Urban VIII as often 
remarking that if a Venetian noble were seated on the papal 
throne, he could not be more disposed towards the Venetians 
than himself, the reigning pontiff. But notwithstanding this, 
they could never obtain the smallest favour at his hands. 

Generally speaking, the ambassador had a bad opinion 
of the whole Roman system. The ruling principle of the 
entire administration was nepotism. 

^' The disposition of the popes to aggrandize their 
nephews, gives the moving impulse in the present day to all 
actions, all declarations, and all transactions with other 


princes. At first the popes think of undertakings against 
the infidel, or the acquirement of dominion ; but as the years 
are short, and the difficulties many, this purpose is aban- 
doned without producing any effect whatever, and then they 
take another and more easy course_, accumulating great 
riches, and buying estates." 

He describes the immediate circle of Urban in the 
following manner : — 

" The pontiff most commonly takes counsel with Car- 
dinal Magalotti, whose sister his brother married, and who 
still holds the office of secretary of state, all the public 
despatches passing through his hands. The cardinal is a 
man of extensive and powerful intellect, and is much 
esteemed by the pope, who always desires to have him near 
his person, more especially in the legation of Bologna, 
where he gave him the viceregency of that government. 
Thus if there be any man who has been able to attain a 
high position in the opinion of his holiness, he is that one ; 
nor is it known whether this proceeds from a real inclination 
on the part of the pope, or from the great prudence of the 
cardinal, who, being well acquainted with the character of 
one whom he has served so long^ is aware of the proper 
means for maintaining himself in his position, and avails 
himself of them : but it is certain that he may be said to 
have the sole management of all important affairs. He 
takes great pains, however, to adjust his proceedings to the 
inclinations of the pontiff, contradicts him as rarely as pos- 
sible, and labours to bring his own opinions into conformity 
with those of the pope, to the end that he may preserve his 
position with the credit and reputation that he derives from 
being always employed in the most momentous transactions. 
He seeks to escape the enmity entertained for the most part 
against those who are seen to be near the prince, and who 
share his power and favour, by abstaining from all osten- 
tation of authority, by avoiding the regular audiences of 
ministers belonging to foreign princes, of cardinals, and of 
almost all others, treating only of such matters as are ex- 
pressly committed to him. And this he does above all to 
avoid awakening the jealousy of Cardinal Barberini, who 
did not seem at first entirely satisfied at seeing him so 


greatly advanced, and employed by the pope more than 
himself; so that Barberini was often heard to express his 
feelings to that effect. But he now permits things to take 
their course, and seems to confide in his uncle, either 
because he is willing to remain free from the weight of busi- 
ness, or because he does not know how, or knows that he 
has not power, to impede the fortunes of Magalotti. All 
things, however, are shared between the said Cardinal 
Barberini, S. Onofrio, and Don Carlo. 

" The first, as nephew, is truly beloved. His holiness 
would indeed be glad to see him apply more diligently to 
business, but he appears to be really averse to it, nor 
does his disposition seem in anywise formed thereto. It 
appears to be almost by force that he attends, where, by 
the office he holds, he cannot possibly do otherwise, throw- 
ing the weight of the most important affairs on the said 
Cardinal Magalotti, and even being content to despoil him- 
self of things that ought to belong to him for the sake of 
investing his uncle with them, contrary to the practice in 
former pontificates, whether from weakness, or from not 
knowing how to avail himself of that authority which he 
who attains to so eminent a station should possess. He is 
a man of the most exemplary, virtuous, and praiseworthy 
habits, of a most kindly nature, and one who gives the 
solitary example of refusing every kind of present. He will, 
nevertheless, be equal to any other cardinal in wealth and 
grandeur, should the pope have a long life. He must now 
have somewhere about 80,000 scudi yearly from ecclesias- 
tical benefices; and with the governments and legations 
that he holds, this must approach to 100,000 scudi. Invest- 
ments of moment are also beginning to be made, and the 
best of all that is acquired will be for him. Moreover he 
spends but little, and will therefore shortly accumulate 
immense wealth. 

" Cardinal S. Onofrio^ having constantly lived among the 
Capuchins, and having always led a most devout life, never 
intermeddles with any thing not directly committed to him. 
Of the affairs of the world he knows little, and understands 
less ; and his inability in this respect was made fully' mani- 
fest during the absence of Barberini, because it then became 


necessary to transact business with him. He has now gone 
to reside in his diocese of Sinigagha. 

^' Don Carlo, brother of the pontiff, is general of the holy 
Church ; and all that appertains to the army, to fortresses, or 
the galleys, is under his command. He is a man of intelli- 
gence and prudence^ cautious in discussing and transacting 
business, and perfectly conversant with the care of the ex- 
chequer and management of the revenue, having been well 
practised in affairs, and being skilled in those matters. He 
has to a certain extent relaxed from his early application to 
business, that he may not too heavily burden his advanced 
years (he being the elder of the brothers), and also in part 
from inclination. 

" His holiness has two other nephews. Don Taddeo, 
whom he has chosen to found the family, a young man of 
about twenty three, most noble in manner, of highly in- 
genuous character, and greatly beloved by the whole court. 
The pope had some intention of making him prefect of the 
city after the death of the duke of Urbino, who now enjoys 
that tide, — a most dignified office, taking precedence of all 
others, being held for life, and not liable to change even on 
the death of his holiness. The second of these two nephews 
is Don Antonio, commendator of Malta, aged eighteen : 
he has about 14,000 scudi from his commandery j is of 
prompt and vivacious character, and in good time will cer- 
tainly be ready to secure his own share in the exaltation of 
his house. He is desirous of being also raised to the car- 
dinalate, and it is believed that his holiness will gratify his 
wish. Many of those who do not love Cardinal Magalotti 
would willingly see him promoted to that dignity as soon as 
possible, because they think that he might attain to what his 
brother has not been able to compass, — to counterbalance 
Magalotti, that is, and to form an opposition to him." 

We have the affairs of the Valtelline here discussed in 
their whole extent. 

'' The other important affair is that of the Valtelline, 
on which his holiness has indeed bestowed great labour, 
but with varying results ; although it is said that he might 
at first have applied himself more earnestly to it, and with 
more decided remedies ; but having entered on a matter 

2 70 APPENDIX— SECTION V [No. iii 

so arduous in the first days of his pontificate, and when 
hardly convalescent from a long illness, with his thoughts, 
besides, more given to the papacy than to this affair, he may 
perhaps have suffered many things to take their course, which 
it was not difficult to provide against at that time, but which 
it was impossible to remedy afterwards. It was in the hands 
of Gregory XV that the Valtelline was deposited by the 
Spaniards, and they consigned Chiavenna with its surrounding 
territory, under the same conditions, to the present pontiff. 
The first negotiations were effected by means of the com- 
mendator Sillery, with so much caution and secrecy, that not 
only was the certainty of their existence withheld from the 
ministers of your serenity, who had nevertheless, to take so 
important a part in the transaction, but it was with difficulty 
that they acquired a knowledge of the real nature of what 
was transacted. The pope concerned himself for nothing 
but to receive security for the payment of the garrisons 
that he maintained in the forts of the valley; and after 
many complaints and much pressing, he obtained, I believe, 
between the two kings, about 200,000 scudi. This money 
tended somewhat to diminish his disapprobation of that 
deposit ; which he nevertheless always greatly condemned, 
both before and afterwards, esteeming it to be adverse to his 
interests, but not considering the injury that might result 
from his procrastination and irresolute management of the 

" The people of the ValteUine offered themselves to the 
pope as vassals, assuring him that the duties he might impose 
on wines and cheese would suffice to maintain the garrisons 
required in ordinary times for the defence of that valley. 
Many represented to the pope, that to restore the Valtelline 
to the Grisons, and to replace Catholics in the hands of 
heretics, was not to be thought of, and could not be done 
without the greatest scandal and injury ; that no one would 
consent to see it made over to the Spaniards, who on their 
part would not suffer it to be given up to the French or 
other temporal powers ; neither would there be any better 
course than that the Valtelline should be preserved to the 
Church, since there was nothing of any moment in that 
country except the passes, which can be held or claimed 


only for going or coming beyond the mountains ; thus, if 
these should remain in the power of the pope, the common 
father, he would always have them kept open, according to 
the wants and requirements of all. The arguments thus stated 
did not fail to make an impression, as arguments mostly 
do, however slight their foundation ; nay, sometimes 'they 
will even persuade the hearer, though feeble in themselves, 
where there appears some prospect of advantage or utility. 
His holiness suffered himself to listen to the suggestion, and 
even added that if there should be any difficulty in the 
retention of the Valtelline by the Church, they might invest 
one of his nephews with it. The plan had at first been pro- 
moted by the Spaniards, but eventually it did not please 
them any more than the French ; and there was finally con- 
cluded by Sillery that treaty, well known to your serenity, 
which was not approved in France by the king, principally 
for that article of it which allowed passage to the Spaniards 
for their troops going into Flanders, and for the same, 
exclusively^ on their return. The formation of the Valtel- 
line into a fourth league, which the Spaniards desired so 
eagerly, the pope would still less consent to permit. The 
ambassador was changed on that account, or perhaps because 
of the fall of the chancellor, and of Puysieux the secretary, 
the one the brother, and the other the nephew of the said 
Sillery. There then arrived in Rome a minister of wiser 
counsels and more extended views, as well as more deter- 
mined character, Monsignor de Bethune; he annulled the 
decisions of his predecessor, insisted on the treaty of Madrid, 
which he firmly upheld; absolutely refused to allow the 
pass to the Spaniards for any purpose whatever, and pressed 
the pontiff in frequent audiences to come to some resolution, 
since the League could not consent to more protracted 
negotiation or longer delay. 

"The pope, who had not expected to find so much 
resolution among those of the League, nor had any thought 
that they would take arms on this account, being also con- 
stantly assured by letters from his nuncios in France and 
Switzerland that the Marquis de Coeuvres would never raise 
the standard of the king where the ensigns of his holiness 
were floating, continuecj nevertheless in his irresolution, and 


the more the difficulties increased and were made manifest, 
the more he persuaded himself (nor were there wanting 
those who confirmed him in his idea) that at the end of 
the contest he would finally remain in possession. Where- 
fore Bethune signified -ultimately to the pope that the king 
and the League together jointly entreated him to remit the 
fortresses to the Spaniards, in conformity with the terms 
of the deposit, to the end that if there were a necessity for 
appealing to arms, they might avoid the reproach of acting 
disrespectfully by advancing against those of his holiness, and 
that if the pope would now take the resolution that he ought to 
adopt of offering the forts to the Spaniards, all would yet be 
adjusted to his honour and to the satisfaction of others ; for 
the Spaniards w^ould not have received them, not finding 
themselves in a condition to defend them, while all cause of 
complaint would cease by the pope's fulfilment of the con- 
ditions of the deposit in due time, nor could any one oppose 
their being left to the Grisons. Some days elapsed, when at 
length the Marquis de Coeuvres surprised Plata Mala, and 
the pope then made various pretexts, first demanding three 
months of time, but afterwards restricting himself to so much 
only as was required to write to Spain and make the ofier, 
affirming that the ministers in Italy did not possess authority 
to receive the fortresses. But the enterprise of the marquis 
being already far advanced, and its success increasing from 
day to day, it was not considered advisable, and might even 
have proved injurious, to suspend the proceedings while 
awaiting replies from Spain which could not but be uncertain. 
The pope was accordingly deprived by degrees of all that he 
held in deposit, the only places remaining to him being Riva 
and Chiavenna, which alone had been succoured by the 
Spaniards. His hohness complained that these last, although 
appealed to from the beginning to defend the passes, never 
came to his assistance, while they complained that they had 
not been summoned in due time ; so that the Spaniards were 
much dissatisfied, the French by no means content, and his 
holiness, infinitely displeased by the little respect that had 
been displayed towards his banners, complains of it con- 
tinually and bitterly to every one. The Spaniards do much 
the same, attributing all the disasters that have occurred to 


his holiness, and complaining of him more than of any thing 
else ; and although the pontiff subsequently despatched his 
nephew as legate both to France and Spain, with the purpose 
well known to your serenity, and knew that the Italian arms 
had made a still more important movement, and that the 
dangers would become more serious if the powers proceeded 
earnestly, he has nevertheless not yet been able to get rid of his 
first notion, that all the mischievous results experienced have 
proceeded from the early arrangements having been unskil- 
fully made. But the French as well as the Spaniards attributed 
the vexations and difficulties encountered in that negotiation 
to the pretensions of the pope, who required that the for- 
tresses should be consigned to him without any declaration 
on his part as to what he would do with them, but positively 
refusing to demolish them. Thus it became extremely 
difficult to find any suitable expedient for arranging the 
matter, so much time was lost, so many attempts were made 
uselessly, and the matter was finally taken to Spain, because 
in Rome there was too much difficulty in bringing it to a 

No. 112 

Relatione dello stato delV imperio e della Germania fatta da 
Motis'' Caraffa nel tempo che era mmtio alia corte delV 
imperatore^ Ca7ino 1628. [Report on the state of the 
empire and of Germany made by Monsignor Carafia, 
while nuncio at the imperial court.] 

This Report is, upon the whole, the most circumstantial 
that I have met with : in a Roman copy it extended to 1,080 
folio pages. It is not rare even in Germany. I bought a 
copy in Leipsic, and there is another in a private library in 
Berlin, in a beautiful folio volume with a splendid title-page ; 
this was presented by a certain Wynman to the bishop of 
Eichstadt in the year 1655. 

It consists of four parts. In the first, there is a general 
description of the German troubles ; in the second, the 
situation, possessions^ and various relations of Ferdinand II 
VOJv. Ill, T 


are described ; in the third, the German principalities are 
treated of according to the circles ; and in the fourth, the 
alliances that had been formed in Germany, more particularly 
those recently concluded. 

The author declares that he will write nothing which he 
has not himself seen^ or has otherwise ascertained to be 
worthy of belief. " Protesting that whatever I shall write 
will be what I have seen and partly acted in myself^ during the 
eight years that I have been in Germany, or what I have heard 
from persons worthy of credit ; and partly what I have read 
in letters, diaries, and official papers, both of friends and 
enemies, which have been intercepted at different times, and 
whereof some have been printed, but others not." 

From this we see that the author intended to produce a 
scholarly digest. In some places he shews consideration 
for his readers in general^ and it is very probable that he con- 
templated publishing his work. It did not, however, receive 
this honour until our own day, when it was printed by the 
Imperial Academy at Vienna (1859). Professor Miiller, of 
Hildesheim, undertook the labour of preparing a readable 
text, which he accompanied with numerous valuable 

It is thus no longer necessary to give an account of the 
contents of the report, or to make extracts from it. But the 
fact of its wider distribution and accessibility makes it all 
the more important to discuss the question of the originality 
and composition of the work. For it deals with one of the 
great turning-points of German history : the period when it 
appeared certain that the Emperor Ferdinand II would 
become lord and master over protestant Germany and the 
opposition in the imperial states generally. The significance 
of this moment had already at that time called forth several 
other attempts to describe it. 

Among others, I came across many years ago in the 
library of St. Mark's, Venice, a report with the title 
" Relatione dello stato e delle forze della Germania et de' 
principi d'essa," dating from this time. It made a great 
impression on me, owing to the curious characterizations of 
eminent persons contained in it. When the elaborate work 
of Caraffa came into my hands in Rome, it occurred to me 


that it often agreed word for word with this anonymous 
report, though I could not believe that they were both the 
work of the same author. The anonymous writer, who was 
undoubtedly a Catholic also, shews a certain absence of 
partizanship, and an independence of judgment, while in 
Caraffa the convictions of an enthusiastic propagandist 
continually come to light, both in his views and his recol- 

As to the agreement between the two works, two or 
three examples may suffice. Thus in both mention is made 
of the love of the emperor for vocal and instrumental music, 
because it is of service to him in praising God ; and of the 
devotion of the Empress Leonore to her husband — '^ pare 
del tutto transformata nella volontk e sodisfattione del marito 
si nella piet^ singolare come in secondare I'imperatore nelle 
caccie ; " only that in Caraffa her participation in the hunt is 
spoken of as something in the past. Of the young King 
Ferdinand Ernest both reports say that he shews determina- 
tion, and will one day exact stricter obedience than his 
father : " vorrk esser piu obedito del padre." The charac- 
terization in the two reports of the king of Denmark, the 
electors of Bavaria, Saxony, and Brandenburg, and the 
imperial ministers, correspond in a similar manner. 

The question arises, which of the two is it that borrows 
from the other ? I have no hesitation in giving my opinion 
that the anonymous report is the original. 

Here we read, in the description of the Elector Maximilian 
of Bavaria : " Guadagna assai con le provisioni dell' esercito 
della lega, della quale ella h luogotenente generale appresso 
I'imperatore " [he makes considerable profit from the pro- 
visioning of the army of the league, of which he is lieutenant- 
general under the emperor], a rather severe charge, which 
Caraffa also mentions, without, however, allowing the truth of 
it. After reproducing the anonymous report almost word for 
word up to this point (p. 237), he continues, " dicono anco, 
se bene io non lo credo, che S. Altezza habbi guadagnato e 
guadagni assai con le provisioni dell' esercito della lega, della 
quale egli b luogotenente apresso I'imperatore." We are 
not concerned with the truth or otherwise of this accusa- 
tion j the point is that Caraffa is trying to controvert the 


anonymous report, which shews that he had it in front of him 
among his materials. If we compare the wording, we come 
across other variations which sometimes reverse the meaning ; 
in this very description of MaximiHan I find in the anony- 
mous work an important passage concerning the relations 
of Spain to Pfalz-Neuburg, which Caraffa has omitted. 

Enough has been said to shew that Caraffa's work con- 
tains elements from another report, which he has used, after 
the manner of the time, not altering much, but often modi- 
fying the sense. If we turn to the composition of the report, 
we find that the construction, at least in the second and third 
parts, with which we are here concerned, is very loose. 

Where he mentions Prague as a former imperial residence, 
he inserts a detailed account of the reconversion of Bohemia 
to Catholicism, and his own part in it. The mention of the 
raising of the hereditary prince to the throne of Bohemia, 
gives him occasion to interpolate a description of his previous 
election to the throne of Hungary. To the characterization 
of Maximilian he adds a long account of the transference to 
him of the Palatinate, although he has already spoken of this 
event. After this he comes, as he says, " per ritornare all* 
ordine della mia relatione," to the younger brother of the 
elector, whom he describes in the words of the anonymous 
report : " riesce piu dell' opinione degli huomini." 

These interpolations are in themselves of great value ; 
they give us information not to be found elsewhere, and 
bear the stamp of truth. The account of the recatholiza- 
tion of Bohemia is a revision of Caraffa's own " Ragguaglio " 
mentioned above, though with some variations. For in- 
stance, in the report he says that he arrived in Germany 
some months after the battle of the White Hill; in the 
Ragguaglio he is more precise : " lo gionsi qua I'anno 
1 62 1, verso la fine del mese del Maggio sette mesi dopo la 
vittoria di Praga." In the report he mentions that he has 
conferred with the ministers and councillors of state ; in the 
Ragguaglio, more exactly, "col principe de Echenberg e 
con gli altri del consiglio secreto." The Ragguaglio also 
contains details concerning the progress of the conversion 
itself, which have been omitted in the revision ; in one case, 
indeed, a statement is niade in a directly contrary sense. 


Thus it is clear that the information contained in the report 
is not enough to make it possible to dispense with the 
Ragguaglio. It is a revision, not a transcription. The 
authenticity of the report, which might otherwise perhaps be 
questioned, is hereby proved : the author speaks in the first 
person, as he does in many other passages, where he intro- 
duces remarks from his own observation. 

But it is difficult to decide how much of his information 
is original and how much not. I will give only one instance. 
In the little book, reprinted by the Elzevirs, entitled " Status 
particularis regiminis S.C.M. Ferdinandi II," some observa- 
tions are quoted from a report of the nuncio Pallotta which, 
as Prof. Miiller has already noticed, appear at least in a 
very similar form in Caraffa's report. In itself it would be 
quite possible that here a mistake had taken place, the two 
nuncios being confused ; but apparently it is not so. For 
some of the most pregnant expressions quoted from Pallotta 
in the " Status regiminis," e.^(^. that the emperor, a man after 
God's heart, believed, like David, that no mortal could hurt 
him, the Lord's anointed, and that his holy imperial person 
could be injured by no misfortune — " quod nemo mortalium 
ipsi veluti uncto domini nocere neque sacra Sua Caesarea 
persona ab ullo malo opprimi queat " — occur in a less em- 
phatic form in Caraffa. There it runs : " si pud dire ch'a 
guisa d'un altro Davidde habbia ella speranza nella divina 
potentia che non potra mai perire ne cadere per qualunque 
infortunio." It is evident that the Protestant author of the 
"Status" did not take his illuminating and significant 
rendering from this weak passage; it is more likely that 
it occurs in the report of Pallotta exactly as he quotes it. 
The " si puo dire " of Caraffa suggests that that report lay 
before him, but that he did not repeat the expressions he 
found there in their full strength. 

Pallotta was the successor of Caraffa. If the latter, when 
composing his work at a later date for publication, used 
Pallotta's report, he would no doubt have taken much more 
from it than the one passage that has been quoted ; it would 
have formed a very essential part of his materials. In the 
"Status" we find some blunders, e.,^. at the very outset 
about the father of Ferdinand II, which are corrected by 

27^ APPENDIX— SECTION V [Nos.113, 114 

Caraffa ; but would not this also seem to prove that Caraffa 
cannot have been seen by the author of the *' Status " ? 

I see, at any rate, that here lies a further field for research. 
Above all if would be necessary to have the report of Pallotta 
before one, in order to arrive at a sure conclusion. 

So much only is certain, that Caraffa put together his report 
from various materials, some of which were his own, and 
others not. It is rather a compilation than a really original 
work. Even, however, if all the sources from which it is 
drawn were available, it would still be of value owing to the 
observations which the author has added from his personal 

No. 113 
Relatio status ecdesiae et totins dioicesis Atigustanae^ 1629. 

A document of no particular importance. It is princi- 
pally occupied with the affairs of the city of Augsburg. 

The activity, labours, and final expulsion of the Pro- 
testant ^' Pseudo-Doctors " from Augsburg, is the chief 
subject of the author. He hopes that when this has been 
completely effected by the emperor's sanction, obtained 
principally by the efforts of Hieronymus Imhof and Bern- 
hard Rehlingen, the inhabitants will all soon become once 
more Catholic. 

No. 114 

Legatio aposf"^ P. Aloys. Carafae, episcopi Tricaj'icensis, 
sedente Urbano VIII Po7it. M. ad tractwn Rheni et ad 
prov. inferioris Germaniae obita^ ab a7ino 1624 usqtie ad 
annum 1634. Ad C""^ Fi'anc. Barberinum, 

A very circumstantial report of 204 leaves \ it is perhaps 
somewhat diffuse, but contains some useful matter. 

We have, first, an account of the journey, and here much 
space is lost in mere trifling detail. Among other places 
the nuncio visits Fulda, and makes a great merit of having 


reduced the number of sixteen quaiterings required to 
qualify a man for the dignity of that, abbacy to eight. 

He is extremely minute in the description of the dispute 
existing between Liege and the bishop, in which he took 
himself an active part : he transferred the seat of the nun- 
ciature from Cologne to Libge. 

The most remarkable passage of this document is without 
doubt the description of the Catholic universities at that 
time existing within the limits of the nunciature. 

We perceive from these details how entirely the higher 
branches of instruction were at that time in the hands of 
the Jesuits. They were the masters in Trier and Mainz. 
Paderborn, Miinster, and Osnabriick, where a high school 
had been recently founded, were completely in their hands ; 
but they taught only the humaniora, philosophy, and 
theology. Judicial studies were entirely neglected. In 
Cologne, which still continued the first of these universities, 
medicine was taught by two professors only, who had very 
few attendants at their lectures. The principal evil in 
Cologne had formerly been that the professors were much 
too amply provided mth prebendal stalls. " By the wealth 
of these_, being supplied with means for an easy and pleasant 
life, they rarely or never taught the sacred doctrines in 
their own person, but constantly used the vicarious labours 
of others. Thus the students were instructed without solidity 
or method, and fifteen years were not unfrequently suffered 
to pass before they had gone through a course of theology, 
which thing was heretofore of no small inconvenience to 
the archbishopric of Cologne, and especially to the jurisdic- 
tions of Jiilich, Cleves, and Mons^ because parish priests 
and clergy fit for the cure of souls and able to repair 
the ruins of the Catholic religion, could not on this account 
be there appointed until after very long delays." 

This the Jesuit fathers reformed. The college of the 
Three Crowns, which was made over to them, enjoyed a 
high reputation; in 1634 it had more than 1,200 students. 
But the taste for a life of enjoyment above alluded to, was 
not so easily eradicated. The feasts of the masters in- 
creased the costs of promotion and encouraged luxury. 
" Through Lent there are daily drinking-parties among the 

2go Appendix— SECTION v [No. 114 

students." Our nuncio describes the Catholicism and good 
living of the Cologne people by no means badly. "The 
people of Cologne hold most firmly to the religion of their 
ancestors, which they have never departed from since it was 
first adopted. It is true that some few families of the 
sectaries are tolerated in the city, but all exercise of their 
creed is forbidden to them, and they are heavily fined if 
they are discovered to hold private conventicles, or are 
caught listening to the bellowing trumpeters of Luther or 
Calvin. In the senate itself none may be elected who are 
not Catholics ; but none of them who have been enrolled 
and come to the court, can express an opinion or give a 
vote, unless they have that same day been present at the 
sacred rites in the chapel nearest to the senatorial palace. 
By night the citizens themselves hold watch in the principal 
parts of the city, nor need any fear violence or insult, 
because, if clamours arise, they hasten thither to give aid ; 
but robbers and assassins they place in bonds. All the 
streets are, moreover, closed at night with iron chains ; nor 
do they permit free circulation, so that the people for the 
most part proceed very tranquilly. Among other advan- 
tages possessed by the people, there should first be com- 
memorated the fact, that each is permitted to purchase oxen 
and pigs at the beginning of winter, which he preserves in 
his house by means of smoke, drying them for the con- 
sumption of the year ensuing : of these they eat largely. 
An entire year is allowed them to pay the price, which is 
meanwhile advanced to the merchant by those appointed to 
that effect by the senate. Nor will any of the artisans, 
however poor, suffer a want of good faith to appear in this 
matter ; because in that case they could never again enjoy 
that signal advantage in the purchase of their food thus 
afforded them by the public moneys. There are also public 
tables in the various districts, where all may eat together at 
a fixed and moderate price, on week-day festivals." 

But it is not towns and universities alone that our author 
describes ; princes and events are also depicted : Ferdinand 
of Cologne, "gravitate morum, professione pietatis et in- 
genii maturitate nulli secundus : " Frederick of Wiirzburg, 
" linguarum etiam exterarum peritia, morum suavi quadam 


gravitate, prudentissima dexteritate omnibus carus :" Casimir 
of Mainz, " eloquens vir in Germanico idiomate, legationibus 

Respecting the remarkable events of that period also, 
Caraffa supplies many remarkable notices. I know not 
whereon the opinion has been founded, that Wallenstein 
could have taken Stralsund, "si, quod multi existimant, 
pecuniam quam urbem capere non maluisset." He considers 
it a great misfortune that Tilly did not dare to throw 
himself on Saxony at the first movement made by that 
country. His description of the state of Cologne after the 
battle of Leipzig, and of the views first manifested by the 
French at that moment, is also very remarkable. 

" By the blow received at Leipzig, the forces and the 
spirits of the Catholics were alike broken, and fear or want 
of ability in the defence of their fastnesses, suddenly opened 
a vast inlet for the victorious enemy, so that he could at 
once invade the very centre of the empire, with such force 
of arms, that Fulda, Wiirzburg, Bamberg, Mainz, Worms, 
Spires, and other cities and towns, were in a short time 
either taken by storm or surrendered. Cologne remained 
the refuge of the exiled princes, and treasures were brought 
into that city, belonging to the church as well as to the 
laity, and comprising all that it had been possible to carry 
away before the outbreak of that vehement and sudden 
tempest of war. Here the princes with anxious and doubtful 
care took counsel whether, as the French ambassador had 
proposed, it were expedient that neither those princes nor 
yet the city itself should, from that time forward, turn their 
arms in favour either of the emperor or King Gustavus. 
This, the ambassador of the most Christian king recom- 
mended to Cologne, but he affirmed it to be necessary that 
garrisons from the legions of his own sovereign should be 
introduced into that city, and also into other places belong- 
ing to the electoral princes ; for that thus. King Gustavus, 
respecting Cologne, would turn his arms elsewhere ; or if, 
notwithstanding, he should resolve on coming as an enemy, 
he would justly provoke the most Christian king, and the 
alliance being ended, would begin to experience his enmity 
and anger. Heavy indeed seemed that condition of 


admitting garrisons from the cohorts of a foreign king into 
the cities and strong places of the empire ; but much more 
grievous were the other conditions, by which it was proposed 
that they should thenceforth assist neither party, because, in 
a war so dubious, to give no aid to the emperor, but as it 
were to desert him, seemed wholly adverse to the most 
ancient habit and feeling of the princes and cities, as well 
as foreign to the principles of the empire itself. Yet that 
this was the only advice to be adopted, the only post of 
safety that remained, was equally the opinion of the apos- 
tolic nuncio at Paris, to whom I had written concerning 
the enormous blows inflicted on the Catholic religion, its 
temples and altars, by King Gustavus." 

There follows further a minute account of the catastrophe 
of Wallenstein, which I shall give elsewhere. 

No; 115 

Relatione della corfe di Roma del Sig"" K"" Aluise Contarini, 
deir anno 1632 ^/ 1635. [Report on the court of Rome 
by Aluise Contarini.] Arch. Ven. 

Between the foregoing reports and those which follow 
there is a gap, which has been filled by Barozzi and 
Berchet, in the first volume of the third series of the 
" Relazioni degU stati Europei" (" Relazioni di Roma"), 
1877. Here we find (pp. 253-348) a reprint of the reports 
of Angelo Contarini (i 627-1 629) and Giovanni Pesaro 
(1630-1632); the latter was found in the collection of the 
State inquisitors ; for so delicate were the relations of the 
republic to the papal court that the reports of the ambas- 
sadors had to be secreted. They are almost too much 
concerned with passing incidents, and represent the im- 
pression of the pope received in the difficult negotiations 
above mentioned, so that they do not supplement our 
knowledge materially. I have, however, used one passage 
from Contarini. 

The report of Aluise Contarini which I found in the 
Venetian archives has far greater value. It is a very 


copious report in 35 chapters, containing 140 pages, and 
doubly important, because Aluise Contarini had proceeded 
directly from France to Rome, and was therefore more 
capable of forming a judgment respecting the very peculiar 
position assumed at that time in politics by Urban VIII. 

He first describes the spiritual and temporal administra- 
tion of the pope. 

He considers it to be entirely monarchical. Of all the 
old congregations, one only, that of the Inquisition, assembled 
regularly. They had no other privileges than that people 
still drew up their carriages when they met them, that they 
were invested with the purple, and retained a voice in the 
election of the pontiff; but the pope was so little disposed 
towards them, that in affairs of weight, he would rather use 
the services of inferior prelates, whose hopes depended 
principally on himself, than of cardinals, who were already 
possessed of more independence. 

But the more closely the rein is drawn, so much the 
more does authority become weakened. ^'L'antica vene- 
ratione sta oggidi molto diminuita." 

The inhabitants of Urbino were more particularly dis- 
contented. '^ The subjects of that duchy complain much 
of the change, calling the government of the priests a 
tyranny, they having no other care than that of enriching 
and advancing themselves." The author perpetually com- 
plains that Urbino should have fallen into the hands of the 
pope, lamenting it as a great loss to Spain and Venice. 

In a second part, he describes the personal qualities of 
those concerning whom he treats. 

"Pope Urban VIII was born in April, 1567 (others say 
1568); thus he is approaching the 69th year of his age; 
but he preserves the force of his constitution, which is not 
subject to any malady, as well as the vigour of his intellect. 
He is of middle height and dark complexion, his hair is 
white,- his eye quick, his utterance rapid, his temi)erament 
sanguine and bilious. He lives rigidly by rule. He regu- 
lates his actions in great measure by the motions of the 
heavens, with respect to which he has great knowledge, 
although he has prohibited the study of them to all others 
under pain of the heaviest censures. His movements arc 

2§4 APPEiSrblX-SfiCtiON V [No. lig 

sudden, and so violent, that they sometimes border on 
absurdity ; for he cannot take patience and restrain them ; 
but he says that this commotion of the bile from time to 
time is very useful, by stimulating the natural heat to the 
preservation of his health. He rides, takes pleasure in the 
country, walks, and is fond of exercise. He does not 
trouble himself when things go wrong ; and all these things 
concur to make it probable that he will yet have some years 
of life, although he fell off very considerably during my 
sojourn at his court. 

"He attained to the pontificate after an uninterrupted 
service at court of more than thirty years. He was first a 
prelate of the Segnatura, and afterwards governor of Fano. 
Soon after this second promotion, he bought offices at court, 
and ultimately the clerkship of the chamber; this he did 
with the help of his paternal uncle, Francesco Barberini, 
a prelate of little repute, but of great wealth, accumulated 
with Florentine parsimony. , Clement VHI employed him 
in various offices, but particularly in relation to the new 
cutting of the Po, and from this have arisen in great measure 
the present contentions with the republic respecting boun- 
daries, which result in part from the knowledge he possesses 
of this matter, and in part from his resentment at the affair 
not having been conducted at that time according to his 
wishes. He was then, by the same Clement, sent as nuncio 
into France, first as nuncio-extraordinary for the baptism of 
the present king, and afterwards as nuncio in ordinary to his 
father, Henry IV, when he proved himself a most zealous 
defender of the ecclesiastical immunities. Paul V, successor 
of Clement, confirmed him in the said legation of France, 
and afterwards made him cardinal and legate in Bologna. 
On his return to Rome he was appointed prefect of the 
segnatura of justice, a very honourable office, and an em- 
ployment of high importance. Finally, in 16123, he attained 
to the pontificate by means of very crafty practices, in the 
place of Gregory XV, being then in his fifty-sixth year, and 
now he is going through the thirteenth year of his reign, to 
the displeasure of the whole court, to which, no less than 
to sovereigns, short pontificates are the most advantageous, 
for in these there is more regard paid to every one, there is 


a greater abundance of favours^ and the pontiffs do not 
proceed as if the papacy were an hereditary succession ; the 
court, moreover, finds that in general there proceed more 
employment and better fortunes from the frequency of 

" In every position, the pope always held a high opinion 
of himself, desiring to rule over others, and shewing con- 
tempt for the opinions of all. He seems now to proceed 
more liberally, since he finds himself in a position eminent 
above all others. He has great talent, but not sound 
judgment; talent, for in things that depend on himself 
alone, and which concern his person and house, he has 
always attained to the objects he has proposed to accom- 
plish, without shrinking from those intrigues and artifices 
which are, indeed, entirely congenial to his nature, as was 
seen in his canvass for the papacy, during which he found 
means to reconcile in his own favour the two opposite 
factions of Borghese and Ludovisio, merely by making each 
believe him the enemy of the other. But in general affairs, 
wherein judgment is demanded, that the interests of the 
Apostolic See may be brought into harmony with those of 
other princes, the pope has been observed to be always 
deficient in it. This was made evident in the affair of the 
Valtelline, and in the war of Mantua, which would not have 
occurred if the pope had declared against the first innovator; 
in the loss of Mantua, attributed to the supplies received by 
the Germans from the Ecclesiastical States, and without 
which they must have raised the siege or perished ; and in 
the act of conferring the prefecture of Rome on his nephew, 
thus depriving the Apostolic See of the presence of so many 
ministers of foreign princes, who form its finest ornament, 
while he burdened the nephew himself with a load of envy, 
vexations, and cares, the post, too, being absolutely un- 
tenable after the death of the pontiff. A further proof of his 
want of judgment may be found in the unworthy mode of 
treatment adopted towards the ambassador of your serenity, 
my predecessor, in suffering him to depart without satisfac- 
tion ; as also in the last joint protection of France, first 
advised and consented to through Cardinal Antonio, his 
pephew, then retracted ?ind forbidden, with p. ipanifestation 


of excessive artifice, not to say deceit, which was evident to 
the whole world, and to the production of a division in his 
own house. I say nothing of the great injury received by 
the Catholic religion in Flanders and Germany under the 
present pontificate ; the perils caused to Italy by his refusal 
of dispensation to the duke of Mantua, and still more by 
the pope's having conducted himself in a manner that has 
disgusted all princes, great and small, to such an extent that 
no one of them is friendly towards him, so that he is ren- 
dered incapable of exercising towards them those offices of 
authority and of paternal advice by which they might have 
been pacified and drawn together for the defence of re- 
ligion ; yet these offices have always been so carefully exer- 
cised by previous pontiffs and considered so peculiarly their 
own, that to maintain their title of common father, whence 
proceeds all the veneration professed for them, and to pre- 
serve union among the Christian princes, which is to them 
the source of great authority, they have exposed themselves 
to many hazards, journeyings, and perils, their name of 
father excusing them from attention to those punctilios 
which serve as so effectual an impediment to the inter- 
vention of other princes. 

'• The present pope has always professed to be neutral, 
making it his glory that he has enriched and aggrandized 
his house without bargaining for domains in the kingdom of 
Naples, or submitting to receive favours from great princes. 
His secret inclinations are, nevertheless, towards the French ; 
their promptitude and determined boldness being most con- 
genial to the character of his holiness, as was manifested by 
the great demonstrations he made when La Rochelle was 
taken. He recommended peace with the English, that 
France might hasten to the aid of Casale, then besieged by 
the Spaniards ; advising the French at the same time to 
seize and retain Pinarolo for the requisite preservation of 
an equilibrium in Italy. He constantly discovered pretexts 
for deferring or diminishing the succours required by 
Germany, so that an opinion prevailed, and still exists, that 
his holiness was grieved for the death of the king of 
Sweden, and that he rejoices more, or rather fears less, for 
the progress of the Protestants, than that of the Austrians. 


It is also generally believed, that even though the pope 
should be led to some union with the Spaniards by Cardinal 
Barberini, who is altogether Spanish, it would most probably 
terminate in a rupture more decided than ever. And the 
cause is this ; that as the pope proceeds by artifice and in- 
trigue, and believes that the Spaniards do the same, there must 
always be more apprehension of mutual deceptions between 
them than of the confidence proper to a sincere union." 

It is not necessary to repeat the description of the 
nephews given by Aluise Contarini. Even Francesco 
Barberini, although most of all beloved by the pope, and 
completely devoted to business, was yet entirely dependent 
on his uncle. "There has never been a papal nephew 
more assiduous in the labours of the state than he; he 
never permits himself to take the slightest recreation; but 
it is also true that none has ever efiected less than he has." 

Contarini declines all description of the cardinal?, 
remarking that a confirmed hypocrisy prevailed through 
the whole body. " One cardinal, though in perfect health, 
will make pretence, to facilitate his path to the papal throne, 
of being most infirm; tottering in his walk, coughing at 
every word ; and if he stir abroad, it is only close shut in 
his litter. Another, being an able statesman, will neverthe- 
less pretend to be averse from and ignorant of all business ; 
while others talk, he is dumb ; if questions are asked, he 
shrugs his shoulders ; or if he reply, it is only in general 
terms." One might be tempted to believe that we have here 
the original of the fable invented with respect to the 
elevation of Sixtus V. 

Next comes the third part ; and this describes political 
relations. It is full of the most acute, impressive, and 
animated observation ; and as we have said, is for us the 
most valuable part of the report. 

However well disposed to the French Pope Urban might 
be, he did not always comply with their requests as regarded 
ecclesiastical affairs. " It must however be confessed that 
they have required very difficult concessions; such, for 
example, as the right of nominating to the abbeys of 
Lorraine, the annulling of the marriages of Duke Charles 
of Lorraine, and of Monsieur, with others of similar 


character." Neither was Francesco Barberini so well dis- 
posed to the French party as his uncle : but though the 
French no longer hoped for any express declaration in their 
favour, they also knew that the pope would not act against 
them. Even this was a great advantage for their side, since 
being considered favourable to France, the opposite party 
did not trust him. 

But all the more dissatisfied were the Spaniards. They 
reproached Cardinal Borgia for having permitted Urban VIII 
to be elected; and it was affirmed that this cardinal had 
been won over to do so only by the promise of manifold 
favours. In the negotiations relative to the Valtelline, in 
the general policy of the French, and in the position main- 
tained by Bavaria, the Spaniards affirm that the influence 
of Urban's disinclination might be constantly perceived. 
Barberini, on the other hand, maintained that the con- 
cessions he had made to Spain had been met by no 
acknowledgment from them. It is obvious that the 
misunderstanding was mutual. 

Contarini discusses the relations of Rome to Venice 
more fully than all besides. He considers the difficulties 
between them to arise chiefly from this ; that whereas other 
states were either feared by Rome as more powerful than 
herself, or neglected by her as less powerful, Venice was 
regarded and treated as an equal. 

It was already a source of displeasure to Rome that the 
English and Dutch should enjoy certain immunities in 
Venice. But if once the temporal jurisdiction presumed 
to lay hands on the person of an ecclesiastic, a general 
storm immediately arose. 

The ambassador is nevertheless of opinion that the 
Venetians must not permit themselves to be trifled with. 
The nuncio was enjoined to maintain the most friendly 
relations with all such Venetian priests as were favourites 
with the people, and had the largest number of penitents to 
confess. "And your excellencies may rest assured that by 
means of such men, the nuncios contrive to extract the very 
marrow of all secrets." So much the more needful was it 
that the republic should in no gase relinc^uish her authority 
Qver then^, 

No. 1 1 6] APPENDIX- SECTION V 289 

In addition to all this, there were moreover continual 
disputes about the boundaries. Urban VIII was in no 
respect to be regarded as the promoter of Venetian interests. 
He was in particular disposed to advance Ancona to the 
prejudice of Venice. 

No. 116 

Discorso ddla malatfia e viorte del Card^ Ippolyfo Aldo- 
bratidino^ caitierlcngo di S*^ Chiesa col fine della grandezza 
del Papa Clemente VIII, 1638. [Account of the 
illness and death of Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini, 
chamberlain of the holy church, and of the close of the 
greatness of Pope Clement VIII.] 

An extraordinary impression was produced in Rome by 
the sudden downfall of the Aldobrandini family, which had 
been so lately founded. 

It was under the influence of this impression that the 
little work before us was written. " E stato superato dalla 
morte quel gran ingegno ! " it begins. Of the whole house, 
the daughter of Giovanni Giorgio Aldobrandini alone 
remained^ — and would necessarily inherit incalculable 
1 iches. 

The state of society in Rome is not badly depicted in 
the following passage. " II marchese I.odovico Lanti, il 
conte Gio. Francesco da Bagni, Berlingieri Gessi e Ber- 
nardino Biscia, aspettando tutti quattro a gara il pontificato 
de' loro zii, ambivano le nozze della principessa Aldo- 
brandina." In the prospect of their uncle's elevation to 
the papacy, the nephews-presumptive were struggling for 
the hand of the richest heiress. 

But neither the marriage they sought, nor the power of 
" the nephew," was to be attained by any one of them. 

Olimpia married a Borghese. Our author is in the 
utmost astonishment at this, because Paul V had persecuted 
the Aldobrandini, and had imprisoned the father of Olimpia 
himself, yet now she gives her hand to his great-nephew. 

In later life, however, as we know, she did in fact fall 
to the lot of a nephew to the reigning pontiff. Innocent X, 

VOL, III, u 


to whom she was destined by the circumstances and interests 
of the Roman court. 

No. 117 

Relatione di q. Zuanne Nani K^ Proc'' ritornaio di amhas- 
ciatore estraordinario di Roma, 1641, 10 Liiglio, 
[Report of Zuanne Nani, on returning from his embassy 
extraordinary to Rome.] Arch. Ven. 

Disagreements of various kinds were continually arising 
between Rome and Venice; in the year 1635, there occurred 
one of the most extraordinary kind. 

A magnificent inscription in pompous terms, had been 
erected in the Sala Regia of the Vatican, by Pius IV, to 
record an achievement of the Venetians on which they 
prided themselves greatly, and which made a splendid figure 
in their annals, a victory, namely, gained over Frederick 
Barbarossa^ and by which, as they affirmed, they had saved 
Alexander III from destruction. 

But the terms of this inscription had gradually come to 
be thought unwarrantable in Rome. That the phrase, 
^' Pontifici Venetae reipublicae beneficio sua dignitas 
restituta," should be exhibited, was held by the constantly 
increasing rigour of orthodoxy to be a kind of affront. The 
spirit of contention for rank then ruling the world, seized 
on this long past and almost forgotten incident, and the 
truth of the narration^ as it appears in Venetian writers of 
history, began moreover to be generally called in question. 
Disputants appeared in print on both sides of the question. 

This is a question that even to the present day has been 
more than once revived. 

I cannot believe that any one possessing the slightest 
notion of historical examination and criticism can remain 
doubtful respecting it. 

But however that may be, it was at all events not 
historical conviction alone, but political jealousy in addition, 
that induced Urban VIII first to alter that inscription, and 
finally to erase it altogether. 

It was in the same light that the matter was viewed by 


the Republic ; the disputes respecting the boundaries, and 
those concerning the precedence of the new prefect becoming 
daily more embittered, Venice, for some time, sent no 
regular ambassador to Rome. 

Accordingly, Nani, who went thither in the year 1638, 
was only ambassador extraordinary. He remained never- 
theless nearly three years and a half, and his report shews that 
he had acquired a considerable acquaintance with the court. 

The chief purpose of his mission was to prevail on the 
pope to support the Republic in case of her being attacked 
by the Turks^ which at that time seemed highly probable. 

It is an extraordinary fact, that this request came at a 
moment which made it particularly acceptable to the pope. 
He could oppose this necessity of the Republic to the 
perpetual demands of the house of Austria, then so hardly 
pressed by the Protestants and the French. 

The ambassador would glady have moved him to a 
mediation also between the belligerent powers ; but the pope 
did not enjoy the general confidence indispensable to such an 
attempt. " Pullulando tante amarezze colle corone, restava 
fiacca, per non dir quasi odiosa, I'autorita del pontefice." 

This ambassador also remarks the inclination of Urban 
to make a display of military force. Whoever desired to 
stand well with him must turn the conversation to his 
fortresses; to which he frequently alluded himself. He 
even declared that he could bring together more than 20^000 
men within the space of twenty days. He further enumerated 
the treasure that he possessed. For immediate necessities 
he had laid by 400,000 scudi, and it was believed that of 
the five millions left by Sixtus V^ three still remained in the 
Castle of St. Angelo. 

Let us now observe in what manner Nani describes the 
person and mode of administration adopted by Urban VIII. 

"The pontiff is in the beginning of the 73rd year of his 
age, and at the close of the 17 th of his pontificate ; no pope 
has enjoyed so long a period of government for a space of 
324 years. He is robust and vigorous, and is gratified at 
being so considered ; indeed, if we except occasional attacks 
of internal disorders to which he appears subject, his con- 
stitution and health are such that he may still last for many 


years. He adopts the most useful measures for the preserva- 
tion of his health, and as he now feels himself becoming 
older, he applies less to business, with regard to which, 
however, he has rarely inflicted on himself more labour than 
was pleasant to him. The morning is passed in giving 
audience and other affairs, the afternoon is reserved for 
rest and conversation with those of his immediate circle, 
in which he is cheerful and facetious, as in more important 
discourse he is learned and eloquent. Even v/hile giving 
audience, he willingly passes from the matter in negotiation, 
to subjects of an interesting or learned character, to which 
he is much devoted. He possesses great talents and great 
qualities, has a wonderful memory, with courage and energy 
that sometimes render him too firmly fixed to his own ideas. 
He has extensive powers of intellect, increased by experience 
of government and the world. He thinks very highly of his 
own opinion, and therefore does not love taking counsel, 
nor does he much regard the qualities of his ministers, who 
might nevertheless give increased force to his measures. 
He is not much disposed to confer favours, and is of hasty 
temper ; so that even with the ministers of sovereign princes, 
he cannot always dissemble his impetuosity. He likes to be 
treated with address and suavity, and if there be any method 
by which the mind of his holiness can be diverted from its 
determination, it is by this alone ; or if one cannot always 
succeed by it, there is in any case one good result, that if 
he will not yield, at least he does not break off in anger. 

" It were much to be desired that the present govern- 
ment had a more extensive and more efficient ' Consulta ; ' 
because, where discussion is wanting, reason will sometimes 
be wanting likewise ; and it is certain that the ministers are 
but few, and still fewer are those who have any authority or 
weight at the palace. With the pontiff himself, no one is 
known to have influence, and his holiness places his own 
opinion above that of all : the others are wont either to 
applaud, or at least conform to it. In former times it was 
usual for the pope to have three or four cardinals near 
his person, with whom all more important affairs were dis- 
cussed before they were determined on, and it was then held 
to be part of the nephews' secret policy to introduce their 


own dependents into the confidence of their uncle, to the 
end that these might lead or win him over on occasions 
where they could not themselves appear, or did not wish to 
reveal their inclinations. 

" Barberini has not chosen to circumvent the freedom 
of the pope in this manner, but reserving to himself ex- 
clusively the place immediately next the ear of his holiness, 
he compels all others to remain at a distance, and to submit 
their own opinions to his sole judgment, not seeming pleased 
that any should speak to the pope on business without having 
first communicated with himself. Yet he does not avail 
himself of this authority, which he alone enjoys, with that 
liberty which might perhaps be advantageous to the public 
good, and to his own interests ; so that, not daring to lift a 
breath against the resolutions or opinions of the pope, he 
frequently assumes the appearance of being equally obstinate 
with his holiness himself, and by this means has subjected 
himself to the displeasure of kings and other sovereigns, 
with the dislike of their ministers, for not diverting or 
preventing many strange and disagreeable occurrences. 

" Under the pontificate of the present pope, the cardinals 
complain accordingly, more particularly those created by 
him, of not being treated with openness or confidence. 
The cardinal-nephew employs the services of very few 
ministers, while the vast amount of business and other causes 
might seem to make him require many. Pancirolo and 
Bicchi, auditors of the Rota, are those most admitted to 
his intimacy and most frequently employed. 

"Pancirolo is a man of advanced age and great ex- 
perience; he was employed in Piedmont respecting the 
peace, even from the time when the wars of Mantua com- 
menced. He is employed in affairs connected with the 
administration of the Papal States, and as I have not had 
to transact any business with him, I have nothing to relate 
concerning his personal qualities. 

" Bicchi is a man of high character, prompt and sagacious ; 
he directs almost all affairs with foreign princes, and has 
more particularly the management of those pertaining to 
the Republic. He is entirely dependent on Barberini, a 
circumstance which renders him particularly acceptable tc 


the cardinal; he has encountered many vexations from 
some of the foreign ministers, but is upon the whole greatly 
liked. He has no other experience than that derived from 
his present employment, which is an important one; my 
business has always been transacted with him, and your 
excellencies will remember to have seen him frequently 
described in my letters, as well as in his official documents. 
In the management of affairs, he displays address and cool- 
ness, with equal ability and diligence. He speaks of the 
most serene Republic with all possible expressions of rever- 
ence and devotion. He has it much at heart to secure a 
certain matter touching the pensions of the cardinal his 
brother, respecting which I have written at other times. 

"To these I will add Monsignor Cecca, secretary of 
state, because he is at present assisting in the negotiations 
of the league. He has not more than ordinary talent, but 
from long experience in his office, has a competent know- 
ledge of business. He is considerably advanced in years, 
and is believed to be near to the cardinalate ; though not 
greatly beloved by the nephews, he is much respected on 
account of the regard borne to him by his holiness. When 
the present pontiff was nuncio at the court of France, Cecca 
was in the service of his secretary, and by a marvellous 
change of fortune, yet one not uncommon in the Roman 
court, he stepped into the place of his master, who is still 
living in no very prosperous circumstances, while Cecca 
enjoys an important office with good revenues_, and has 
prospects of more than common advancement. There are 
none beside in the circle of Barberini possessing either 
credit or talents to merit observation. 

" For the governmenc of the state, there is a ' Consulta ' 
of cardinals and prelates, which meets for the discussion of 
various matters twice in each week. The other congrega- 
tions are those of the Inquisition, of ' Propaganda Fide/ of 
the Council, of the regular clergy, of ceremonial rites, and 
other interests of a similar character. But the whole affair 
resolves itself into mere talk, because the decision rests 
entirely with his holiness and the nephew. A congregation 
of state is held from time to time in the presence of the 
pope, for purposes of high importance ; but none take part 


in these councils excepting the cardinals created by himself 
or others in his confidence, or who have served in nuncia- 
tures. Even this, too, serves rather for the ratification of 
decisions than for the determination of them by discussion, 
because nothing is deliberated on, or presented as a decree, 
except in conformity with the opinion either expressed or 
suffered to be understood as that of his holiness ; and indeed 
the pontiffs are wont to complain that they have not any 
one in whom they may confide, all the cardinals living with 
their eyes turned on those foreign princes with whom their 
interests are connected." 

No. 118 

Racconto delle cose pin considerahili die sono occorse nel 
governo di Roma in tempo di Mo?is'^ Gio. Bait. Spada. 
[Relation of the most important events that have taken 
place in the government of Rome during the time of 
Monsignor Gio. Battista Spada.] 

Respecting the latter days of Urban VIII, replete with 
pictures of life and manner, more especially of circumstances 
falling within the department of justice and the police of 
the States, and recorded with unquestionable authenticity. 

We find the old contentions still prevailing among the 
ancient families of Rome, between the Gaetani and Colonna 
for example ; not only was it difficult to effect any agree- 
ment between them, but many days were required even 
for drawing up a document, wherein the requisite history 
of their quarrels should be related in such a manner that 
one or the other would not feel insulted. 

Disputes were also frequent between the French and 
Spaniards. They would meet for example in taverns, each 
drank to the health of his own sovereign, offence was soon 
taken; but the weaker party remained moderately quiet, 
until being reinforced, it could meet its opponent on equal 
ground ; then, assembling on the public places of the city, 
they would come to blows, and it was not without the utmost 
difficulty that the bargello could separate them. 


But although thus divided among themselves, they all 
do their best to oppose the court, and rival each other in 
resistance to the policy of Rome. 

The ambassadors were especially difficult to manage; 
they gradually set up those pretensions which were sub- 
sequently the cause of so many serious disputes. They 
not only declared their palaces to be sanctuaries and free, 
permitting unlawful games to be established in them; but 
they even claimed the right of extending their protection 
to the neighbouring houses. Monsignor Spada naturally 
opposed these pretensions. ^' For if so much courtesy had 
been extended to the lords ambassadors that none should 
enter their houses or families, the extent to which they now 
desired to carry the matter was too great, being no less 
than that no execution should be permitted in the neigh- 
bouring houses, or even in the same cluster of buildings 

Historically considered, the most important incidents 
here described are two attempts on the life of Urban VIII, 
which are given with the most satisfactory authenticity. 

1. ^'Concerning the trial of Giacinto Centini, nephew 
of Cardinal d'Ascoli, and of certain of his accomplices. — 
The substance was to this effect : it having been prognosti- 
cated that the cardinal would succeed to the present pontiff, 
Giacinto Centini, led away by this prophecy, and desiring 
to see it instantly fulfilled, had formed a compact with Fra 
Serafino Cherubini da Ancona, a Minorite ; Fra Pietro da 
Palermo, an Eremite, who assumed the name of Fra Bernar- 
dino; and Fra Domenico da Fermo, an Augustinian, for 
the purpose of seeking to shorten the life of our lord the 
pope by diabolic acts; and to that effect it was resolved 
to make a figure of wax, representing the pope, which 
was executed ; and after many invocations of demons, and 
sacrifices offered to the same, this was melted, destroyed, 
and consumed at the fire, with the firm belief that the said 
figure being so consumed, the life of Pope Urban must 
terminate with it, and thus make way for the succession of 
Cardinal d'Ascoli, uncle of Giacinto." 

2. '' The confession of Tomaso Orsolini da Recanate. — 
That by the instigation of Fra Domenico Brancaccio da 

No. 119] APPENDIX— SECtlON V 297 

Bagnarea, an Augustinian, he had gone to Naples for the 
purpose of making a pretended discovery to the viceroy of 
a supposed agreement among the princes for the invasion 
of the kingdom of Naples, wherein his holiness also was to 
take part, and the remedy proposed was, that either the 
pope or one of the confederates was to be put to death. 
This the aforesaid Father Bagnarea offered to do himself, 
provided they would furnish him with 3,000 scudi, which 
he would give to the sacristan of his holiness, who was now 
become incapable of labour; when he, Bagnarea, having 
succeeded to that office, would have put poison into the 
host, which his holiness would have to consecrate in the 
mass; or otherwise, if he could not succeed in becoming 
sacristan, he would have contrived that the apothecary 
Carcurasio, his relative, should poison the medicaments 
applied to the setons of his holiness; but he did not pro- 
ceed to the extent of describing all this to the viceroy, 
because, having intimated to him that the pope must be 
put to death, he saw that the viceroy did not entertain that 

No. 119 

Historka relatione delV origine e progressi delle rottnre nate 
tra la casa Barberina et Odoardo Fariiese duca di Parma 
e Fiacenza. [Historical relation of the origin and pro- 
gress of the disputes between the house of Barberini 
and Odoardo Farnese, duke of Parma and Piacenza.] 
Vienna Library. Historia Prof. N. 899. 224 leaves. 

This is the work of a partisan, given in the form of a 
letter, in which the origin of these contentions is wholly 
attributed to the ill-will of the Barberini. The monti of the 
barons are connected by this author, as well as others, with 
those of the state. The pope readily granted the necessary 
permissions, because he thus rendered the barons more sub- 
servient to himself. (" Nella erettione di simili monti il 
principe era mallevadore, riservatosi il beneplacito di poterne 
dimandare I'estintione a suo piacimento.") 

I do not find that this work, although voluminous, makes 


any important disclosures; and since we are not in this 
case in any want of information, it has no great value. The 
most remarkable part of it is, without doubt, the description 
of Pope Urban's anti-Austrian, and in a certain sense anti- 
Catholic tendencies. 

" He would sometimes give it to be understood, that 
though the progress made by the Catholics against the 
heretics was very pleasing to him, yet that there was cause 
to fear lest this prosperity should some day turn to their 
injury, by the jealousies that would be excited throughout 
the world, lest the empire should absorb the last remaining 
vestige of liberty. A report was current in all the courts 
that to Urban were to be ascribed those suspicions of 
Duke Maximilian, which caused a great schism in the 
union of Catholic princes, who were exposed to the chances 
of reactions, for they supposed that when once the heretics 
were subdued, the arms of Austria would be turned to 
the injury of those who had been ministers to the great- 
ness of that house ; and to say all, there were some who 
in those days boasted of knowing that the mission of Ceva, 
the confidential minister of the house of Barberini, sent 
into France with the title of nuncio extraordinary, had 
received in the most profound concealment a secret com- 
mand to excite the French king to mingle in the com- 
motions of Germany, to the end that, acting in concert with 
Bavaria, he might devise a method for raising up some 
barrier against the increasing power of the house of 

This proves at least that such views were prevalent at 
the time. 

No. 120 

Delia vita di Papa Urbano VIII e historia del suo pontifi- 
cato^ scritta da Atidrea Nicoletti. [The life of Pope 
Urban VIII and history of his pontificate, by Andrea 
Nicoletti.] 8 volumes in folio MS. 

It is much to be regretted that there are so few good, 
or even available biographies of the persons most eminent 
in history. 


The cause of this deficiency must not be ascribed to 
indifference to their memory ; this was, indeed, most com- 
monly very highly estimated, if not overrated, by those 
connected with them ; it may be attributed to the following 
cause : — 

At first, when the remembrance is still fresh, and ma- 
terials might readily be gathered, certain scruples are felt 
with regard to contemporaries ; the whole truth is not told ; 
a multitude of individuals would be compromised, and 
numberless animosities called forth against the subject of 
the memoir himself. 

At a later period, and when contemporaries also have 
disappeared, when courage might be found for speaking, 
the memory of the hero has also become faint, the materials 
are scattered, the interest itself has declined, and awakens 
only in the minds of those who desire to investigate the 
facts for historical purposes. 

In this state fof things, the following expedient was 
frequently adopted in Italy. 

The materials existing were handed over to some 
trusted friend or servant of the house, who being well and 
personally informed of the general facts, then placed them 
together, arranged them duly, and formed them into a con- 
nected narrative ; yet this was not intended for the press, 
it was preserved in MS. among the family annals. 

In this manner the susceptibilities of the contemporary 
were spared ; while yet the possibility was retained of 
reviving the rapidly fading memory at some future time, and 
presenting it in all the fulness of truth. 

To this class of works belongs the biography of Andrea 

It contains the recollections of the Barberini family 
respecting the personal character and various transactions 
of Urban VIII. But the mass of the work, and that which 
gives the volume its bulk, is the collected correspondence, 
of which all is inserted, of the ambassadors belonging to the 
twenty-one years of Urban's pontificate. 

This biography is, in fact, essentially formed of a com- 
pilation of the despatches from the different nunciatures. 

It contains not the final reports, the " relationi," properly 


so called, but the despatches themselves, as was most fitting 
to a biography. The pope constantly appears in this work 
as himself directing, determining, and acting. 

I have observed that similar compilations were attempted 
in Venice ; but as the active proceedings of the republic 
do not appear, and only the mass of the reports presented 
is placed before us, without any of their effects becoming 
apparent, the attention very soon becomes distracted and 

In the work of Nicoletti the case is totally different ; the 
vocation of the papacy, the complicated political position 
of Urban VIII, the immediate bearing of each report on 
some important circumstance of general history, — all tend 
to produce unity of purpose, and awaken interest. 

It is obvious that the notices here presented in relation 
to the period of the thirty years' war must needs have 
especial importance ; and in fact they throw light on it at 
every point. 

It must be allowed, that where the author attempts a 
judgment, or relates a fact from his own authority, we 
cannot follow him altogether without reserve. Here and 
there he may probably have been unable to procure 
authentic information ; the official complexion is not to be 
concealed, even in the origin and first conception of such a 
work. I will cite but one example. In the 3rd volume of 
his work, p. 673, Nicoletti affirms that Urban VIII had 
heard of the conclusion of peace between France and 
England with much bitter grief ("il rammarico fu acer- 
bissimo "), while from Aluise Contarini, who took a per- 
sonal share in all the negotiations, we learn that the pope 
had even advised those negotiations and that conclusion. 
The error of Nicoletti proceeds from the fact, that amidst 
the enormous accumulation of correspondence before him, 
this notice had escaped his observation, and that he judged 
the pope according to his own idea of what was demanded 
of Urban's ecclesiastical position. Many similar instances 
occur, but these do not prevent us from believing the author 
where he merely gives extracts. 

It is the practice of Nicoletti to insert the papers in 
their whole extent, with such changes only as are demanded 


by the form of narrative. The utmost deviation that he 
can have made is to misplace certain particulars, or omit 
certain documents. Yet, from the nature of his charge, 
which merely consisted in arranging the papers given him, 
and from the character of the work, which was not in- 
tended for the public, this was not to be anticipated, nor 
have I found any trace of its being done. 

Although I have proceeded diligently through all these 
volumes, and have not neglected the opportunity of making 
myself acquainted with historical materials of so much 
importance, it would nevertheless be impossible to give a 
more minute account of them in this place. Whoever has 
occupied himself with the examination of correspondence 
will remember how much he has been compelled to read 
before attaining to a clear perception of any one fact. For 
materials so diffuse, I cannot find space in this work. 

There follows, however, the description of the last 
moments of Urban VIII, which is highly remarkable; as 
also of his personal character, as Nicoletti conceived it. 

Volume viii., near the close : — " In those days (towards 
the end of June) the heat in Rome was excessive, and even 
much more perilous than common ; nevertheless, the pope 
believing himself to be somewhat recovered from his 
malady, and knowing that seventeen churches were without 
their bishops, while Cardinal Grimaldi, who had returned 
from the nunciature of France, had not received his 
cardinal's hat, declared that he would hold a consistory on 
the approaching Monday. Cardinal Barberini thought that 
he might also induce him to complete the promotion of 
some cardinals; for which cause he did not oppose his 
purpose by representing his dangerous state of weakness, 
and the slow fever that might be redoubled by that exertion, 
but rather applauded his intention and encouraged him, as 
though he had been in good health. The report of the 
intended consistory getting about, while some believed the 
pope to be dying, and others that he was dead, but that his 
death was kept concealed for some days, the greater part of 
Rome was seen to be alarmed, although all put on glad looks 
and pretended to rejoice at the restoration of the pontiff's 
health. But Cardinal Barberini perceiving afterwards that 


the pope would not proceed to the promotion of any 
cardinal, although eight were wanting to the sacred college, 
either because he was not satisfied with the persons pro- 
posed to him, or because he desired to leave that office to 
his successor, then made an earnest attempt to dissuade him 
by powerful reasons and pressing entreaties from holding 
the consistory at that time ; and he laboured all the more 
eagerly because he saw that, besides the probable injury to 
the pope, he should himself be discredited and lose in the 
general esteem^ since the cardinals of his proposing not 
being promoted, the report universally prevailing of his 
having lost favour with the pope on account of the wars 
would receive confirmation, and the opinion that if Urban's 
life were prolonged, Cardinal Antonio would obtain the 
supremacy, would be strengthened. The pontiff not being 
moved by these arguments and prayers, Monsignor Roscioli, 
knowing that he should oblige Cardinal Barberini, and help 
to preserve the life of his holiness by dissuading him fi'om 
the said resolution, and confiding in the good-will of the 
pope towards himself, determined to adopt every means, 
even using the names of the cardinals and of the whole 
city, to prevail on him for the abandonment of that con- 
sistory. Having taking therefore a befitting opportunity, he 
entered the apartments of the pope, and kneeling before 
him^ declared that he did not propose to supplicate him in 
the name of his ministers, nor on the part of his nephews, 
or of the house of Barberini, but of the whole city of Rome ; 
for that his holiness, having been chosen for the welfare of 
the nations^ and for the safety of the Church, when abandon- 
ing the care of his own person by exposing himself, while 
still weak, to the danger of accident, abandoned at the 
same time the whole city and the government committed to 
him by the Church, to the extreme grief of all : that his 
welfare or peril was of more consequence to Christendom 
in general than to the house of Barberini, or to his holiness 
himself; and that, therefore, if he would not defer the 
fatigue of that consistory at the prayers of his nephews, he 
should do so at least for the entreaties of all Rome, which 
implored him to comply. The pope, after reflecting for a 
time, replied that he did not desire to prolong his life 


further, knowing that the pontificate was a burden no 
longer suited to his strength, and that God would provide 
for his Church. After this reply, having remained silent for 
a time, Monsignor Roscioli perceived that the pope had his 
eyes full of tears, and raising them to heaven with sighs, he 
burst into fervent prayers to God, imploring the Divine 
Majesty to release him from this present life, wherewith he 
seemed to be grievously wearied. 

"The Monday appointed for holding the consistory 
having arrived, a vast multitude of people assembled at the 
palace, curious to see the pope, whom but shortly before 
they had believed dead. Scarcely had he entered, before 
the cardinals perceived that his life was indeed approaching 
the end, for he looked languid and pale, and had almost 
lost the power of utterance ; towards the end of the con- 
sistory more particularly he appeared to have become 
almost insensible. This was attributed to the excessive 
heat of the season, increased by the crowd of people who 
had found their way in ; but neither did the ministers nearest 
to the pope's person, nor Cardinal Barberini himself, escape 
reproach for not having prevented the pontiff from exposing 
himself to that fatiguing office, the people not knowing the 
efforts that had been made to divert him from this purpose : 
for any one seeing him in that state of suffering and weak- 
ness, would have been moved to pity, since it was manifest 
that the malady had shaken his mind and deprived him of 
all sound judgment respecting the affairs before him. After 
the propositions concerning the churches had been made, 
and after having given the hat to Cardinal Grimaldi, he 
left the consistory with his disorder greatly aggravated, as 
had been foretold. 

" On the following day he performed an action by which 
he acquired the fame of great piety, and which is worthy of 
record as an example to all ecclesiastical princes. This was 
to summon before him certain theologians, who were very 
eminent in that science, and also for probity, being besides 
considered by the pope to be incapable of adulation. To 
these divines he first caused a full statement to be given of 
all the ecclesiastical estates and revenues wherewith he had 
enriched the house of Barberini during the time of his 


pontificate, commanding them to declare whether he had in 
anywise exceeded his power and authority ; since he was 
prepared to take back from his nephews whatever might 
burden his conscience before the tribunal of God. The 
theologians were Cardinal de Lugo, Father Torquato de 
Lupis, of the Society of Jesus, and some others. And the 
pope was encouraged to this act by the serenity he per- 
ceived on the countenance of Cardinal Barberini, when 
having summoned him first of all, he made him acquainted 
with his purpose ; so that, notwithstanding the late shadows 
of doubt between them, he seemed almost disposed to take 
his advice on the subject. The cardinal applauded the 
piety of his holiness, and shewed particular satisfaction re- 
specting that intention, hoping still greater blessings from 
the most bountiful hand of God, since all this was to be 
done solely for the satisfaction of the Divine Majesty. It 
is said that the unanimous opinion of the theologians was 
this ; that his holiness, having enriched his nephews, might 
with a safe conscience permit them to enjoy all the wealth 
he had conferred on them, and that for two reasons : First, 
that having promoted many persons to the cardinalate with- 
out having provided them with revenues suitable to their 
position, the nephews would thus be in a condition to 
supply them according to their need. The other reason 
why the conscience of the pope should be tranquil was, that 
the nephews aforesaid having in that long reign, and during 
the wars, incurred the hatred and hostility of various prirtces, 
it was reasonable that they should be left in a condition to 
defend themselves and maintain their rank : it was even 
necessary to the credit of the Apostolic See that they should 
not be contemned, as frequently happens to those who are 
reduced from an eminent position to an inferior one : thus 
the being well provided with riches and with the goods of 
fortune, would but tend to make them more respected : 
besides which, the said nephews were by nature endowed 
with so much Christian charity, that they would apply those 
revenues to the benefit of the poor and for other pious uses. 
By these and similar reasonings the pontiff appeared to be 

" He proceeded then to prepare for death, which he felt 


in himself to be approaching; but amidst these thoughts 
and dispositions he yet shewed himself in all his conversa- 
tions to be full of a just anger against the princes of Italy ; 
feeling a deep grief that it must remain recorded of his 
pontificate how those potentates had leagued themselves 
against him, and had assailed the States of the Church with 
their armies. For this cause he sometimes broke out into 
bitter reproaches against them, as men without piety, with- 
out religion, and without laws ; imploring the just vengeance 
of heaven, that he might live to see them punished, or 
at least repentant. Peace had already been concluded 
with them, as has been said elsewhere, being ratified and 
signed by his holiness ; but in this the two cardinals 
Barberini were not included or named ; whence their more 
faithful adherents were of opinion that while — on account 
of the life of the pope — the house of Barberini was still 
feared, all possible efforts should be made to have the said 
cardinals declared parties to and included in that peace, 
by the Italian princes. And Cardinal Bicchi, who went 
as plenipotentiary to those princes on the part of France, 
affirmed that, not being assured of the pope's death, they 
would shew no reluctance to negotiate and accept that 
treaty : but Cardinal Barberini forbade the attempt in ex- 
press terms, commanding Bicchi to do nothing whatever in 
that behalf, even though the princes should of themselves 
propose the arrangement; nor would he listen to any 
counsels on that head, alleging as a reason, that the desire 
to be included and named in the articles of peace was no 
other than an admission on their parts that they were the 
authors and promoters of the war, to say nothing of the fact 
that it was not usual to name the ministers or agents in 
treaties of peace, but only the princes and chiefs who had 
taken part in the war. 

"At that time there were, as we have said, eight 
vacancies in the sacred college of cardinals, for which cause, 
there was infinite agitation at court, so great a number being 
capable of occasioning no small change in the position of 
the established factions. The pope, as Cardinal Barberini 
frequently remarked to us, desired that the cardinals should 
possess a greater extent of influence and more abundant 

VOL. m. }^ 


revenues, wherefore he proposed to reduce the sacred 
college, by an especial ' constitution/ to the number of fifty, 
for which reason it was that he had decided to make no 
further promotions. Barberini, however, knowing that the 
pope would not attain his purpose by leaving so many 
vacancies, but would confer great benefit on the faction of 
his successor, entreated him continually to yield to the 
general opinion, and promote as many persons as were then 
worthy of the purple ; but all their efforts were vain ; the 
pope replied, that he would not put it in the power of any 
of his successors to quote his example for creating cardinals 
at the close of life, thus privately and indecorously, even on 
his death-bed; that he had received an example from 
Gregory XV, which he desired to transmit with equal glory 
to his successors. Other personages then laboured to move 
him, more particularly Cardinal de Lugo, who sought to 
enforce the arguments of Cardinal Barberini by suggesting 
that the pope might confirm the consistorial decree of the 
three cardinals already elected, which had been drawn up 
after the consistory in which the last promotion had taken 
place; he affirmed that Cardinal Barberini, as vice-chancellor, 
was bound to lay this before his holiness, not that he might 
promote, as was the case of Gregory, but merely that he 
might declare the cardinals already created and reserved 
' in petto,' an announcement which appeared reasonable to 
all the sacred college, and for which no new consistory was 
required. But the pontiff, either because he was displeased 
with Cardinal Barberini for having proposed persons not 
agreeable to his holiness, or that he believed he should thus 
have a more glorious memory, remained immovable to all 
entreaty, commanding that none should venture again to 
speak to him of promotion. 

" The aspect of Pope Urban was extremely cheerful, yet 
full of majesty. There was a certain melancholy in his 
temperament, so that when it was necessary to bleed him, 
which usually occurred in the spring, there proceeded from 
his veins small particles, as if congealed by that humour. 
Nor without this could he have made so much progress in 
letters, since philosophers tell us that melancholy contributes 
to facilitate the acquisition of the sciences, and to their 


retention in the mind. The proportions of his body and 
limbs were nobly adjusted ; his stature rather tall^ his com- 
plexion olive, his figure rather muscular than fat. His head 
was large, giving evidence of a wonderful intellect and a 
most tenacious memory. His forehead was ample and 
serene, the colour of his eyes a light blue^ the nose well 
proportioned, the cheeks round, but in his latter years 
greatly attenuated ; his mouth was full of grace, his voice 
sonorous and very agreeable, so that with the Tuscan idiom 
which he retained all his life, there proceeded from those 
lips the sweetest words, full of eloquence, adorned with 
flowers of polite learning, of sacred letters, and of ancient 
examples. From the time of his elevation to the prelacy he 
wore his beard of a moderate length and square form, and 
this, with his grey hair, gave him an extremely venerable 
aspect. He was in truth so amiable, that, with the excep- 
tion of a too great openness — unless when restrained by the 
importance of the matter in hand — there was no fault that 
the most observant critics could blame in him. And if he 
was sometimes excited to anger, he soon returned to his 
previous good humour. It was the opinion of sagacious 
persons, that with Pope Urban it was necessary to be pro- 
foundly learned, or else to possess little, perhaps no learning ; 
for as he did not disdain to be won over by the acquire- 
ments of the speaker in the one case, so in the other he so 
greatly compassionated the condition of the person, that he 
would himself assist and console him : but this always 
supposes that the latter was not presuming or arrogant, 
abusing the humanity and good disposition of the pope, 
who was ever most harsh and inflexible towards the proud 
and arrogant, as he was gentle and benevolent towards the 
respectful and modest. . . . He was most considerate to- 
wards his aforesaid servants, and towards his own relations, 
choosing such times for employing them as were regulated 
rather by their convenience than by his own : nor did he 
disdain occasionally to listen with patience to expressions 
of feeling or of complaint from them. In his maladies also, 
he seemed to grieve more for the vigils and fatigues of his 
attendants, than for his own illness and pains. He was not, 
indeed, very patient of clamours and loud lamentations, but 


he disliked to refuse or to see any one leave him dissatisfied. 
He was most cheerful and pleasant with his more confiden- 
tial servants, and would sometimes jest with them and 
indulge in witticisms. ... He never forgot his old friends, 
even when absent or dead, and his benevolence, in this 
respect, was admirable, whence he commanded Cardinal 
Biscia, a cardinal of his own creation, and one of those in 
whom he most confided, that he should be careful to give 
him frequent intelligence of them ; and if they were dead, 
that note should be taken of their descendants, to the end 
that they might be provided for as opportunity should offer. 
'^ There was the utmost plenty of all things in Rome 
during this pontificate, and the pope was accustomed to say 
that he had derived his birth from Florence, but had received 
all his greatness from Rome. He desired that every one 
should enjoy the prosperity of his pontificate, — that the 
saleable offices of the chancery should produce large gains 
to their purchasers : thus he was most liberal in transacting 
the affairs of the dataria ; he wished that the artisans should 
make large profits at their trades^ but lawfully, and without 
fraud ; to merchants of all sorts he was equally favourable, 
— whence it followed that money circulated so freely during 
his pontificate, as to make all persons, of whatever profes- 
sion, content and satisfied. He gave especial orders for 
the supply of corn, and endured the expense willingly in 
consideration of the abundance maintained. His greatest 
enjoyment was to know that the husbandman was not de- 
prived of those gains which he considered that the risk of life 
and means incurred by those who toiled on the vast extent 
of the Campagna, and were exposed to its insalubrious air, 
merited : then, when it appeared to him that the sea-coast 
was principally useful for agriculture, he turned his thoughts 
in that direction, and frequently talked of draining the Pon- 
tine Marshes, to recover those immense districts now under 
water, and that entirely for the public benefit : but other 
cares would not permit him to enjoy the completion of so 
glorious a design. Neither would he permit that the price 
of grain or other food should be fixed ; but to maintain the 
abundance aforesaid, he would have all free, thus preventing 
monopoly. Hence, the merchants, filling their granaries, 

No. 120] APPENDIX— SECTION V 30c) 

vied with each other in selling cheaply, and the city of 
Rome became rich. 

•'That literature should flourish during his pontificate 
cannot be matter of surprise, since he had no more agree- 
able recreation than the society of the learned, whom he 
always received with kindness and treated liberally. He 
was also a great lover of the other noble professions, as 
painting, sculpture, and the various fine arts, so that he 
did not disdain frequently to visit their professors; more 
especially one day, when going to visit the seven churches 
with all the sacred college, and having arrived at Santa 
Maria Maggiore, and offered his prayers in that basilica, he 
entered with the aforesaid train of cardinals into the house 
of the Cavaliere Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini, which stood 
near, to examine certain renowned works of sculpture from 
his chisel. 

" Having been compelled by various causes to impose 
many burdens and taxes, he was sometimes seen to weep 
over such measures, saying that he would willingly give his 
own blood or that of his kindred rather than hear of the 
afflictions suffered by the nations and by Rome, or the 
embarrassments of the apostolic treasury. And to Mon- 
signor Lorenzo Raggi, treasurer of the same, who went to 
receive audience during his last illness, he said that he 
desired to live two months longer, but not more, and that 
for three reasons : first, that he might have a longer time for 
repentance and to seek the forgiveness of God for his sins ; 
next, that he might complete the restoration to the castle of 
St. Angelo of all the money taken out of it for the war of 
Castro ; and thirdly, that he might see the building of the 
walls enclosing the Borgo and Trastevere completed, and 
the city of Rome secured. 

" If the heroic actions of the pope, from the w^eakness 
of my pen, shall be set forth without eloquence, without 
dignity of style, and, in fine, without due proportion to the 
worth of so great a pontiff, they have, nevertheless, been 
recorded with pure and sincere truth, which was particularly 
enjoined and inculcated by those who held supreme autho- 
rity over me; that is to say, that I should write simply as an 
historian^ and s/ioiild wholly abstain from all adulation atid 


vanities J also fi'orti rhetorical amplifications^ attending more to 
things than to words. 

" But to consider his application to sacred matters, 
besides having caused the Roman ritual to be corrected 
and reprinted, he did not neglect to give many regulations 
for the pontifical chapel, although, either from the negligence 
of the ministers or from the pressure of other affairs, the 
principal things only have been retained and observed ; and 
it is certain that he also reformed the use of indulgences, 
that he might close the mouths of the heretics. 

" Finally, if Urban had not engaged in war, — or, to 
speak more exactly, if he had not been provoked and drawn 
into it by force, which even greatly hastened his death, there 
could not have been desired a pontiff more glorious, nor a 
sovereign of more exalted qualities, by means of which, for 
many years of his pontificate, he attached to himself the 
affection of all Christendom, so that to this day his memory 
is blessed by the nations for those happy years, during 
which they enjoyed tranquillity and peace." 



In the preceding section we have thrown together whatever 
has immediate reference to Urban VIII; there still remain 
some few writings which connect his times with those directly 

No. 121 

Relatione della vita de Card^ Cccchmi, composta da ltd mede- 
siino. [Life of Cardinal Cecchini, composed by him- 
self.] Barberini Library, 275 pages. 

These are personal memoirs, which do not throw much 
direct light on important matters of state, but which present 
a very interesting example of the life of an ecclesiastic; 
private, indeed, but always passed in the midst of important 
events, and under remarkable circumstances. 

The author informs us that he composed these memoirs 
for his own gratification : " Tra tutte le cose che apportano 
air uomo sommo piacere, una ^ la memoria delle cose 

Cecchini left Perugia for Rome in the year 1604, being 
then at the age of fifteen. 

He had placed his hopes on the Aldobrandini family, 
with which he was remotely connected; but Clement VIII 
died too soon for his interests, and after his death the power 
of the Aldobrandini departed. It is true that Cecchini 
might have flattered himself that he had found a new source 
of hope, seeing that in Perugia he had formed an acquaint- 
ance with Scipione Caffarelli, the same who, under Paul V, 
contrived to make his position of nephew to the reigning 
pontiff so extensively advantageous ; but Caffarelli did not 

3t2 Appendix— s£CTioN vi [Mo. 12 1 

choose to remember this acquaintance, and the youth was 
compelled to seek protection elsewhere. 

But it was then his good fortune to attach himself pre- 
cisely to the two prelates who afterwards attained to the 
highest dignities, Ludovisio and Pamfili. 

The opinion that Ludovisio would obtain the tiara very 
early prevailed in Rome. Thus when Ludovico, nephew of 
the cardinal, was admitted to the prelacy in 1619, many 
regarded him as the future " cardinal-padrone." AH eyes 
were directed towards him; his friends and dependents 
were already labouring, each to supplant the other. Cecchini 
himself complains that some had attempted to displace him, 
but that he contrived to retain his position ; he was even 
enabled to render his patron important services ; being a 
kinsman of the Aldobrandini, he was in a condition to effect 
an alliance between the two houses. Cardinal Aldobrandini 
promised his vote to Ludovisio. 

The requisite measures were soon taken with a view to 
Ludovisio's elevation. That cardinal long hesitated whether 
or not he should accept a pension of 1,200 scudi offered him 
by the Spaniards, after the conclusion of peace with Savoy ; 
fearing lest he should incur the enmity of the French. 
Cecchini was called on to speak of this matter with the 
French ambassador, and remove from his mind all suspicions 
that might arise from that cause. 

Under these circumstances. Cardinal Ludovisio came to 
the conclave held in Rome after the death of Paul V, already 
expecting to be chosen. Cecchini hastened to meet him. 
" I conduct the pope to Rome," he exclaimed in his joyous 
zeal. "We have but to be on our guard against the car- 
dinal of Aquino," replied Ludovisio, " and all will be well." 
" Ludovisio aveva tal sicurezza del pontificato che doman- 
dommi per burla, chi saria stato papa : rispondendogli che 
il papa non era in Roma e che io I'avrei condotto, con gran 
fiducia mi soggiunse queste parole : ' Guardatemi del card' 
d' Aquino, che faremo bene.' " 

All succeeded according to their wishes. Ludovisio was 
really elected. The nephew embraced Cecchini for joy, 
and made him his auditor. 

The latter was thus brought into contact with the supreme 


No. i2i] APPENDI^t— SECTION VI 313 

power. He was not without a certain share in pubhc 
business, or was at least admitted to the knowledge of affairs, 
but his most important occupation was still the arrangement 
of the cardinal's money matters ; the revenues from Avignon 
and Fermo passed through his hands. The cardinal did not 
wish to have the exact sums that he expended made known, 
for he was in the highest degree magnificent in his habits. 
When Ludovisio became grand chamberlain, Cecchini was 
raised to be auditor of that office. 

The most singular abuses are here brought to our notice. 
Certain orders, called '* non gravetur," were issued in the 
name of the cardinal-nephew, and whoever possessed these 
was secured from arrest. People sought to defend them- 
selves from their creditors by a " non gravetur ; " there were 
even artisans who were thus protected. But our author 
relates things much worse than this. Under Pope Paul V 
a suit had been instituted against the Prior and Prince 
Aldobrandini. Cecchini declares that the fiscal-general 
employed false witnesses to obtain sentence of condem- 
nation against them. It was not their death that was 
desired ; the object proposed was to force the Aldobrandini 
into resigning certain castles and domains to the Borghese 
family. Under Gregory XV, the fiscal-general was impri- 
soned for this affair. ^' Pier Maria Cirocchi, who was 
fiscal-general under Paul V, was imprisoned by Gregory XV 
for many imputed crimes : among the chief of these was 
this, that in the criminal process instituted against the 
Prince and Prior Aldobrandini, in which they were con- 
demned to suffer loss of life and goods, he had caused the 
examination of false witnesses, as without doubt he did; 
and the said sentence was pronounced for no other end 
than that of forcing Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini to yield 
the castles of Montefortino and Olevano, which he had 
bought of the duke of Zagarolo, to Cardinal Borghese, in 
return for which, the said condemnation of the nephews was 
to be remitted ; and he agreed to do it, they being also sent 
prisoners to the Castle of St. Angelo, where they remained 
four months." Acts of baseness that are hateful as they are 
atrocious, — the duty of the historian forbids him to be silent 
respecting them; but we must not fail to remark that 


Cecchini was naturally an adherent of the Aldobrandini 

On the death of Gregory XV^ Urban VIII was elected 
pope. Cecchini had previously found an occasion for ren- 
dering him an important service, though it was only by 
remaining silent. In a moment of violent anger, and while 
yet cardinal only. Urban had once said that a certain some- 
thing should be borne in mind, to Cardinal Ludovisio's 
cost. Now there was nothing that would so fatally have 
injured Urban in the conclave, where Ludovisio was so 
powerful, as this menace ; but at the entreaty of Magalotti, 
Cecchini remained silent on the subject. 

This pontiff appears in extremely characteristic colours 
on another occasion in this biography. 

Urban VIII felt deeply mortified by the protest of 
Borgia ; he attributed to the cardinals Ubaldini and Ludo- 
visio some share in this matter, and desired to punish them 
for it. He would have thrown Ubaldini into prison, had 
not the fiscal steadfastly opposed himself to that purpose ; 
but the cardinal was at least compelled to absent himself, 
nor would the pope suffer even Ludovisio to remain in 
Rome. He therefore called Cecchini, who was still in the 
service of Ludovisio, to his presence^ and bade him notify 
to the cardinal that he must depart for his archbishopric of 
Bologna within fourteen days. He announced this deter- 
mination with expressions of the most violent anger. " For 
a good hour," says Cecchini, " was I compelled to listen to 
him, while the pope threatened, with the most insulting 
expressions, that Borgia should be punished also ; I dared 
not interrupt him, and he repeated that Ludovisio must 
depart, or that he should be driven out by the sbirri." On 
this occasion also it would have been better for Cecchini to 
have held his peace, but he thought it necessary to report 
what had passed to his patron, and the character of this 
court is intimated by the fact, that in doing so he injured 
himself with every one. Ludovisio thought that Cecchini 
ought not to have submitted patiently to the violent language 
of the pope, but should rather have brought matters to an 
open rupture. Cardinal Barberini was displeased, because 
Cecchini had not first spoken of the matter to him, the 


cardinal-nephew; but most of all the pope himself was 
enraged, and the more so as the affair had become to a 
certain extent misrepresented in travelling round to him 
again. He caused the luckless Cecchini to be once more 
summoned, and made a scene in which his old anger against 
his enemies was mingled with regret for the violence of his 
late expressions ; repentance for what he had done, and now 
wished undone : the conviction of his omnipotence as pope, 
with the consciousness that the other had, after all, not 
acted wrongfull)^, were very strangely blended together. 
But Urban VIII was a man who was sure to recover himself 
after a time. Ludovisio left Rome, and soon afterwards 
died. Cecchini, it is true, lost the post he had previously 
held, but he obtained a new one, and this even furnished 
him with occasional opportunity for approaching the pontiff. 
" Monsignor Cecchini," said the latter one day, " forgive 
us ; we went too far with you." Cecchini says that the tears 
rose to his eyes on hearing this, and that he replied with 
the most profound devotion. The pope's master of the 
household paid him a visit that same day, declaring that his 
holiness had for four years been awaiting that hour, and 
rejoiced from his heart that it had at length arrived. 

Cecchini then again attached himself principally to the 
Aldobrandini ; we find him actively occupied with the mar- 
riage of Olimpia, the rich heiress of that house. Cardinal 
Ippolito had died without having definitively arranged that 
matter, and it was feared that the Barberini would not allow 
so rich an inheritance to escape them. Olimpia was obliged 
to feign sickness. With aid from the general of the Jesuits, 
whom it was necessary to consult on all occasions, they con- 
trived to bring about her marriage with the young Borghese ; 
this was in accordance with the last wishes of Cardinal 
Ippolito, and took place six days after his death. 

But the Barberini did not suffer Cecchini to drop on 
that account ; when they had made inquiry as to whether 
he were in any manner connected with the Farnesi also, 
they employed him to promote the measures adopted for 
the defence of the city. 

Cecchini soon discovered that a new impost laid on the 
wines of Roman growth was causing extreme dissatisfaction. 


He declared to Cardinal Barberini that this was a tax which 
the Romans never had endured, and which had caused 
them to revolt against Eugenius IV ; he succeeded, in fact, 
although there had already been a monte founded on the 
proceeds, in prevailing on the cardinal immediately to 
summon the contractor. This man willingly resigned his 
contract, perceiving that there would be great difficulties in 
levying the amount. Cecchini hastened to the Capitol, 
where the people of Rome were holding an assembly, and 
at once imparted his intelligence. At first he was not 
believed, but he caused the contractor to come forward, by 
whom the statement was confirmed. All cried " Viva Papa 
Urbano ! viva Monsignor Cecchini ! " The people kissed 
his hands and his clothing. 

But Cecchini had not yet attained his highest position. 
He had the good fortune to see another of his old pro- 
tectors, and perhaps the most earnest of all. Cardinal Pamfili, 
ascend the papal throne. 

In the first days of the new pontificate, the Barberini 
were in favour with Innocent X. Cecchini received an 
invitation to appear in the presence of the pope with the 
two cardinals. " Has Cardinal Barberini told you any- 
thing ? " inquired Innocent. " No." The pontiff turned 
first to Francesco and then to Antonio, bidding them to 
speak. Both declined to do so. " We will no longer keep 
you in suspense," said the pope at length ; " we have made 
you our datary; you are indebted for this to the cardinals 
Barberini, who requested this favour from us, and we have 
willingly granted their request." 

But this office had much that was unpleasant attached 
to it. The pope was changeful, obstinate, and distrustful. 
We learn from other sources that the administration of 
Cecchini was not wholly free from blame. Donna OHmpia 
Maidalchina could not endure him, if for no other reason 
than that her sister-in-law, Donna Clementia, also received 
presents from him : but of these things I have already 
spoken; they possess a certain importance in relation to 
the government of Innocent X, since they occasioned the 
most revolting and disgraceful scenes. Cecchini was 
rejoiced that Donna Olimpia had at length been expelled 


the court. It was during the time of her disgrace, and 
shortly after the death of Pancirolo, who died in November, 
1 65 1, consequently about the beginning of 1652, that he 
wrote this little work. 

It appears to me that the prevalent character of this 
performance is entirely modern. I find evidence of this, 
not only in its modes of thought, but even in its various 
expressions ; they are those that might depict the daily life 
of the Roman prelate in our own times, or in those 
immediately preceding them. 

No. 122 

Diario vcndico e spassionato dclla cittd e corte di Roma, 
dove si legge iutti li siucessi dclla suddetta cittd i7icomin- 
ciando dal primo d'Agosto 16^0 Jirio aW tiltimo dcW anno 
1644, notato e scritto fedel7?icnte da Deone Ii07'a Temi Dio, 
e copiato dal proprio originale. [A true and dis- 
passionate diary of the city and court of Rome, 
wherein may be read all the events of the said city, 
from the ist of August, 1640, to the end of the year 
1644, noted and written faithfully by Deone, now Temi 
Dio, and copied from the original itself.] Informatt. 
Politt. vol. xl. to the close of 1642; vol. xlvii. to the 
end of 1644; vol. xlii. continuation, 1645-47 ; vol. xliii. 
1 648-1 650. (Altogether more than 2,000 leaves.) 

I have not succeeded in finding any other information 
respecting the author of this unusually extensive diary, than 
that occasionally communicated by himself. 

We discover from this, that he was in the Spanish 
service, and was employed in affairs arising between the 
people of the Netherlands and the Papal See^ more 
particularly with the dataria. I should judge this writer to 
have been a Spaniard, and not a native of the Netherlands. 
During the carnival he translates comedies from the Spanish 
into Italian, causing them to be acted by young people 
before a very brilliant company. He entertains a religious 
veneration for the Spanish monarchy, whose subject he is, 


and often speaks of the " holy monarchy," but for which 
the bark of St. Peter would soon be overwhelmed. He sets 
his face against all dissidents and apostates with the most 
violent and undisguised abhorrence. The Catalans, who 
for a certain time had maintained themselves in inde- 
pendence, he considers to be a nation of barbarians ; and 
when any of their number applied to him for a recommen- 
dation to the dataria, he bade them first become good 
servants of the king before begging favours at his hands. 
He finds it still less endurable that the Portuguese should 
have set up a king for themselves : his book is filled with 
invectives against that nation. He considers that at least all 
those belonging to it who had settled in Rome were inclined 
to lapse into Judaism. Yet, bad as matters were, he does 
not despair. He still hopes that Holland would once more 
submit to the king of Spain, and that in his own day. 
Heresy he thought had its stated periods, and must be 
suffered to come to an end. He was an enthusiastic and 
orthodox devotee of the Spanish monarchy. 

Every fourteen days, this zealous servant of Philip IV 
dictated a letter or report of the remarkable occurrences 
taking place within that period, which he then transmitted 
to one or other of the Spanish grandees. They were 
originally " avvisi," so common at that time ; written in 
a collected form, they constituted a journal. 

That before us is composed entirely in the spirit proper 
to the author. The disposition of Urban VIII to France, 
and the whole character of the political position he had 
adopted, were regarded with infinite displeasure, and most 
unfavourably construed. Pope Innocent X, on the contrary, 
who pursued a different policy, was viewed with much more 
friendly eyes. 

There is no subject which this author does not handle : 
ecclesiastical and literary affairs; histories of the religious 
orders and of courts ; the most intimate relations, and the 
most extended foreign policy; political considerations in 
general, and accounts of cities in particular. 

If we look more closely into the sources of his informa- 
tion, we shall find them, I think, to be principally the 
following : — In the antichambers of the cardinal-nephew, 


all who had business in the palace were accustomed to 
assemble on certain fixed days. A general conversation 
ensued : each communicated the intelligence he possessed : 
nothing was likely to attract great attention that had not 
been discussed there; and, so far as I am enabled to 
conclude from intimations given here, our author derived 
the greater part of his information from this source. 

He proceeds to his purpose with great probity; takes 
pains to obtain accurate information; and frequently adds 
notices previously omitted. 

But he was also in occasional contact with the pope, the 
cardinal-nephew, and the most influential statesmen; he is 
most scrupulous in specifying whatever he gathered from 
their conversations, and it is sometimes sufficiently remark- 

We cannot affirm that the reading of so diffiise a per- 
formance is altogether very interesting, but we derive from 
it an acquaintance with persons and things which gradually 
becomes almost equal to that afforded by personal inter- 
course^ so frequently and in positions so varied are they 
placed beneath our notice. 

It would not be possible to give extracts that would 
present even a moderately satisfactory idea of a work so 
voluminous ; we must content ourselves with those passages 
to which I have already alluded. 

" I. One of the most beautiful monuments of this 
former mistress of the world is an ancient relic, of a round 
form and a very great circumference, made of the finest 
marble " (a mistake, without doubt, for the monument is of 
travertine) ; " it is near St. Sebastian, and is called Capo 
di Bove. Bernini, a most famous sculptor of the pope, had 
thought to turn this to his own purposes; he is planning 
a gorgeous faQade to the Acqua Vergine, called the 
Fountain of Trevi, and obtained a brief from the pope 
empowering him to cast that most beautiful structure to the 
earth, which he had commenced doing ; but when the 
Roman people perceived that, they prevented him from 
proceeding, and the work has been stopped, that there 
might not be commotions. 

"2. On Tuesday morning the Roman people held a 


general council in the Capitol, which was the most crowded 
ever seen, from the fact that it was joined by many of the 
nobles who had never presented themselves on former 
occasions. The business proposed for discussion was this : 
that the Roman people being oppressed by the taxes which 
Pope Urban had imposed, they should petition his holiness 
to take off at least the tax on ground corn, and the rather, 
as this had been imposed only for the duration of the war 
then proceeding, but which had now ceased. The petition 
was agreed to, and six Roman gentlemen were deputed to 
present it at once to the pope. Then there appeared Don 
Cesare Colonna, uncle of the prince of Gallicano, who 
demanded audience from the Roman people on behalf of 
the Signora Donna Anna Barberini. He was directed to 
come forward, and having mounted the temporary rostrum, 
drew forth a memorial which he said was from Donna Anna 
Colonna (Colonna-Barberini), and demanded that he might 
read it. It was read, and was to the effect, that the pope 
ought not to be asked for" the repeal of taxes lawfully 
imposed for a legitimate purpose by Pope 'Urban, whose 
zeal for justice, and many services rendered to this city, 
forbade them to abrogate what he had decided. All were 
amazed at such a proposal for impeding the relief required 
by the people, but it was at once comprehended, that the 
good lady concluded this tax likely to be repealed at the 
expense of the riches held by the Barberini. The reply 
returned to Colonna was, that the senate and people did no 
more than lay before his holiness the necessities of the 
city : and with this he ran in all haste to Donna Anna, who 
stood waiting for it at the church of the Ara Coeli. 

" On Wednesday, Cardinal Colonna having heard of the 
extravagant proposal made by his sister, sent to the Roman 
senate, assuring them that he had no part whatever in that 
absurdity, but was ready to aid the just petition of the 
people. On Friday morning the Roman people again 
convoked a new council, when a report was presented, to 
the effect that his holiness had been pleased to take off the 
tax on ground corn, taking the property of Don Taddeo 
Barberini for that purpose. Thus the contrivance of Donna 
Anna Barberini was very shrewdly devised." 


No. 123 

Del stato di Roma presejite. [Report of the present state of 
Rome.] (MS. in the Vienna Library. Foscarini 
Papers, No. 147.) Also under the title : Relatione di 
Roma fatta dair Almaden. [Report on Rome prepared 
by Almaden.] 

I ^Yill not venture to decide whether this belongs to the 
latter days of Urban VIII or the earlier part of Innocent X, 
but it is of great importance for its elucidation of domestic 
affairs relating to the former period; as, for example, the 
state of the Tiber and Arno, the increase of the malaria 
(aria cattiva), the revenues of the Romans, financial affairs in 
general, and the condition of families. This little work may 
possibly proceed from the author of the above diary ; there 
are certain indications that might lead to such a conclusion.^ 

But I will not give extended extracts, because I think 
I have seen an old printed copy in the possession of the late 
Fea. I will but quote the passage which follows, and to 
which I have referred above (vol ii. p. 414). 

" Gregory XIII, considering the large amount of money 
sent from Rome and the Papal States in payment for corn 
which came by sea from Barbary and other places, this 
too being frequently heated and spoiled, or else arriving 
too late, nay sometimes failing altogether, commanded that, 
to obviate all these inconveniences, the country should be 
cleared of wood for many miles around, and should be 
brought into cultivation, so that Rome has from that time 
rarely needed foreign corn, and the good pope Gregory in 
so far obtained his intent. But this clearance has opened 
a passage to the pestilential winds, which occasion the most 
dangerous insalubrity, and cause a disease called by Ales- 
sandro da Civitk, the physician, in his treatise on the 
diseases of the Romans, ' capiplenium,' a most distressing 
complaint, even more troublesome to foreigners than to 
natives, and which has increased since the formation of so 

^ This opinion is confirmed by the fact that the name of the author 
of the Diary may now be taken as established. Both works arc from 
the pen of the Spanish Resident, Teodoro Ameiden, 



many waterworks; because Rome, being already low and 
thus humid from its position, has been rendered more so by 
the abundance of waters for the fountains. Moreover, as 
Gregory XIII cleared the country below Rome and towards 
the sea, which was rich and well calculated for the cultivation 
of corn, so did Sixtus V clear that above the city, though 
less fertile, that he might destroy the haunts of the robbers 
who infested the highways ; and truly he succeeded in his 
object, for he rooted out all the assassins." 

The author approves the proceedings of Sixtus V because 
they procured a free passage for the Tramontana ; but how 
many evils have since been attributed to the Tramontana ! 
(CanceUieri sopra il tarantismo, p. 88). 

No. 124 

Compendio delli casi pin degni e memorandi occorsi nelli 
pontificati da Gregorio XIII fino alia creatio7ie di 
Clemente IX. [Compendium of the most remarkable 
events in the pontificates from Gregory XIII to the 
accession of Clement IX.] 50 leaves. 

The author declares that he saw the clouds which 
darkened the Quirinal on the death of Sixtus V, Aug. 1590. 
Since, therefore, this little work extends to 1667, it is obvious 
that it cannot proceed from one sole author ; it must have 
been continued at a later period with a similar purpose 
to that with which it was begun, namely, the formation of 
a collection of Roman anecdotes and remarkable events. 
We read in it, for example, of the French monks in Trinita 
di Monte having quarrelled with those from Calabria and 
elsewhere, and having driven them out, so that the latter 
built the convent of Andrea della Fratte, which was then 
still surrounded by gardens ; of how the Jesuits aroused all 
other orders to the performance of their duties ; of miracles 
that were performed, together with notices of buildings 
erected by the popes. 

But there is much in all this that deserves attention. 
The following narrative, for example, describing the death 
of Bianca Capello. -- 


" The grand-duchess of Tuscany, Bianca Capello, desiring 
to poison her brother-in-law, Cardinal Ferdinand, with a 
certain confection, the grand-duke Francesco, her husband, 
ate of it first : when she perceived this, she ate of it also 
herself, and they both died immediately ; so that Cardinal 
Ferdinand became grand-duke." And the next, relating to 
the removal of Cardinal Klesel from Vienna, to which the 
Jesuit-confessor of Ferdinand II would never consent. 
" One day Verospi found an opportunity for being alone 
with the emperor, and free from the Jesuit's presence; 
then, with much address, he made the emperor understand 
that he could not retain the said cardinal, and that the pope 
was his sole and proper judge. He so wrought on the 
emperor as to make him weep, and the cardinal was at 
once consigned to him." We find traits of manners also. 
A rich prelate inserts a clause in his will to the effect that 
his nephew shall inherit his property, only in the event of 
his dying a natural death; otherwise, it is to go to pious 
institutions. Again, Duke Cesarini would never pay any 
debt until preparations were made for selling the pledge 
that he had given for it. An Orsini threatened to throw 
a creditor, who entreated for his money, from the window ; 
the creditor implored that he would first let him confess to a 
priest ; but Orsini replied that no one should come into his 
presence without having already confessed (" che bisognava 
venirci confessato "). A necromancer arrived in Rome in 
a carriage drawn by two dogs ; these were reported to be 
a pair of devils, who conducted him wherever he pleased to 
go : the courier from Milan affirmed that he had left him 
in that city, yet now found him in Rome. The supposed 
wizard was therefore arrested and put to death. 

Were these liotices the work of writers possessing higher 
powers of mind, they would be invaluable, and would have 
placed the life and manners of those times before us, without 
the necessity of studies so toilsome as that of the above- 
named diary. 

We will now proceed to the writings immediately relating 
to Innocent X. 


Remarks on "Gualdi Vita di Donna Olimpia 
Maldachina," 1666 

When we learn that Gregorio Leti, with whom we are 
sufficiently acquainted, was the author of the work before 
us, we find little motive remaining for a discussion of its 
credibility ; there are the strongest presumptions against it. 

But since a French translation of it appeared iri 1770, 
and one in German in 1783, since also the German Schrockh 
considers that its principal facts at least may be relied on, 
from the circumstance that they have never been contradicted, 
it may not perhaps be superfluous to say a word on the 
subject. The author, on his part, affirms boldly that he will 
relate nothing which he has not himself seen, or of which 
he has not procured the most authentic information. 

But from the outset he pronounces his own condemna- 
tion by a narrative, to the effect that the Maldachini family, 
which he considers to be of Rome, having once under- 
taken a pilgrimage to Loreto, were joined at Borgheto by 
the young Pamfili, who fell in love with Donna Olimpia, 
the daughter of the house ; that he married her on the return 
of the family to Rome. But Olimpia was very soon more 
intimate with her husband's brother, at that time a young 
" abbate," and afterwards pope, than with her husband him- 
self. To this intimacy the influence subsequently possessed 
by Donna Olimpia over Innocent X is attributed. 

But we may confidently affirm that of all this, not one 
word is true. 

The Maidalchini family was not Roman, but from 
Acquapendente. Donna Olim.pia was a widow when she 
was married to Pamfili. Paolo Nini, of Viterbo, the last 
of his race, was her first husband, and as she inherited his 
wealth, she brought a rich dowry into the house of Pamfili: 
it was on this wealth, and not on an imaginary intimacy 
with the pope, that the influence she enjoyed in the family 
was founded. When this marriage was concluded. Innocent 
X was very far from being " a young abbate." On an in- 
scription placed by the head of the house in the Villa Maidal- 
china at Viterbo, we find it notified that he had adorned 


this villa in the year 1625, before his sister had married 
into the house of Pamfili. " Marchio Andreas Maidalchinus 

villam hanc ante nuptam sororem suam Olympiam 

cum Innocentii X germano fratre extruxit ornavitque 

anno Domini MDCXXV." In Bussi's " Istoria di Viterbo," 
p. 332, the whole inscription is given. The marriage then 
could scarcely have taken place until 1626, at which time 
Giambattista Pamfili, afterwards Innocent X, was already 
fifty-four years old, and for twenty years had been no longer 
an abbate, but a prelate. He was at that very time occupied 
in various nunciatures. If any conclusion may be drawn 
from his own expressions, the merit of Donna Olimpia in 
his eyes was that she then, as well as subsequently, assisted 
him from her own possessions. He was thus enabled to 
maintain that splendour of appearance which was then 
essential to advancement. It was in accordance with this 
beginning that the whole connection afterwards proceeded ; 
since Donna Olimpia had promoted the rise of the prelate, 
and had some share in securing his elevation to the papal 
dignity, she desired to obtain a certain amount of the 
advantages resulting from it. 

In the circumstantial diary above alluded to, which 
follows Donna Olimpia step by step, and wherein all the 
mysteries of the papal household are discussed, not the 
slightest trace of an illicit intimacy between the pontiff and 
his sister-in-law is to be discovered. 

This little work of Leti's is another romance, composed 
of apocryphal assertions and chimerical stories. 

No. 125 

Relatione degli amhasciatori estraordinarj a Roma at sommo 
pontejice htnocentio X, Pietro Foscarini K\ Zuanne 
Nani K"" Froc% Aluise Mocenigo I fu di q, Aluise, c 
Bertucci Valicr K"-. 1645, 3 OtL [Report of Pietro 
Foscarini, Zuanne Nani, Aluise Mocenigo, and Bertucci 
Valier, ambassadors extraordinary to Innocent X.] 

After the death of Urban VIII a complete change 
ensued. Innocent X was not liked by the French, and 


would on his part gladly have aided the emperor had he 
possessed the power to do so; towards the Venetians he 
was very friendly. He may, perhaps, have shewn a certain 
degree of indecision in his policy, from the irresolution 
natural to his character. The ambassadors considered it, 
therefore, doubly imperative for the republic to avoid all 
quarrels arising from private grounds, and not to throw 
away the papal favour on account of a dissolute monk. 

The previous history of Innocent X is related in the 
manner following : — 

^' The present pontiff^ Innocent X, formerly called Gio- 
vanni Battista, Cardinal Pamfili, was born of the house of 
Pamfili, which originated from Ugubbio, a city of the state 
of Urbino. His family came to settle in Rome during the 
pontificate of Innocent VIII ; the Pamfili aUied themselves 
with the first houses of the city, living always m high repute 
and honour. The mother of his holiness belonged to the 
family of the marquises of BufFolo, a noble and princely house, 
of which the pope now makes great account, more than one 
of its members being in his service at the palace. His 
holiness was brought up by his paternal uncle, Cardinal 
Gerolamo Pamfili, who lived in great credit, and was him- 
self near being pope. He was created cardinal by Clement 
VIII, while auditor-dean of the rota, and was illustrious for 
his virtues and the blameless purity of his life. His holiness 
is in his seventy-second year, of height above the common, 
well proportioned, majestic in person, full of benevolence 
and affability. Thus, whenever he comes forth from his 
apartments to hold consistories, appear in the chapels, or 
on other occasions, he willingly and promptly gives audience 
to all persons, of whatsoever condition and however poor 
and miserable, who present themselves before him : he re- 
ceives their memorials with great patience and charity, 
endeavours to relieve every one, and comforts all: his 
subjects heartily applauding him, and finding a great differ- 
ence between the present pontificate and that preceding. 
The pope was first consistorial advocate, and next, auditor 
of the rota, elected by Clement VIII. He was sent nuncio 
to Spain by Gregory XV, and was employed under Urban 
VIII in the French and Spanish legations of Cardinal 


Barberini, with the title of datary. He was created patriarch 
of Antioch by the same Urban, was sent nuncio into Spain, 
and afterwards promoted to the cardinalate on the 9th of 
November, 1627. As cardinal he had the reputation of 
being severe in character^ inclined to rigour, exact in all 
ecclesiastical affairs. He was always chosen for the most 
important congregations, and may be said to have exercised 
all the principal offices of the Roman see to the general 
satisfaction : modesty, patience, integrity, and virtue, having 
always made their abode in his mind; his purpose ever 
being to offend none, to be friendly to all, and to forgive 
injuries. He enjoys good health, and has a tolerably robust 
constitution, is temperate in his diet, loves exercise, attends 
in the chapels and at other services with great majesty, and 
performs all his ecclesiastical duties. with extreme pomp, 
decorum, and punctuality, as also with particular enjoyment 
to himself. He proceeds with the gravest deliberation in 
all important affairs, and will have time to examine and 
determine them. In all his past life he was accustomed to 
rise late and go late to bed ; he pursues a similar method 
in his pontificate, so that he rarely retires before midnight 
or rises until some hours after day. He was formerly much 
inclined to make great account of the sovereigns, and wished 
to give them all just satisfaction on every occasion : he 
affirms himself to remain in the same dispositions, nor will 
he shew partiality to either of the two crowns, desiring to 
be the affectionate father of all. He feels that he has not 
been well treated, either by the one or the other, and has 
spoken his sentiments very freely on that matter with us. 
He believes that each complains merely to advance his own 
interest, although both know well the necessity that exists 
for his maintaining his independence, to which he is bound 
as well by his natural love of peace, as by the position of 
sovereign pontiff in which he is placed. He encourages 
himself in these views, receiving great support from his con- 
fidence in the most serene Republic, which he believes 
capable, by its influence, counsels, and friendship, of proving 
his most effectual safeguard : indeed a person of great 
eminence, and in whom we entirely confide, has admitted 
to some of us, perhaps by order of his holiness, that the 

328 APPElNDiX— SECTION Vl [No. 126 

pope might be easily disposed to ally himself with your 
excellencies by a particular treaty, when he thought the 
state of public affairs favourable. Whereunto a reply was 
made in general terms,, but with respect, that no bond could 
more effectually unite princes than sincerity, concord of 
hearts, and uniformity of purposes and interests." 

No. 126 

Relatione deW amhasciatoi'e Veneio Ahlise Contarini fatta al 
senato dopo il ritoi-no delta stia amhasceria appresso Iivio- 
centio X. 1648. [Report of the Venetian ambassador 
Aluise Contarini, on returning from his embassy to 
Innocent X.] 22 leaves. 

This pontificate also was far from turning out so advan- 
tageously as had been expected. To the first and some- 
what honourable report, are already added by Aluise Con- 
tarini, the son of Niccolo (the earlier Aluise was a son of 
Tommaso Contarini), many particulars that are much less 

In his youth Innocent X had preferred knightly exercises 
and congenial amusements (passatempi amorevoli) to study. 
He had acquired but little consideration during his nuncia- 
ture in France ; and for his perpetual evasions and refusals 
he had received the byname of " Monsignor It-can't-be " 
(M'. Non-si-puol). In Spain, on the contrary, his frugality of 
words had obtained him the reputation of being a wise man. 

What made him pope ? Answer : three things, — he 
talked little, dissembled much, and did — nothing at all. 
" Da corteggiani fu detto che tre cose Tavevano fatto papa, 
il parlar poco, simulare assai, e non far niente." 

" He now shews but little disposition to confer favours, 
is difficult and punctilious. . . . He is considered by all to 
be slow of apprehension^ and to have but small capacity for 
important combinations ; he is, nevertheless, very obstinate 
in his ideas ; he seeks to avoid being thought partial to any 
sovereign." A friend to repose and to justice, not cruel, 
and a good economist. 


The immediate circle of the pope : Donna Olimpia, 
dear to him because she had brought a large dowry into the 
house and assisted him with it : "A woman of masculine 
mind and spirit ; she proves herself to be a woman only by 
her pride and avarice." Pancirolo : "Of pleasing manners 
and vigorous intellect ; courteous, both in look and word." 
Capponi : " He conceals his malice of purpose beneath a 
smiling countenance." Spada : " He plumes himself on 
his valuable endowments of mind. " We perceive that our 
author does not always express himself in the most respectful 
terms. With a pope of Innocent's character, the want of a 
nephew was doubly felt. 

Then follow certain features of his administration : 
" There is a remark current among the courtiers to the 
effect that whoever has to treat with the pope believes his 
business all but completed in the first audience; in the 
second he discovers that it has yet to be commenced; 
and perceives to his amazement in the third, that his suit 
has been rejected. . . . The pontiff considers that prince 
contemptible who neglects to keep a good amount of ready 
money at hand to be used in case of emergency. To save 
himself from expenditure, he is content to endure the most 
opprobrious buffetings of adverse fortune ; the yearly sup- 
plies of Rome being diminished by the failure of those 
resources which had in fact been utterly destroyed by the 
results of the Barberini war. His holiness knowing the 
supply of corn in particular would be scanty, has repeatedly 
intimated his intention of advancing a large sum of money 
to make up the deficiency ; but his very nature revolting 
from the disbursement of money, he has been labouring to 
fulfil his intent by other means, and has done it very inade- 
quately. ... The municipalities are all so exhausted and 
ruined by the Barberini war, that it is impossible they should 
ever recover from its effects. . . . The private revenues 
of the pope are 800,000 scudi, consisting of the gains from 
compositions with the dataria, and from the vacancies of 
oflfices in that department as well as in the chancery, 
together with those proceeding from a kind of ' monti vaca- 
bili,' of the auditor and treasurer of the camera, clerks of 
the camera, and other ofifices of similar character. This 


entire amount, which flows into the privy purse, and not 
into the public treasure, is at the pontiff's absolute disposal ; 
he may expend the whole at his pleasure, and give it to 
whom he pleases, without fear that any amount of it will be 
demanded by his successor." His buildings on the Capitol, 
at St. Peter's^ and the Lateran : " In the latter, while he 
renewed the three naves of the church on a new model, he 
permitted all the essential parts of that beautiful and well- 
imagined entablature to remain untouched." In the Piazza 
Navona : " By the casting down of certain buildings that 
were near S. Giacomo de' Spagnuoli, the place assumed 
the form of a square." 

It will be remarked that Contarini, notwithstanding the 
unfavourable impression produced on him by the court, was 
yet on the whole impartial and instructive. 

No. 127 

Memorlale presentato alia S^"^ di N. S'' Papa Innocenzo X 
dai deputati della cittd, di Fermo per il tnnmlto ivi seguiio 
alii 6 di Zuglio^ 1648. [Memorial presented to Pope 
Innocent X by the deputies of the city of Fermo, 
touching the commotion that occurred there on the 6th 
of July, 1648.] 

In the " Historia delle guerre civili di questi ultimi 
tempi," Ven. 1664, by Majolino Bisaccioni, will be found, 
as we have already observed, together with the most im- 
portant events, with facts concerning Charles I and Cromwell, 
and with accounts of the insurrections of Portugal and 
Catalonia, a "Historia della guelle civile di Fermo," an 
account of a tumult, that is, wherein the papal governor, 
Visconti, was killed. 

The memorial before us is that with which two deputies, 
Lorenzo Nobile and Lucio Guerrieri, appeared before the 
pope, to implore forgiveness for that offence. 

According to their narration, which is much more 
authentic, and more life-like than that of Bisaccioni, and 
which affords us an insight into the domestic condition of 


cities at that period, the corn harvest had failed, and bread 
was unusually dear, yet the governor was determined to 
export corn from the district of Fermo notwithstanding. 
He would listen to no warning. With his carbine at his 
side, and pistols on the table before him, he declared that he 
would rather die as became a governor and a soldier, than 
yield to the pressure. He forbade the meeting of the 
council, to which deputies had come from the neighbouring 
communes, and drew together his forces. But these troops 
of his "came from the fields they had reaped, from the 
barns wherein they had thrashed the corn." They knew the 
privations to which the country was exposed, and instead of 
assailing the insurgent people, they adopted their party. 
The governor saw himself compelled to yield, in despite of 
his boastings, and the corn was suffered to remain within the 
territory of the city. 

But scarcely was quiet restored, when a body of Corsican 
soldiers, called in by the governor, appeared at the gates. 
The people would not be persuaded but that Visconti still 
proposed to carry through his purpose by means of these 
troops. A tumult ensued : all exclaimed, " We are betrayed ! 
To arms ! " The alarm bell was rung, the palace was 
stormed, and the governor slain. 

The deputies protest their fidelity, and deplore the 
occurrence. ... at which the nobles more particularly 
were troubled "to see a prelate, who had been given to 
them by your hoHness for their government, thus slain by 
men of the people while they could do nothing to prevent it." 

No. 128 

Relatione della corte di Roma del Cav''" Giusthiiani data in 
senato tanno 1652. [Report from Rome, by the 
Cavalier Giustiniani.] Copy in the Magliabechiana 
Library, Florence, 24, 65. 

Under Innocent X, too, admiration and hope soon 
changed, first to doubt and disapprobation, and finally to 
complaint and reproach. 


Zuan Zustinian (for thus it is that the Venetians write 
and pronounce this name) proceeded, after many other 
embassies, from Vienna to Rome, where he resided from 
1648 to 1 65 1. With the events of these years his 
despatches are filled, and it is to this period that his report 

His description of the court is by no means cheering. 

He affirms that whatever good qualities the pope pos- 
sessed were turned to the advantage of Rome, or at most 
of the Papal States ; while his faults were injurious to all 
Christendom. But even in the States of fhe Church, crying 
evils resulted from the practice adopted of remitting the 
severest punishments for money. " I am assured, on the 
most unquestionable authority, that during the seven years 
of this pontificate, there has been extracted from composi- 
tions with persons prosecuted as criminals no less a sum 
than 1,200,000 scudi, which make nearly 2,000,000 ducats." 
The influence of Donna Olimpia Maidalchina is here de- 
scribed as a sort of public calamity. " A woman of great 
spirit, but her sole title to influence is that of a rigid econo- 
mist. When offices fell vacant at court, nothing was decided 
without her good pleasure ; when church livings were to be 
distributed, the ministers of the dataria had orders to defer 
all appointments to them, until notice had been given to 
her of the nature of those benefices, so that she might select 
such as best pleased her, for her own disposal ; if episcopal 
sees were to be conferred, it was to her that the candidates 
applied; and that which most effectually revolted every 
upright mind, was to see that those were preferred who were 
most liberal in giving." 

The author proceeds thus throughout his work ; but I 
cannot be quite certain that the report is really genuine. 

It is not to be found in the Venetian archives. In the 
Magliabechiana at Florence there are two copies, but they 
do not agree perfectly throughout. I have confined myself 
to the more moderate of the two. 

I was fortunately not reduced to this report for mate- 
rials; since the diary above named (see No. 122), with the 
notices supplied by Pallavicini in his life of Alexander VII, 
afforded much better information. 


No. 129 

Relatione delV amhasceria estraordinaria fatta in Roma alia 
S*^ di N. ST' Alessandro VII dagli Ecc"'' SS"' Pesaro, 
Confarini, Valiero e Sagredo per rendere a 7iome della 
Se?-'""' Republica di Venetia la soliia obedienza al sotnmo 
fontefice Fanno 1656. [Report of the extraordinary 
embassy of Signors Pesaro, Contarini, Valiero, and 
Sagredo, sent by the republic of Venice to render the 
accustomed homage to Pope Alexander VII.] 

The same Pesaro, in whose embassy it was that the 
dispute arose between Urban VIII and the republic, and 
who had from that time been considered an adversary of 
the clergy, was placed at the head of this embassy of con- 
gratulation, and was entrusted by his colleagues with the 
preparation of the report ; and, whether because his opinions 
had from the first been very moderate, as he affirms, or that 
the years which had passed since his previous embassy had 
produced a change in his views, it is certain that his report 
is extremely reasonable, impartial^ and instructive. 

It is true that he expresses disapprobation of Innocent X 
and his government, but not in terms so extremely severe 
as those used by others. '^ In addition to the insatiable 
cupidity prevailing in that house, there was a further evil 
arising from the want of ministers capable of administering 
so important a sovereignty ; for the suspicious character of 
that pope rendered him incapable of putting trust in any 
one. Thus it came to pass that almost every thing was 
regulated by the immoderate demands of a woman, by which 
there was afforded ample scope to satirical pens ; and good 
occasion was offered for making the disorders of that govern- 
ment seem even worse than they really were." 

Now, however little this may sound like eulogy, yet it 
is a very mild judgment, as we have said, when compared 
with the violent declamations of other writers. 

But the principal object of this report is the new pontiff, 
Alexander VII. 


The opinion of Pesaro, and the conviction of all else at 
that time, was that the elevation of Fabio Chigi was attri- 
butable to .the fame of his virtues, and the reputation he had 
gained in his nunciatures ; but that the Medici had not been 
sincerely gratified by the promotion of one of their subjects 
to the papacy. " A more righteous election could not have 
been hoped for, even from a senate of men, who, although 
they may sometimes have their minds distracted by worldly 
affairs, yet could not fail to be finally influenced by that 
Holy Spirit which they suppose to be present at an act of 
such high moment." 

He describes his early progress, and gives a general 
sketch of his first measures as pope : " He appears to be 
but slightly acquainted with financial affairs, although pro- 
foundly skilled in those relating to the Church ; he is by no 
means immoveably attached to his own opinions." Pesaro 
speaks also of his connections, but we need not repeat 
what we have already said on that subject; affairs very 
soon took a different direction from that which had been 

*' The world is in too much haste, as it seems to us 
(remarks Pesaro), in exalting to the skies these opinions of 
the pope respecting his kindred : to judge properly, there 
must be time for observing how he may withstand the pre- 
tences of affection to which he will be subjected." Even 
then, so many representations were made to the pope from 
all sides, that it seemed impossible for his firmness to avoid 
being shaken. 

But this mission had another and more important object 
than that of congratulating the pontiff on his accession ; it 
was charged to entreat the court of Rome for assistance in 
the war of Candia. 

The envoys enlarged upon the efforts made by Venice 
to withstand the enemy, upon the means they had adopted 
for defraying the costs of the war : they had taken up loans 
at heavy interest, some by way of Hfe annuity, others per- 
petual ; they had effected sales of allodial and feudal 
domains; had extended the dignities of the state, which 
had hitherto been closely restricted, to large numbers ; nay, 
they had even conferred on many the honours of Venetian 


nobility, although conscious that its value was maintained 
by the rarity of the grant. But all their resources were now 
exhausted ; nothing was to be hoped from the other poten- 
tates of Christendom, who were too completely occupied 
by dissensions among themselves ; their only refuge was the 
Holy See.' 

The pope did not hear all this without marks of sympathy ; 
he replied by an eloquent eulogy on the republic, who had 
opposed the fury of the barbarians, not with iron only, but 
with gold; with regard to the principal question, however, 
he declared that he was not in a condition to help them. 
The papal treasury was so completely exhausted, that he 
did not even know by what means he was to provide the 
city with bread. 

The envoys did not yet resign their hopes ; they repre- 
sented that the danger was so pressing as to justify his 
having recourse to the ancient treasure laid up by Sixtus V ; 
" before the urgency of events that may arise becomes more 
pressing, and for the support of religion ; but most especially 
for that of his own ecclesiastical dominions." The pope 
was particularly impressed by the consideration, that the 
enemy would be emboldened by perceiving that a new pope 
also refused the succour so greatly needed. Alexander was 
fully convinced that something must be done ; he suggested 
that a certain portion of their ecclesiastical property might 
be confiscated. 

How remarkable it is that measures of this kind should 
be first recommended by the Roman court. Innocent X 
had already proposed to the Venetians the abolition of two 
orders — those of the Canonici di S. Spirito, and of the 
Cruciferi : it was the design of that pontiff to form secular 
canonicates from their revenues. But the Venetians were 
afraid, in the first place, that the Roman court would 
reserve to itself the patronage of these canonicates; and 
secondly, they considered these institutions as a refuge for 
the poor nobility. This proposal Alexander now renewed. 

" The pope, seeming to reflect on what could be done 
for our rehef, began by saying; that for some time past, 
the Apostolic See, considering, not the abundance only, 
but the superfluity of religious institutions, had become 

336 APrENDIX— SECTION VI [No. 129 

convinced, that some of them, degenerating from the first 
intentions of their founders, had lapsed into a total relaxa- 
tion of discipline, that it was equally advisable for the church 
as for the laity to adopt the expedients used by prudent 
husbandmen, when they see that the multitude of branches 
has impoverished their vines, instead of rendering them 
more fruitful. That a commencement had been made in 
that matter by the suppression of some orders^ but that this 
was not enough ; rather it was obviously necessary to restrict 
this great number, and reduce them to such as retain, or can 
at least be brought back to the primitive form of their insti- 
tutions. That to open a way for this purpose, there had 
been suppressed a great number of very small convents, 
wherein the rigour of monastic seclusion had been suffered 
to relax with but little observation; and that it was pro- 
posed to continue the work by proceeding to the final 
abolition of certain others, which^ by their licentious mode 
of life, filled the world with .scandal and murmurs, instead 
of presenting good examples, and affording edification. But 
he further said that he proceeded slowly, because he desired, 
in a matter of so much importance, to obtain the good-will 
of the secular princes, who, not having well examined the 
motives of the Apostolic See for this resolution, had given 
evidence of some dislike to the execution of the papal briefs : 
but that hoping to find all eventually ready to help forward 
a resolve so well matured, he placed it meanwhile before 
the most serene republic for consideration. The Venetian 
territory, he further remarked, abounding in this kind of 
religious orders, an easy method was presented of promoting 
the upright intentions set forth by him who has the supreme 
direction of the church, and at the same time of obtaining 
a considerable sum in aid of the present war against the 
infidels : that none could know better than ourselves to 
what an extremity of dissolute excesses the canons of San 
Spirito in Venice had proceeded, the serene republic having 
been compelled to restrain the disorders of that convent : 
that, not content with a total departure from all conventual 
observances, the brethren had furthermore so indecently 
abused the wealth which might have been made to serve 
for the maintenance of a number fivefold larger than their 


house contained, as to be always deeply in debt : that the 
same might be said of the Cruciferi, among whom there 
was scarcely a vestige of monastic life discernible. His 
holiness accordingly thought it desirable that these two 
orders should be suppressed, and that measures might be 
taken into consideration with regard to the sale of their 
possessions, the produce whereof might be converted to 
the uses of this war, since the same was directed against 
the most terrible enemy of the Christian name." 

This time the envoys were inclined to the opinion that 
such a proposal was not to be rejected. They computed 
the large capital that would result from these sales, com- 
pared with the small, and soon to be extinguished annuities, 
and the advantages to be secured to the cultivation of the 
country by the secularization of estates so important. Their 
mode of considering a question then so new, and which 
afterwards became so general, deserves to be given in their 
own words. 

" In eftect, when we have made the suitable assignments 
to the monks, which, for both orders^ will not amount to 
more than 10,000 ducats per annum, should their estates, 
returning a revenue of 26,000 ducats, be sold, as might be 
expected, for 600,000 ducats, the public will have but two 
per cent, to pay in annuities, — nay, rather less. And the 
arguments usually put forward against transactions of this 
kind fall to the ground in face of the annual provision to 
be made for the surviving brotherhood. Moreover, by thus 
dismembering from the ecclesiastical body so vast an amount 
of property, situated in the best parts of the Venetian domi- 
nions, the laity will enter into possession of the same without 
offering wrong to the piety of those great souls who had the 
firmness to deprive their descendants of so rich a possession 
to found and establish religion in these lands ; for if now 
these benefactors could see how well religion is rooted 
among us, they would give no other expression to their 
sentiments than this, that if it had been satisfactory to them 
to be the founders of so many monasteries for the retreat of 
holy men, no less would they rejoice to know that these 
same riches, seeing that religious orders superabound, should 
be converted to the repu|sion of that impious enemy who is 
yoL. III. z 


threatening to destroy the piety, which they, with their own 
inheritance, had laboured to promote." 

After the affairs of Venice, which here again present an 
aspect of great importance, the concerns of Europe generally 
are discussed. 

The undertakings of Charles X Gustavus produced a 
powerful impression in Rome, and money was collected in 
aid of King Casimir. 

But a thing still more sensibly felt by the court of Rome 
was that the French were not only disinclined to make peace 
with Spain, but that Mazarin even allied himself with England 
— a cardinal with Protestants, the most Christian kingdom 
with a usurper who had expelled the legitimate princes ; and 
that he should do this, without any necessity, without being 
driven to it by any pressing danger, — this shocked the Curia 

Were it not for these troubles, the pope would direct his 
every effort for the entire restoration of Germany — where 
his personal reputation stood so high— to the Catholic faith. 
The conversion of the queen of Sweden excited the hopes 
of all on that subject. 

The ambassadors saw the splendid preparations made 
for the reception of that queen. They could in nowise 
approve the unsettled life she led, " incompatible perhaps 
with her age and with her maiden state," as they very 
discreetly express themselves, yet they render full justice 
to the vigour and boldness of her determination. 

*' You have here in few words what we have thought it 
suitable to relate," says Pesaro at this point of the narration. 

To this concluding phrase he further subjoins the good 
advice, that the best possible understanding should always 
be maintained with the pope. 

His holiness had expressed himself explicitly as to the 
satisfaction it would give him, if Venice would consent to 
the readmission of the Jesuits at his request. The ambas- 
sador is disposed to think that this should be conceded. 

^' It appears to me that the time has come for deciding 
whether this return is to be permitted, or whether — to avoid 
occasions, arising from time to time, for becoming on bad 
terms with the popes, by reason of these Jesuits — the 


subject should be consigned to perpetual silence. . . . We 
may perhaps find a motive for complying with the desire of 
the pope in this respect by considering that these men, 
being, as they are, very active instruments for supporting 
the rights of the church, all reigning pontiffs will be likely 
to renew the request for their readmission, and the constant 
rejection of the same at the commencement of each ponti- 
ficate may give occasion for ill-will." 

No. 130 

Vita J attmii el operationi di Alessandro VI I ^ opera del O 
Pallavicini, [Life, acts, and proceedings of Alexander 
VII, by Cardinal Pallavicini.] 2 vols, folio. Corsini 

In the Barberini library in Rome, a MS. was one day 
placed in my hands, with the title " Alexandri VII de vita 
propria liber primus et tertius cum fragmentis libri secundi." 
It contained about 300 leaves, and was as full of corrections 
as only an autograph could be ; but, by an unhappy chance, 
the whole was in utter confusion. The bookbinder had 
arranged the sheets, which were to have been read separately, 
in groups of five. It was almost impossible to make any 
thing of it. 

It begins thus : ^' Res suo tempore gestas Uteris com- 
mendare, quamvis et nunc et olim usitatum, plerisque tamen 
eo nomine minus probatur quod arduum scriptori sit procul 
habere spem, metum, amorem, odium animi, nubes quare 
historiam, lucem veritatis, infuscant." Wherever I examined 
this MS., I found interesting information, derived from 
good authority, respecting the youth of Alexander, the 
invitation of his kindred to Rome, the arrival of Christina 
... is it really possible that the pope, amidst the occupa- 
tions of the supreme power, could yet have found time, not 
only to write his own life, but also to correct the style 
throughout with so much diligence ? 

It soon became evident that, notwithstanding the title, 
this could not have been the case. 


The author affirms, among other things, that he was 
enabled to undertake this work by an intimate acquaintance 
with the pope : " Fortunae obsecundantis beneficium fuit, 
ut cum hoc principe inferiores gradus obtinente singularis 
intercesserit mihi animorum consensio et mutua turn ore turn 
literis consiUorum communicatio." 

The question then became, who was this intimate 
acquaintance, nay, confidant of Alexander VII ? 

Under date of the year 1656, Muratori informs us that 
the Jesuit Pallavicini had prepared himself — at the com- 
mencement of Alexander's pontificate^ which awakened 
hopes so brilliant — to write the life of that pope ; but that 
after the invitation of the nephews to court, and the changes 
connected with that measure, " the pen fell from his hand." 
Pallavicini was without doubt personally intimate with 
Alexander : in the beginning of his pontificate, he saw the 
pope every day. This fragment may, therefore, very pos- 
sibly have been the work of Pallavicini. 

After some further researches, a biography of Alex- 
ander VII, attributed to Cardinal Pallavicini, was found in 
the same library. It is true that it was written in Italian ; 
but it was worth while to collate the two. 

The first glance shewed that the Latin and Italian were 
the same work. The first paragraph runs thus : " E opinione 
di molti che non si debba scrivere historic se non delle cose 
antiche, intorno alle quali la speranza e la paura, I'amore e 
I'odio verso le persone commemorate non habbian luogo ne 
possono infoscare la veritk." The second passage that I 
have quoted is thus expressed an Italian: " Imperoche m'e 
toccato a sorte d'haber con questo principe nella sua minor 
fortuna una singolare e corrispondenza d'affetto e confidenza 
di communicationi hor con la lingua hor con la penna per lo 
spatio gia di 30 anni." 

And thus it proceeds. The Latin copy was clearly 
proved to be a translation of the Italian, only somewhat 
freely rendered, and with a slight change in the mode of 

But the resemblance was unfortunately closer than I could 
have wished; for as the Latin copy, as announced in its 
title, was but a fragment, so was the Italian al^o throughout 


in a most dilapidated condition. After some intimations 
of Alexander's early youth, the narration proceeds at once 
to his election, and the first measures of his pontificate. 

To seek earnestly, yet with insufficient results, does but 
increase the eagerness of inquiry. I sought through all 
quarters, and ultimately found another copy in the Albani 
library, but this also is equally imperfect. 

And now I believed that I must needs content myself 
with this, since in an anonymous life of Pallavicini, I found 
a fragment only of this history cited, the very books, that is 
to say, which were already known to me ; but at last I was 
so fortunate as to find in the Corsini Library a more com- 
plete copy (it is that of which the title is given above), in 
two thick folio volumes. 

The work here bears the name of Pallavicini on its front, 
and proceeds without interruption to the second chapter of 
the sixth book. In this state the work becomes worthy of 
serious consideration, and is of value for the history of the 

The first book contains the early history of Alexander VII: 
" Stirpe, parentele, natali, fanciullezza di Fabio Chigi : — 
studj, avvenimenti della pueritia : — studj filosofici e legali : 
— amicitie particolari." These chapters were all comprised 
in the Latin and Italian copies, but the Corsini copy further 
adds : " azioni et esercitii pii : — vicelegatione di Ferrara 
sotto Sacchetti : ■ — nuntiatura di Colonia." 

In the second book, the government of Innocent X, 
and the part which Chigi took in the administration, are 
described in fourteen chapters, which bring the narration 
down to the time of the conclave. 

The third book treats of the commencement of 
Alexander's pontificate ; describes the state of Europe 
generally, with that of the Papal States; alludes to the 
first financial measures, and refers to those respecting the 
" monti vacabili." The writer further discusses the con- 
version of Queen Christina of Sweden, which he does 
minutely, and with manifest pleasure. I hold the opinion, 
that when it has been affirmed, as, for example, by Arcken- 
holtz, "Mdmoires de Christine," iv. 39, that Pallavicini 
wrote a " Historia di Christina regina di Suezia," this 


assertion has rested merely on an imperfect acquaintance 
with these fragments. In the Latin copy, Christina's con- 
version is accounted for in the manner following : — 

*' In libris Tullii de natura deorum animadvertens veram 
religionem nonnisi unam, omnes falsas esse posse, super hac 
parte diu multumque cogitando laboravit.^ Sollicita quoque 
fuit dubitare de liberorum operum bonorum pravorumque 
discrimine, nisi quantum alia salubria mundo sunt, alia per- 
niciosa, cujusmodi naturalia sunt, et de divinae providentiae 
cura vel incuria circa humanas actiones, deque voluntate 
divina num certum cultum et statutam fidem requirati 
NuUus fuit nob ills autor qui ea de re scripsisset, quem ilia 
non perlustraret, non vir apprime doctus harum rerum in 
borealibus plagis cum quo sermocinari non studeret. Et 
proclivis interdum fuit ad opinandum, satis esse suae regionis 
palam colere religionem, caeterum vivere convenienter 
naturae. Ad extremum in banc venit sententiam, deum, 
hoc est optimum,, tyranno quo vis pejorem fore si con- 
scientiae morsibus acribus sed falsis humanum genus 
universum cruciaret, si mortalibus ab eodem insita notione 
communi grata sibi esse eorum sacrificia eorumque votis 
annuere nihil ea cuncta curaret. " 

In the fourth book, of which a part only is given in the 
Latin and older copies, the author begins with the summon- 
ing of the papal kindred to Rome. " Raggioni che per- 
suasero al papa di chiamare i nepoti. Discorsi di Roma." 
So far is it from being true that " the pen dropped from 
Pallavicini's hand" on approaching this subject, that he 
describes it, on the contrary, at full length, and discusses 
the opinions prevailing in Rome respecting it. Next follows 
the position of Queen Christina in Rome, with the support 
accorded to her by the pope. " The queen, who had lived 
with that prodigality which impoverishes without deriving 
either pleasure or honour from its expenditure, and consisted 

^ The passage becomes clear on comparing Cicero, De natura 
Deorum, i. 2 (to which Grauert, Christina II, 32, draws attention). 
The words are: *' Opiniones (de rebus divinis) cum tam variae sint 
tamque inter se dissidentes, alterum fieri profecto potest ut earum nulla, 
alter um certe non potest ut plus una vera sit." From this we see the 
character of Pallavicini's writing of history. He misleads purposely, 
though indirectly. 


not in giving, but in permitting herself to be robbed, had 
pledged all her jewels at the time of her residence in Rome, 
with the hope of future remittances^ on which account she 
had not a scudo to provide for her intended journey. But 
as necessity conquers shame, she was at length compelled 
to do herself violence, and request aid from the pope, but 
in a manner that should be as far as she could devise from 
begging; and because letters do not blush^ she wrote to 
beg that his holiness would cause some merchant to lend 
her money, with a promise of entire restitution." The pope 
did not think it would redound much to his honour to make 
himself surety for the whole burden of her debts without 
any advantage to himself. He preferred therefore to send 
her through an ecclesiastic, who was in his confidence, 
probably Pallavicini himself, a purse of 10,000 scudi as a 
present, together with certain medals in gold and silver, 
which had been struck at the time of the queen's entry into 
Rome in honour of that occasion, " con escusarne la 
pochezza per I'angustia dell' erario." "The queen, on 
returning thanks, wept again and again from the mixture 
of feelings which arises on such occasions." Pallavicini 
also enters into detailed explanations with regard to the 
reinstatement of the Jesuits in Venice entirely in the spirit 
which we have already observed him to display in his 
history of the Council of Trent. 

The fifth book is occupied by the history of the year 
1657 : promotions of cardinals; buildings in Santa Maria del 
Popolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, as also on the Piazza 
di S. Pietro ; Queen Christina in France, and the affair of 
Monaldeschi, whose death is here described in the following 
manner : — " While Christina was residing at Fontainebleau, 
Ludovico, the brother of Sentinelli, and rival in the favour 
of his mistress of Giovanni Rinaldo Monaldeschi, a principal 
gentleman of these parts, conveyed to her certain informa- 
tion, transmitted to him, as is said, from Rome, by the afore- 
said brother, which revealed proceedings of Monaldeschi, 
convicting him, as she thought, of breach of trust ; for which 
cause, having first drawn a confession from his lips, she 
gave him but one hour to provide for his conscience by the 
aid of a priest, and then, a thing which would scarcely have 


been permitted in Stockholm when she governed there, she 
caused him to be put to death by the very hand of his 

In the sixth book the author returns to the internal 
affairs of Rome. He concludes with the arrangements 
relating to the Prelacy, for which Alexander demanded a 
fixed amount from the revenues. 

But even this, the most complete copy of the biography, 
is far from comprising the entire life of the pope. 

No. 131 

Paolo Casati ad Alessandro Vlly sopra la regina di Stiecia. 
[Paolo Casati to Alexander VII, respecting the queen 
of Sweden.] Albani Library. 

Malines and Casati were the two Jesuits despatched by 
the general of the order to Stockholm for the conversion of 
the queen. 

A private letter from Malines, in regard to this under- 
taking, will be found in the " M^moires " of Arckenholtz, 
vol. iv., Appendix, No. 27. 

But a much more circumstantial, and, so to say, official 
account of this matter, was presented by Casati to 
Alexander VII. It was written with his own hand, was 
addressed "Alia Santitk di N''' Signore Alessandro VII," 
dated from the Collegio Romano, Dec. 5, 1665, and signed, 
" Delia S'^ V* umilissimo servitore ed obedientissimo figHo 
in Cristo Paolo Casati della Compagnia di Gesii." We 
have here a far more minute and satisfactory account of the 

" Per ubbidire," he begins, " ai cenni di V. S'S che ha 
desiderato una breve memoria di quello e passato nella 
risolutione presa dalla regina Cristina di Suecia di rinonciare 
il regno per rendersi cattolica, sono necessitato farmi un 
passo a dietro per spiegarne I'occasione, conforme alia 
notitie havute dalla bocca della stessa regina, alia quale mi 
assicura non sia per essere se non di gusto che la S*^ Vostra 
sia del tutto sinceramente informata." [" In obedience to 


the wishes of your holiness for a short memorial of what 
passed in regard to the queen of Sweden's resolution to 
renounce her kingdom for the purpose of becoming Catholic, 
I am compelled to go back a step that I may explain the 
cause thereof, — in conformity with statements received from 
the mouth of the quee?i herself: to whom I am assured that it 
cannot be other than pleasing to know that your holiness is 
truly informed of the whole matter."] 

But the notices given by this author respecting earlier 
times are not of much importance, since he has no acquaint- 
ance whatever with Swedish affairs ; he becomes worthy of 
attention only when he discusses the interests of religon. 

" Having acquired thus much knowledge, she began to 
reflect that many tenets of the Lutheran sect, in which she 
had been educated, could not be sustained, and beginning 
to examine them, she found many discrepancies. Thus she 
began to study matters of religion and of controversy with 
more diligence, and finding that the faith in which she had 
been brought up did not wear the appearance of truth, she 
applied herself with extraordinary curiosity to gain informa- 
tion respecting all, and to weigh the difficulties of each. In 
this occupation she employed the space of five years, suffering 
much disturbance of mind, because she could find no settled 
point of conviction ; and judging every thing by mere human 
reason, she thought that many things might be simply political 
inventions, intended for the restriction of the common people. 
The arguments that any sect used against its adversary, she 
acquired the habit of turning against itself; thus she com- 
pared the works of Moses among the Hebrew people with 
the proceedings of Mahomet amongst the Arabs. From all 
which it resulted that she found no religion which appeared 
to her to be true. And I have heard her more than once 
accuse herself of having been too profane in desiring to 
investigate the most sublime mysteries of the divinity, for she 
did not permit one mystery of our religion to escape her 
examination, while she sought to give rest to her mind by 
the final discovery of a religion. Then, since she read every 
book treating on that subject, she sometimes encountered 
many assertions of the ancients, the gentiles, and the 
atheists; and although she never fell into such blindness as 


to doubt the existence of God, or his unity, which she held 
to be greater and clearer than all else, yet she suffered her 
mind to be disturbed by many difficulties, of which, at 
various times, we discoursed largely. But, finally, she 
could arrive at no other conclusion, than that it was expedient 
to proceed in externals as others did, believing the whole to 
be a matter of indifference, and that it signified nothing 
whether she followed one religion or sect or another ; it was 
sufficient, she thought, if she did nothing contrary to the 
dictates of reason, or for which, having done it, she should 
have cause to blush. By these principles she governed her- 
self for a certain time, and she seemed even to have found 
some repose for her mind, particularly after having discovered 
that other persons (summoned indeed from distant lands) 
whom she believed to be learned and wise, were of opinions 
but slightly different from her own^ — they being without the 
pale of the true Catholic religion, which they considered to 
be mere childishness. But the Lord God, who desired to 
have mercy on this queen, nor would suffer her to perish in 
the errors of her intellect, since she had the most perfect will 
and desire to know the truth, and in doing as she did, allowed 
herself to be guided by the light of sound reason — for she 
has frequently assured me that she never suffered herself to 
do any thing for which she ought to blush (that being her 
form of expression) — God, I say, began to make her per- 
ceive that when the eternal safety of the soul is in question, 
every other interest must give way, and that error in a matter 
so momentous is of eternal prejudice; accordingly, she 
reverted to the thought that there must be some religion, 
and having granted that man must have a religion, then 
among all that she knew in the world, none appeared to her 
more reasonable than the CathoHc. Wherefore, reflecting 
more attentively upon that subject, she found that its tenets 
and institutions were not so absurd as the Lutheran ministers 
(they call them pastors) would make people believe." 

As we cannot give place to the whole work, the following 
minute description of the first introduction of the Jesuits to 
the queen may be permitted to suffice. 

" Departing from Hamburg, after staying two days at 
Rendsburg, we joined ourselves to the Senator Rosenhan, 


who was returning to Sweden, and with him we proceeded 
as far as Roskilde, where the kings of Denmark are 
buried, with the exception of Saint Canute, whose head 
is at Ringsted. The senator then went direct to Elsinore 
to cross the straits, and we to Copenhagen. This acquaint- 
ance with the Senator Rosenhan was afterwards very useful 
to us in Stockholm, causing us to be less suspected ; and the 
queen remarking to him one day that she did not know what 
to think of those two Italians, he told her that there was 
nothing to fear from us, that we were good people, and he 
always treated us with great courtesy. We had also the good 
fortune to be in company for some days on our journey with 
General Wachtmeister, grand equerry of the kingdom, who 
was in like manner of no small use to us ; for when we arrived 
in Stockholm, on the 24th February, according to the old 
style, and I having sought on the day following to speak with 
Johan Holm, gentleman of the chamber to her majesty, that 
I might be introduced, to present the letter given to me in 
Rome by the father vicar-general, but not being able to find 
him, the said General Wachtmeister was, that evening, the 
occasion of her majesty's hearing that I had arrived. And 
the manner was this : — While the queen was at supper, two 
gentlemen complained that it was very cold, and the general 
reproached them, declaring that two Italians who had come 
thither in his company had shewn no such fear of the cold. 
The queen hearing this dispute, and inquiring the cause of 
their contending, heard that two Italians were come, and 
asked if they were musicians ; but the general replying that 
they were two gentlemen travelling to see the country, her 
majesty said that she would by all means like to see them. 
We were immediately informed of all this, and advised to go 
to court on the following day : on the following morning wc 
were accordingly conducted thither by Signor Zaccaria 
Grimani, a Venetian noble, who introduced us to pay our 
respects to Count Magnus de la Gardie, her majesty's prime 
minister, that through him we might obtain the honour 
of kissing the hand of her majesty. He received us with 
much courtesy, and assured us that her majesty would have 
much pleasure in seeing us. It was then the hour of dinner, 
and her majesty came out into the ' Vierkant,' when we were 


directed to approach her majesty, and having kissed her 
hand, we made her a short compUment in ItaUan (for so she 
had commanded, although she had caused us to be informed 
that she would reply in French, since we understood it), 
suitable to the character we had assumed, and she replied 
with the utmost urbanity. Immediately afterwards the 
marshal of the court, and with him all the other gentlemen, 
set forward towards the hall wherein the table was laid for 
dinner, and I found myself immediately before the queen. 
She who, during the night, had thought over the matter of 
the two Italians, and reflecting that it was precisely the end 
of February, about which time it had been written to her 
from Rome, that we should arrive, had begun to suspect that 
we were the persons whom she was looking for ; thus, when 
we were but little distant from the door, and nearly all the 
company had already gone out of the Vierkant, she said 
to me in a low voice, ' Perhaps you have letters for me ? ' 
and I, having replied without turning my head that I had, 
she rejoined, ' Do not mention them to any one.' While 
we were discoursing after dinner on the matters that had 
occurred, we were joined by a person, who made us various 
compliments in French, and then proceeded to inquire if 
we had letters for her majesty. I began at once to give 
ambiguous replies, that we were not there for business ; that 
we had no letters of recommendation, &c., until at length he 
repeated in order all that in our short and fortuitous colloquy, 
the queen herself had said to me. I then perceived that he 
could not be sent by any other than herself, yet for the 
greater security, I asked him his name, and hearing that he 
was Johan Holm, I gave him the letter. The following 
morning, nearly two hours before the usual time for going to 
court, Johan Holm gave us to know that her majesty would 
speak with us. We went immediately, and had scarcely 
entered the Vierkant, where there was then no one but the 
officer on guard, than the queen came forth, and appeared to 
be surprised, either because none of the gentlemen were yet 
there, or because we had been the first to arrive. She put 
some few questions to us concerning our journey ; then 
hearing the officer, she asked him if any of the secretaries 
had yet appeared. He replying that they had not, she 


commanded him to go and call one of them, ^Yhen he did not 
return for an hour. When he was gone, her majesty began 
to thank us in the most courteous terms for the pains we had 
taken in making that voyage on her account ; she assured 
us that whatever danger might arise to us from being dis- 
covered, we should not fear, since she would not suffer that 
evil should befall us ; she charged us to be secret, and not to 
confide in any one, pointing out to us by name some of those 
to whom she feared lest we might give our confidence in 
process of time. She encouraged us to hope that if she 
should receive satisfaction, our journey would not have been 
made in vain ; she questioned us respecting the arrival of 
Father Macedo, and how we had been selected to visit her 
court ; and related to us in what manner the departure of 
Father Macedo had taken place." 

No. 132 

Relatio7ie della corte Romaiia del Caval. Corraro. 1660. 
[Report relating to the court of Rome, by the Cavalier 

Very brilliant hopes had been conceived of Alexander 
VII. Court and state awaited their restoration from his 
hand ; and the Church expected a renewal of the primitive 
discipline : even among the Protestants, there were many 
who were well disposed towards the new pontiff. The 
amazement and anger were therefore general when he began 
to govern precisely as his predecessors had done ; the good 
opinion that had been entertained of him was abandoned for 
the most violent ill-will. 

The first ambassador sent to Rome by the Venetians, 
after the embassy of congratulation above mentioned, was 
Hieronimo Giustiniano. His despatches belong to the year 
1656. He died of the plague. 

His successor was Anzolo Corraro, at that time podestil 
of Padua. He delayed his journey so long that another was 
already chosen in his place ; but he thereupon hastened tQ 
Home, wherp he remained from 16^7 to 1659, 


The report which he presented on returning from the 
papal court was by no means a favourable one. The pope 
and his family were loaded with censure. 

A particular circumstance has meanwhile rendered it 
unnecessary that we should give a more minute account of 
this report. 

This is no other than the fact, that the work produced 
so profound an impression as at once to have found its way 
into public notice. 

A French translation appeared at Leyden : '^ Relation de 
la cour de Rome faite I'an 1661(0), au conseil de Pregadi, 
par rexcell""^ Seigneur Angelo Corraro: chez Lorenz, 1663." 
This represents the Italian original most faithfully in all the 
passages which I have compared, and is not rare, even at the 
present time. 

It was printed at the moment when the contentions 
between the Chigi and Crequy caused general attention 
to be directed towards Rome, The pubUcation was both 
calculated and intended to inflame the public indignation 
against the pope. It was dedicated to Beuningen, who had 
not yet said " Sta sol." 

No. 133 

Relatione di Roma deW ecceknt """ Sif NiccoVo Sa^redo. 
1 66 1. [Report from Rome, by Niccolo Sagredo.] 

This is a report of which I have seen no authentic copy, 
and which is also found under the name of Anzolo Corraro. 

But since no doubt can exist of the preceding report 
being by Corraro, whose activity in the war against the 
Barberini is expressly mentioned in it ; while in that before 
us, on the contrary, the author declares his wish, that, 
released from his twenty-seven years' wanderings, he might 
now devote himself at home to the education of his children — 
which would by no means apply to Corraro, whose previous 
office had been that of podestk at Padua — so I have no 
hesitation in deciding that the name of Sagredo is the true 
one. Sagredo, as we know, had already been once sent to 
Rome, and afterwards to Vienna, He now went to Rome 


for the second time. He was indeed one of the most 
frequently employed statesmen of Venice, and ultimately 
became doge. 

This report is not nearly so severe as the last ; but neither 
is its tone that of eulogy; it has rather the impress of 
dispassionate observation. 

With respect to the promotion of the nephews, Sagredo 
remarks, that curiously enough Pope Alexander was even 
then constantly exclaiming against the riches of the Bor- 
ghese, Barberini_, and Ludovisi, although he was already 
taking care to neglect no opportunity for increasing the 
wealth of his own family. 

His description of the pope runs thus : " Placid and 
gentle of disposition; but in matters of business neither 
easy to deal with, nor particularly ready of comprehension ; 
he is by nature irresolute in questions of importance, 
whether from fear lest they should not succeed, or because 
he is unwilling to endure the fatigue of carrying them 
through ; he fancies himself pierced by every thorn, how- 
ever distant." 

He thought he had done enough for the Venetians by 
the suppression of the two orders previously mentioned, 
and eventually the Candian war did not appear even to him 
of a very perilous character. He was much more nearly 
affected by the fact that Parma and Modena were sup- 
ported in their claims on the Papal States by France. 
Neither was the Portuguese affair settled. " The absolute 
want of bishops in that kingdom, and the ruined state of 
the revenues of all the dioceses, being made manifest, not 
only have many clamours been occasioned, but most earnest 
entreaties have been made on the part of Orsini, the car- 
dinal-protector, to the effect that this should be remedied ; 
but the pope has never been prevailed on to do it." 

Moreover we find the papacy already at variance with 
most of the Catholic states. There was not one which the 
judicial or pecuniary claims of the Curia had not utterly 

Among the affairs then proceeding in Rome itself, our 
author chiefly specifies the architectural undertakings of 
Alexander. He informs us that in the general opinion, the 


f Cattedra di S. Pietro," in the church of St. Peter, was 
greatly preferred to the Colonnades. The embellishments 
of the city were occasionally carried forward in a somewhat 
arbitrary manner. " Many streets of the city have been 
rendered straight by the casting down of houses and palaces ; 
the columns and other impediments that stood before the 
doors of individuals have been removed; and at the in- 
stance of the Jesuits belonging to the CoUegio Romano, 
the Piazza Colonna has been enlarged by the destruction of 
that most noble pile, the Salviati Palace. The projections 
and signs of the shops have been restricted within due 
limits ; all works which doubtless increase the beauty of the 
city, yet as the weight of them falls on private purses, it 
cannot fail to excite many murmurs to see one's own nest 
thrown to the earth, and to be compelled to contribute 
large sums for the arrangement of streets which are of no 
advantage to those who thus pay for them, under the pretext 
that their dwellings will have- a more agreeable appearance 
or enjoy a finer view; this is no recompense for the burdens 
they suffer, and the force by which they are compelled to 
consent to these changes." 

No. 134 

Relatione di Roma del K"" Pietro Basadona. 1663. [Report 
from Rome, by Pietro Basadona.] 

In the manner of Corraro, who is even surpassed. I 
will give place to some few passages. 

First, in relation to the dispute with France, without 
doubt the most important event that took place during this 
embassy. *' With regard to the present commotions, I 
know that I have sufficiently extracted the marrow from the 
bones of that subject (dispolpate le ossa di tal materia) : 
but I must not conceal the fact, that if the imprudent pride 
of the Chigi family has caused them to fall into the ditch, 
their ambitious blundering has miserably entangled them in 
it. These people persuaded themselves that Rome was the 
world ; but the king of France has giveri them to know, and 


that at their own cost, that they had not studied geography 
well. Much gossiping has caused the general feeling to be 
pretty well known in respect of the insolence of Cardinal 
Imperiale and Don Mario concerning the immunities of the 
French ambassador. I will not say that they were blameless, 
but I can positively affirm, that to their ill-will there was 
conjoined some fault of chance, which not unfrequently 
diminishes or increases the effect of human labours. This 
it is in part which has constituted their guilt, and now com- 
pels them to make full satisfaction to such claims as the 
king of France may legitimately found on the affronts that 
he has too certainly received in the person of his ambas- 
sador. And since I knew the truth of this matter, so did I 
use indefatigable efforts to cool down the rage of Crequy, 
and apply the balsams of negotiation to this schism, 
before it had extended to what was manifest ruin. But 
there were too many fancies in the heads of those Chigi 
(teste Chigiarde), and too much obstinacy, to permit their 
condescending to a suitable humiliation towards the king, 
whose bravadoes they would not believe, considering them 
a mere pretence, and nothing more than a little ephemeral 
French fever. And this went so far, that his holiness told 
me the Roman hearts were not to be frightened by the 
rhodomontade of French striplings. To which I replied, 
that it was sometimes more dangerous to have to do with 
hare-brained boys than with older and wiser heads, since 
the first would rush to the very edge of the precipice for 
the gratification of some favourite caprice ; moreover, that 
to play with those who, if they have whims in their heads, 
have also armies at their side, and millions under therr feet, 
was not a fit game for the popes, who have nothing but 
their two raised fingers.^ I also represented to him, more 
than once, when it became obvious that the king was in 
earnest, that the States of the Church were but too com- 
pletely ruined by the fourteen millions spent in the Barberini 
war ; that the millions in which the treasury is indebted 
exceed fifty ; and that, in fine, his holiness could not pro- 
vide arms without ruining himself, could not fight without 

' [" Le due dita alzate," alluding, as the reader will perceive, to 
the two fingers raised by the pontiff in the act of benediction. - Tr.] 
VOL. III. 2 A 


destroying himself, while the enemy could ruin him even 
without fighting. But all these, and a hundred other power- 
ful reasons^ were equally vain, he having too much affection 
for his kindred to send them away, and being, besides, too 
much displeased about the matter of Castro. And one day 
when I found him in the vein, he said to me these precise 
words : * Every one cries out that Castro must be given up, 
but no one says that Avignon ought to be restored; every 
one declares that the king must receive satisfaction for the 
affronts offered him, but no one utters a word of the com- 
pensation that should be made to ecclesiastics for the in- 
juries they have endured ; and if it were true, as it is known 
not to be, that Cardinal Imperiale and our brother Mario 
had given orders for what was done with respect to the 
ambassador, and that so the king might pretend to satis- 
faction as against those two, why should Castro be brought 
into the question? and then if Mario be innocent, why 
should we send him away from us ? ' " 

Thus does the whole report proceed. It is filled with 
self-sufficient invectives, and betrays profound contempt for 
the whole ecclesiastical system— a tone of feeling entirely 
modern. The possibility of the French becoming masters 
of Rome was already contemplated. The reader is some- 
times tempted to doubt whether such statements ever could 
have been ventured upon before the senate. But the im- 
probability is greatly diminished, when we consider that the 
most violent attacks were just then made on the papal see 
from all quarters (the fiercest satires were then appearing, — 
"Le putanisme de Rome," for example, wherein it was 
directly declared that the pope must be allowed to marry 
for the prevention of other evils, and that the papacy might 
be made hereditary), and if we remember that this was the 
period when the credit of the Roman court began to decline 
in the general estimation. Our author was, upon the 
whole, well acquainted with the court and city. He also 
deserves to be heard in person with relation to the Papal 

*' It is an obvious truth, that the Ecclesiastical dominions 
are utterly borne down by their burdens, insomuch that 
many proprietors, finding it impossible to extract frorn their 


lands sufficient to pay the public impositions^ increased 
beyond all measure, have made necessity their counsellor, 
and throwing up their estates, have gone to seek the good 
fortune of being allowed to live in countries less rapacious. 
I do not speak of the duties and imposts on all things eat- 
able, without any exception, but the personal taxes, tolls, 
donations, subsidies, and other extraordinary oppressions 
and extortions, studiously invented, are such as would excite 
compassion and amazement, if the terrible commissaries, 
whom Rome despatches into the subjected cities with 
supreme authority to examine, sell, carry off, and con- 
demn, did not exceed all belief. There is never a month 
that these griffons and harpies, wrapped in the cloak 
of commissioners, are not sent flying to their different 
posts, either for the buildings of St. Peter, or to gather 
pious bequests; or else they are commissioners of the 
•spoglia,' or of the archives, or of some dozens of other 
Roman tribunals : by which the already exhausted purses 
of the helpless subjects are pressed to the last coin. Accord- 
ingly, if we except Ferrara and Bologna, towards which 
there is some consideration used, and which are favoured 
by nature and art with the richest lands, and with an indus- 
trious trading community, all the other cities of Romagna, 
of the March, of Umbria, the Patrimony, Sabina, and the 
Territorio di Roma, are miserable in every respect. Nor 
is there to be found (oh ! shame on the Roman governors) 
in any of these cities, the manufacture of wool or of silk, to 
say nothing of cloth of gold, two or three little villages of 
Fossombrone, Pergola, Matelica, Camerino, and Norcia, 
alone excepted; although from the abundance of wool 
and silk, every kind of profitable manufacture might be 
introduced. But the papal territory is as an estate leased 
out to tenants, and those who rent it do not think of 
improving, but only of how they may best press forth 
whatever can be extracted from the poor ill-treated soil, 
which, exhausted and dried up, cannot offer to the new 
tenant any better return than sterility. And then the papal 
treasury seems to be an all-devouring abyss. It was 
thought proper to take arms twice, as if the first error, 
which cost two millions, was a thing fit to be imitated. 


There was some pretence of defending the state, although 
every consideration of prudence commanded that an accom- 
modation should have been sought at the very first, that 
France might be deprived of all pretext for demanding 
heavier terms. By a calculation which I made of the 
reduction of interest on the luoghi di monte from four-and- 
a-half per cent, (or in our mint seven per cent.) to four, I 
found that at half a scudo per cent, on fifty millions of 
debt, the treasury would gain 250,000 scudi per annum, 
which at four per cent, would form a capital of six millions 
and a half." 

No. 135 

Vita di Alessandro VII. Con la descrizione delle sue ad- 
herenze e governo. 1666. [Life of Alexander VII. 
With a description of his adherents and government.] 

This is not a biography, at least not such a biography 
as Pallavicini wrote ; but a general description of the trans- 
actions of this pontiff, according to the impression produced 
by them in Rome : the author was a well-informed and, 
upon the whole, conscientious contemporary. 

'^ He is in truth of a pious mind," he remarks of the 
pope ; ^^ religious and devout, he would fain work miracles 
for the preservation of Christianity. . . . But he is indo- 
lent, timid, and irresolute, and very often does ill, by doing 
nothing." He denounced all nepotism in the first instance, 
yet afterwards carried it to extremity. Financial affairs 
were all in the hands of the nephews — they enriched them- 
selves greatly. The contentions with Crequy were entirely 
to be attributed to them. The pope retained only the 
management of foreign affairs for himself \ and to these he 
did not give sufficient attention. He had literary meetings 
in his apartments, which occupied much time. In the 
evenings, Rospigliosi had audience for one short hour. 
Business proceeded in fact but very indifferently. The 
pope replied in general terms only to the different appli- 
cants ; yet he had no minister to whom the parties seeking 
could be referred. 


The conclusion is not of the most cheering character. 
The author sums up his relation in the following words : 
"Ambition, avarice, and luxury rule the palace; and yet 
piety, goodness, and zeal govern Alexander VII." 

No. 136 

Relatione dl Roma di Giacomo Quirini K"" 1667 (8), 20 Febr. 
[Giacomo Quirini' s report from Rome.] 

Giacomo Quirini was at the court of Rome three years 
and a half under Alexander VII ; he was afterwards 
accredited for a certain time to Clement IX : his report 
relates to the whole of this period. 

He first describes the last years of Alexander VII, not 
with the animosity of his predecessor, it is true, but 
essentially to the same purpose. 

" In forty-two months during which I served Alex- 
ander VII, I perceived that he had but the name of a pope, 
not the exercise of the papal power; as supreme head, he 
thought only of securing his own tranquillity ; he rejected 
all business with fixed determination ; and the virtues by 
which he was so eminently distinguished as cardinal, — his 
readiness of mind, discrimination of judgment, promptitude 
in difficulties, freedom in resolve, and extraordinary facility 
of expression, were all entirely destroyed." He also 
describes the abuses of nepotism. From the building of 
the colonnades of St. Peter's, for which Bernini has been 
blamed, he predicts evil as follows : " It will depopulate 
the Leonine city for ever, cause the houses to be levelled, 
the waterworks to be increased, and the hearths to be 
diminished in numbers; the result of which will be 
malaria." He investigates the abuses of pensions, and 
the mode of bestowing places, with especial reference to 
Venice, whence the sum of 100,000 ducats was yearly 
sent to Rome. It is remarkable that Alexander VII on 
his side was greatly dissatisfied wiih the cardinals : he 
complained that they attached themselves to the party of 
the princes even in the affair of Castro; that they could 


never aid him even by useful advice. "Si lagnava non 
esser dottrina e virtii sodisfacente in quei porporati, non 
arricordando mai ripieghi o partiti che prima lui non 11 
sapesse." There was a universal degeneracy. 

The conclave was mastered by the subserviency of Chigi 
to the ^'Squadrone volante." It was afterwards seen that 
Chigi had proceeded very prudently in this : to that 
subserviency he was indebted for the share of power 
accorded to him by Clement IX. 

Quirini declares Clement IX to have been physically 
weak, and worn by various diseases, but firm, nay, obstinate 
in his opinions : he would sometimes prohibit his ministers 
from speaking again on a subject respecting which he had 
taken his resolution. A musician named Atto, a native of 
Pistoia, well known in Venice, was admitted to confidential 
intercourse with the pontiff. The determination of Clement 
to remit a portion of the taxes, Quirini considers heroic. 
" Mostrb eroica pietk, levando due giulj di gabella di maci- 
nato del rubiatelli, privandosi di 2 milioni di scudi." 

He next comes to the family of Clement IX, more 
particularly Cardinal Rospigliosi, whom he describes as 
follows : — 

" Although the promotion took place on the day before 
my departure only, the abbate Rospigliosi attaining the 
cardinalate just as he had finished his thirty-eighth year, 
yet having known him at two separate times in Spain, and 
transacted business with him in Rome on various occasions 
when he was cupbearer to Cardinal Chigi, I can relate thus 
much to your excellencies from distinct knowledge, that the 
pope, speaking to me frequently during the audiences, 
permitted himself to allude with a just warmth to the abbate 
as a prudent minister, and in attributing merit and worth 
to him did but speak as all by common consent were doing; 
and in this I think it certain he is not deceived, for no 
nephew of a pope has ever appeared on the scene more 
highly informed than he, since he was always employed during 
the long nunciature of his uncle at the court of Spain ; he 
was, besides, sole director in the office of secretary of state in 
Rome, dictating all letters and replies in the affairs of foreign 
princes. Then, on occasion of the troubles respecting 


those most injudicious measures adopted towards the 
ambassador Cr^quy, he was first sent to S. Quirico, and 
afterwards to Leghorn, but rather to be the bearer of 
palace flatteries than to satisfy the ambassador-duke ; and 
when that affair was finally adjusted, he was sent to France 
in the legation of Chigi to arrange the formalities of the 
treaty; whence returning to Rome with the title of inter- 
nuncio, he passed into Flanders. When Pope Clement was 
raised to the pontificate, the hope and opinion were enter- 
tained that he would be able to conciliate all differences, 
at once preserving the advantages of peace and averting 
the perils of war ; then Rospigliosi received full powers for 
the adjustment of all disputes between the two crowns. In 
these journeys and employments, as well as in his earlier 
days, he lavished much gold with great generosity; but 
having fallen grievously sick at Susa, he thought proper to 
squander a vast amount with extreme prodigality, insomuch 
that the apostolic treasury was burdened to the extent of 
140,000 scudi. He is upon the whole of a character 
naturally melancholy; a man of few words and retired 
within himself. During all these years of intercourse and 
meetings in ante-rooms, he has evinced indifference to all, 
seeming to feel a cordial friendship for and confidence in 
none, being too reserved, rather than frank in discourse. 
And now, in consequence of the sufferings that he has 
endured, he sometimes remains fixed in a sort of mental 
abstraction, and halts in the business before him; then he 
seeks to divert his mind by visits, and mingles in the move- 
ments of the court. On this account Cardinal Azzolini 
now directs the office of secretary of state, signing the 
orders to the legations, as well as those to the nunciatures 
at royal courts. Up to the present time, he has been pro- 
vided by the munificence of the pope with pensions to the 
value of 3,000 scudi, and with abbacies formerly held by 
the pontiff himself; he has derived 4,000 scudi from the 
death of Cardinal Palotta, and has 12,000 from the legation 
of Avignon as cardinal-padrone." 

36o APPENDIX— SECtlON VI [, 138 

No. 137 

Relatione delta corte di Roma al re Chistianissimo dal S"" di 
Charme. 1669. [Report from Rome, presented to the 
king of France, by the Seigneur de Charme.] 

This report has been printed both in French and Italian, 
yet it contains very little deserving attention, and this is, 
perhaps, the very reason why it was printed. 

The embarrassments of the apostolic treasury are dis- 
cussed here also ; the little that had been accomplished by 
the restrictions imposed on his nephews by Clement IX is 
alluded to; it is affirmed that no congregation could do 
anything effectual, and that a general bankruptcy was to be 

The remarks of Grimani respecting the want of able 
men, with his observations on the uprightness of intention, 
but absence of energy conspicuous among the Rospigliosi, 
on the state of the prelacy and of the country, are here 

The author adds certain reflections, of which we perceive 
that many have been taken directly from Grimani. 

I have myself felt a doubt whether this work proceeded 
from a French ambassador ; but if it did, it must have been 
from the duke de Chaulnes, whom (in the Negociations 
relatives h, la succession d'Espagne, II, p. 579) we find to 
have been ambassador to Rome; but in any case, it was 
obviously written by a contemporary who was not without 
good information. 

No. 138 

Relatione delta corte di Roma del Sig^ Antonio Grimani^ 
ambasciatore delta repuhtica di Venetia in Roma durante 
it pontificato di Ctemente IX. 1670. [Report of 
Antonio Grimani, ambassador from the republic of 
Venice to the court of Rome during the pontificate 
of Clement IX.] 

We have seen that Quirini expressed himself doubtfully 
with regard to the virtues of Clement IX. The experience 

No. 13^] AJPP^NDl5t-SElCTI0N VI 361 

gained from Alexander VII had probably rendered him 
cautious. Grimani, on the contrary, breaks forth into 
unbounded praise, at least with respect to moral qualities. 
" In good sooth, meekness, modesty, affability, moderation, 
clemency, candour, and purity of conscience, are his 
especial gifts." He declares that he has never known a 
better man. 

He first discusses the moderation with which Clement 
had endowed his nephews, yet it is obvious that in Rome 
there were many things said to the contrary. Grimani is 
even of opinion that the people of Pistoia would avenge 
themselves at some future time on the nephews for the 
unexpected neglect with which they were treated. 

But amidst these conflicting statements, thus much 
remains certain, — that Clement adopted no effectual 
measures for the abolition of other abuses. Men soon 
exclaimed that if afiother Sixtus V did not appear, the 
pontificate would incur the danger of utter ruin. 

Grimani points out the principal evils,— the sale of 
offices, which resulted in the absence of all able and useful 
men, and the ruinous financial arrangements ; he also 
specifies the neglect of the religious orders. " The monks 
are now held in so much contempt, that they have desisted 
of their own accord from appearing at court, to save them- 
selves from the insults of the lowest hangers-on about the 
palace. Bishoprics and the purple are considered to be 
debased when conferred on the regular clergy, and in all 
competitions, coarse, ignorant, and even vicious priests, will 
obtain the prize in preference to a learned and upright 
monk. The nephews have no regard for the regular 
clergy, because they cannot receive so much court from 
them as from the priests. If burdens are to be imposed, 
the monasteries are first thought of; if reforms are to be 
effected, it is not the priests who are referred to, but the 
monks. In fine, they deprive men of all incHnation for 
study, all care for the defence of the Church from those 
false doctrines which the enemies of Rome are constantly 
disseminating ; those enemies too increasing daily, while the 
number of learned and exemplary monks is as constantly 
diminishing ; from all which the court itself may soon come 


to suffer no little injury. Wherefore it is my opinion that 
the pontiffs would do well to take measures for the restora- 
tion of the regular clergy to their former credit, by conferring 
on them from time to time certain offices of dignity ; and 
this they could the better do, from the fact that the number 
of monks being so great, they would be able to select from 
them such men as might be required. By this means, men 
of distinction would be led to enter the orders, whereas, 
nowadays, the very bankrupt traders think scorn of covering 
their shoulders with the robe of the monk; nor are any 
seen to enter the monasteries but people of the working 
classes." Yet unhappily, no remedy was to be ex- 
pected from Clement IX, — he was too lukewarm, too easy 
in temper. 

After this description of the pope, the ambassador 
proceeds to his nearest connections, and first to Cardinal 
Rospigliosi^ of whom hopes had been entertained " quod 
esset redempturus Israel." He points out how and where- 
fore this hope had been disappointed. ''There are three 
things, in my opinion, which cause the aforesaid cardinal 
to walk with leaden foot, and to be accused of mental 
indolence and want of application. The first is his great 
anxiety to do everything well, and to please all the world, 
a thing which can hardly be done by a man who is not 
absolute master. The second is, that his will is restrained 
and rendered uncertain by the pope, who, although he loves 
this nephew, nay, regards him with extraordinary affection, 
yet likes to do everything in his own way. Whence, 
Rospigliosi, fearful of having his decisions rendered null by 
the negation of the pontiff, and desirous, on the other hand, 
of contenting the applicants and parties interested, is deterred 
from arriving at any conclusion whatever. Thirdly, the very 
extent of his own capacity is injurious to him, more particu- 
larly in matters which depend on himself; for although he 
abounds, as is said, in those qualities required for main- 
taining the post of papal nephew, yet a real penury in 
practice results from this abundance, because he loses the 
greater part of the most precious hours in meditating and 
sifting the materials before him, and while he is pondering 
and labouring to choose so as not to miss the best selection, 


the time flies, and the occasion for acting flies with it." 
Rospigliosi must, however, not be refused the justice of an 
admission that he did not enrich himself, " having neglected 
many opportunities for enriching himself, when he might 
have done it without scruple, and with a clear conscience." 
It was indeed believed that he favoured Chigi, principally 
to the end that he might one day become pope by his aid ; 
but the ambassador contradicts this assertion. 

The extent to which the character and habits of thought of 
the pope and cardinal-nephew were reflected in the inferior 
members of this government, is remarkable. They were 
not destitute of good intentions or of ability, yet, from one 
cause or another, they produced no effectual result. " For 
the current affairs of the day, the cardinal employs two 
ministers in particular. The one is Monsignor Augustini, 
a prudent man and of exemplary life ; it may be said of hiai 
as of Job, ' an upright man and one that fears God ' (' vir 
simplex et timens Deum ') ; but slow withal ; procrastinating 
and irresolute, so greatly desirous, moreover, of doing well, 
that he will not act at all, from the fear of doing ill. With 
this character, he has found means to get so completely 
into the favour of the cardinal-padrone, that the latter extols 
him in all places as an oracle, and esteems him the most 
able minister of the court, although those who continually 
hear him in the congregation form a different opinion of 
him, holding him to be but a very ordinary kind of person, 
the pope also being of the same opinion. The other is 
Monsignor Fiani, on whom the office of secretary of the 
Consulta was conferred ; a trust which imperatively demands 
the most perfect confidence on the part of the cardinal- 
padrone. Rospigliosi has therefore done wisely to select 
this man, who knows the duties of a friend, and who has all 
the capacity for government that can be desired ; but he is 
almost unfitted for the exercise of his office, being very 
infirm, and much afflicted by gout ; he therefore also pro- 
tracts all business, to the extreme annoyance of the court, 
where he is but Httle liked, in part perhaps because he is 
reported to have a ready hand for receiving presents ; but 
my opinion is, that this report is the mere malignity of evil 


It Is not necessary to repeat the further particulars given 
respecting the papal family, which never attained to any per- 
manent influence. The brother of the pope, Don Camillo 
Rospigliosi, deserved, as our author says, to have been 
canonized even during his life^ had that been customary. 
He had five sons, of whom two only require to be 
named here ; the second, Don Tommaso, who had already 
turned his thoughts towards effecting improvements in the 
manufactures of the Papal States ; and the youngest, Giam- 
battista, " a youth of most comely aspect, and of acute and 
penetrating mind," who married a Pallavicini of Genoa, 
and founded the house of Rospigliosi. It will suffice to 
give a general description of the new relations in which 
these nephews were placed. " Among all the popes who 
have occupied the Vatican, there has perhaps never been 
seen one more prudent or moderate in his deportment 
towards his nephews than Clement IX, who enjoyed their 
society, but would never suffer himself to be ruled by them ; 
on the contrary, the more affection he displayed for them, 
the more he kept them back, excluding them from all share 
in his more secret thoughts. And the excellence of the 
nephews themselves came in aid of the pope's good inten- 
tion to remove from the Church the scandal so long sub- 
sisting of the delegation of almost all the authority vested in 
the Vatican to the nephews of the pontiffs. Wherefore, it 
may be said with good cause, that never have kinsmen of 
the pope been seen in Rome more modest, more humble, 
more charitable, or more disinterested than the Rospigliosi ; 
and what is more important, all endowed with such piety 
and excellence, that one must be devoid of human feeling 
not to love them ; nay, we may even affirm that the pope 
never loved them to the extent of their merits, since he 
treated them rather as strangers than as kinsmen, and never 
confided to them any matter of importance ; and hereby he 
was himself rendered unhappy, because on the one hand he 
voluntarily deprived himself of the satisfaction so needful 
to princes — the relief of unbosoming himself with his own 
family; and, on the other hand, was prevented from un- 
burdening his mind with his immediate attendants, who 
were, for the most part, untaught people, and of very slight 


capacity. It is believed that the pope does not entrust 
the more important matters of the court to any one but 
Cardinal Chigi, who being crafty and dexterous, has found 
means to ingratiate himself most completely with the 

Then follows a description of the cardinals, and of the 
ambassadors residing at the court; but the persons thus 
described are of no great importance, and the interests 
treated of are too fleeting and transient to warrant our 
giving them any further attention. 

No. 139 

Melatione dcllo stato delle cose di Roma del mese di Sett. 1670. 
[Account of the state of Rome in the month of Sep- 
tember, 1670.] Altieri Library, 9 leaves. 

To the Venetian reports, and those purporting to be 
French, some that were Spanish are also added : the 
account before us was unquestionably drawn up for Spain. 
Allusion is made in it to another, which had been sent to 
the Spanish court, and the information contained in which 
was on that account omitted in the one before us. 

Clement X : " whose disposition is most gentle, so that 
none present themselves at his feet to whom he would not 
fain do some kindness. . . . He is very economical in ex- 
penditure, and exceedingly parsimonious in giving to his 
kindred." Cardinal Altieri : " He does every thing himself, 
and is very little influenced by others. Ages have passed 
since a papal nephew was seen in Rome of greater weight, 
of higher ability, or of more integrity." We remark, that 
under this pontificate also, the greater part of the officials 
were permitted to retain their employments unchanged. 

But the most important circumstance communicated by 
this author, is the division of the court. Chigi, Barberini, 
and Rospigliosi were connected in the closest intimacy with 
the Altieri. This league had been effected principally by the 
Spanish ambassador. Opposed to it stood the faction of 


the " squadronisti," that is to say, the cardhials created by 
Innocent X, who had exercised so powerful an influence on 
the last papal elections, and had placed their dependents in 
the public offices during the last two pontificates. To this 
party belonged Omodei, Ottoboni^ Imperiale, Borromeo, 
and Azzolini. Into the disputes of these two factions the 
queen of Sweden entered with extraordinary zeal. We know 
the high estimation in which she held Azzolini. In this 
document she is called his faithful servant. She is charged 
with planning a thousand intrigues to promote the views of 
the " squadronisti." 

No. 140 

Memorie per descrivcre la vita di Ckmente X pontefice inas- 
siino^ raccolte da Cai'lo Cartari Ofvietano, decano degli 
avvocaii consistoriali e prefetto delV archivio apostolico di 
castello S. Angelo di Rotna. [Memoirs towards a life 
of Clement X, collected by Carlo Cartari of Orvieto, 
dean of the consistorial advocates, and prefect of the 
apostolic archives of the Castle of St. Angelo in Rome.] 
Altieri Library, 211 pages. 

Composed immediately after the death of the pope, and 
completed in October, 1676. The author expressly imposes 
on himself the duty of avoiding all flattery and speaking 
only the simple truth (" da questi fogli sara I'adulatione, 
mia nemica irreconciliabile, affato sbandita, alia sola verita 
Candida e pura attenendomi "). But this work, according 
to the author's intention, was a collection of materials only, 
to be used by some future biographer. 

It would at first appear as if this declaration had merely 
proceeded from modesty on the part of the author. 

The father of the pope, old Lorenzo Altieri, with 
whom Cartari had been well acquainted, is most agreeably 
described, as a man of powerful mind and majestic deport- 
ment, but very modest withal, as was manifest from his 
countenance. Although only a collector of materials, our 
author has not abstained from subjoining a conceit, alto- 
gether in the spirit of that age, " di altrettanto bella canitie 


neir esterno ricoperto quanto di una candidezza di costumi, 
di una rara pieti a meravigUa dotato." [He was adorned 
externally by his beautiful grey hair, as intrinsically by the 
purity of life, and the rare piety with which he was wonder- 
fully endowed.]. 

Emilio Altieri was born in 1590; received the degree of 
doctor in 161 1 ; passed a certain time in study under PamfiH, 
who was afterwards pope, and in 1624 accompanied Lan- 
cellotti, bishop of Nola, whose Instruction is still extant, to 
Poland. On his return, he was appointed bishop of Camerino, 
in the place of his brother Giovanni Battista, who had entered 
the college of cardinals. It has been asserted, though Cartari 
has no word respecting it, that Emilio himself had even at 
that time been selected for the cardinalate, and would have 
been more cordially received than his brother, but he had 
the self-command to leave Rome at the decisive moment, 
and thus resigned the place to his elder brother. Pope. 
Innocent X sent Emilio as nuncio to Naples, where he is 
said to have contributed largely towards the settlement of 
the commotions excited by Masaniello. Alexander VII 
appointed him secretary to the congregation for bishops 
and monastic clergy, a position which all had foun-d to be 
exceedingly tiresome. It was not until his seventy-ninth 
year that he was effectually promoted. On the 29th Novem- 
ber, 1669, Clement IX appointed him cardinal; but this 
pontiff had not even time to give him the hat : without 
having yet received that sign of his dignity, Altieri proceeded 
to the conclave, which ended by the election of himself as 
pope, on the 29th April, 1670. He refused this dignity for 
a certain time, declaring that there were persons of higher 
merit that might be chosen, and even naming Cardinal 
Brancacci ; but eventually he consented to ascend the papal 

So far was the new pontiff advanced in years ; he had not 
even a near relation by his side ; but it was necessary that 
he should select a kinsman to share with him the weight of 

" His holiness was in the eightieth year of his age ; 
wherefore, on that account, and after the example of his 
predecessors, who, well knowing the heavy weight of the 


pontificate, had esteemed it necessary for their own reHef 
to depute some portion of it to a cardinal, with the title of 
general superintendent of the States of the Church, he w^as 
pleased on that same day to declare the cardinal Pauluzzo 
Pauluzzi degli Albertoni, his connection, to be charged with 
that laborious office, changing his name for that of Altieri." 

Proceeding to the transactions of this pontificate, we find 
that the author gives his first attention to those which took 
place in Rome itself. 

The arrival of the ambassadors from Ferrara and Bologna 
to proffer their allegiance ; the discovery of the monument 
of Constantine at the foot of the steps of St. Peter's ; the 
decoration of the bridge of St. Angelo with ten angels of 
Carrara marble ; the building of the Altieri Palace, on which 
nearly 300,000 scudi were expended, which could not, how- 
ever, be called a loss, because they went to the benefit of 
the poor ; the erection of a second fountain on the Piazza 
di San Pietro, but which the pope did not see completed ; 
these are the principal circumstances on wliich Cartari 
dwells. Speaking of the palace, he also describes the 
library : *' In almost the highest part of the said palace, 
there was a space reserved for the library, equally noble in 
extent, and delightful for the charming view to be obtained 
from it of the city and country surrounding : here magnificent 
ranges of shelves are filled, by the generosity of Cardinal 
Altieri, with precious books in all sciences, amounting to 
the number of 12,000." Well do I know it, — how often 
have I mounted its steps ! He then speaks of the foun- 
tains : " The fountain of Paul V w^as transported by means 
of wonderfully powerful machinery, — I might almost say in 
one piece, from the position where it formerly stood, to 
that where it is now to be seen, corresponding to the side 
entrances of the theatre ; and as an accompaniment of the 
same, he ordered that a second should be constructed exactly 
similar in front of the Cesi gardens, as was done." But the 
most remarkable fact that he relates on this subject, is that 
respecting the mosaic attributed to Giotto, the " Navicella 
di San Pietro." It had suffered frequent change of place 
after the destruction of the old basilica, where it originally 
stood, having been removed by Paul V to the palace, by 


Urban VIII into the church, and being taken by Innocent X 
again into the palace. Alexander VII once more found it 
unsuitably placed there ; but despairing of effecting its 
removal as it was, he decided on having it taken to pieces, 
the small stones belonging to each figure being put into a 
separate bag. Under Clement X, Cardinal Barberini pro- 
posed that it should be restored after a copy taken in the 
pontificate of Urban VIII. It was then once more put 
together, and placed in the lunette over the middle entrance 
of the vestibule : but how this was managed we must let 
Cartari tell in his own words : " Perche il vano non era 
capace, fu detto che lasciandosi le figure nel proprio essere, 
potevano restringersi i spatii : come fu diligentemente ese- 
guito." [As the recess was not large enough, it was suggested 
that the figures might be left in their proper form, but that 
the spaces between them might be lessened ; and this was 
very diligently accomplished.] We perceive from this, 
that those who attribute the work in its present form to the 
new master, are not without some ground for their opinion. 

The author at length applies himself to affairs of state ; 
but respecting these he is very defective. He asserts that 
Clement X, notwithstanding his financial necessities, would 
never proceed to any new reductions of the " monti," from 
consideration to the numerous families, and still more to 
the many pious institutions which must suffer by such a 
measure : " ben considerando il danno che a tante famiglie 
ed in particolare a luoghi pii ne resultarebbe." He pre- 
ferred to make retrenchments, and even the cardinal-nephew 
also proposed to resign his own emoluments as " soprain- 
tendente dello stato." The Curia still contrived to send 
money to Poland, then hard pressed by the Turks : 30,000 
scudi at one time, at another time 16,000, and again a third 
sum of 70,000, were forwarded to that country. The cardinals 
had themselves made a special collection. 

This is all I find respecting foreign affairs ; but neither 
are those concerning the States of the Church very profoundly 
treated. " Some effort was made to procure the free intro- 
duction of foreign merchandise, and all exemptions from 
the regular customs-duties were recalled : regulations were 
made respecting the "ofificii vacabili" of the dataria, and 
VOL. HI, 3 1) 


the proceeds of the same; the tax of the quatrino degli 
artisti was repealed ; and it was enacted that the Romans 
and other nobles of the Papal States might engage in com- 
merce without prejudice to their nobility." This is in fact 
all that he tells us of essential importance. 

The transactions of the papacy in reference to the 
internal affairs of the Church are scarcely even alluded to. 

No. 141 

dementis Decimi Pontificis Maxwii vita. Altieri Library, 
288 pages. 

It was the opinion of Cartari that many would be found 
to write the life of Clement X, and it is to these persons 
that he dedicates these materials. An author did, in fact, 
soon appear to undertake that office ; but this was a Jesuit, 
writing at the command of his general Oliva. He was 
supplied with his materials by Cardinal Pauluzzi Altieri. 

This author does not mention Cartari; it is never- 
theless manifest that he had his work before him. He 
frequently does nothing more than translate and ampUfy 
that writer. 

But if Cartari was careful to avoid flattery, the Jesuit is 
equally careful to infuse it. He sets forth the opinion that 
in the year of Clement's birth, when the Tiber had pro- 
duced violent inundations, this took place "quasi prae- 
sentiret imperantis urbis fluvius augendam ab exorto turn 
infante Romanam gloriam." 

But he has also occasionally made more useful additions. 
Pie relates that characteristic anecdote of Clement's having 
voluntarily given way to his brother. 

In subsequent chapters he also enters on the affairs of 
the Church. " Innumeros in callem salutis reduces illo 
regnante vidit Hungaria, quam catholicam, ut Francisci 
card"' Nerlii verbis utar, pene totam effecit." This is indeed 
a strong hyperbole, for not only was Hungary at that time 
far from being so nearly Catholic, but Clement X had con- 
tributed very little towards promoting even what Catholicism 


there was. " Ad veram religionem in Hibernia conservan- 

dam ac propagandam solertem industriam contulit : 

pliirimos in Vaticanum regresses Boemia et caetera Boemiae 
regna atque inter hos magnos principes, plurimos Rhaeti 
atque iis finitimae valles, magnam illorum vim Hollandia, 
majorem vidit Gallia." All this, however, is in very general 

While he lauds the justice and love of his subjects dis- 
played by Clement, he excuses him for having raised con- 
tributions to support the Poles against the Turks by taxes 
on the clergy, and for having taken up new loans ; he main- 
tains that the pope had repealed oppressive taxes, and m 
their stead had laid imposts on luxuries, — foreign wines and 
tobacco for example : he extols the extreme moderation 
shewn by Clement in regard to his kindred. About the 
building of the Altieri Palace, there should not be too much 
said : people should rather remember how few estates the 
Altieri family had acquired : " Quam minimum in spatium 
contrahantur Alteriis principibus subjecta oppida et rura, 
cum latissime pateat aliorum ditio." 

No. 142 

Nuovo governo di Roma sotto il poiitificato di Papa Clemente 
X. [New government of Rome, under the pontificate 
of Clement X.] Barberini Library, 17 leaves. 

The family connections of Pauluzzi are here discussed, 
with his singular elevation to the position of papal nephew. 

The brother of the pontiff, and chief of the house of 
Altieri, had left an only daughter, and had commanded, 
that the husband whom she might marry should take the 
name of Altieri. 

A nephew of Cardinal Pauluzzi married this heiress of 
the house of Altieri, and the two families were thus united. 

All the other connections, the Gabrielli for example, 
who would else have been the nearest, were compelled to 

This government seems upon the whole to have been 


less lenient, even from its commencement, than the preced- 
ing one had been, and this proceeded from the fact, that 
Clement IX had loaded with debts even those portions of 
the revenue which had previously always been reserved. 
The disbanding of the little army had already begun. The 
author is of opinion that even the trifling diminution of the 
taxes effected would compel the whole state to be disarmed. 
Even this writer complains of the forms of administration, 
and of the recklessness which had then become habitual 
with the rulers of the Papal States. " Perceiving themselves 
to be detested and abhorred, they harden themselves all the 
more, and, drawing their hats over their eyes, they look no 
one in the face ; but making every herb help to increase 
their pack, they care for nothing but their own interest, and 
are without a thought for the public welfare." 

No. 143 

Relatione dello stato presente della corte di Roma^ falta aW 
ecc''^" prmcipe di Ligni^ governatore di Milano, daW ill"'" 
S*" Feder. Rozzoni, inviato sti-aord"^'" da S. E. alia corte 
appresso Clemente X. [Report on the present state of 
the Court of Rome, presented to the prince of Ligny, 
governor of Milan, by Federigo Rozzoni, ambassador 
extraordinary from his excellency to Clement X.] 24 

Written somewhat later than the preceding report. 

The position of parties had already changed. Rospigliosi 
and Chigi were neglected by the reigning house, which was 
seeking an alliance with the Squadronisti. 

The relations subsisting between the pope and Cardinal 
Altieri are described in the following manner : — 

" The pope has no power of application whatever, partly 
because of his declining years, but partly also, because it is 
natural to him to regard his own repose, and to retire from 
those heavy cares which might disturb the serenity of his 
mind, which is solely bent on living in tranquillity. Thus 
he cannot be made acquainted with the proceedings of 

No. 143] AI>PENDIX— SECTION Vt 373 

justice, or of other political affairs relating to the court and 
the States of the Church. Wherefore, recourse to him avails 
nothing to those who are oppressed by his ministers ; and 
to give himself a belter excuse for not interfering in these 
matters, he frequently affects illness ; but not on that account 
abstaining from his private ' conversazioni,' which he holds 
every day after dinner, playing cards, and enjoying music 
and singing. 

"He leaves the government of the Church entirely to 
Cardinal Altieri, and does not meddle with it except when 
required to give his assent by voice or writing ; in all be- 
sides, he has so completely resigned every thing to his 
decision, that he has frequently shewn fear of him, giving 
alms, granting favours, and doing other things in secret. 
But the appointment to benefices and bishoprics, with the 
selection of those who are to be raised to the purple, remains 
exclusively with the cardinal, who is a man of cool temper, 
not easily roused to anger, and even when oftended, not 
seeking to avenge himself. He is well calculated to sustain 
the post he occupies, and is, in fact, determined to know 
and to direct all affairs, whether great or small, not of the 
court only, but of the whole papal dominion. This is 
attributed by some to a great avidity as respects his own 
interests, concerning which he is most vigilant, never suffer- 
ing any occasion whatever to pass without making profit of 
it. At a fixed hour of each day, he gives audience to all 
the ministers of the court and their secretaries, himself im- 
parting to them their orders and instructions, — not in general 
only, but also in particulars, so that the judges, and even 
the governor himself, are not permitted to exercise any 
discretion of their own in their different charges. 

*' The principal minister of the aforesaid cardinal, both 
is and has been the abbate Piccini, a man of poor capacity 
and inferior parentage, who was chamberlain to Clement X 
before his elevation. Thus, by the access that he has to 
the cardinal, or, as some say, by the power he has of de- 
termining his resolutions, he has got together an annual 
income of 12,000 scudi, and a capital of 200,000, and has 
filled his head with smoke as completely as he has filled his 
purse with gold. But the favouring gale that he has enjoyed 


has ceased just now, some say from political causes, and not 
because his great influence has been diminished by the union 
of the four royal ambassadors; although the said abbate 
Piccini and the commissioner of the treasury^ called Monsr. 
Zaccaria, are more intimately about the person of the 
cardinal than any others. But as to all this, it is merely 
an affair of interest, to which this cardinal desires to appear 
indifferent. Thus he would fain suffer the blame of that 
avarice with which the common opinion loads him, to fall 
on the shoulders of these two ministers or interpreters." 

No. 144 

Relatione della corte di Roma del N. H. Piero Mocenigo, cJie 
fu amhasciatore a Papa Clemente X^fatto Vanno 1675. 
[Report from the court of Rome, by Piero Mocenigo, 
late ambassador to Clement X.] 44 leaves. 

Piero Mocenigo had previously been in England; he 
then proceeded to Rome, which presented him, more par- 
ticularly from a commercial point of view, with so totally 
different an aspect. He was here involved in somewhat 
violent contentions with the house of Altieri, having assumed 
the office of leader to the ambassadors, whom the Curia 
sought to deprive of some of their immunities. We cannot 
wonder that he does not seem to have been much edified 
by what he perceived, and by all that he experienced. 

He divides his report into three parts : — 

I. "La qualitk di quella corte, sua autorita cosi spirituale 
come temporale, con aggiunta dell' erario e delle forze." 
[The character of this court, its authority, as well spiritual 
as temporal, with additions respecting the treasury and 
forces.] "The whole thought of these rulers," he begins, 
" is absorbed by their determination not to leave their own 
house exposed to the persecutions and scorn that wait on 
poverty. Thus the pole-star of this court is private interest, 
and the application they affect to business and the public 
weal is a mere specious appearance." The result of the 
favour shewn to the great families now, was, that not only 


the middle classes but even the inferior nobility were de- 
prived of all advancement, — not possessing sufficient wealth 
to raise themselves by their own power, yet feeling too 
much independence of spirit to debase themselves by 
imitating the subserviency of the really indigent. 

" This country," observes Piero Mocenigo, " is the very 
home of flattery ; there are nevertheless many who console 
themselves for their disappointed hopes by slander and evil- 
speaking; and they propound this maxim, — he will never 
be mistaken who judges the worst." 

The more important congregations were those of the 
Inquisition, of Ecclesiastical Immunities, of the Council, of 
the Propaganda, the Bishops and Monastic Clergy, and the 
Index. When the court desires to refuse any request, it 
refers the affair to these congregations, which cling fast to 
their canons and to the practice of past ages ; the merest 
trifles are thus magnified into importance ; but if the court 
be favourably disposed, it then takes the matter into its 
own hands. 

It is more particularly in secular aflairs that this abso- 
lute power of the court is displayed. Cardinals would 
never have sanctioned the declaration of war. (We may 
add that for a considerable time this had no longer hap- 

The condition of the country became daily worse. In 
the course of forty years, as the author was informed, the 
number of inhabitants had decreased by one-third. Where 
a hundred hearths had formerly been counted, there were 
now found no more than sixty ; many houses were pulled 
down, although this was forbidden by the Consulta; less 
land was daily cultivated; marriages decreased; parents 
sought refuge for their children in the cloister. 

He estimates the interest of the public debt — of the 
monti and " officii vacabili " that is — at 2,400,000 scudi ; 
and the deficit at many hundred thousand. 

II. " II presente governo di Clemente X, sua casa, sacro 
collegio e corrispondenze con principi." [The present 
government of Clement X, his household, the sacred col- 
lege, and correspondence with princes.] 

Clement X. — It is true that he gave audience at stated 


hours to the datary, the secretary of briefs, the secretary of 
state, and Cardinal Altieri, but he merely went through the 
formality of signing papers ; disagreeable things were con- 
cealed from him, — an object to which Cardinal Altieri gave 
his whole attention. The ambassador affirms that the pope 
had no knowledge whatever of the affairs of the world, — -he 
had never been employed as nuncio. As we know, this is 
false. " It is said in Rome, that the pontiff's business is to 
bless and to consecrate, — that of Cardinal Altieri, to reign 
and govern." 

Cardinal Altieri : '' His constitution is delicate ... his 
character is ardent, impetuous, and impulsive ; he is accus- 
tomed to the Roman courtesy of refusing nothing, but on 
the contrary, of shewing the utmost readiness of agreement, 
with many obliging words, on first hearing a request ; but 
after he has considered the matter, he retracts, nay, will 
even deny the promise given^ and display marks of anger. 
. . . He is elevated by slight hopes, as, on the contrary, he 
is depressed by unimportant fears." In these expressions, 
we clearly perceive the operation of personal dislike. 

It is in a similar spirit that the other persons here de- 
scribed are treated. Laura Altieri, to whom the family 
owed its prosperity, was, according to our author, not con- 
tent with her position in it, and for that reason was never 
permitted to approach the pope ; but I do not fully believe 
this assertion. 

The remarks of Mocenigo, when describing the union 
of the court with the Squadronisti, are less liable to sus- 
picion, — we have already seen how the way was prepared 
for this. Barberini, Chigi, and RospigUosi were now but 
slightly esteemed : the Squadronisti particularly insisted that 
the Curia should be independent of foreign courts. They 
iiad drawn the Altieri completely to their party. The author 
affirms that the perplexities in which the court became in- 
volved were to be attributed to them. 

He enters more minutely into the detail of these em- 
barrassments, but with the irritable manner usual with him. 

According to him, the court was obliged to propitiate 
the emperor from time to time with spiritual presents, Agnus 
Dei, etc. It had so many contentions with France, that to 


see the French involved in war, was a cause of rejoicing 
to Rome. How then could the pope negotiate a peace? 
Spain complained of this among other things, that bandits 
from Naples were received into the Roman states, and were 
suffered to sell there the property they had stolen. *' Ma 
non segli danno orecchie : perche cosi comple alia quiete 
di quel confini, promessa e mantenuta dai medesimi ban- 
diti." Mocenigo declares that Rome neglected to press 
the Poles earnesUy to the war against Turkey, merely to 
avoid being compelled to give aid; that it would not 
acknowledge the title of the czar, and therefore entered 
into no relations with him, although they might have de- 
rived so important an assistance from such a connection, 
against the hereditary enemy. " Per timor d'ingombrarsi 
in obligatione di rimettere e contribuire soccorsi maggiori 
si sono lasciate cadere le propositioni fatte da un' inviato 
Polacco, che Farmi del re sarebbero passate il Danubio, 
entrate nella Bulgaria, e promettevano di portar la guerra 
nelle viscere dell' imperio Ottomano." I notice this only 
because we learn from it that such hopes were entertained 
even at that time ; but what the Roman court could have 
done towards the matter, it is not easy to perceive, more 
especially if the papal treasury and dominions were in the 
condition described above. Mocenigo says, further, that 
the court would not concede to the king of Portugal the 
patronage of his churches situate beyond the seas, nor an 
" indult " to the duke of Savoy for appointing to the vacant 
bishoprics in his owa territory. These claims to ecclesi- 
astical independence were now put forward in Tuscany dlso, 
and even in the smaller principalities. 

I'he annexation of Castro to the treasury turned out to 
be a positive loss. The debts thus undertaken required 
90,000 scudi for their interest ; while the farmer of the 
revenue paid only 60,000. The people of Rome declared 
that it was not thus a prince should reckon. 

III. " Corrispondenze colla Republica." — This was but 
very short, and principally in relation to personal conten- 
tions. " Impiego scabrosissimo " [a most difficult employ- 
ment]. All in the same spirit. 

They had already been prepared in Venice for a report 


in this tone. Even before Mocenigo's return, there had 
appeared a " Lettera scritta a Venetia da soggetto ben in- 
formato sopra I'ambasceria (another hand has here added 
' infame ') del S' Kav"" Mocenigo," wherein the little man 
with the great wig, who is for ever talking of England, is 
somewhat roughly dealt withal. He is now closeted day 
and night with a scribe, that he may blacken the court of 
Rome in his report : " a government, than which there has 
not been a better for the secular princes from the tunes of 
St. Peter till now, — conciliatory, moderate, and given to no 
cavils (senza puntiglio)." 

It is certain that Mocenigo has gone too far ; but we are 
not on that account to reject all that he has said. 

Every one, after all, impresses his own opinions on the 
affairs that he describes. It is for the reader to see that he 
makes the right distinction between object and subject. 

No. 145 

Scrittura sopra il governo di Roma. [Treatise on the 
government of Rome.] MS. Rome. 

This document will be found among writings relating 
to 1670-80, and belongs to somewhere about that time. 
It is as cheerless as ever were the bewailings of Sacchetti. 
I. " Sopra il cattivo stato de' popoli." " How they alvfays, in 
every pontificate, can find means to bestow 100,000, or even 
150,000 scudi on one house, but cannot make it possible 
to take 50,000 scudi from the burdens of the overloaded 
people; and the worst of all is^ that they will not allow 
their subjects to fill their purses by seeking from lawful 
trade those gains which others unduly appropriate to them- 
selves by favour of the authorities." II. " Sopra la gran 
poverta et il gran lusso." A mere rhetorical contrast. 
III. " Deir annona e del vino." This relates principally 
to abuses arising from the duties and regulations respecting 
corn. " The ministers of the sovereign choose to play the 
part of merchants. Hence proceed the many bankruptcies 
of the true merchants, and of dealers in corn; the many 


embarrassments of families and pious institutions, whose 
principal possessions consist of lands ; hence, too, the 
quantity of grain left to spoil in the granaries of those 
who would not submit to the extortions of so detestable 
a traffic." IV. " De ritardamento della giustitia e de' frutti 
de' luoghi di monte." Even the " Depositarii de' Monti " 
are accused of dishonesty and arbitrary proceedings. 
V. " Sopra I'irreverenza nelle chiese "■ — it was like the be- 
haviour in the theatre, he says. VI. "Sopra il fasto de' 
banchetti palatini." VII. " Sopra I'abuso del cerimoniale." 
The author disapproves of the frequently repeated " Sanc- 
tissimus ; " it revolts him that people should dare to say, 
as in the procession of Corpus Christi, " Sanctissimus sanc- 
tissima portat." VIII. "Sopra I'immunith, ecclesiastica." 
He bewails the fact that an asylum w^as granted to criminals 
in the churches. IX. " Sopra le lordure delle strade." 
This is a well-meant report, and is upon the whole a true 
description ; but the views of the writer are not very 

No. 146 

Vito del servo di Dio Papa Innocentio XI^ raccoUa in ire 
libri. [Life of the servant of God Pope Innocent XI, 
comprised in three books.] MS. Rome. 

A very beautiful copy on 144 leaves, probably prepared 
for special presentation to some later pontiff. 

The first book is occupied by the early life of Inno- 
cent XI. The author has not spared his labour in the 
search of authentic information respecting it. He denies 
that the pope had made a campaign in his youth : the 
question had been asked of his holiness himself. He 
affirms also, that it was Cardinal Cueva (to whom the 
young man had been recommended by the governor of 
Milan) who had directed the attention of the future pontiff 
to the advantages presented by the career of the Curia. 

The second book comprises the earlier administrative 
measures of Pope Innocent, his financial arrangements, 
the abolition of useless offices, decrease of interest on the 


monti (even as touching corporate bodies), the restriction 
of usury, which was carried on with particular activity in 
the Jewish quarter (Ghetto), and the imposition of new 
taxes on ecclesiastical fees. His maxim was " that he was 
not master, but the administrator of the things appertaining to 
the Holy See, and under the rigorous obligation to distribute 
them, not in accordance with preferences for kindred, but 
in conformity with the laws of justice. . . . He said of 
himself, that from his elevation to the cardinalate, he had 
begun to be poor, and as pope, he had become a beggar." 
The author alludes, moreover, to English affairs, and does 
not hesitate to say that King James desired to render all 
England Catholic : " Volendo ricondurre al Romano cor- 
tile i suoi sudditi, comincio a servirsi nel ministerio di 

In the third book, the part taken by Innocent XI in the 
Turkish war is discussed, and his personal qualities are 
described. He is here presented as he really was, — ener- 
getic, impartial, and honourable. His conduct and pro- 
ceedings are described with much penetration, and infinitely 
better than in the small work of Bonamicus, which we find 
in Lebret, and which is really nothing more than a hollow 

Remarkable instances are also given here of the oppo- 
sition aroused by the practical measures of this pontiff. 
How innumerable were the objections put forward against 
the proposal of a bull for the abolition of nepotism. " The 
unthinking populace, seeing many offices in the palace sup- 
pressed, while the duties attached to them were united to 
those of other ministers, without considering the motives, 
cast reproach on the character of Innocent, as incapable of 
rising to his sovereign condition." This disaffection was 
made manifest, now in one way, and now in another. 

No. 147 

Memoriale del 1680 al Papa Innocenzo XI^ concernente il 
governo egli aggravj\ [Memorial presented to Innocent 


XI in the year 1680, concerning the government and 
the pubUc burdens.] ValUcella Library. 

The holy zeal of the pope, as this document assures 
us, was acknowledged by all, but unhappily the effect of his 
endeavours was a general discontent. By the reduction of 
the monti, many families had been ruined ; the cardinals 
were not listened to ; no favours were granted to the tem- 
poral princes ; the prelates were bereaved of their hopes ; 
the poor were deprived of alms ; all Rome was one great 
scene of misery. 

Who could believe this ? Scarcely does a pope give ear 
to the incessant complaints respecting nepotism, and abolish 
the abuse, than the people demand its restoration ! There- 
fore, says our " Memorial," after adducing certain reasons, 
" it is a great favour of fortune for a prince to have kinsmen 
who are good and capable of governing ; for these, having 
more powerful motives for taking interest in his reputation 
and glory than any mere minister can have, may also give 
him their opinions with greater frankness and sincerity." 

No. 148 

Ode satirica contra Iiinoce?izo XI, [Satirical ode against 
Innocent XL] Library of Frankfurt-am-Main, MS. 
Glauburg, No. 31. 

Writings such as those above cited observe some 
moderation in their expression of disapproval ; but if some 
fault really committed, or a mere rumour, gave occasion 
for censure, it found a voice in the most vehement out- 
bursts, as in the passage following : — 

'' Id non ritrovo ancor ne' vecchi annali 
bestia peggior, che sotto hipocrisia 
col sangue altrui tingesse e'l becco e Tali. 
Per altri era zelante, ma concesse 
al nepote pero che il gran comprasse 
dqe scudi il rubbio e nove lo vendesse." 


[I do not find a more wicked monster even in ancient 
annals, nor one who, clothed in hypocrisy, more deeply 
tinged with blood his beak and wings. He was zealously 
rigid with others, but nevertheless permitted his kinsmen to 
buy up corn at two scudi the mbbio, and to sell it again at 

No. 149 

Discorso sopra la soppressione del colleglo d^ secretarj apos- 
tolicifattaper la S^^ di N. S'^'' Innocenzo XI. [Discourse 
on the suppression of the college of apostolic secretaries 
decreed by Innocent XL] 

In despite of this violent opposition, Pope Innocent 
proceeded with his reforms. This " Discourse " describes 
the manner in which they were conducted in certain 
individual cases. 

We are first made acquainted with the origin of these 
secretaries, whom we find from the time of the schism, and 
with the abuses attached to their existence. These pro- 
ceeded principally from the fact that no share in the 
administration was connected with the office. " The 
possessors of these offices have not, in fact, any administra- 
tive duties or services to perform for the despatch of 
business; while the secretary of briefs, as well as the 
secretary of letters or mandates to sovereigns, being con- 
versant with the business, are wont to be deputed at the 
good pleasure of the pope, and out of the limits of the 
college. Neither does the office bring with it an assurance 
of the prelacy, being conferred on laymen, for the most part 
incompetent, and frequently even on mere children, in the 
manner of those other popular offices, which are constantly 
on sale, and exist only for pecuniary purposes." 

The rates of interest being enormous, the treasury had to 
pay 40,000 scudi yearly for the 200,000 which it had received. 
Innocent resolved to suppress the college, and appointed a 
congregation to estimate the claims of the shareholders. 

The pope wished to pay back no more than the treasury 
had actually received, but the shareholders required at least 


as much as would equal the current price of the offices. 
The congregation could not come to any decision. 

Our author is of opinion that the pope was not bound 
to pay more than the nominal price, — he considers this to 
be decided by the practice of the papal see. 

Other writings are to be found which treat of this sub- 
ject; for example — "Stato della camera nel presente ponti- 
ficato d'lnnocenzo XI ; " but they consist of calculations, 
which are not capable of being made useful in extracts. 

No. 150 

Scriiture politiche^ morali^ e satiriche sopra le massime, isii- 
tuto e govcrno della compagnia di Gesii. [Political, 
moral, and satirical writings on the maxims, institution, 
and government of the Company of Jesus.] Corsini 

A collection of all sorts of writings, concerning the 
Jesuit order ; some of which, as for example a consulta of 
Acquaviva, are satirical and mere invention, while others are 
entirely in earnest, and are derived from the best sources. 

The most important is " In nomine Jesu. Discorso sopra 
la religione de' padri Jesuiti e loro modo di governare." 
This of itself contains nearly 400 leaves. It was written 
when Noyelle was general, consequently between 1681 and 
1686. It is certainly unfavourable to the order, yet we 
perceive in every word the evidence of profound knowledge 
on the part of the author, of all connected with the society 
from the middle of the century. He adopts the following 

I. First, he arranges the defects, which he notices under 
different heads. " Di alcune loro massime." The opinion, 
for example, that their order is the chief and principal 
of all ; that all their prayers are heard, and that all who 
die members of their company are sure of salvation. 2. 
" Delia loro avidita et interesse." Touching their tricks for 
obtaining bequests, a multitude of stories of their dexterous 
proceedings for extracting presents from the people ; of 


their trafficking, and many worse things. The greater part 
of his attention is given to their trade, of which they found 
the circle too narrow, being principally Rome and the 
Papal States. 3. " Del loro governo." Concerning the 
abuse of the monarchical power, — the deposition of Nickel, 
see vol. ii. p. 427. 4. " QuaHta proprie del governo." For 
example, " Flagello sordo," which means the penalties in- 
flicted on those who were punished without having their 
crime properly specified ; denunciation without previous 
warning ; the superior often employed an inferior officer as 
inspector, which was subversive of all order. 5. " Governo 
in ordine ai loro convittori e scolari." Their dishonouring 
punishments. 6. " La moltitudine delle regole." They 
frequently contradicted each other, — there was no one who 
knew them all. 

II. The author then seeks, after some repetitions as to 
the cause and effect of these evils, to point out some means 
of cure. It is remarkable that among the latter, he con- 
siders the most important of all to be the appointment of a 
vicar-general, which had been so often demanded, but to 
which the order itself would never agree. " To constitute 
a vicar-general for the provinces of Spain, Germany, France, 
and the Indies, — to subject the too plethoric body to phle- 
botomy, — to have fixed laws for well-defined offences." 

He then reverts to his old method of enumerating th^ 
faults of the institution under various heads. A multitude 
of particulars are thus brought into discussion, bearing 
marks of a more or less assured authenticity. The most 
important of all is perhaps the last section, " Delle loro 
Indiche missioni." This is derived from the correspon- 
dence preserved in the papal archives, and is treated with 
great care, insomuch that each original is separately indi- 
cated. The acts of disobedience against the pope of which 
the Jesuits had been guilty in India are here adduced, — 
even so long before the times of Pere Norbert. 

This work is without doubt unfavourable to the Jesuits, 
but is at the same time extremely instructive. It unveils 
the defects of the institution with so shrewd a penetration 
that we obtain a much clearer insight into the nature of its 
internal economy than could otherwise have been possible, 


It cannot be described as directly hostile, since it acknow- 
ledges the good existing in the order. But we are enabled 
to perceive from this work the heavy storms that were 
gathering in the depths of men's minds against the Company 
of Jesus. 

No. 151 

Relatione di jRoma di Gio. Lando K""^ inviato straordinario 
per la ser""" rep""' di Venetia ad Innocentio XI ^ et am If 
straord"^" ad Alessandro VI IF in occasioTie della canoni- 
zazione di S. Lorenzo Giusti?iia?ii 1691. [Report from 
Rome by Giovanni Lando, envoy extraordinary from 
the most serene republic of Venice to Innocent XI, and 
ambassador extraordinary to Alexander VIII, on occa- 
sion of the canonization of St. Lorenzo Giustiniani.] 
17 leaves. 

It is to be regretted that we have no report on the 
important government of Innocent XI which is worthy 
of the name, or from which we might gather an impartial 
account of the results produced by the efforts of that pontiff. 
The affairs of the republic were managed in the first years 
of Innocent's pontificate, 1678 to 1683, by Cardinal Otto- 
boni, a Venetian, afterwards Pope Alexander VIII, who 
never returned to Venice, and consequently never reported. 
To him succeeded Giovanni Lando, but without any proper 
of^cial character. It is true that Lando, nevertheless, pre- 
sented a final report, but not until after the conclave which 
followed the death of Alexander VIII had already assembled ; 
moreover, his report unluckily departs from the tone usually 
adopted by the Venetian ambassadors. 

He begins by exalting the divine right of the papacy, 
and laments that its rule is not universal, — nay, the number 
of heretics was even greater than that of the Catholics. 
Have not even the accursed Quietists set up their machina- 
tions and workshops in Rome ? At the Roman court they 
would not believe that they were themselves to blame for 
this, and yet that was the case. They would still shew far 

VOL. Ill, 2 c 


less regard to a man who laboured to benefit the Church by 
profound learning, or by the example of his holiness of life, 
than to the Canonists, who wrote in defence of the papal 
dignity. Yet their exaggerations were directly producing 
the effect of causing the secular princes to set themselves in 
opposition to the Roman court. 

After having first attempted to define the limits of the 
spiritual and temporal power, he at length slowly approaches 
secular affairs. Of the condition of the territory of the 
Church he gives a deplorable account : " Desolated of 
her children, ruined in her agriculture^ overwhelmed by 
extortions, and destitute of industry." He estimates the 
debts at 42,000,000. Alexander VIII had lessened the 
expenditure by 200,000 scudi per annum, and had thereby 
restored the balance between the payments and receipts. 
In the dataria the pope had, as it were, a vein of gold ; but 
that money could by no means be kept in Rome ; in small 
portions it came in, but was poured out in a full stream. 
Innocent XI had certainly despatched 2,000,000 scudi to 
Hungary in aid of the Turkish war. Of those 42.000,000 of 
debt, perhaps 15,000,000 had been used for the benefit of 
Christendom in general. 

He considers still that Rome is nevertheless the common 
country of all ; it yet formed the gathering-place of all nations, 
although each one came thither merely for his own interest. 
Of Germans and French but few were to be seen, because 
their promotion did not depend on the Roman court ; and 
the Spaniards were only of the inferior classes. If each 
prince of Italy were also to possess the power of appointing 
to the ecclesiastical ofifices in his own dominions, the Roman 
court would soon fall into utter decay. But Italy, as a com- 
pensation, enjoyed all the patronage of the papacy. " Tutta 
la corte, tutte le dignita, tutte le cariche, tutto lo stato 
ecclesiastico resta tra gli Italiani." And how much was 
involved in the maintenance of this ! Considering the in- 
security of succession in all Italian houses, the safety of 
Italy was absolutely dependent on the union between Venice 
and Rome. He takes occasion to enlarge on the necessity 
for a good understanding between these two states. But he 
thinks that much might yet be conceded by Venice; the 


protection extended to turbulent friars, and certain juris- 
dictional pretensions, were taken very ill at Rome. 

Now these are all very good and useful observations, as 
will be at once admitted, — they indicate rectitude of inten- 
tion on the part of the speaker ; but those who^ like our- 
selves, are seeking for positive information respecting the 
administration, cannot be satisfied with them. Of the two 
popes with whom he served, Lando, upon the whole a 
singular writer, and one who, among all the figures of speech, 
likes none so well as the " anacoluthon," has told us only 
what follows. ^' When I reflect on what I have heard 
affirmed without reserve against Innocent XI, who was 
accused of not giving audience, of harshness and cruelty, of 
being the inflexible enemy of princes, of delighting in con- 
troversy, of being irresolute and yet obstinate, of destroying 
bishoprics and ecclesiastical property generally : because 
he had suffered many years to pass without providing 
incumbents, — when I reflect that this pontiff was charged 
with having suppressed the monti, yet not relieved the state 
by any advantage resulting from that suppression, of having 
upheld the extortion, as they call it, of the annona, of 
being too indulgent to the Quietists, and many other things ; 
there was no one who did not exclaim against him, and the 
unthinking vulgar then thought that there was nothing com- 
mendable in that pontificate, although it was most remarkable 
for a constant alienation of the papal kindred, and an un- 
spotted disinterestedness, having left untouched whatever 
was in the treasury, save only what was used for the wars 
against the infidels ; and so they desired a pope who, if even 
a little too indulgent to his own family, would also be a little 
so to others, and who should be endowed with such virtues 
as they then believed the more necessary, because they 
supposed them to be wanting in their pontiff. But after- 
wards, when I saw that Alexander VIII, having been once 
elected, was also maligned, and although he was all humanity, 
easy of access, gentle, compassionate, pliable, considerate 
towards princes, averse to intrigues and disputes, upright in 
business and contracts of all kinds, a benefactor to the state, 
which he relieved from imposts to the amount of 200,000 
scudi, and from the vexation of the annona ; who fell like 


a thunderbolt on the Quietists, and silently put an end to 
that most troublesome affair of the right of asylum in the 
ambassadors' precincts ; who also promoted the war against 
the Turks, and arranged important affairs of every kind 
during the very brief period of his pontificate : yet because 
he, on the other hand, did shew affection to his kindred ; 
because he was more disposed to entrust important charges to 
them than to others ; because he wished to provide for them 
with a certain liberality, though much less than had been 
exercised by many before him ; and because in that respect 
he gave evidence of some human feeling and indulgence 
for his own kin, so he too was made the mark of their 
malignant invectives, and so continued even to his death. 
But these invectives were equally unjust in the one case as 
the other." 

Finally, he refers to his own services, telling us how in 
the course of his oflficial duties he had written more than 700 

Among all these, there may possibly be discovered the 
facts that we mainly seek here. They are to be found partly 
in Venice and partly in Rome. 

No. 152 

Confessione di Papa Alessaiidro VIIT fatto a I suo confess ore 
il Padre Giuseppe Gesuita negli ultimi estremi del/a sua 
vita. [Confession of Alexander VIII, made to his 
confessor. Father Giuseppe, a Jesuit, in the last moments 
of his life.] MS. Rome, 21 leaves. 

It is seriously afifirmed by G. B. Perini, a writer of the 
Vatican archives, that among other papers of the time of 
Alexander VIII he found also the document now before us. 
He wrote this assertion on the 9th of April, 1796, when no 
one could have had any motive for slandering a pope who 
had already had so many successors. This little work is thus 
worthy of our attention, notwithstanding its orninous title. 
And what is it that the pope herein confesses ? 

He begins by declaring that since the year 1669 he had 


never regularly confessed ; but, assured of absolution by 
voices from heaven, he will now do so. And hereupon he 
confesses to such acts as the following : — He had made use 
of the permission, granted him at one time by Pope Clement^ 
to sign papers in his stead, for making the most unwarrant- 
able concessions ; he had incited Innocent XI to take the 
measures adopted by that pontiff against France, and yet had 
secretly conspired with the French against the pope. When 
himself exalted to the papacy, he had knowingly and deli- 
berately promoted unsuitable and unworthy, nay, profligate 
men ; had thought of nothing but enriching his kindred, 
and had moreover permitted justice and mercy to be sold 
even in the very palace, with much besides of the same 

It soon becomes obvious that no confession of a pope is 
to be found here ; that would be a totally different matter, 
and would reveal particulars altogether unlike these. I 
believe it to be one of those lampoons of which many 
appeared at that time. It may, perhaps, represent an opinion 
then prevalent respecting Alexander, but by no means the 
truth. It became mingled very probably among the docu- 
ments of that period, and being then found in that position 
by some zealous official of the archives, was received as 
genuine. In the Venetian archives likewise I met with 
some papers that were manifestly not authentic. 

No. 153 

Relatione di Domenico Confarini K. Roma, 1696, 5 Luglio. 
[Report by Domenico Contarini.] Venetian Archives, 
18 leaves. 

Contarini had already been accredited to the French and 
imperial courts before he was despatched to that of Rome. 
He was originally sent to Alexander VIII, but this pontiff 
was even then so ill that he could not be presented to him. 
His report is consequently devoted to Innocent XII. 

Antonio Pignatelli, born 1615, was descended from the 
ducal family of Montelione, in the kingdom of Naples, and 


was early admitted to the prelacy. He became vice-legate 
of Urbino, inquisitor of Malta, and governor of Perugia, a 
career which in itself was certainly not to be despised, but 
which offered little to satisfy ambition. There were times 
when Pignatelli was disposed to abandon the ecclesiastical 
profession altogether ; but he finally succeeded in obtaining 
a nunciature, which he believed to present the most certain 
path to promotion. He was nuncio to Florence, adminis- 
tered the Polish nunciature during a period of eight years, 
and then proceeded to that of Germany, which was most 
commonly followed by the cardinal's hat. But whether, 
observes Contarini^ from the influence of inauspicious stars, 
or from disinclination towards him in the government of 
Clement IX, instead of being rewarded, he was recalled and 
despatched as bishop to Lezze, on the extreme boundaries 
of Naples. Under these circumstances, he was compelled 
to exert the whole force of his mind, and the most manly 
firmness ; all the court was, in fact, astonished at the modera- 
tion and resigned spirit of which he gave proof. With a 
supernatural serenity he even returned thanks for that 
appointment, " because he should now no longer have to 
endure the heavy burden of the nunciature." Contarini 
understands that it was Clement IX by whom Pignatelli was 
banished to that bishopric, and that he was recalled by 
Clement X ; but we are told by the Roman authors that both 
events took place under Clement X. Be that as it may, and 
whether Cardinal Altieri desired to atone for injustice com- 
mitted by himself or by another, he gave Pignatelli the post 
of " maestro di Camera " to his uncle. Innocent XI found 
him in his ofifice, and confirmed his appointment. 

But his fortunes now took a sudden spring. He was made 
cardinal in the year 1681, immediately afterwards bishop of 
Faenza^ legate of Bologna, and archbishop of Naples. He 
was thought of in the conclave after the death of Innocent XI ; 
and after that of Alexander VIII, even the French, a thing 
that no one had expected, declared in his favour, and voted 
for him, — a Neapolitan. The cause of this was that they 
required a mild and peaceable man. He was therefore 
elected, although not until after a tedious conclave of five 
months, by which all the cardinals were wearied out. 

No. 153] At>PMDlX— SECTION VI 391 

Innocent XII also confirmed Albani and Panciatichi, 
whom he found in office, as secretary of briefs and 
datary, although both were indebted for their fortune to his 
predecessor. The nomination of Spada to be secretary of 
state was received with universal approbation. This took 
place by the advice of Altieri. The nephews of Alexander 
VIII alone were refused confirmation in their offices : the 
new pontiff '^^ laboured to imitate Pope Innocent XI, by 
whom he had been promoted to the cardinalate, and whose 
name he had assumed, seeking to make the practice of that 
government serve as the model of his own, but departing 
from the austerity and harshness which had failed to meet 
approval in the rule of Innocent XI." We perceive that he 
endeavoured to surpass his model by adding clemency to 
the good quahties he desired to imitate. Pie gave audience 
most readily, and owed much of his reputation to the facility 
of access afforded to the poor by his public audiences ; and 
although these did not, as the applicants had hoped, insure 
the speedy termination of their difficulties, they yet served to 
restrain the violent proceedings of the superior classes. 
*'A11 confessed that this public audience was a powerful 
check on the ministers and judges; for the means of 
approaching the ear of the prince were thus afforded to 
all, and made it easy to disclose to him things which had 
previously been concealed from the popes, either by the 
authority or the craft of those who surrounded them." 

An unfortunate accident suspended the efforts of 
Innocent XII for a certain time, but he soon resumed the 
activity of his habits. 

The French affair was arranged, the most important 
reforms were begun. The bull respecting nepotism ap- 
peared, and in this it was enacted that the benefices and 
Church revenues, henceforth to be conferred on a kinsman 
of the pope, should never exceed 12,000 scudi per annum. 
Innocent XII also abolished the sale of appointments so 
important as were those of the clerks of the chamber 
(" chierici di camera "), and paid back the price advanced 
for them, — 1,016,070 scudi. " He thus deprived gold of its 
power, and made it once more possible for virtue to attain 
to the highest places." Many other reforms were already 


looked for. '^The pope/' says Contarini, ''has nothing in 
his thoughts but God, the poor^ and the reform of abuses. 
He Hves in the most abstemious retirement, devoting every 
hour to his duties, without consideration for his health. He 
is most blameless in his habits, and most conscientious ; he is 
also extremely disinterested, nor does he seek to enrich his 
kindred ; he is full of love to the poor, and is endowed with 
all the great qualities that could be desired for a head of the 
Church. Could he only act for himself on all occasions, — he 
would be one of the first of popes." 

But these modes of proceeding were not agreeable to 
all. Contarini laments that Innocent had no nephews, who 
might have felt a personal interest in the glory of their 
uncle, and that too much power was left in the hands of 
the ministers. " Those great and resplendent virtues were 
seen to be obscured by the craft of the ministers, who 
were but too well practised in the arts of the court." 
They are accused of having taken measures for giving a 
different direction to the zeal of Innocent XII by turning 
his attention exclusively on the support and relief of the 
poor. The hospital of the Lateran was proposed. This 
soon engrossed all the thoughts of the pope. " Questo 
chiodo fermo I'ardente volont^ del papa di riformare." 
[That nail effectually stopped the pope's eager progress in 

The author is persuaded that this pontiff had saved 
and laid by nearly two million scudi. He is deeply im- 
pressed by the purity of his intentions, and calls him a 
man of the most irreproachable — nay, the most faultless 

No. 154 

Relatione di Roma di NicoVo Erizzo K% 1702, 29 Ottohre, 
[Report from Rome by Nicolo Erizzo.] 40 leaves. 

N. Erizzo had already accompanied Piero Mocenigo on 
his embassy to Clement X : he was now himself ambas- 
sador. He arrived in Rome during the pontificate of Inno- 
cent XI I, and remained there through the earlier years of 


Clement XI. The fact that he was so long acquainted with 
Rome gives increased value to his report. 

He first treats of preceding popes, and after a few 
general observations comes to Innocent XI : " that holy 
man, who did not certainly possess distinguished merit in 
learning and science, but who possessed, in compensation, 
great knowledge of financial economy, and not only suc- 
ceeded in restoring the balance between the revenues and 
the expenditure, but also found means to supply most 
liberal aid to the emperor and the Poles in their conflicts 
with the Turks." Neither could Alexander VIII be 
charged with giving the money of the treasury to his 
nephews, but he suffered immense losses by the failure of 
the house of Nerli, and many persons attributed his death 
to that misfortune. Innocent XII closed the abyss of 
nepotism ; and although he did so much for the poor, light- 
ened the public burdens, erected buildings for the court, 
and completed the construction of harbours, he yet left a 
considerable amount in the treasury. But he lived too long 
for the college of cardinals, whom he, on his side, did not 
esteem very highly. The cardinals considered that he 
sacrificed the interests of the Papal See, by too conciliatory 
a deportment towards the sovereign courts. 

At length he died, 27 th of September, 1700, and the 
cardinals threw themselves eagerly into the business of 
the conclave. Their intention was to elect a pope who 
should indemnify them for the injuries that they fancied 
the see had sustained. They turned their eyes, therefore, 
on Cardinal Marescotti, a man ^' of a stout heart, worthy to 
be a ruler, unbending in his purposes, and of immutable 
resolution." Erizzo calls him a great man. He was sup- 
ported by the imperial and Spanish ambassadors. But a 
great display of zeal is frequently dangerous in the papal 
elections, and was fatal to Marescotti. The French, who 
feared to find in him a declared enemy, succeeded in 
excluding him. Many other candidates were then proposed, 
but objections were made to all ; one was too violent, 
another too mild, a third had too many nephews; the 
friends of the Jesuits opposed Cardinal Noris, because he 
had touched them too closely in his History of Pelagianism. 

394 APPENDIX— SE:cTION VI [No. 154 

The " zelanti," who were first so called on this occasion, 
would have willingly elected Colloredo, but the rest con- 
sidered him too austere. At length, on receiving intelli- 
gence of the death of Charles II, "the cardinals," says 
Erizzo, " were manifestly touched by the hand of God, so 
that they at once cast off the influence of their passions, 
abandoned the hopes with which each had been flattering 
himself, and cast their eyes on Cardinal Albani, with that 
internal conviction which is the clearest evidence of a 
divine impulse." Cardinal Albani refused the honour, and 
Erizzo believes the opposition he made to have been sin- 
cere, and meant in earnest. He seemed to yield at length, 
more from certain scruples, and to escape from their 
entreaty, than of his own free will. 

Erizzo then proceeds to relate the origin and describe 
the personal qualities of the newly elected pope. 

Albani drew his origin from Urbino. When the old 
Francesco Maria of Urbino resolved to resign his duchy to 
Urban VIII, even before his death, he despatched a member 
of the Albani family, and one who had recommended that 
determination^ to make the pope acquainted with his 
purpose. Twice was the emissary sent forth. On the first 
occasion Francesco repented, and recalled his ambassador. 
Erizzo affirms that he altered his mind the second time also, 
and issued a countermand; but Albani did not return in 
consequence on that occasion ; he proceeded, on the con- 
trary, and delivered the act of abdication to Urban VIII 
without delay. As a reward for this, he was nominated 
senator of Rome ; his son became ^' maestro di camera " to 
Cardinal Barberini ; and the son of this " maestro di 
camera " was Giovanni Francesco Albani, the pope whose 
election we have just described. 

Giovan-Francesco Albani devoted himself to literature 
and to the ecclesiastical career. He was so fortunate as to 
have early personal intercourse with the pontiffs of the 
period. " Under Innocent XI," says Erizzo, " he learned 
to deliberate before resolving, more carefully than he was 
by nature inclined to do, and to persevere in what he had 
once determined on. Under Alexander, he adopted freer 
and bolder forms of negotiation ; he was remarked as at 


once cautious and determined, prompt and circumspect, in 
outward appearance, also, well disposed to every one. 
These acquirements he then practised under Innocent XII. 
That suspicious old man could not endure either his datary 
or his secretary of state ; Albani alone had access to him, 
and found means to become indispensable both to the pope 
and the court." 

Clement's first step after his election, was to inform the 
ambassadors that he proposed to abolish many innovations 
which had been suffered to glide in by his predecessors. 
He summoned the " governatore " to his coronation, a call 
that was very unwelcome, on account of the disputes exist- 
ing with respect to precedency ; he revoked all privileges of 
asylum ; the ambassadors declaring that he did so only to 
produce an impression on the court. 

The appointments which he next proceeded to make 
did not appear to Erizzo particularly fortunate. Clement 
XI surrounded himself with men of weak capacity exclu- 
sively. " His boldness in these ordinances being happily 
followed by success, and by the respect of the royal repre- 
sentatives, his holiness did not think he had need of very 
distinguished ministers in the palace ; whence he chose 
Cardinal Paulucci, who had very little experience, for his 
secretary of state, and appointed Cardinal Sagripante datary 
— a man of indefatigable diligence in that office, but only 
remarkable as a good routine officer. Next he conferred 
on his kinsman, Monsignor Olivieri, the secretariat of 
briefs, which had been formerly conducted admirably under 
his own direction. In the offices nearest to his person, he 
placed his old friends and relations, as Monsignor Parac- 
ciani, a good lawyer; Monsignor Origo, whom he made 
secretary of Latin letters ; and Maffei, whom he appointed 
confidential cupbearer; — all people of very little account, 
belonging to Urbino, or the neighbouring townships, and 
who, having seen no place but Rome, had by consequence 
very little knowledge of princes, and still less acquaintance 
with the affairs of the world in general. He does not wish 
to have cardinals of great ability about him, nor ministers 
who would be dependent on such cardinals ; preferring his 
own authority and quiet to those counsels which he is 


secured from having offered to him by the persons afore- 
said, they having no practice in pubhc affairs, and being 
besides at variance and jealous among themselves. Still 
less will he suffer his brother Don Orazio to share his 
counsels ; this last is father of three sons of high promise, 
and is a man of singular modesty and integrity ; but the 
pontiff has left him to his straitened fortunes, that he may 
display his own observance of the bull against nepotism, to 
which his holiness made attestation on the day of his 
enthronement, with evidence of proposing entirely to avoid 
the scandal of that practice, which will^ nevertheless, as 
many believe, ' semper vetabitur et retinebitur semper.' " 

The most formidable difficulties immediately presented 
themselves. The contentions respecting the Spanish suc- 
cession soon became extremely dangerous to the court of 
Rome. Clement XI at first conducted himself with extra- 
ordinary weakness and vacillation. The ambassador 
believes his whole proceedings to have resulted from excess 
of cunning ; he considers that when Clement proposed an 
Italian league to the Venetians, he did so only to the end 
that he might ascertain the opinions and intentions of 

From these observations of politics and affairs in 
general, Erizzo proceeds to those of the Church, more par- 
ticularly to the disputes which were continually arising 
between Rome and Venice. Rome, he remarks, has a two- 
fold character : the one sacred, in so far as the pope is the 
guardian of the sanctuary and of the divine law ; this must 
be revered : the other secular, in so far as the pontiff seeks 
to extend his power, which has nothing in common with 
the practice and usage of the early centuries ; against this, 
men should be on their guard. Erizzo is unable to control 
his displeasure that Venice should have been passed over 
on occasion of a promotion of cardinals during the last 
pontificate : he laments that the republic no longer pos- 
sessed the power of nominating to its own bishoprics as it 
formerly did, — for how many poor nobles could she not in 
such case assist ; but now Venetian subjects sought advance- 
ment by indirect paths, and had recourse to the intervention 
of foreign princes. Cardinal Panciatichi had introduced 


into the dataria the maxim that those persons who were 
most independent of the sovereigns in whose dominions 
the diocese was situated, were precisely the persons who 
ought to be favoured and promoted. The ambassador 
further declares it an abuse that the papal nephews should 
have so large an interest in the ecclesiastical property of 
his native land ; and wherefore, too, should the rank of 
Venetian nohili be so readily conferred on them? Other 
states, even the grand-duchy of Tuscany, had a list of the 
nuncios sent them, and could make choice of such as they 
preferred, while no such honour was enjoyed by the 
republic : again, the title of Carissimo was refused by Rome 
to the doge of Venice. We perceive that in addition to 
the old causes of contention, new subjects of dispute were 
continually added. 

The ambassador therefore recommends his republic to 
give more earnest attention to Roman affairs. If a pope 
could no more affoi'd so effectual an assistance as formerly, 
it was still in his power to do considerable injury, more 
especially if he were young, energetic, and economical. 

No. 155 

Relatione del N. U. Gio. Franc. Morosini K* fu ambas- 
ciature al sommo pontcfice Clemente XI. 1707, 17 Dec. 
[Report of Giovanni Francesco Morosini, ambassador 
to Clement XL] 36 leaves. 

Morosini, the successor of Erizzo, resided at the court 
of Clement XI, from Jan. 1702 to Nov. 1706; during his 
embassy the government of that pontiff first fully displayed 
its peculiar character. 

Morosini describes minutely the zealous manner in which 
the pontiff imitated his most distinguished predecessors. 
Even the tears with which he refused the supreme dignity 
were not without precedent ; he performed all those external 
observances by which a man is supposed to give a good 
example. " Of a sober and well-regulated life, he is frequent 
in public devotions at the Scala Santa, in visits to churches, 


and in the service of hospitals ; he is accurate to edification 
in all sacred rites, and in the most solemn or most humble 
duties, which he fulfils even to the injury of his health. As 
regards self-interest also, he is equally blameless, having first 
advised, and afterwards executed the bull against nepotism. 
He confers gratuities on the poorer bishops with the utmost 
readiness, sustaining many pious labourers, and promoting 
many pious works from his own resources. In the selec- 
tion of bishops, a matter of essential importance to the 
Church, he proceeds with all due deliberation, seeking in- 
formation from the most authentic sources, and admitting 
but very sparingly the influence of favour. He sometimes 
examines the candidate himself, after the manner of the 
ancient popes. With respect to other ecclesiastical dignities 
and benefices also, he proceeds so carefully and deliberately 
to their distribution, that even from his own relations he 
exacts attention to the propriety of proving themselves 
possessed of the requisite learning, and of commendable 

Jurisdictional matters were treated by Clement XI in 
the same spirit ; that is to say, with all the zeal which his 
office demanded. In some places, and on certain points, he 
even gained ground. The new king of Spain^ for example, 
found himself moved to beg his permission to compel 
ecclesiastics to appear before the secular tribunals and to 
levy tithes. The king of Poland presented certain members 
of the high clergy before the tribunal of the pope. The 
viceroy of Naples, after long resistance, submitted to the 
papal commands at the critical moment when the Germans 
were advancing upon Lower Italy — '^un trionfo che sark 
registrato nelli annali della chiesa" [a triumph which will 
be registered in the annals of the Church]. Savoy and 
Lorraine were then attacked with all the more vigour. The 
pope well understood the art of seizing the most favour- 
able moment — '^' studiosissimo d' ingrandire con i motivi di 
pieta la potenza " [being most careful to assign motives of 
piety for the increase of his power]. Morosini considers the 
whole court to be inspired by a similar spirit. They would 
not hear of any distinction between Church and State. The 
Church was every thing. Every congregation styled itself 


"sacred," whatever might be the subject of its dehbera- 
tions. No difference was admitted between pastors of 
the Church and prelates of the court ; the former also were 
frequently excused from the duties of their office, and 
employed in the affairs of the state. Piety, moreover, was 
used as a sort of coin, indispensable to the advancement of 
such as sought promotion. Four of the congregations are 
specified as particularly worthy of attention: — ist. The 
Inquisition, which deserved a zealous support as the guardian 
of purity in doctrine ; but it was an extraordinary circum- 
stance, that the worst of all heresy was to be met with in 
Rome (he here alludes to Quietism) ; 2nd. The Propa- 
ganda; but unhappily few were to be found who would 
devote themselves with true earnestness of purpose to the 
affairs of the missions ; 3rd. The Congregation for Bishops 
and Monastic Clergy, which exercised a much-required 
supervision, more particularly over the latter ; and, lastly, 
the Congregation of Immunities, which was posted like a 
sentinel to watch the boundaries of the spiritual and temporal 
authority. Could all things have been arranged in accord- 
ance with the desires of this body, the power of the temporal 
sovereigns would soon have been annihilated. 

Morosini now proceeds to the condition of the papal 
states. He repeats the complaints that had for some time 
been so frequent of a decline in population and the decay 
of agriculture. The pope would gladly have introduced 
improvements, as, for example, the cultivation of the Cam- 
pagna; but it ended merely in splendid projects. The 
ambassador remarks that the spiritual dignity of the pontiff 
increased his temporal power. He considers the power 
of the Roman senate to be a mere mockery of such a 
name. The barons he describes as placed on a level with 
the lowest of the people, in respect of punishments; the 
pope kept them under rigorous supervision, — knowing that 
their position rendered them liable to be tempted to acts 
of violence. At length Morosini alludes to the political 
relations of Rome ; the most important passage, which 
treats of the position of the pope in reference to France and 
the emperor, — on which all was once more at that time de- 
pending — must be given word for word. " Whether the pope 


had had either hand or part in the testament of Charles II, 
I will not venture to decide, nor is it easy to ascertain 
the truth with certainty. But two facts I will mention, and 
only two. The one is, that this secret was made public — 
with what truth is not known — in a manifesto which was 
issued by the printing-office of Rome in the first months of 
my entry on the embassy, and at the time when war was 
waged on both sides with arms as well as letters. The other 
is, that the pope did not refrain from uttering public eulogies 
on the most Christian king for that he had refused his sanc- 
tion to the partition, receiving the monarchy entire for his 
kinsman. Reflecting on these premises, there can be no 
cause for astonishment at the consequences seen to have 
resulted from plans so unsettled and discordant among 
themselves, for it is not possible that uniformity of action 
can ever spring from diversity of principles ; yet such was 
manifestly the pope's obligation to evince the impartiality 
proper to the common father, on the one hand, and his 
secret inclination and engagement, entered into without 
sufficiently mature deliberation, as to the advantages and 
merits of the case, on the other. His holiness piously con- 
sidered the dignity and profit that would result to religion 
from the exclusion of heretics from all they had usurped. 
He entertained a hope — suggested by his partiality to the 
French — that there would be no war, or that it would be 
waged in vain against the forces of that unconquered nation ; 
and since it seemed probable that the monarchy would 
be maintained entire, he did not imagine that his antici- 
pations would be proved erroneous, having miscalculated the 
Spanish subtlety, which in this case was moved by necessity 
rather than policy. The result made manifest those other 
considerations which ought to have presented themselves 
earlier. Then there gathered and burst that fierce tempest, 
raised by jealousy, envy, and interest, in the confederate 
powers, and urging them to combat the suspected machina- 
tions of France for universal monarchy. This still rages, 
and is fatal alike to friends and foes. . . . The French long 
succeeded in maintaining their reputation of being invincible 
with the pope, who, full of confidence in them, and impHcitly 
following their counsels, was lauded by the unthinking for 


proceedings which threw those of others into shade ; for 
whereas the most serene republic in particular, observing a 
sincere neutrality, endured losses in the substance of its 
people, injuries to its dignity, and the resentment of both 
parties ; he, on the contrary — by professing neutrality, while 
he threatened at the same time to break it instantly against 
either party that should offend him, and yet maintained a 
secret understanding with the French in the meanwhile — 
was courted by the latter, and found himself defended at no 
cost, and treated with respect by the Imperialists that they 
might not provoke him to abandon even the pretence of 
neutrality. His states, too, for a time, enjoyed immunity : 
he saw his censures respected in the midst of arms^ while 
heretic fleets appeared in his seas without committing the 
slightest offence against his coasts. But the reverses sus- 
tained by France, more especially in Italy, have caused all 
to discern whether the eulogies aforesaid were due to his 
conduct or to fortune, and whether those upright and 
judicious suggestions repeatedly made to him by your excel- 
lencies through the medium of your ambassadors, to the 
effect that he should maintain a real impartiality as father of 
all, that so he might be a revered arbiter, to his own benefit, 
and that of all Christendom, increasing his troops mean- 
while under good officers, the better to sustain respect against 
the intemperance of others, should have been rejected as 
counsels proved unsound, even by the experience of those 
who proffered them. The fruit of having preferred oblique 
practices and devices of economy, the worst counsellor in 
politics, was the suffering since, and now, of such evils as 
are known to all ; and what is more, of not suffering without 
added reproach from the tribunal of fame, which is the 
sovereign, even of princes. He despatched — as he adduces 
in his defence — nuncios extraordinary for the arrangement of 
universal peace, without regard to the expense, and in spite 
of the insulting exclusion encountered at Vienna ; he pro- 
posed alliances, agreements, truces, for the particular quiet 
of this province, but he did this only when the time had 
passed for doing it effectually ; and after the proofs he had 
given of partiality in the beginning and during the progress 
of events had introduced a canker-worn) an"iong the best 

VOL. IIT. 2 D 


seeds; thus, having once rendered himself suspected, his 
zeal was despoiled of its authority, and the principal instru- 
ment of peace was thereby reduced to impotence. It will 
in fact be very difficult for his holiness to clear himself from 
this imputation, or from that of having contributed to induce 
all the princes of Italy to act in accordance with his views, 
and in favour of whomsoever he favoured : for not only was 
the conduct of his feudatory Parma most notorious, but that 
of the house of Florence also; he was indeed restrained 
solely by the unvarying prudence of the most serene Republic, 
which at the same time gave a lesson to others; but in 
return for this, Venice incurred the unmerited animosity of 
the Frenchj which was discharged upon her by his holiness." 

No. 156 

Lorenzo Tiepolo K"" Froc"", Relatione di Roina^ 17 12. [Report 
from Rome by Lorenzo Tiepolo.] 40 leaves. 

The contests existing between the spiritual and temporal 
jurisdictions attracted increased attention every year. Tie- 
polo treats at once of this matter. 

But he does so with unusual earnestness. The question, 
he says, has been designedly complicated; to disentangle 
these perplexities, to give the temporal sovereigns their own, 
and yet not to violate the reverence due to the Holy See, a 
man would need a double measure of the grace of God. 

He first describes anew the personal qualities of Cle- 
ment XI ; he too expressing admiration of his zeal, learning, 
affability, and moderation. Yet he thinks it was possible 
that all these endowments were not directed towards their 
only true aim, — the advancement of virtue — but were warped 
by considerations merely human, and might therefore not 
secure the blessing of God. It might be that the zeal with 
which he devoted himself to his administrative duties was 
accompanied by too high an opinion of his own merits^ 
and was excited less by the thing itself than by the applause 
and dignity to be derived from it. Praise could effect every 
thing with him. His physician, for example^ took advantage 


of this weakness to maintain his influence over him ; it was 
by flattery that he was incited to uphold the honour of the 
Holy See. Thence it happened that he paid so little regard 
to the rights of temporal sovereigns and states ; those of his 
immediate circle even ventured to speak of temporal powers 
in terms of so much offence, that they were neither suited to 
the high place of the pope, nor yet, perhaps, compatible 
with Christian charity. 

Tiepolo proceeds from the pontiff to his ministers ; 
whom he, like his predecessors, considers to be but little 
remarkable ; men fit only for the occupation of subordinate 
offices, and not competent to conduct affairs of state. 
I. Cardinal Albani. The pope had waited until after his 
mission to Germany before conferring on him the cardinal's 
hat. The court approved this nomination, hoping to find 
in him a means for making interest with the pope, and a 
channel to the ear of his holiness ; but Clement XI per- 
mitted him to exercise little or no influence : " e certo che 
I'autoritk del card'^ nipote non apparisce a quel segno che 
per I'ordinario s'haveva veduto in quella corte." 2. The 
secretary of state, Cardinal Paulucci, a thoroughly good- 
hearted man, but one of no great ability, and depending 
on the pope with a sort of awe. 3. Corradini, auditore di 
papa : ^' Learned in the law, but not equally well-informed 
respecting the interests of princes; holding firmly to his 
engagements, but amenable to reason." The only person to 
whom a man might safely commit himself: it was very 
advantageous to bring matters before him with respect to 
which one was decidedly in the right, but much less so if 
that were doubtful. Corradini was not on good terms with 
the nephew ; it was even believed that the latter had pro- 
moted his elevation to the cardinalate for the purpose of 
removing him from the vicinity of the pope. 4. Orighi, 
secretary of the Consulta, a rival of Corradini, and on that 
account attaching himself closely to the cardinal-nephew : 
" He seems to have advanced his fortunes by address and 
adulation, rather than by firmness and sincerity." 5. Car- 
dinal Sagripante, the datary, had become rich by the exercise 
of a rigid frugality only ; was strict in the discharge of his 
duties, and took no part in politics, The dataria was daily 


finding its income decrease ; the fraudulent rapacity of that 
office was no longer tolerated even in Spain. Thus it 
followed, that those cardinals who had not learned to manage 
their property could no longer maintain their former splen- 
dour. " Si pud dire essere un vero distintivo dell' abbadie 
de' cardinali il ritrovare le case in abandono e le chiese 
dirocate." When another papal election took place, the 
cardinals created by Clement XI would scarcely attach 
themselves very closely to Cardinal Albani, because he 
possessed so little influence. 

And now Tiepolo proceeds to a description of political 
relations. His views, as we have said, are of a politico- 
ecclesiastical character ; he discusses the dissensions between 
the Roman court and the temporal princes. The pope was 
said to have an equal love for all ; but it would be more to 
the purpose to say that he had an equal indifference, and 
equally slight esteem for all. 

" It is perfectly true, that if few popes have gone so far 
in assuming a display of superiority over the temporal powers, 
so we are compelled to say that few pontiffs have had so much 
ill-fortune as the present pope, in not being able to escape 
from engagements voluntarily made with princes, without a 
certain loss of honour. If he have any secret inclination, it 
is towards France, although that court is continually com- 
plaining of his partiality towards the house of Austria ; and 
in many cases the event has certainly justified its lamenta- 
tions; but these were occasioned solely by fear. With 
respect to that, the court of Vienna, whether by chance, or 
guided by its knowledge of the pontiff, made a profitable 
use of menaces and fears." 

These general remarks conduct him eventually to further 
detail respecting individual states until he comes to Venice, 
on the affairs of which, now no longer of world-wide interest, 
he dwells at the greatest length. 

No. 157 

Relatione di Andrea Corner K"" ritornato dalV ainh''"' di 
Roma^ ^724, 25 LugUo. [Report presented by Andrea 


Corner on returning from his embassy to Rome.] 24 

So vivid were the antipathies excited by Clement XI, 
in spite of the best intentions and the most blameless 
conduct. But in the report before us, wherein he again 
appears, but after his death, we find that opinions had then 
at least materially altered. Then every one admired him ; 
even those who had just before been reviling him^ now 
joined in the applause. It was now discovered that if he 
had sometimes promised more than he could perform, this 
had really proceeded from kindness of intention, which none 
would previously admit. It came to light that he had dis- 
tributed the most liberal alms from his own private revenues, 
the amount of these being not less than a million scudi 
in the twenty years of his reign ; a sum which he might, 
with a clear conscience, have conferred upon his own family. 
Corner relates that Clement IX had entreated pardon of his 
nephew, Cardinal Annibale, a short time before his death, 
for having left the house of Albani so poorly provided. 
" Parerk che il pontificato di Clemente sia stato effimero, 
quando fu de' piu lunghi." [It will be thought that the 
pontificate of Clement was but ephemeral, although it was 
one of the longest.] 

The change that had been expected in the conclave 
took place. The whole college had been renewed, with 
few exceptions, under Clement XI ; but, since Cardinal 
Albani had taken as little part in those nominations as in 
the administration generally, the cardinals divided according 
to their respective nations. Paulucci, who had been secretary 
of state, as we have seen, to the previous pope, was at first 
proposed; but the imperial ambassador, Count Althan, 
declared that his master would never acknowledge Paulucci 
as pope : this he submitted for the consideration of their 
eminences. Certain friends of the house of Albani had 
already directed their attention towards Michael Angelo 
Conti; and one of this party, Monsignor Riviera, was 
secretary to the conclave. He first spoke of the matter 
with Cardinal Spinola, who, after having tried the ground, 
and ascertained that Conti was not disliked, willingly placed 


himself at the head of the party, and proposed him. Count 
Althan made inquiries of his court without delay, and the 
interests of Conti were promoted by the circumstance of 
his having been nuncio in Portugal, where he had won 
the favour of the queen, Marianna of Austria, sister of 
Charles VI. The Austrian court declared for Conti, and 
his adherents found that they might rely on the whole 
Austrian connection, namely on Portugal and Poland. 
The Spanish ambassador also made inquiries of his court, 
and the answer was not favourable, but it arrived too late ; 
Innocent XIII had meanwhile been already elected (May 8, 

The new pontiff possessed admirable qualifications for 
the spiritual as well as temporal government, but his health 
was extremely delicate, which caused him to be very sparing 
in granting audiences. As a compensation, however, one 
audience was found to serve in place of many, and the fact 
of having received one, conferred a certain importance on 
the recipient. Innocent XIII apprehended the question 
proposed with extreme readiness, and gave apposite and 
decisive replies. The ambassador of Malta, says Corner, 
will long remember how the pontiff, after a somewhat im- 
petuous entreaty for assistance, gave him his blessing on the 
spot, and rang the bell for his departure. When the Portu- 
guese ambassador required the promotion of Bicchi to the 
dignity of the cardinalate, Innocent at length refused to 
listen to him any longer, "not finding any merit in the 
prelate, and being wholly uninfluenced by the many causes 
of consideration which he might have had for a crown of 
which he had been the protector." 

The Roman families connected with Innocent XIII, and 
who had hoped to be promoted by him, found themselves 
completely deceived; even his nephews could not obtain 
without difficulty the enjoyment of the 12,000 ducats 
annually, which had now become the usual income of a 

The principal endeavours of the pope were directed 
towards the settlement of the disputes in relation to the 
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but in this he was by no means 
universally successful. With the imperial court alone a 


better understanding was effected, as might have been 
expected from the circumstances of the pontiff's election. 

No. 158 

Relatione del N. H. Pietro Capello K'' ritornato d'' amhasciator 
di Roma, 1728, 6 Marzo. [Report presented by Pietro 
Capello on returning from his embassy to Rome.] 14 

On the 7th of March, 1724, and after a reign of little 
more than thirty-four months. Innocent XIII died. 

Capello, who had been accredited under Innocent, 
agrees with his predecessor in his description of that pontiff. 
He considers him disposed to peace, possessed of sound 
judgment, deliberate and steadfast of purpose. He confirms 
the report, that the nomination of Dubois to the cardinalate, 
to which he had permitted himself to be persuaded from 
considerations of the power and influence wielded by this 
man, occasioned the pontiff to be disturbed by very painful 
scruples in his last moments. " His death did truly present 
a subject for deep moral reflection. Assailed by scruples 
of conscience, a worm that fails not to gnaw the mind 
even of a pope, he could not be prevailed on to complete 
the nomination of four cardinals for the vacant hats, which 
were of that number ; and, so far as could be ascertained, 
he was believed to refuse his assent to the consummation 
of such an election by reason of his repentance at having 
previously decided a choice in a manner calculated to 
trouble his delicate conscience. So unusual an event pro- 
duced fatal consequences to his house, since there was no 
party disposed to adhere to it after his death; but there 
was, nevertheless, most palpable reason for judging well of 
his character, for by his excellent sentiments, he had dis- 
played a spirit equally noble and resigned." 

He was followed by Benedict XIII, who was chosen on 
the 29th of May, 1724. Capello found him very different 
from his predecessor, — particularly determined and vehement 
respecting all ecclesiastical affairs. In the College of 

46S Appendix— SECTION vi [No. 15^ 

Cardinals, Capello remarked but few distinguished men ; 
no powerful faction, and no prospect of any such being 
formed under Benedict XIII, the rivalry already subsisting 
between Coscia and Fini not permitting things to go so far. 
There was a faction of the temporal crowns, but it had no 
fixed character. A great impression had been produced on 
the court by the fact that the duke of Savoy had, at length, 
attained his purposes. Capello concludes, from his having 
done so, that in Rome every thing might be brought about 
with the help of time ; nothing was required but tranquillity ; 
the zeal of the applicant must never be suffered to break 
forth in complaints. 

Capello then goes more minutely into such interests as 
were peculiarly Venetian. He first repeats the assurance 
that Venice must assume a position of more dignity and 
importance in Rome. He again suggests the mode of con- 
duct proper to be adopted towards the pope, — he should be 
continually conciliated by spiritual concessions, and imper- 
ceptibly brought to form an inclination for Venice. He 
next treats more in detail of political affairs, more especially 
those connected with trade. " It is obvious that in the be- 
ginning of the eighteenth century the Roman state was 
devoting its attention very earnestly to commercial and 
manufacturing improvements. 

The people of Dulcignote and Ragusa carried on a trade 
with Ancona, which was not beheld with favour by the 
Venetians. They were particularly active in the importation 
of wax, which had formerly been supplied by Venice, and 
which was now beginning to be prepared in the papal 

Innocent XII had begun the building of San Michele 
a Ripa, which had been enlarged by Clement XI; at the 
time when Capello wrote, it had risen into importance by 
means of its wool and silk manufactures. " From the build- 
ings of an hospital, wherein many young people were fed 
by charity, it was converted, by the extension of its site and 
the addition of numerous workshops, into a house of com- 
merce, wherein there are now manufactories of wool and 
silk." The cloths of San Michele already competed with 
those of France, and were exported through Ancona to 


Turkey and Spain. I will give the whole passage respecting 
this as it stands in Capello. " Into this sumptuous edifice 
they have introduced the manufacture of hangings, which 
they have carried to a degree of perfection equalling that 
of France or Flanders : they have also established a woollen- 
factory, into which the wool enters untouched, but issues 
thence in cloth completed in the most perfect manner. 
The manufacture of silk in connection with this place is 
carried on in many districts of the Roman territories, and 
that of wool is divided into various kinds, adapted to the 
usage of the country, that so there may be realized a ready 
sale and quick return of profit. All kinds of cloth for the 
soldiery are manufactured at San Michele, as are also the 
stuffs for the dress of monastic bodies, and diflferent sorts 
of cloth for the crews of the galleys. These fabrics are 
divided into various classes, which are distributed in given 
quantities, the merchants being under obligation to dispose 
of all. Of late there has also been a commencement of 
manufacturing coloured cloths in the French manner, which 
are sent to Ancona and Sinigaglia to be exchanged for the 
commodities brought from Turkey. In short, the institution 
of San Michele is one of the grandest conceptions that could 
have been carried into effect by a great prince, and would 
certainly be the emporium of all Italy, if it were not 
established in a city where people concern themselves with 
any thing rather than trade and commerce; these great 
capitals being governed by a congregation of three cardinals, 
among whom is the secretary of state, whose attention is 
always occupied and diverted by the most important affairs 
of the state. But in spite of all this, the establishment is 
in a prosperous condition, and feeds thousands of labourers, 
its manufactures realizing a prompt return. The making of 
tapestry is carried on apart, because it is established for the 
profit of private individuals ; and the great result of all 
these works is that most desirable one for a state, namely, 
that money is not sent forth to fatten foreign nations." 

How extraordinary a thing it is that a Venetian should 
recommend his native city to take a manufacturing establish- 
ment of the popes as its model ! Institutions had also been 
founded for intellectual culture, and these also he proposes 


as examples for their imitation. " In addition to the 
mechanical, there are also the liberal arts, which serve for the 
adornment and advantage of the state. The mere name of 
Rome, and the fame of its ancient monuments, attract many 
foreign nations to its halls, more especially those beyond 
the Alps. Many academies have been established in the 
city, wherein the study of painting and sculpture flourishes 
no less than that of polite literature : besides that of the 
Capitol, which subsists under the protection of what remains 
of the authority exercised with so much renown in past ages 
by that illustrious republic, there are moreover other insti- 
tutes founded and governed by foreign nations ; and among 
these, that bearing the name of the crown of France is greatly 

It is the author's opinion that a similar academy should 
be established in Venice, which also possessed some 
of the finest monuments of antiquity. Even Bologna has 
been able to undertake something of the kind with great 

Moreover, there were other tendencies of a similar 
character associated with " those pointed out by Corner, 
and respecting which we obtain information from other 

No. 159 

Osservationi della presente sittiatione dello siato ecdesiastico 
con alcuni progetti utili al governo civile ed economico per 
risiabilire Verario della rev'^"' camera apostolica dalli pas- 
sati e correnti suoi discapiti. [Observations on the 
present condition of the States of the Church, with 
certain projects, useful towards enabling the civil and 
financial government to repair the deficiencies of the 
apostolic treasury, both past and present.] MS. 

In the beginning of the eighteenth century the nations 
of the whole south of Europe arrived at the convic- 
tion that they were in a deplorable condition, and that 
their interests had been neglected in a manner wholly 


unjustifiable: both the necessity and the desire to bring 
about a better state of things was universally felt. How- 
much was written and attempted in Spain for the restora- 
tion of commerce and the finances ! In the States of the 
Church, the " Testamento politico d'un accademico Fior- 
entino," Colonia, 1734, which shews the means whereby 
commerce, agriculture, and the revenues of the state might 
be improved, is still held in good esteem. And it is in fact 
a well-intentioned, clever work^ going deeply into its subject, 
and full of sound observations. Nor were these aspirations 
for the amelioration of the general lot confined to private 
persons ; in the collections of those times we find a multitude 
of projects, calculations, and plans for the sam^e purpose, 
and of a character more or less official. The " Observa- 
tions " before us are an essay of this kind; they were 
intended for Clement XII himself, and are of the same 
period as the " Political Testament." The author is par- 
ticularly anxious to specify those disorders and abuses which 
most urgently demanded reform. 

After dwelling for a time on the melancholy spectacle of 
so many assassinations continually occurring in the States 
of the Church, computed at a thousand yearly, even exclusive 
of Rome and the four legations, — the author being of opinion 
that the measures taken by other powers for the prevention 
of such crime should be inquired into, — he then comes to 
the finances. He estimates the yearly deficit at 120,000 
scudi, and makes the proposals that follow : — i. The dis- 
missal of officers who received large pay without even 
residing in their garrisons. 2. Reduction of the expenditure 
in the palace. 3. Administration of the dogana by the 
state itself, instead of farming it out; which last he con- 
demns on the further ground that the farmers opposed all 
prohibitions of foreign manufacture. . 4. Restriction of the 
influence exercised by subordinate officials, who derived an 
advantage from the increase of taxes. He remarks that the 
annona could not maintain itself, because there was so large 
an importation both from Turkey and the north, that the 
corndealer could not make head against the competition. 
He is above all amazed and shocked to see so much money 
sent out of the country for cattle, oil, and wine, all which 

4t2 APPENDIX-SfiCtlON Vl [No. i6o 

wei-e possessed in superfluity at home. '''What could it 
signify if people did pay a little more for these articles, when 
by this means the money, ' the life-blood of the state,' was 
circulating where it ought?" The holders of the monti, 
who drew their interests from the country without residing 
in it, should at least be taxed, as was done in the case of 
absentee feudatories in the neighbouring kingdom of 

Capello regards the state of the March, where the 
number of inhabitants diminished yearly, as particularly 
deplorable. He attributes this condition principally to 
the heavy restrictions imposed on the exportation of corn. 
This was absolutely prohibited between the months of June 
and October, and permitted during the rest of the year 
only after payment of certain dues, the produce of which 
was but of trifling importance to the treasury, while their 
effect on the market was that they caused the foreign 
customer to seek cheaper corn elsewhere. The fair of 
Sinigaglia proved injurious, because it rendered the districts 
surrounding dependent on foreign supplies. To be con- 
vinced of this, one need only pass through Urbino, the 
March, and Umbria, where neither arts nor prosperity were 
any longer to be found, but all was in a state of profound 

The author conjures the pope to appoint a congregation, 
for the purpose of seeking escape from these evils; he 
recommends that the members should be few, but carefully 
chosen ; and above all, that able and upright officials should 
be retained, while all others should be punished. '^ These," 
he concludes, ''^are the hopes cherished by the subjects of 
your holiness." 

No. 1 60 

Provedimento per lo stato ecclesiastico. [Precautionary and 
remedial measures for the Papal States.] MS. Rome. 
Autograph instructions for public officials. 

We have here a further proof that in these dominions 
also there were plans formed for the introduction of the 


mercantile system, which vcas at that time so greatly 
approved in Europe; and if these had been vigorously 
acted on, a certain impulse might perhaps have been 
imparted to the commerce of the country. But the mis- 
fortune of the Roman administration was^ that each 
succeeding pontiff was anxious to adopt measures directly 
opposed to what had been thought good by his predecessor. 
We have an example of this in the document before us. 

In the year 17 19 the importation of foreign cloths from 
Venice, Naples, and more than all from Germany, had 
increased to such an extent that Clement XI considered it 
necessary to prohibit it altogether. We find the two decrees 
to that effect, of August 7, 17 19, and August i, 1720, 
alluded to in Vergani, "della importanza del nuovo sistema 
di finanza." But when Vergani denies that they did any 
good, he is doubtless in error. Even in the year 1728, the 
impulse received by the industry of the Roman states is 
remarked on by Pietro Capello. In our " Provedimento," 
which was composed under Clement XII, it is expressly 
affirmed that manufactures had shewn an immediate in- 
crease, the direct consequence of that very prohibition. 
Innocent XIII and Benedict XIII confirmed it. " In a 
few years new manufactories for w^oollens, etc. were erected 
at the cost of private individuals in many towns and districts 
of the state, together with fulling-mills, dye-houses, and 
other buildings, more particularly in Rome, Narni, 
Perugia, etc." 

But in the year 1735, a congregation appointed by 
Clement XII thought it best to remove this prohibition, 
and to permit the importation of cloth, at a duty of 12 per 
cent, in the provinces, and 20 in Rome. The consequence 
was, — at least as the document before us affirms, — that the 
manufactories so lately established w^ent to ruin. The 
author calculates that 100,000 scudi were sent out of 
the country for cloths ; he desires a renewal of the pro- 
hibition, and would have it extended to silk goods ; but I do 
not find that his representations produced any effect. 


No. i6i 

AUri provedimejitl di commercio. [Further commercial 
regulations.] MS. Rome. 

This document presents a confirmation of the remark 
that the Roman manufactures had received a momentary 
impulse from the above-mentioned prohibition, and renews 
the old complaints against the prohibition of exports. There 
were so many things brought from Tuscany ; but if any one 
were to export but a measure of corn, he would be punished 
by confiscation of his property, excommunication, — nay, 
even the loss of life. An extreme confusion of the currency 
had moreover taken place in the States of the Church, just 
as it had in Germany. The papal coin was too heavy, 
although Innocent Xt and Clement XI had already issued 
some that was lighter. A quantity of foreign money, on 
which great loss was suffered, obtained currency. The 
pope was pressed to coin .money of a lighter sort on his 
part also, as he had already begun to do in respect of the 

Many other documents of a similar import lie before 
us; but to make extracts from all would lead us too far 
into detail. It must suffice to remark, that in the Roman 
states also, the commercial and economic tendencies pre- 
vailing in the rest of Europe had found acceptance, although 
they were prevented from producing their due effect by 
peculiar circumstances, — the constitution of the papal state, 
and its ineradicable abuses. They were besides opposed 
by the listless habits of the aristocracy, the pleasures they 
found in a life of mere enjoyment — without any other 
object — the delights of doing nothing. The German, 
Winckelmann, was enchanted on arriving in Italy soon 
after this period. The habits of life prevailing there were 
to him as a deliverance from the restless activity and rigid 
subordination to rule, of his native regions ; and the man 
of learning was right, so far as he was himself concerned ; 
he had need of leisure, and of a place where the importance 


of his favourite studies was acknowledged ; he required to 
breathe a freer air, and these were things that for the 
moment and for private Ufe might be fairly placed in the 
balance. But a nation can become prosperous and powerful 
only by the exercise of its most strenuous efforts, steadily 
put forth on all sides. 

No. 162 

Relatione 28 Novembre 1737 del N. U. Ahdse Mocenigo IV 
K' e Froc'' ritornato di Roma. [Report presented on his 
return from the Roman embassy by Aluise Mocenigo IV.] 
Venetian Archives. 

We are here made acquainted with the impediments 
presented by the Roman government to the prosperity of 
its subjects. Mocenigo is by no means addicted to cavilling, 
he acknowledges the increase of trade in Ancona, and even 
considers it a subject of some anxiety for Venice : he admits 
the administration of justice also to be in a sound condition, 
more especially in the Rota, but he declares the general 
government to be corrupt from the very foundation : breach 
of trust and dishonesty were the order of the day — the 
expenditure exceeded the income, and there was no prospect 
of a remedy. Pope Clement had betaken himself to the 
expedient of lotteries; but Mocenigo declares them to be 
pernicious in the highest degree, — "I'evidente esterminio 
e ruina de' popoli." 

The ambassador considers Pope Clement XII to have 
been more distinguished by the qualities of a gentleman 
and magnificent prelate, than by the talent and power 
required for sustaining the ponderous burden of the papacy. 
He describes the pontiff and his government in the following 
few outlines only : — 

" The present pontificate is principally favourable to 
such undertakings as present an aspect of nobility and 
magnificence, these having been ever the inclination of the 
pope from his youth up, — a taste which is still maintained 
in his declining and decrepit age by the character and 
influence of his nephew, Cardinal Corsini, who is more 


distinguished by his love of the fine arts, and by his 
courteous mode of transacting business, than by any real 
efficiency in the affairs of government. The course of events 
in the declining pontificate — during which his eminence has 
for the most part conducted the government — renders clear 
testimony to this fact, and it may be affirmed that the violent 
contentions entered into with almost all the courts must 
have totally overwhelmed the cardinal^ had he not been 
sustained by the credit acquired by his disinterestedness of 
character, and from its being known that his failures are 
attributable to want of talent, rather than to evil intentions. 
It is true that Rome does not excuse him for the determi- 
nation with which he insists on disposing of all political 
affairs, and his extreme jealousy of his authority; for this 
has induced him to remove Cardinal Riviera from the 
ministry, although he was the most able of the ministers, 
and to substitute Cardinal Firau in his place, that he may 
control all things as he pleases and suffer no contradiction. 
As respects other matters, however, whether it be from in- 
clination or virtue, certain it is, that throughout the pontifi- 
cate of Clement XII, and after having had the absolute 
disposal of the pontifical treasures for seven years, the house 
of Corsini has not increased its patrimonial revenues by 
8000 scudi yearly, — a very rare example." 

But the nephew of the pope had once more extensive 
power, though he did not enrich himself; the secretary of 
state was entirely dependent on him^ and no one could 
venture to confide in the expressions of the latter, if he 
were not sure of the nephew. 

From domestic affairs Mocenigo proceeds to the rela- 
tions with foreign courts, which, as before remarked, became 
daily more difficult. I extract the following passage entire, 
on account of its importance to the history of the conten- 
tions arising from ecclesiastical rights : — 

" The court of Naples labours continually for the aboli- 
tion of the accustomed investiture, availing itself of all 
arguments, legal, historical, and natural; nor would its 
success be improbable, if King Charles would consent 
to a solemn renunciation of all his claims to Castro and 
flonciglione. But this is not all; for the Neapolitans, led 


on by the arguments of their law-schools, are so profoundly 
inimical to the court of Rome, that they seek by every 
means to withdraw from their dependence on the pope in 
all temporal matters ; thus new regulations are daily made, 
and new pretensions constantly put forward, all so well 
sustained by their able writers, that the Roman court is 
more than ever embarrassed, and has already been com- 
pelled to relinquish a large part, that it may keep the rest 
in safety. The point of the matter is, that these reforms 
tend principally to enrich the royal treasury, and thereby 
to diminish the pontifical revenues and authority in those 
states. Father Galliani, a man of profound learning and 
ability, is the great advocate of the court of Naples in 
Rome, and is the more efficient, from the fact that, during 
his long practical acquaintance with the Roman metropolis, 
he has penetrated the mysteries of the papacy to the very 
bottom, and possessing a most felicitous memory, he is 
enabled to use all his acquirements at the most useful 

" The great support of the Neapolitan court is that of 
Spain, where the irritation appears of late to have risen to 
excess, and to have given occasion for those noisy demands 
of reform in the dataria, and for the restoration of the royal 
right of patronage, concerning which I have frequently had 
the honour of writing to your serenity in my respectful 
despatches; these are now set at rest, but by an arrange- 
ment more favourable to the court of Spain than to that 
of Rome. 

" The court of Turin, holding a steady course of policy, 
and protected by the bulls and concessions of Benedict XIII, 
has never suffered itself to depart for a moment from those 
essential principles which have now been shaken and too 
lightly assailed under the present pontificate. Cardinal 
Albani, a man who has not his equal for sagacity and 
resolution, has hitherto maintained the cause of that court 
with the utmost efficiency, and that with such effect that he 
has never suffered the menaces of the present pontiff to 
be carried into execution, and is likely to proceed quite as 
prosperously with his successor. 

"The court of France has also found some cause of 

VOL. III. 2 E 


quarrel in the affairs of Poland ; but they were of so little 
moment, that the French court may be still considered the 
only one well disposed and firmly attached to the present 
pontificate ; and that because in regard to ecclesiastical 
affairs, France has little or nothing left to discuss with Rome, 
both parties steadfastly adhering to the concordats and the 
pragmatic sanction; or chiefly, perhaps, because Rome 
proceeds more cautiously towards France than towards 
other countries, with respect to the introduction, mainte- 
nance, or opposition of any innovations that may present 
themselves. Cardinal Fleury, who is ever to be extolled 
as the grand exemplar of profound statesmanship, has always 
found means to hold political relations in subjection to those 
of religion^ without ever permitting the spiritual authority to 
be confounded with the temporal power, and this has caused 
the court of Rome constantly to confine herself within her 
due limits throughout all his ministry, — nay, she has dis- 
played so much condescension towards him, that she would 
have constituted him the arbiter of all her differences, if the 
other potentates had not- dreaded the perfect equity and 
impartiality of that great master in statesmanship. 

" There were very serious embarrassments, and they are 
not yet entirely adjusted with the court of Portugal, where 
the character of the king gives increased vigour and 
intensity to his pretensions in proportion as they are re- 
sisted; and to speak in plain words, the dissensions of the 
papal state with Portugal and Spain, having suspended for 
some time past the rich revenues derived from those vast 
kingdoms, have almost broken up the court and city of 
Rome, where thousands of families have been reduced of 
late years from opulence to poverty, and an equal number 
from a sufficiency to absolute want. The consequence of 
this is, that the disposal of a large number of benefices in 
Spain, Portugal, and the kingdom of Naples remains sus- 
pended ; and since there is a probability that the patronage 
of these livings will be ultimately vested in the temporal 
authority under those sovereigns, very many of their sub- 
jects, both of the secular and regular clergy, formerly contri- 
buting to the maintenance of the Roman court, now abandon 
it j besides that not a few of the Romans themselves arq 


induced to cultivate the favour of those foreign powers, 
either by their avarice or their necessities. The conduct of 
the court of Rome with respect to the claim of that prince 
to have the cardinal, his son, made patriarch of Lisbon, 
has been very singular and curious. It was considered by 
the king to be an indispensable condition to the arrange- 
ment of the questions pending between the two courts, that 
this distinction should be conferred; and the pope, pro- 
ceeding in this respect according to the wonted Roman 
fashion, appeared sometimes almost eager to comply with 
the wishes of the king, while at other times he seemed 
altogether averse to the proposal. The matter is not yet 
decided, and in whatever manner it shall be settled, is 
certain to present argument for no small discussion, and 
even, perhaps, for contentions among the other sovereigns. 

" The pretender was formerly an object of extreme 
interest to the court of Rome, wdiich flattered itself with 
the hope of obtaining support from the French and Spanish 
courts, since both were united in the house of Bourbon; 
but now that the jealousy existing between the elder line 
and the younger branch has become manifest, and since it 
has been made evident that the queen of Spain has in truth 
no other interest in view than the aggrandizement of her 
two sons, the exiled pretender and his deserving family 
have at once become objects of anxiety, rather than of 
hope, to many in Rome. 

" The emperor has caused the present ministry at Rome 
to tremble ; nay, does so still, because it is seen that he has 
himself set the example of introducing into his Italian states 
such reforms of abuses as must in time present an example 
extremely prejudicial to the Romans ; but what is still more 
serious for them, he had scarcely sent his troops into Tuscany 
before similar measures were entered on there, so that among 
all the states beyond the dominion of Rome^ there is not 
one which continues to walk blindly in the footsteps of past 
ages. The court of Vienna, having some time since made 
the distinctions conferred on the Spaniards, who are little 
loved by the Roman people, a decided ground of quarrel, has 
thus completely gained to itself the favour of the Romans, 
both in the city and state; and this has been maintained 

420 APPENDIX— SECTION VI [Nos. 163, 164 

by most sagacious proceedings on the part of the imperial 
ministers and emissaries, so that we have the marvellous 
state of things, of the whole Roman people declaring in 
favour of the emperor. The interest of the Corsini is, 
nevertheless, so strong in the present day, that no sacri- 
fice is refused that can help to gain the friendship of the 
emperor; a fact of which the most excellent senate has 
abundant proofs in the direction of affairs now in progress." 

No. 163 

Relatione del N. H, Franc. Veniei- K'' rifornato ambasciator di 
Ro7na^ 17445 24 Apr, [Report presented by Francesco 
Venier on his return from the Roman embassy.] 

This is unfortunately only two loose leaves relating to 
Benedict XIV. 

Venier assures us that the cardinals would never have 
elected this pope of themselves. " He was exalted rather 
by his own rare virtues, by the peculiar events of that con- 
clave, and by its extraordinary protraction, than by any actual 
desire on the part of the cardinals who elected him. It was 
the work of the Holy Spirit alone." 

" The pontiff," he proceeds to remark, " endowed with a 
sincere and upright mind, would never practise any of those 
arts which are called ' Romanesque : ' the same open 
character which he displayed without reserve as prelate, he 
continued to exhibit as Cardinal Lambertini, and may be 
safely said to have shewn no other as pope." 

No. 164 

Relatione di Aluise Moccnigo IV Kav'' ritornato ambasciator 
di Roma, 1750, 14 Apr. [Report presented by Aluise 
Mocenigo IV on his return from the Roman embassy.] 

This ambassador is not the "Aluise Mocenigo IV," 
whose report of 1737 we have given above {see No. 162). 


The first was a son of Aliiise Mocenigo III ; the present 
ambassador is a son of Aluise Mocenigo I. 

Unfortunately he also has contented himself with three 
leaves. In the absence of any large amount of authentic 
intelligence, relating to the Roman court at this period, I 
will give the most important passages entire. 

" The reigning pontiff, Benedict XIV, has not only been 
employed in no nunciature to any court, but he has never 
been even charged with any legation. He was raised to 
the rank of cardinal when bishop of Ancona, and was 
elevated to the supreme station which he now holds when 
archbishop of Bologna. He is well versed, by long practice 
from his earliest years, in the affairs of the Curia, and is 
certainly not unmindful of that advantage ; besides which 
he piques himself on being a profound canonist and finished 
lawyer ; nor does he consider himself inferior as a decreta- 
list, his studies in which department he does not neglect 
even to the present day. He is very partial to his auditor 
Monsignor Argivilliers, for this cause, that he also pursues 
the same course of learning. This conformity of disposi- 
tions between the pope and his auditor renders the latter 
a man of importance in this pontificate; for whereas in 
his official duties, which are restricted to civil inspections 
only, he would enjoy no other advantage than that of 
daily access to the sovereign, he is now admitted to 
give his opinion respecting affairs of state. To say the 
truth, he is a man of probity, but of no experience in the 
affairs of foreign courts ; he is austere and inaccessible, 
reserved in general intercourse, not only with strangers, but 
even with the members of the Curia themselves. By the 
extraordinary favour shewn to him, he seems to dispute 
with Cardinal Valenti, the secretary of state, those advan- 
tages of access to the pope, which the high qualities of 
that prelate, whenever he is pleased to demand them, must 
always obtain for him, and which belong to him on all 
occasions of great importance or difficulty. But I am fall- 
ing into prolixity and needless repetition ; for my most 
excellent predecessors will have told you all that was re- 
quired, concerning this eminent person, so profoundly versed 
in affairs of state and policy, a minister of so much prudence 


and experience, and of manners so courteous ; nor have I 
any thing to add respecting him, except that the office of 
chamberlain of the Holy Church has been conferred on him 
by his holiness during my embassy. That very honourable 
and lucrative charge has indeed been confirmed to Cardinal 
Valenti, even after the death of the pontiff^ and this will 
cause him to be still necessary and sought after, even though 
jealousy, envy, and ill-will should seek . to employ their 
strength against him, when he no longer holds the office of 
secretary of state. He is for the present exempt from these 
assailants, not because he is guarded on all sides, so much 
as because he is ever prepared to confront them and to 
parry every blow : if he think the matter deserving of notice, 
he joins combat ; if otherwise, he lets it pass. In addition 
to the above-mentioned auditor of the pope, there is also 
the datary, Monsignor Millo, no great friend of Valenti ; for 
although in my time there was an appearance of reconcilia- 
tion between them, yet there was no reality in their friend- 
ship, and the said datary is rather of the party of the 
auditor. These three persons may be said to be all who 
have any real participation in state affairs, or who understand 
them ; but if the two prelates are accepted for the reasons 
aforesaid, and the cardinal manages to make himself neces- 
sary for many well-known causes, there are, nevertheless, 
occasions on which the pope, though hearing them all, will 
afterwards decide after his own manner, and contrary to 
their counsels. And further, if there be other very distin- 
guished men among the members of the Curia, they have 
no great influence in the present pontificate, at least in 
relation to the principal affairs of state. One is Cardinal 
Passionei, a man of most studious habits, and attached to 
science ; he is a minister of experience, having held many 
nunciatures, yet he is only employed as secretary of briefs. 
Among the chief favourites of the pope is Cardinal Girolamo, 
promaggiorduomo, and uncle of the young prelate, Mon- 
signor Marcantonio Colonna, maggiorduomo ; but he gives 
himself no trouble respecting any thing that does not affect 
his own particular wishes. The secretary of accounts^ Mon- 
signor Antonio Rota, is known to the pope, to the sacred 
college at large, and above all to the congregations ' coram 


sanctissimo/ as a man of the most refined policy and most 
subtle powers of thought, than whom no better could be 
found when the adjustment of some foreign difficulty is 
demanded, or some trait of sagacity is required ; but 
although his utility is so well understood that he is admitted 
into all congregations and appears in despite of his gout, 
yet he has no more important^ matter confided to his control 
than those of his office, or casual business." 

No. 165 

Girolamo Znlian^ Relatione di Roma, 15 Decemhre, 1783. 
[Report from Rome by Girolamo Zulian.] 

Towards the close of the republic, there was seen to be 
a falling off in the disposition which had formerly existed 
towards this kind of political activity. 

The reports become shorter. The observations they 
present are not to be compared with those of the older 
writers for penetration and comprehensiveness. 

Zulian, whose report is the last that I have seen, no 
longer discusses questions of policy, of foreign affairs, or 
the personal qualities of the pontiff Pius VI. He confines 
himself entirely to certain leading features of the internal 

He informs us that the papal treasury exhibited a 
considerable deficit, which was further increased by the 
extraordinary expenditure^ the building of the sacristy of 
St. Peter's, and the labours proceeding in the Pontine 
marshes, which together had perhaps already cost two 
millions. Attempts were made to meet this deficiency by 
anticipation of the revenue, and by the creation of a paper 
currency. There was, besides, much money sent out of the 
country. " The hemp, silks, and woollens exported from 
the state do not compensate for the salt-fish, lead, drugs, 
and great variety of manufactures imported, more particu- 
larly from Germany and France. The principal means of 
balancing the commerce of the nation ought to be the corn- 
trade; but the necessity for regulating it by artificial 


arrangements, that Rome may always be assumed of a 
supply of corn at low prices, renders that trade a poor and 
often losing one. From these causes agriculture is depressed, 
and there often happen dearths of such a kind as to make 
it needful that corn should be purchased at high prices from 
foreign countries. It is thus the general opinion that this 
trade, upon the whole, produces very little profit to the 
nation. The state is in debt to almost every country with 
which it is connected; to which must in great measure be 
attributed the rapid outpouring of money which depresses 
its credit, causes its bills to be always at a discount, and 
causes its extreme poverty. It is the common belief that 
Rome is more profitably connected with the exchange of 
Venice than with any other, on account of the various 
kinds of merchandise which the pontifical states furnish to 
those of your serenity." 

The measures adopted for the relief of the country by 
Pius VI are well known. They are discussed in this report, 
but with no very great depth of thought. 

Zulian remarks that Pius VI had rendered the cardinals 
yet more insignificant than they previously were. On the 
return of the pontiff from Vienna, he had put off the sacred 
college with obscure and insufficient information. It is true 
that he may be said to have had but very little to relate ; 
but the fact remains. The secretary of state, Pallavicini, an 
excellent and distinguished man, was incapable of effecting 
much in the way of business, because he was continually 
out of health. The author is of opinion that Rezzonico was 
the person whose influence was most powerful with the 


Abyssinia, Jesuits in, ii. 258 ; mission 

to, 259 
Abyssinians, the, aided by the 

Portuguese against the Kaffirs, ii. 

Academies in Italy, i. 166 ; in Rome, 

ii. 384; that founded by Queen 

Christina, 406, 407 
Acciajuoli, Cardinal, on the share 

of the Jesuits in the attempt on 

the king of Portugal, ii. 489 n. 
Accolti, Benedetto, attempts the life 

of Pius IV, i. 277 
Accolti, Benedetto degli, papal 

legate at Ancona, i. 316 
Accorambuoni, Vittoria, marries the 

nephew of Cardinal Montalto, i. 


Acquaviva, Claudio, i. 508 ; made 
general of the Jesuits, ii. 86 ; 
refuses to give up any of his 
authority in Spain, 87; declines 
to visit the provinces, 88 ; his 
character, 90 ; his influence in 
Rome, 91, iii. 168; his conduct 
at the general congregation, ii. 
92, 93 ; opposes the Thomist 
doctrines, 94 ; supports Molina, 
97 ; refers the dispute to Rome, 
98; makes the return of the Jesuits 
to Rome dependent on the per- 
mission of the king, 100 ; the 
Spanish opposition tries to re- 
move him, 141 ; supported by 
Henry IV, 142 ; diminishes the 
authority of provincial congrega- 
tions, 142 ; appoints Orlandinus 
as historian of the order, iii. 216 

Adoration, at papal elections, abol- 
ished, iii. 224 

Adorno, Hieronymo, in favour of 
the treaty of Leo X with Charles 
V, iii. 33 

Adrian VI (of Utrecht), his election, 
i. 72 ; his character, 72 ; his policy 
in the wars of Christendom, 73, 
iii. 23, 33; his zeal against the 
Turks, i. 73 ; strives to reform 
abuses, 74 ; his unpopularity, 76, 
324 ; his epitaph 'jj ; imposes a 
tax on each hearth, 324 ; deceived 
by a Bolognese, iii. 27 ; his con- 
duct of business, iii. 28 

Adriani, used by Thuanus iii. 49 ; 
and by Sarpi, 50 

Aeneas Sylvius. See Pius II 

Aerschot, governor of Ghent, i. 488 

Agra, college founded by the Jesuits 
at, ii. 254 

Agucchia, Monsignor, employed by 
Cardinal Ludovisio in the pre- 
paration of Instructions, iii. 223 

Ahausen, the Protestant Union 
formed at, ii. 190 

Ai.x-la-Chapelle,the Protestant party 
in, i. 421, 517 

Akbar, the Emperor, summons 
Jesuits to his court, ii. 253 

Alamanni, his poems, i. 389 

Albani, Cardinal, nephew of Clement 
XI, has little influence, iii. 403 ; 
supports the Court of Turin, 417 

Albani, Giovanni Francesco. See 
Clement XI 

Albani, Orazio, brother of Clement 
XI, iii. 396 

Albano of Bergamo, Cardinal, op- 
poses the wine-ta.\ of Sixtus V, i. 
374; at the election of Sixtus, iii. 

113. 114 
Albergati, appointed Archbishop of 
Bologna, ii. 420 -'/. 



Albergatus, Vianesius, on the small- 
ness of the papal revenues, i. 324 
n. \ author of the " Conclave " of 
Clement VII, iii. 27 ; his relations 
with Adrian VI, 27 

Alberic of Barbiano, i. 304 

Alberoni, Cardinal, Spanish minister, 
threatened with the Inquisition by 
Clement XI, ii. 476 

Albert V, duke of Bavaria, com- 
pelled to make religious conces- 
sions, i. 419, 433 ; his efforts for 
the restoration of Catliolicism, 
441 ff. ; given spiritual authority 
by the pope, 445 ; restores Baden 
to Catholicism, 446 ; complains 
of the opposition of his nobles, 
470 ; his advice to the Archduke 
Charles, 512 ; attempts the con- 
version of the Elector Augustus 
of Saxony, 521 n. 

Albicci, Cardinal, upholds the rights 
of the college of cardinals, ii. 368 
n. ; prepares the bull condemning 
the Jansenist propositions, 446 n. 

Albigenses, the, persecuted, i. 25 

Albuquerque, cannot get what he 
wants in Rome, iii. 242 

Alcantara, ambassador of Philip II 
in Rome, 1562, iii, 98 

Alciati, Terentio, his proposed his- 
tory of the Council of Trent, iii. 

Aldobrandini family, their power 
excites opposition, ii. 109; their 
original position in Florence, 113, 
iii. 178 ; growth of their power, 
"• 337 ! badly treated by the 
adherents of Paul V, 343, iii. 
313 ; associated with the Pamfili, 

ii- 373 

Aldobrandini, Bernardo, ii. 46 

Aldobrandini, Cinthio, ousted by his 
cousin Pietro, ii. 108, iii. 175^ 

Aldobrandini, Giovanni, made car- 
dinal, ii. 46 

Aldobrandini, Giovanni Francesco, 
brother-in-law of Cardinal Pietro, 
his offices and income, ii. 337 

Aldobrandini, Ippolito, Cardinal. 
See Clement VIII 

Aldobrandini, Ippolito, Cardinal, 
account of his death (1638), iii. 289 

Aldobrandini, Margareta, married 
to Rainuccio Farnese, ii. 109, 337 

Aldobrandini, Olimpia, sister of 
Cardinal Pietro, ii. iii 

Aldobrandini, Ohmpia, heiress of 
the house, marries a Borghese, 
iii. 288, 315 ; marries Don Ca- 
millo Pamfili, ii. 358, iii. 289 ; 
contentions with her mother-in- 
law, ii. 358 ; her distinguished 
qualities, 358, 362 

Aldobrandini, Pietro, jurist ii. 46, 

Aldobrandini, Pietro, son of the 
foregoing, nephew of Clement 
VIII, Cardinal, despatchedagainst 
Ferrara, ii. 75 ; in alliance with 
Lucrezia d'Este, 78, whose heir he 
becomes, 81 ; settles the dispute 
between France and Savoy, 99 71. , 
105 ; his character and influence, 
107, 108, iii. 175 ff, ; opposition 
to him, ii. 109, no ; tries to form 
a French party in Rome, in ; 
proposes a league of Italian states 
against Spain, 112; effects the 
election of Leo XI, 114, and of 
Paul V, 115 ; exhorts the English 
Catholics to obey King James, 
243 ; his income 337 ; his Instruc- 
tion to the nuncio Barberini{ 1603), 
iii. 185 

Aldobrandini, Salvestro, father of 
Clement VIII, ii. 45, 113 ; his five 
sons, 45, 46 ; monument to his 
wife, 47 ; incites Paul IV to war 
against Naples, iii. 174 

Aldobrandini, Tommaso, ii, 46 

Aldrovandi, Ulisse, natural histo- 
rian, i. 386 

Aldus Manutius, i. 386 

Aleander, his letters on the Council 
of Trent, iii. 85 

Alen9on, duke of, plans for placing 
him on the English throne, i. 463 ; 
his death, 528 

Alexander III (Rolando Ranuci), 
saved by the Venetians, ii. 348, 
iii, 290 

Alexander VI (Roderigo Lenzuoli, 
afterwards Borgia), i. 36 ; his pro- 
fligacy and ambitions, 37, 38 ; 
his son Caesar Borgia, 38 ; their 
attempt to found hereditary, 
dominions, 38, 39 ; effects of their 
atrocities, 39^". ; is poisoned, 41, 
iii. 9 ; his sale of indulgences, i. 



48 ; his exactions, 321 ; his policy, 
iii. 7 

Alexander VII (Fabio Chigi), his 
election, ii. 365 ; his self-denial 
with regard to his family, 365 ; 
prevailed upon to summon his 
nephews to Rome, 366 ; cliaracter 
of his government, 367, iii. 333 ; his 
aversion to state affairs and love 
of books, ii. 368, iii. 351, 356, 357 ; 
reduces the monti, ii. 376, 410; 
his buildings, 383, iii. 343, 351, 
352 ; celebrates the conversion of 
Queen Christina, ii. 403 ; his 
contentions with her, 405 ; his 
changes in the prelacy, 409 ; 
bestows preferments on men of 
good birth, 421 ; proposes to the 
Venetians the suppression of 
orders, 423, iii. 335 ; wishes the 
Jesuits to be readmitted to Venice, 
338, 343 ; complains of the car- 
dinals, 357 ; his declaration as to 
the propositions of Jansen, ii. 447 ; 
his animosity towards Mazarin 
and the French, 452, iii. 353 ; his 
death, ii. 369 ; his life by Pallavi- 
cini, 339 ; anonymous biography, 

Alexander VIII (Pietro Ottoboni), 
declares the Gallican decrees null 
and void, ii. 468 ; lessens the 
expenditure of the papal states, 
iii. 386 ; suffers great losses and 
dies, 393, ii. 468 ; his character, 
iii- 387. 388; his "confession," 

Alfonso I and II, dukes of Ferrara. 
Sec Este 

Alidosi, Florentine envoy, ii. 184 

Alienation of Church property, for- 
bidden by Pius V, i. 235 

Ahffe, Count, condemned to death, 
i- 254 

Alkmar, heroic defence of, i. 465 

Allacci, Leone, takes over the 
Heidelberg library for Gregory 
XV, ii. 232, iii. 224 ; his Instruc- 
tion, 234 

Allen, William, establishes a Jesuit 
college at Douay, i. 480 ; made 
cardinal by Sixtus V, 541 ; his 
opinions respecting allegiance, 
ii. 6 

Almaden, his report on Rome, iii. 321 

Aloys, Giovanni Francesco d', burnt 
as a heretic at Naples, iii. 164 

Altemps, Cardinal, at the elections 
of Sixtus V and Clement VIII, 
i- 355. •'• 43. iii- 113. 114. 167/:; 
Wolf Dietrich von Raittenau 
brought up in his house, i. 


Althan, Count, imperial ambassador 
in Rome, influences the conclave, 
iii. 406 

Altieri family, their position at 
court, iii. 365, 371, 376; disputes 
with the ambassadors, 374 ; their 
palace built, 368, 371 

Altieri, Emilio. See Clement X 

Altieri, Giovanni Battista, brother 
of Clement X, iii. 367 

Altieri, Laura, iii. 376 

Altieri, Lorenzo, father of Clement 
X, iii. 366, 367 

Altieri, Pauluzzi, Cardinal, nephew 
of Clement X, ii. 460, iii. 365, 
369 ; manner of his elevation, 
368, 371 ; his administration and 
character, 373, 376 

Altona, the Jesuits settle in, ii. 234, 
iii. 260 

Alumbrados, the, Spanish lUuminati, 
i. 147 

Alva, duke of, his campaign against 
Paul IV, i. 229, 230 ; defends the 
kingdom of Naples, 232 ; in the 
Abruzzi, 233 ; at Rome, 235 ; his 
reverence for the pope, 235 ; re- 
ceives the cardinal's hat from Pius 
V, 296 ; his cruelties and rapacity 
in the Netherlands, 456 ff. ; in- 
fluence of his example in France, 
461 ; is successfully opposed in 
Holland and Zealand, 465 

Alvarez, Juan, de Toledo, Cardinal, 
supports the establishment of the 
Inquisition, i. 162 

Amadis de Gaul, its effect on Igna- 
tius Loyola, i. 141, 142 ; Bernardo 
Tasso's opinion of it, 389 

Amaranth, Order of the, founded by 
Queen Christina, ii. 402 

Ambrogio, secretary to Paul III, i. 
191 n. 

Ambrose, St. , his works edited by 
Cardinal Montalto, i. 352 ; his 
rcputat'on among the Jansenists, 
ii- 439 



America, North, hierarchical sys- 
tem founded, ii. 534 

America, South, Catholicism in, 
429 ; Catholic missions to, ii. 
249 ; Catholicism recognized as 
the state religion in the Free 
States, 531 

Americans, of European descent, 
distinguished for acuteness, ii. 
250 ; at the Vatican council, on 
the decree of Infallibility, 565 

Amli family in Lucerne, adherents 
of Spain and the papacy, ii. 197 

Anchin, Benedictine abbey, near 
Douay, i. 487 

Ancona, trade of, i. 303, ii, 287, 415, 
iii. 150, 15T, 408, 415 ; deprived 
of its freedom by Clement VII, i. 
315 ff. ; its port-dues raised by 
Gregory XIII, 343 ; Sixtus V 
restores its ancient rights, 363 ; 
and taxes its imports, 373 ; 
favoured by Urban VIII, iii. 289 ; 
luoghi di monte secured on the 
customs, ii. 333 ; occupied by 
Napoleon, 510; taken by the 
Austrians, 530 

Ancona, bishopric of, unoccupied 
for years, ii. 420 

Andreas, Cardinal, prints cate- 
chisms for the school children in 
the Tyrol, i. 514 

Angelis, de, bishop of Urbino, com- 
plains of ecclesiastical abuses, ii. 

Angermannus, Abraham, made 
archbishop of Upsala, ii. 160, 

Anglo-Saxons, conversion of the, i. 
13 ; their missionary work, 13 

Anjou, duke of. See Henry III 

Anna Elizabeth, of the Palatinate, 
widow of Pliilip II of Hesse- 
Rheinfels, iii. 184, 185 

Annates, secured to the pope in 
France, i. 30 ; claimed by the 
king in England, 31 ; doubled 
by Alexander VI, 46 ; new offices 
founded by Sixtus IV and Julius 
II, and paid from the proceeds of, 
321, 322 

Anne of Austria, queen of Louis 
XIII, Buckingham's supposed 
passion for her, ii. 277 ; Arnauld 
d'Andilly intimate with her, 438 

Anne of Denmark, wife of Augustus, 

Elector of Saxony, i. 520 
Annona, the, college of presidents 

of, instituted by Julius II, i. 322 ; 

congregation for, 365 ; Mario 

Chigi made superintendent, ii. 

366 ; rights of the prefect, 414 ; 

abuses, iii. 378 ; cannot maintain 

itself against foreign competition, 

Antiquities of Rome, i. 376, 380, 

381, ii. 384/:, iii. 24^,94, 144/: 
Antonelli, Cardinal, on the lost 

provinces of the papal states, ii. 

540 «. 
Antoniano, Silvio, Cardinal, i. 250,, 

Anton ine, column of, restored by 

Sixtus V, i. 382, 383 
Antonio dei Pagliarici. See Palearius 
Antonio, Fra, of Volterra, assents 

to the doctrines of Protestantism, 

i. 115 
Antwerp, religious opinions of, i. 

467 ; surrenders to the Spaniards, 

496 ; the Jesuits readmitted, 497 ; 

the Capuchins established there, 

Apennines, the, their beauty and 

fertility, i. 302, ii. 325 
Apollo Belvedere, the, i. 55, 381 
Appel, Nicol., defender of Catho- 
licism, iii. 81 
Aquapendente, his scientific labours, 

ii. 128 
Aqueducts of Rome, i. 379, ii. 380 
Aquila, bishop of, his opinion on 

the Ratisbon conference, i. 128 
Aquileia, affair of, between Gregory 

XIII and Venice, i. 346, 361, iii. 

152 ; claims of the emperor not 

admitted by the Curia, ii. 450 
Aquino, Cardinal of, bishop of 

Venafro, his report on Switzerland 

and Instruction for his successor, 

iii. 197/; 
Arabs, the, their conquests, i. 11, 

12 ; their study of the classics, 49 
Aragon, power of the house of, in 

Naples, i. 36 
Aragona, Cardinal, opposes San- 

severina, iii. 167, 168 ; his cha- 
racter, 173 
Araoz, one of the first Jesuit 

preachers in Valencia, i. 170 



Arara, bandit, put to death, i. 360 
Arcadia, academy in Rome, ii. 407 
Arenberg, duke of, killed at Heil- 

igerlee, i. 457. 458 n. 
Aretino, and Vittoria Colonna, i. 


Argento, Gaetano, his school of 

jurisprudence at Naples, ii. 479 
Argivilliers, auditor under Benedict 

XIV, iii. 421 
Arigone, auditor of the Rota, i. 

Ariosto, his early intimacy with Leo 

X, i. 56 ; contrasted with Tasso, 

394 ; .quoted, ii. 66 n. 
Aristocracy, ascendant in Europe in 

the 17th century, ii. 371 ; devoted 

to the Church, 421 
Aristotle, Arabian translators of, i. 

50 ; followers and opponents of, 

in Italy, 390, 391 ; edition of 

Posius, ascribed to Montalto, iii. 


Armada, the Spanish, promoted and 
favoured by Gregory XIII, i. 339 ; 
and by Sixtus V, 541 ; its destruc- 
tion, 542 

ArmelUno, Francesco, Cardinal, on 
the revenue of the papal states, i. 
324 n. ; invents indirect taxes, 325, 

iii- 35 

Arminians, the, ii. 210, iii. 229 

Arnauld d'Andilly, Jansenist and 
friend of St. Cyran, ii. 438, 441 

Arnauld, Ang^lique, abbess of Port- 
Royal, ii. 438 

Arnauld, Antoine, the elder, his 
enmity to the Jesuits, ii. 441 

Arnauld, Antoine, at Port-Royal, 
ii. 441 

Arras, bishop of, i. 485 ; insurrec- 
tion at, 488 

Articles, the Four, drawn up in 
France, ii. 463 ; declared invalid 
by the Pope, 468 ; withdrawn by 
Louis XIV, 469, 508 ; opposed by 
the Jesuits, 490 ; regarded as a 
fundamental law of the realm by 
Napoleon, 507, 510 

Aschaffenburg, Jesuit school founded 
at, i. 435 ; meeting of the nuncio 
Montorio and the Elector Schweik- 
hard of Mainz at, ii. 236, iii. 263 

Asia, Central, new bishoprics 
founded in, ii. 544 

Astalli, Don Camillo, made car- 
dinal-nephew by Innocent X, ii. 
361 ; his downfall, 362, 416 

Astolphus, king of the Lombards, 
menaces Rome, i, 12 

Astrology, applied by the Arabs to 
the practice of medicine, i. 49 

Astronomy, of the Arabs, i, 49 ; 
successfully taught by the Jesuits, 


Atto, a musician, admitted to con- 
fidential intercourse with Clement 
IX, iii. 358 

Augier, Edmund, Jesuit orator, i. 
460 ; his catechism, 461 

Augsburg, bishop of, joins in the 
formation of the League, ii. 192 ; 
presses his claims against Wiir- 
temberg, 272 

Augsburg, confession of, i. 417, 
419 ; difference between it and 
genuine Catholic doctrine only 
slight, ii. 273, iii. 226 

Augsburg, diet of (1550), i. 432, 
(1566), 447 

Augsburg, losses of the bishopric 
of, i. 423 ; Jesuit mission estab- 
lished, 437 ; expulsion of Pro- 
testants, 517; Gustavus Adolphus 
wishes to establish his court there, 
ii. 312 ; report on the con- 
dition of the diocese (1629), iii. 

Augsburg, peace of, decree con- 
cerning the rank and revenues 
of spiritual princes, i. 422, 423 ; 
its result on the ecclesiastical 
position in different countries, 
441, 512, 513; Catholic mode of 
interpreting it, ii. 184, 272 ; its 
validity denied by the Jesuits, 
186, 303, iii. 68 ; the Protestants 
demand its confirmation, ii. 186, 
187 ; never sanctioned by the 
popes, 273, 562 ; acknowledged 
by the German hierarchy, 562 

Augustine, St., on Church councils, 
i. 263 ; held in high esteem by 
the Jansenists, ii. 435, 439, 440, 

Augustini, Mgr., his character, iii. 

Augustinian friars, in Bohemia, ii. 

226 ; the General declares in favour 

of Jansen, 445 



" Augustinus," Jansen's book, ii. 


Aulic Council, the, rise of, n. 184, 
185 ; subservient to the court, 184 

Auneau, battle of, i. 530 

Australasia, Catholic churches in, 
ii. 534 

Austria, power and influence of the 
house of, i. 66, ii. 261 ; growth 
of Protestantism in, i. 420, 470^. ; 
Catholic reaction and expulsion 

, of Protestants, 510, ii. 182, 230 ; 
religious freedom granted, 191 ; 

. opposition to the reigning family, 
213 ; the archdukes resign their 
claims to Ferdinand, 215 ; success 
of Catholicism, 218, 270, 271 ; 
connection with Protestant coun- 
tries, 320, 321 ; supported by In- 
nocent XI, 466 ; extinction of the 
Spanish line, 470 ; the German 
line established in Italy, 474, 500 ; 
wars in Italy (1848), 525^ ; de- 
mands of the clergy, 532 ; the 
concordat of 1855, 532, 533 

" Autorem fidei," bull, ii. 504 

Autos-da-f6, i, 169, 243, 293 

Averroes, iii. 143 

Avignon, taken possession of by 
Louis XIV, ii. 465 ; restored, 467 ; 
occupied by the Bourbons, 493, 

. 515 ; proposed by Napoleon as a 
residence for the pope, 509 

Ayala, Martin Perez de, at the 
Council of Trent, i. 269 n. 

Azpilcueta, Spanish canonist, i. 402 

Azzolini, Cardinal, proposes Chigi 
as pope, ii. 364 ; advanced by 
Clement IX, 370, iii. 359 ; highly 
esteemed by Queen Christina, ii. 
407, iii. 366 


Babylon, patriarch of, ii. 257 ; ac- 
knowledged as their head by the 
Nestorian Christians in India, 257 

Baden, counter-reformation in, L 
446, 447 

Baden, Margrave Georg Friednch 
of, at Ahausen, ii. 190 

Baden, Margrave Jacob of, first 
princely convert to Catholicism, 
i. 524 

Baden, Margrave Wilhelm of, his 
zeal for Catholicism, ii, 233 

Baden-Baden, Margrave Philibert 
of, i. 446 

Baden-Baden, Margrave Philip of, 
his Catholic education, i. 446 

Badoer, Alberto, his report on 
Sixtus V (1589), iii. 150 ; his de- 
spatches, 152 

Badoer, Anzolo, at Rome and in- 
timate with the Venetian ambas- 
sadors, iii. 245 

Bagen, Simon, admits the Jesuits in 
Mainz, i. 435 

Baglioni, noble family of Perugia, 
i. 38, 42, 43, 305, 318 

Bajus of Lou vain, his exposition of 
St. Augustine, i, 95 

Balde, his Latin poetry, ii. 211 

Baltic, the. Catholics hope to gain 
possession of, ii. 167 ; Spaniards 
desire a port, 276 

Bamberg, its attachment to Luther- 
anisjn, i. 419^. ; restored to Ca- 
tholicism, ii. 178, 179, 233; taken 
by Gustavus Adolphus, 309 

Bandino, P. Ant., on the prevalence 
of infidel opinions at Rome, i. 58 

Banditti, in the papal states, i. 344 
ff., iii. 138 ; exterminated by 
Sixtus V, i. 357 ff. ; their re- 
appearance, ii. 33, 37 ; Neapo- 
litan bandits received in the papal 
states, iii. 377 

Baner, Swedish councillor of state, 
ii. 159 

Barba, Bernardino della, reduces 
Ancona and Perugia, i. 316^. 

Barberini family, ii. 287 ; their dig- 
nities and revenues, 340 _^., iii. 
■zSt ff., 304; prohibit the export 
of corn from Castro, ii. 346 ; 
account of the origin of their 
disputes with Odoardo Farnese, 
iii. 297 ; called to account by 
Innocent X, ii. 355, 356 ; form a 
connection with Olimpia Maidal- 
china, 362, 373 ; their position at 
court, iii. 365 ; their treatment of 
Roman antiquities, ii. 385 ; their 
oppressive taxation, 415 

Barberini, Antonio, Cardinal, his 
character, offices, and income, ii. 
340, 341, iii. 268 ; at Lagoscuro, 
ii. 352 ; flees from Rome, 356 



Biirberini, Carlo, brother of Urban 
VIII, general of the Church, ii. 
340, iii. 269 ; his sons, ii. 340 ; his 
character and influence, iii. 246 

Barberini, Francesco, Cardinal, re- 
fuses to accept any responsibility, 
ii. 291 ; his offices, income, and 
influence, 340, 341, iii, 268, 293; 
difference with Duke Odoardo 
■ Farnese, ii. 344 ; his attitude to- 
wards France, iii. 288 ; his diplo- 
macy during his uncle's last days, 
301 ff. \ decides for Cardinal 
Pamfili in the conclave, ii. 354 ; 
leaves Rome, 356 ; his connec- 
tion with the members of Queen 
Christina's academy, 406 n. 

Barberini, Maffeo, Instruction to 
him, on being sent as nuncio to 
France, iii. 185. See Urban VIII 

Barberini, Taddeo, takes possession 
of Urbino, ii. 330 ; his offices and 
income, 341 ; his popularity, iii. 
269 ; insulted by Duke Odoardo, 
ii. 344 ; offends the Italian states, 
348 ; leaves Rome, 356 ; his wife, 
see Colonna, Anna 

Barcelona, treaty concluded at, be- 
tween Clement VII and Charles V, 
i. 86, 87, iii. 40 ; the Jesuits at, i. 

Bardi, Giovanni, in favour with Cle- 
ment VIII, iii." 175 

Barnabites, order of, founded, i. 
140 ; receives new rules, 290 

Baronius, Caesar, his " Annals," i. 
388, 402, 403 ; father confessor of 
Clement VIII, ii. 47, iii, 112; 
proposed as pope, 115; his cha- 
racter, iii. 175 

Barozzi, his canon of church archi- 
tecture, i. 397 

Barriere, Jean de la, abbot of 
Feuillans, i. 526 ; summoned to 
the court, 526 

Bartholomew, St., massacre of, i. 
463 ; approved by Pius V, 296 ; 
celebrated by Gregory XIII, 464 ; 
praised by Sanseverina, ii. 42 

Basadona, Pietro, on the burdening 
of benefices with pensions, ii. 
420 «. ; his report (1663), iii. 352 

Basciano, founded Monte Corona, 
i. 136 n. 

Basle, bishop of, treaty with the 

Catholic cantons, i. 485 ; tries to 
recover lost jurisdictions, ii. 197 

Basle, council of, i. 28, 30 

Basta and Belgiojoso, imperial com- 
manders in Hungary, ii. 183 

Bathi, Giuliano, member of the 
" Oratory of Divine Love," i. 

Battistella, bandit, ii. 33 

Bavaria, progress of Protestantism 
in, i. 419 ; the peasants remain 
Catholic, 430 ; progress of tlie 
Jesuits, 433^. ; opposition of the 
estates broken down, 441 ff. ; 
opposition still offered by the 
nobles, 470 ; occupied by the 
Swedes, ii. 312 ; again joins the 
emperor, 313 

Bavaria, dukes of, oppose the Ra- 
tisbon agreement, i. 132 ; given 
spiritual authority by the pope, 
445 ; become leaders of the Ca- 
tholic party in Germany, 446 ; 
their Catholicism of importance 
in North Germany also, 503. See 
also Albert V, etc. 

B^arn, restoration of Catholicism 
in, promoted by Clement VIII, 
ii. 61 ; restoration of Church 
lands, 208, 214, 217 ; factions, 
219 ; the supremacy of the Ca- 
tholic church restored, 219 

Beccaria, founder of the Barnabite 
order, i. 291 n. 

Bedmar, Cardinal, opposes an attack 
on England, ii. 275. 

Belgium, reconverted to Catholi- 
cism, i, 498, 525 ; political in- 
fluence of the priests, ii. 530 

Bellarmine, at the court of Sixtus V, 
i. 401 ; his controversial writings, 
ii. 7 «., 8«., 9, 10, 12, 125; on 
Clement VIII and the Jesuits, 
102 ; on Girolamo da Narni, 223 

Bellegarde, Abb^, letter on the letters 
of Ganganelli, ii. 494 «. 

Bembo, Pietro, his services to the 
Italian language, i, 51, 108 ; on 
B. Ochino, 114 

Bembo, S., opposes the suspension 
of the Venetian laws, ii. 136 «., 
137 «. 

Benedict XIII (Vincenzo Maria Or- 
sini), zealous in ecclesiastical 
matters, iii. 407 



Benedict XIV (Prospero Lamber- 
tini), his character and policy, ii. 
477 ff'^ i'i- 121, 421 ; condemns 
the Jesuits, ii. 487 ; his death, 

Bvinedictines, many eminent popes 
of the order, i. 23 ; reformed in 
France, ii. 203 ; devote themselves 
to learning, 206 ; their conflict 
with the Jesuits for the restored 
property of the order, 3^4 

Benefices, collation to, etc., i. 30, 
46, 217, ii. 419 ; decision con- 
cerning plurality at Trent, i. 272 

" Benefits of Christ's Death," Italian 
book on, i. x\off. ; burnt, 167 

Benno, St., declared the patron 
saint of Bavaria, i. 444 

Bentivoglio, Ercole, intercession by 
the grand-duke of Tuscany on his 
behalf, iii. 202 

Bentivoglio, Giovanni, deprived of 
his palace at Bologna, i. 43 

Bentivoglio, Cardinal Guido, the 
historian, ii. 82, 241 ; remarks on 
his " Memoirs," iii. 172^. 

Bernard, St., favourite author of 
Gregory XIV, ii. 38 ; esteemed 
by the Jansenists, 440 

Bernard, Duke.of Weimar, advances 
into the Tyrol, ii. 312 

Berne, Geneva under the protection 
of, i. 483, 536 

Berni, remodels Bojardo's Orlando, 
i. 388 

Bernini, architect and sculptor, ii. 
382, 385, iii. 309, 319 

Bernis, Cardinal, on the letters of 
Ganganelli, ii. 494 «., 496 n. 

Bertano, exhorts Pius V to tolerance, 
i, 283 n. 

BeruUe, Cardinal Pierre, transplants 
the Carmelite order to France, ii. 
204 ; founds the ' ' Priests of the 
Oratory," 205; in favour of an 
attack on England, 275, 276 

Berus, Ludwig, iii. 81 

Berwick, treaty of, i. 248 

Bethlem Gabor, proposal to marry 
him to an imperial princess, iii. 

Bethune, French ambassador m 
Rome, iii. 271 

Bibbiena, Cardinal, i. 52, iii. 17, 
19. 31 

Biberach, a Protestant town with a 
Catholic council, i. 517 

Bible societies, condemned by Pius 
IX, ii. 545 

Bible, the, sole guide of German 
theologians, i. 61 ; Italian version 
108; the Vulgate, 114, 161; 
Jansenist version, ii. 442 

Bicchi, auditor of the Rota, his in- 
fluence under Urban VIII, iii. 

293. 305 

Bicchi, not promoted by Innocent 
XIII, iii. 406 

Bichi, Commendatore, favoured by 
Alexander VII, ii. 367 

Bicken, Johann Adam von, elector 
of Mainz, ii. 177 

Bielke, Swedish councillor of state, 
ii. 159 

Bini, Bernardo, his financial trans- 
actions with Leo X, i. 324 

Biscia, Cardinal, his intercourse 
with Urban VIII, iii. 308 

Bishops, pre-eminence of the bishops 
of Rome, i. 9 ; obtain temporal 
power, 19, 23 ; relation between 
the popes and the bishops, 21, 
23, 29 Jf. ; elected by the kings 
of France, England, and Spain, 
30, 31 ; leave the administra- 
tion of their sees to the mendi- 
cant friars, 47 ; Ottonel Vida on 
their duties, 115 ; question of 
residence, 256, 259, 270, iii. 58, 
191 ; and of their right of Initia- 
tive at the Council of Trent, i. 
266, 268 ; their relation to the 
chapters in Spain, 271 ; bind them- 
selves to obey the decrees of the 
Council, 275, 293 ; Pius V pro- 
ceeds against refractory bishops, 
285 ; admonition of Ferdinand I 
436 ; their zeal in Germany, 
448 ; Protestant bishops still be- 
lieve the confirmation of the pope 
necessary, 522 ; in France demand 
the abrogation of the concordat, 
527 ; relations with the nuncio in 
Poland, ii, 153, 173, 175 ; active 
in the counter-reformation in Ger- 
many, 178 ff. ; influenced by the 
nuncios in Switzerland, 195, 196 ; 
reports of French bishops, 240 ; 
the German bishops think little of 
the pope, iii. 261 ; their financial 



burdens in Italy, ii. 419, 420 ; 
their relations with the Jesuits, 
435 ; and with the Jansenists, 
440, 447 ; Clement XI chooses 
them with care, iii. 398; their 
condition in Portugal, ii. 451 ; 
Innocent XI and the French 
bishops, 462, 465, 469 and n. ; 
they condemn tlie authority of the 
general of the Jesuits in France, 
490 ; nomination to sees resigned 
by Pius VI to the emperor, 499 ; 
in France during the revolution, 
502 ; canonical institution refused 
to bishops appointed by Napo- 
leon, 511 ; influence of Protestant 
governments over nominations, 
518 ; their position in South 
America, 531 ; their relation to 
the empire in France, 531 ; their 
position in Austria, 532, 533 ; their 
attitude towards the clafms of the 
papacy, 531, 543, 548, 553 ; right 
of proposition denied them at the 
V^atican Council, 551 ; their posi- 
tion and views at the Council, 

Bitonto, archbishop of, on justifi- 
cation, i. 160 

Bobadilla, a follower of Loyola, i. 

Boccaccio, his influence on classical 
study in Italy, i. 59 

Bodeghem, Bartholomew, of Delft, 
i. 449 

Bohemia, the Jesuits in, i. 434 ; 
Utraquist privileges, ii. 182 ; 
dearth of Catholic parish priests, 
iii, 188 ; recommendations of 
Gregory XV for the restoration 
of Catholicism, 226, 227 ; banish- 
ment of Protestant preachers and 
schoolmasters, ii. 225, iii. 257 ; 
Utraquist rites suppressed, ii. 
226, 227, iii. 253 ff. ; triumph of 
Catholicism, ii. 227, 228, 270, 
iii. 257/". 

Bohemians, the, obtain concessions 
from the Emperor Matthias, ii. 
191 ; offer the crown to the elector 
palatine, 216, 217 ; predicted 
effect of the decree of Infallibility 
on them, 565 

Bojardo, his poem of Rinaldo, i. 
53 ; his Orlando remodelled by 

vol.. m, 

Berni, 388 ; his panegyric on the 
house of Este, ii. 65, 66 
Bologna, concordat between Francis 
I and Leo X at, i. 30, 65, iii. 
15 ; subjected to the authority 
of the pope, i. 43 ; Charles V 
crowned at, 86 ; conference be- 
tween Charles V and the pope, 
91, iii. 37; Protestants in, i. 115 
and 71. ; the Council of Trent 
transferred to, 201, 204, 209 ; its 
fertility, 302 ; character of the 
inhabitants, 304 ; municipal inde- 
pendence, 306, iii. 202 ; adminis- 
tration of the papal legates, 202, 
203 ; statistics, 204 ; doings of tlie 
lawyers, 204 ; compounds for 
freedom from the sussidio, i. 327 ; 
the university, 363 ; school of 
painting, 394 ; opposes Sixtus V, 
ii. 33 ; resists the Curia, 413 ; 
maintains a certain splendour, 
415, iii. 355 ; taken by the Aus- 
trians, ii. 530 ; revolts against the 
papal government, 539 ; its patron 
saints, iii. 225 
Bologna, archbishopric of, trans- 
ferred to Albergati, ii. 420 n. 
Bolognetto, Cardinal, i. 401 ; nuncio 

in Poland, ii. 151^., iii. 156 
Bona, Queen of Poland, assists 

Alba, i. 232 
Bonamicus, on Innocent XI, iii. 

Bonelli, Cardinal Alessandrino, 
nephew of Pius V, i. 285 ; won 
over for the election of Sixtus V, 
355, iii. 118, 119, 165 
Bonfigliuolo, Rudolfo, proposes a 

renewal of feudal rights, i. 340 
Boniface, St., the apostle of Ger- 
many, i. 13, 14 
Boniface VIII, his bull of excom- 
munication resisted by the French, 
i. 27 
Bordeaux, Jesuits in, i. 461 ; the 

League of the Sixteen in, 532 
Borelli, received by Queen Chris- 
tina, ii. 406 
Borghese family, their position, 
ii. 115; their wealth and power, 
337 ff- ! allied with the Panifili. 
373 ; exempt from punishment for 
demolition of antiquities, 384 
Borghese, Cardinal. See Paul V, 
3 F 



Borghese, Marc-Antonio, his offices, 
ii. 339, iii. 209 

Borgliese.Scipione Cafarelli, nephew 
of Paul V, ii. 221, iii. 222 ; his 
wealth and character, ii. 337, 338, 
iii. 196 ; his acquaintance with 
Cecchini, 311 ; castles of the 
Aldobrandini resigned to him, 


Borgia, Caesar, son of Alexander 
VI, his ambition and crimes, i. 
38 ff. ; iii. 8, 9, 20 ; his duchy 
seized by Julius II, i. 42 ; his 
alliance with Louis XII, i. 63, 
iii. 7 ; grants privileges to his 
cities, i. 305 

Borgia, Cardinal, protests against 
the conduct of Urban VIII, ii. 
293, 311 ; reproached for his share 
in the election of that pope, iii. 

Borgia, Francesco, duke of Gandia, 
joins the Jesuits, i. 170, 182 ; his 
death, as general of the Jesuits, 
ii. 85 

Borgia, Lucrezia, iii. 8, 9 

Boris Godunow, ii. 170 

Borromean League of ihe Catholic 
cantons, i. 534 

Borr®meo, Carlo, St., nephew of 
Pius IV, exemplary life of, i. 255, 
397, 401 ; his share in the election 
of Pius V, 278, 281, ii. 35 ; his 
administration of the diocese of 
Milan, i. 288^. ; his exertions in 
the Wald cantons, 483 

Borromeo, Federigo, nephew of the 
foregoing, i. 401 ; opposes San- 
severina, iii. 169 

Basio, Antonio, secretary of Car- 
dinal Carpi, iii. 142 

Botero, Giovanni, his report on the 
papal states (1611), iii. 211 

Boucher, Jean, preaches on the 
sovereignty of the people, ii. 10 ; 
leaves Paris, 58 

Bouillon, duke of, chief of the 
Huguenots, and Frederick V, ii. 
215, 2l6 

Bourbon, Constable, Clement VII 
proposes to acknowledge him as 
Duke of Milan, iii. 36 ; his death, 
i. 85 

Bourbons, the, extend their rule in 
Spain and Italy, ii, 475 ; expel the 

Jesuits, 492 ; demand the sup- 
pression of the order, 493, 496 

Bourdelot, at the court of Queen 
Christina, ii. 391 n., 395 

Brabant, reduced by Alexander 
Farnese, i. 496 

Bracchi, Bernardo, story of, iii. 2t 

Brahe, Count, refuses to take the 
crown from Queen Christina's 
head, ii. 402 

Bramante, architect, i, 54, 55 

Branca de Telino, Sebastiano de, 
his diary, iii. 19 

Brandenburg, the elector obtains 
the right of nomination to bishop- 
rics, i. 31 ; the Mark becomes 
Protestant, 97 ; the electoral 
house unable to obtain the duchy 
of Prussia, ii. 167 ; its designs on 
Silesia, iii. 189 ; opposes the trans- 
fer of the palatine electorate to 
Bavaria, ii. 236 ; the Mark seized 
by the imperial troops, 274 ; the 
edict for restoring Church property 
to be suspended there, 305 

Brandenburg, Albrecht of, elector 
of Mainz, opposed to the Ratis- 
bon resolutions, i. 132 

Brandenburg, Albrecht, margrave 
of, his intimacy with Caraffa, i. 
231, iii. 97 

Brandenburg, Christian Ernest, 
margrave of, at Ahausen, ii. 190 

Brandtnburg, Joachim I of, his 
conduct at the election of the 
Emperor Charles V, iii. 33 

Brandenburg, Joachim II of, ac- 
knowledges the supremacy of the 
pope, i. 125 

Brandenburg, Joachim, margrave 
of, at Ahausen, ii. 190 

Braunsberg, Jesuit college founded 
at, i. 473, 482 ; occupied by Gus- 
tavus Adolphus, ii. 301 

Brazil, the Jesuits in, i. 182 

Bread, tax on, ii, 352 ; special tariff 
established, 413; its weight pre- 
scribed, 414 

Breda, siege of, ii. 269 

Bremen, archbishop of, his exten- 
sive authority, i. 20, 21 ; Henry 
of Saxe-Lauenburg, archbishop, 
422, 469; Catholic missions in, 
iii. 260; restored to Catholicism, 
ii, 273 



Brendel, Daniel, elector of Mainz, 
favours the Jesuits, i. 435, 450 ; 
his Catholic zeal, 450, 451 

Breviaries, i. 295, ii. 123 

Brisson, President, assassinated, ii. 

Broglia, Carlo, rector of the Greek 

college, iii, 166 
Bromato, Carlo, his life of Paul IV, 

i, 232 n., iii. 89 
Bruccioli, translator of the Bible, 

i. 108 
Bruck-on-the-Muhr, diet of, i. 472 
Bruges, the reformed religion re- 
ceived in, i. 467 ; surrenders to 

Alexander Farnese, 494 ; the 

Jesuits in, 497 
Bruno, Giordano, condemned by 

the Inquisition, i. 391 
Brunswick, one branch of the house 

becomes Protestant, i. 97 
Brussels, Alva in, i. 457 ; surrenders 

to Alexander Farnese, 496 ; the 

Jesuits in, 497 ; behaviour of the 

priests in, ii. 520 
Bubalis, papal nuncio in Paris, ii. 

Bucer, Martin, at Ratisbon, 1. 121, 

128 ; his report used by Sarpi, iii. 


Buckingham, duke of, schemes for 
his conversion to Catholicism, iii. 
233 ; accompanies the Prince of 
Wales to Spain, ii. 246 ; his mis- 
understanding with Olivarez, 265 ; 
his expedition against France, 
277 ; assassinated, 278 

Biigenhagen, founder of Lutheran- 
ism in Denmark, i. 416, 417 

Buhler family in Schwyz, adherents 
of Spain and the papacy, ii. 197 

Buoncompagno, Giacomo, son of 
Gregory XIII, i. 334, 335, 347. 
iii. 138, 202 ; made a Venetian 
" nobile," i. 334, iii. 108 

Buoncompagno, Ugo. See Gregory 

Burchard, Johann, defender of 
Catholicism, iii. 8r 

Burgau, Margraviate of, coercive 
measures against the Protestants 
in, i. 514 

Busseto, conference between Paul 
III and Charles V at, i. 197, iii. 
68 - 

Cadiz, bishop of, at the Council of 
Trent, i. 262 

Cajetan, Cardinal, supports the 
election of Adrian VI, i. 72 

Calatagirona, Bonaventura, general 
of the Franciscans, expedites the 
peace between France and Spain, 
ii. 104, 105 

Calendar, attempts to reform it, 
under Leo X, iii. 88 ; reformed 
by Gregory XIII, i. 337, 338 ; the 
Gregorian calendar to be intro- 
duced into Germany, iii. 194 

Calvin, John, at first considered a 
Lutheran, i. 187 ; extension of his 
tenets, 424, 425 ; his doctrine of 
predestination accepted by the 
majority of Protestants, ii. 95 

Calvinism, i. 183, 187, 424, 425, ii. 
189 ; the Calvinists divided among 
themselves, ii, 210, 319 

Camaldoh, order of, i. 135 

Camerino, seized by Paul III, i. 
194, 195 ; restored to the Church, 
204 ; conferred on the relations of 
Julius III, 219 

Campagna, the, its condition, iii. 
205^. ; its breed of horses, i. 303 ; 
bandits in, 344, 358 ; property of 
the Borghese in, ii. 338, 375 ; 
causes of its ruin, 414, iii. 321, 399 

Campanella, subjected to torture, i. 
391 ; his pamphlet on the ex- 
clusive authority of the pope, iii. 

Campeggi, bishop of Cesena, In- 
struction for him, as nuncio to 
the duke of Savoy (1624), iii. 250 

Campeggio, Cardinal, proposes ex- 
treme measures against Protes- 
tantism, i. 87, 88, iii. 38/'. 

Canjpion, the Jesuit, his secret 
mission to England, i. 481 

Campori, Cardinal, proposal to 
elect him pope, iii. 222 

Cancellaria, the, completed by 
Julius II, i. 377 

Candia, war of, against the Turks, 
ii. 423, iii. 334, 351 

Canisius, Peter, joins the Jesuits, 
i. 171, 430, 431 ; his catechism, 
438, 511 ; sent to the ecclesiastical 



courts, 447 ; his influence at the 
Diet of Augsburg (1566), 447, 
Canon law, ii. 119, 124, 500 
Canossa, Antonio, companion of 

Accolti, i. 278, iii. 102 
Capelletto, his information concern- 
ing Sixtus V, iii. 134 
Capello, Bianca, her death, iii. 323 
Capello, Pietro, his report (1728), 

iii. 407 
Capello, Polo, his report on Alex- 
ander VI, iii. 6 ; and Julius II, 11 
Capistrano, Minorite friar, i. 29 
Capitol, the, i. 378, 381, ii. 382, iii. 

25- 147. 330 

Capponi, Cardinal, archbishop of 
Ravenna, iii. 223, 329 ; resigns, 
ii. 420 n. 

Capuchins, the, revive their original 
authority, i. 136 ; in Switzerland, 
483, 484, ii. 196 ; in the Nether- 
lands, i. 498 ; in France, 525, ii. 
39, 239 ; expelled from Venice, 
133; their part in the treaty of 
Prague, 313, 314 ; their relations 
with the Jesuits, 434 ; protected 
by Cardinal Ludovisio, iii. 224 

Caracci, the, their school of paint- 
ing, i. 394, 395 

Caracciolo, Antonio, not the author 
of the letters of Ganganelli, ii. 
494 ; his life of Paul IV, iii. 89 

Caraffa family, their position under 
Paul IV, i. 224, 229, 231 ; their 
fall, 237 ff. ; condemned and 
mostly put to death by Pius IV, 
253, 254, iii. 96 

Caraffa, Carlo, Cardinal, nephew of 
Paul IV, sent to France, i. 227 ; 
made a cardinal, 227 ; his hatred 
of the Spaniards, 228 ; intimate 
with Albrecht of Brandenburg, 
230, 231 ; applies to the Sultan 
for help, 231 ; makes a conven- 
tion with Alva, 235 n. ; under- 
takes an embassy to King Philip, 
236; falls into disgrace, 236^.; 
condemned and executed, 254, 
iii. 97 

Caraffa, Carlo, Bishop of Aversa, 
nuncio to Ferdinand II, ii. 225, 
233, 270 ; his work in Bohemia, 
225^., iii, 2.26 ff., 252 ^. ; his in- 
fluence with the emperor, ii. 235, 

272 ; his Instruction (1621), iii. 
225; his reports {1624, 1628), 
252, 273 

Caraffa, Giovanni Pietro, Cardinal, 
member of the ' ' Oratory of Divine 
Love," i, 107, 116; opposed to 
the Ratisbon resolutions, 130 ; 
founds the Theatine order, 13.7, 
138 ; his intimacy with Loyola, 
151 ; at the Council of Trent, 159 ; 
supports the Inquisition, 162 ; his 
severity in carrying out the edict, 
163, 164, 166 ; opposes the policy 
of Paul III, 204, 224 ; elected 
pope, 221 ; his report to Clement 
VII on the condition of the 
Church, iii. 89. See Paul IV 

Caraffa, Pier Luigi, nuncio in 
Cologne, ii. 304 ?i. ; Instruction 
for his nunciature (1624), iii. 263; 
his report (,1634), 278 

Caraffa, Vincenzo, general of the 
Jesuits, ii. 426 

Caravajal, his Instruction concerning 
the Spanish concordat, ii. 478 ti. 

Carbonari, the, ii. 517 

Cardinals, elected by favour or for 
money, i. 45 ; those created by 
Paul III (116, T91) prepare a 
scheme of Church reform, 116, 
117 n. ; compelled to preach by 
Paul IV, 241 ; given high places 
in the government by Pius IV, iii. 
94 ; suggested reforms of, at the 
Council of Trent, i. 259, 272 ; all 
compelled to sign the edict of 
alienation by Pius V, 285 ; Sixtus 
V adds eight new congregations, 
365, ii. 106, and limits the 
number of cardinals to seventy, i. 
366 ; character of the cardinals at 
that time, 400 ; behaviour neces- 
sary to their success, 409 ; factions 
and intrigues in the conclaves, ii. 
34^. ; they assent to the absolu- 
tion of Henry IV, 62 ; little con- 
sulted by Clement VIII, 107; 
their treatment by Paul V, 117, 
iii. 190, 191, 197; and by Urban 
VIII, 245, 283. ii. 290 ; their 
position in the conclave on the 
death of Innocent X, 364 ; regain 
influence under Alexander VIII, 
367, 368 ; receive bounty from 
Clement IX, 371 ; their hypocrisy, 



iii. 287 ; their disputes as to pre- 
cedence, ii. 374 ; aggrandizement 
of their faniiUes, 376 ; rendered 
insignificant by Pius VI, iii. 424 ; 
assemble in Venice for the election 
of Pius VII, ii. 505 ; Napoleon 
claims the right to nominate one- 
third, 510 ; their views on the ad- 
ministration of the papal states 
(1846), 523, 524; all laws to be ap- 
proved by them, 525 ; the govern- 
ment transferred to a commission 
of cardinals, 530 ; in the French 
senate, 531 ; their opinions on the 
summoning of theVatican Council , 
546, 547, 550 ; the French demand 
the reform of the sacred college, 

Cardine, Leonardo di, condemned 

to death, i. 254 
Carinthia, evangelical pastors in, i. 

471 ; counter-reformation in, ii. 

181, 270 
Carlos, Don, i. 456 
Carlovingian dynasty, the, resists 

the Mahometans, i. 14; its attitude 

towards the clergy, 135 
Carmelites, the, in Spain, ii. 203 ; 

transplanted to France, 204 ; in 

Bohemia, 226 
Carnesecchi, of Florence, Protestant 

reformer, i. 115 ; burnt by the 

Inquisition, 287 
Carniola, counter-reformation in, ii. 

181, 270 ; archbishop of, iii. 5 
Caro, Annibal, letters of, i. 209 ;/. 
Caroline, queen of Naples, ii. 500 
Carpi, Cardinal, his proposal to 

Charles V with regard to Milan, 

i. 196 ; Paul IV and, 240 ; on the 

Council of Trent, 263 ; patron of 

Felice Peretti, 350, iii. 136, 142 
Carranza, archbishop of Toledo, 

given over to the Inquisition, i. 

293. 351 
Cartari, Carlo, his life of Clement X, 

iii. 366 
Carvalho, Portuguese minister, ii. 

486 ; demands a reform of the 

Jesuits, 487 
Casa, Giovanni della, prints the first 

Index, i. 167 
Casale, besieged by the Spaniards, 

ii. 285, 294, 295, 299, iii. 286 
Casati, Paolo, his report to Alexander 

VII on the conversion of Queen 
Christina, ii. 398 71., iii. 344 

Casimir, archbishop of Mainz, hrs 
character, iii. 281 

Casimir, count palatine, his in- 
effectual efforts in the Protestant 
cause, i. 499 ; his restless pro- 
ceedings, iii. 158 ; plans for con- 
verting his sister to Catholicism, 

Cassoni, Count, secretary of state 
to Innocent XI, ii. 466 

Casta, Father, on regicide, ii. 489 n. 

Castelvetri, flees from the Inquisi- 
tion, V. 166 

Castiglione, his letter to Leo X on 
Rome, i. 380 n. 

Castro, belonging to Cardinal Far- 
nese, ii. no; war of, 343^.; 
peace of, 353 ; taken possession 
of by Innocent X, 359, 360 ; 
account of the origin of the war, 
iii. 297 ; its results, 354, 357, 377 

Castro, bishop of, murdered, ii. 359 

Castro, Francesco di, Spanish am- 
bassador to Venice, ii. 136, 137 

Catechism, the Roman, published 
by Pius V, i. 293 ; ordered to be 
printed in various languages, ii. 
223 ; that of Canisius, i. 438, 511 ; 
that of Edmund Augier, 461 

Catherine of Aragon, divorce of, i. 
98, 99 

Catherine de' Medici, her suitors, 
iii. 43, 44 ; her marriage, 45, 
73, i, 93 ; her treatment of the 
Hugvienots, 461 ; brings about 
the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 
463 ; favours the Capuchins, 525, 

Catherine of Poland, marries King 
John of Sweden, i. 474, 477, ii. 

Catholicism, receives its modern 
character, i. 157^., 187, 188, 275 ; 
the strict party again predominant, 
221, 227; losses sustained in 
Europe, 249, 422, ^27 n. ; dogmas 
settled at the Council of Trent, 
161, 271, 273 ; entirely separated 
from Protestantism, 161, 274, 275 ; 
its successes gained by the help of 
temporal sovereigns, 2,75, 276, 
444, 445, 514, ii. 5 ; its renewed 
strength, i. 301, 428 ; its demands 



a burden to the papal states, 329 ; 
dominates art and literature in 
Italy, 390^., 411 ; its decline in 
Germany, 423, 424 ; revival in that 
country, 441/"., 448, 4531 con- 
flicts with Protestantism in Poland, 
473. ii- '^5^ ^. '^7^ ff-1 Sweden, 
i. 474, ii. 157/"., England, i. 477, 
and Switzerland, i. 482, ii. 194^; 
success in the Netherlands, 484^.; 
successful attempts to re-establish 
it in Germany, 499^., 517 #., ii. 
177 jf. ; also in Austria, i. 510 ff., 
ii. 191, 192 ; its revival in France, 
i. 525/:, ii. xggff.; martyrs in 
England, i. 538; its connection with 
monarchical forms of government 
not universal, ii. 5 ; opposition in 
France to its hierarchical claims, 
15, 16, 143 ; opposing systems, 
29, 30 ; review of its inward 
development, 143, 149 ; in Russia, 
170 ; strong position at the begin- 
ing of the Thirty Years' War, 287 ; 
predominance of monarchical 
ideas, 212 ; victories in Southern 
Germ any, France, and the Grisons, 
2 [8, 219, in Bohemia and Hun- 
gary, etc. , 224 ff. , 270, in the 
Netherlands, 241, 242 ; advances 
in England, 243^. ; extension in 
South America, 249, and in India 
and the East, 251 ff. ; further 
triumphs in Austria and Germany, 
ijoff.; influence of political aims, 
280, 293, 309, 313, 319 ; the con- 
flict with Protestantism decided 
by the Peace of Westphalia, 316 ; 
definite limits imposed, 318 ; effect 
of the suppression of the Jesuits, 
498 ; re-established in France, 
506, 516 ; reorganized in non- 
Catholic countries, 517 ; Catho- 
lic emancipation in England, 

518, 519; triumph in Belgium, 

519, 520 ; the French revolution 
favourable to it, 521, 522 ; supreme 
in Spain, 531 ; its losses in Poland, 

Cava, della, Bishop, on justification, 

i. 158 
Cavalli, his despatches, i, 456 ?i., 

Cecca, secretary of state under 
Urban VIII, iii. 294 

Cecchini, dementia, sells offices, ii. 

Cecchini, datary under Innocent X, 
superseded, ii. 360 ; his autobio- 
graphy, iii. 3ii_/, 

Cecilia Metella, tomb of, i. 381, ii. 

Celibacy, introduced, i. 23, 135 ; 
defended by Pius IX, ii. 545 

Ceneda, Cardinal, i. 355 

Ceneda, dispute between Paul V 
and Venice concerning, ii. 121 

Censurae, brougiit forward by the 
Spanish bishops at the Council of 
Trent, i. 201, iii. 72 

Centini, Giacinto, his plot against 
Urban VIII, iii. 296 

Cervini, Alessandro, his life of his 
brother, Marcellus II, iii. 88 

Cervini, Marcello, Cardinal of 
Montepulciano, opposes the 
Ratisbon resolutions, i. 130; 
elected pope, 220 ; his embassy 
to Charles V, iii. 82. See Mar- 
cellus II 

Cervini, Riccardo, father of Mar- 
cellus II, attempts to reform the 
Calendar, iii. 88, 89 

Cesarini, the, take part in the 
tumults on the death of Paul IV, 
i. 243; allied with the Pamfili, 

ii- 373 
Cesena, noted for wine, i. 303 ; 

factions in, 309, 343 
Cesi, Cardinal, his computation of 

the new debts contracted by Urban 

VIII, ii. 352 
Cesi, legate of Bologna (1580), iii. 

Ceva, his mission to France, iii. 

Chantal, Mere, helper of St. Francis 

de Sales, ii. 204 
Chanut, French ambassador in 

Sweden, letter of Queen Christina 

to, ii. 402 
Chapters, the, in Germany, inde- 
pendent of the pope, i. 23, ii. 419 ; 

in Spain, subject to the bishops, 

i. 217 ; decision on the subject at 

the Council of Trent, 271, 272 
Charlemagne, destroys the power 

of the Lombard kings, i. 16 ; is 

crowned at Rome as Emperor of 

the West, 17 



Charles Martel, his proteciion of 
Pope Boniface, i. 14 

Charles I of England, visits Madrid 
as Prince of Wales, ii. 246 ; his 
correspondence with the pope, 
247 ; his marriage with Henrietta 
of France, 265 ; acknowledges that 
Buckingham was not sufficiently 
supported, 278 ; his approaches to 
Catholic ritual fatal to him, 318 

Charles V, Emperor, claims Lom- 
bardy, i. 67 ; his alliance with 
Leo X for the recovery of Naples, 
67, 78 ; his ineffectual embassy to 
Adrian VI, his tutor, 73, 74; his 
power in Italy, 86, 209, 214 ; 
promises to reduce Protestantism, 
87 ; his tolerance, 88 ; promises a 
council, 89 ; his conference with 
Clement VII at Bologna, 91 ; 
earnestly desires a reconciliation 
between the two creeds, 121 ; 
opposition to his conciliatory 
purposes, 130 ff., iii. 83 ff. ; 
prepares for war against the 
Protestant princes of Germany, 
i. 156, 158 ; his motives for the 
war, 426 ; his alliance with Paul 
III against the Turks, 194, 199 ; 
his treaty with Francis I at Nice, 
194 ; holds a conference with the 
pope at Busseto, 197, iii. 68 ; 
victorious against the Protestants 
in North Germany, i.200; deserted 
by the pope, 201, 202 ; his victory 
at Miihlberg, 202 ; publishes the 
Interim, 209 ; proposal to nomi- 
nate him as successor of Paul III, 
210 ; wishes to re-establish the 
Council at Trent, 214 ; is hard 
pushed by his enemies, 217, 223 ; 
his dissensions with Paul IV, 224, 
225 ; his speech in Rome (Easter, 
1536), iii. 41 

Charles VI, emperor, his relations 
with the Curia, iii. 419 

Charles II of Spain, appeals to the 
p>ope, as to his will, ii. 471 

Charles III, of Spain, acknowledged 
by Clement XI, ii. 474 ; closes the 
houses of the Jesuits in Spain, 

Charles VIII of France, finds aid 
in his opposition to the pope from 
Savonarola's preaching, i. 67 ; 

description of his entry into Rome, 
iii. 19 

Charles IX, of France, envious of 
his brother, the duke of Anjou, 
i. 462 ; incited to the massacre of 
St. Bartholomew, 463, 464 ; ad- 
monished by Gregory XIII, iii. 
108 ; and subsidized by him, i. 339 

Charles X, of France, his religious 
zeal the main cause of his deposi- 
tion, ii. 521 

Charles, archduke of Austria, 
favours tlie Jesuits in Styria, i. 
471 ; compelled to make con- 
cessions to the Protestants, 472, 
512 ; subsidized by Gregory XIII, 
512 ; determines to root out 
Protestantism, 512; extolled by 
Sixtus V, 514 ; his death, ii. 180 

Charles, duke of Sudermania, son 
of Gustavus Vasa, i. 477 ; made 
Governor of Sweden during the 
absence of Sigismund, ii. 160, 
161 ; his position at the head of 
the Protestant party, 162, 165 ; 
defeats Sigismund, 168, 169 ; ancl 
assumes the royal title, 169 ; his 
unpopularity, iii. 170 

Charles X Gustavus, nominated as 
successor to the throne of Sweden, 
ii. 389 ; his enterprises make an 
impression at Rome, iii. 338 

Charles Albert, king of Sardinia, 
advances into Lombardy, ii. 525 ; 
supported by the papal general, 

Charles Emanuel, duke of Savoy, 
his efforts to regain Geneva, i. 
535 ; takes possession of Saluzzo, 
547 ; attacked by Henry IV, ii. 
105 ; retains Saluzzo, 105 ; dis- 
putes with Paul V, 120, 121 ; 
incited by Gregory XV to attack 
Geneva, iii. 237, 238 ; claims the 
right of nomination to bishoprics, 
252 ; advances on Montferrat, ii. 
285 ; opposes Louis XIII, but is 
beaten back, 295, 299 

Charme de (Due de Chaulnes), his 
report on Rome (1669), iii. 360 

Chastel, Jean, attempts to assassinate 
Henry IV, ii. 59 

Chiltillon, receives the baton of 
marshal on deserting the Pro- 
testant faith, ii. 238 



Chieregato, papal nuncio, his In- 
struction from Adrian VI, i. 74 ; 
his reports used by Sarpi, 7s ^u 
iii. 56, 78 

Chigi family, their register of offices 
in 1471, i. 320 ; memorandum- 
book of Sixtus V in their posses- 
sion, 368 ; their enrichment, ii. 

• 366; their arrogance in the disputes 
with France, iii. 352, 353 

Chigi, Agostino, treasurer of Juhus 
II, i. 377 

Chigi,Agostino, nephew of Alexander 
VII, enriched and married, ii. 366 

Cingi, Fabio, papal legate at the 
congress of the Peace of West- 
phalia, ii. 316; influences Innocent 
X against the Jansenists, 445, 
446 ; elected pope, 365. See 
Alexander VII 

Chigi, Flavio, nephew of Alexander 
VII, made cardinal padrone, ii, 
366, 367, 370 ; his power, iii. 358, 
365 ; allied with the Altieri, 365 ; 
is neglected, 372, 376 

Chigi, Mario, brother of Alexander 
VII, obtains lucrative appoint- 
ments, ii. 366, 417 ; affi-onts the 
French ambassador, iii. 353, 354 

China, Jesuits in, ii. 254, 255 

Choiseul, French minister, ii. 486 

Christ, his life and teaching, i. 4, 5 ; 
effects of the Italian book "On 
the benefits bestowed by Christ," 
i. no/. 

Christianity, its birth and growth, 
i, 5 ; its relation to the ancient 
religions, 6/ ; rise of the cleric-il 
body, 9 ; how affected by the fall 
of the Roman Empire, 11 ; diffu- 
sion in the West, 12, 13, 26 ; the 
papal power and nepotism op- 
posed to its spirit, 40, 41 ; its 
principles despised in Rome, 58 ; 
restored to a purer form in 
Germany, loi ; final separation 
of its three forms in the West, 
187 ; altered conditions in its 
personal and national adoption, 
ii. 320, 321 

Christian IV, king of Denmark, 
takes the field in aid of the elector 
palatine, ii. 265, 266 ; loses the 
battle of Lutter, 270 ; compelled 
to make peace, 301 

Christian of Anhalt, Ui'ges the Elec- 
tor Frederick to accept the crown 
of Bohemia, ii. 216 

Christina, queen of Sweden, account 
of, ii. 387 J'. ; her devotion to 
public affairs, 388 ; nominates 
the count palatine Charles Gus- 
tavus her successor, 389 ; her 
passion for literature and study, 
390 ; her intercourse with famous 
scholars, 390, 391, 395 ; her per- 
sonal characteristics and disposi- 
tion, 391 /. ; her aversion to 
marriage, 392 ; her religious views 
and doubts, 394/, iii. 342, 345, 
346; inclines to Catholicism, ii. 397; 
her intercourse with Jesuits, 398, 
iii. 2>\1 ff- ; hsr abdication, ii. 400, 
402 ; leaves Sweden and becomes 
Catholic, 403 ; her travels, 403 ; 
her life in Rome, collections, in- 
fluence on Italian literature, etc., 
405 ff. ; her relations with Alex- 
ander VII, iii. 342, 343 ; with 
Innocent XI, ii. 466 n. ; with the 
Squadronisti, 407, iii. 366 

Christofano da Fiume, commissioner 
of customs in Ferrara, ii. 65 

Chrodegang, rale of, i. 135 

Chrysostom, on idolatry, i. 7; 
esteemed by the Jansenists, ii. 439 

Chur, ii. 198, 298 

Church, States of the, founded, i. 
15 ; extended, 34 ff., 42 ; parties 
in, 38, 42, 309; set the example 
for the Inquisition, 168 ; ecclesi- 
astical regulations of Pius V, 286 ; 
importance of, to the Church, 301, 
329, 431 ; description of the terri- 
tory, 302 ff. ; principles of their 
administration, 305 ff., iii. 93; 
relations of the barons and 
peasants, i. 310, 311, iii. 205, 206 ; 
insubordination of the towns, i. 
314; finances, 319/., 368/".; value 
of revenue, 327, 330, 340 n., 370, 
372, ii. 331 ; burden of the taxes, 
i. 332, ii. 3^2 ; confiscations of 
Gregory XIII, 340/., iii. 138; 
rise of banditti, i. 344 ; extirpated 
by Sixtus V, 357 jf. ; his adminis- 
tration, oj6off.\ miraculous ap- 
pearances, 404 ; administration of 
Clement VIII, ii. 106, 107; forti- 
fications built by Urban VIII> 



289 ; lapse of Urbino, 325 f. ; 
increase of debt, 331^ ; revenues 
and debt from 1587 onwards, 331 
ff., 352, 461 ; in 1675, iii. 373 ; in 
1691, 386; the finance in the 
hands of commercial houses, ii. 
412 ; administration of communal 
property subjected to the Curia, 
413, iii. 355 ; the Annona, ii. 413, 
414 ; punishments remitted for 
money, iii. 332 ; the administration 
of justice corrupt, ii. 417 ; their 
decay, 415/"., iii. 353. 354 /•. 
386, 424 ; decline in population, 
375, 399 ; the government corrupt, 
415 ; plans for commercial and 
industrial improvements, 369, 408, 
^\x ff. \ preserved in peace by 
Spain, ii. 471 ; hostilities intro- 
duced by the Bourbons, 476 ; 
assumed by Napoleon as a gift 
from Charlemagne to the pope, 
509; united with the French 
empire, 510 ; restored to the pope 
by the non-Catholic powers, 513, 
514 ; anti-clerical movements, 
517 ; disturbances in 1830, 523 ; 
constitution of Pius IX, 524 ; the 
Roman Republic, 529, 530 ; revolt 
after the evacuation by the 
Austrians, 539 ; the revolted pro- 
vinces join Piedmont, 540, 541 ; 
firmness of the pope with regard 
to his rights, 542, 543 ; protected 
by the French, 548, 563 ; destruc- 
tion of the papal slates by the 
Italians, 570 

Chytraeus, dedicates his work on 
the Confession of Augsburg to 
the king of Sweden, i. 476 

Cicarella, historian, iii. 162 

Cicero, saying of, on religious 
opinions, ii. 396, iii. 342 

Cirillo, chamberlain under Pius V, 
iii. 104 

Cirocchi, Pier Maria, fiscal-general, 
iii. 313 

Cistercians, order of, i. 526 

Civit^ Vecchia, adherents of Charles 
V seize ships in the harbour, i. 
225 ; made a free port by Urban 
VIII, ii. 290; occupied by the 
French, 548, 563 

Clarip, Isidore, his warnings against 
schism, i. 114, 115 

Clausenbufg, seminary at, i. 482 ; 
the church taken from the Protes- 
tants, ii. 183 

Clavius, active in the reform of the 
calendar, i. 338 ; at the Roman 
court, 402, 405 

Clement VII (Giulio de' Medici), his 
election, i. 'jj; iii. 26 ; his cha- 
racter, i, 'jj, 78, iii. 3^, 38, 42 ; 
his advisers, 35, 43 ; his intimate 
connection with the Spaniards, 
i. 79 ; goes to war with Spain, 81, 

82 ; besieged in his capital, 85 ; 
again joins the imperialists, 86 ; 
endeavours to avoid a council, 90 ; 
fillies himself with the king of 
France, 93 ff., iii. 45, 73 ; his 
relations with the German Protes- 
tants, i. 94 ; effects of his policy, 
96, iii. 36 , his connection witJi 
Henry VIII, i. 97^., 98 n. ; abridges 
the liberties of Ancona, 315, 316 ; 
his financial measures, 325 ; his 
Instruction to Cardinal Farnese, 
i. 79, iii. 29 ; his relations with 
the emperor, 36, 37, 40 ; his death 
and position in history, i. 100 

Clement VIII (Ippolito Aldobran- 
dini), his election, ii, 44 ; his 
family and early life, 45, 46 ; his 
activity and disposition, 47, 48, 
113, iii. 174, T-jg ff. ; his attitude 
to the prince of Transylvania, 
178 ; his position with regard to 
Henry IV and the League, ii. 49, 

83 ; refuses to receive Cardinal 
Gondi, 50 ; his conciliatory policy, 
52 ; distrustful of Henry IV, 55 ; 
his reception of the duke of 
Nevers, 56 ; inclined to reconcilia- 
tion, 60 ; his conditions agreed 
to, 61 ; grants absolution, 63 ; 
inflexibility with regard to the 
re-investiture of Ferrara, 73, 74 ; 
excommunicates Duke Cesare 
d'Este, 78 ; takes possession of 
Ferrara, 80 ; his government of 
it, 81, 82 ; measures with regard 
to the Jesuits, 84, 91, 93, 99, 102 ; 
his political position, 104^. ; his 
efforts against the Turks, 106, 
iii. 180 ; his administration of the 
state, ii. 106, 107 ; his advice to 
the king of Poland, 154 ; his In- 
struction to Powsinsky, 158, iii. 



170 ; sends Comuleo to Moscow, 
ii. 170 ; confirms Ferdinand II in 
his resolves, 181 ; indignant at the 
edict of Nantes, 201 ; makes ad- 
vances to James I, 243 ; power of 
his nephews, 107 jf., 337, iii. 175, 
176 ; his buildings, ii. 379 ; fixes 
the price of corn-, 413 ; his death, 
ii. 112 ; effect of his pohcy, 113 ; 
his " Life," iii. 169 

Clement IX (Giulio Rospigliosi), his 
election and character, ii. 369, 
iii. 358 ; refuses undue favours to 
his nephews, ii. 369, iii. 360, 361, 
364 ; confirms existing appoint- 
ments, 370 ; his liberality towards 
the members of the Curia, 371 ; 
makes new loans, 411 ; condemns 
the Jansenist propositions gene- 
rally, 448 

Clement X (Emilio Altieri), favours 
the Spaniards, ii. 460 ; his gentle 
disposition, iii. 365 ; his early life, 
367 ; traits of character, 370 ff. ; 
his ijuildings, 368, 369 ; his rela- 
tions with foreign courts, 376, 377 

Clement XI (Giovanni Francesco 
Albani),his election and character, 
ii. 472, iii. 394, 395, 402 ; his 
government and entourage, 395, 

396, 403 ; his conscientiousness, 
especially in appointing bishops, 

397, 398 ; his zeal in all jurisdic- 
tional matters, 398 ; his position 
with regard to the Spanish succes- 
sion, ii. 472, iii. 396, 400, 40 r ; the 
Imperialists threaten his capital, 
ii. 473 ; obliged to accept terms of 
peace, 473, 474 ; opposition to his 
authority, 476 ; prohibits the im- 
portation of foreign cloth, iii. 413 ; 
amount of his alms, 405 

Clement XII (Lorenzo Corsini), 
compelled to grant the investiture 
of Naples and Sicily to the 
Spanish Infant, ii. 475 ; permits 
the importation of foreign cloth, 
iii. 413 ; his character, 415 ; his 
relations with foreign courts, 
416 jf. 

Clement XIII (Carlo Rezzonico), 
his election and character, ii. 488 ; 
upholds the Jesuits, 488, and 
refuses to change their constitu- 
tion, 491 ; his monitorium to the 

duke of Parma, 493 ; his death, 

Clement XIV (Lorenzo GanganelliJ, 

his election, ii. 495 ; his policy 

and disposition, 495, 496 ; sup- 
presses the Jesuits, 497 
Clement, Jacques, assassinates 

Henry III, i. 545 ; eulogized by 

Mariana, ii. 10 
Clergy, civil constitution of the, in 

France, ii. 502 ; rejected by Pius 

VI, 504 
Cleves, Johann Wilhelm, prince of, 

attitude of Sixtus V to him, i. 504 
Cleves, Wilhelm, duke of, his 

relations with Protestantism, i. 

421 ; and with his son Johann 

Wilhelm, 504 
Cloth manufacture in the papal 

states, iii. 408, 409, 413 
Clovis, miracles contributing to his 

conversion, i. 12 
Cluny, abbots of, i. 23 ; monastic 

rule of, 135 
Coesfeld, Jesuit college founded at, 

ii- 233 
Coeuvres, Marquis de, in the Grisons, 

iii. 271, 272 
Coinage, under Julius II, iii. 14 ; 

debased by Sixtus V, i. 373 ; in 

the early i8th century, iii. 414 
Collegium Germanicum in Rome, 

i. 182, 291, 337, 450, 515, 519 
Collegium Helveticum, at Milan, i. 

291, 484, ii. 198 
Collegium Romanum, i. 182, 337, 

482, ii. 383, 430 
Colleine, Cola, his diary, iii, 20 
Colloredo, Cardinal, proposal to 

elect him pope, iii. 394 
Colocsa, archbishop of, ii. 183 
Cologne, peace congress at (1636), 

ii- 315 
Cologne, the Protestants of, i. 421, 
423 ; the Jesuits in, 433, 437 ; 
Protestant tendencies of the arch- 
bishop, 468, 469 ; restoration of 
Catholicism, 500, 501, 517, ii. 5 , 
society for the conversion of 
Protestants, iii. 264 ; condition of 
the university, 279 ; description 
of the life of the people, 280 ; 
state of the city after the battle of 
Leipzig, 281 ; Innocent XI resists 
the appointment of the candidate 



of Louis XIV as archbishop, ii. 

Colonna family, persecuted under 
Sixtus IV, i. 37 ; return to Rome, 
42 ; favour the Hberal rehgious 
movement, 112; declared rebels 
by Paul IV, 228 ; march on Rome, 
234 ; take part in the tumnlts on 
the death of Paul IV, 243 ; 
favoured I y Sixtus V, 363 ; their 
position, ii. 372, 373 ; their dis- 
putes with the Orsini, i. 233, ii. 
374 ; and with the Gaetani, iii. 
295 ; their revenues, 206 

Colonna, Anna, wife of Taddeo 
Barberini, ii. 356, iii. 320 

Colonna, Ascanio, allied with Peru- 
gia against Paul III, i. 318 

Colonna, Ascanio, Cardinal, opposes 
the destruction of antiquities under 
Sixtus V, i. 381 ; opposes the elec- 
tion of Sanseverina, ii. 43, iii. 167 

Colonna, Filippo, his financial 
affairs, ii. 373 ; his sons, 373 n. 

Colonna, Girolamo, proniaggior- 
duomo under Benedict XIV, iii. 

Colonna, Marc Antonio, victorious 
over Giulio Orsini, i. 233 ; marches 
against Rome, 234 ; gains a great 
reputation, 235 

Colonna, Marc Antonio, nephew of 
the foregoing, marries a grand- 
niece of Sixtus V, i. 363 

Colonna, Vespasiano, duke of 
Palliano, i. 112 

Colonna, Vittoria, her piety and 
accomplishments, i, 112 

Colonna, the prothonotary, executed 
by Sixtus IV, i. 37 

Commandin, investigates the theory 
of gravitation, i. 387 

Commendone, on the changes sub- 
sequent to the election of a new 
pope, i. 406, 407 n. ; on the power 
of Protestantism in Germany, 
421; extolled, iii. 107; his report 
(1563), 70, loi ; his description of 
the Roman court, in 

Commolet, Father, and the conver- 
sion of Henry IV, ii, 100 

Communion in both kinds, a con- 
dition of religious peace in Ger- 
many, i. 125 ; demanded at the 
Council of Trent, 260, 261, iii. 98 ; 

in the territories of Salzburg, i. 420 ; 
grant of, in Bavaria, not made 
known by Duke Albert, 443 ; 
administered in Eicbsfeld, 451 ; 
in Sweden 475, 477 ; forbidden in 
Bamberg and Paderborn, ii. 179 ; 
and in Bohemia, 227 

Conio, Cardinal. See Gallio. 

Como, bishop of, forbidden to exer- 
cise his office in the Valtelline, 
ii. 198 

Compositions, ecclesiastical, at 
Rome, i. 117, 119, 125, 285, 331 

Comuleo, sent to Moscow by Cle- 
ment VIII, ii. 170 

Conclaves, question of their reform, 
i. 259, 264, 267, 272, 273 ; usual 
result of conclaves in the i6th 
century, ii. 35 ; variation of this 
result, 44, 288 ; account of manu- 
script " Conclaves," iii. \6off. 

Concordats, papal, with Francis I 
of France, i. 30 ; with Germany, 
32 ; with Spain, ii. 477, 478 ; with 
Napoleon, 506, 507, 508 

Cond^, Henri I, prince of, excom- 
municated by Sixtus V, i. 529 

Condd, Henri II, prince of, educated 
in the Catholic faith, ii. 61 

Cond^, I.ouis, prince of, leader of 
the Huguenots, i. 459 

Cond^, Louis, prince of, on the 
submission of the clergy to Louis 
XIV, ii. 463 

Congregations of Cardinals, number 
of, increased by Sixtus V, i. 365 ; 
and by Urban VIII, ii. 367, 449. 
See also Cardinals 

Conrad II, emperor, extent of his 
conquests, i. 18 

Consalvi, Cardinal, his administra- 
tion of the papal states, ii. 523 

Consalvus, his account of Loyola, 
iii. 219 

Constance, bishop of, joins in the 
formation of the League, ii. 192 ; 
presses his claims againt Wiirtem- 
berg, 272 

Constance, Council of, i. 28, 260, 

Constantinople, iconoclastic con- 
troversy of, i. II ; emperor of, 
seeks the pope's life, 11 ; patriarchs 
of, 17 ; Jesuit mission established 
in, ii. 259 




Consulta, origin of the, i. 255 ; not 
formed by Urban VIII, ii, 291 ; 
partly composed of laymen under 
Pius IX, 524, 530 

Contarelli, datary under Gregory 
XIII, i. 334 

Contarini, Aluise (sonof Tommaso), 
bis report (1635), ii. 310, iii. 282 

Contarini, Aluise (son of Niccolo), 
his report on Innocent X (1648), 
iii. 328 

Contarini, Domenico, his report 
(1696), ii. 468 «., 469 n., iii. 389 

Contarini, Gaspar, member of the 
Oratory of Divine Love, i. 107, 
108, 109 ; his views on justifica- 
tion, 109, 158/; ; made cardinal, 
116, 123 ; opposes the abuses of 
the Curia, 117, 118 ; his early life 
and character, 121 ff.\ papal 
legate at Ratisbon, 121, r24 /". ; 
Instruction to him (1541), 126, 
"'• 59^- > 77 y ^7 ; his conciliatory 
proposals rejected at Rome, i. 

133 . . 

Contarini, Giulio, bishop of Belluno, 
on justification, i. 158 

Contarini, Marco Antonio, his re- 
port on the court of Paul III, i. 
190 n. 

Contarini, Niccolo, schoolfellow of 
Paolo Sarpi, ii. 127 ; his influence 
at Venice, 18 ; on Duke Cesare 
d'Este, 79 

Contarini, Pietro, his report on 
Urban VIII (1627). iii. 266 

Conte, Natale, his work on mytho- 
logy, i. 387 

Contellorious, Felix, his historical 
extracts, iii. 21 

Conti, the, pride themselves on the 
popes of their family, ii. 372 ; 
their disputes as to precedence 
with the Orsini and Colonna, 374 

Conti, Michel Angelo. See Inno- 
cent XIII 

Conti, Torquato, general of the 
imperial army against Gustavus 
Adolphus, ii. 308 

Contrario, Ercole, put to death by 
the duke of Ferrara, ii. 70 

Coralta, carries the bull of excom- 
munication into Ferrara, ii. 79 

Cordara, Julius, historian of the 
Jesuit order, iii. 218 

Cordoba, Don Gonsalez de, governor 
of Milan, ii. 285 

Corner, Andrea, his report (1724), 
iii. 405 

Corniglia, Monsignor, i. 334 

Corona, Tobia, his Instruct'ion from 
Gregory XV (1622), iii. 236 ; result 
of his mission, 250, 251 

Corradini, auditor of the pope, iii. 

Corrado, of Ferrara, Cardinal, 
minister of Alexander VII, ii. 368 

Corraro, Anzolo, his report on the 
papal court {1660), iii. 349 

Correggio, paintings by, in the 
collection of Queen Christina, ii. 

Correr, Zuanne, his despatches, iii. 
152 . 

Corsini, cardinal -nephew under 
Clement XII, iii. 415, 416 

Cortesi, Gregorio, abbot of S. 
Giorgio, Venice, i. 108 

Cortesius, Paul, his work on scholas- 
tic' philosophy, i. 387 

Cossacks, assist in impeding Catholic 
designs in the north of Europe, 
ii. 177 ; Ferdinand II proposes to 
send them against France, ii. 300 

Cotton, Jesuit, confessor to Henry 
IV, ii. loi 

Councils, the ideal of, according to 
Augustine, i. 263 ; Sarpi's views 
on, ii. 129 ; question of their 
superiority over the pope, 463, 
556 ff. , 564 ; their decisions in 
matters of doctrine depend on 
moral unanimity, 561 ; relation of 
the temporal powers to councils, 

550. 552, 554 

Courtray taken by Alexander Far- 
nese, i. 493 ; re-entered by the 
Jesuits, 497 

Cracow, Jesuit college at, ii. 152 ; 
bishop of, intimate with Bolog- 
netto, 153 ; evangelical church 
stormed, 176 

Crell, chancellor, his intrigues, ii. 32 

Cr^quy, French ambassador in 
Rome, insulted, ii. 452, iii. 353, 359 

Crimean war, participation of Sar- 
dinia in, ii. 539 

Croatia, predicted effect of the de- 
cree of Infallibility on the Catholics 
in, ii. 565 



Cruciata, the King of Portugal ob- 
tains one-third from Leo X, i. 32 

Crusades, the, i. 25, 26 ; ineffectual 
attempts to preach one in the 
•15th century, 29 

Cueva, Cardinal, his relations with 
the future Innocent XI, iii. 379 

Culm, Waiwode of, on the claims 
of the Catholic clergy to Church 
buildings in Poland, ii. 156 «. 

Curia, the, becomes secularized, i. 
45^- . 58 ; Adrian VI proix)ses to 
reduce the revenues, 75 ; abuses 
opposed by G. Contarini, 117^. ; 
enjoined to keep fasts by Paul IV, 
241 ; character of its rule over the 
municipalities in the papal states, 
306^., 314 ; finances, 319^. ; re- 
form proposed at the Council of 
Trent, 259, 264 ; preserved in the 
same form as heretofore, 273 ; re- 
formed by Pius IV, 284, 285 ; 
change in spirit and character, 
399 ff^' ; spiritual and worldly 
elements in the lives of its mem- 
bers, 410, 411, iii. Tii.; indepen- 
dent of foreign influence after 
the middle of the i6th century, 
ii. 35 ; opposed to the absolution 
of Henry IV, 55, 57, 60 ; endea- 
vours to maintain its claims in 
Italy, 119; amazed at the be- 
haviour of Urban VIII, 311 ; 
disapproves of the peace of 
Westphalia, 316 ; ceremonial, 
374 ; nepotism, 376, 423, 458 ; 
growth of the population of Rome 
dependent on the wealth of the 
court, 378, 379 ; Queen Christina 
takes part in its intrigues, 405, 
407, iii. 366 ; intellectual life, ii. 
408 ; governed by flattery, iii. 
375 ; commercial tendencies, ii. 
412 ; profits from Spanish and 
Italian benefices, 419 ; pensions, 
419, 420 ; further abuses, iii. 313, 
361, 378 ; disputes with other 
Catholic states, ii. 450 ff. ; in- 
vaded by the love of enjoyment, 
458 ; decline of its influence, 459 ; 
its rights restricted under Bene- 
dict XIV, 478, 479 ; divided into 
two parties, 495 ; obtains direct 
influence over the clergy of 
Nfiples, 516 ; concludes treaties 

with Protestant governments, 
518 ; interference in Prussia, 520 ; 
closely connected with the Aus- 
trian episcopacy, 533 ; defied by 
Piedmont, 538 

Curione, Celio Secundo, escapes 
from the Inquisition, i. 165 

Customs (dogana) of Rome, the, i. 
322, 323; revenues, 331, ii. 334, 
iii. 116 ; creditors to receive a 
share in their direction, i. 325 ; 
new bonds secured on them, ii. 
333 ; not to be farmed out in 
future, iii. 411 

Cyprus, attacked by the Turks, i. 


Damiata, archbishop of. Instruc- 
tion for his nunciature in France 
(1624), iii. 248 

Dandolo, Matteo, his report on 
Rome (1551), i. 192 «., 328, iii. 87 

Danzig, ii. 153, 156, iii. 156 

Darboy, archbishop of Paris, op- 
poses the declaration of Infalli- 
bility, ii. 565 

Daru, Count, French foreign 
minister, protests against the 
papal claims of the Vatican 
Council, ii. 558 ; the Roman 
government attempts to refute 
his objections, 560 ; his resigna- 
tion, 563 n, 

Dataria, papal, permits payment 
for favours, i. 46 ; sources of in- 
come, 331, ii. 419 ; ofiice of 
treasurer created, i. 371 ; families 
rise to eminence through employ- 
ment in its affairs, ii. 376 ; 
liberality of Urban VIII in its 
transactions, iii. 308 ; proceeds 
seized by Clement IX, ii. 411 ; 
maxim introduced by Panciatichi, 
iii. 397 ; its income daily decreas- 
ing, 403, 404 

David, Jean, of Courtray, joins the 
Jesuits, i. 497 

Delfino, nuncio, iii. 57 ; his report 
on the peace of Augsburg, usod 
by Pallavicini, 69 

Delfino, Gioan, on the expenditure 
of the papal treasury under Sixtus 



V, i. 370 ; on Clement VIII's 
citadel in Ferrara, ii. 82 ; his 
report (1600), iii. 176 

Demetrius, the false, ii. 170 

Denmark, Protestantism in, i. 97, 
417 ; king of, see Christian IV 

Deone, his Diario (1640-1650), iii. 

Dsrnbach, Balthazar von, abbot of 
Fulda, calls in the Jesuits, i. 451, 
452 ; his fate, 470 

Descartes, his visits to Queen Chris- 
tina, ii. 391 

Desmond, earl of, heads Irish in- 
surrection, i. 480 _ 

Dietrichstein, Cardinal, iii. 195 ; 
converts Moravia to Catholicism, 
ii. 228; in favour of liberty of 
conscience in the empire, 313, 314 

Digby, Lord, English ambassador 
in Spain, ii. 246 

Dillingen, university founded, i. 
423 ; and intrusted to the Jesuits, 
436, 437; the " professio fidei " 
Subscribed, 448 

Diotallevi, bishop of S. Andelo, 
sent by Paul V to Poland (1614), 
iii, 201 

Dispensations, i. 45, 117, 285 

Domenichino, his paintings, i. 395 

Dominicans, their Inquisition, i. 
162 ; their rule concerning the 
authority of the priors, 174 n. ; 
their convent in Rome threatened 
with burning, 243 ; their contro- 
versy with the Jesuits, ii. 94, 97, 
102, 103, 140, 434 ; reformed in 
France, 203 ; in Bohemia, 226 ; 
their views on Infallibility, 566 

Dominic, St., his self-denial emu- 
lated by Loyola, i. 142 ; feast in 
his honour instituted by Paul IV, 

Dominis, archbishop of Spalatro, 
publishes Sarpi's work on the 
Council of Trent, iii. 47 

Donato, Leonardo, doge of Venice, 
ii. 18, 123 ; Venetian ambassador 
in Rome, 25, 26 ; his proclama- 
tion to the clergy, 132 ; his des- 
patches from Rome (1581-83, 
1589), iii. 152 

Donauwerth, Protestants in, i. 423; 
occupied by Maximilian of Bava- 
ria, ii. 185 

Doni family, ii. 376 

Doria, house of, in Genoa, leaders 
of the Ghibellines, i. 203 

Dort, synod of. Huguenots for- 
bidden to adopt its decrees, ii. 239 

Douay, college for English Catholics 
at, i. 480, 486 ; university estab- 
lished by Philip II, 486 ; the Jesuits 
temporarily expelled, 488 

Drachter, Joh., dean of Dulmen, his 
letter on the progress of the 
counter-reformation, ii. 233 n. 

Drake, Sir Francis, i. 540 

Dubois, his nomination as cardinal 
causes scruples to Innocent XIII, 
iii. 407 

Duelling, views of the Jesuits on, ii. 

Dunkirk, taken by the Spaniards, i. 


Dutch. See Netherlands 

Duvergier de Hauranne, Jean, after- 
wards called St. Cyran, friend of 
Jansen, ii. 435 ; his views and in- 
fluence in Paris, 437, 438 ; im- 
prisoned, 438 ; his disciples, 439 ; 
his death, 439 ; upholds the 
divine right of bishops, 440 

Echter, Julius, bishop of Wiirz- 
burg, i. 470, 505 ; his active zeal 
for Catholicism, $06 ff., ii. 212; 
takes part in the formation of the 
League, 192 ; exhorts the em- 
peror, 226 

Echter, Peter, advocates the admis- 
sion of the Jesuits to Mainz, i. 435 

Eck, Dr.,. German Catholic theo- 
logian, i. 128, 132 

Eckenberg, the nuncio Caraffa re- 
commended to him, iii. 228, 276 

Education, in France, the clergy in 
competition with the state, ii. 
522 ; in Austria, controlled by 
the clergy, 533 ; in Piedmont, 
withdrawn from episcopal super- 
vision, 538. See also ]esni\.s 

Edward III, of England, refuses 
tribute to Rome, i. 28 

Edward VI, of Englan