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HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES. 

VOL  V. 


PASTOR'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES. 


TEN  VOLUMES  OF  THE  ENGLISH  EDITION 
NOW  COMPLETED. 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES.  Translated  from 
the  German  of  Dr.  Luuwig  Pastor,  and  edited  by  the  Rev. 
Frederick  Ignatius  Anirobus  of  the  London  Oratory. 

Vols.  I.  and  II.  a.d.    1305-1458,   Demy  8vo.    1899  (3rd  ed.) 

Vols.   III.  and  IV.  a.p.    1458-1483.  ,,  1894. 

Vols.  V.  and  VI,  a.d.   1484-1513.  ,,  1898. 

Vols.  VII.  and  VIII.  a.d.  1514-1521.  ,, 

Vols.  IX.  and  X.  a.d.   1522-1534.  „ 

24s.  net  per  2  vols. 


LONDON : 
KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH,  TRUBNER,  &  CO.,  LIMITED. 


THE 

HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES, 

FROM   THE   CLOSE   OF   THE   MIDDLE   AGES. 

DRAWN     FROM    THE     SECRET     ARCHIVES     OF     THE    VATICAN     AND    OTHER 
ORIGINAL    SOURCES. 


FROM    THE    GERMAN    OF 

De.  ludwig  pastor, 

PROFESSOR     OF     HISTORY     IN     THE    UNIVERSITY     OF     INNSBRUCK. 

EDITED    BY 

FREDERICK    IGNATIUS    ANTROBUS 

OF   THE    ORATORY. 


VOLUME    V. 

THIRD    EDITION. 

LONDON: 

KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH,  TRUBNER,  &  CO.,  Ld. 

PATERNOSTER  HOUSE,  CHARING  CROSS  ROAD. 

I  91  I. 

-EX  LiBiUS 


-EX  l\?M 
ST.   BASIL'S  vS^^ 


^ 


JAN  2  5  1S43 

\  r  -J-«5 


Petri  diguitas  etiam  in  indigno  herede  non  deficit.'' 

—Leo  1. 


CONTENTS   OF   VOL.   V. 


PAGE 

Preface       .........  vii 

List  of  complete  Titles  of  Books  frequently  quoted  in 

Vols.  V.  and  VI xi 

Table  of  Contents       .......  xlvii 

List  of  Unpublished  Documents  in  Appendix      .         .  Ixix 

Introduction       ........  3-226 

BOOK  L     Innocent  VIIL,   1484-1492. 

Election  of  Innocent  VIII.  .....  227-248 

Quarrels  between  the  Pope  and  Ferrante  of  Naples      .  249-270 
Troubles  in  the  Romagna.     Disputes  and  final  Recon- 
ciliation between  Rome  and  Naples      .         .         .  271-287 
The  Eastern  Question.     The  Turkish  Prince  Dschem. 

Death  of  Innocent  VIII 288-321 

The  late  Pope  as  Patron  of  Art  and  Scholarship  .         .  322-333 
Defence  of  the  Liberties  and  Doctrines  of  the  Church  ; 

its  Moral  Condition     ......  334-372 

BOOK  11.     Alexander  VI.,  1492-1497. 

Election  of  Alexander  VI.  ......     375-419 

Death  of  Ferrante  of  Naples.     Alliance  between  Alfon  so 

II.  of  Naples  and  the  Pope.     Invasion  of  Italy  by 

Charles  VIII.      .......     420-433 

Dismay  and  Helplessness  of  Alexander  VI.  .         .     434-449 

Charles  VIII.  in   Rome  and   Naples.     Flight  of  the 

Pope.         ........     450-481 

Expulsion  of  the  French  from   Naples.     The  Pope's 

Schemes  of  Reform     ......     482-523 

Appendix  of  Unpublished  Documents  .         .         ,     527-563 

Index  of  Names  ......     565-576 


^j.  5 

PREFACE. 


According  to  my  original  plan  the  present  Volume*  should  have 
extended  to  the  close  of  the  Lateran  Council  in  1 5 1 7,  but  the 
amount  of  matter  to  be  dealt  with  has  proved  so  large  that,  in 
order  to  keep  it  within  reasonable  dimensions,  I  have  been 
obliged  to  break  off  at  the  death  of  Julius  IL  in  15 13.  A 
cursory  treatment  of  two  such  marked^  Pontificates  as  those  of 
Alexander  VI.  and  Julius  II.  could  not  be  satisfactory ;  and 
the  wide  divergencies  of  opinion  in  regard  to  their  characters,  as 
well  as  the  extent  and  variety  of  the  now  available  documents 
relating  to  them,  make  it  necessary  to  enter  into  details  as  much  as 
possible.  Many  of  these  documents,  especially  those  in  the  Con- 
sistorial  Archives,  and  the  Bulls  and  Briefs  of  Alexander  VI. 
in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  have  hitherto  been  inac- 
cessible to  modern  historians.  For  the  last  three  hundred  years 
no  one  has  been  allowed  to  see  the  Regesta  of  the  latter  Pope. 
In  the  spring  of  1888,  through  the  kind,  good  offices  of  the  late 
lamented  Cardinal  Hergenrother,  I  obtained  the  necessary 
special  permission  from  his  Holiness  Leo  XIII.  to  examine  these 
documents,  with  full  liberty  to  make  use  of  them  ;  for  which 
I  again  tender  my  devoted  thanks  to  the  noble  Pontiff  who 
has  opened  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican  to  historical 
research. 

The  Ambassadorial  Reports  in  the  Italian  Archives,  especially 
those  in  Mantua,   Modena,  and  Milan,  afford  extremely  valuable 

*  The  above-mentioned  volume  (Vol.   III.  of  the  original  German)  forms 
Vols.  V.  and  VI.  of  the  English  Translation.  — F.  I.  A. 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

supplementary  matter.  Of  course  they  have  been  used  by 
Gregorovius  and  Balan,  but  by  no  means  exhaustively.  Thus,  I 
found  a  document  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives  in  Mantua,  which 
makes  it  impossible  to  represent  Lucrezia  Borgia's  conduct  as 
absolutely  blameless. 

The  papers  preserved  in  the  Milanese  Archives  which,  besides 
the  Despatches  of  the  ducal  Envoy,  contain  the  whole  of  the 
correspondence  (partly  in  cypher)  between  Cardinal  Ascanio 
Sforza,  who  was  completely  in  the  confidence  of  the  Borgia 
family,  and  his  Brother,  Duke  Lodovico  Moro,  are  extremely 
important.  Gregorovius  purposely  ignored  this  collection,  in  spite 
of  its  great  value  for  the  history  of  the  Borgia,  on  account  of  its 
unarranged  condition.  Writing  in  the  Allg.  Zeifung  {i?>']6)^  No. 
76,  Supplement,  he  says  :  "  I  found  it  impossible  to  pick  out  the 
Despatches  of  the  Milanese  Orators,  which  no  doubt  contain 
many  valuable  bits  of  information,  from  the  mass  of  unclassified 
bundles  of  papers  in  which  they  are  at  present  buried."  I  found 
myself  amply  rewarded  for  the  labour  of  hunting  through  these 
documents  by  the  treasures  which  I  found  in  them. 

Thus,  in  the  composition  of  this  work,  three  most  important 
sets  of  Archives  have,  for  the  first  time,  been  thoroughly  investi- 
gated and  used,  together  with  other  Archives  and  collections  of 
MSS.,  and  the  very  extensive  printed  literature  relating  to  the 
subject. 

Though  therefore  it  is  not  impossible  that  some  fresh  docu- 
ments bearing  on  the  history  of  the  Borgia  Pope  may  yet  still 
appear,  it  does  not  seem  probable  that  anything  new  remains,  in 
regard  to  essentials,  to  be  discovered.  In  any  case  the  documents 
produced  and  cited  in  these  Volumes  amply  suffice  to  justify  a 
conclusive  judgment  on  the  main  points.  In  many  matters  of 
detail,  of  course,  the  last  word  has  not  yet  been  spoken,  and  there 
is  plenty  of  room  for  further  investigation.  But  from  henceforth 
it  is  clear  that  the  rehabilitation  of  Alexander  VI.  is  a  hopeless 
task. 

For  the  Pontificates  of  Innocent  VIII.  and  Julius  II.  I 
found  an  equally  rich  mine  of  unprinted  materials.     I  was  more 


PREFACE.  IX 

especially  successful  in  finding  much  interesting  unprinted  matter 
bearing  on  Julius  II. 's  artistic  undertakings,  and  in  particular  on 
the  history  of  the  building  of  S.  Peter's,  and  Bramante's  relations 
with  the  Pope,  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  the  Biblioteca 
Angelica  in  Rome,  and  the  State  Archives  at  Modena.  I  had  the 
advantage  of  being  permitted  to  discuss  the  descriptions  of  the 
immortal  works  executed  for  this  Pope  by  Raphael  and  Michael 
Angelo,  some  of  which  have  not  been  described  before,  with  my 
honoured  friend  the  Prelate  Friedrich  Schneider  completely,  and 
partially  with  Jakob  Burckhardt.  Both  agree  in  endorsing  the 
modern  interpretation  of  Raphael's  frescoes  in  the  Stanza 
d'Eliodoro.  To  both  of  these,  and  to  all  others  who  have  kindly 
helped  me  in  my  work,  which  was  rendered  more  difficult  by 
being  out  of  reach  of  any  large  library,  I  desire  in  this  place  to 
repeat  my  heartfelt  thanks. 

LuDwiG  Pastor. 

15//^  August,  1895c 


COMPLETE  TITLES  OF  BOOKS  QUOTED  IN 
VOLUMES  V.  AND  VI. 


Abschiede^   Die    eidgenossischen ;  Amtliche  Sammlung  I.  et  seq. 

Luzern,  1839. 
d'Achery.     Spicilegium  sive  collectio  vetemm  aliquot  scriptorum 

qui  in  Galliae  bibliothecis  delituerant.     Parisiis,  1723.    3  vol. 
Acta    Tomiciana.      Epistole    Legationes    Responsa  Actiones  res 

gestae  Serenissimi  Principis  Sigismundi  ejus  nominis  primi 

regis  Polonie  magni  ducis  Lithuaiiie,  Russie,  Prussie,  Masovie 

domini.     Vol.  I.  et  II.     Posnaniae,  1852. 
\Acton^    Lord?\       The    Borgias    and    their    latest    Historian,    in 

"The  North  British  Review,"  October  1870-January  187 1. 

New  Series,  XIV.,  351-367.     London,  187 1. 
Ademollo,  A.    Alessandro  VI.,  Giulio  II.  e  Leone  X.  nel  Carnevale 

di  Roma.     Documenti  inediti  (1499- 15 20).     Firenze,  1886. 
Adinolfi,  P.     Laterano  e  Via  maggiore.     Roma,  1857. 

La  Portica  di  S.  Pietro  ossia  Borgo  nell'  eta  di  mezzo 

Nuovo  saggio  topografico  dato  sopra  pubblici  e  privati  docu- 
menti.    Roma,  1859. 

La  Torre  de'  Sanguigni  e  S.  ApoUinare.     Roma,  1863. 

Roma  neir  eta  de  mezzo.     Roma,  1881.     2  vol. 


Aegidius  von  Viterbo.  Die  Lebensbeschreibungen  der  Papste 
im  Zeitalter  Kaiser  Maximilians  I.  [Hist,  viginti  saeculor.] 
herausgeg.  von  Hofler  im  Archiv  fiir  CEsterr.  Geschichts- 
kunde,  XII.,  378  seq.     Wien,  1854. 

dlbhri,  E.  Le  Relazioni  degli  Ambasciatori  Veneti  al  Senate 
durante  il  secolo  decimosesto.     3  Serie.     Firenze,  1839-55. 

Albertini^  Fr.  Opusculum  de  mirabilibus  novae  urbis  Romae. 
Herausgegeben  von  A.  Schmarsow.     Heilbronn,  1886. 

Alfani.     See  "  Memorie  Perugine." 

Allegretto  Allegretti.  Diari  delle  cose  Sanesi  del  suo  tempo, 
in  MuRATORi,  Script.,  XXIII.,  767-860.     Mediolani,  1733. 

Alvisi,  E.  Cesare  Borgia  duca  di  Romagna.  Notizie  e  docu- 
menti.    Imola,  1878. 


Xll  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Amabi/e,  L.     II  Santo  Officio  della  Inquisizione  in  Napoli.     Citta 

di  Castello,  1892. 
Amhrosius^  Fr.     De  rebus  gestis  ac  scriptis  operibus   Baptistae 

Mantuani  cognomento  Hispanioli.     Taurini,  1784. 
Amt'ani,   M.      Memorie   storiche   della    Cittk   di   Fano.       Fano, 

^757. 
d'Ancona^  A.     Origini  del  Teatro  Italiano  con  2  app.  s.  rappresen- 

tazione  drammatica  del  contado  toscano  e  s.  teatro  Manto- 

vano  nel  sec.  xvi.     2  ed.     Torino,  1891.     2  vol. 
Anecdota  litteraria  ex  MSS.  codicibus  eruta.     Romae,  1772-83. 

4  vol. 
Anecdota  Vefteta  nunc  primum  collecta  ac  notis  illustrata  studio 

Fr.    Joannis    Baptistae    Mariae  Contareni,    Ord.    Praedicat. 

Venetiis,  1757. 
Annales  Bono?ite/ists  fratris  Hieronymi  de  Bursellis,  in  Muratori, 

Script.,  XXIIL,  867-916.     Mediolani,  1733. 
Anshehn^  B.,  named  RiJD.      Berner  Chronik.      6   Bde.      Bern, 

1825-33.     (Neue  Ausgabe,  Bern,  1884.) 
Antonius  de     Vercellis.       Sermones    quadragesimales.     Venetiis, 

1492- 

Archivio   della    Societa    Romana  di   Storia  Patria.       Vol,  I.  seq. 

Roma,  1878  seq. 
Archivio  Storico,  Artistico,  Archeologico  e  Letterario  della  citta  e 

provincia  di  Roma  fondato  e  diretto  da  Fabio  Gori.     Roma- 

Spoleto,  1875-83.     4  vol. 
Archivio  Storico  delV  Arte,  pubbl.  per  Gnoli.     Vol.  I.-VI.  Roma, 

1888-93. 
Archivio  Storico  Italiano  ossia  raccolta  di  opere  e  documenti  ine- 

diti   o  divenuti  rarissimi  risguardanti  la  storia  d'ltalia.     5 

Serie.     Firenze,  1842  seq. 
Archivio  Storico  Lombardo,  giornale  della  Societa  storica  Lom- 

barda,    e  bollettino  della  consulta  archeologica  del  museo 

storico-artistjco  di  Milano.     Vol.  I.  seq.     M.ilano,  1874. 
Archivio  Storico  per  le  provincie  Napoletane  pubblicato  a  cura  della 

Societa  di  storia  patria.     Vol.  I.  seq.     Napoli,  1876. 
Archivio  Veneto.     Pubblicazione  periodica.     Vol.  I.  seq.     Napoli, 

1876. 
Aretin,  J.  Ch.  von.     Beitrage  fiir  Geschichte  und  Literatur.     Bd. 

I.  Miinchen,  1803. 
Armand.       Les   medailleurs    Italiens    des   xv.    et    xvi.    siecles. 

Vol.  II.  et  III.     Paris,  1883  et  1887. 
Armellini,  Mariano.     Le  chiese  di  Roma  dalle  loro  origini  sino 

al  secolo  xvi.     Roma,  1887. 
Artaud  von  Mentor.     Geschichte  der  Romischen  Papste,  Deutsch 

von  J.  A.  Booft.     Bd.  IV.     Augsburg,  1854. 
Aschbach,  J.      Allgemeines    Kirchenlexikon    oder   alphabetisch 

geordnete     Darstellung     des    Wissenswiirdigsten     aus    der 


QUOTED   IN    VOLUMES  V.   AND   VI.  xiii 

gesammten  Theologie  und  ihren  Hilfswissenschaften.    4  Bde. 

Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1846-50. 
Atti  e  me?none  della  R.  deputazione  di  storia  patria  per  le  pro- 

vincie  di  Romagna.     Serie  III.     Bologna,  1862  seq. 
Atti  e  memorie  delle  RR.  deputazione  di  storia  patria  per  le  pro- 

vincie  Modenesi  e  Parmensi.     Modena,  1863-76.     8  vol. 
Atti  e  Memorie  delle  RR.  deputazioni  di  storia  patria  per  le  pro- 

vincie  dell'  Emilia.     Tom.  I.  seq.     Modena,  1877. 
Atti  e  Memorie   della   Societa   Storica   Savonese.     Vol.  I.  e  II. 

Savona,  1888-90. 
d'Auton,  Jean.     Chroniques.     Paris,  1834-35.     4  vol. 

Balan,  P.  Gli  Assedii  della  Mirandola  di  papa  Giulio  II.  nel 
151 1  e  di  papa  Giulio  III.  nel  1551  e  1552  narrati  secondo 
i  pill  recenti  documenti.     2  ediz.     Mitandola,  1876. 

Storia  d'ltalia.     Tom.  V.     Modena.  1877. 

Roberto    Boschetti  e   gli  avvenimenti  Italiani  dei  suoi 

tempi  1494-1529.     Modena,  1884.     2  vol. 

Baldi,  B.    Vita  e  fatti  di  Federigo  di  Montefeltro,  duca  di  Urbino. 

Vol.  III.     Roma,  .1824. 
Baluze,  Steph.     Miscellanea,  ed.  Mansi.     Lucae,  1761.     4  vol. 
Bangen,  J.  H.     Die  Romische  Curie,  ihre  gegenwartige  Zusam- 

mensetzung  und  ihr  Geschaftsgang.     Miinster,  1854. 
Barleta,  G.     Sermones  fratris  Gabrielis  Barelete,  Ordinis  Praedi- 

catorum,   quadragesimales  de  Sanctis  noviter  impressi.    Lug- 

duni,  15  IT. 
Barone,  N.     Nuovi  studi   suUa   vita   e   sulle  opere  di  Antonio 

Galateo.     Napoli,  1892. 
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Baschet^  A.     La  Diplomatie  Venitienne.     Paris,  1862. 
Baudrillart.     Histoire  du  Luxe  prive  et  public.     Paris,  1878-80. 

4  vol. 
Baum,  A.     Die   Demarcationslinie   Papst    Alexanders   VI.  und 

ihre  Folgen.     Dissertation.     Koln,  1890. 
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Beissel,  St.     Die  Verehrung  der  Heiligen  und  ihrer  Reliquien. 

Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1890. 
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1875. 
Bellesheim,  A.     Geschichte  der  Katholischen  Kirche  in  Schottland 

von  der  Einfiihrung  des  Christenthums  bis  auf  die  Gegen- 

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Geschichte  der  Katholischen  Kirche  in  Irland  von  der 

Einfiihrung  des  Christenthums  bis  auf  die  Gegenwart. 
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XIV  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Bellori.     Descrizione   delle   immagini   depinte   da    Raffaele   nel 

Vaticano.     Roma,  1695  ^  1700- 
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Opera  historica.     Basileae,  1567. 

Bergenroth,    G.  A.     Calendar  of  Letters,   Despatches  and  State 

Papers  relating  to   the  negotiations  between  England  and 

Spain,  preserved  in  the  archives  at  Simancas  and  elsewhere. 

Vols.  I.  and  II.     London,  1862  and  1866. 
Berliner^   A.     Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Rom   von  den  altesten 

Zeiten  bis  zur  Gegenwart.     2  Bde.     Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1893. 
Berna/dez^  A.     Historia  de  los  Reyes  Cat61icos  Don  Fernando 

y  Dona  Isabel.     Sevilla,  1870-75.     (Publication  der  Socie- 

dad  de  bibliofilos  Andaluces.)     2  vol. 
Bernays,/.     Petrus  Martyr  und  sein  opus  epistolarum.    Strass- 

burg,  1 89 1. 
Bernino,  Dom.     Historia  di  tutte  I'heresie.     Tomo  quarto,  sin' 

air  anno  1700.     Venezia,  1724. 
Bertolotti,  A.     Artisti  Lombardi  a  Roma  nei  secoli  xv.,  xvi.  e 

XVII.     Studi  e  ricerche  negli  archivi  Romani.     Milano,  1881. 

2  vol. 
Beschreibung  der  Stadt  Rom   von   Ernst   Platner,   Karl   Bunsen, 

Eduard    Gerhard    und    Wilhelm    Rostell.       Stuttgart    und 

Tubingen,  1829-42.     3  Bde. 
Bibliotheca  Pontificia  duobus   libris  distincta,   auctore  R.    P.    F. 

Ludovico  Jacob  a  S.  Carolo.     Lugduni,  1643. 
Bibliotheque  de  VEcole  des  Chartes.     Revue  d'erudition  consacree 

specialement  a  I'etude  du  moyen-age.     Paris,  1839. 
Biographie^  Allgemeine  Deutsche.     Bd.  I.  seq.     Leipzig,  1875-93. 
Bisticci.     See  Vespasiano. 
Blatter.     Historisch-politische,  fiir  das  Katholische  Deutschland. 

Herausgegeben  von  G.  Phillips  und  G.   Gorres,  spater  von 

E  Jorg  und  F.  Binder.     Bd.  I.-CXVI.     Miinchen,  1838-95. 
Blosch.     Cardinal  Schinner.     Bern,  1891.     (Privately  printed.) 
Boccard.     Histoire  du  Vallais.     1844. 
Bode^    W.     Gruppe  der    Beweinung  Christi  von  Giovanni  della 

Robbia  und  der  Einfluss  des  Savonarola  auf  die  Entwick- 

lung  der  Kunst  in  Florenz,  im  Jahrbuch  der  Konigl.  Preuss. 

Kunstsammlungen,  VIIL,  217-226.     Berlin,  1887. 
Bohm,    IV.      Hat    Kaiser    Maximilian    im    Jahre    1511     Papst 

werden  woUen  ?     Programm.     Berlin,  1873. 
Bokringer,  F.    Die  Vorreformatoren  des  xiv.  und  xv.  Jahrhunderts. 

Abth.  IV.,  2.     Ziirich,  1858. 
Bole^  F.     Rafaels   Wandgemalde    "Die   Philosophic,"    genannt 

die  Schule  von  Athen.     Brixen,  1891. 

■  Sieben  Meisterwerke  der  Malerei.     Brixen,  1893. 

Bollettino  Storico  della  Suizzera  Italiana.     Tom.  I.     Bellinzona, 

1879. 


QUOTED   IN    VOLUMES  V.   AND  VI.  XV 

Bonanni^    Phil.      Numismata    Pontificum    Romanorum    quae    a 

tempore  Martini  V.  ad  annum  1699  vel  authoritate  publica 

vel   private  genio  in    lucem  prodiere.     Tom.    I.,  continens 

numismata   a    Martino    V.    usque    ad    Clementem    VIII. 

Romae,  1699. 
Borgati^  M.     Castel  Sant'  Angelo  in  Roma.     Storia  e  descrizione. 

Roma,  1890. 
Borgia,  Stef.    Memorie  istoriche  della  pontifizia  citta  di  Benevento. 

Parte    terza,    Volume    I.    che   contiene   la   storia    delle  sue 

vicende  e  delle  geste  de'  suoi  governatori  dall'  anno  MLI. 

all'  anno  MDL.     Roma,  1769. 
Bottari^    G.      Raccolta   di   lettere   suUa   pittura,    etc.      Milano, 

1822-25.     8  vol. 
Bouierwek,    F.      Geschichte     der    Poesie    und     Beredsamkeit. 

Bd.  I.     Gottingen,  1801. 
Brewer.     Letters  and  Papers  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.     Vol. 

I.  seq.     London,  1862. 
Briefe^    Romische^    von    einem    Florentiner    (A.   von    Reumont). 

Erster  und  zweiter  Theil.     Neue  Romische  Briefe.    2  Theile. 

Leipzig,  1840-44. 
Brom,    G.     Einige    Briefe    von    Raphael    Brandolinus    Lippus, 

in  de  Waals  Romisch,   Quartalschrift  II.,  175-206.     Rom, 

1888. 
Brosch^  J.     Alexander  VL  und  Lucrezia  Borgia,  in  Sybels  histor. 

Zeitschr.,  XXXIII.,  360.     Miinchen,  1875. 
Brosch,  M.     Papst  Julius  II.  und  die  Griindung    des  Kirchen- 

staates.  Gotha,  1878. 
Brown,  R.  See  Calendar. 
Ragguagli  sulla  vita  di  Marino  Sanuto  detto  il  juniore 

Venezia,  1837.  3  vol. 
Bruder,  N.     Staatslexikon  der  Gorres-Gesellscbaft.     Bd.  I.  seq. 

Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1889  seq. 
Brunner,    S.     Studien    und    Kritiken    in    und    liber    Italien.     2 

Bde.     Wien,  1866. 
Buddee,   W.     Zur  Geschichte  der  diplomatischen  Missionen  des 

Dominikaners  Nikolaus  von  Schonberg  bis  zum  Jahre  1519. 

Dissertation.     Greifswald,  1891. 
BUttner,  F.     Adam  und  Eva  in  der  bildenden  Kunst  bis  Michel- 

Angelo.     Jenenser  Dissertation.     Leipzig,  1887. 
Bullarium   Ordinis  Praedicatorum  opera  Thomae  Ripoli  editum 

et   ad    autogr.    recognitum,    appendicibus,  notis    illustr.    ab 

Ant.  Bremond.     Vol.  III.  et  IV.     Romae,  1731. 
Bullarium  Vaticanum.     See  Collectio. 
Builarum,   Diplomatum  et  privilegiorum  sanctorum  Romanorum 

pontificum,  Taurinensis  editio  locupletior  facta  ....  cura 

et  studio  Aloysii  Tomasetti.     Tom.  V.  Augustae   Taurino- 

rum,  i860.     (This  edition  is  always  quoted  as  Bullarium.) 

VOL.  V.  b 


XVI  complp:te  titles  of  books 

Burchard.,  Joh.     See  Pieper. 

Diarium  Innocentii  VIII.,   Alexandri  VL  etc.,  tempora 

complectens  nunc  primum  public)  juris  factum  commentariis 
at  monumentis  quamplurimis  et  arcanis  adjectis  ab  Achille 
Gennarelli.     Florentiae,  1854. 

Diarium    sive  rerum   urbanar.  Commentarii  1483-1506, 


edid.  L.  Tiiuasne.     Parisiis,  1883-85.     3  vol. 
Burckhardt^  J.     Die  Cultur   der    Renaissance    in    Italien.     Ein 

Versuch.      3    Auflage,    besorgt    von    L.    Geiger.      2  Bde. 

Leipzig,  1877-78. 
Der  Cicerone.     Eine  Anleitung  zum  Genuss  der  Kunst- 

werke  Italiens.     4  Auflage,  unter  Mitwirkung  des  Verfassers 

und  anderer  Fachgenossen  bearbeitet  von  Dr.  With.  Bdde. 

Theil  II.     Leipzig,  1879. 

Geschichte  der  Renaissance  in  Italien.    Mit  illustrationen. 


Stuttgart,  1868.  3  Auflage,  von  Heinrich  Holtzinger. 
Stuttgart,  1 89 1. 

Busch^  M.  England  unter  den  Tudors.  Bd.  I.  Konig  Hein- 
rich VIL;  1485-1509.     Stuttgart,  1892. 

Buser,  B.  Die  Beziehungen  der  Mediceer  zu  Frankreich  wahrend 
der  Jahre  1434  bis  1494  in  ihrem  Zusammenhange  mit  den 
allgemeinen  Verhaltnissen.     Leipzig,  1879. 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici  als  Italienischer  Staatsmann.     Eine 

Skizze  nach  handschriftlichen  Quellen.     Leipzig,  1879. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers  and  Manuscripts  relating  to  English 
Aff'airs  existing  in  the  Archives  and  Collections  of  Venice 
and  in  other  Libraries  of  Northern  Italy,  edited  by  Rawdon 
Brown.     Vol.  I.  seq.     London,  1864  seq. 

Cambi,  G.  Istorie  in  the  "  Delizie  degli  eruditi  Toscani."  Vol. 
XXI.-XXIII.     Firenze,  1785  seq. 

Campagne  et  Bulletins  de  la  grande  armee  d'ltalie  commandee  par 
Charles  VIII.  1494-95  d'aprbs  des  documents  rares  ou 
inddits,  extraits  en  grande  partie  de  la  Bibliotheque  de  Nantes 
par  J.  de  la  Pilorgerie.     Nantes-Paris,  1866. 

Cancellieri^  Fr.  Storia  de'  solenni  Possessi  de'  Sommi  Pontefici 
detti  anticamente  process!  o  processioni  dopo  la  loro  corona- 
zione  dalla  basilica  Vaticana  alia  Lateranense.     Roma,  1802. 

Cantu,  C,     Storia  di  Como.     Firenze,  1856. 

GH  eretici  d'ltalia.     Vol.  I.     Torino,  1865. 

Italiani  illustri.  Ritratti.     Milano,  1873-74.     3  vol. 

Cappelli^  Antonio.     Lettere  di  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  detto  il  Mag- 

nifico  conservate  nell'  Archivio  Palatino  di  Modena  con 
notizie  tratte  dai  carteggi  diplomatic!  degli  oratori  Estensi  a 
Firenze.  (Estratto  dal  Vol.  I.  degli  Atti  e  Memorie  delle 
Deputazioni  di  storia  patria  per  le  provincie  Modenesi  e 
Parmensi.)     Modena,  1863. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLUMES   V.    AND   VI.  xvii 

Cappelli^  Antonio.     Fra  Girolamo  Savonarola  e  notizie  intorno  il 

suo  tempo.     Modena,  1869. 
Cardella^  Lorenzo.     Memorie  storiche  de'  Cardinal!  della  santa 

Romana  chiesa.     Tom.  III.     Roma,  1793. 
Carina,  G.  B.     Lettere  di  O.  Gaetani.     Roma,  1870. 
Caro,  J.     Geschichte   Polens.     Fiinfter   Theil,   Abth.    i   und   2. 

(Geschichte    der    Europaischen    Staaten,    herausgeg.    von 

Heeren,  Ukert  und  W.  von  Giesebrecht.)     Gotha,  1886-88. 
Carpesanus,  Franciscus.     Commentaria  suorum  temporum,  1470- 

1526,  in  Martene,  Coll.  ampL,  V.,  11 75. 
Carriere,  M.     Die  Phiiosophische  Weltanschauung  der  Reforma- 

tionszeit   in    ihren    Beziehungen   zur  Gegenwart.     Stuttgart 

und  Tiibingen,  1847. 
Castelar,  E.     Erinnerungen  an  Italien.     Deutsche  Uebersetzung. 

Leipzig,  1876. 
Cecchetti,  B.     La  Republica  di  Venezia  e  la  Corte  di  Roma  nei 

rapporti  della  religione.     Venezia,  1874.     2  vol. 
Cecconi,  G.     Vita  e  fatti  di  Boccolino  Guzzoni  da  Osimo  capitano 

di  Ventura  del  secolo  xv.,  narrati  con  document!  inediti  ed 

editi  rarissimi.     Osimo,  1889. 
Cerri,  D.     Vita  e  gesta  dei  sommi  pontefici  Romani  nati  od 

oriundi   nel   regno   degU   stati    Sardi.      Vol.    IL      Torino, 

1856. 
Borgia  ossia  Alessandro  VI.  Papa  e  suoi  contemporanei. 

Torino,  1858. 
Cherrier,  C.  de.     Histoire  de  Charles  VI 1 1.  roi  de  France.    Paris, 

1868.     2  vol. 
Chevalier.     Repertoire   des    sources  historiques    du    moyen-age. 

Paris,  1877-83.     Suppl.  1888. 
Chmel,  J.     Urkunden,    Briefe  und   Actenstiicke  zur   Geschichte 

Maximilians   1.   und   seiner  Zeit.     (Bibl.  des  Lit.  Vereins, 

Bd.  X.)     Stuttgart,  1845. 
Briefe  und  Actenstiicke  zur  Geschichte  der  Herzoge  von 

Mailand  von    1452   bis   15 13.     Aus  den  Originalen   heraus- 

gegeben  im  Notizenblatt  zum  Archiv  fiir  OEsterieich.  Gesch- 
ichte. Jahrg.  6  und  7.     Wien,  1856-57. 

Regesten  des  Romischen  Kaisers  Friedrich  III.  1452-93. 


2  Abtheil.     Wien,  1859. 
Christophe,  J.  B.     Histoire  de  la  Papaut^  pendant  le  xv®  si^cle 

avec  des  pieces  justificatives.     Lyon-Paris,  1863.     2  vol. 
Chroniken   der   Deutschen    Stddte   vom    xiv.  bis    ins    xvi.  Jahr- 

hundert.     Herausgeg.  von  der  histor.  Commission  bei  der 

konigl.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften.     Bd.  1.  seq.     Leipzig, 

1862. 
Ciaconius,  Alph.     Vitae  et  res  gestae  Pontificum  Romanorum  et 

S.R.E.  Cardinalium    .    .    .    ab  August.  Oldoino    Soc.  Jesv 

recognitae.     Tom.  IL  et  HI.     Eomae,  1677. 


XVlll  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Cian,   V.     Caterina    Sforza  a  proposito  della  Caterina  Sforza  di 
Pier  Desiderio  Pasolini.     Torino,  1893. 

II  Cortegiano  del  conte  Baldesar  Castiglione  annotate  e 

illustrato.     Firenze,  1894. 

Cicogna,    Em.     Delle    iscrizioni    Veneziane.     Venezia,    1824-53. 

6  vol. 
Cinagli,  Angela.     Le  monete  del  Papi  descritte  in  tavole  sinottiche 

ed  illustrate.     Fermo,  1848. 
Cipolla^  C.     Le  signorie  dal  1300  al  1530.     Milano,  1881. 
Cittadella^  L.  N.    Saggio  di  Albero  genealogico  e  di  Memorie 

su  la  famiglia  Borgia  specialmente  in  relazione  a   Ferrara. 

Ferrara,  1872. 
Clement.     Les   Borgia:    Histoire   du    pape   Alexandre   VI.,  de 

Cesar,  et  de  Lucrece  Borgia.     Paris,  1882. 
Collectio  Bullarum,  brevium  aliorumque  diplomatum  sacrosanctae 

basilicae  Vaticanae.    Tom'II.  ab  Urbano  V.  ad  Paulum  III. 

productus.     Romae,  1750. 
Commines,  Philippe  de.     Memoires.     Nouvelle  edition  revue  sur 

les  manuscrits  de  la  Bibliotheque  Royale,  et  publiee  avec 

annotations  et   eclaircissement  par  M.  Dupont.     Tom.  11. 

Paris,  1843. 

Ses    Lettres   et   negociations  publ.   avec   un   comment. 

histor.  par  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove.     Bruxelles,  1867-74. 

Condivi,  A.     Das  Leben  des  Michel  Angelo  Buonarotti.     Zum 

erstenmal  in  die  Deutsche  Sprache  iibersetzt  durch  Rudolf 

Valdek.     Wien,  1874. 
■  Vita  di  Michel  Angelo  Buonarotti.     Neue  Ausgabe  von 

Frey.     Berlin,  i887. 
Contatore,  D.  A.     De  historia  Terracinensi  libri  quinque.  Romae, 

1706. 
Conte lorius,  Felix.     Pars  altera  elenchi  S.R.E.    Cardinalium  ab 

anno  1430  ad  annum  1549  ex  bibliotheca  Francisci  cardinalis 

Barberini  Ep.  Portuen.  ac  S.R.E.  vicecancell.     Opus  post- 

humum.     Romae,  1659. 
Coppi,  A.     Cenni  storici  di  alcune  pestilenze.     Roma,  1832. 

Memorie  Colonnesi  compilate.     Roma,  1855. 

Corio,  B.     Storia  di  Milano.     Vol.  III.     Milano,  1857. 

Corpo   Diplomatico  Portuguez  p.  p.    Luiz   Augusto    Rebello    da 

Silva.     Vol.  I.     Lisboa,  1862. 
Cortesius,  Pmilus.     De  cardinalatu  libri  tres  ad  Julium  Secundum 

Pont.  Max.     In  Castro  Cortesio,  15 10. 
Cosci^  A.     Girolamo  Savonarola  e  i  nuovi  documenti  intorno  al 

medesimo.  Archivio  storico  Italiano,  QuartaSerie,  IV.,  282- 

306,  429-468.     Firenze,  1879. 
Creighton,    M.,  D.D.      A    History    of  the   Papacy    during   the 

period  of  the  Reformation.     Vol.  III.  and  IV.     London, 

1887  seq. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLUMES  V.   AND   VI.  XIX 

Creizenach^   V.     Geschichte  des  neuern  Dramas.     Bd.  I.     Halle, 

Cronaca  dt    Itterbo  di  Giovanni  di   Juzzo,  dal   1475  ^  ^479)  i^i 

Cronache  e  Statuti  della  citta  di  Viterbo,  pubbl.  ed.  illust.  da 

J.  Ciampi.     Firenze,  1872. 
Cronaca    Sublacense   del    P.    D.    Cherubino    Mirzio    da   Treveri, 

monaco  nella  protobadia  di  Subiaco.     Roma,  1885. 
Cronaca    della   citta    di    Perugia,    edite    da  Ariodante   Fabretti. 

Vol.  II.,  1393-1 56 1.     Torino,  1888.     {Privately printed.) 
Cronica  di  Bologna.     Muratori,  Script.,  XVIII.,  241-792. 
Cronica  di  Napoli  di   Notar  Giacomo,  pubblicata    per    cura  di 

Paolo  Garzilli.     Napoli,  1845. 
Crowe,  J.  A.,  und  Cavalcaselle,  G.  B.  Geschichte  der  Italienischen 

Malerei.   Deutsche  Original-Ausgabe,    besorgt    von  Dr.  M. 

Jordan.     Bd.  II.,  III.,  und  IV.     Leipzig,  1869-71. 
Raphael Sanzio.     (German  translation.)    2  Bde.    Leipzig, 

1883-85. 


Dal  Re,  D.     Discorso  critico  sui  Borgia  con  I'aggiunta  di  docu- 

menti  inediti  relativi  al   Pontificato    di    Alessandro  VI.,   in 

"Archivio  della  Societa  Romana  di  storia  patria,"  IV.,  77- 

147.     Roma,  1881. 
Delaborde,   H.  Fr.      L'Expedition   de    Charles  VIII.  en    Italic. 

Histoire  diplomatique  et  militairQ.     Paris,  1888. 
Delphini,   P.     Oratiunculae  duae  habitae  coram  summis  ponti- 

ficibus  Pio  III.  et  Julio  III.  nunc  primum  editae.     Venetiis, 

1848. 
Denifle,  H.     Die  Universitaten  des  Mittelalters.     Erster  Band : 

Die    Universitaten     des     Mittelalters    bis     1400.       Berlin, 

1885. 
Dennistoun,  J.     Memoirs  of  the  Dukes  of  Urbino,  illustrating  the 

Arms,  Arts,  etc.,  of  Italy  from  1 440-1 630.     London,  185 1. 

3  vols. 
Desjardins,  Abel.     Negociations  diplomatiques  de  la  France  avec 

la  Toscane.      Documents  recueillis  par  Giuseppe  Canestrini. 

Tom.  L  et  II.     Paris,  1859-61. 
Diario  di  Ser  Tommaso  di  Siivestro  Notaro,  con  note  di  L.  Fume. 

Fasc.  I,  2.     Orvieto,  1891-92. 
Diario  Ferrarese  dall'  anno  1409  sino  al  1502   di  autori   incerti, 

in  Muratori,  Script,  XXIV.,  173-408.     Mediolani,  1738. 
Diario  Nepesino  di  Antonio  Lotieri  de  Pisano,    1459-68  pubbl.  p. 

c.  di  G.  Levi,  in  "Arch,  della  Soc.  Rom.  di  storia  patria," 

VII.,  115-183.     Roma,  1884. 
Dierauer,  J.     Geschichte  der  Schweizerischen  Eidgenossenschaft. 

Zweiter  Band  bis  15 16  (in  Heeren-Ukert'schen  Sammlung). 

Gotha,  1892. 


XX  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Dispacci  di  A.   Giusttnian,    1 502-1 505,   pubbl.  da  Pasq.   Villari. 

Firenze,  1876.     3  vol. 
Dittrich,    F.      Cardinal    Gasparo    Contarini,    1483-15 42.      Eine 

Monographic.     Braunsberg,  1885. 
Docujnenti  di  Pio  IL  e  III.     See  Piccolo  mini. 
DdUi?i^:;er^J.  J.  J.  vo?i.     Lehrbuch  der  Kirchengeschichte.     Zwei- 

ter  Band.     Erste  Abtheilung.     2  Aufl.     Regensburg,  1843. 
Kirche    und     Kirchen ;    Papstthum    und    Kirchenstaat. 

Miinchen,  1861. 

Beitrage    zur    politischen,    kirchlichen     und    Cultur-Ge 


schichte  der  sechs  letzten  Jahrhunderte.     Bd.   II.  und  III. 

Regensburg  und  Wien,  1863-82. 
Du7nesnil^  M.  A.  J.       Histoire  de  Jules  II. :  Sa  Vie  et  son  Pon- 

tificat.     Paris,  1873. 
Du  Mont.      Corps    universel   diplomatique   du  droit  des  gens. 

Tom.  III.  et  IV.     Amsterdam,  1726. 

Echard,  /.,  et  Quetif,  J.     Scriptores  ordinis  Praedicatorum  recen- 

siti    notisque    historicis    et    criticis  illustrati,   etc.      Tom.   I. 

Lutetiae  Parisiorum,  17 19. 
Eggs^  G.  J.     Purpura  docta,  seu  vitae,  legationes,  res  gestae,  obitus 

S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium,  qui  ingenio,  doctrina,  eruditione,  scrip- 

tis,  etc.,  ab  a.  DXL.  usque  ad  aetat.  nostr.  inclaruere.     Lib. 

III.  et  IV.     Fol.  Francof.  et  Monach.,  17 10-14.     Ace.  Sup- 

plementum  novum  Purpurae  Doctae.     Aug.  Vind.,  1729. 
Ehses^  N.    Romische  Dokumente  zur  Geschichte  der  Ehescheidung 

Heinrichs  VIII.  von  England,  1527-34.     Paderborn,  1893. 
Empoliy  F.  L.     Bullarium  ord.  Eremitarum  S.  Augustini.    Romae, 

1628. 
Endemann^   W.     Studien  in  der  Romanisch-canonistischen  Wirth- 

schafts-  und  Rechtslehre.     2  Bde.     Berlin,  1874. 
Ennen^  L.     Geschichte  der  Stadt  Koln,  meist  aus  den  Quellen 

des  Kolner  Stadtarchivs.     Bd.  III.     Koln-Neuss,  1869. 
lEpinois^  H.  de.     Le  Pape  Alexandre  VI.  in  the   "  Revue  des 

Questions  Historiques,"  XXIX.,  357-427.     Paris,  1881. 
Eubel,  K.      Geschichte  der  oberdeutschen  (Strassburger)    Mino- 

ritenprovinz.    2  Bde.    Wiirzburg,  1886. 

Fabretti^    A.       Biografie    dei    Capitani   venturieri   dell'    Umbria 

scritte  ed  illustrate  con  documenti.     Vol    III.      Montepul- 

ciano,  1844. 
Fabricius,  J.  If.     Bibliotheca  Latina  mediae  et  infimae  aetatis, 

ed.  Mansi.     Florentiae,  1858-59.     6  Tom. 
Fabronius,  A.     Laurentii  Medicei  Magnifici  vita.      Pisis,    1784. 

2  vol. 
Falk,  F.     Die  Druckkunst  im  Dienste  der  Kirche,  zunachst  in 

Deutschland,  bis  zum  Jahre  1520.     Koln,  1879. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLUMES   V.   AND  VI.  xxi 

Faluschi.     Cose  notabili  di  Siena.     Siena,  1784. 

Fantt,  J.      Imola  sotto   Giulio   II.      Memorie  di   storia   patria. 

Imola,  1882. 
Fanfoni,  S.     Istoria  della  citta  d'Avignone  e  contado  Venesino. 

Venezia,  1678.     2  vol. 
Fantuzzi,  G.     Notizie  degli  Scrittori  Bolognesi.     Bologna,  1781- 

1794.     9  vol. 
Fea,  Carlo.     Notizie  intorno  Raffaele  Sanzio  da  Urbino  ed  alcune 

di  lui  opere,  intorno  Bramante,  Giuliano  da  San  Gallo,  Bal- 

dassar  Peruzzi,  etc.     Roma,  1822. 
Ferri,  A,     L'Architettura  in  Roma  nei  secoli  xv.  e  xvi.     Roma, 

1867  seq. 
Fessler,  /.      Sammlung  vermischter  Schriften  liber   Kirchenges- 

chichte  und  Kirchenrecht.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1869. 
Fiorentino.     Pietro  Pomponazzi.     Firenze,  1869. 
Fischer.,  R.     Geschichte  der  neuern  Philosophic.     3  Aufl.  Bd.  I., 

erster  Theil.     Heidelberg,  1889. 
Flechsig,  F.      Die   Dekoration   der  modernen   Biihne  in  Italien 

von  den  Anfangen  bis  zum  Schlusse  des  xvi.  Jahrhunderts. 

Theil  I.  Leipziger  Dissert.     Dresden,  1895. 
Florus.    De  expeditione  Bononiensi  in  Graevius,  Thesaur.  Anti- 
quit.,  IX.,  p.  6.     Venetiis,  1735. 
Forster^  E.     Raphael.      2  Bde.     Leipzig,  1867-68. 
Forcella,  V.     Iscrizioni  delle  Chiese  e  d'altri  edifizi  di  Roma  dal 

secolo  XL  fino  ai  giorni  nostri.     Roma,  1869-85.      14  vol. 
Forgeot,  H,     Jean  Balue,  Cardinal  d' Angers.     Paris,  1895. 
Foucard^  C.     Carteggio  diplomatic o.     Napoli,  1879. 
Fraknoi,  W.    Ungarn  und  die  Liga  von  Cambrai,  15 09-11.    Nach 

unbeniitzten  Quellen.     Budapest,  1883. 

Erdodi  Bak6cz  Tamas.     Budapest,  1883. 

Mathias  Corvinus,   Konig    von.   Ungarn,   1458-90.     Auf 

Grund  archivalischer  Forschungen  und  mit  Genehmigung 
des  Verfassers  aus  dem  Ungarischen  iibersetzt.  Freiburg 
i.  Br.,  1891. 

Frantz,  E.  Fra  Bartolomeo  della  Porta.  Studie  liber  die  Renais- 
sance.    Regensburg,  1879. 

Sixtus  IV.  und  die  Republik  Florenz.    Regensburg,  1880. 

Geschichte   der    Christlichen    Malerei.      Zweiter   Theil. 

Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1894. 

Frati.     See  Grassis. 

Frey,  C.  Studien  zu  Michelagniolo  (Regesten),  in  Jahrbuch  der 
Preussischen     Kunstsammlungen,    XVI.,    91-103.       Berlin, 

1895. 
Fuchs,  J.     Die  Mailandischen  Feldziige  der  Schweizer.     2  Bde. 

St.  Gallen,  18 10  und  181 2. 
Fulgosus,  Bapt.      De  dictis  factisque  memorabilibus  collectanea 

Camillo  Gilino  latina  facta.     Mediolani,  1509. 


XXll  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Fumi,  L.  Alessandro  VL  e  il  Valentino  in  Orvieto.  Notizie 
storiche  raccolte  da  documenti  inediti  per  le  nozze  Gamur- 
rini-Giulietti.  Siena,  1877.  (Edizione  di  150  esemplari 
fuori  di  commercio.) 

Carteggio  del  comune  di  Orvieto  degli  anni  1511  e  151 2, 

in  "Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom.,"  XIV.,  127-163.     Roma,  1891. 

Furrery  S.     Geschichte  von  Wallis.     Bd.  III.     Sitten,  1850. 

Gabotfo,  F      Giason  del  Maino  e  gli  scandali  universitari  nel 

Quattrocento.  Studio.     Torino,  1888. 
L'Astrologia  nel   Quattrocento   in  rapporto  colla  civilt^. 

Osservazioni  e  documenti  inediti.     Milano-Torino,  1889. 
Gairdner.     Letters  and  Papers  of  Richard  III.  and  Henry  VII. 

2  vol.     London,  1861  seq. 

Gafns,    B.       Die    Kirchengeschichte    von    Spanien.       3     Bde. 

Regensburg,  1862-79. 
Series  episcoporum  ecclesiae  catholicae  quotquot  innotu- 

erunt  a  beato  Petro  apostolo.     Ratisbonae,  1873. 
Garampi.     Saggi  di  osservazioni  sul  valore  delle  antiche  monete 

Pontificie  con  appendice  di  documenti.     s.l.  et  a.     (Romae, 

1766.) 
Gaspary,  A.     Geschichte  der  Italienischen  Literatur.      Bd.    II. 

Berlin,  1888. 
Gatticus,  J.  B.      Acta  caeremonialia  S.   Romanae  Ecclesiae  ex 

MSS.  codicibus.     Vol.  I.     Romae,  1753. 
Gaye^  G.     Carteggio  inedito  d'artisti  dei  secoli  xv.,  xvi.  e  xvii. 

3  vol.     Firenze,  1840. 

Gazette  des  Beaux  Arts.  Courrier  Europeen  de  I'Art  et  de  la 
Curiosite.     Paris,  1869  seq. 

Gebhardt^  B.  Die  Gravamina  der  Deutschen  Nation  gegen  den 
Romischen  Hof.     Breslau,  1884. 

Gebhart.  La  Renaissance  Italienne  et  ia  philosophic  de  I'his- 
toire.     Paris,  1887. 

Geffcken.J.  Der  Bilder-Katechismus  des  xv.  Jahrhunderts.  Leip- 
zig, 1855. 

Gennarelli.     See  Btu-chard. 

Gerigky  Joh.  Das  opus  epistolarum  des  Petrus  Martyr,  ein  Beitrag 
zur  Kritik  der  Quellen  des  ausgehenden  xv.  und  beginnen- 
den  XVI.  Jahrhunderts.  Konigsberger  Dissert.  Braunsberg, 
1881. 

Geschichte  der  Papstlichen  Nuntien  in  Deutschland  (von  Moser). 
Bd.  II.     Frankfurt  und  Leipzig,  1 788. 

Geymuller^  H.  v.  Die  urspriinglichen  Entwiirfe  fiir  S.  Peter  in 
Rom,  nebst  zahlreichen  Erganzungen  und  neuem  Texte  zum 
erstenmal  herausgegeben.  i  Bd.  Text  und  i  Bd.  Tafeln. 
Wien-Paris,  1875-80. 

Gherardiy  A.     Nuovi   documenti   e    studi   intorno    a    Girolamo 


QUOTED   IN   VOLUMES   V.   AND  VI.  xxiii 

Savonarola.       Seconda    edizione    emendata    e   accresciuta. 

Firenze,  1887. 
Giannone^  P.     Istoria  civile  del  regno  di  Napoli.     Ediz.  accres- 
ciuta di  note  critiche,  etc.     Tom.  III.     Venezia,  1766. 
Gieseler^  J.    C.  L.     Lehrbuch  der  Kirchengeschichte.     Bd.  II. 

Abtheil.  3  und  4.     Bonn,  1829-35. 
Gilbert^  W.     Lucrezia  Borgia,  Duchess  of  Ferrara :  A  Biography, 

illustrated  by  rare  and  unpublished  documents.     London, 

1869. 
Giornale  storico  della  Letteratura  Italiana.     Tom.  I.  seq,     Roma- 

Torino-Firenze,  1883  seg. 
Gist,    W.     Der  Antheil  der  Eidgenossen  an  der  Europaischen 

Politik   in   den    Jahrun    15 12    bis    15 16.      Ein  historischer 

Versuch.     Schaffhausen,  1866. 
Gtusfinian,  A.     See  Dispacci. 
Gnoli,  D.     La  Cancellaria  ed  altri  Palazzi  di  Roma  attribuiti  a 

Bramante.     Roma,  1892. 
Goldasty  M.     Monarchia  S.  R.  Imperii.    3  vol.    Hanau-Francof., 

1611-13. 

CoUectio  Constit.  Imper.     Francofurti,  1613  et  171 3. 

Gori^  Fabio.     Archivio  storico,  artistico,  archeologico  e  letterario 

della   citta   e   provincia   di   Roma.     Vol.   I.-IV.     Roma  e 
Spoleto,  1875-83. 
Gofhein,  Eberhard.     Die  Culturentwicklung  Siid-Italiens  in  Ein- 
zeldarstellungen.     Breslau,  1886. 

Ignatius  von  Loyola  und  die  Gegenreformation.     Halle, 

Gotti^  A.     Vita  di  Michel  Angelo  Buonarotti,  narrata  con  I'aiuto 

di  nuovi  documenti.     2  vol.     Firenze,  1875. 
Gottlob^  A.     Der  Legat  Raimund  Peraudi,  im  Histor.  Jahrbuch, 

VI.,  438-461.     Miinchen,  1885. 
Aus  der  Camera  apostolica  des  xv.  Jahrhunderts.     Ein 

Beitrag  zur  Geschichte   des   Papstlichen  Finanzwesens   und 

des  endenden  Mittelalters.     Innsbruck,  1889. 
Goyau.     See  Vatican. 
Gozzadini.     Di  alcuni  avvenimenti  in  Bologna  e  nell'  Emilia  dal 

1506  e  1511  e  dei  Cardinal!  legati  Ferrerio  ed  Alidosi,  in  the 

*'Atti  d.  Romagna,"  3  Serie,  IV.,  67-177;  VII.,  161-267. 

Bologna,  i886.j-^^. 
Gozzadiniy  G.     Memorie  per  la  vita  di  Giovanni  II.  Bentivoglio. 

Bologna,  1839. 
Grdsse,  J.  G.  Th.     Lehrbuch  einer  allgemeinen  Literargeschichte 

aller  bekannten  Volker  der  Welt.     Bd.  I.  und  II.     Dresden 

und  Leipzig,  1842-52. 
Graf,  A.     Studii  Drammatici.      La  vita  e  un   sogno.     Amleto. 

Tre  Commedie  Italiane  del  Cinquecento  :  La  Calandria ;  La 

Mandragola  ;  II  Candclajo.     II  Fausto  di  Cristoforo  Marlowe. 


XXIV  COMPLETE  TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

II  mistero  e  le   prime  forme   dell'   auto   sacro  in  Ispagna. 

Torino,  1878. 
Graf^  A.     Attraverso  il  Cinquecento.     Torino,  1888. 
Grassis,  Farts  de.     Diarium  in  Dollinger,  Beitrage,  III.,  363- 

433.     Wien,  1882. 
Diarium,    ed.    L.   Frati :    Le   due  spedizioni    militari   di 

Giulio  IL,  tratti  dal  Diario  di  Paris  de  Grassis  Bolognese,  con 

documenti.     (Documenti  e  Studi  pubbl.  p.  c.  della  deputaz. 

di  storia  per  le  provincie  di  Romagna.     Vol.  I.)     Bologna, 

1886. 
Graziani.      Cronaca   della  citta  di   Perugia   secondo  un  codice 

appartenente  ai  conti  Baglioni,  pubbl.  per  cura  di  Ariodante 

Fabretti,  con  annotazioni  del  medesimo  di  F.  Bonaini  e  F. 

Pblidori.      Archivio  stor.  Ital.      Tom.  IL,  XVI.      Firenze, 

1850  seq. 
Gregorovius,    F.      Wanderjahre   in    Italien.       5    Bde.       Leipzig, 

1864-80. 
Das  Archiv  der  Notare  des  Capitols  in  d.  Abhandl.  der 

historischen  Klasse  der  Bayerischen  Akademie  der  Wissen- 

schaften.     Miinchen,  1872. 
Lucrezia  Borgia,  nach  Urkunden  und   Correspondenzen 

ihrer   eigenen    Zeit.       2    Bde.       Stuttgart,    1874.       (Dritte, 

verbesserte  und  vermehrte  Auflage.     Stuttgart,  1875.) 
Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom  im  Mittelalter.     Vom  v.  bis 

zum  XVI.  Jahrhundert.    Dritte,  verbesserte  Auflage.    Bd.  VII. 

und  VIIL,  1880.     (VII.  Bd.  in  4  Aufl.,  1894.) 

Die  Grabdenkmaler  der  Papste.      Marksteine  der  Ges- 


chichte des  Papstthums.     Zweite,  neu  umgearb.  Aufl.     Leip- 
zig, 1881. 
Grimm^H.    Leben  Michelangelo's.     5  Aufl.  2  Bde.    Berlin,  1879. 

Leben  Raphaels.     2  Aufl.     Berlin,  1886. 

Grisar,  H.      Zu  den    neuen  Publicationen  iiber   Savonarola,  in 

der   Zeitschr.  f.   Kathol.  Theol.,  IV.,   391  seq.     Innsbruck, 

1880. 
Grone^  B.     Die    Papst-Geschichte.      Bd.  IL  2  Aufl.      Regens- 

burg,  1875. 
Grotefendj     H.      Quellen    zur    Frankfurter    Geschichte.     Erster 

Band :    Frankfurter  Chroniken   und   annalistische  Aufzeich- 

nungen    des    Mittelalters,    bearbeitet   von    Dr.   R.   Froning. 

Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1884. 
Grumeilo,  A.    Cronaca  de  1467-15 29  sul  testo  a  pena,  etc.,  in  the 

"  Raccolta  di  cronisti  e  documenti  storici  Lombard!  inediti." 

Vol.  I.     Milano,  1856. 
Gruyer,  F.  A.     Essai  sur  les   Fresques  de  Raphael  au  Vatican. 

Chambres.     Paris,  1859. 
Giidemann,   M.     Geschichte  des    Erziehungswesens   der  abend- 

landischen  Juden.     Bd.  II.     Wien,  1884. 


QUOTED   IN    VOLUMES   V.   AND   VI.  XXV 

Guettee.     Histoire  de  I'Eglise  de  France.     Tom.  VIII.     Paris, 

Gughelmottt^  Alb.    Storia  della  Marina  Pontificia  nel  medio  evo 

dal  728  al  1499.     Vol.  II.     Firenze,  1871. 
La  guerra  dei  Pirati  dal  1500  al  1560.     2  vol.     Firenze, 

1876. 

Storia  delle  fortificazioni  nella  spiaggia  Romana.    Roma, 


1880. 
Guhl^   E,      Kiinstlerbriefe.      Zweite,  vermehrte  Auflage  von  A. 

Rosenberg.     Bd.  I.     Berlin,  1880. 
Guicctardini,  Fr.    Storia  d'ltalia.    YoX.l.seq.     Capolago,  1836  j^^. 

Opere  inedite  illustr.  daG.  Canestrini,  1854-68.     10  vol. 

Storia  Fiorentina,  in  Opere  inedite,  III. 

Guidicini,  Gius.     Miscellanea  storico-patria  Bolognese.     Bologna, 
1872. 


Hdbler^  C.   Der  Streit  Ferdinands  des  Katholischen  und  Philipps  I. 

um    die    Regierung    von    Castilien     1 504-1 506.       Dissert. 

Dresden,  1882. 
Haeser,    Heinrich.     Lehrbuch  der  Geschichte  der  Medicin  und 

der   epidemischen   Krankheiten.     Dritte  Bearbeitung.     Bd. 

I.  und  III.     Jena,  1875-82. 
Haffner,    P.       Grundlinien    der    Geschichte    der    Philosophic. 

(Grundlinien  der  Philosophie  als  Ausgabe,   Geschichte  und 

Lehre  zur  Einleitung  in  die  philosophischen  Studien.     Bd. 

II.)     Mainz,  1881. 
Hagen,  A.     Raphaels  Disputa,  in  R.  Naumanns  Archiv  fUr  die 

zeichnenden  Kiinste,    Jahrg.  VI.  S.  124-143.    Leipzig,  i860. 
Hagen,  Th.     Die  Papstwahlen  von   1484  und  1492.     Programm 

des  Vincentinum.     Brixen,  1885. 
Hahn.     Geschichte   der    Ketzer   im  Mittelalter.     Bd.  2.     Stutt- 
gart, 1847. 
Hain.L.  RepertoriumBibliographicum.  4  vol.  Stuttgart,  1826-38. 
Hammer,  J.  von.     Geschichte  des  Osmanischen  Reiches,  grossen- 

theils  aus  bisher  unbenutzten  Handschriften  und  Archiven. 

Bd.  II.     Pest,  1828. 
Harff^    A.    von.      Pilgerfahrt   von    Coin   durch    Italien.      Syrien 

u.  s.  w.  in  den  Jahren   1496-99,  herausgegeben  von  E.  von 

Groote.     Coin,  i860. 
Hase^    K.      Savonarola.      Zweite    verbesserte   Auflage.      (Neue 

Propheten,  2  Heft.)     Leipzig,  1861. 

Erinnerungen  an  Italien  in  Briefen.     Leipzig,  1890. 

Hautz,  J.  F.     Geschichte  der  Universitiit  Heidelberg,  herausgeg. 

von  Reichlin-Mcldegg.     Bd.  I.     Mannheim,  1862. 
Havemann^   IV.     Geschichte  der  Italienisch-Franzcisischen  Kriege 

von  1494-15 15.     2  Bde.     Hannover,  1833. 


XXVI  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Hefele^  C.  J.  Der  Cardinal  Ximenes  und  die  kirchlichen  Zus- 
lande  Spaniens  am  Ende  des  xv.  und  Anfange  des  xvi. 
Jahrhunderts.  Insbesondere  ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  und 
VViirdigung  der  Inquisition.     Tubingen,  1844. 

Heidenheimer,  H.  Machiavelli's  erste  Romische  Legation.  Ein 
Beitrag  zur  Beleuchtung  seiner  gesandtschaftlichen  Thatig- 
keit.     Slrassburger  Dissertation.     Darmstadt,  1878. 

Petrus  Martyr  und  sein  opus  epistolarum.     Berlin,  1881. 

•  Die  Correspondenz  Sultan  Bajazets  II.  mit  Papst  Alex- 
ander VI.,  in  Briegers  Zeitschrift  fiir  Kirchengeschichte,  V., 
511-573.     Gotha,  1882. 

Heinrich,  J.  B.     Dogmatische  Theologie.    Bd.  II.     Mainz,  1876. 

Helyot^  H.  Geschichte  der  Kloster  und  Ritterorden.  8  Bde. 
Leipzig,  1753. 

Ifergenrdther, /.  Anti- Janus.  Eine  historisch-theologische  Kritik 
der  Schrift,  "  Der  Papst  und  das  Concil  von  Janus."  Frei- 
burg i.  Br.,  1870. 

Katholische    Kirche    und    christlicher    Staat    in    ihrer 

geschichtlichen  Entwicklung  und  in  Beziehung  auf  die 
Fragen  der  Gegenwart.  Historisch-Theologische  Essays  und 
zugleich  ein  Anti-Janus  vindicatus.  Zwei  Abtheilungen. 
Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1872. 

Handbuch  der  allgemeinen  Kirchengeschichte.     Bd.  II. 

und  III.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1877-80.     (3 'Aufl.,  1884-86.) 

Conciliengeschichte.       Nach    den    Quellen    dargestellt. 


Bd.    VIII.      (Fortsetzung     der     Conciliengeschichte     von 

Hefele.)     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1887. 
Hertzberg^  G.  F.     Geschichte  Griechenlands  seit  dem  Absterben 

des   antiken  Lebens   bis  zur  Gegenwart.     4   Bde.     Gotha, 

1876-79. 
Geschichte  der  Byzantiner  und  des  Osmanischen  Reiches 

bis  gegen  Ende    des    sechzehnten  Jahrhunderts.     (AUgem. 

Geschichte     in     Einzeldarstellungen     herausg.    von    Wilh. 

Oncken.)     BerHn,  1883. 
Hettinger,  F.     Apologie  des  Christenthums.     3  Bde.     Freiburg, 

1863-67. 
ffettner,  H.     Italienische  Studien.     Zur  Geschichte  der  Renais- 
sance.    Braunschweig,  1879. 
Heyd^  W.     Geschichte  des  Leyantehandels  im  Mittelalter.     Bd. 

II.      Stuttgart,    1879.      (Edit.    Fran9aise  refondue  et  con- 

siderablement   augment^e  par  I'auteur.     Traduction  de  F. 

Raynaud.     2  vol.     Paris,  1885-86.) 
Hillebrand,  K,     Zeiten,  Volker  und  Menschen.     Bd.  II.    Berlin, 

1875. 
Hinschius,  P.     System  des  Katholischen  Kirchenrechtes.    Berlin, 

1869  seq. 
Hofler^  C.  von.    Italienische  Zustande  gegen  Ende  des  fiinfzehnten 


QUOTED    IN   VOLUMES   V.   AND   VI.  XXVli 

und  im  Anfange  des  sechzehnten  Jahrhunderts,  in  den 
Abhandlungen  der  III.  Klasse  der  K.  Bayerischen  Akademie 
der  Wissenschaften.     Bd.  IV.  Abtheil.  3.     Miinchen,  1845. 

H'dfler^  C.  von.  Die  Romanische  Welt  und  ihr  Verhaltniss  zu  den 
Reformideen  des  Mittelalters.     Wien,  1878. 

Zur  Kritik  und  Quellenkunde  der  ersten  Regierungsjahre 

KarlsV.     Abth.  2.     Wien,  1878. 

Das  diplomatische  Journal  des  Andrea  del  Burgo,  kaiserl. 

Gesandten  zum  Congresse  von  Blois  1504,  und  des  erzher- 
zogl.  Secretars  Job.  Haneton.  Denkschrift  iiber  die  Ver- 
handlungen  Konig  Philipps  und  Konig  Ludwigs  XIL,  1498- 
1506  in  d.  Sitzungsbericht.  der  Wiener  Akademie,  1885. 

Der   Hohenzoller   Johann  Markgraf  von   Brandenburg, 

Miinchen,  i88q. 


—  Don  Rodrigo  de  Borja  (Papst  Alexander  VI.)  und  seine 
Sohne,  Don  Pedro  Luis,  erster,  und  Don  Juan,  zweiter 
Herzog  von  Gandia  aus  dem  Hause  Borja.     Wien,  1889. 

—  Die  Aera  der  Bastarden  am  Schlusse  des  Mittelalters. 
(Abhandlungen  der  K.  Bohm.  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaf- 
ten.)     Prag,    1 89 1. 

Die    Katastrophe  des   herzogl.   Hauses  der  Borja's  von 


Gandia.     Wien,  1892. 
Hoffmann,  W.     Studien  iiber  Italien.     Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1876. 
Bopf,  C.    Griechenland  im  Mittelalter  und  in  der  Neuzeit.     (All- 

gemeine  Encyklopadie   herausgeg.  von  Ersch  und  Gruber.) 

Erste  Section,  Bd.  LXXXVI.     Leipzig,  1868. 
ffiiber,  A.     Geschichte  Oesterreichs.     Bd.  III.     Gotha,  1888. 
Huilman,  K.  D.     Stadtewesen  des  Mittelalters.     4  Bde.     Bonn, 

1826-29. 

Infessura,  Stef.     Diario  della  citta  di  Roma.     Muratori,  Script., 

III.,   2,    1111-1252.     Neue  Ausgabe  von  O.  Tommasini  in 

Fonti  per  la  storia  d'ltalia.     Roma,  1890. 
Jacobus    Volaterranus.     Diarium  Romanum  ab  anno  1472  usque 

ad  annum    1484,   in   Muratori,    Script.,    XXIII.,   81-203. 

Mediolani,  1733. 
Jahrbuch  der  Koniglich.  Preussischen  Kunstsammlungen.     Bd.  I. 

seq.     Berlin,  1880  seq. 
Jahrbuch,    Historisches^    der     Gorres-Gesellschaft,     redigirt    von 

Hiiffer,  Gramich,   Grauert,  Pastor  und  Schniirer.     16  Bde. 

Mlinster  und  Miinchen,  1880-95. 
Janitschek,  H.     Die  Gesellschaft  der  Renaissance  in  Italien  und 

die  Kunst.     Vier  Vortrage.     Stuttgart,  1879. 
Janner^  F.     Geschichte  der  Bischbfe  von  Regensburg.     Bd.  III. 

Regensburg,  1886. 
Jannet^   CI.     Le  credit  populaire  et  les  banques  en  Italic  du  xv« 

au  xviii^  si^cle.     Paris,  1885. 


xxvill  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Janseru,  A.     Leben  des  Soddoma.     Stuttgart,  1870. 

Janssen,  Joh.  Frankfurts  Reichscoirespondenz  nebst  anderen 
verwandten  Actenstiicken  von  1376-15 19.  Zweiter  Band  in 
2  Abtheilungen.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1866  und  1873. 

Geschichte  des  Deutschen  Volkes  seit  dem  Ausgang  des 

Mittelalters.     Bd.  I.  15  Aufl.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1890. 

JaJis sen- Pastor.  Geschichte  des  Deutschen  Volkes.  Bd.  VIII. 
1-12  Aufl.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1894. 

Joller.  Cardinal  Schinner  als  Katholischer  Kirchenfiirst.  Eine 
historische  Skizze,  in  den  Blattern  aus  der  Walliser  Ges- 
chichte. Herausg.  von  dem  geschichtsforschenden  Verein 
von  Oberwallis.     Jahr.  I.  S.  49-62,  65-69.      Sitten,  1890. 

Jorry.      Storia   di    Papa  AlessandrO  VL,    1431-1503.      Genova, 

1855. 
Jovanovits.     Forschungen  iiber  den  Bau  der  Peterskirche  zu  Rom. 

Wien,  1877. 
/ovius,  P.     Vitae  illustrium  virorum.     2  vol.     Basileae,  1576-77. 

Elogia  virorum  Hteris  illustrium.     Basileae,  1577. 


KathoHk,  der,     Zeitschrift  fiir    Kathol.  Wissenschaft  und  Kirch- 

liches  Leben.    Jahr.  I.  seq.    Strassburg  und  Mainz,  1820-95. 
Keiblinger^   F.   A.      Geschichte  des    Benedictinerstiftes   Melk  in 

Niederosterreich,  seiner  Besitzungen  und  Umgebungen.    Bd.  I. 

Wien,  1867. 
Kerschbamner,  A.     Geschichte  des   Deutschen    Nationalhospizes 

"Anima"  in  Rom.     Nach  authentischen,  bisher  unbenutzten 

Quellen.     Wien,  1868. 
Kervyn  de  Lettenhove.     Philippe  de  Commines,  ses  lettres  et  n^go- 

ciations,  publ.  avec  un  Comment.  Historique  par  K.  de  L. 

3  vol.     Bruxelles,  1867-74. 
Kindt^  B.     Die  Katastrophe  Ludovico  Moro's.in  Novara  im  April 

1500.       Eine  quellenkritische  Untersuchung.     Dissertation. 

Greifwald,  1890. 
Kirche  oder  Protestantismus.     Dritte  Auflage.     Mainz,  1883. 
Kir chenlex ikon  oder  Encyklopadie  der  Kathol.  Theologie  und  ihrer 

Hiilfswissenschaften,   herausgeg.  von   H.   J.  Wetzer  und   B. 

Welte.       Freiburg,    1847-56.       12    Bde.       Zweite    Auflage 

begonnen  von  J.  Cardinal  Hergenrother,  fortgesetzt  von  F. 

Kaulen.     9  Bde.     Freiburg,  1882  seq. 
Klaczko^J.    Florentiner  Plaudereien.  Deutsch  von  Lauser.    Berlin, 

1884. 
Klein^  J.  Z.     Geschichte  des  Drama.    Bd.  IV.  :  Das  Italienische 

Drama.     Erster  Band.     Leipzig,  1866. 
Knackfuss^  H.     Raphael.     Zweite  Auflage.      Bielefeld  und  Leip- 
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Knebel,  Joh.     Tagebuch,  1473-79,  in  Basler  Chroniken,  herausgeg. 


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von  W.  Vischer  und  H.  Boos.     Bd.  II.  und  III.     Leipzig, 

1880-87. 
Knopfler  -  Rohrbacher.       Universalgeschichte     der     Katholischen 

Kirche.     Bd.  XXIII.     Miinster,  1883. 
Knuth^    C.     Beitrage   zur    Kritik    des   Geschichtschreibers   Jean 

d'Auton,  Hofhistoriograph  des  Konigs  Louis  XII.  von  Frank- 

reich.     Dissertation.     Greifswald,  1889. 
Kobler^A.     Katholisches  Leben  im  Mittelalter.     Innsbruck,  1887. 
Kolde^   Th.     Die   Deutsche  Augustinercongregation  und  Johann 

von  Staupitz.     Ein  Beitrag  zur  Ordens-  und   Reformations- 

geschiciite.     Gotha,  1879. 
Kraus,  F.  S.     La  Camera  della  Segnatura.     Firenze,  1890. 
Krieger^  A.     Ueber  die  Bedeutung  des  4  Buches  von  Coccinius' 

Schrift  De  bellis  Italicis  fiir  die  Geschichte  Maximilians  des 

Ersten.     Heidelberg,  1886. 
Krones^  F.  v.     Handbuch  der  Geschichte  Oesterreichs.     Bd.  11. 

Berlin,  1877. 
Kugler.     Handbuch  der  Geschichte  der  Malerei  seit  Konstantin 

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Bd.  IL     Berlin,  1847. 

Labbe,  Ph.     Sacrosancta  Concilia.     21  vol.     Venet,  1728-33. 

Ldmmer,  H.  Zur  Kirchengeschichte  des  xvi.  und  xvii.  Jahr- 
hunderts.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1863. 

Lamansky^  Vlad.  Secrets  d'Etat  de  Venise :  Documents,  ex- 
traits,  notices  et  etudes  servant  a  eclaircir  les  rapports  de  la 
Seigneurie  avec  les  Grecs,  les  Slaves  et  la  Porte  Ottomane  a 
la  fin  du  XV.  et  au  xvi.  siecle.     St.  Petersbourg,  1884. 

Landucci,  L.  Diario  Fiorentino  dal  1450  al  15 16,  continuato 
da  un  anonimo  fino  al  1542,  pubbl.  da  Jodoco  del  Badia. 
Firenze,  1883. 

Lang,  Caspar.  Theologischer  Grundiss  der  alt  und  jeweiligen 
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Katholischen  Helvetia  und  sonderbar  des  alten  christlichen 
Zijrichs.     2  Theile.     Einsiedeln,  1692. 

Lange,  K.  Der  Papstesel.  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Cultur  und  Kunst- 
geschichte  des  Reformations-zeitalters.  Mit  vier  Tafeln  in 
Lichtdruck.     Gottingen,  1891. 

Lanz,  K.  Einleitung  zum  ersten  Bande  der  Actenstiicke  und 
Briefe  zur  Geschichte  Kaiser  Karls  V.     Wien,  1857. 

Lea,  H.  Ch.  A  history  of  the  Inquisition  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
3  vol.     London,  1889. 

Lebret,  J.  F.     Geschichte  von  Italien.     Theil  VI.     Halle,  1784. 

Le  Glay.  Correspondance  de  I'Empereur  Maximilien  I.  et  de 
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Leo,    H.     Geschichte   von    Italien.     Theil    IIL,    IV.,    und    V. 

Hamburg,  1829  seq. 
Leonetti,  A.     Papa  Alessandro  VL,  secondo  documenti  e  carteggi 

del  tempo.     3  vol.     Bologna,  1880. 
Leopardi^  M.     Vita  di  Niccol6  Bonafede,  Vescovo  di   Chiusi  e 

officiale  nella  Corte  Romana   dei  tempi  di  Alessandro  VL 

ai  tempi  di  Clemente  VIL     Pesaro,  1832. 
Leostello,  Joampiero  {da    Volterrd).      Effemeridi  delle  cose  fatte 

per  il  Duca  di    Calabria,    1484-91,    in    Documenti   per   la 

storia,  le  arti  e  le  industrie  delle  provincie  Napoletane,  p.p. 

cura  di   Gaetano    Filangieri,  principe  di    Satriano.     Vol.  I. 
,  Napoli,  1883. 
VEpinois,  H.  de.     Alexandre  VI.   "Revue  des   Questions  His- 

toriques,"  XXIX.,  357-427.     Paris,  1881. 
Letarouilly,  P.     Edifices  de  Rome  moderne.     Paris,  1825-57. 
Le  Vatican  et  la  Basilique  de  St.  Pierre  de  Rome.    3  vol. 

Paris,  1882. 
Lettere  di  Michel  Angelo.      Pubblic.  da    G.    Milanesi.     Firenze, 

1875- 
Lettres  du  Roy  Louis  XII.  et  du    Cardinal   George  d'Amboise. 

4  vol.     Brusselle,  17 12. 
Leva^   G.  de.      Storia  documentata  di    Carlo  V.  in  correlazione 

air  Italia.     P.  I.     Venezia,  1863. 
Lichnowsky,  E.  M.     Geschichte  des  Hauses  Habsburg  bis  zum 

Tode  Kaiser  Maximilians  I.     Theil  VIII.     Wien,  1844. 
Literaturblatt,  Theologisches.     In  Verbindung  mit  der  Katholisch- 

theologischen  Facultat  und  unter  Mitwirkung  vieler  Gelehrten 

herausgeg.  von  Prof.  Dr.  F.  H.  Reusch.     Jahrgang  I.-XII. 

Bonn,  1866-77. 
Litio,  Rob.  de.     See  Robertus. 
Litta,   F.     Famiglie   celebri  Italiane.     Disp.   1-183.     Milano  e 

Torino,  1819-81. 
LjubiCy  S.     Dispacci  di  Luca  de  Tollentis,  Vescovo  di  Sebenico, 

a  di  Lionello  Cheregato,  Vescovo  di  Trail,  nunzi  apostolici 

in  Borgogna  e  nelle  Fiandre,  1472  sino  1488.    Zagrebia,  1876. 
Llorente^  J.  A.     Geschichte  der  Spanischen  Inquisition.     Ueber- 

setzt  von  Hock.     4  Bde.     Gmiind,  1819-22. 
Liibke,   W.     Geschichte  der  Plastik  von  den  altesten  Zeiten  bis 

auf  die  Gegen wart.     2  Bde.     Leipzig,  1870-71. 
Geschichte  der  Italienischen  Malerei.     2  Bde.    Stuttgart, 

1878. 
Liinig^  Christ.     Codex  Italiae  diplomaticus.     4  vol.     Francofurti, 

1725-32. 
LUtzow,  Karl  von.     Die  Kunstschatze  Italians,  in  geographisch- 

historischer  Uebersicht  geschildert.     Stuttgart,  1887. 
Luigi  da  Porto.     Lettere    storiche   1509-18,  ed.  Bart.   Bressan. 

Firenze,  1857. 


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Luzto,  A.     Lettere  inedite  di  Fra  Sabba  da  Castiglione.     Milano, 

1886. 
Federigo  Gonzaga  ostaggio  alia  Corte  di  Giulio  II.    Roma, 

1887. 

I  Precettori  d'Isabella  d'Este.      Appunti  e  documenti. 


Ancona,  1887. 

LuziOj  A.,  e  Renier,  R.  Delle  relazioni  di  Isabella  d'Este  Gon- 
zaga con  Ludovico  e  Beatrice  Sforza.     Milano,  1890. 

'-  Francesco  Gonzaga  alia  battaglia  di  Fornovo  secondo  i 

documenti  Mantovani.  Estratto  dall'  Archivio  storico 
Italiano.     Serie  5,  tom.  VI.     Firenze,  1890. 

Mantova  e  Urbino.     Isabella  d'Este  ed  Elisabetta  Gon- 


zaga   nelle    relazioni   famigliari   e   nelle   vicende   politiche. 
Torino-Roma,  1893. 

Machiavelliy  JV,     Le  lettere  famigliari,  p.p.  E.  Alvisi.     Firenze, 

1883. 

Opere.     8  vol.     Italia,  18 13. 

Opere   inedite,   pubbl.   da  L.   Passerini    e   G.   Milanesi. 

Firenze,  1873  se^. 
Magenta^  C.     I  Visconti  e  gli  Sforza  nel  Castello  di  Pavia  e  loro 

attinenze    con   la    Certosa    e   la   Storia   cittadina.      2    vol. 

Milano,  1883. 
Mai,    A.       Spicilegium     Romanum.       Tom.     I.— X.       Romae, 

1839-44. 
Maistre,  J.  de.     Du  Pape.     Louvain,  1821. 
Makuscev,    V.       Monumenta    historica    Slavorum    meridionalium 

vicinorumque  populorum  e  tabulariis  et  bibliothecis  Italiae 

deprompta,  etc.     T.  I.,  vol.  i.  e  11.     Varsoviae,  1874-82. 
Malavolti,  O,     Istoria  de'  fatti  e  guerre  de'  Sanesi.     P.  III.  dal 

1405  al  1555.     Venezia,  1599. 
Malipiero,  D.     Annali  Veneti  dall'  anno  1457  al  1500  ordinati  et 

abbreviati   dal    senatore    Francesco    Longo,    in    "Archivio 

storico  Italiano,"  VII.,  p.  I.  e  II.     Firenze,  1843. 
Mancini,  G.     Vita  di  Leon  Battista  Alberti,     Firenze,  1882. 
Manni^  D.  M.     Istoria  degli  anni  santi  dal  loro  principio  fino  al 

presente  del   MDCCL.  (tratta  in  gran  parte  da  quella  del 

P.L.F.  Tommaso  Maria  Alfani,  dell'  Ord.  de'  Predicatori). 

Firenze,  1750. 
Mansi.     Miscellanea.     See  Baluze. 
Mantuanus,    Baptista.      Opera    (De    patientia — De    vita    beata). 

s.  I.  et  a. 
Marchese^  P.   Vincenzo.     Memorie  dei  piu  insitrni  Pittori,  Scultori 

e   Architetti    Domenicani.      Quarta  edizione   accresciuta   e 

migliorata.     2  vol.     Bologna,  1878-79. 

Scritti  vari.     2  vol.     Firenze,  i860. 

Marint,  Gaet.    Degli  archiatri  Pontifici.    Vol.  I. -II.    Roma,  1784. 

VOL.  V.  C 


XXXU  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Mariotti.     Saggio  di  memorie  ist.  della  citta  di  Perugia.     Perugia, 

1806. 
Marthie,  Ed.     Thesaurus  nov.  anecdotorum  complectens  regum 

ac  principum  aliorumque    virorum,   etc.     5  vol.     Lutetiae, 

17 17  seq. 
Mart^ne,  Ed.,  et  Diira7id,  Urs.    Veterum  scriptorum  et  monumen- 

torum,   historicorum,    dogmaticorum,    moralium    amplissima 

collectio.     9  vol.     Parisiis,    1724  seq. 
Martyr,  Petriis.     Opus  epistolarum.     Amsterdam,  1670. 
Massari,  Ces.     Saggio  storico-medico  sulle  pestilenze  di  Perugia 

e  sul  governo  sanitario  di  esse  eM  secolo  xiv.  fino  ai  giorni 

nostri.     Perugia,  1838. 
Matagne,   H.     Une   rehabilitation    d'Alexandre  VI.  (Kritik  von 

Ollivier)  and  Le  Card.  R.  Borgia,  reponse  au  R.P.  Ollivier 

in    "Revue   des    Questions    Historiques,"    IX.,    466-475; 

XL,  181-198.     Paris,  1870-72. 
Matarazzo,  Erancesco.     Cronaca  della  citta  di  Perugia  dal  1492  al 

1503,  pubbl.  p.  cura  di  Ariodante  Fabretti.     Archivio  stor. 

Ital.,  T.  XVL,  parte  II.     Firenze,  1851. 
Maulde,  M.  de.     Procedures  poUtiques  du  regne  de  Louis  XII. 

(Documents    inedits    sur    I'Histoire    de-    France.)       Paris, 

Alaidde-la-Clavilre,  de.     Les  origines  de  la  Revolution  Frangaise 

au  commencement  du  xvi®  siecle.     Paris,  1889. 
La  Diplomatic  au  temps  de  Machiavel.     3  vol.     Paris, 

1892  a  1893. 
Histoire  de  Louis  XII.     I.  Partie  :  Louis  d'Orleans.     2  vol. 

Paris,  1890.     11.  Partie:   La  Diplomatic.      Paris,  1893. 
Maurenhrecher,    W.     Geschichte  der  Katholischen  Reformation. 

Nordlingen,  1880. 
MazzucJulli.     Gli  scrittori  dTtalia.     2  tom.     Brescia,  1753  seq. 
Meier,  E.  K.     Girolamo  Savonarola.     Berlin,  1836. 
Meiners,  Ch.    Lebensbeschreibungen  beriimhter  Manner.    Bd.  II. 

Zurich,  ]  796. 
Melanges  d' Archeologie  et  d' Histoire.     (Ecole  Frangaise  de  Rome.) 

Paris,  1 88 1  seq. 
Memorie  Perugine  di  Teseo  Alfani  dal  1502  al  1527  pubbl.  p.c.  di 

F.  Bonaini,  con  annotazioni  del  medesimo,  di  A.  Fabretti  e 

F.  Polidori.     Archivio  storico  Ital,  T.  XVI.  parte  II.,  p.  247 

seq.     Firenze,  185 1. 
Memorie  storiche  di  Mirandola.     4  vol.     Mirandola,  1872-77. 
Memorie  storiche  e  documenti  sulla  citta  e  sull'  antico  principato 

di  Carpi.     Tom.  I.     Carpi,  1877. 
Menzel,  W.     Christliche  Symbolik.      2  Aufl.     2  Bde.     Regens- 

burg,  1856. 
Michael  de  Mediolani.    Sermonarium  triplicatum.    Basileae,  1479. 
Michael,  E.     Ignaz  von  DoUinger.     3  Aufl.     Innsbruck,  1894. 


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Michaelis^    A.      Geschichte    des    Statuenhofes  im  Vaticanischen 

Belvedere,  im  Jahrbuch  des  Deutschen  Archaologischen  In- 

stituts,  v.,  5  seq,     Berlin,  1891. 
Michaud.     Geschichte  der  Kreuzziige.     Uerbers.  von  Ungewitter. 

7  Bde.     Quedlinbiirg,  1827. 
Michel  Angela  Buonarotti.     Le  Rime,  pubbl.  da  C.  Guasti.     Fir- 

enze,  1863. 
Mignanti,   F.  M.      Istoria    della  sacrosanta  patriarcale   Basilica 

Vaticana.     Roma,  1867. 
Migne.     Dictionnaire  des  Cardinaux.     Paris,  1857. 
Minghettt,  M.     Raffaele.     Bologna,  1885. 
Mittheilungen   des    Instituts    fiir    CEsterreichische    Geschichtsfor- 

schung,   redigirt  von  E.    Miihlbacher.      Bd.   I.  seq.      Inns- 
bruck, 1880  seq. 
Mohler^  J.  A.      Kirchengeschichte.      Herausgegeben  von  P.  B. 

Gams,  O.S.B.     4  Bde.     Regensburg,  1867-70. 
Mohl^  R.  V.     Geschichte  und  Litteratur  der  Staatswissenschaften. 

Bd.  III.     Erlangen,  1858. 
Molini.     Documenti  di  storia  Italiana.     Tom.  I.     Firenze,  1836. 
Molitor^W.^undWittmer^  M.  Rom.   2  Auflage.  Regensburg,  1870. 
Molmenti^  P.   G.     La  storia  di  Venezia  nella  vita  privata  dalle 

origini  alia  caduta  della  republica.     2  ediz.     Torino,  1880. 
Monumenta  Hungariae  historica.      Acta  extera.      Matyas.      Vol. 

I.-IV.     Budapest,  1875-78. 
Moroni^  Gaetano.     Dizionario  di  erudizione  storico-ecclesiastica  da 

S.  Pietro  sino  ai  nostri  giorni.      109  vol.     Venezia,  1840-79. 
Morsoltn,  B.     Zaccaria  Ferreri.     Episodio  Biografico  del  secolo 

XVI.     Vicenza,  1877. 
L'Abbate  di  Monte  Subasio  e  il  Concilio  di  Pisa,  151 1- 

1512.     Venezia,  1893. 
Morus.      Biblioteca  Picena  osia  notizie  storiche  delle   opere  e 

degli  scrittori  Piceni.     5  vol.     Osimo,  1792  seq. 
Mulinen,    W.  F.  v.     Geschichte  der  Schweizer  Soldner  bis  zur 

Errichtung  der  ersten  stehenden  Garde,  1497.     Bern,  1887. 
Muller^  G.     Documenti  sulle  relazioni  delle  citta  Toscane  coll' 

oriente   cristiano    e    coi    Turchi   fino    all'   anno  MDXXXI. 

Firenze,  1879. 
Micller^  J.  J.      Des    Heiligen    Romischen    Reiches   Teutscher 

Nation  Reichstags-Theatrum.     3  Theile.     Jena,  17 13  j^^. 
Milliner^  L.     Literatur  und  kunstkritische  Studien.     Wien   und 

Leipzig,  1895. 
Miintz,  E.     Les  Precurseurs  de  la  Renaissance.     Paris  et  Lon- 

dres,  1882. 
• Les  historiens  et  les  critiques  de  Raphael,   1483-1883. 

Essai  bibliographique  pour  servir  d'appendice  a  I'ouvrage  de 

Passavant  avec  choix  de  documents  in^dits  ou  peu  connus. 

Paris,  1883. 


XXXIV  COMPLETE  TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Mihitz,  E.     L' Atelier  mon^taire  de  Rome,     Documents  inedits, 

etc.     Paris,  1884. 
Les   Monuments   Antiques   de    Rome  ^  I'^poque  de  la 

Renaissance.       Nouvelles    recherches    in    "Revue    Arch^o- 

logique."      Troisi^me   S^rie :    V.,    350-363;    VI.,    27-42; 

VII.,  124-139,  224-243,  336-341;  VIIL,  33-40,  319-336; 

IX.,  54-63,  170-180.     Paris,  1884-87. 
La  Renaissance  en   Italic  et  en   France  a  I'^poque  de 

Charles  VIIL     Paris,  1885. 
Raphael.     Sa  vie,  son  oeuvre  et  son  temps,  Paris,  1881. 

Nouvelle  Edition  entiferement  refondue.     Paris,  1885. 

La  Bibliotheque  du  Vatican  a  xvi®  sibcle.     Paris,  1886. 

Les  Antiquites  de  la  ville  de  Rome  aux  XIV^,  xv.  et  xvi. 

siecles.     Topographic — monuments — collections,  d'apres  des 

documents  nouveaux.     Paris,  1886. 

Les  sources  de  FArch^ologie  Chretienne.     Paris,  1887. 

Histoire  de  I'Art  pendant   la   Renaissance.      I. — Italic. 


3  vol.     Paris,  1889-95. 

Miintz^  E.,  et  P.  Fabre.  La  Bibliotheque  du  Vatican  au  xv® 
si^cle  d'apres  des  documents  inedits.     Paris,  1887. 

Muratori^  Lud.  Rerum  Italicarum  scriptores  praecipui  ab  anno 
aerae  Christi  U.  ad  MD.  quorum  potissima  pars  nunc 
primum  in  lucem  prodit  ex  codicibus  Muratorius  collegit, 
ordinavit  et  praefationibus.  28  vol.  in  folio.  Mediolani, 
1723-51- 

Nardil  Jacopo.      Istorie   della  citta   di   Firenze,    ed.   L.   Arbib. 

2  vol.     Firenze,  1838  sino  1841. 
Navagiero^    A.     Storia   della    republica   Veneziana    (-1498),    in 

MuRATORi,  Script,  XXIII.,  923  seq.     Mediolani,  1733. 
Navarette,  M.  F.  de.     Coleccion  de  los  viajes  y  descubrimientos 

que  hicieron  por  mar  los  Espaiioles  desde  el  fin  siglo  xv. 

2  edit.     2  vol.     Madrid,  1858-59. 
Nemec^   V.     Papst  Alexander  VI.     Klagenfurt,  1879. 
Nibby.     Le  Mura  di  Roma.     Roma,  1820. 
Niccola  della   Tuccia.     Cronaca  di  Viterbo.     Cronache  e  statuti 

della  citta  di  Viterbo,  pubblicata  ed  illustrati  da  Ignazio 

Ciampi.     Firenze,  1872. 
Nothen,  K.   CI.     Geschichte  aller  Jubeljahre  und  ausserordent- 

lichen   Jubilaen   der    Katholischen    Kirche.      Regensburg, 

1875. 
Nolhac^  P.  de.     Erasme  en  Italic.     6tude  sur  un  episode  de  la 

Renaissance.     Paris,  1888. 
Notajo  di  Nantiparto.     Diario  di  Roma  dalP  anno  1481  al  1492, 

in  MuRATORi,  Script.,  III.,  2,  1071-1109.     Mediolani,  1734. 
Notar  Giacomo.     See  Cronica  di  Napoli. 
Notizenblatt.     See  Chmel^  "  Briefe  und  Actenstiicke." 


QUOTED  IN  VOLUMES  V.  AND  VI.       xxxv 

Novaes^    G.   de.      Elementi    della    storia   de'    sommi    Pontefici. 

2  ediz.     Tom.  VI.     Siena,  1804. 
Nuntiaturberichte  aus    Deutschland    nebst    erganzenden    Acten- 

stiicken.     Erste  Abtheilung,   bearb.   von   W.    Friedensburg. 

Bd.  I.  und  III.     Gotha,  1892  seq. 
JVunziante^   E.      Alcune    lettere   di   Joviano    Pontano.      Napoli, 

1886. 
Nuti.     Lettera  di  Sigismondo  Tizio.     Siena,   1877.     (Published 

in  honour  of  a  Wedding.) 

Oliver^  M.  D.     Rodrigo  de  Borja  (Alejandro  VI.).     Sus  hijos  y 

descendientes,  in  "  Boletin  de  la  Real  Academia  de  la  His- 

toria,"  IX.,  402-447.     Madrid,  1886. 
Ollivier.     Le  Pape  Alexandre  VI.  et  les  Borgia.     P.  I.     Paris, 

1870. 
Owen,  J.     The  Sceptics  of  the  Italian  Renaissance.     London, 

1893. 

Pagi^  Fr.     Breviarium  historico-chronologico-criticum,  illustriora 

Pontificum  Romanorum  gesta,  etc.  complectens.     Tom.  IV. 

et  V.     Antwerpiae,  1727. 
Palacky,  F.     Geschichte  von  Bohmen,  grosstentheils  nach  Urkun- 

den  und  Handschriften.     Bd.  IV.  und  V.     Prag,  1860-65. 
Paludan-Muller,    C.      De    forste    Konger  af   den  Oldenborgske 

Slaegt.     Kjobenhavn,  1874. 
Panvinius,  O.     Romani  Pontifices  et  cardinales  S.  R.  E.  ab  eisdem 

a  Leone  IX.  ad  Paulum  P.  IV.  creati.     Venetiis,  1557. 
Paolo  di  Benedetto  di    Cola   dello    Mastro,   Memoriale  pubbl.  p. 

Pelaez   in    "Arch.   d.    Soc.    Rom,"   XVL,   41-131.     Roma, 

1893. 
Papencordt,    Felix.     Geschichte   der   Stadt    Rom   im    Mittelalter. 

Herausgegeben  und  mit  Anmerkungen,  Urkunden,  Vorwort, 

und  Einleitung  versehen  von  Prof.  Constantin  Hofler.    Pader- 

born,  1857. 
Parmenius,    Laurentius.     De    operibus   et    rebus    gestis    Julii   11. 

P.  M.  Commentariolus  in  "Anecdota  Litt.,"  III.,  307-318. 

Romae,  1783. 
Pasolini,  P.  D.     Caterina  Sforza.     3  vol.     Roma,  1893. 
\_Passarini,  Z.]     Memorie  intorno  alia  vita  di  Silvestro  Aldobran- 

dini   con   appendice   di   documenti   storici.      Roma,    1878. 

(Aggiunta  Roma,  1879.) 
Passavant,  J.  D.      Rafael  von  Urbino.     3  Bde.     Leipzig,   1839 

seq.     (French  edition,  Paris,  i860.) 
Pelissier,    L.   G.     Sopra   alcuni    documenti    relativi   all'   alleanza 

tra    Alessandro   VI.  e   Luigi    XII.,    1498-99,   in    "Archivio 

della  Societa  Romana,"  XVII.,  303-373.     Roma,  1894. 


XXXVl  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Per  ate.     See  Vatican. 

Ferrens,  F.  F.    Hieronymus  Savonarola.  Nach  Original-Urkunden 

und  ungedruckten  Schriften.    Uebersetzt  von  J.  F.  Schroder. 

Braunschweig,  1858. 
■ Histoire  de    Florence  depuis  la  domination  de  Medicis 

jusqu'  a  la  chute  de  la  republique.     Tom.  I.  et  II.     Paris, 

1888  seq. 
Petrucelli  delta  Gattina,  F.     Histoire  diplomatique  des  Conclaves. 

Tom.  I.     Paris,  1864. 
Phillips,   Georg.     Kirchenrecht.     7  Bde.     Regensburg,    1845-72. 

(Bd.  VIIL  von  Prof.  Vering,  1889.) 
Piazza,  Carlo.     Opere  pie  di  Roma.     Roma,  1679. 
Piccolomini,  Enea.    Alcuni  documenti  inediti  intorno  a  Pio  11.  e  a 

Pio  IIL     Siena,  1871. 
Pichler,  A.     Geschichte  der  Kirchlichen  Trennung  zwischen  dem 

Orient   und    Occident   von    den    ersten    Antangen    bis    zur 

jiingsten  Gegenwart.     2  Bde.     Miinchen,  1864-65. 
Pieper,  A.     Ein  unedirtes  Stiick  aus  dem  Tagebuch  Burchards. 

Separatabzug  aus  der  Romischen  Quartalschrift,   herausgeg. 

von  de  Waal  und  Finke.     Rom,  1894. 
Zur   Enstehungsgeschichte   der   standigen    Nuntiaturen. 

Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1894. 
Pilorgerie.     See  Campagne,  etc. 
Piper^  F.     Mythologie  der  Christlichen  Kunst  von  der  altesten 

Zeit    bis    ins    sechzehnte   Jahrhundert.       2     Bde.       Gotha, 

1847-51. 
Pitti,  J.     Istoria  Fiorentina  dal  12 15  al  1529,  pubbl.   da  F.  L. 

Polidori  in  "Archivio  storico   Italiano."     Vol.  I.     Firenze, 

1842. 
Platner-Bunsen.     See  Beschreibung  der  Stadt  Rom. 
Podesta^  B.     Intorno  alle  due  statue  erette  in  Bologna  a  Giulio 

IL,    in   "Atti  e   Memorie  delle   Deputaz.    di   storia    patria 

per  le   provincie  di    Romagna,"   VII.,   107    seq.       Bologna, 

1868. 
Pohlmann.     Die  Wirthschaftspolitik  der  Florentiner  Renaissance 

und  das  Princip  der  Verkehrsfreheit.     Leipzig,  1878. 
Ponfanus,  Joa.  Jovianus.     Opera  omnia   soluta  oratione.     3  vol. 

Venetiis,  15 18. 
Porto.     See  Luigi  da  P. 
Porzio,  C.     La  congiura  de'  Baroni  del  Regno  di  Napoli  contra 

il  Re  Ferdinando  I.     Ridotta  alia  sua  vera  lezione  .  .  .  per 

cura  del  comm.  Stanislao  d'Aloe.     Napoli,  1859. 
Prato^  Giov.  Andrea.     Storia  di  Milano,  in  "Archivio  stor.  Ital," 

Vol.  III.     Firenze,  1842. 
Prescott,    W.    FI.      Geschichte   der    Regierung    Ferdinands   und 

Isabella's  der  Katholischen  von  Spanien.     Deutsche  Ueber- 

setzung.     2  Bde.     Leipzig,  1842. 


QUOTED   IN    VOLUMES   V.   AND   VI.  XXXVll 

Prdlss^    R.      Geschichte   des    neuern    Dramas.      Erster    Band. 

Zwei  Halften.     Leipzig,  1 880-81. 
Fungikoni.     Memorie  intorno  alia  vita  di  D.  Bramante.     Roma, 

1836. 

Quartalschrift.     Romische,  fiir  christliche  Alterthumskunde  und 

fiir    Kirchengeschichte.     Herausgeg.  von    A.  de  Waal    und 

H.  Finke.     Jahr.  i.-ix.     Rom,  1887-95. 
Quartalschrift,  Tubinger  theologische.     Jahrg.  i  seq,     Tiibingen, 

1 83 1  seq. 
Quetif,  Jac.     See  E chard. 
Quidde,    L.      Deutsche    Zeitschrift    fiir    Geschichtswissenschaft. 

Jahrg.  1889-94.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1889-94. 

Rafael  {Maffems)  Volaterranus.  Commentariorum  urbanorum 
libri  38.      Parisiis,  1526. 

Ranke,  L.  von.  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Reforma- 
tion.    Bd.  I.  und  VI.     2  Aufl.     Berlin,  1844-47. 

Die  Romischen  Papste  in  den  letzten  vier  Jahrhunderten. 

Bd.  Lund  III.     6  Aufl.     Leipzig,  1S74. 

Geschichte  der  Romanischen  und  Germanischen  Volker 

von  1494-15 14.     2  Aufl.     Leipzig,  1874. 

•  Zur  Kritik  neuerer  Geschichtschreiber.     2  Aufl.     Leipzig, 


1874. 

Historisch-biographische  Studien.     Leipzig,  1877. 


Ratti^  N.     Delle  famiglie  Sforza-Cesarini,   Savelli,   Peretti,   Mon- 

talto,  etc.     2  vol.     Roma,  1894. 
Ratzinger,  G.    Geschichte  der  Kirchlichen  Armenpflege.     2  Aufl. 

Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1884. 
Raynaldus,  O.    Annales  ecclesiastic!  accedunt  notae  chronologicae, 

criticae,  etc.,  auctore  J.  D.  Mansi.    Tom.  XL  et  XI I.    Lucae, 

1754  j^^. 
Redtenbacher,    R.     Architektur    der    Italienischen    Renaissance. 

Frankfurt,  1886. 
Renazzi,  F.  M.     Storia  dell'  universita  degli  studj  di  Roma,  detto 

la  Sapienza,  con  un  saggio  storico  d.  letteratura  Romana  dal 

sec.  XIII.  sino  al  sec.  xviii.     2  vol.     Roma,  1803-1804. 
Renter.     See  Luzio. 
Repertorium   fiir   Kimstivissenschaft,    herausgeg.    von    Schestag, 

spater  von  J.  Janitschek,  dann  von  Thode.     Stuttgart  und 

Berlin,  1876  seq. 
Reu7nont,  A.  von.     Die  Carafa  von  Maddaloni.    2  Theile.    Berlin, 

• Beitrage  zur  Italienischen  Geschichte.     6  Bde.     Berlin, 

1853-57. 
Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom.     Bd.  II.  und  III.     Berlin, 


1867-70. 


xxxvill  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Reumont,  A.  von.     Briefe  heiliger  und  gottcsfiirchtiger  Italiener. 
Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1877. 

Vittoria  Colonna.     Leben,  Dichten  und  Glauben  im  xvi. 

Jahrhundert.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1881. 

Kleine  historische  Schriften.     Gotha,  1882. 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici  il  Magnifico.     Zweite  vielfach  veran- 


derte  Auflage.     2  Bde.     Leipzig,  1883. 
Reusch^  H.     Der  Index  der  verbotenen  Biicher.     2  Bde.    Bonn, 

1883-85.  . 
Revue  des  Etudes  Juives.     Publication  trimestrielle  de  la  Soci^t^ 

des  Etudes  Juives.     Tom.  L-XXIL     Paris,  1880-92. 
Revue  des  Questions  Historiques.     Livraison  I.  seq.     Paris,   1866 

seq. 
Revue  Historique.     Tom.  I.  seq.     Paris,  1876  seq. 
Ricciardi^  Franc,  da  Pistoja  detto  Ceccodea.     Ricordi  storici   dal 

1494  al  1500,  pubbl.  p.  c.  di  P.  Viego,  in  "Scelta  di  curiosita 

letterarie   inedite  o  rare   dal    sec.  xiii.  al  xvii.  Disp.   186. 

Bologna,  1882. 
Ricordi  di  Casa  SaccM  dal  1476  al  1572,  in  Niccola  della  Tuccia, 

ed.  Ciampi,  423  seq.     Firenze,  1872. 
Rio,  A.   F.     De  I'Art    Chretien.     Nouvelle    edition  entierement 

refondue    et   considerablement   augmentee.     4    vol.     Paris, 

1861-67. 

Michel-Ange^  et  Raphael.     Avec  un  supplement  sur  la 

decadence  de  I'Ecole  Romaine.     Paris,  1867. 

Ritter,  H.  Geschichte  der  Philosophic.  Theil  IX.  Hamburg, 
1850. 

Rixner,  Thaddd  Anselm.  Handbuch  der  Geschichte  der  Philo- 
sophic. Neue  Ausgabe  der  Zweiten  Auflage.  Bd.  II. :  Ges- 
chichte der  Philosophic  des  Mittelalters.     Sulzbach,  1850. 

Robertus  de  Litio  {Licio).  Quadragesimale  de  peccatis  per  fratrem 
R.  Caracholum  de  L.  Ord.  Min.     Venetiis,  1488. 

Robinson,  J.  C.  A  critical  account  of  the  drawings  by  Michael 
Angelo  and  Raphael  in  the  University  Galleries.  London, 
1870. 

Rodocanacki,  E.  Les  Corporations  ouvrieres  a  Rome  depuis  la 
chute  de  I'Empire  Remain.     2  vol.     Paris,  1894. 

Rodrigo,  Fr.  J.  Historia  verdadera  de  la  Inquisici6n.  3  vol. 
Madrid,  1876-77. 

Rosier,  A.  Cardinal  Johannes  Dominici,  1357-1419.  Freiburg 
i.  Br.,  1893. 

Cardinal  Johannes   Dominicis   Erziehungslehre   und  die 

iibrigen  padagogischen  Leistungen  Italiens  im  xv.  Jahrun- 
dert.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1894. 

Rohrbacher.     See  Knopfler. 

Romanin.  Storia  documentata  di  Venezia.  Tom.  IV.  e  V. 
Venezia,  1855  seq. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLUMES   V.    AND    VI.  XXXIX 

Ronchini^  A.  Documenti  Borgiani  dell'  Archivio  di  Stato  in 
Parma,  in  "Atti  e  Memorie  delle  RR.  deputazioni  di  storia 
patria  per  le  provincie  dell'  Emilia."  Nuova  Serie,  I.,  37  seq, 
Modena,  1877. 

Roscoe^  W,  Leben  und  Regierung  des  Papstes  Leo  X.  Uebers. 
von  H.  Ph.  K.  Henke.     3  Theile.     Wien,  181 8. 

Rosmini,  Carlo  de\  Dell'  Istoria  intorno  alle  militari  imprese  e 
alia  vita  di  Gian-Jacopo  Trivulzio  detto  il  Magno  tratta  in 
gran  parte  da'  monumenti  inediti  che  conferiscono  eziandio 
ad  illustrar  le  vicende  di  Milano  e  d'ltalia  di  que'  tempi. 
Libri  XV.     2  vol.     Milano,  181 5. 

Deir  Istoria  di  Milano.     Tom.   I.,    III.,    IV.     Milano, 

1820. 

Rossbach,  IT.  Das  Leben  und  die  politisch-kirchliche  Wirksam- 
keit  des  Bernaldino  Lopez  de  Carvajal,  Cardinals  von  S. 
Croce  in  Gierusalemme  in  Rom,  und  das  schismatische 
Concilium  Pisanum.     Erstej  Theil.  Dissert.     Breslau,  1892. 

Rossi,  Tribaldo  de.  Ricordanze  in  "  Delizie  degli  eruditi  Toscani," 
XXIII.,  236-303.     Firenze,  1786. 

Rudelbach.     Hieronymus  Savonarola  und  seine  Zeit.     Hamburg, 

Ruviohr,  C.  F.  von.  Italienische  Forschungen.  3  Theile.  Berlin 
und  Stettin,  1827-1831. 

Ruth^  E.  Geschichte  der  Italienischen  Poesie.  2  Bde.  Leip- 
zig, 1844. 

Sagmuller,  J.  B.  Die  Papstwahlen  und  die  Staaten  von  1447  bis 
1555  (Nicolaus  V.  bis  Paul  IV.).  Eine  kirchenrechtlich-his- 
torische  Untersuchung  liber  den  Anfang  des  Rechtes  der 
Exclusive  in  der  Papstwahl.     Tiibingen,  1890. 

Saggiatore,  II  {^enodic2i\).     2  vol.     Roma,  1844-45. 

Sandonini,  T.  Modena  sotto  il  governo  dei  Papi.  Modena, 
1879. 

Sandret,  I.  Le  Concile  de  Pise,  151 1,  in  "Revue  des  Questions 
Historiques,"  XXXIIL,  425-456.     Paris,  1883. 

Santarem,  Visconde  de.  Quadro  elementar  das  Rela^oes  politicas 
e  diplomaticas  de  Portugal  con  as  diversas  potencias  do 
mundo  ordenado  e  composto  pelo  V.  de  S.,  continuado  e 
dirigido  pelo  Luiz  Augusto  Rebello  da  Silva.  Tom.  X. 
Lisboa,  1866. 

Sanudo,  Marino.  Vite  de'  duchi  di  Venezia.  Muratori,  Script., 
XXII.,  405-1252.     Mediolani,  1733. 

La  spedizione  di  Carlo  VIII.   in  Italia,    pubbl.   per  R. 

Fulin  (Suppl.  to  Arch.  Veneto).     Venezia,  1873-82. 

Sanuto,  M.     I  Diarii.     Tom.  I.-XV.     Venezia,  1879  seq. 
Savonarola^  G.     Poesie,  ed.  Guasti.     Firenze,  1862.    (Edition  of 
only  250  copies.) 


xl  COMPLETE   TITLES  OF   BOOKS 

Scliaden.     See  Thiersch. 

Schdfer,     Geschichte  Portugals.     5  Bde.     Hamburg,  1836-54. 

Scheuri,  Chr.  Briefbuch,  ein  Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  der  Refor- 
mation und  ihrer  Zeit.  Herausgeg.  von  F.  v.  Soden  und  J. 
K.  F.  Knaake.     Bd.  L     Potsdam,  1867. 

Schirrmac/ier^  F,  W.     Geschichte  von  Spanien.     Bd.  VI.    Gotha, 

Schtvenog/ia,  Andrea.  Cronaca  di  Mantova  dal  1445  al  1484 
trascritta  ed  annotata  da  Carlo  d'Arco,  in  "  Raccolta  di  cro- 
nisti  e  documenti  storici  Lombardi  inediti,"  II.,  121-194. 
Milano,  1857. 

Schkcht,  J.  Andreas  Zamometic  (shortly  to  be  published  in 
Paderborn). 

Schmarsow,  A.     Pinturichio  in  Rom.     Stuttgart,  1882. 

Melozzo  da  Forli.      Ein  Beitrag  zur  Kunst-  und  Cultur- 

geschichte  Italiens  im  xv.  Jahrundert.  Berlin  und  Stutt- 
gart, 1886. 

Schneegans,  H.  Geschichte  der  grotesken  Satire.  Strassburg, 
1894. 

Schneider^  J.  Die  Kirchliche  und  politische  Wirksamkeit  des 
Legaten  Raimund  Peraudi,  1486-1505.  Unter  Benutzung 
ungedruckter  Quellen  bearbeitet.     Halle,  1882. 

• Der  Turkenzugscongress  in  Rom  (3  Juni-30  Juli,  1490). 

Nach  archivalischen  Quellen  dargestellt.  Programm  des 
stadtischen  Realgymnasiums  zu  Gumbinnen.      Gumbinnen, 

Schnurrer,    F.     Chronik    der   Seuchen.      2    Theile.     Tubingen, 

1825. 
Sckonfeld,    A.     Andrea  Sansovino  und  seine  Schule.     Stuttgart, 

1881. 
Schrockh.     Kirchengeschichte.      Bd.   XXX.  seq.      Leipzig,    1772 

seq. 
Schulte,  /oh.  Friedr.  von.     Die  Geschichte  der  Quellen  und  Liter- 

atur  des  canonischen  Rechts  von  Papst  Gregor  IX.  bis  zum 

Concil  von  Trient.     (Gesch.  der  Quellen  u.   s.  w.  von  Gra- 

tian  bis  auf  die  Gegenwart.     Bd.  11.)     Stuttgart,  1877. 
Schultheiss.     Die   Gesellschaft   der   Italienischen   Renaissance  in 

Literatur  und  Geschichte,  in  the  Allgem.  Zeitung  (Suppl), 

1892.     Nr.  294,  295,  357. 
Schultze,   V.     Das  Kloster  S.  Marco  in  Florenz.     Ein  culturges- 

chichtliches  Bild  aus  dem  xv.  Jahrhundert.     Leipzig,  1888. 
Semper,  H.    Bramante  in  Dohme,  Kunst  und  Kiinstler.    Bd.  III. 

Leipzig,  1878. 
Semper,  Schulze,  F.  O.,  und  Barth,  W.  Carpi.  Ein  Fiirstensitz  der 

Renaissance.     Dresden,  1882. 
Senare^a,  B.      De    rebus    Genuensibus,    in    Muratori,    Script., 

XXIV.     Mediolani,  1738. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLUMES  V.   AND  VI.  xli 

SenttSj   F.  J.     Die   Monarchia  Sicula.      Eine   historisch-canonis 

tische  Untersuchung.     Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1869. 
Serapeum.     Zeitschrift  fiir  Bibliotliekwissenschaft,  Handschriften- 

kunde  und  altera  Literatur.     Im  Vereine  mit  Bibliothekaren 

und  Literaturfreunden  herausgeg.  von  Dr.  Robert  Naumann. 

Jahrgang  I.-XXXI.     Leipzig,  1840-70. 
Serdonati.     Vita  d'Innocenzo  VIII.     Milan o,  1829. 
Sigismondo   de'   Conti  da  Foligno.      Le  storie  de'  suoi  tempi  dal 

1475  ^  1510-     Tom.  1.  e  II,     Roma,  1883. 
Sismondi,/.  S.    Geschichte  der  Italienischen  Freystaaten  im  Mittel- 

alter.  Aus  dem  Franzosischen.    11  bis  i4Theil.  Ziirich,  1820. 
Skaife^  W.  B.      Florentine  Life  during  the  Renaissance.     Balti- 
more, 1893. 
SoranzOy  G.     Bibliografia  Veneziana.     Venezia,  1885. 
Springer,  A.     Raffael  und  Michelangelo.     Leipzig,  1878.     2  Aufl. 

2  Bde.      1883. 
Raffaels    "Schule    von    Athen,"    in    "Die    graphischen 

Kiinste."     Jahrgang  V.,  S.  53-107.     Wien,  1883. 
SfaffetH,  L.     II  Cardinale  Innocenzo  Cyb6,  contributo  alia  storia 

della  politica  e  dei  costumi    Italiani  nella  prima  meta  del 

secolo  XVI.     Firenze,  1894. 
Stein,  H.  von.     Sieben  Biicher  zur  Geschichte  des  Platonismus. 

Theil  III.     Gottingen,  1875. 
Stern,  A.     Geschichte  der  neuern  Literatur.     Bd.  I :  Friihrenais- 

sance  und  Vorreformation.     Leipzig,  1882. 
Stevejison,  E.     Topografia  e  monumenti  di  Roma  nelle  pitture  a 

fresco  di  Sisto  V.  della  Biblioteca  Vaticana,  in  the  publica- 
tion:  '*A1  s.   pont.   Leone  XIII.  omaggio  giub.  della  Bibl. 

Vat."     Roma,  1888. 
Stimmen  aus  Maria  Laach.     Katholische  Blatter.     Bd.  I.-XLIX. 

Freiburg  i.  Br.,  1871-95. 
Stdckl,  A.     Geschichte  der  Philosophie.     Bd.  III.     Mainz,  1866. 
Studi  e  documenti  di  storia  e  diritto.      Pubblicazione  periodica 

deir  accademia  di  conferenze  storico-giuridiche.     A'^-I.  seq. 

Roma,  1880  seq. 
Sugenheim,  S.     Geschichte  der  Entstehung  und  Ausbildung  des 

Kirchenstaates.     Leipzig,  1854. 
Symonds,  J.  A.    The  Life  of  Michael  Angelo  Buonarotti,  based  on 

studies  in  the  Archives  of  the  Buonarotti  family  at  Florence. 

Vol.  I.     London,  1893. 
Szecsen,  A.     Rafael,  in  the  "  Ungarischen  Revue,"  IX.,  545  seq. 

Budapest,  1889. 

Tang/,  M.     Die  papstlichen  Kanzleiordnungen  von   1 200-1 500. 

Innsbruck,  1894. 
Theiner,  A.      Vetera  Monumenta    historica    Hungariam    sacram 

illustrantia.     Tom.  II.  (1352-15 26).     Romae,  i860. 


xlii  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Theiner^  A.  Vetera  Monumenta  Poloniae  et  Lithuaniae  gentium- 
que  finitimarum  historiam  illustrantia  maximam  partem  non- 
dum  edita  ex  tabulariis  Vaticanis.  Tom.  H.  (14J0-1572). 
Romae,  1861. 

Codex  diplomaticus  dominii  temporalis  S.  Sedis.    Recueil 

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TABLE   OF   CONTENTS    OF   VOLUME  V. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  Renaissance  a  period  of  transition,  especially  in  Italy 

Great  development  in  Literature  and  Art    . 

As  also  in  material  civilisation   ..... 

Corruption  in  political  life.     Worship  of  success 

Misery  caused  in  Italy  by  the  Condottieri  . 

And  by  the  wars  resulting  from  the  invasion  of  Charles  VIII 

The  constant  prevalence  of  pestilences  and  other  natural 

calamities  ........ 

Recourse  to  the  intercession  of  the  Saints.     Its  effect  on 

Art 

No  common  effort  made  for  the  protection  of  Italy  from  the 

Plague        ........ 

Difficulty  of  appreciating  the  moral  and  religious  character 

of  the  time  .         .         .         . 

The  history  of   the  Renaissance  derived  chiefly  from   the 

Humanists  ....... 

Purity  of  family  life  during  this  period 

The  correspondence  of  Alessandra  Macinghi-Strozzi    . 

Her  Christian  piety  and  resignation    .... 

The  piety  of  Francesco  Datini  and  Fee  Belcari  . 

Belcari's  letter  on  humility 

The  family  note-book  of  Giovanni  Morelli . 

The  genuine  piety  and  faith  of  the  age  of  the  Renaissance 

Giovanni  Rucellai ;  his  generosity  as  a  citizen  of  Florence 

His  note-book  and  its  revelation  of  his  inner  life 

The  monographs  of  Vespasiano  da  Bisticci 

His  relations  with  Nicholas  V.  and  the  Medici    . 

The  diary  of  Luca  Landucci       ..... 

His  spirit  of  charity  and  resignation    .... 

VOL.  V.  d 


PAGE 

3 
3 

4 
4 

5 
5 


lO 

II 

12 

13 

13 
14 

15 
16 

17 
18 

19 
19 

20 

2T 


xlviii  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
Pious  practices  and  the  reading  of  Holy  Scripture  .  .  21 
General  observance  of  the  precepts  of  the  Church 
And  the  Liturgical  spirit  of  the  people 
The  fasts  of  the  Church  strictly  kept .... 
Charitable  contributions  to  religious  houses 
Piety  shewn  in  the  forms  used  for  drawing  up  wills 
The  will  of  Giovanni  da  Empoli  .... 

Giovanni  Dominici  on  the  government  of  the  family  . 
His  instructions  to  Bartolomea  Alberti 
On  the  careful  training  of  children      .... 
The  respect  to  be  shewn  by  them  to  their  parents 
The  "  Opera  a  ben  vivere  "  by  S.  Antoninus 
Its  piety  and  the  practical  wisdom  of  his  advice  . 
The  true  Renaissance  in  harmony  with  the  reform  of  the 

Church       ........ 

The  good  influence  of  Vittorino  da  Feltre  . 

Works  on  education  by  the  Christian  Humanists 

Dangers  of  the  spirit  of  the  Renaissance  in  the  education 

of  women  ........ 

Successful  combination  of  intellectual  culture  with  purity 

of  life 

Description  of  the  Court  of  Urbino  by  Baldassaro  Castiglione 
The  importance  of  the  intellectual  and  literary  training  of 

women        ........ 

Some  famous  women  of  the  Renaissance    . 

The  religious  manuals  of  the  time       .... 

Questions  for  confession  applied  to  different  classes    . 
The  religious  spirit  of  the  guilds  and  brotherhoods 

Their  strict  rule  of  life 

The  patron  Saints  of  each  guild  .... 

Their  care  for  the  poor  and  sick  and  prisoners    . 

Their  charity  to  the  dead 

Confraternities  for  good  works — their  patronage  of  Art 
The  Confraternity  of  the  Misericordia  founded  in  Florence 
Other  associations  for  help  in  the  time  of  the  Plague  . 
The  Confraternity  of  the  Annunziata  in  aid  of  poor  girls 
The  various  Confraternities  in  Florence  and  in  Rome 
New  associations  founded  in  the  15th  Century    . 
The  Confraternity  of  the  Misericordia  for  the  assistance  of 

condemned  criminals ...... 

The  trade  guilds  of  Rome — their  churches  and  hospitals 

The  national  brotherhoods  and  hospitals    . 

The  development  of  religious  poetry  and  drama  in  the  15  th 

Century      ........ 

The  Lauds  or  Hymns  of  Praise  .... 

Developed  into  mystery  plays  or  "  Divozioni "    . 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  xlix 

PAGE 
Their  first  beginning  in  Umbria — their  connection  with  the 

guilds         .........       48 

The  "devotions"  for  Maundy  Thursday  and  Good  Friday  49 
Their  development  into  the  religious  drama  .  .  -51 
Which  was  essentially  religious — with  some  secular  touches  52 
Religious  lyrics  and  dramas — the  Roman  Passion  Play  .  53 
Performed  in  the  Colosseum  on  Good  Friday  night  .  .  54 
Confraternities  of  the  Rosary  and  of  Tertiaries  .  .  .55 
The  institution  of  Third  Orders  in  the  Middle  Ages    .         .       55 

The  Third  Order  of  S.  Francis 56 

Widely  spread  in  Italy,  among  the  most  distinguished  men 

of  the  age  . 57 

Sanctioned  and  approved  by  the  Holy  See  .         .         '5^ 

Development  of  the  Third  Order  of  Regulars      .         .         -58 

The  Third  Order  of  S.  Dominic 58 

The  brethren  of  the  Misericordia  at  Florence  .  .  '59 
Their  presence  at  funerals  in  the  present  day  .  .  .59 
Foundations  for  the  relief  of  the  poor — their  variety    .  .       60 

The  great  hospitals  of  the  15th  Century  .  .  .  .61 
Especially  in  Florence  and  Rome  .  .  .  .  .62 
The  care  of  the  Popes  for  the  sick  and  poor  .  .  .62 
Their  patronages  of  charitable  foundations  ...       63 

Charity  of  the  smaller  cities  of  Italy  .....  64 
Luther's  praise  of  the  Italian  hospitals  and  foundling  asylums  65 
List  of  charitable  foundations  in  Italy  in  the  15th  Century  .  66 
Christian  Art  in  Italy  during  the  Renaissance  .  .  -67 
The  development  of  Architecture,  Painting,  and  handicrafts  68 
Revival  of  the  classical  style  in  architecture  and  sculpture  .  68 
The  antique  forms  inspired  by  Christian  Art  ...  69 
Magnificence  of  the  new  churches  throughout  Italy  .  .  69 
List  of  the  principal   works  of  Art  executed  during   the 

Renaissance 70 

Danger  of  the  revival  of  classical  Art  .         .         .         -77 

Comparison  between  Renaissance  and  Gothic  Architecture  77 
Development  of  the  Italian  National  School  of  Painting  .  78 
Its  inspiration  by  the  spirit  of  religion  and  devotion  to  the 

Mother  of  God 79 

Large  proportion  of  religious,  compared  to  classical,  pictures  80 
The  advance  in  realism  the  cause  of  doubtful  innovations  .  81 
The  spirit  of  the  Dominican  painters  .  .  .  .  .81 
The  Architecture  of  the  Renaissance  essentially  Christian  .  82 
Art,  as  displayed  in  the  churches,  the  exponent  of  Faith  .  8;^ 
Saintly  Cardinals  and  Bishops  of  the  Renaissance      .  .       84 

List  of  the  Saints  during  the  time  of  the  Renaissance .  .  86 
The   devout  spirit   of  the  people — as  shewn   in  times  of 

calamity     .........       89 


TABLE   OF  CONTENTS. 


Processions  during  the  outbreak  of  Plague  in  Bologna 
And  also  in  Venice  after  the  defeat  of  Agnadello 
Reverence  felt  for  the  office  of  the  Pope— as  distinct  from 

his  personality    ....... 

Trust  felt  in  the  Sacraments  by  great  sinners 

Death-bed   repentances — edifying    death   of    Lorenzo    de 

Medici 

The  punishment  of  the  Church  still  dreaded 

Belief  in  the  intercession  of  the  Saints — devotion  shewn  to 

their  relics 


Veneration  of  the  Blessed  Virgin — universal  devotion  to  her  94 

The  magnificence  of  the  festivals  of  the  Church  in  Italy  .  94 
The  processions  of  Corpus  Domini,  in  which  the  Popes  took 

part 95 

Growing  veneration  for  the  Blessed  Sacrament  ...  95 
The  daily  prayers  of  the  period,  including  those  for  Mass 

and  Confession 96 

The  public  evening  devotions  of  the  guilds  of  workmen  .  96 
Pilgrimages   to   famous   shrines, — especially   those   of  the 

Madonna 97 

Attraction  exercised  by  the  preaching  Friars        .         .         .97 


II. 

The  sharp  contrast  of  the  Christian  and  Pagan  Renaissance  98 
The  unrestrained  individualism  of  the  pseudo-renaissance  .  98 
The  Pagan  ideal  of  life,  as  contrasted  with  that  of 
Christianity 


PAGE 
89 
90 

90 
91 

92 
92 

93 


98 

The  craving  for  personal  glory — the  Pagan  Elysium  restored       99 

99 

ICO 
lOI 


The  cultus  of  great  men  instituted.     Spirit  of  vain-glory 
Great  crimes  the  result  of  the  desire  to  achieve  notoriety 
Increase  of  luxury  and  immorality  in  Italy . 
Denunciations  of  Roberto  da  Lecce  and  other  preachers 
Municipal  statutes  against  luxury  and  ostentation 
The  taste  for  display  stimulated  by  prosperity  and  Art 
The  great  wealth  of  Italy — especially  Venice  and  Florence 
Extravagance  and  prodigality  of  living  in  Florence 
Denunciation  of  usury  by  S.  Bernardino  of  Siena 
Extortionate  and  fraudulent  practices  of  usurers . 
Treatise  of  St.  Antoninus  against  usury 
Foundation  of  the  Monti  di  Pieta  by  the  Italians 
First  established  in  the  Papal  States  by  Pius  11. 
Denunciation  of  the  Jews  by  S.  Bernardino  da  Feltre 
A  Monte  di  Pieta  established  in  Florence  by  Savonarola 


102 
103 
104 

105 
106 
107 
108 
108 
109 
no 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS. 


Disputes  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  a  percentage  on  loans  by 

Monti  di  Pieta   ....... 

Decision  of  Leo  X.  on  the  subject      .... 

Prevalence  of  gambling  in  Italy  .... 

And  of  immorality  during  the  age  of  the  Renaissance 

Most  of  the  rulers  of  the  day  illegitimate    . 

Cruelty  and  vindictiveness   of   many  of   the  great  Italian 

families      ........ 

The  immorality  and  cruelty  of  the  Courts  of  Milan,  Ferrara, 

and  Naples 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  his  cruelty  and  immorality  . 

Joined  with  his  patronage  of  Art  and  Literature 

Bad  example  of  the  Doge  and  nobles  of  Venice 

The  sins  of  the  great  condoned  by  the  disciples  of  culture 

Immorality  of  the  Humanists  at  the  various  Courts     . 

Higher  tone  of  morality  in  the  bulk  of  the  population 

Realism  in  Literature  the  cause  of  corruption 

The  evil  influence  of  the  false  Renaissance  on  family  life 

Bad  effect  of  the  writings  of  Bojardo  and  Ariosto 

The  revival  of  the  Pagan  Drama  at  Ferrara  by  Pomponius 

Laetus       ........ 

Classical  plays  acted  in  Rome  before  Cardinals  . 

Encouraged  by  Alexander  VI.  and  Leo  X. 

The  plays  of  MachiavelU— the  "Mandragola"    . 

The  sacred   Drama  gradually  superseded  by  the  classical 

Drama       ........ 

Disastrous  consequences  of  the  importation  of  slaves  into 

Italy . 

And  of  their  introduction  into  great  families 

Increased  numbers  of  courtesans  in  the  towns     . 

The   revival   of    the    Hetaerse  — ^  their    culture   and   social 

position 

Efforts  made  by  the  Church  and  the  mission  preachers  to 

check  it     . 

But  with  little  success  till  the  Catholic  Reformation    . 
Revival  of  the  national  vice  of  the  Greeks  . 
Guilt  of  the  Humanists      .         . 

Frequency  of  murders  and  of  political  assassination     . 
[rreligious  tone  of  the  literature  of  the  day. 
The  resuscitation  of  Pagan  thought  and  ethics    . 
But  actual  atheism  or  formal  heresy  very  rare 
Death  repentances  of  many  Humanists 
The  writings  of  Pontano  and  Galateus 
Christian  thought  disguised  in  Pagan  language    . 
Passion  of  the  Humanists  for  antiquity 
Sannazaro's  medley  of  Paganism  and  Christianity 


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Hi  TABLE  OF   CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
Heathen  terms  used  in  Theology  by  Cortesius  .  .  .143 
Corneto's  work  "On  true  Philosophy,"  in  opposition  to  the 

Humanists 
Its  extreme  character 
Difficulty  of  drawing  the  line  between  the  true  and  false 

Renaissance        ....... 

Spread   of   Oriental   superstitions  in  the   age   of  the  Re 

naissance    ........ 

Study  of  Astrology  ;  belief  in  the  influence  of  the  planets 
Entertained  by  many  of  the  Popes  of  the  time    . 
Astrology   believed   by   Pontano   to    be    an    experimental 

science 

Astrological  ideas  expressed  in  Art     . 

Astrology  opposed  by  the  mission  preachers 

And  most  successfully  by  Pico  della  Mirandola  . 

Subsequent  decline  of  Astrology  in  Italy     . 

Belief  in  demonology  and  magic 

The  Platonism  of  Plethon  and  Ficino 

The  philosophy  of  Pico  della  Mirandola     . 

The  Aristotelians  of  Padua  —  their   dangerous    doctrines 

concerning  the  soul     ...... 

Condemned  by  Leo  X.  at  the  Lateran  Council  of  15 13 

Pomponazzi  teaches  the  mortality  of  the  soul 

Leo  X.  calls  upon  him  to  recant         .... 

His  deliberate  suicide 

His  views  refuted  by  Agostino  Nifo  and  others  . 

Paganism  of  Niccol6  Machiavelli        .... 

Coarseness  and  immoral  principles  of  his  writings 

*'The  Prince."     Politics  severed  from  Christian  principles 

Its  advocacy  of  fraud  and  cruelty 

Machiavelli's  political  heathenism 

His  hatred  of  the  Popes     . 

And  of  Christianity  itself  . 

His  attacks  upon  the  Church 

Corruption  of  the  Italian  Clergy  of  al 

Beginning  with  the  Popes  and  the  Cardinals 

Unpriestly  lives   among  the  religious    orders   and    secular 

priests 

Deplorable  condition  of  many  monasteries 
Efforts  for  reform — influence  of  the  Benedictines 
Zeal  and  success  of  the  preaching  Friars 
Especially  during  the  penitential  seasons  of  the  Church 
Their  effect  increased  by  dramatic  representations 
Social  and  moral  reforms  effected  by  the  Friars  . 
Pagan  philosophy  introduced  into  the  pulpit 
As  well  as  so-called  prophecies  and  revelations  . 


ranks 


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146 

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150 
151 

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153 

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TABLE   OF  CONTENTS.  liii 


Fra  Girolama  Savonarola 

His  poem  on  the  decay  of  the  Church 

Sent  to  preach  in  Florence,  where  he  is  coldly  received 

His  belief  in  his  divine  mission  ..... 

His  success  at  S.  Gimignano  and  Brescia  . 

His  return  to  Florence,  where  he  achieves  a  triumph  . 

The  Scriptural  character  of  his  sermons 

The  severity  of  his  denunciations        .... 

His  relations  with  Lorenzo  de'  Medici — the  forbearance  of 

Lorenzo     ...... 

His  stringent  reform  at  S.  Marco 

His  Advent  sermons  in  1493  ^^^  ^^  Lent  1494 

He  denounces  the  corruption  of  the  clergy 

His  prediction  of  the  triumph  of  Charles  VIII. 

Savonarola  as  Ruler  of   Florence  during  the  exile  of   the 

Medici 

His  political  reforms  in  Florence        .         . 

Christ  proclaimed  as  King  of  Florence 

Savonarola  believes  himself  to  be  an  inspired  prophet 

His  visions  and  revelations         .... 

His  extravagant  attacks  upon  the  ancient  philosophy 

Though  not  really  opposed  to  science  itself 

He  denies  that  he  is  the  enemy  of  poets  and  poetry 

Savonarola's  opposition  to  the  Pagan  false  Renaissance  in 

Art 

And  to  naturalism  and  realism  in  religious  Art   . 

Sensual  tendency  of  Italian  Art  in  the  15th  Century 

Personal  friends  of  the  artist  painted  as  Saints    . 

Even  when  of  notoriously  immoral  character 

The  use  of  the  nude  in  religious  Art  . 

And  the  introduction  of  mythological  subjects     . 

The  "Temple  of  Malatesta"  at  Rimini 

The  influence  exercised  by  Savonarola  upon  artists 

A  certain  unreality  found  in  the  works  so  produced 

The  extravagance  and  violence  of  his  social  reforms 

The  religious  excitement  caused  in  Florence  by  his  sermons 

The  exaggeration  and  narrowness  of  his  government 

His  inquisitorial  proceedings 

And  employment  of  children  as  inquisitors 

The  peace  of  family  life  destroyed 

Theatrical  character  of  the  "burning  of  vanities 

Extravagance  of  his  political  prophecies 

His  political  fanaticism      .... 

And  attempt  to  establish  a  theocracy  in  Florence 

His  claim  to  be  a  prophet  the  cause  of  his  ruin 

The  shallowness  of  his  reform  in  Florence . 


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liv 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Failure  of  his  schemes  of  universal  reform  . 

Which  depended  upon  Charles  VIII. 

His  defiance  of  Alexander  VI.   . 

Its  consequences,  as  shewn  among  his  disciples 

The  preaching  of  Martino  di  Brozzi   . 

The  sectaries  of  Pietro  Bernardino 

Who  were  either  burnt  or  exiled 

Hieronymus  of  Bergamo  and  other  prophesying  friars 

Regulation    of  preaching  by  the    Lateran   Council   under 

LeoX 

The  prophecies  of  Francesco  da  Montepulciano . 
And  of  other  monks  and  friars  .... 
Savonarola's  predictions  long  believed  in  Florence 
Portentous  prophecies — Francesco  da  Meleto 
Whose  book  was  condemned  by  Leo  X. 
The  lay  preacher — Hieronymus  of  Siena    . 
Fra  Bonaventura,  the  "  Angelic  Pope  " 

Who  is  imprisoned  by  Leo  X 

The  ferment  in  men's  minds  and  need  of  reform 
The  prestige  of  the  Papacy  seriously  shaken 


PAGE 
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216 
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219 
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221 
222 
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224 
225 
225 
226 


BOOK  L 
CHAPTER  L 


A.D. 

1484 


ELECTION    OF   INNOCENT   VIII. 

Disturbances  in  Rome  during  the  vacancy  of  the 
Holy  See 

Devastation  of  the  palace  of  Girolamo  Riario     . 

Caterina  Riario  holds  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo    . 

Girolamo  Riario  arrives  with  his  troops  before  Rome 

But  shortly  after  retreats  to  Isola  Farnese . 

Enthusiastic  reception  of  Cardinal  Colonna  in  Rome . 

Obsequies  of  Sixtus  IV.     Confusion  in  Rome    . 

Order  restored  by  the  interference  of  Cardinal  Marco 
Barbo       ........ 

The  Cardinals  in  Conclave — large  number  of  electors 

Preponderance  of  Italian  Cardinals    .... 

Deplorable  consequences  of  the  appointments  of 
Sixtus  IV 


229 
229 
230 
230 
230 
231 
231 

232 
233 
233 

2Z2> 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS,  Iv 


A.D.  PAGE 

1484  The  Election-capitulation  drawn  up  by  the  Cardinals      233 

Prospects  of  the  election   ...... 

The  personal  ambition  of  the  Cardinals     . 

Efforts  of  Alfonso  of  Calabria  and  Ludovico  Sforza  to 

influence  the  election  ..... 

Parties  among  the   Cardinals — intrigues  of  Cardinal 

Borgia       ........ 

Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere  promotes  the  election 

of  Cardinal  Cib6 

Election  of  Cardinal  Cib6  ..... 

Who  takes  the  name  of  Innocent  VIII. 

The  appearance  and  family  of  Innocent  VIII.    . 

His   previous    career   and   friendship   with    Cardinal 

Giuliano    ........ 

His  gentle  and  amiable  character       .... 

The   unbounded   influence  of   Cardinal  Giuliano  on 

Innocent  VIII.  ...... 

The  coronation  of  Innocent  VIII.     .         . 

The  difficulties  of  the  Holy  See,  and  good  intentions 

of  the  Pope       .......     245 

The  Pope's  desire  for  peace,  and  efforts  to  preserve  it     246 
Appointment  of  the  Cardinal  Legates         .         .         .     247 
Illness  of  the  Pope   .......     247 

Disputes  between  the  Colonna  and  Orsini  .  .       ,     248 


CHAPTER  IL 

QUARRELS  BETWEEN  THE  POPE  AND  THE  KING  OF  NAPLES. 


236 

237 

238 
239 
239 
239 

240 
241 

242 
243 


1484  Alfonso    of    Calabria    demands    the   annexation   of 

Benevento         ...... 

Which  is  refused  by  the  Pope    .... 

1485  Innocent   VIIL    withdraws   the   canonical   penalties 

imposed  on  Venice    ..... 
Ferrante   refuses   to   pay   tribute   and    despoils    the 

clergy        ....... 

Commencement  of  the  Barons'  war  at  Naples     . 

The  Barons  appeal  to  the  Pope  for  aid 

Ferrante  sends  Cardinal  Giovanni  d'Aragona  to  Rome     253 

Who  dies  there  of  the  Plague    .... 

The    Holy    See    declares    war    against    the    King   of 

Naples 

Ferrante  declares  himself  the  protector  of  the  Orsini 
i486  And    with     Mathias    Corvinus    threatens   a   general 

Council     ........     255 


249 
249 

250 

251 

251 
252 


253 

254 
254 


Ivi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

i486  Hungary  and  Milan  declare  for  the  King  of  Naples  .  255 
And  are  followed  by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  .  .  '255 
The  Pope  concludes  an  alliance  with  Genoa  .  .  256 
Roberto  Sanseverino  enters  the  Papal  service  .  .  256 
The  enemy  before  Rome — disorders  in  the  city  .     257 

Violence  of  Virginio  Orsini 258 

Successes  of  Roberto  Sanseverino  ....  258 
Cardinal  Orsini  is  reconciled  to  the  Pope  .  .  .258 
False  report  of  the  Pope's  death — sufferings  in  the 

Papal  States .     259 

Efforts  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  and  the  Duke  of 

Brittany  on  behalf  of  peace  ....  260 
The  Pope  turns  to  the  Duke  of  Lorraine — disputes  in 

the  Sacred  College 260 

The  Pope  determines  to  apply  to  the  French  for  help  260 
Roberto  Sanseverino  defeated  by  Alfonso  of  Calabria  261 
Who  marches  on  Rome.  The  Papal  States  in  danger  261 
Intrigues  of  Florence  against  the  Pope  .  .  .262 
Mathias  Corvinus  prepares  to  invest  Ancona  .  .  262 
Arrival  of  the  Envoys   of  Charles  VIII.  and  Duke 

Rene  in  Rome 263 

The  Pope  makes  peace  with  Ferrante  .  .  .263 
Favourable  terms  granted  by  Ferrante  .  .  .264 
Who  violates  the  treaty  in  a  few  months  .  .  -265 
The  revenge  taken  by  Ferrante  upon  the  Barons  .  265 
He  refuses  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Holy  See  .         .     265 

Irresolution  of  Innocent  VIII 265 

1487  Negotiations  with  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  . '  .  .  265 
Who  assists  the  Pope  against  the  rebel  Boccolino  .  266 
Ferrante  formally  repudiates  the  Treaty  with  the  Holy 

See  .........     267 

His  insolence  to  the  Nuncio,  Pietro  Vincentino  .     268 

Ferrante  appeals  to  a  Council    .         .         .         .         .269 

The  marriage  of  Lorenzo's  daughter  Maddalena  with 

Franceschetto  Cib6 269 


CHAPTER  IIL 

THE    RELATIONS    BETWEEN    ROME    AND    NAPLES. 

Troubles    in   the    Romagna — murder    of    Girolamo 

Riario  at  Forli  .         .         .         .         .         .         .271 

The  citizens  desire   to   place  themselves  under  the 

Holy  See .272 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  Ivii 

A.D.  PAGE 

1488  The  Pope  abstains  from  interference .  .  .  .272 
On  account  of  the  opposition  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici .  273 
Further  disturbances  in  the  Romagna  .  .  .273 
Maurizio  Cibo  appointed  Governor  of  Perugia  .  .274 
Conflicts   between   the   Oddi    and    the    Baglioni  — 

expulsion  of  the  Oddi         .         .         .         .        '.274 
Cardinal  Piccolomini  pacifies  the  Baglioni  .         .274 

1489  Insolent  hostility  of  Ferrante  to  the  Pope  .  .  .275 
A  foreign  invasion  averted  by  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  .  275 
The  King  of  Hungary  supports  Ferrante  and  seizes 

'    Ancona     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         -275 

Innocent  VIII.  hopes  for  assistance  from  France  and 

Spain         ........     276 

The  Pope  proclaims  Ferrante's  deposition  .         .277 

1490  Obstinacy  and  insolence  of  Ferrante,  who  refuses  the 

tribute .278 

Distress  of  the  Pope,  who  threatens  to  leave  Italy  .  279 
Illness  of  the  Pope  and  report  of  his  death  .  .  281 
Franceschetto  Cib6  endeavours  to  seize  Prince  Dschem     282 

1 49 1  Isolation  of  the  Pope  in  Italy  .  .  .  .  .283 
The  Pope  makes  overtures  of  peace  to  Ferrante  .     284 

1492  Conditions  of  peace  arranged  .....  284 
The  imprisoned  Barons  to  be  tried  by  the  Pope  .  284 
Complete  transformation  of  Ferrante's  behaviour  to 

the  Pope 285 

Arrival  of  Ferdinand  of  Capua  in  Rome    .         .         .  285 

Betrothal  of  Luigi  of  Aragon  to  Battistina  Cib6  .  286 
Negotiations  concerning  the  marriage  of  Charles  VIII. 

to  Anne  of  Brittany    .         .         .         .         .         .286 

Charles  VIIL  attempts  to  hinder  the  investiture  of 

Ferdinand          .         .         .         .         .         .         .  286 

The  Neapolitan  succession  regulated  by  a  Papal  Bull  286 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   EASTERN    QUESTION. 

1484  Turkish  progress.      Encyclical  of  the   Pope  to  the 

Christian  States 288 

Personal  efforts  of  the  Pope  ;  indifference  of  Florence  289 

1485  The  Pope  appeals  to  Spain 289 

But  the  disputes  in  Italy  interfere  with  the  Turkish 

war   .........     290 

i486  The  Pope  proposes  a  Crusade,  and  levies  a  tax  on 

ecclesiastical  benefices        .         .         .         .         .291 


Ivill  TABLE  OF   CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

i486  To  be  collected  by  Raymond  Peraudi  and  Gratiano 

da  Villanova      .         .         .         .         .         .         .291 

Noble  character  of  Peraudi — his  zeal  for  the  Crusade     292 

Resistance  to  the  tax  in  Germany 

1487  The  Pope  turns  to  France,  and  sends  Cheregato  and 

Florez  as  Nuncios      .... 

1488  Lionello  Cheregato's  address  to  Charles  VIII 
Difficulties  created  in  France  by  the  Interdict  laid  on 

Flanders    ...... 

Raymond  Peraudi  sent  to  France 

1489  Convocation  of  the  States-General  at  Frankfort 
Brief  sent  by  the  Pope — its  success   . 
A   truce   arranged    between    the    Emperor   and   the 

King  of  Hungary       ..... 
The  Pope  obtains  possession  of  Prince  Dschem 
Who  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Knights  of  S.  John 
Concessions  made  by  the  Pope  in  order  to  obtain 

possession  of  the  Prince     . 
Anger  of  the  King  of  Naples     . 
Arrival  of  Prince  Dschem  in  Rome  . 
His  reception  by  the  Pope 
Impression  made  by  Prince  Dschem  in  Rome 
Preparations  for  the  Crusade 


298 
298 
299 
300 
301 

303 
1490  The  Sultan  attempts  to  poison  the  Belvedere  fountain     303 

304 
304 

305 
306 


Failure  of  the  plot  and  execution  of  Magrino 

The  Pope  proposes  a  Congress 

Which  meets  in  Rome — Venice  taking  no  part  in  it 

Address  to  the  Congress  by  the  Pope 

Reply  of  the  Envoys,  who  thank  the  Pope  for  his 

exertions  . 
The  constitution  of  the  army 
Reply  of  the  Pope,  who  insists  on  the  importance  of 

immediate  action        .... 
Death  of  Mathias  Corvinus,  King  of  Hungary 
Maximilian  of  Austria  disputes  the  succession  with 

King  Ladislaus 
Revival   of  the    quarrel    between    Maximilian    and 

Charles  VIII. 
Hopelessness     of    the     Crusade  —  faithlessness    of 

Venice 
Bajazet  makes  proposals  to  the  Pope,  who  accepts  a 

pension  for  Dschem  .... 
The  Sultan  a  tributary  of  the  Pope    . 
1492  The  fall  of  Granada — faithlessness  of  Ferrante 
Rejoicings  in  Rome,  both  religious  and  secular 


292 

293 
294 

295 
295 
295 
296 

296 

297 
297 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  Hx 


A.D.  PAGE 

1492  Bajazet  sends  the  head  of  the  Spear  of  Longinus  to 
Rome       ....... 

Reception  of  the  Holy  Spear  in  Rome 
Death  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici    . 
Illness  of  the  Pope — his  state  declared  hopeless 
Disorders  in  Rome  ...... 

Death  of  Innocent  VIII.  ..... 

His  tomb  by  Antonio  PoUajuolo 


316 
316 
317 

319 
320 

321 


CHAPTER  V. 

INNOCENT    VIII.    AS    PATRON   OF    ART    AND    SCHOLARSHIP. 

1492  Few  works  of  Art  executed  in  his  reign  .  .  .  322 
Innocent  VIII.  continues  the  work  of  Paul  II.  in  the 

Vatican 322 

Restorations  effected  in  Rome  .  .  .  .  .323 
And  in  other  parts  of  the  Papal  States  .  .  -323 
The   Vatican    Belvedere  decorated    by  Pinturicchio 

and  Mantegna .     325 

Whose  works  have  been  almost  entirely  destroyed  .  326 
Other  artists  employed  by  Innocent  VIII.  .         .327 

His  encouragement  of  Art  manufactures  .  .  .328 
Innocent  VIII.  compares  unfavourably  with  Sixtus  IV. 

in  Literature .     328 

But  gives  encouragement  to  scholars  .         .         -329 

The  secretaries  of  Innocent  VIII.  ....  330 
His  liberality  in  permitting  the  use  of  manuscripts  .  330 
Discoveries  of  a  sarcophagus  and  its  contents  on  the 

Appian  Way      .         .         .         .         .         .  -331 

Good  preservation  of  the  body  ;  excitement  in  Rome     332 


CHAPTER  VI. 

INNOCENT   VIII.    AND   THE   DEFENCE    OF   THE   CHURCH. 

485  Ecclesiastical  disputes  with  Venice—  the  See  of  Padua  334 
The    Patriarchate   of   Aquileia.       Ermolao    Barbaro 

exiled .         -335 

Attacks  on  the   rights    of   the   Church  by  Florence, 

Bologna,  and  Milan  ......     335 

Insolence  of  Mathias  Corvinus  towards  the  Church    .     336 


Ix  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

1485  His  nomination  of  Ippolito  d'Este  as  Archbishop  of 

Gran 336 

The  Pope  forced  to  give  way     .....  336 

1488  But  insists  on  the  liberation  of  the  Bishop  of  Kalocsa  337 

1485  Attacks  on  the  rights  of  the  Church  in  France  .  .  337 
As  also  in  England  and  Portugal,  which  are  resisted 

by  the  Pope 338 

1484  He  makes  concessions   to   Ferdinand  of    Spain  on 

political  grounds        ......  338 

1485  Canonisation  of  the  Margrave  Leopold  of  Austria      .  339 
Privileges   granted   by   Innocent   VHI.  to   the  Cis- 
tercian Order    .         .         .         .         .         .         -340 

As    also     to     the     Franciscans,    Dominicans,     and 

Augustinians      .......  340 

He  unites  the  Order  of  Lazarists  to  the  Knights  of 

S. John     ........  340 

Innocent  VIII.  defends  the  Faith  against  the  Wal- 

densian  and  Hussite  heresies     .         .         .         .341 

1486  Pico  della  Mirandola  in  Rome  .  .  ^  .  .  .  342 
Condemnation  of  his  propositions  by  the  Pope  .  .  343 
Pico  della  Mirandola's  apology  and  explanation  .  343 
He  is  accused  of  breaking  his  oath  of  submission  .  344 
He  devotes  himself  to  a  life  of  prayer  and  retirement  344 
Alexander  VI.  gives  him  absolution  in  an  autograph 

Brief 344 

Trouble  given  to  Innocent  VIII.  by  the  Jews  in  Spain  345 

1484  The  Inquisition  introduced  into  Aragon  .  .  .  345 
Disturbances  in  consequence.    The  Inquisitor  mortally 

wounded .  346 

1492  Ferdinand  requires  the  Jews  to  become  Christians  or 

to  leave  Spain    .......  346 

1484  Innocent  VIII. 's  Bull  on  witchcraft  ....  347 

Belief  in  witchcraft  of  long  standing  in  Germany        .  347 

Two  Dominican  professors  appointed  Papal  Inquisitors  348 

The  Bull  contains  no  dogmatic  decision  on  witchcraft  349 

And  only  confirms  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Inquisitors  .  350 

No  reform  of  ecclesiastical  abuses  under  Innocent  VHI.  350 
Calumnious  accusations  of  Infessura  against  Innocent 

viii. 350 

Discovery  of  forged  Bulls  in  Rome    .         .         .         .351 

Which  are  the  source  of  Infessura's  accusations          .  351 

Evil  effects  of  the  sale  of  offices  in  Rome  .  .  •  35'? 
The  number  of  the  College  of  Secretaries  increased  in 

order  to  raise  money  .         .         .         .         -352 

Creation   of    the    College    of    Piombatori    with   an 

entrance  fee 353 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS.  Ixi 

A.D.  PAGE 

1484  The  disorder  produced  by  the  corruptibility  of  officials  353 
Scandalous  life  of  Franceschetto  Cib6  .  .  .  354 
Opposition  of  the  Sacred  College  to  the  creation  of 

new  Cardinals 

1489  The  nomination  of  new  Cardinals 

Including  Giovanni  de'  Medici,  still  a  boy 

Whose  ecclesiastical  career  had  begun  at  the  age  of 

seven         ....... 

1492  He  takes  his  seat  in  the  Sacred  College  after  three 

years'  study       ...... 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici's  letter  of  advice  to  his  son 

Worldly  tone  among  the  Cardinals     . 

Many  of  whom  lived  as  secular  princes 

The  character  and  life  of  Cardinal  Rodrigo  Borgia 

Vanozza  de  Cataneis  and  the  Borgia  children     . 

Ecclesiastical  career  of  Caesar  Borgia 

Jacopo    da  Volterra's  account  of  the   splendour   of 

Cardinal  Borgia  ..... 

Ostentation  and  wealth  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza 
Cardinal  de  La  Balue        ..... 
Cardinal  GiuHano  della  Rovere — his  force  of  character 
And  influence  during  the  reign  of  Innocent  VIII. 
The  Courts  and  followers  of  the  Cardinals 
Their  encouragement  of  Literature  and  Art 
The  denunciations  of  the  mission  preachers 
Prophecies  of  impending  judgment   . 
Especially  those  of  Savonarola  .... 


BOOK  IL 
CHAPTER  I. 

ELECTION    OF    ALEXANDER    VI. 


354 
355 
356 

356 

357 
358 
361 
362 
362 
363 
365 

366 
367 

367 
368 

369 
370 
370 
370 
371 
371 


1492   Cardinal  Raffaele  Riario  preserves  order  in  Rome      .     375 
Cardinals  Sanseverino  and  Gherardo  admitted  to  the 

Conclave  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         •     37^ 

Beginning  of  the  Conclave — address  by  Bernaldino 

Lopez  de  Carvajal      .         .         .         .         .  377 

Prospects  of  the  next  election    .         .         .         .         -377 

Intrigues  among  the  Cardinals  .         .         .         .         .378 

Disagreement  among  the  Italian  powers     .  -378 


1X11  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

1492   Ferrante  and  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere     .          .  379 

Report  of  the  Envoy  of  the  Duchess  of  Ferrara           .  380 

Also  from  the  Ambassador  of  Milan  ....  380 

Opening  of  the  Conclave  ......  381 

Promises  of  Cardinal  Borgia      .....  382 

He  secures  the  majority  of  votes  by  simony  .  .  384 
Election  of  Alexander  VI.          .         .         .         .         -385 

Popularity  of  the  election 386 

Personal  appearance  of  Alexander  VI.       .         .         .387 

Indifference  of  public  opinion  to  his  moral  character  .  388 

But  indignation  aroused  by  his  shameless  bribery       .  389 

The  election  welcomed  by  many  in  Italy  and  abroad  389 

Splendour  of  the  Coronation  of  Alexander  VI.  .  .  390 
Satisfaction  felt  in  Milan  at  the  election      .         .         -391 

Rejoicings  in  Florence  at  the  election         .         .         .  392 

Views  of  Naples,  Spain,  and  Venice  ....  393 

The  Envoys  of  the  League  in  Rome          .         .         .  394 

Good  opinion  of  the  Pope  in  Germany  .  .  .  395 
The  Pope's  economy  and  strict  administration  of  the 

laws .........  396 

His  good  intentions  and  desire  of  peace  .  .  .  397 
Nepotism  of  Alexander  VI.     Arrival  of  his  relations 

in  Rome  ........  398 

His  affection  for  his  children.     Character  of  Lucrezia 

Borgia 399 

Her  personal  appearance 400 

And  betrothal  to  Giovanni  Sforza,  Count  of  Cotignola  402 


Character  and  appearance  of  Caesar  Borgia 
Ferrante  fears  the  influence  of  Milan  with  the  Pope 
And  sends  his  son  Federigo  to  Rome  to  arrange  an 

alliance  with  the  Pope 
493  Failure  of  the  scheme.     Intrigues   of  Ferrante  with 

Virginio  Orsini 
Protest  of  the  Pope  against  Virginio's  occupation  of 

Cervetri  and  Anguillara 


Opposition  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere  to  Ascanio  Sforza  406 
Giuliano  della  Rovere  retires  to  Ostia  .  .  .  406 
Alarm  of  the  Pope,  who  fortifies  Civita  Vecchia  .     407 

Negotiations  of  Ferrante  with  the  Pope  .  .  .  408 
League   concluded   between   the    Holy   See,    Milan, 

Venice,  Mantua,  and  Ferrara      .         .         .         .408 

Ferrante  on  Alexander  VI.         .....     409 

Marriage  of  Lucrezia  with  Giovanni  Sforza  of  Pesaro .  410 
Remonstrances  of  the  Spanish  Ambassador  .  .411 
Menacing  attitude  of  Ferrante.     Federigo  of  Aragon 

in  Rome  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .412 


403 
404 

405 
405 
406 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  Ixiii 

A.D,  PAGE 

1493  Ferrante's  proposals  of  family  alliance  with  the  Pope  412 
A   reconciliation   effected    between    the    Pope    and 

Giuliano  della  Rovere  .  .  .  .  -413 
The  Pope  comes  to  terms  with  Virginio  Orsini  .  .413 

The  French  Envoy  fails  to  obtain  the  investiture  of 

Naples  for  Charles  VIII.  .  .  .  .  .414 

Marriage  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia  to  Maria  of  Aragon  .  414 
And  of  Jofre  Borgia  to  Sancia,  daughter  of  Alfonso 

of  Calabria        .......     414 

Political  success  of  Alexander  VI.      .         .         .         .415 

Temporary  disgrace  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  .         .415 
The  creation  of  new  Cardinals  .         .         .         .         .416 

Annoyance  of  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere  .  .418 
And  of  the  other  Cardinals  of  the  opposition      .         .418 


CHAPTER  II. 

ALLIANCE  BETWEEN  ALFONSO  IL   OF  NAPLES  AND  ALEXANDER  VL 

1493  Ferrante's  complaints  against  the  Pope      .         .  420 

1494  Death  of  Ferrante.  The  question  of  investiture  .  421 
Charles  VIII.  sends  an  Embassy  to  Rome  .  .421 
And  seeks  the  friendship  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere  .  421 
The  Pope  decides  in  favour  of  Alfonso  of  Naples  .  422 
But  sends  the  Golden  Rose  to  Charles  VIII.  .  .422 
The    Ball   containing   the    Pope's   decision   read  in 

Consistory  .         .         .         .         .         .         .422 

Astonishment  and  anger  of  Charles  VIII. .         .         .     423 

Alliance  between  Charles  VI 1 1,  and  Giuliano  della 

Rovere      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .     424 

Flight  of  Cardinal  Giuliano  from  Ostia,  which  capitu- 
lates to  the  Pope        ......     424 

Coronation  of  Alfonso  II.    in    Naples    by    Cardinal 

Juan  Borgia       .......     425 

Cardinal  Giuliano  joins  Charles  VIII.        .         .         .     425 

And  demands  a  Council  for  the  reform  of  the  Church  426 
Terror  of   the    Pope    on    account  of  his   simoniacal 

election     ........     426 

Charles  VIII.  sends  Envoys  to  demand  the  investiture 

of  Naples  ........     426 

Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  brings  about  the  defection  of 

the  Colonna       .......     427 

The  Pope  endeavours  to  propitiate  Bajazet  in  favour 

of  Alfonso  ,  .  .         .         .  .428 

VOL.  V.  e 


Ixiv  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

1494  Failure  and  isolation  of  the  Pope.     King  of  Naples      430 

Plan  of  operations  against  the  enemy  .         .         .     430 

Disloyalty  of  many  of  the  Cardinals  .         .         .         .431 

Charles  VIII.  enters  Italy         .         .         .         .         .431 

Personal  appearance  of  Charles  VIII. — the  strength 

of  his  army        .......     432 

Ambitious  designs  of  the  French  King       .         ,         .     433 


CHAPTER  III. 

CHARLES    VIII.    IN    ITALY. 

1494  Savonarola's  prophecies  of  a  new  Cyrus  .  .  .  434 
Enthusiastic  reception  of  Charles  VIII.  in  Italy  .  434 
Victory  of  Louis  of  Orleans  over  Federigo  of  Aragon  435 
March  of  Charles  VIII.  on  Rome  .  .  .  .435 
Death  of  Giangaleazzo,  Duke  of  Milan  .  .  .435 
Consternation  in  Rome — alarm  of  the  Pope  .  .  436 
Revolt  of  the  Colonna  and  Savelli.     Occupation  of 

Ostia  by  the  French 436 

The  Pope  declares  war  against  the  rebels  .  .  .  436 
Charles  VIII.  assumes  the  protection  of  the  Colonna  436 
Conspiracy  of  the  Colonna  to  seize  Prince  Dschem  .  437 
Charles  VIII.  in  Tuscany.     Submission  of  Piero  de' 

Medici      . 437 

The    Medici    driven   from    Florence  —  their   palace 

plundered  ....;..     438 

Charles  VIII.  refuses  to  see  Cardinal  Piccolomini  at 

Lucca       ........     438 

Meeting    of   Charles   VIII.    and    Savonarola  —  the 

French  in  Florence    .         .  .         .         .         -439 

Manifesto  of  Charles  VIII. — his  declared  object  the 

overthrow  of  the  Turks  .....  440 
Difficulties  and  helplessness  of  Alexander  VI.  .  .441 
His    fear    of  a   Council   and    of  his   deposition    for 

simony      ........     442 

But  he  refuses  to  abandon  Alfonso   .         .         .         .442 

Cardinal  Peraudi  sent  to  Charles  VIII.,  who  wins  him 

to  his  side  .......     443 

Rapid  advance  of  the  French  upon  Rome  .         -444 

Alexander  VI.  implores  the  help  of  Maximilian  .     444 

Excitement  in  Rome.     Blockade  of  the  city  by  the 

Colonna    ........     445 

Imprisonment  of  Cardinals  Sforza,  Sanseverino,  and 

Lunati  .         .         ,  ...     445 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  Ixv 

A.D.  PAGE 

1494  Helplessness  and  irresolution  of  the  Pope .         .         ,  446 

Preparations  for  flight       ......  446 

Fall  of  Civita  Vecchia.     The  Orsini  join  the  French 

King 447 

The  Pope  resolves  to  permit  the  French  to  enter  Rome  448 
Terms  of  the  agreement  between  Charles  VIII.  and 

the  Pope 449 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CHARLES    VIII.    IN    ROME    AND    NAPLES. 

1494  Entry  of  Charles  VIII.  into  Rome     ....     450 
Demands  of  Charles  VIII.,  which  are  refused  by  the 

Pope 453 

1495  Panic  and  disorder  in  Rome.    The  Pope  takes  refuge 

in  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo  ....     454 

Charles  VIII.  and  the  Reform  of  the  Church  .  .455 
The  deposition  of  the  Pope  beyond  his  power  .  .  456 
The  Pope  accepts  the  terms  of  Charles  VIII.  .  -457 
Terms  of  the  agreement.      Csesar  Borgia  a  hostage 

to  the  French  King -457 

The  investiture  of  Naples  not  included      .  .         .     458 

Vexation  of  the  Cardinals  of  the  opposition        .  .458 

Meeting  of  the  Pope  and  Charles  VIII.  .  .  .  459 
Favours  bestowed  by  the  Pope  upon  the  French  .  460 
Charles   VIII.    marches    on    Naples — abdication    of 

Alfonso  II .461 

Remonstrances    of   the    Envoys    of    Ferdinand    the 

Catholic    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .     462 

Disappearance  of  Caesar  Borgia  .         .         .         .462 

The  Fort  of  Monte  S.  Giovanni  taken  by  the  French  463 
Victorious  march  of  Charles  VIII.  on  Naples     .  .     463 

The  Crusade  given  up.     Charles   VIII.  remains   in 

Naples 464 

Sudden  death  of  Prince  Dschem  ....  465 
Alarm  caused  in  Ita'y  by  the  successes  of  Charles  VIII.  465 
Conclusion  of  the  Holy  League  between  the  Pope, 

the  Emperor,  Spain,  and  the  Italian  Powers,  .  466 
Charles  VIII.  delays  his  retreat  from  Naples  .  .  468 
Retreat  of  half  the  French  army.  Alarm  of  the  Pope  468 
Papal   negotiations  with  Charles  VIII.     Excitement 

in  Rome   ........     469 

The  Pope  retires  to  Orvieto,  and  Charles  VIII.  re- 
enters Rome     .......     470 


Ixvi  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 

A.D.  PAGE 

1495  Ihe  Pope  refuses  to  meet  the  French  King,  who  con- 

tinues his  retreat         .  .  .  •47' 

Meeting  of  Charles  VIII.  and  Savonarola  at  Poggibonzi  472 
Battle  of  Fornuovo.     The  escape  of  the  French  with 

the  loss  of  their  baggage  .  .  .  .  .  473 
Rejoicings  in  Italy.     The  French  troops  driven  out 

of  Naples 474 

Charles  VIII.  returns  to  France  ....  475 
Disastrous  flood  in   Rome.     Distress  in  Rome  and 

the  Campagna  . 476 

Excitement  of  the  people — portentous  stories     .         .  480 

1496  Prophecies  of  Savonarola 481 


CHAPTER  V. 

TROUBLES    IN    ITALY. 

1496  Virginio  Orsini  takes  service  with  the  French  in  Naples  482 

Anxiety  of  the  Pope,  who  supports  Ferrantino    .         .  483 

Assistance  sent  to  Ferrantino  by  Venice     .         .         .  483 

Capitulation  of  the  French  at  Atella  ....  484 

Success  of  the  League,  which  is  joined  by  England  .  484 
Maximilian  I.  in  Italy — opposition  of  Venice  to  the 

Emperor 485 

Ineffectual  remonstrances  of  the  Pope        .         .         .  485 

The  Emperor  retires  to  the  Tyrol      ....  486 

Alexander  VI.  takes  measures  against  the  Orsini         .  487 

Virginio  Orsini  the  prisoner  of  Ferrantino  .  .  .  488 
The  Duke  of  Gandia  appointed  Commander-General 

of  the  Papal  troops    .         .         .         .         .         .  488 

First  successes.     The  siege  of  Bracciano   .         .         .  489 

Which  is  relieved  by  Vitellozzo  of  Citta  di  Castello    .  490 

T497  Defeat  of  the  Papal  troops  at  Soviano  .  .  .  490 
Ostia  taken  by  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  .  .  -491 
The  Pope  decides  to  deprive  Cardinal  Giuliano  della 

Rovere  of  his  benefices      .         .         .         .         -491 

And  his  brother  Giovanni  of  the  Prefecture  of  Rome  .  491 
Return  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  and  the  Duke  of 

Gandia  to  Rome  .  .  .  .  .  -491 
The    Pope's    Spanish    proclivities  —  more    Spanish 

Cardinals  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  492 

Favours  bestowed  on  the  Duke  of  Gandia          .         .  493 

Murder  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia .....  494 

Whose  body  is  found  in  the  Tiber,  and  is  buried  at 

S.  Maria  del  Popolo           .....  495 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS.  Ixvii 

A.D.  PAGE 

1497   Distress  of  the  Pope  ......     496 

Suspicions  and  rumours  in  Rome       ....     497 

The  palace  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  searched  .     498 

His  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Milan         ....     498 

The  Pope  resolves  to  reform  his  life,  and  makes  large 

gifts  to  churches         .  .  .  .  .  -499 

He  promises  a  Reform  of  the  Church  in  Consistory  .  500 
Apologies  for  the  absence  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  501 
Official  announcement  of  the  death  of  the  Duke  of 

Gandia  to  foreign  Powers  .         .         .         .         .501 
The  Pope  receives  the  Envoys  of  the  League  and  of 

Federigo  of  Naples    .         .         .         .         .         .502 

Estrangement     between     the     Pope     and    Cardinal 

Ascanio  Sforza 503 

Who  is  believed  to  be  the  murderer  of  the  Duke  of 

Gandia .         .     503 

Cardinal  Ascanio  retires  to  Genazzano — his  letter  to 

his  brother 504 

Suspicions  of  Giovanni  Sforza  of  Pesaro  .  .  .  505 
'i  he  Orsini  charged  with  the  murder — for  which  they 

had  good  motives 506 

Impossibihty  of  attaining  certainty  on  the  subject  .  507 
Caesar  Borgia  believed  to  be  the  assassin  .  .  .  509 
But  he  had  no  sufficient  reason  for  the  crime  .  .510 
Nor  is  the  suspicion  justified  by  facts  .  .  •  5 1 1 
Good  resolutions  of  the  Pope  .  .  .  .  .512 
The  Reform   Commission.      The  Borgia  desired  to 

leave  Rome        ...  •         •         -     5^3 

Good  work  done  by  Cardinals  Costa  and  Caraffa        .     514 

The  Bull  of  Reform  drafted 515 

Provisions  of  the  Bull        .         .         .         .         .         .516 

The  work  of  Reform  put  off.    The  Pope  returns  to  his 

old  life       . 518 

Caesar  Borgia  in  Naples  for  die  Coronation  of  Federigo  519 
He  desires  to  resign  his  cardinalate  and  marry  .  .520 
Dissolution  of  the  marriage  of  Lucrezia  Borgia  with 

Giovanni  Sforza  .         .         .         .         .         .520 

Scandal  given  by  the  dissoluiion         .         .         .         -521 
Accusations  brought  against  the  Borgia      .         .         .522 
Superstitious  stories  in  Rome    .         .         .         .         .522 

Explosion  in  the  Castle  of  S.  Angeio  .         .         '523 


LIST  OF  UNPUBLISHED  DOCUMENTS 
IN  APPENDIX. 


I.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  brother,  Lodovico 
Moro,  Regent  of  Milan     .... 

AJ-'  >>  n  » 

III.  Pope  Innocent  VIII.  to  C.  Bandinus 

IV.  ,,  to  Roberto  Sanseverino 
V.                    „  to  Cardinal  Giuliano  della 

Rovere  . 
VI.   J.  P.  Arrivabene  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua 
VI I.  B.  Arlotti  to  Ercole,  Duke  of  Ferrara 
VIII.   Report  from  Milan  on  the  balance  of  parties  in 
the  College  of  Cardinals    . 
IX.  Giovanni  Andrea  Boccaccio,  Bishop  of  Modena, 

to  the  Duchess  Eleonora  of  Ferrara  . 
X.  Valori  to  Florence    ..... 
XL  Ambrosius  Mirabilia  to  Bartholomaeus  Calchus 
XII.  Thadeus  Vicomercatus  to  Milan 

XIII.  Pope   Alexander   VI.    to  the  Vice-Chancellor, 

Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza    . 

XIV.  Giacomo  Trotti  to  the  Duke  Ercole  of  Ferrara 
XV.  Pope   Alexander   VI.    gives   the   Bishopric   of 

Valencia  to  Caesar 
Borgia  . 
XVI.  „  nominates  Juan  Borgia 

to  the  Cardinalate 
XVII.  „  to  Jofr^  Borja 

XVIII.  Floramonte    Brognolo    to    the     Marquess    of 
Mantua    ...... 

XIX.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  Jofr^  Borja  . 

XX.  Stefano  Taberna  to  Milan 
XXI.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  brother,  Lodovico 

Moro,  Regent  of  Milan     . 
XXII.   Stefano  Taberna  to  Milan 
XXIII. 


PAGE 

528 
528 

530 
531 

533 
535 
536 
537 

537 
538 


538 

539 

540 

541 

542 

542 

543 
543 
544 


Ixx       LIST   OF    UNPUBLISHED    DOCUMENTS    IN    APPENDIX. 

PAGE 

XXIV.   Pope  Alexander  VI.  to   Franciscus  de  Sprats, 

Papal  Envoy  to  Spain        .         .         .         .544 
XXV.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  brother,  Lodovico 
Moro,  Regent  of  Milan 
XXVI.  Giorgio  Brognolo  to.  the  Marquess  of  Mantua 
XXVII.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  Fabrizio  Colonna 
XXVI 1 1.  Giorgio  Brognolo  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua 
XXIX.  ,,  „  ,, 

XXX.  ,,  „  „ 

XXXI.  ,,  ,,  ,, 

XXXII.   Floramonte  Brognolo  to  „ 

XXXIII.  Pope    Alexander    VI.    to    Cardinal    Giovanni 

Colonna 

XXXIV.  „  creates    four  new    Car 

dinals  . 
XXXV.  „  to     Lodovico      Moro, 

Duke  of  Milan 
XXXVI.  Letter  from  an    unknown  person  to    Giovanni 

Bentivoglio       ..... 
XXXVII.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  brother,  Lodovico 
Moro,  Duke  of  Milan 
XXXVIII.   An  unknown  person  to  Giovanni  Bentivoglio 
XXXIX.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  brother,  Lodovico 

Moro,  Duke  of  Milan        .  .         .         -555 

XL.   Paulus  Bilia  to  Lodovico  Moro,  Duke  of  Milan     556 

XLI.  Scheme  of  Reform  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.         .     558 


5+5 
546 
546 
547 
548 
548 
549 
549 

550 

550 

551 

552 

552 
554 


INTRODUCTION. 


Moral  and  Religious  Condition  of  Italy  during 
THE  Period    of   the    Renaissance.  —  Changes 

THAT   took    place. 


vol.  v.  b 


INTRODUCTION. 

Moral   and    Religious    Condition    of   Italy    during   the 
Period  of  the  Renaissance. — Changes  that  took  place. 

During  the  second  half  of  the  15th  Century  and  the 
beginning  of  the  i6th,  the  whole  of  Europe,  and  Italy 
more  especially,  was  passing  through  a  period  of  transition 
from  the  old  ways  of  living  to  other  forms  hitherto  untried. 
A  revolution  was  in  progress,  producing  startling  contra- 
dictions and  a  seething  unrest  in  all  the  relations  of  life, 
political,  social,  literary,  sesthetical,  and  ecclesiastical,  which 
announced  the  dawn  of  a  new  era. 

While  the  splendid  discoveries  of  maritime  explorers 
had  so  surprisingly  enlarged  the  material  horizon,  on  the 
intellectual  side  the  Renaissance  movement  had  equally 
opened  out  a  new  and  marvellous  world.  In  both  fields 
of  discovery  Italy  had  played  an  important  part ;  but  the 
Renaissance  in  Literature  and  Art,  in  its  origin  and  early 
development,  was  almost  entirely  its  work.  The  modern 
world,  looking  back  upon  that  period,  stands  amazed  at  the 
number  of  distinguished  scholars  and  artists  produced  by 
Italy  in  such  a  short  space  of  time,  a  number  which,  in  the 
whole  history  of  mankind,  has  never  been  equalled,  except, 
perhaps,  in  Greece  in  the  age  of  Pericles. 

The  material  civilisation  of  the  country  kept  pace  with 
its  intellectual  culture.  "  The  husbandry  which  enriched 
the  fertile  meadows  in  the  plains,  was  carried  to  the  summits 


4  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

of  the  hills.  Governed  only  by  native  rulers,  Italy  rejoiced 
in  a  teeming  population  and  abounded  in  wealth  of  all  sorts. 
At  the  same  time,  her  numerous,  powerful  and  generous 
Princes  shed  additional  lustre  on  the  land  to  which  had 
been  granted  the  unique  privilege  of  containing  the  centre 
of  Christendom."* 

In  this  picture  of  Italy  in  1490  Guicciardini  lets  no  hint 
escape  of  the  reverse  side  of  the  medal,  of  the  political 
degeneration  which  had  already  begun  and  was  destined  so 
soon  to  bring  about  the  ruin  of  this  beautiful  country.  In 
the  second  half  of  the  15th  Century,  a  thoughtful  observer 
could  not  fail  to  be  struck  by  the  alarming  corruption 
which  pervaded  Italian  political  life.  Statecraft  was  de- 
veloping more  and  more  into  an  organised  system  of  over- 
reaching and  bad  faith ;  to  consider  any  engagement  bind- 
ing was  looked  upon  as  a  mark  of  imbecility.  Treachery 
and  violence  were  the  order  of  the  day.  No  one  expected 
anything  else,  and  all  relations  between  the  various  States 
and  Princes  were  poisoned  by  envy  and  suspicion. 

With  a  cynicism  which  is  almost  grand  in  its  audacity, 
Machiavelli  openly  recommends  a  policy  "which  sets 
aside  all  considerations  of  morality  and  Christianity,  or  of 
Divine  providence  or  judgment,  simply  assumes  that  the 
end  justifies  the  means,  and  bows  down  with  unwavering 
allegiance  before  the  idols  of  success  and  the  accomplished 
fact."f  All  the  prominent  men  of  that  time,  Francesco 
and  Lodovico  Sforza,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  Alexander  VI., 
Caesar  Borgia,  Ferrante  of  Naples,  pursued  •  this  corrupt 
system. 

In  military  matters  the  baleful  influence  of  the  Condottieri 
reigned  supreme.  Armies,  instead  of  being  composed  of 
citizens  or  peasants  fighting  for  hearth  and  home,  consisted 

*  Guicciardini,  I.,  c.  i. 

t  HiPPLER,  Geschichts-Auffassung,  72. 


CORRUPTION   OF   POLITICAL  LIFE.  5 

now  entirely  of  mercenary  bands  who  sold  their  services  to 
the  highest  bidder  and  changed  sides  from  day  to  day. 
These  men  were  a  veritable  scourge  to  the  country,  plunder-^ 
ing  and  wasting  in  all  directions.  Serious  battles  were  rare, 
but  these  undisciplined  and  greedy  marauders  kept  up  a 
perpetual  succession  of  raids  and  disturbances,  of  which 
pillage  was  the  only  object.  We  read  in  the  narratives  ot 
the  time,  of  "  sieges  of  wretched  villages  which  lasted  thirty 
days,  of  battles  in  which  one  man  was  killed,  smothered  by 
his  heavy  armour."  All  private  life  was  at  the  mercy  of  the 
caprice  of  the  ruling  classes,  and  the  administration  of  the 
law  was  often  harsh  and  cruel  in  the  extreme.  In  many 
States  the  citizens  were  crushed  under  the  burden  of  un- 
equal and  ever  increasing  taxation,  which  they  had  no  power 
to  resist.  No  doubt  similar  political  and  social  evils  were  to 
be  found  more  or  less  in  all  the  States  of  Europe  ;  but  '*  in 
no  other  country  were  these  abuses  so  artistically  system- 
atised,  and  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  people  so  completely 
annihilated  "  as  was  the  case  in  Italy.* 

It  was  not  surprising  that,  when  the  storm  began  with 
the  invasion  of  Italy  by  Charles  VIII.,  there  was  no  power 
to  withstand  it.  For  many  years  the  most  civilised  country 
in  Europe  became  the  arena  of  the  most  sanguinary  of 
wars,  the  prize  for  which  France  and  Spain,  only  recently 
developed  into  modern  monarchies  and  states  of  the  first 
class,  contended  as  for  life  or  death.  It  ended  in  the 
demolition  of  the  national  Italian  political  system  and  the 
complete  hegemony  of  Spain  in  the  peninsula. 

To  the  ravages  of  war  were  added  unusual  calamities  in 
the  natural  order.  The  Chronicles  of  the  15th  Century, 
more  especially  those  of  its  latter  half,  are  filled  with 
accounts   of  portents    in   the   heavens,  storms,  failures   of 

*  Reumont,  Caraffa,  I.,  23  ;  Burckhardt,  Cultur,  L,  85  seq.^ 
ed.  3  ;  PoHLMANN,  1 7,  140  ;  and  GiSl,  4. 


6  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

crops,  scarcities,  inundations,  earthquakes,  and  plagues.* 
All  infectious  diseases  were  at  that  time,  and  indeed  till 
much  later,  classed  together  under  the  one  name  of  the 
Plague,  while  the  common  people  called  them  simply  the 
death  {la  morid). 

The  misery  consequent  on  incessant  wars,  the  close 
packing  of  the  population  during  prolonged  sieges,  and  the 
absence  of  police  regulations  or  any  attention  to  cleanliness 
in  the  towns,  produced  very  unfavourable  conditions  from 
a  sanitary  point  of  view.  Added  to  this  was  the  danger 
from  the  constant  unguarded  intercourse  with  the  East, 
with  the  result  that  Italy  was  never  wholly  free  from 
infectious  diseases  smouldering  in  one  place  or  another,  and 
ever  ready  to  burst  forth  into  flame.f 

At  no  time  in  the  whole  course  of  her  history  was  the 
country  so  frequently  desolated  by  pestilence  as  during 
the  much  belauded  golden  age  of  the  Renaissance.  The 
ghastly  picture  of  the  procession  and  chariot  of  Death 
painted  by  an  artist  of  that  day,  Piero  di  Cosimo,  was 
taken  from  the  life.|  Like  an  unextinguished  fire,  some- 
times burning  low,  but  perpetually  flaring  out  afresh,  the 
scourge  lingers  on  through  the  whole  of  the  15th  Century 

*  SCHNURRER,  II.,  7  seq.^  professes  in  his  Chronicle  to  record  not 
only  plagues  but  also  all  the  other  troubles  ;  but  his  work  is  extraordi- 
narily incomplete,  e.g.^  he  says  nothing  about  the  great  famine  of  1496 
{cf.  Matarazzo,  49  seq.).  Massari,  43  seq.^  confines  himself  to  epi- 
demics ;  cf.  COPPI,  47  seq.  ;  Vita  Italiana,  I.,  115  seq. ;  HaSER,  III.,  185 
seq.  The  great  work  of  CORRADI,  Annali  delle  epidemie  occorse  in 
Italia  dalle  prime  memorie  fino  all'  anno  1850  (8  vols.,  Bologna,  1865-94), 
is  much  fuller,  including  dearths  and  meteorological  phenomena.  Cf. 
Arch.  St.  Ital,  5  Serie,  X.,  422  seq.^  and  PASTOR,  Hist.  Popes,  II.,  74, 
84  seq.  ;  III.,  360  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  Reumont,  Kleine  Schriften,  67. 

X  Described  in  detail  by  Vasari.  See  Woltmann,  Geschichte  der 
Malerei,  II.,  185. 


PREVALENCE   OF   PESTILENCES.  7 

and  on  into  the  i6th.  It  was  not  only  the  large 
and  low-lying  places  that  suffered ;  even  such  salubri- 
ous situations  as  Orvieto  were  not  exempt,  and  again 
and  again  were  turned  into  pestilential  charnel-houses.* 
Whenever  the  dreaded  sickness  appeared  in  any  place, 
every  one  who  could,  fled.  Large  bonfires  in  all  the  open 
spaces  were  supposed  to  constitute  the  best  preservative 
for  those  who  were  left  behind.  The  pious  spirit  of  the  time 
manifested  itself  in  processions,  public  acts  of  penance  and 
prayers  to  appease  the  Divine  displeasure.  Recourse  was 
had  especially  to  the  intercession  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  and 
of  S.  Sebastian,  who,  from  its  earliest  days,  had  always 
been  regarded  throughout  all  Christendom  as  the  great 
protector  against  pestilences.  Many  beautiful  votive 
pictures,  such,  for  example,  as  Benozzo  Gozzoli's  fresco, 
painted  in  1464,  in  the  Church  of  S.  Agostino  in  S.  Gimig- 
nano,  date  from  these  days  of  distress.  The  partiality  for 
S.  Sebastian  as  a  subject,  displayed  by  so  many  painters,  as, 
for  example,  Antonio  Pollajuolo,  Mantegna,  Foppa,  Peru- 
gino,  Becchietta,  and  Benedetto  da  Majano,  though  partly 
due  to  artistic  considerations,  derived  an  additional  impulse 
from  faith  in  his  power  to  preserve  his  clients  from  infectious 
diseases.  A  similar  efficacy  was  attributed  to  the  prayers  of 
S.  Roch.  On  the  banner  painted  for  the  Church  of  SS*"* 
Trinita  at  Citta  di  Castello  by  Raphael,  both  Saints  are 
depicted,  with  uplifted  eyes,  beseeching  the  Holy  Trinity  to 
protect  the  land  from  pestilences  and  plagues.f     In  some 

*  See  the  death-rolls  in  the  Diario  di  Ser  Tommaso  di  Silvestro, 
beginning  with  the  year  1482,  published  in  Orvieto  in  1891. 

t  Passavant,  Raphael,  I., 60-61  (French  ed.,  II.,  7);  MuNTZ,  Raphael, 
8 1  ;  WOLTM ANN,  Gesch.  der  Malerei,  1 1 .,  1 8 1 .  Of  the  pictures  mentioned 
here,  that  of  A.  Pollajuolo  is  now  in  London  ;  Perugino's  (1505)  is  in  S. 
Sebastiano  at  Panicale  (Reproduced  by  the  Arundel  Society).  Perugino 
Dainted  another  S.  Sebastian  in  1518.     Mantegna's,  with  the  name  of  the 


8  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

places,  even  in  those  days,  really  rational  precautions  were 
adopted  by  energetic  municipalities  and  intelligent  physi- 
cians ;  "  but  these  were  purely  local,  each  Commune  acting 
only  for  itself.  No  sort  of  common  effort  was  made  to 
protect  the  peninsula  as  a  whole  from  the  desolating 
enemy."  Although  towards  the  end  of  the  century  a 
system  of  local  quarantine  was  instituted,  sanitary  com- 
missioners appointed,  special  plague  doctors  and  hospitals 
set  apart  in  the  large  towns,  and  measures  taken  and  care- 
fully carried  out  for  disinfection,  no  sensible  diminution 
could  be  perceived  either  in  the  diffusion  of  the  malady  or 
in  the  frequency  of  its  outbreaks  *  The  merciless  germs 
found  a  too  favourable  soil  in  the  blood-sodden  fields  of 
Italy.  It  was  a  terrible  time.  If  for  a  short  space  the 
Plague  seemed  to  have  died  out  and  men  began  to  breathe 
freely  again,  only  too  surely  somewhere  would  the  well- 
known  symptoms  reappear;  the  most  certain  and  the 
most  dreaded  being  the  blueish-black  boil  under  the  arm- 
pit, or  on  the  palm  of  the  hand. 

Contrasted  with  the  brilliant  literary  and  aesthetic  culture 
and  the  tasteful  luxury  which  prevailed  more  or  less  in  all 
the  many  States  of  Italy,  and  more  especially  in  Rome  and 
Florence,  "  the  Plague,  with  all  its  horrors  and  the  misery 
that  accompanied  it,  appears  as  something  more  than  a 
mockery  of  all  that  shining  pageant ;   it  seems  a  ghastly 

master  signed  in  Greek,  is  in  the  gallery  at  Vienna ;  B.  Foppa's  in  the 
Brera  at  Milan  ;  the  one  painted  by  Fra  Bartolomeo  in  1 5 1 5  has  dis- 
appeared ;  see  WOLTMANN,  II.,  606.  Becchietta's  S.  Sebastian  for  the 
Cathedral  at  Siena  was  painted  in  1478.  Benedetto  da  Majano's  is  in 
the  Church  of  the  Misericordia  in  Florence  (Phot.  Alinari,  Nr.  4901). 

*  See  Uffelmann,  Oeffentl.  Gesimdheitspflege  in  Italien,  in  the 
Vierteljahrsschrift  fiir  Gesundheitspflege,  XL,  177  (Braunschweig,  1879). 
Cf.  also  HORSCHELMANN,  Ueber  die  grossen  Epidemien  in  Italien 
wahrend  der  Renaissancezeit,  in  the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1884,  No.  177  seg., 
Supplement. 


MORAL   DETERIORATION    EXAGGERATED.  9 

invention  of  some  Dantesque  imagination;"*  but  the  de- 
scriptions and  lamentations  of  those  who  Hved  through  it, 
and  the  long  death-roll  in  the  Chronicles,  leave  no  doubt  of 
the  appalling  extent  of  its  ravages. 

That  the  age  of  the  Renaissance  was  steeped  in  moral 
turpitude  is  one  of  those  broad  statements  which  are  easily 
uttered  and  readily  believed.  A  conscientious  historian, 
however,  in  judging  of  the  religion  and  morality  of  this 
period,  must  take  account  of  the  lights  as  well  as  of  the 
shadows,  and  confine  himself  within  the  limits  of  facts 
which  are  substantiated  by  historical  investigation.  It  is 
incontestable  that  in  many  respects  there  was  a  great 
deterioration  in  morals  during  this  period.  Such  terrible 
calamities  and  such  uprootings  and  changes  as  have  been 
mentioned  above  could  not  fail  to  have  an  injurious  effect 
on  the  nation  at  large.  But  we  may  still  see  reason  to 
question  whether  the  corruption  was  so  radical  and  hopeless, 
or  the  paganisation  of  all  the  relations  of  life  so  universal 
as  has  been  maintained. 

In  the  nature  of  things  it  must  be  extremely  difificult  to 
present  a  truthful  picture  of  an  age  which  witnessed  so 
many  revolutions,  affecting  almost  all  departments  of 
human  life  and  thought,  and  abounded  in  contradictions 
and  startling  contrasts.  But  the  difficulty  becomes 
enormously  increased  if  we  are  endeavouring  to  formulate 
a  comprehensive  appreciation  of  the  moral  and  religious 
character  of  such  an  epoch.  In  fact,  in  one  sense,  the  task 
is  an  impossible  one.  No  mortal  eye  can  penetrate  the 
conscience  of  a  single  man  ;  how  much  less  can  any  human 
intellect  strike  the  balance  between  the  incriminating  and 
extenuating  circumstances  on  which  our  judgment  of  the 
moral  condition  of  such  a  period  depends,  amid  the  whirl 
of   conflicting  events?     In  a  rough  way,  no  doubt,  we  can 

*   HORSCHELMANN,  /oc.  cit. 


lO  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

form  an  estimate,  but  it  can  never  pretend  to  absolute 
accuracy.  "In  this  region  the  more  clearly  the  facts  seem 
to  point  to  any  conclusion,  the  more  must  we  be  upon  our 
guard  against  unconditional  or  universal  assertions."*  The 
greatest  caution  is  needed  here,  because  the  completeness 
of  the  historical  data  for  the  various  classes  of  the  popu- 
lation depends  so  much  upon  accident.  In  the  story  of 
the  Renaissance,  the  Humanistic  literature  contributes  a 
quite  disproportionate  amount  of  the  evidence  we  possess 
in  regard  to  the  life  and  manners  of  the  time.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  in  these  circles  and  among  the  clergy  there 
was  a  great  deal  of  immorality.  Still  an  unprejudiced 
student  even  here  must  take  care  not  to  paint  the  state  of 
things  during  the  Renaissance  blacker  than  it  really  was. 
In  nature,  preservative  forces  are  always  at  work  side  by 
side  with  those  that  make  for  destruction.  Their  action  is 
not  so  noticeable,  because  the  beneficent  principle  works 
in  silence,  and  that  which  develops  itself  in  accordance 
with  its  law  neither  attracts  the  curiosity,  nor  compels 
the  attention  which  the  law-breaking  violence  evokes.f 
For  this  reason  the  records  of  all  nations  mostly  consist  of 
the  story  of  crimes.  Virtue  goes  quietly  on  her  way;  vice 
and  lawlessness  are  always  making  a  noise ;  the  scapegrace 
is  the  talk  of  the  town ;  the  honest  man  does  his  duty  and 
no  one  hears  of  him.  If  we  are  to  present  a  true  picture  of 
the  history  of  culture,  we  must  bear  in  mind  its  conservative 
and  harmonious  as  well  as  its  revolutionary  and  licentious 
side.  Amongst  the  Italians  both  were  strongly  marked. 
A  political  writer  of  the  15th  Century  concludes  an  ex- 
tremely able  resume  of  the  pathological  phenomena  con- 
nected  with    culture    among   the   nations   of  Europe,  by 

*  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  II.,  1 99,  ed.  3. 

t  Kaufmann,     Csesarius    von     Heisterbach,     125,    ed.    2.       Koln, 
1862. 


PURITY   OF  DOMESTIC   LIFE.  II 

saying  that  the  Italians  had  no  moderation,  their  good  and 
their  bad  were  always  extreme,  but  on  the  whole  the  good 
preponderated.* 

I. 

Throughout  the  Middle  Ages  a  deep  conviction  of  the 
truth  of  religion  was  a  fundamental  characteristic  of  the 
Italian  nation ;  and  in  many  circles  this  was  maintained 
through  the  dangerous  period  of  transition  and  into  the 
15th  Century.f  The  salutary  influence  of  the  Church,  in 
spite  of  the  corruption  of  some  of  its  members,  made 
itself  felt  in  every  department  of  society.  A  glance  at  the 
family  life  of  this  period  shews  at  once,  how  much  that  was 
good  and  estimable  still  held  its  ground,  through  all  the 
storms  of  the  time  and  the  ferment  of  the  Renaissance. 

In  Tuscany,  the  very  focus  of  Italian  culture,  the  picture 
presented  by  domestic  life,  on  the  whole,  is  a  very  pleasing 
one.  Although  painful  exceptions  were  not  wanting,  still 
in  general,  morality,  order,  patriotism,  self-sacrifice,  and 
tender  solicitude  in  the  bringing  up  of  children,  were  the 
rule.  Noble  and  capable  women,  whose  portraits  lend  a 
singular  grace  to  the  frescoes  of  the  Florentine  painters  of 
that  day,  kept  guard  over  the  religion  and  morals  of  the 

*  A.  Marini,  c/.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  III.,  c.  3  (Engl,  trans.). 
Considerationes  in  Thomas,  Zur  Venet.  Geschichtsforschung  in  the 
Allg.  Zeitung,  1876,  Suppl,  No.  358. 

t  All  the  ablest  historians,  such  as  Burckhardt,  Reumont,  Rosier, 
Gaspary,  Miintz,  Torraca  and  Guasti,  whatever  their  leanings  may 
be,  are  agreed  as  to  this.  Further  proofs  will  be  found  in  the  course 
of  our  narrative  ;  c/.  also  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  39  se^.  (Engl,  trans.); 
Stern,  I.,  152;  Prolss,  I.,  i,  20,  36;  Gruyer,  173;  Vischer, 
Signorelli,  125,  128;  Gabotto,  Un  poeta  beatificato,  7  (Venezia, 
1892);  Ci\MPl,  Lorenzo  il  Magnifico  e  G.  Savonarola  (Estratto  dalla 
N.  Antologia,  1875,  Gennaio,  p.  14) ;  and  Cesareo  in  the  same  periodi- 
cal, 1894,  Vol.  CXXXV.,  p.  102. 


12  HISTORY  OF   THE    POPES. 

household.  The  type  of  womanhood  portrayed  in  the 
charming  biographies  by  the  worthy  Florentine  bookseller, 
Vcspasiano  da  Bisticci,  and  in  the  work  of  Jacopo  da 
Bergamo  on  the  famous  ladies  of  his  time,  is  an  eminently 
beautiful  and  noble  one.*  The  extensive  private  corres- 
pondence, fortunately  preserved,  of  this  period  proves  that 
the  pictures  are  not  overdrawn. 

From  this  point  of  view,  the  correspondence  of  Ales- 
sandra  Macinghi  negli  Strozzi,  a  noble  Florentine  lady 
(1406- 1 471),  is  of  great  value.  These  intimate  letters 
not  only  give  us  a  large  insight  into  the  domestic  life  of 
the  period,  but  also  reveal  a  beautiful  soul  in  the  much- 
tried  mother  whose  whole  life  was  devoted  to  her  children's 
welfare  after  the  early  death  of  her  husband.  The  sorrows 
and  joys,  the  hopes  and  disappointments  of  a  life- time  are 
spread  before  the  reader.  Their  tone  throughout  is  that 
of  a  deep  and  genuine  piety.  Writing  of  her  son  Matteo, 
who  had  died  in  a  foreign  country,  she  says  : — "  I  know  now 
that  on  the  23rd  of  August  it  pleased  Him  who  gave  him 
to  me  to  recall  him  to  Himself,  in  the  full  possession  of  his 
faculties,  and  after  having  received  all  the  sacraments,  as 
befitted  a  good  Christian.  It  is  a  bitter  grief  to  have  been 
deprived  of  such  a  son  and,  apart  from  my  own  natural 
feelings  for  him,  I  hold  his  death  to  be  a  great  loss  to  you, 
my  two  surviving  sons.  I  praise  God  and  thank  Him  for 
all  ;  for  I  am  convinced  that  He  perceived  that  this  was 
best  for  the  good  of  his  soul,  and  what  you  have  told  me 
of  his  ready  acceptance  of  death,  confirms  me  in  the  belief; 
and  though  in  my  heart  1  experience  a  more  piercing 
anguish  than  any  I  have  ever  felt  before,  still  I  am 
conscious  of  two  great  consolations.     The  first  is,  that  he 

*  Reumont  in  the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1876,  Suppt,  No.  191  ;  LORENZO, 
II.,  326,  ed.  2;  and  Kleine  Schriften,  55  seq.^  64  seq.\  Braggio  in  the 
Giorn.  Ligustico,  1885,  XII.,  35  seq. 


A   NOBLE    MOTHER   AND   HER   SONS.  I3 

was  with   you  ;    because  this  gives  me  the  certainty  that 
all  that  doctors  and  medicine  and  human  care  could  avail 
was  done  to  save  his  life,  and  thus  that  if  this  failed  it  was 
purely  the  will   of  God.     The  second   is,  that   our    Lord 
before  his  death  gave  him  the  grace  to  perceive  and  con- 
fess  his   sins,  and,  as    I    understand,  piously   to   ask    for 
Extreme  Unction  and  the  Holy  Viaticum,  which  I  regard 
as  a  token  that  God  has  graciously  received  him.     So  now, 
since  I  know  that  we  all  have  to  tread  this  path,  but  that 
whether  we  shall  be  able  to  do  so  in  the  manner  that  has 
been  vouchsafed  to  my  beloved  Matteo  is  most  uncertain  ; 
for  many  die  suddenly,  and  some  are  cut    to  pieces,  and 
some  lose  both  body  and  soul  at  once,  I  resign  myself  in 
peace,  considering  that  God  might  have  sent  me  something 
so  much  harder  to  bear.     If  in  His  mercy  He  will  still  pre- 
serve you,  my  two  sons,  I  will  not  complain  of  anything." 
A  little  later  Alessandra  returns  again  to  the  subject  and 
writes : — "  We   must  humbly  resign  ourselves  to  what  we 
cannot  alter  ;    God  knows  what  is  best  for  our  sanctifica- 
tion.     Arm  yourself  with  patience  and  pray  for  him.     Let 
us  be  prepared  for  sorrows.     God  strikes  us,  and  men  strike 
us  too.     We  must  be  ready  for  all  things  and  bear  all  that 
comes,  in  peace."  * 

Piety  of  this  stamp  was  not  confined  to  women,  but 
is  equally  to  be  found  in  many  men  of  all  ranks  and 
conditions.  What  a  grand  figure  is  that  of  the  rich 
and  energetic  Florentine  merchant,  Francesco  Datini  (ob. 
1410),  the  friend  of  Giovanni  Dominici,  who,  in  the  even- 
ing of  his  day,  went  into  retirement  in  his  native  village, 
leaving  all  his  property  to  the  poor.  His  widow  became 
a  Dominican  Tertiary.      A  similar  character  was  another 

*  GUASTI,  Alessandra  Macinghi  negli  Strozzi.  Lettere  di  una  gentil 
donna  Fiorentina  del  sec.  XV.  ai  figliuoli  esuli  (Firenze,  1877).  Reumont, 
Kleine  Schriften,  73-5,  and  MiJNTZ,  Hist,  de  TArt.,  I.,  15  seq. 


14  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Florentine,  Feo  Belcari,  one  out  of  the  many  which  the 
15th  Century  produced  to  balance  the  one-sided  spirit 
of  the  Renaissance.  Like  Datini,  his  life  was  an  active 
one  ;  he  filled  several  public  offices,  sat,  in  the  summer  of 
1454,  on  the  Bench  as  one  of  the  Priori,  was  a  Commis- 
sioner of  the  public  debt,  and  died  in  1484.  His  devotional 
writings  and  private  letters  bear  splendid  testimony  to  the 
spirit  which  animated  a  large  body  of  laymen  during  this 
time.  His  letter  on  humility  to  his  daughter  Orsola,  a  nun 
in  the  Convent  of  II  Paradiso  in  Florence,  is  one  of  the 
gems  of  the  spiritual  literature  of  the  day.* 

"  Humility,"  Belcari  writes,  "  is  an  inestimable  treasure 
and  a  Divine  gift.  Humility  is  an  abyss  of  self-abasement 
before  which  the  powers  of  Hell  recoil  ;  a  tower  of  strength 
before  the  face  of  the  enemy.  Humility  is  a  Divine  assist- 
ance and  protection  which  draws  a  veil  across  our  inward 
eye,  so  that  we  do  not  see  our  own  excellences  and 
virtues  ;  it  is  the  perfection  of  all  that  is  true  and  pure. 
Penitence  raises  the  soul,  compunction  enables  it  to  touch 
the  gates  of  heaven,  humility  flings  them  open.  Love  and 
humility  are  the  soul's  best  conductors,  the  one  teaches  it 
to  soar,  the  other  prevents  it  from  falling.  The  Fathers  say 
that  bodily  toil  is  a  means  of  gaining  humility,  and  S. 
John  Scholasticus  recommends  obedience  and  simplicity, 
and  everything  that  contradicts  our  pride.  Poverty,  pil- 
grimages, a  habit  of  concealing  our  attainments,  simplicity 
in  speech,  begging  for  alms,  manual  labour,  renunciation  of 
dignities,  reticence,  putting  little  trust  in  man  and  confid- 
ing in  God  only,  are  all  means  of  becoming  humble.  Also 
a  constant  recollection  of  death  and  the  judgment,  and 
of  our  Lord's  Passion.  Humility  makes  the  soul  pliable, 
gentle,  devoted,  patient,  peaceful,  cheerful,  obedient,  sympa- 

*  On  Datini  and  Belcari,  see  Reumont,  Briefe,  82,  153  seq,^  and 
Lorenzo,  I.,  432  seq.^  ed.  2. 


BELCARI   AND   MORELLI.  1 5 

thctic,  above  all,  it  enables  it  to  be  strenuous  without 
sadness  and  to  watch  without  weariness.  In  conclusion, 
let  me  enumerate  the  fruits  of  humility  in  the  words  of  S. 
Bernard.  *  If  you  desire  to  glorify  God,  be  humble  ;  if 
you  want  to  obtain  the  forgiveness  of  your  sins,  be  humble; 
if  you  would  win  the  grace  of  God,  be  humble  ;  if  you 
have  temptations  to  overcome,  or  an  enemy  to  conquer,  be 
humble ;  if  you  want  to  guard  and  cherish  virtues,  be 
humble;  do  you  wish  to  attain  to  the  apprehension  of 
Divine  mysteries,  to  penetrate  the  meaning  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, be  humble  ;  if  you  aspire  to  win  true  glory,  to  deserve 
the  favour  of  God,  to  keep  your  soul  in  peace,  be  humble. 
May  our  sweetest  Lord  Jesus  Christ  grant  this  virtue  to  us 
and  to  all  who  need  it.  Pray  for  me  who  am  not  humble.' 
"Written  at  Florence,  Oct.  19,  1455.  Feo  Belcari."  * 
The  same  pious  tone  of  thought  pervades  the  numerous 
private  memoirs  of  which  Florence  possesses  a  large  store. 
It  was  the  custom  there  to  keep  family  note-books  in  which 
births,  marriages,  deaths,  and  events  of  all  sorts,  were 
recorded  for  the  benefit  of  its  members.  Interspersed 
amongst  these  entries  which  concerned  the  private  history 
only  of  the  family,  are  often  to  be  found  narratives  of  con- 
temporary events,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  notes  of  books 
read,  practical  rules  of  life,  and  general  observations.  A 
book  of  this  kind  containing  notes  extending  from  the 
beginning  of  the  15th  Century  up  to  142 1,  written  by  a 
Florentine,  Giovanni  Morelli,  has  been  preserved.f  Morelli 
relates  the  history  of  his  own  life  and  foi-tunes  for  the 
guidance  of  his  son  in  the  pursuit  of  true  happiness.     The 

*  Printed  in  MORONi,  Lettere  di  F.  Belcari  (Firenze,  1825).  Trans- 
lated by  ReumonT,  Briefe,  155-8. 

t  Cronaca  di  Giovanni  Morelli,  as  a  supplement  to  Malespini,  Istoria 
di  Firenze  (171 8),  217-354.  Cf.  RoSLER,  Dominici's  Erziehungslehre, 
68  seq. 


l6  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

narrative  reveals  a  model  Christian  father  whose  solicitude 
for  the  welfare  of  his  children,  both  temporal  and  spiritual, 
begins  with  early  infancy  and  follows  them  throughout 
their  lives,  and  even  beyond  the  grave.  We  may  fairly 
consider  that  the  great  majority  of  Florentine  families  were 
brought  up  in  this  sound  and  truly  Christian  spirit.  In 
spite  of  all  its  aberrations  the  age  of  the  Renaissance  was 
an  age  of  faith  and  of  genuine  piety.*  It  is  noticeable  that 
Morelli  attaches  an  almost  exaggerated  importance  to  the 
study  of  the  Classics,  in  which  point  he  says  his  own  educa- 
tion was  defective  ;  at  the  same  time,  he  subordinates  this 
to  higher  aims,  and  especially  to  the  study  of  religion.  His 
child-like  faith  is  well  expressed  in  the  following  passage, 
which  occurs  in  a  panegyric  on  his  father,  who  died  early  : — 
"  Oh,  if  only  we  could  be  faithful  Christians  and  true  friends 
of  God,  how  plainly  we  should  be  able  to  see  His  power  and 
His  supreme  justice  (in  His  providence)  from  day  to  day; 
but  our  sins  blind  us  and  cause  us  to  be  much  more  in- 
clined to  attribute  all  our  good  and  ill  fortune  to  chance,  or 
to  our  own  prudence  or  imprudence,  rather  than  to  the  will 
of  God  ;  but  this  is  false,  for  all  comes  from  Him  and  in 
accordance  with  our  deserts.  Therefore,  I  say :  the  good 
fortune  of  the  wise  consists  in  this,  that  they  acknowledge 
God,  and  do  good,  and  help  themselves  with  all  the  strength 
they  have.  Thus  God  requires  you  to  attain  to  perfection 
by  your  own  toil  and  efforts,  as  you  may  plainly  see  by  the 
example  of  my  father  Paul."  In  another  touching  passage 
he  describes  the  way  in  which  he  spent  the  anniversary  of 
the  death  of  his  eldest  son,  in  prayer  and  penance  at  the 
foot  of  the  Crucifix.  "  May  it  please  Thee,"  he  exclaims,  at 
the  cHse  of  his  long  prayer,  "  in  Thy  goodness  to  accept  my 
petition  and  in  Thy  mercy  to  grant  it  for  the  salvation,  the 
enlightenment,  the  joy,  and  the  blessedness  of  the  departed 
*  Opinion  of  RoSLER,  loc.  cit.,  73. 


NOTE-BOOK   OF   RUCELLAI.  1 7 

soul  of  my  sweet  child.  I  desire  far  more  to  know  that  he 
is  in  peace  in  the  eternal  mansions,  than  even,  were  this 
possible,  to  have  him  back  again  here  on  earth."  Then  he 
turns  to  the  Mother  of  God  and,  after  reciting  the  Salve 
Regina^  thus  pours  out  his  heart  to  her.  "  Sweetest 
Mother,"  he  says,  "  Dwelling  of  the  Son  of  God,  grant  to 
me,  I  entreat  Thee,  a  share  in  thy  sufferings  and  sorrows, 
that,  justified  by  this  participation,  I  may  deserve  to  receive 
the  pledge  of  that  bliss  which  thy  Son  has  purchased  for  us 
on  the  Cross.  Make  me  worthy  of  the  grace  which  I  have 
implored  from  thy  most  gracious  Son,  and  commend  me 
and  the  soul  of  my  son  to  the  living  Source  of  all  justice. 
I  am  encouraged  to  make  this  prayer  to  thee,  O  Queen  of 
Heaven,  by  the  hymn  which  I  have  just  recited  in  thy 
praise  and  honour,  in  which  thou  art  called  our  Advocate."* 

Giovanni  Rucellai  was  another  layman  of  the  same  stamp 
as  Morelli.  He  had  been  successful  in  business,  and  had 
amassed  great  wealth,  which  he  generously  employed  for 
the  good  of  the  Church  and  his  city.  His  name  is  still  to 
be  seen  on  the  marble  fagade  of  the  Church  of  S^^  Maria 
Novella,  which  was  completed  for  him  by  the  celebrated 
Leon  Battista  Alberti.  The  same  master  built  his  house, 
the  Palazzo  Rucellai  in  the  Via  della  Vigna,  which  is  con- 
sidered one  of  the  finest  examples  of  Tuscan  early  Renais- 
sance.f  Not  far  from  this  stands  the  Oratory  of  S. 
Sepolcro,  also  erected  by  Alberti,  by  order  of  Rucellai,  in 
1467.  It  contains  an  exact  reproduction  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  constructed  from  a  drawing  procured  by  the 
architect  from  Jerusalem.  In  his  latter  years,  Rucellai 
kept  a  note-book  of  the  kind  described  above,  which  reveals 
much  of  the  inner  life  of  the  time. 

"  I  thank  God  our  Lord,"  we  read  here,  "  that    He  has 

*•  ROSLER,  loc.  cit.^  72-3. 

t  Engraved  in  Burckhardt,  Gesch.  der  Renaissance,  63. 

VOL.  V  C 


1 8  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

created  me  a  rational  and  immortal  being ;  in  a  Christian 
country  ;  close  to  Rome,  which  is  the  centre  of  the  Christian 
faith;  in  Italy,  the  noblest  country  in  Christendom;  in 
Tuscany,  one  of  the  noblest  provinces  of  Italy  ;  finally  in 
Florence,  the  most  beautiful  city  not  only  of  Christendom, 
but,  by  common  consent,  of  the  whole  world.  I  thank  Him 
that  He  has  granted  me  a  long  life  and  such  perfect  bodily 
health,  that  I  do  not  remember  in  the  course  of  sixty  years 
to  have  had  to  remain  in  the  house  for  a  single  month  on 
account  of  illness  ;  for  health  is  the  greatest  of  temporal 
blessings.  I  thank  Him  also  for  the  success  in  my  affairs 
by  which  I  have  been  enabled  from  small  beginnings  to 
acquire  riches  and  the  confidence  of  all  men,  and  that  it  has 
been  given  to  me  not  only  to  amass  wealth  honourably,  but 
also  to  spend  it  in  like  manner,  by  which  greater  merit  is 
obtained  than  in  the  getting  of  it.  I  thank  Him  that  he 
has  ordained  for  my  earthly  life  in  Florence  a  time  which 
all  allow  to  be  the  most  prosperous  that  she  has  ever 
enjoyed,  the  time  of  our  illustrious  citizen  Cosimo  de' 
Medici,  whose  fame  fills  the  world,  a  time  of  undisturbed 
peace,  which  has  lasted  ten  years,  the  benefits  of  which  are 
all  the  more  keenly  felt  by  contrast  with  the  burdens  and 
troubles  of  past  times.  I  thank  Him  for  an  excellent 
mother,  who,  though  only  in  her  twentieth  year  at  the  time 
of  my  father's  death,  refused  all  offers  of  marriage  and 
devoted  herself  wholly  to  her  children  ;  and  also  for  an 
equally  excellent  wife,  who  loved  me  truly,  and  cared  most 
faithfully  for  both  household  and  children,  who  was  spared 
to  me  for  many  years,  and  whose  death  has  been  the 
greatest  loss  that  ever  has  or  could  have  befallen  me. 
Recalling  all  these  innumerable  favours  and  benefits,  I 
now  in  my  old  age  desire  to  detach  myself  from  all  earthly 
things  in  order  to  devote  my  whole  soul  to  giving  praise  and 
thanks  to  Thee,  my  Lord,  the  living  Source  of  my  being." 


BISTICCI,   THE   FLORENTINE   BOOKSELLER  IQ 

Thus  wrote  Giovanni  at  the  close  of  a  long  life  which 
had  not  been  devoid  of  trials,  though  they  were  coupled 
with  many  consolations.  And  the  -book  to  which  he  con- 
fided his  thoughts  and  feelings  contains  the  following  entry 
added  by  his  two  sons : — "  In  remembrance  of  him  by 
whom  this  book  was  written,  we,  his  two  sons  Pandolfo  and 
Bernardo  Rucellai,  hereby  testify  that  we  have  been  told  by 
the  friends  of  our  family,  that  from  its  origin  till  now  no 
one  has  won  for  the  House  of  Rucellai  so  much  honour 
and  glory,  or  has  deserved  so  much  praise,  as  this  Giovanni, 
our  father."  * 

Again,  the  same  note  rings  through  the  charming  mono- 
graphs of  the  Florentine  bookseller,  Vespasiano  da  Bisticci. 
Springing  from  a  middle- class  family,  Bisticci  lived  during 
the  most  brilliant  period  of  the  Italian  book-trade,  and  corres- 
ponded on  the  most  intimate  terms  with  a  great  number  of 
illustrious  persons.  Amongst  his  special  friends  may  be 
counted  the  Medici,  the  Duke  of  Urbino,  and,  pre-eminently. 
Pope  Nicholas  V.  Vespasiano  held  himself  aloof  from  the 
votaries  of  the  false  renaissance;  the  pious  Gianozzo  Manetti 
was  his  ideal  Humanist.f  In  his  latter  years  he  gave  himself 
up  entirely  to  the  study  of  the  Fathers,  which  he  preferred 
to  the  Classics,  "  because  they  are  helpful  to  the  soul."  A 
series  of  devotional  and  ascetical  writings  resulted  from 
these  studies.  J 

The  Diary  of  the  Apothecary,  Luca  Landucci,  who 
certainjy  never  dreamed  that  it  was  destined  one  day  to 
appear  in  print,  furnishes  another  proof  of  the  good  elements 
which  existed  in  middle-class  circles  in  Florence.  It  con- 
tains a  delightful  medley  of  family  and  city  history.     His 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  I.,  328-9,  ed.  2. 
t  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  L,  40  seq.;  IL,  166  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 
X  Frizzi,  Di  Vespas.  da  Bisticci  (extract  from  the  Annali  della  R. 
Scuola  Normale  Sup.  di  Pisa,  1880),  p.  95  seq. 


20  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

domestic  life  seems  to  have  been  an  ideal  one.  Speaking 
of  the  death  of  his  wife,  he  says  that  in  the  course  of  a 
union  which  lasted  forty-eight  years  she  had  never  once 
made  him  angry.  In  all  misfortunes  he  recognised  a  just 
punishment  for  the  sins  of  men.  Penetrated  with  the 
thought  of  the  transitory  nature  of  all  earthly  glory,  the 
wealth  and  pomp  with  which  he  was  surrounded  in  Florence 
had  no  attractions  for  him. 

While  the  splendid  Palazzo  Strozzi  was  in  course  of  build- 
ing, its  owner  died,  on  the  15th  May,  1491,  and  never  saw  its 
completion.  Entering  the  event  in  his  Diary,  Landucci 
observes  : — "  Here  we  see  how  precarious  are  all  earthly 
anticipations.  Man  appears  to  be  the  lord  of  all  things,  but 
in  reality  the  reverse  is  the  case.  This  Palace  will  last  for 
ages,  and  how  many  masters  it  will  outlive.  We  are  only 
stewards  of  outward  things,  not  lords,  and  our  stewardship 
lasts  as  long  as  God  pleases  and  no  more."  A  year  later 
came  the  death  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  il  Magnifico.  "  How 
vain,"  exclaims  Landucci,  "is  our  earthly  Hfe.  In  the  judg- 
ment of  men,  Lorenzo  was  the  most  famous,  the  richest,  the 
most  powerful  man  in  the  world.  His  friends  boasted  that 
he  held  the  fortunes  of  Italy  in  his  hands;  in  truth  he 
was  rich;  he  was  successful  in  everything.  He  had  just 
achieved  what  for  many  years  past  had  been  beyond  the 
reach  of  any  of  our  citizens;  his  son  had  been  made  a 
Cardinal ;  and  yet  all  this  could  not  obtain  the  prolonga- 
tion of  his  life  for  a  single  hour.  O  man,  what  hast  thou 
to  do  with  pride?"* 

Landucci  follows  the  course  of  events  in  general,  and 
especially  the  fortunes  of  his  native  city,  with  sympa- 
thetic attention,  but  without  partisanship.  The  beneficent 
influence  of  his  conciliatory  and  forgiving  spirit,  and  of  his 
kindly  interest  in  the  welfare  of  all  with  whom  he  came  in 

*  Landucci,  Diario,  62,  64-5. 


A   PIOUS   FLORENTINE.  21 

contact  was  immense.  When  the  Medici  were  banished 
in  1494,  all  his  sympathies  went  forth  towards  the  young 
Cardinal,  whom  he  had  seen  at  the  window  of  the  Palace, 
with  clasped  hands,  commending  himself  to  God.  In  1497, 
when  Lorenzo  Tornabuoni,  who  had  been  implicated  in 
a  conspiracy,  was  executed,  Landucci  wept.  An  earnest 
adherent  of  Savonarola,  as  long  as  he  believed  that  he  was 
preparing  the  way  for  a  better  state  of  things ;  he  turned 
from  him  at  once  when  the  Dominican  friar  came  into 
collision  with  the  Church.  Whether  his  punishment  were 
just  or  unjust,  he  held  that  he  was  bound  to  submit.*  The 
unshaken  trust  in  God  and  genuinely  Christian  resignation 
which  he  displays  under  misfortune  are  most  touching. 
"  On  the  2nd  of  August,  1 507,  it  was  the  will  of  God  that  a 
fire  should  break  out  in  my  house  which  destroyed  every- 
thing, so  that  my  loss  amounted  to  450  gold  ducats.  I 
and  my  sons  had  to  fly  for  our  lives  with  nothing  on  but 
our  shirts ;  my  son  Battista  had  to  spring  naked  out  of  his 
bed  which  was  burning ;  but  I  am  resolved  to  accept  all 
things  whether  good  or  bad  from  the  hand  of  God  and  to 
give  Him  thanks  for  all.  May  He  only  forgive  my  sins  and 
grant  me  such  things  as  I  need  for  His  glory.  Praised  be 
the  Lord  of  all  creatures  !  By  this  means  we  are  victorious 
over  all  pain  and  privation.  Let  us  learn  from  Job  who 
said  :  The  Lord  gave  and  the  Lord  hath  taken  away ; 
blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord ! "  f 

This  solidly  religious  spirit  manifested  itself  also  in  a 
great  variety  of  other  ways.  No  house  was  without  a 
crucifix  or  pious  picture,  more  especially  one  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  before  which  a  lamp  was  kept  burning ;  nearly  all 
the  larger  houses  contained  a  small  chapel.J     The  numbers 

*  Cf,  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work,  Book  I.,  c.  i  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  Landucci,  Diario,  283-4. 

X  See   RoSLER,    Dominici's   Erziehungslehre,  217.      The    woodcuts 


22  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

of  New  Testaments  printed  during  that  time  shews  that, 
besides  books  of  devotion,  amongst  which  the  Fioretti  di  S. 
Francesco  was  specially  popular,  Holy  Scripture  was  very 
much  read.* 

The  precepts  of  the  Church  were  conscientiously  observed 
because  they  had  become  for  the  most  part  completely 
interwoven  with  family  life  and  customs.  Numerous  books 
explaining  its  rites  and  ceremonies f  enabled  the  people  to 
understand  their  significance  and  enter  into  their  poetical 
beauty,  while  the  almost  universal  familiarity  with  the 
Latin  language  made  it  easy  for  all  classes  to  take  part 
in  the  services.  Even  now  in  Italy  the  common  people 
join  readily  in  the  Liturgical  offices.  The  observance  of 
Sundays  and  holidays  was  strongly  inculcated  in  books  of 
religious  instruction,  and  to  those  of  the  Church  many  of 

representing  Saints  were  mostly  fastened  on  the  doors,  and  thus  the  rea- 
son why  early  Italian  Xylographs  are  so  rare.  In  the  cabinet  of  copper- 
plates in  Berlin  there  are  a  number  of  fragments  of  very  early  Italian 
woodcuts  which  were  taken  from  the  wall  of  a  room  in  an  old  house  in 
Bassano,  which  was  pulled  down.  Cf.  Lippmann's  valuable  paper  on 
Italian  woodcuts  in  the  Jahrb.  der  Preuss.  Kunstsamml.,  V.,  316.  A 
few  Italian  woodcuts  with  other  engravings  are  to  be  found  in  W.  L. 
SCHREIBER,  Manuel  de  I'amateur  de  la  gravure  sur  bois  et  sur  metal  au 
15^6  siecle  (Berlin,  1891  seq.\  e.g.^  N.  I.  (proof),  85,  86,  90,  167-9,  32°, 
598,  636  (637),  753-5,  771,  830,  994,  995,  etc.  Here,  too,  SS.  Roch 
and  Sebastian  are  often  repeated.     See  N.  1670-76. 

*  Cf.  the  Testament  of  Benedetto  Majano,  in  Leader,  La  Par- 
rochia  de  S.  Martino  a  Maiano  (Firenze,  1875).  In  regard  to  Italian 
translations  of  the  Bible,  see  Zeitschrift  fiir  Kathol.  Theologie,  1895, 
p.  341  seq.  On  the  spiritual  and  devotional  books  of  that  time  see  also 
LiPPMANN,  Jahrb.  der  Preuss.  Kunstsamml.,  V.,  306  seq. 

t  A  book  of  this  description  (Lucidarius),  which  "was  read  from 
Vesuvius  to  Hecla,"  had  already  passed  through  seven  Italian  editions 
before  the  year  1500.  See  an  excellent  treatise  by  Schmidt,  Der 
Einfluss  der  Religion  auf  das  Leben  beim  ausgehendeh  Mittelalter, 
besonders  in  Danemark,  15.     Freiburg,  1894. 


INFLUENCE  OF  THE  CHURCH.  23 

the  trade  guilds  added  days  of  obligation  of  their  own.* 
The  fasts  also  were  strictly  kept.  Machiavelli  remarks  on 
the  bad  impression  produced  upon  the  Florentines  by  the 
laxity  of  the  Duke  of  Milan's  retinue  on  his  visit  to  the 
Medici  in  the  beginning  of  147 1.  That  any  one  should  dis- 
regard the  commandments  of  the  Church  on  this  point  had 
never  been  seen  before.f  The  relations  between  the  laity 
and  both  the  secular  and  regular  clergy  were  of  the  closest. 
Charitable  contributions  towards  the  support  of  churches 
and  convents  were  so  liberal  that  Directors  often  warned 
their  penitents  against  bestowing  alms  on  convents  where 
the  rule  was  not  strictly  observed,  and  even  against  too 
great  lavishness  towards  good  religious,  lest  they  should 
be  tempted  to  relax  the  strictness  of  their  life.|  In  the 
making  of  wills  a  certain  proportion  was  almost  invariably 
bequeathed  to  some  church  or  charitable  foundation,  with 
a  provision  for  masses  and  prayers  for  the  soul  of  the 
testator.  The  forms  employed  in  drawing  up  wills  are 
another  proof  of  the  pious  feeling  of  the  time.  They 
almost  all  begin  by  invoking  God  and  the  Saints,  or  by 
commending  the  soul  of  the  testator  to  God  and  the 
Saints. §     The  will  of  the  celebrated  traveller  Giovanni  da 

*  Landucci,  Diario,  38. 

t  Reumont,  Kleine  Schriften,  136  seq. 

X  ROSLER,  Dominici's  Erziehungslehre,  23. 

§  Pasolini  (III.,  537  seq.)  has  published  the  will  of  Caterina  Sforza, 
made  in  Florence  in  1509.  In  proof  of  what  is  stated  in  the  text  I 
will  give  some  specimens  of  commencements  of  Venetian  wills,  (i) 
Will  drawn  up  by  the  notary  Pietro  Arrivabene,  Sept.  i,  1474.  "Al 
nome  de  Dio  dovendo  mj  Alvixe  de  Lion  andar  in  Fiandra  et  con- 
siderando  el  viazio  longo  .  .  .  perho  ho  determinado  voler  ordinare,"  etc. 
Other  wills,  e.g.^  one  of  May  28,  1475,  begin  with  the  name  of  the 
testator,  but  in  the  body  of  the  document  we  find,  "  Committo  animam 
meam  altissimo  Jehsu  et  B.  Mariae  et  S.  Ursulae,"  etc.  (2)  The  wills 
drawn  up  by  the  notary  Niccol6  Riga,  who  was  working  up  to  1505, 
almost  all  begin  with  the  words  :  "  In  nomine  Dei  actcrni.    Amen."    One 


24  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Empoli  begins,  *'  I  commend  my  soul  to  Almighty  God 
and  His  glorious  Mother  B.  Mary  ever-Virgin,  to  the  Holy 
Apostle  and  Evangelist  S.  John,  to  SS.  Jerome  and 
Blasius  my  patrons,  and  all  the  Saints  in  Paradise,  that  in 
their  kindness  and  mercy  they  may  intercede  for  me  with 
God  and  His  Mother,  praying  that  on  the  day  in  which 
I  am  called  away,  I  may  be  admitted  into  their  holy 
company.  Although  I  am  a  sinner  and  deserve  severe 
punishment,  yet  God  will  not  despise  a  broken  and  contrite 
heart ;  for  we  are  His  children  and  destined  to  enjoy 
eternal  beatitude.  I  trust  to  God  and  His  glorious  Mother 
to  grant  me  grace  to  serve  Him  in  this  vale  of  misery,  and 
afterwards  to  participate  in  that  glory  which  is  prepared 
for  all  true  Christians.  May  they  grant  me  the  grace  that 
this  will  may  serve  for  the  unburdening  of  my  conscience, 
and  that  my  soul  may  remain  pure  and  free  from  guilt."* 

of  these  of  Feby.  4,  1475,  begins:  "Al  nome  sia  de  miser  Jehsu 
Christo  et  de  la  sua  madre  sant^na  Madonna  S.  Maria  et  de  tutta  la  corte 
celestiale.  Amen."  (3)  Wills  drawn  up  by  the  notary  Bernardino 
Ranemi  (1471-79)  begin  with  the  name  of  the  testator,  but  a  recom- 
mendation of  the  soul  to  God,  the  B.  Virgin,  and  the  Saints  is  hardly 
ever  omitted.  Some  have,  as  a  preamble,  "  Al  nome  sia  dello  eterno 
Iddio  padre  et  fiol  et  spirito  santo  et  della  gloriosa  vergine,"  etc.  (4) 
Wills  by  the  notary  Pasino  Grattaroli  up  to  1508,  all  begin  with  the 
formula :  "  In  Dei  aeterni  nomine.  Amen."  (5)  Wills  by  the  notary  Cristo- 
foro  Colonnino  (1513-28)  almost  all  begin  :  "  Quoniam  humanum  genus 
non  est  stabile,  sed  devenimus  ad  finem  et  nescimus  diem  neque  horam 
animoque  prudenti  hoc  pertinet,  ut  semper  mortis  periculum  cogitetur 
eventus,  hie  est  quod  praedicta  considerans  Ego  ...  in  primis  animam 
meam  commendo  altissimo  Deo  creatori."  A  few  wills  begin  :  "  In  Christi 
nomine.  Amen."  (6)  Wills  by  the  notaries  Francesco  Zorzi  and  Bar- 
tolomeo  Raspi  (i 5 1 5-25)  begin  :  "  In  nomine  Dei  aeterni."  Later,  e.g.^  in 
the  wills  by  the  notary  Domenico  Baldigara  (i  530-40),  the  beginning  is  in 
Italian  :  "  In  nome  del  Sig.  nostro  Gesu  Cristo."  State  Archives,  Venice. 
Sezione  notarile. 

*  GlORGETTi  has  published  the  text  of  this  will  in  the  Arch.  St.  Ital., 
5  Serie,  XIV.,  324  seq. 


CHRISTIAN   FAMILY  LIFE.  25 

All  the  best  intellects  on  the  side  of  the  Church  were 
keenly  alive  to  the  extreme  importance  of  the  maintenance 
of  Christian  family  life  during  this  period  of  danger  and 
turmoil.  It  was  in  the  early  part  of  the  1 5th  Century,  when 
the  influence  of  the  Renaissance  was  just  beginning  to 
make  itself  generally  felt  in  Italian  society,  that  B.  Giovanni 
Dominici  wrote  his  admirable  book  on  the  government  of 
the  family.  It  was  composed  for  the  instruction  of  a  noble 
and  pious  lady,  the  wife  of  Antonio  Alberti.  In  terse  and 
vigorous  language  the  zealous  Dominican  sets  her  duties 
before  her.  Nothing  can  be  more  practical,  and  at  the 
same  time  more  truly  Christian,  than  his  teaching,  in  which 
the  harmony  between  nature  and  grace  is  admirably  set 
forth.  '*  While  the  Humanists  propose  an  ideal  of  life  which 
is  unattainable  for  the  majority  of  mankind  and  wholly 
alien  to  Christianity,  Dominici's  rules  can  be  practised  by 
all,  and  teach  the  Christian  not  only  to  act  as  a  reasonable 
man  in  every  situation  in  which  he  can  be  placed,  but  also 
to  aim  at  that  which  alone  is  necessary.  Dominici  com- 
bines the  highest  ideal  in  religion  with  the  most  perfect 
common  sense."*  Addressing  Bartolomea,  he  says,  "You 
have  offered  yourself,  your  body  and  soul,  with  all  your 
possessions  and  your  children,  as  far  as  they  belong  to  you, 
to  God  our  Lord,  and  now  you  want  to  know  how  to  make 
the  best  use  of  all  these  good  things  for  His  glory."  In 
correspondence  with  this  division  the  treatise  is  in  four 
parts,  describing  how  the  powers  of  the  soul,  the  faculties 
and  senses  of  the  body,  and  all  temporal  goods  are  to  be 
used,  and  children  trained,  so  as  to  attain  the  end  willed 
by  God.  The  third  and  fourth  sections  are  the  most 
important,  and  may  be  classed  among  the  finest  works 
produced  by  the  literature  of  that  period.  In  the  introduc- 
tion to  the  right  use  of  temporal  goods,  it  is  impressed  upon 

*  ROSLER,  Dominici's  Erziehungslehre,  18. 


26  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

the  mother  that  it  is  her  duty  to  see  that  the  property  which 
her  children  are  to  inherit,  is  preserved  intact  In  regard 
to  that  of  which  she  is  free  to  dispose,  she  is  to  look  upon 
herself  as  God's  stewardess,  and  in  poverty  of  spirit  to  dis- 
pense it  for  the  good  of  her  neighbour;  but  as  all  men  have 
not  equal  claims  on  her  charity,  an  order  of  precedence  in 
regard  to  those  who  require  help  is  laid  down. 

In  treating  of  the  bringing  up  of  children,  Dominici 
marks  five  points.  Children  are  to  be  trained,  1st,  for 
God  ;  2nd,  for  their  father  and  mother ;  3rd,  for  them- 
selves ;  4th,  for  their  country  ;  5th,  for  the  trials  of  life. 
The  house  should  be  adorned  with  pious  pictures  in  order 
that  the  love  of  virtue,  the  love  of  Christ,  and  the  hatred  of 
sin  should  be  infused  into  the  children's  minds  from  the 
moment  they  begin  to  observe.  The  love  of  the  Saints 
will  lead  them  to  love  the  Saint  of  Saints.  The  reading 
of  Holy  Scripture  should  be  begun  as  soon  as  they  are 
sufficiently  prepared  to  understand  it.  In  the  education  of 
boys,  she  must  endeavour  to  guard  against  the  abuse  of 
heathen  writings.  In  matters  of  dress,  children  should  be 
trained  from  their  earliest  youth  to  modesty  and  decorum. 
"  Be  careful  with  whom  they  associate ;  none  of  the  things 
that  God  has  confided  to  you  are  so  precious  in  His  sight 
as  your  children.  Their  souls  are  worth  more  in  His  eyes 
than  heaven  and  earth  and  the  whole  of  the  irrational 
creation,  and  you  do  Him  a  greater  service  in  bringing  up 
your  children  well  than  if  you  possessed  the  whole  world 
and  gave  all  away  to  the  poor.  It  will  be  hard  for  you  to 
save  your  own  soul,  if,  in  consequence  of  your  neglect,  the 
souls  of  your  children  should  perish  ;  on  the  other  hand,  if 
by  your  care  you  have  secured  their  salvation,  you  may 
rest  in  peace  as  to  your  own." 

Dominici's  counsels  as  to  how  children  should  be  trained 
to  fulfil  their  duties  towards  their  parents  are  equally  admir- 


CHILDREN   AND   THEIR   PARENTS.  27 

able.  They  should  be  taught  to  be  extremely  respectful  in 
addressing  them.  He  specially  insists  upon  three  points, 
(i)  When  a  parent  corrects  a  child,  the  correction  should 
be  received  with  thanks.  (2)  Children  should  be  silent  in 
the  presence  of  their  parents.  (3)  When  spoken  to,  they 
must  answer  with  modesty.  Honour  must  be  shewn  to 
parents  also  in  the  use  of  temporal  goods,  and  in  de- 
meanour. "  In  the  presence  of  their  parents,  children 
should  not  sit  down  unless  desired  to  do  so ;  they  must 
stand  in  a  respectful  attitude,  humbly  bow  the  head  when 
any  command  is  addressed  to  them,  and  uncover  when 
they  meet  their  parents."  He  lays  great  stress  on  a  practice 
which  he  says  will  greatly  conduce  to  the  happiness  of 
the  household.  Twice  at  least  in  the  course  of  the  day, 
at  night  before  retiring  to  rest,  and  in  the  morning  before 
going  out,  each  child  should  humbly  kneel  down  before  one 
or  other  of  the  parents  and  beg  a  blessing.  "  I  should 
prefer,"  he  says,  "  that  this  should  also  be  done  on  going  out 
again  after  the  mid-day  meal,  but  for  daughters  and  those 
who  stay  at  home,  the  morning  and  evening  will  suffice. 
You  on  your  part  should  give  your  blessing  with  great 
humility,  willingly  accepting  this  mark  of  respect  not  as 
for  yourself,  but  for  the  good  of  your  children.  When  the 
child,  kneeling,  says  Benedicite,  you  should  give  the  bless- 
ing in  whatever  phrase  appears  to  you  to  be  most  agree- 
able to  God  and  suitable  to  the  child  who  asks  for  it.  As, 
for  instance,  *  May  God  bless  thee  with  an  everlasting 
blessing,'  or  *  May  the  grace  of  God  be  always  with  thee,' 
or  '  May  God  replenish  thee  with  His  holy  blessing  in  body 
and  soul,'  or  '  May  God  give  thee  favour  in  His  sight  and 
in  that  of  men,'  or,  finally,  *  May  God  mnke  thee  perfect 
now  and  for  ever.'  Thus  you  may  vary  the  blessing 
according  to  circumstances.  As  the  child  rises  after  having 
received  your  blessing  he  should  kiss   the  hand    that  has 


28  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

bestowed  it ;  and  then  he  may  go  forth  with  the  firm  con- 
viction that  nothing  can  happen  to  him  that  will  not  be  for 
the  good  of  his  soul.  But  now  look  to  yourself  and  see 
that  you  shew  to  your  Father  in  Heaven  the  same  respect 
that  your  children  are  to  shew  to  you,  and  more  especially 
in  this  matter  of  bending  the  knee.  You  should  ask  His 
blessing  on  your  knees  not  only  twice  or  thrice  in  the  day, 
but  whenever  you  change  your  occupation.  Also  make 
the  sign  of  the  Cross  with  your  finger  on  the  ground,  the 
table,  the  wall,  whatever  is  nearest  to  you,  and  kiss  it. 
Be  careful  never  to  utter  anything  in  the  shape  of  a  curse 
or  ban  on  your  children,  either  in  anger  or  in  jest,  or  to 
frighten  them,  or  on  any  pretext  whatsoever,  nor  should 
you  curse  any  creature  ov  send  them  to  the  devil,  for  such 
curses  from  the  lips  of  a  father  or  mother  may  take  effect, 
and  in  any  case  are  hurtful." 

In  the  last  section  :  "  How  to  bring  up  children  to  be 
good  citizens,"  Dominici's  counsels  reflect  the  state  of 
Florence  at  the  time.  Above  all  things  he  warns  against 
party  spirit.  "  Nothing  can  be  more  deleterious,"  he  says  ; 
"  for  the  partisan,  instead  of  building  up  the  commonwealth, 
rends  and  destroys  it."* 

The  "  Opera  a  ben  vivere,"  which  is  attributed  to  the 
great  Florentine  Bishop  S.  Antoninus,  though  written  a 
generation  later  than  Dominici's  treatise,  is  very  similar  in 
character.  Though  S.  Antoninus'  letters  to  Diodota  degli 
Adimari  are  not  directly  concerned  with  education,  they 
contain  a  great  deal  of  advice  on  this  subject.  They  treat 
of  the  rule  of  life,  demeanour,  intercourse  with  others. 
Church-going  and  devQtional  practices,  and  in  their  practical 
good  sense  and  strict  yet  simple  piety,  breathe  throughout 
a  spirit  which  is  the  very  opposite  of  all  exaggeration  or 
cant.    "  All  prayer,"  he  writes,  "  is  pleasing  to  God,  and  that 

*  ROSLER,  Dominici's  Erziehungslehre,  25-66. 


LETTERS  OF   S.   ANTONINUS.  29 

which  comes  most  from  the  heart  is  most  pleasing ;  but  I 
have  no  objection  to  your  saying  the  Office.  Prepare  your- 
self to  endure  sickness,  poverty,  or  any  other  privation,  con- 
tempt or  persecution,  household  cares  or  temptations.  Go 
to  confession  every  month,  and  to  communion  every  two 
months,  on  some  feast-day.  In  society,  even  among 
relations,  speak  as  little  as  possible  and  only  when  it  is 
necessary.  Be  careful  about  your  children  ;  see  that  they 
live  a  good  life,  and  guard  them  from  dangerous  company. 
Avoid  evil  not  only  in  your  actions  but  in  your  thoughts. 
Be  watchful,  keep  yourself  in  hand  ;  if  bad  thoughts  come, 
turn  away  your  mind  to  something  else.  When  you  are 
tempted  to  be  proud  think  at  once  of  your  sins.  When  you 
are  discouraged  and  inclined  to  despair,  recall  to  mind  the 
infinite  goodness  and  mercy  of  Christ,  and  think  of  the 
story  of  the  publican.  It  is  easier  to  begin  a  good  work 
than  to  persevere  in  it ;  but  what  is  the  use  of  beginning 
if  the  end  is  not  reached.  Fortify  your  soul  by  frequent 
spiritual  reading  and  diligence  in  meditation.  There 
is  no  harm  in  conversing  with  pious  women,  but  do  not 
trust  every  one  too  readily.  Vows  once  made  must  be 
fulfilled  as  soon  as  possible.  May  God  grant  you  His 
blessing."* 

The  votaries  of  the  true  Renaissance  are  entirely  at 
one  in  principle  with  such  saintly  church  reformers  as 
Dominici  and  S.  Antoninus.  These  men  saw  that  it  was 
possible  to  engraft  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients  on  the 
root-stock  of  Christianity.  The  noble  and  pious  Vittorino 
da  Feltre  was  an  eminent  example  of  this  school.  Though 
he  has  left  no  writings  behind  him,  the  salutary  influence 
of  his  famous  College  at  Mantua  was  immense,  and  very 

*  Reumont,  Kleine  Schriften,  27,  and  Briefe  HI.  Italiener,  140  seg^.; 
RoSLER  (Dominici's  Erziehungslehre,  67-8)  doubts  whether  S.  Antoni- 
nus really  was  the  author  of  the  "Opera a  ben  vivere."    Firenze,  1858. 


30  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

widely  diffused.*  Hardly  inferior  to  him  was  Agostino 
Dati,  a  native  of  Siena  (ob.  1479),  whose  great  worth  as 
an  instructor  has  been  specially  brought  out  by  recent 
authors.  Antonio  Ivani  is  another  of  these  illustrious 
schoolmasters  ;  his  treatise  on  education  in  the  family  is 
truly  Christian  in  its  spirit.  Francesco  Barbaro,  at  the 
early  age  of  17,  wrote  a  work  on  marriage,  the  family 
and  education,  which  was  much  admired  by  his  contempo- 
raries ;  its  tone  is  lofty  and  pious.f 

The  most  important  work  on  education  produced  by  the 
Christian  Humanists  of  the  15th  Century  was  written  by 
Maffeo  Vegio,  a  friend  of  Pope  Pius  H.  In  his  six  books 
on  this  subject,  first  printed  at  Milan  in  1491,  we  find 
nothing  that  is  not  practical  and  fruitful.  For  a  course  of 
instruction  for  developing  the  reasoning  powers,  Vegio 
borrows  his  method  from  the  sages  of  antiquity,  while  he 
derives  the  principles  of  Christian  education  from  revela- 
tion. Holy  Scripture,  the  works  of  the  Fathers,  and  the 
example  of  the  Saints.  He  strongly  insists  on  the 
necessity  of  carrying  out  the  precepts  of  Christian  faith 
and  morals  in  daily  life.  He  lays  great  stress  on  the 
power  of  a  living  example,  and  in  addressing  parents  re- 
peatedly points  to  S.  Monica  and  her  noble  son  as  a 
demonstration  of  the  effects  of  a  truly  good  and  religious 
education.  The  "  sweet  and  eloquent "  Confessions  of  S. 
Augustine  was  a  favourite  book  with  all  the  Christian 
Humanists.  "  The  good  example  of  parents,"  he  says, 
"  gives  efficacy  to  their  instructions,  and  their  prayers  bring 
down  the  blessing  of  God."  In  point  of  style  Vegio's  book 
is  admirable.     "  There  is  a  genial   warmth  in  his  writing 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  p.  44  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  RoSLER  in  his  Dominici's  Erziehungslehre,  etc.,  150  j<?^.,  164  seq.^ 
214  seq.^  has  written  admirable  descriptions  of  these  great  teachers.  In 
regard  to  Ivani,  cf.  also  A.  Neri,  Notizie  die  A.  Ivani.     Sarzana,  1868. 


EDUCATION    OF   WOiMEN.  3 1 

which  springs  from  conscious  sincerity  and  earnest  convic- 
tion, and  sometimes  kindles  into  enthusiasm.  In  every 
word  and  line  we  feel  that  he  is  penetrated  with  the  im- 
portance and  greatness  of  his  subject."* 

These  numerous  treatises,  formulating  with  such  una- 
nimity sound  principles  of  Christian  education,  did  much 
to  counteract  the  dangers  which  the  spirit  of  the  Renais- 
sance, permeating  all  the  relations  of  life,  brought  with  it. 
These  dangers  were  especially  manifest  in  its  effect  on  the 
education  of  women,  in  breaking  through  the  restraints 
which  had  hitherto  encompassed  their  lives  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  The  process  could  not  fail  to  have  a  deleterious 
influence  on  morals,  and  we  find  the  writings  of  the  adhe- 
rents of  the  Christian  Renaissance  full  of  warnings  on  this 
subject.  Vespasiano  da  Bisticci  sets  examples  of  distin- 
guished women  before  the  Italian  mothers,  and  exhorts 
them  to  "  bring  up  their  daughters  in  the  fear  of  God  and 
to  live  soberly  and  piously.  Do  not  give  them  the 
Hundred  Tales  or  any  of  Boccaccio's  works  to  read,  nor 
yet  Petrarch's  Sonnets,  for  though  these  may  not  be  im- 
moral, still  they  are  not  suitable  for  pure  minds,  which 
ought  only  to  love  God  and  their  husbands.  Let  them 
read  devotional  books,  Lives  of  the  Saints,  and  history, 
so  that  they  may  learn  how  to  live  and  behave  and 
turn  their  thoughts  to  serious  things  and  not  to  frivolity."-|- 

In  consequence  of  the  disregard  of  these  warnings,  the 
movement  in  the  direction  of  emancipation  was  attended 
with  much  that  was  unseemly  and  immoral.  Nevertheless 
there  were  many  who  perfectly  succeeded  in  harmonising 

*  From  the  Preface  of  KOPP'S  M.  Vegius'  Erziehungslehre,  20  seg. 
(Freiburg,  1889).  See  also  the  same  author's  excellent  work  :  M.  Vegio, 
ein  Humanist  und  Padagoge  des  XV.  Jahrhunderts,  12  seg'.  (Luzern, 
1887) ;  and  KOHLER,  Padagogik  des  M.  Vegius,  Schwab.  Gmiind,  1856. 

t  ReumoNT,  Kleine  Schriften,  25. 


32  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

the  new  tendencies  with  the  eternal  .principles  of  the 
Christian  religion.  "  Both  amongst  the  princely  and  noble 
families  and  in  the  burgher  class  in  the  15th  Century,  we 
find  many  women  who  combined  the  highest  intellectual 
culture  with  the  most  perfect  womanliness  and  purity  of  life. 
Equally  in  the  i6th  Century,  when  the  old  restraints  had 
become  still  more  relaxed,  if  not  wholly  broken  through, 
admirable  examples  of  the  noblest  type  of  womanhood 
were  not  wanting."  * 

In  the  "  Cortegiano "  written  by  Raphael's  friend,  the 
well-known  scholar  and  diplomatist  Baldassare  Castiglione, 
we  have  a  vivid  description  of  the  Court  of  Urbino,  and  of 
the  society  which  assembled  there,  in  what  was  probably 
the  first  example  of  the  modern  salon.  Nothing  can  be 
more  charming  than  this  picture  of  the  influence  of  a 
beautiful  and  noble  woman,  as  it  is  portrayed  in  this 
classical  book.f 

Castiglione  lays  down  as  a  fundamental  principle  that 
the  education  of  a  lady  in  the  higher  circles  should  be  such 
as  to  place  her  intellectually  on  a  level  with  her  husband. 
She  should  be  sufficiently  familiar  with  all  the  various 
branches  of  Science  and  Art  to  form  an  intelligent  judg- 
ment on  any  subject  that  comes  before  her,  though  not  her- 
self a  proficient  in  it.  She  should  be  equally  well-versed  in 
current  literature  ;  and  thus  equipped  at  all  points,  the  refine- 
ment of  her  taste  will  shew  itself,  in  her  dress,  which  will  be 

*  Reumont,  Vittoria  Colonna,  100. 

t  C7!  Dr  K.  Federn's  delightful  article,  Ein  Salon  der  Renaissance,  in 
No.  11,003  of  the  morning  edition  of  the  N.  Fr.  Presse,  April  12,  1895. 
S.  Marcello,  La  cronologia  del  "Cortegiano"  di  B.  Castiglione, 
Leghorn,  1895  (per  nozze  Criveliucci-Brunst),  is  of  opinion  that  the 
three  first  books  of  the  Cortegiano  were  composed  at  Urbino  between 
April  1 508  and  May  1 509,  and  the  fourth  at  Rome,  between  September 
1 513  and  December  15 13. 


FAMOUS  WOMEN   OF   THE   RENAISSANCE.  33 

always  becoming,  in  her  conversation,  which,  alternately 
grave  and  gay,  will  never  be  too  free  or  flippant ;  finally,  in 
the  grace  and  dignity  of  all  her  movements.  At  the  same 
time,  the  domestic  virtues  must  not  be  sacrificed  to  these 
intellectual  attainments  ;  she  must  care  for  her  household 
and  her  children,  and,  while  rivalling  her  husband  in  in- 
telligence and  knowledge,  retain  the  grace  and  charm  of 
womanly  ways.  Women,  he  maintains,  though  physically 
weaker  than  men,  are  not  inferior,  because  they  understand 
so  much  better  how  to  control  and  apply  the  powers  they 
possess.  Hence  in  all  the  various  departments  of  life,  in 
government,  in  war,  in  science,  in  poetry,  women  have 
achieved  fame.* 

In  addition  to  the  greater  frequency  with  which  women 
appeared  in  public,  and  made  their  individuality  felt  in 
the  age  of  the  Renaissance,  the  attainment  of  distinction 
in  scientific  pursuits  by  such  women  as  Isotta  Nogarola 
of  Verona,  Cecilia  Gonzaga,  Cassandra  Fedele,  may  be 
claimed  for  this  period  as  something  hitherto  unknown 
and  entirely  new.  Antonia  de'  Pulci  and  Lucrezia  Tor- 
nabuoni  de'  Medici,  mother  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  won 
laurels  in  poetry,  and  it  is  characteristic  of  the  time  that 
all  their  compositions  were  religious.  Veronica  Gambara 
and  Vittoria  Colonna  belong  to  a  later  period.  The  first 
was  not  exempt  from  the  frailties  of  the  day.  The 
second,  the  most  celebrated  poetess  of  Italy,  was  so  ad- 
mirable in  every  respect  that  she  is  called  the  Saint  of 
the  Renaissance  by  its  special  historian.f 

The  Sacrament  of  Penance  was  one  of  the  most  effica- 
cious means  of  securing  the  spiritual  development  of  the 

*  Reumont,  Vittoria  Colonna,  loo-ioi  ;  J.  Burckhardt,  Die  Cul- 
tur  der  Renaissance,  II.,  134  j^^.,  ed.  3;  H.  Janitschek,  Die  Gesell- 
schaft  der  Renaissance  in  Italien,  50  seg'.    Stuttgart,  1879. 

+  Burckhardt,  Cultur,  II.,  126,  ed.  3. 

VOL.   V.  D 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

individual  and  the  family,  and  preserving  both  from  tlie 
dangers  of  this  period.  All  the  manuals  on  Confession  of 
that  day,  amongst  which  that  of  S.  Antoninus  *  seems  to 
have  been  the  most  popular,  enjoin  that  the  people  should 
be  questioned  on  the  Creed,  the  Our  Father,  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments, and  the  precepts  of  the  Church.  S.  Antoninus 
recommends  that  children  should  be  examined  on  their 
conduct  towards  their  parents,  and  equally  that  care 
should  be  taken  to  impress  on  the  parents  a  sense  of 
their  duties  towards  their  children  and  servants.  Children 
are  to  be  strictly  brought  up  in  the  fear  of  God, 
servants  are  to  be  allowed  time  to  fulfil  their  religious 
duties,  and  are  to  be  taken  care  of  and  supported  in 
sickness.f 

The  manuals  also  contain  special  questions  suitable  for 
the  different  ranks  and  classes  of  the  population.  In  that 
of  S.  Antoninus  there  are  questions  forjudges,  for  advocates 
(whether  they  have  defended  an  unrighteous  cause  or  failed 
to  protect  the  poor) ;  for  teachers,  for  physicians  (whether 
they  have  attended  the  poor)  ;  for  merchants,  innkeepers, 
butchers  (whether  they  have  sold  bad  meat  or  given  light 
weight)  ;  *  for  bakers,  for  tailors  (whether  they  have  kept 
back  remnants  of  cloth,  or  worked  unnecessarily  on 
Sundays)  ;  for,  smiths,  weavers,  goldsmiths,  servants  and 
day-labourers.J     No  class  was  too  insignificant  to  claim  the 

*  See  Geffcken,  Der  Bilderkatechismus  des  xv.  Jahrhunderts,  I., 
34  seq.  (Leipzig,  1855).  Detail  also  regarding  other  manuals  on  Con- 
fession, of  this  time,  p.  108. 

t  Confessionale  D.  Antonini  archiepiscopi  Florentini,  1 508,  f.  74b  seq.^ 

et43- 

X  Confessionale  D.  Antonini,  etc.,  f.  69  seq.  In  the  Diocese  of  Acqui 
there  was  a  rule,  which  was  confirmed  by  a  synodal  decree  of  the 
Bishop  Luigi  Bruno  on  August  22,  1499,  that  every  confessor  should 
possess  and  diligently  study  either  the  Summa  of  S.  Antoninus  or  the 
Manipulus  Curatorum.     This  decree  explains  the  large  number  of  copies 


RELIGIOUS   SPIRIT   OF   THE   GUILDS.  35 

maternal  care  of  the  Church  ;  we  see  what  a  zealous  watch 
was  maintained  over  the  lives  of  the  people,  and  how 
lovingly  she  strove  to  meet  and  counteract  the  failings  and 
frailties  of  all  classes. 

The  solicitude  of  the  Church  for  the  welfare  of  all  her 
children,  and  the  religious  spirit  that  prevailed  amongst  the 
people,  are  strikingly  displayed  in  the  manifold  develop- 
ment of  the  numerous  guilds  and  brotherhoods. 

The  immediate  objects  of  the  guilds  were  mainly  secular, 
but  religious  and  charitable  foundations  were  almost  invari- 
ably associated  with  them.  Their  trade-marks  always  bore 
a  religious  character.  Every  guild  had  its  own  church  or 
chapel  and  its  own  chaplain.*  The  statutes  breathe  a 
deeply  religious  spirit,  and  frequently  the  guild  owed  its 
origin  to  a  desire  to  maintain  a  lamp  before  a  certain  altar, 
to  honour  the  feast  of  some  special  Saint,  to  possess 
a  private  chapel  for  the  use  of  the  members.  There  were 
strict  rules  in  regard  to  the  observance  of  their  religious 
duties.  They  were  bound  to  hear  Mass  on  Sundays  and 
holidays,  and  to  attend  a  Mass  in  the  chapel  of  the  guild 
at  least  once  a  month.  There  were  rewards  for  frequent 
attendance  in  church.  The  statutes  often  enjoin  reverent 
behaviour  in  the  House  of  God,  and  members  are  forbidden 
to  leave  the  church  before  the  end  of  the  service.  Some 
of  the  statutes  require  members  to  go  to  confession  at 
least  thrice  in  the  year,  and  no  allowances  are  to  be  granted 
to  the  sick  until  they  have  fulfilled  this  duty.  Some  guilds 
have  a  rule  against  profane  language.  Great  stress  is  laid 
on  the  observance  of  Sundays  and  holidays.     Each  craft 

of  both  these  works  which  were  printed  during  the  last  thirty  years  of 
the  15th  Century  ;  see  Allg.  Deutsch.  Biog.,  XX.,  591. 

*  In  regard  to   the   following  passage,  see  Rodocanachi,  I.,  Ixxv. 
seg.,  xcix.  seg'.,  and  also  GOTTLOB  in   the    Hist.   Jahrbuch,  XVL,  130 


36  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

had  its  patron  Saint,  connected  in  some  way  through  legend 
or  history  with  the  trade  or  occupation  exercised  by  its 
members.  Thus  in  Rome  S.  Eligius  was  the  patron  of 
the  farriers  and  goldsmiths,  S.  Nicholas  of  the  sailors,  the 
tanners  had  S.  Bartholomew,  the  husbandmen  S.  Isidore, 
the  millers  S.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  the  coopers  S.  James, 
the  wineshops  S.  Blasius,  the  innkeepers  S.  Julianus,  the 
bricklayers  S.  Gregory  the  Great,  the  stone-masons  the 
four  crowned  Martyrs,  the  money-changers  S.  Mark, 
the  shopkeepers  S.  Sebastian,  the  wool-merchants  S. 
Ambrose,  the  shoemakers  S.  Crispin,  the  barbers  and 
physicians  SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian,  the  apothecaries  S. 
Lawrence,  the  painters  S.  Luke.* 

The  patron al-feast  was  celebrated  by  a  solemn  Mass  and 
procession,  which  all  the  members  had  to  attend.  All  the 
guilds  in  Rome  assembled  to  take  part  in  the  great  pro- 
cession on  the  eve  of  the  Feast  of  the  Assumption  from 
the  Lateran  to  S^^  Maria  Maggiore.  This  feast  was  re- 
garded in  Rome  as  the  special  festa  of  the  industrial 
classes.f 

It  was  the  influence  of  this  spirit  of  solid  piety  which 
pervaded  the  guilds  in  Rome  and  in  all  the  other  Italian 
cities,  which  created  and  preserved  amongst  the  working- 
classes  those  sentiments  of  fraternal  charity  and  mutual 
goodwill,  and  that  lofty  sense  of  honour  and  probity  which 
we  find  expressed  in  their  statutes.  Care  for  the  poor 
and  the  sick  and  for  prisoners  is  especially  enjoined. 
Each  guild  had  its  own  physician  and  its  hospital.  Guild 
officials  were  appointed  to  visit  and  relieve  the  sick,  and 
such  members  as  were  in  prison  through  misfortune  rather 
than  misconduct ;  and  the  superior  officers  were  bound  to 
see  personally  to  the  fulfilment   of  these  duties    by  their 

•^  RODOCANACHI,  I.  et  II.  passim. 

t  ADINOLFI,  I.,  2  ;   RODOCANACHI,  I.,  ci. 


CONFRATERNITIES   AND   THEIR   GOOD   WORKS.         37 

subordinates.  Many  guilds  provided  pensions  for  needy 
members  and  for  widows  and  orphans,  and  in  some  cases 
contributed  substantial  sums  to  the  marriage  portion  of 
girls.  Even  beyond  the  grave,  members  were  not  for- 
gotten ;  all  the  associates  were  bound  to  attend  their 
funerals,  the  poor  were  buried  at  the  expense  of  the  guild, 
Masses  were  said  for  each  member  at  his  death,  and  on 
certain  days  throughout  the  year  all  were  remembered  at 
the  Altar.* 

Both  beside  and  within  the  guilds,  numerous  associations 
existed  which  aimed  at  the  spiritual  and  moral  advancement 
of  their  members  by  means  of  various  good  works,  either  for 
the  honour  of  God  or  the  good  of  their  neighbours.  These 
brotherhoods  had  also  their  special  patron  Saints  and  par- 
ticular chapels.  The  alms  of  the  members  were  devoted 
to  the  relief  of  the  poor,  dowries  for  poor  girls,  the  sick, 
or  the  burial  of  the  dead.f 

The  more  wealthy  Confraternities  spent  a  portion  of 
their  funds  on  the  erection  or  embellishment  of  churches 
of  their  own,  on  gifts  of  paintings  or  carvings,  or  perhaps 
a  Holy  Sepulchre  to  other  churches  in  their  city;  on  hav- 
ing special  banners  designed  and  executed  for  the  associa- 
tion, or  on  building  and  decorating  a  hall  for  their  meetings, 
called  a  Sawla.\ 

In  Venice  in  the  year  148 1  the  Confraternity  of  S. 
John  the  Evangelist  built  a  Scuola  with  a  richly  decorated 
Atrium,  and  employed  Gentile  Bellini  to  paint  the  miracle 
of  the  finding  of  the  true  Cross  for  it,  in  three  divisions. 
These  pictures  are  now  in  the  Venetian  Academy.  S. 
Mark    preaching,  by  the  same  master,  now  in  the    Brera, 

"^  RODOCANACHI,  I.,  xcv.  seq.^  and  GOTTLOB,  he.  cit. 
•\  Cf.mdi  general  way,  MORONi,  XVI.,  117  seq. 
X  Cf.  BURCKHARDT,  Geschichte   der  Renaissance  in  Italien,  182-5, 
where  several  instances  of  this  kind  are  mentioned. 


38  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

was  painted  in  1485  for  the  Confraternity-hall  of  the 
brotherhood  of  that  Saint*  Carpaccio  painted  for  the 
Congregation  of  S.  Ursula  his  masterpiece,  the  history 
of  the  Saint  in  nine  pictures,  1490-1495.  The  Con- 
fraternity-houses of  S.  Giorgio  degli  Schiavoni  and 
of  S.  Stefano  are  also  adorned  with  paintings  by  this 
master.-f  The  Confraternity  of  the  Scuola  di  S.  Rocco,  in 
1489  built  a  church  dedicated  to  their  patron  Saint.  In 
15 17  Bartolomeo  Bon  began  the  building  of  a  magnifi- 
cent Confraternity-house  which  afterwards  became  one  of 
the  most  sumptuous  creations  of  Venetian  architecture, 
and  was  adorned  by  Tintoretto  with  fifty-six  colossal 
Biblical  pictures.^;  Two  of  the  most  remarkable  buildings 
in  Padua  were  the  Scuola  del  Santo,  embellished  later 
with  sixteen  frescoes  of  the  legend  of  S.  Antonio  by 
Titian  and  his  pupils,  and  the  Scuola  del  Carmine. 

In  Siena  the  Confraternities  of  S.  Bernardino  and  S. 
Catherine  built  two  beautiful  Oratories  close  to  each  other, 
with  Sodality-halls  attached. §  The  Church  of  the  Miseri- 
cordia  at  Arezzo  was  adorned  with  a  magnificent  facade 
out  of  the  surplus  of  the  alms  received  by  the  brothers.|| 
The  Confraternity  of  the  Annunziata  employed  Piero  degli 
Franceschi  in  1466  to  paint  a  banner  for  their  church;  un- 
fortunately, this  has  disappeared.!! 

In  Florence,  many  of  the  Confraternities  possessed 
buildings  of  their  own.  One  of  the  most  beautiful  of  these 
is  that  of  the  Confraternity  dello  Scalzo  (so-called  because 
in  their  processions  the  brother  who  carried  the  Crucifix 

*  BURCKHARDT,  loc.  ClL,  1 84  ;   WOLTMANN,  II.,  287. 

t  WOLTMANN,  II.,  298-9. 

X   BURCKHARDT,  loc.  cit.^  1 84. 

§  Ibid.,  186. 

II  Ibid.,  183. 

IT  WOLTMANN,  II.,  216  ;  Giorn.  degli  Archiv.  Tosc,  VI.,  ti. 


CONFRATERNITIES   AND   ART.  39 

walked  barefoot),  which  contains  ten  frescoes  of  scenes  in 
the  life  of  S.  John  the  Baptist  by  Andrea  del  Sarto 
(painted  1511-1526).* 

The  Scuole  of  S.  Niccol6  di  Foligno  and  the  Annunziata 
had  a  large  number  of  pictures  and  banners  painted  for 
their  use.f  The  wealthy  Confraternity  of  S.  Bernardino 
decorated  the  fagade  of  their  church,^:  and  had  a  splendid 
banner  painted  by  Benedetto  Buonfigli  in  1475. §  The 
guild  of  the  soap-boilers  of  S.  Gregorio  in  Assisi  possessed 
a  splendid  banner  which  is  now  in  Carlsruhe.||  In  15 18 
Timoteo  Viti  painted  the  Noli  me  tangere  on  a  banner 
for  the  Confraternity  of  the  S'^^  Angeli  at  Cagli.H  One  of 
the  most  beautiful  chapels  in  Rome  with  its  pillared 
court  is  that  which  belonged  to  the  Scuola  of  S.  Giovanni 
Decollato.** 

Thus,  in  the  pursuance  of  their  works  of  charity,  these 
numerous  corporations  have  rendered  no  little  service  to 
Art. 

Every  city,  and  indeed  almost  every  village,  in  Italy 
possessed  one  or  more  of  these  sodalities.  One  of  the 
oldest  is  that  of  S.  Leonardo  at  Viterbo,  which  founded 
the  Ospedale  Franco  in  i  I44."ft  Just  a  hundred  years  later 
the  well-known  Confraternity  dedicated  to  Our  Lady  of 
Mercy,  and  generally  called  the  Misericordia,  was  founded 

*  WOLTMANN,  II.,  614. 

+  Ibid.^   211. 

X   BURCKHARDT,  loc.cit.,   1 83. 

§  WOLTMANN,  II.,  214. 

II  Ibid.,  212. 
1  Ibid.,  323. 
**  BURCKHARDT,  loC.  cit.,  1 8 5. 

ft  The  Statute  of  this  Confraternity  has  lately  been  published  by 
PiNZi,  Gli  ospizi  medioevali  e  I'ospedale  grande  di  Viterbo,  V.  (1893). 
This  discovery  upsets  MURATORl'S  views  (Antiquit.  Italiae  Diss.,  75)  in 
regard  to  the  date  of  the  first  appearance  of  these  brotherhoods. 


40  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

by  a  Florentine  day-labourer.  The  duty  of  the  brothers 
was  to  take  sick  or  injured  persons  to  the  hospitals  and  to 
bury  the  dead.  During  the  Plague  of  1325  the  brothers  of 
the  Misericordia  rendered  most  valuable  services,  and  from 
that  time  it  became  customary  for  men  of  all  ranks  and 
avocations  to  enrol  themselves  in  the  Confraternity.  In 
1425  the  Misericordia  disappeared,  in  consequence  of  its 
union  with  the  Compagnia  di  S^""  Maria  di  Bigallo,  which 
was  not  bound  to  any  works  of  charity.  In  1475  it  was 
revived,  and  in  the  Plague  of  1494  again  proved  most 
valuable.* 

More  than  once  during  the  course  of  the  15th  Century 
some  startling  word  from  a  mission-preacher,  or  the  terrible 
ravages  of  the  Plague,  caused  fresh  associations  of  this  kind 
to  be  formed.  Thus,  in  141 5  in  Venice,f  the  Confraternity 
of  S.  Rocco  was  instituted  and  proved  an  invaluable  blessing 
during  the  repeated  visitations  of  the  Plague.  Wealthy 
citizens,  the  nobility,  and  even  some  of  the  Doges  enrolled 
themselves  in  this  sodality,  which  in  consequence  became 
so  rich  that  over  and  above  vhat  was  needed  for  the  poor, 
it  was  able,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  to  spend  large 
sums  on  the  patronage  of  Art. 

In  1448,  when  the  Plague  was  raging  in  Rome,  the 
German  confessor  at  S.  Peter's  founded  the  Sodality  of 
Our  Lady  of  Dolours  for  his  own  countrymen,  which  is 
still  in  existence.^  Another  of  these  Confraternities  which 
still  survives  is  that  of  the  Buonuomini  di  S.  Martino,  an 
association    of  Florentine   citizens   founded   by  S.    Anto- 

*  P.  Landini,  Istoria  della  Archiconfrat.  di  S.  Maria  della  Misericordia 
(Firenze,  1843,  e  Livorno,  1871);  C.  Bianchi,  La  Compagnia  della 
Misericordia  (Firenze,  1855)  ;  Dublin  Review,  CXIV.  (1894),  333  seq. 

t  On  the  erection  and  importance  of  the  Venetian  Scuole,  see 
Sansovino,  Venezia,  99  seq. 

X  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II.,  85,  note  (Engl,  trans.). 


WORKS  OF  CHARITY.  4I 

ninus  in  1441,  with  the  object  of  finding  out  and  assisting 
persons  who  had  seen  better  days  and  were  ashamed  to 
let  their  poverty  be  known.  In  a  very  short  time  from 
its  institution,  the  brothers  had  already  ministered  to 
600  families ;  but  the  Saint  could  not  be  satisfied  with 
vicarious  almsgiving,  and  S.  Lorenzo  Giustiniani,  Patriarch 
of  Venice,  relates  that  he  personally  visited  the  poorer 
quarters  of  the  city,  bringing  help  and  comfort  to  all  who 
were  in  need.*  In  Vicenza  the  B.  Bernardino  of  Feltre 
established  two  foundations  for  the  benefit  of  reduced 
persons  of  noble  family  and  others  who  shrank  from 
making  known  their  necessities,  which  have  been  perennial 
fountains  of  blessing  for  many  centuries. f 

In  1460  the  learned  Cardinal  Torquemada  founded 
the  Confraternity  of  the  Annunciata,  and  gave  it  a 
chapel  of  its  own  in  S^^  Maria  sopra  Minerva.  Its  object 
was  to  provide  dowries  for  poor  girls. J  During  the  15th 
Century  associations  devoted  to  this  particular  work  of 
charity,  which  in  a  special  way  combines  chivalry  with 
Christian  prudence,  sprung  up  in  many  other  cities  also. 
Thus  in  Parma  in  1493  an  association  was  instituted  to 
facilitate  marriages  between  young  men  of  good  character 
and  poor  and  virtuous  girls.  § 

Florence  and  Rome  contained  a  larger  number  of  these 
brotherhoods  than  any  of  the  other  Italian  cities.  In 
Florence  at  the  beginning  of  the  i6th  Century  there  were 
seventy-three  municipal  Associations  or  congregations  for 

*  C/i  Ratzinger,  Armenpflege,  376;  Skaife,  186,  and  especially  N. 
Martelli,  I  Buonuomini  di  S.  Martino  (extract  from  the  Rassegna  Naz.), 
Firenze,  1884.  See  also  Correspondant,  Juillet  1889,  396,  and  GUASTI 
in  the  Rosa  d'ogni  mese,  Calendario  Fiorentino,  1864. 

+  Acta  Sanct,  Sept.,  VII.,  869. 

:|:  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II,,  9  (Engl,  trans.). 

§  Kobler,  Kath.  Leben,  II.,  839. 


42  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

religious  objects  ;  there  were  also  Confraternities  for 
children,  shewing  how  intimately  the  practices  of  religion 
were  bound  up  with  family  life.  Those  for  children 
assembled  to  assist  at  Vespers  on  all  Sundays  and 
holidays.  Some  of  the  associations  for  men  included 
amongst  their  objects  entertainments  of  various  sorts, 
others  were  devoted  entirely  to  works  of  charity,  others  to 
penance.  One  Confraternity  undertook  to  prepare  con- 
demned criminals  for  death,  and  attend  them  on  the 
scaffold.* 

A  clearer  notion  of  the  nature  of  these  Confraternities 
can  be  formed  by  studying  their  development  in  Rome 
itself — the  metropolis  of  Christendom.  The  most  distin- 
guished of  those  in  Rome  was  that  of  the  Gonfalone,  later 
erected  into  an  Arch-Confraternity  and  still  flourishing. 
It  was  formed  in  the  year  1264  by  twelve  noblemen, 
who  assembled  first  in  S'^  Maria  Maggiore  and  afterwards 
in  S^^  Lucia  della  Chiavica,  and  called  themselves  La 
Compagnia  de'  Raccommandati  di  Madonna  S*^^  Maria. 
Innocent  VIII.  gave  it  the  name  of  'del  Gonfalone,'  because 
of  the  banner  which  was  carried  in  their  processions.  He 
affiliated  five  other  Confraternities  to  it.  It  was  devoted 
to  various  pious  practices  and  to  works  of  charity,  as  was 
more  or  less  the  case  with  all  these  associations  in  Rome. 
Alexander  VI.  also  favoured  it.j- 

The  institution  of  the  Confraternity  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
goes  back  as  far  as  the  reign  of  Innocent  HI.  Popes 
Eugenius  IV.  and  Sixtus  IV.  enlarged  its  scope  and  gave 
it  a  fresh    impetus.     Many  Cardinals  and  almost   all   the 

*  Varchi,  Storia  Fiorentina,  I.,  393-4  (Milano,  1845);  Reumont, 
Lorenzo,  II.,  ^17  seg.,  ed.  2  ;  Skaife,  186  ;  D'Ancona,  I.,  405  se^.,  ed.  2. 

t  Cf.  RuGGlERi's  interesting  Monograph,  L'Archi-Confraternita  del 
Gonfalone  (Roma,  1866),  where  the  rescripts  of  Innocent  VIII.,  taken 
from  the  Archives  of  the  Confraternity,  are  given,  p.  49  seg'. 


FOUNDATION    OF    NEW  ASSOCIATIONS.  43 

Court  belonged  to  it,  and  by  the  15th  Century  it  had 
become  customary  for  foreign  Princes,  when  they  came  to 
Rome,  to  inscribe  their  names  in  the  book  of  the  Con- 
fraternity, which  has  thus  become,  in  its  way,  a  unique 
collection  of  autographs.* 

Equally  famous  was  the  Confraternity  of  S.  Salvatore, 
which  was  the  earHest  to  be  erected  into  an  Arch-Con- 
fraternity. This  congregation  venerated  in  a  special 
manner  the  ancient  picture  of  our  Saviour  in  the  Sancta 
Sanctorum  Chapel.  On  the  Feast  of  the  Assumption  the 
brothers  carried  it  in  solemn  procession  across  the  Forum 
to  the  Church  of  S'^  Maria  Maggiore,  while  the  miraculous 
picture  of  the  Madonna  belonging  to  that  church  was 
brought  out  to  meet  it.f  The  Confraternity  of  the  Seven 
Dolours  of  our  Lady  in  S.  Marcello  was  founded  in  the 
13th  Century,  those  of  S'^  Maria  del  Popolo,  S.  Bernardo 
and  S.  Anna  de'  Parafrenieri  in  the  14th. 

The  15th  Century  was  specially  fruitful  in  new  associa- 
tions of  this  description.  Under  Eugenius  IV.  the  brother- 
hood of  S.  Bernardo  alia  Colonna  Trajana  was  founded  ; 
under  Pius  II.  the  Confraternity  of  Priests  of  Santa  Lucia 
de'  Ginnasii,  which  was  renewed  by  Julius  II.  Cardinal 
Torquemada's  foundation  for  poor  girls  already  mentioned 
belongs  to  the  same  Pontificate  ;  the  Confraternities  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception  in  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso,  and  of 
S.  Ambrogio  belong  to  that  of  Paul  11. J  In  the  reign  of 
Innocent   VIII.,  in    1488,  some  pious  Florentines  formed 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  353  seg'.,  and  IV.,  461  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  Piazza,  361  seg^.;  B.  Millino,  Dell'  oratorio  in  S.  Lorenzo  del 
Laterano  detto  Sancta  Sanctorum  (Roma,  1666);  G.  Marangoni, 
Istoria  dell'  Ajitichissimo  Oratorio  .  .  .  Appellato  Sancta  Sanctorum. 
Roma,  1747. 

X  Piazza,  556  seg'.,  347  se(^.,  523  seg^.,  514  se^.,  510  se^.,  484  seg.,  429 
seg.,  423  seg.;  and  MORONi,  II.,  295  se^. 


44  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

themselves  into  a  Confraternity  in  S.  Giovanni  Decollato, 
called  the  Misericordia,  which  had  for  its  object  to  provide 
spiritual  consolation  and  Christian  burial  for  condemned 
criminals.  This  brotherhood  was  approved  by  the  Pope 
and  endowed  with  various  privileges  in  1490,  and  had  a 
chaplain  of  its  own.  Whenever  any  criminal  was  con- 
demned to  death,  two  of  the  brothers  went  to  him  to 
prepare  him  for  his  general  confession  and  for  Holy  Com- 
munion. When  he  was  led  out  for  execution,  the  whole 
brotherhood  accompanied  him  to  the  scaffold,  carrying  a 
cross  draped  with  black,  and  singing  the  penitential  Psalms. 
After  the  execution  they  conveyed  the  corpse  to  their  own 
burial-ground.  The  brothers  wore  black  garments  and 
hoods,  on  which  was  stamped  an  effigy  of  the  head  of  S. 
John  the  Baptist,  their  patron.* 

•  In  the  year  1499,  Alexander  VI.  established  the  Con- 
fraternita  di  S.  Rocco  e  di  S.  Martino  al  Porto  di  Ripetta. 
This  society,  which  soon  built  a  church  and  a  hospital  of 
its  own,  took  charge  of  the  poor  sailors  and  lodging-house 
keepers  in  that  quarter  of  the  city.  Leo  X.  conferred 
special  Indulgences  on  it.  The  brotherhood  of  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  and  the  Five  Wounds  of  Christ,  which  grew 
and  flourished  very  rapidly,  also  dates  from  the  time  of 
Alexander  VI.  Its  members  escorted  the  Holy  Viaticum 
in  procession  whenever  it  was  carried  to  the  sick  and  dying. 
They  had  a  chapel  of  their  own  at  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso, 
which  was  soon  splendidly  decorated,  Julius  II.  was  an 
especial  benefactor  of  this  society.  A  brotherhood  of  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  was  also  formed  under  Leo  X.  in  the 
church  of  S.  Giacomo  Scossacavalli  in  the  Borgo.  Two 
other  new  congregations  belong  to  the  reign  of  this  Pope, 
the  Archi-Confraternita  della  Carita  at  S.  Girolamo  and  the 
brotherhood  of  the  Holy  Cross  at  S.  Marcello.  The  former, 
*  Bull.,  V.J  343  seq.\  Piazza,  502  seq. 


INFLUENCE   OF   THE   CONFRATERNITIES.  45 

founded  by  Cardinal  Giulio  de'  Medici,  devoted  itself 
specially  to  the  sick  and  dying;  Leo  X.  also  committed 
penitent  fallen  women  to  its  care.* 

The  beneficial  effect  produced  by  these  brotherhoods, 
and,  above  all,  the  influence  they  exercised  in  fostering 
religion  and  morals  among  the  middle  and  working  classes, 
can  hardly  be  over-estimated.  The  history  of  the  Oratory 
of  the  Divine  Love,  begun  in  Leo  X.'s  time,  shews  how 
important  such  societies  could  become,  as  well  to  the 
religious  life  of  Rome  as  in  much  wider  spheres.f 

But  we  are  still  far  from  having  come  to  the  end  of 
the  religious  societies  in  the  Eternal  City.  The  national 
brotherhoods  and  the  trades  guilds  have  also  to  be  con- 
sidered. The  latter  (Confraternita  dell'  Arti)  existed  in 
those  days  for  bakers,  cooks,  barbers  and  surgeons,  apothe- 
caries, saddlers,  gold-  and  silver-smiths,  painters,  masons, 
weavers,  gardeners,  fruiterers,  cheese-  and  sausage-mongers 
(Pizzicaroli).J  These  guilds  usually  had  hospitals  of  their 
own,  close  to  the  churches  and  chapels  which  belonged 
to  them.  No  expense  was  spared  in  adorning  the  guild- 
chapels  ;  nearly  all  the  churches  were  remarkable  for  their 
grandeur  and.  for  their  rich  ornamentation,  which  usually 
contained  some  ingenious  allusion  to  the  trade  pursued  by 
the  members.  Thus  the  garlands  in  S^^  Maria  dell'  Orto 
in  Rome  remind  us  of  the  fruiterers.  This  church  was 
planned  by  Giulio  Romano.  The  bakers'  church,  S^^  Maria 
di  Loreto,  near  the  forum  of  Trajan,  was  erected  under 
Julius  II.  after  a  design  by  Antonio  da  Sangallo. 

A  no  less  brilliant  and  varied  array  meets  the  eye  when 

*  Moroni,  II.,  300  seq.\  Piazza,  429  seq.^  391  seq.^  462  seq.^  549  seq., 
546  seq. 

t  The  forthcoming  volume  of  the  present  work  will  furnish  further 
particulars  on  this  subject  in  connection  with  ecclesiastical  reforms. 

X  Piazza,  605  seq. 


46  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

we  glance  at  the  national  brotherhoods,  which  were  founded 
mostly  for  the  benefit  of  craftsmen.  Thus  there  were  in 
Rome  special  associations  for  the  German  cordwainers  and 
German  bakers.  The  head-quarters  of  the  universal  German 
Confraternity  were  at  the  German  national  hospital,  S^^ 
Maria  dell'  Anima.  In  like  manner,  French,  Portuguese, 
Sclavonians,  Spaniards,  Sienese,  Lombards,  and  Florentines 
all  had  their  societies  in  close  connection  with  the  hospitals 
of  their  respective  nations.* 

An  important  part  was  played  by  the  guilds  in  the 
development  of  popular  religious  poetry  and  drama,  both 
of  which  flourished  greatly  during  the   15th  Century. 

The  vibrations  of  the  inspired  chords  struck  by  S. 
Francis  and  Fra  Jacopone  da  Todi  were  prolonged  and 
expanded  in  the  popular  hymns.  Besides  being  fostered 
and  cultivated  by  the  guilds,  religious  poetry  in  a  great 
measure  owed  its  origin  to  them^  The  brothers,  particularly 
in  Tuscany,  had  an  ancient  custom  of  assembling  at  the 
hour  of  the  Ave  Maria,  after  their  day's  work  was  done, 
either  in  their  chapels  or  at  the  street  corners  before  the 
images  of  the  Madonna,  to  pray  and  sing  hymns  of  praise, 
called  Lauds.  A  company  of  Laud-singers  (Laudesi)  was 
formed  in  Florence  at  the  end  of  the  12th  Century,  an 
example  followed  in  time  by  all  the  many  brotherhoods 
and  the  companies  of  Or  San  Michele,  S'^^  Maria  Novella, 
S^^  Croce,  the  Carmine  and  Ognissanti.  The  singing  of 
Lauds  was  formally  prescribed  in  their  statutes.  The  people 
sang  out  of  the  fulness  of  their  hearts,  and  saw  nothing 
strange  or  repugnant  in  adapting  common  secular  tunes  to 
sacred  words.  The  composer  of  these  Lauds  frequently  be- 
longed to  the  highest  and  most  cultivated  classes  of  society. 

*  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  248  seq.  (Engl,  trans.);  Zeitschr.  d. 
hist.  Ver.  fiir  Bamberg,  XXXVH.  (1875),  73  seq.-,  and  Piazza,  296  seq.^ 
298  seq. 


LAUDS   AND   HYMNS.  47 

Thus  we  find  among  the  Laud-writers,  Cardinal  Dominici, 
the  learned  Lorenzo  Giustiniani  (ob.  1456),  Antonio 
Bolognini,  Bishop  of  Foligno  (ob.  1461),  Castellano 
CastelJani,  professor  at  Pisa,  1488-15 18,  Lucrezia  Torna- 
buoni,  the  mother  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  and  finally 
Lorenzo  himself.* 

The  hymns  were  sung  at  processions  and  on  pilgrimages 
as  well  as  at  private  and  public  worship.  Many  gems  of 
true  poetry  and  sincere  piety  are  contained  in  this  vast 
treasury.  Though  the  perpetual  recurrence  of  the  same 
motive  tends  to  become  wearisome,  we  marvel  at  the  count- 
less variations  and  at  the  exquisite  tenderness  of  feeling  so 
simply  expressed.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous of  these  religious  poets,  Feo  Belcari,-[-  who  is  never 
tired  of  his  one,  inexhaustible  theme — the  love  of  God.  A 
collection  of  his  poems  was  published  in  1455  for  the 
Compagnia  de'  Battuti  di  Zan  Zanobi  at  Florence.  Belcari, 
the  'Christian  Poet,'  died  in  1484.  His  pupil,  Girolamo 
Benivieni,  thus  laments  his  master : — 

Perduta  ha  '1  cieco  mondo  quella  luce, 
Che  pel  dubio  camin  gran  tempo  scorta, 
Fu  gia  de'  passi  miei  ministra  e  duce. 

Tace  '1  celeste  suon  gia  spinta  e  morta, 
E  r  harmonia  di  quella  dolce  lyra 
Chel  mondo  afflitt'  hor  lascia  '1  ciel  conforta.| 

The  earlier  Lauds  were  probably  purely  lyrical,  but  soon, 

*  Besides  Gaspary,  II.,  194  seq.^  663,  cf.  also  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  I., 
429  seq.^  ed.  2;  II.,  22  seq.^  ed.  2  ;  Stern,  I.,  145  seq. ;  Vischer,  Sig- 
norelli,  134  seq.\  Creizenach,  I.,  305  seq.\  and  D'Ancona,  I.,  112 
seq.^  ed.  2.  The  best  collection  of  Lauds  was  published  by  Galletti : 
Laude  spiritual!  di  Feo  Belcari,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  di  Francesco 
d'Albizzi,  etc.    Firenze,  1863. 

+  See  supra^  p.  14  seq. 

X  Reumont,  loc.  cit.^  I.,  431-3,  ed.  2. 


48  HISTORY  OF   THE    POPES. 

in  sympathy  with  the  dramatic  ritual  of  the  Church  *  they 
assumed  more  and  more  the  character  of  the  drama. 
Poems  in  dialogue  soon  turned  into  regular  religious  plays, 
called  devozione  (devotions).  It  was  not  by  accident  t1iat 
the  Italian  mystery  play  should  have  begun  in  Umbria,  in 
Southern  Tuscany,  and  in  the  northern  districts  of  the 
Papal  States.     Here  in  the  secluded  rocky  vale  of  Rieti, 

*  This  point  is  too  little  insisted  on.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  of  the 
greatest  importance.  GuiDO  GoRRES,  in  his  clever  essay  on  the 
mediaeval  stage,  says,  with  much  truth  : — "  How  dramatic  is  the  ritual  of 
the  central  point  of  all  Catholic  worship,  the  office  of  the  Mass,  the  whole 
service  being  at  once  a  memorial  celebration,  and  an  unbloody  repetition 
of  the  greatest  and  holiest  of  earthly  scenes— the  Passion  and  Sacrifice 
of  Christ.  Each  division  of  the  Mass  represents  the  progress  of  the 
sublime  tragedy,  which  is  unfolded,  as  it  were,  in  five  acts,  before  the 
eyes  of  the  worshippers.  First  in  the  Introit  and  up  to  the  Creed  we  see 
the  preparation  and  sanctification  of  the  celebrant  as  he  ascends  the 
holy  mount,  then  the  oblation,  till  we  come  to  the  Canon,  where  we 
behold  the  unbloody  sacrifice  itself  in  the  Consecration  and  as  far  as  the 
Paternoster,  then  in  the  Communion  we  have  the  entombment,  and 
finally  the  thanksgiving  and  the  benediction.  Moreover  between  the 
actors  in  the  Mass,  the  priest  with  his  assistant  Levites  and  the  people, 
there  is  a  frequent  interchange  of  address  and  response  ;  also,  the  colour 
and  shape  of  the  priest's  vestments  and  of  the  altar,  even  the  cruciform 
of  the  Church  itself,  are  all  symbolical.  Then  again  Vespers,  being  more 
reflective  and  lyrical  in  character,  resemble  the  chorus  of  the  ancient 
tragedies.  Here  also  the  antiphones,  little  chapter  and  responses  are 
divided  between  the  priest  at  the  altar  as  the  leader,  and  the  people,  who 
form  the  chorus.  Thus  it  was  by  no  chance  accident  that  the  finest 
works  of  our  Christian  musicians  were  based  upon  a  ritual  so  arranged. 
Hand  in  hand  with  the  music,  the  sacred  drama  of  the  Middle  Ages 
unfolded  itself,  adhering  of  necessity  to  the  form  of  its  model,  the  Mass, 
in  the  dramatic  celebration  of  which  the  congregation  were  in  some 
places  allowed  to  take  part.  At  the  present  day,  in  the  Catholic  Church 
the  Gospel  of  the  Passion  is  still  chanted  dramatically,  in  parts.  She  still 
appeals  to  the  senses  in  processions— in  her  commemorations  of  the  de- 
position from  the  Cross  and  Resurrection,  and  in  many  other  symbohcal 
ceremonies." 


DRAMATISED   DEVOTIONS.  49 

S.  Francis  had  made  the  first  manger  of  Bethlehem  for  the 
instruction  of  the  neighbouring  shepherds,  and  the  child- 
Hke  spirit  of  the  Saint  still  survived  in  the  hearts  of  a  pro- 
foundly religious  population.  Neither  was  it  by  chance 
that  the  guilds  were  the  earliest  and  most  zealous  promoters 
of  the  mystery  plays.  Their  processions,  with  lighted 
torches  and  waving  banners,  were  in  themselves  a  religious 
spectacle.  The  new  method  soon  spread  far  and  wide, 
as  is  proved  by  the  dramatised  lament  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  in  the  dialect  of  the  Abruzzi.*  Here  and  in 
the  probably  Umbrian  "  devotions  "  for  Maundy  Thursday 
and  Good  Friday,*]"  we  see  a  marked  advance.  Both 
plays  certainly  belong  to  the  14th  Century,  perhaps  to 
the  first  half  of  it.  They  are  closely  connected  with  the 
Liturgy,  and  the  representations  took  place  in  the 
church,  their  object  being  to  make  the  people  under- 
stand the  words  spoken  by  the  priest  at  the  altar  and 
in  the  pulpit. 

The  "  devotion  "  for  Maundy  Thursday  is  rich  in  touch- 
ing passages  of  singular  beauty.  Most  pathetic  are  the 
lines  in  which  Mary  implores  her  Son  not  to  return  to 
Jerusalem  where  He  is  threatened  with  death !  The 
Saviour,  in  order  to  spare  His  mother,  has  told  only  S. 
Mary  Magdalene  what  He  intends  to  do.  But  she  reads 
in  His  face  what  is  about  to  happen.  She  asks  Him  why 
He  is  so  troubled ;  her  own  heart  throbs  with  anguish ; 
she  is  choked  with  fear. 

Dimelo  Filgio,  dimelo  a  me 
Perch^  stai  tanto  afanato  ? 

*  D'Ancona,  I.,  116  seq.^  163  seq.^  ed.  2. 

t  First  published  by  Palermo,  I  Manoscritti  Palatini  di  Firenze,  II., 
279  seq.\  then  by  D'ANCONA  in  the  Riv.  di  Filol.  Romanza,  II.,  i  seq. 
Cf.  Ebert  in  the  Jahrb.  ftir  Roman.  Literatur,  V.,  51  seq.;  Klein,  IV., 
156  seq.\  and  D'Ancona,  I.,  184  seq.^  ed.  2. 

VOL.    V.  E 


50  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Amara  me,  piena  di  suspiri 
Perche  a  me  lo  ai  celato  ? 
De  gran  dolore  se  speziano  le  vene, 
E  de  dolgia  Filgio  me  esse  el  fieto 
Che  te  amo  Filgio  con  perfeto  core, 
Dimelo  a  me,  o  dolce  segnore. 

Then  Christ  tells  her  that  He  is  going  to  die  in  order 
to  redeem  the  world.  Mary  faints  and  falls  to  the  ground. 
When  she  comes  to  herself  she  cries,  "  Call  me  no  more 
Mary,  because  I  have  lost  Thee  my  Son."  Mary  desires 
to  accompany  the  Saviour.  This  He  allows.  At  the  gates 
of  Jerusalem  she  blesses  her  Son  and  falls  senseless  ;  when 
she  revives  He  has  vanished,  and  in  her  agony  she  cries  : — 

O  Filgio  mio  tanto  amoroso 
O  Filgio  mio  due  se'  tu  andato  ? 
O  Filgio  mio  tuto  gracioso 
Per  quale  porta  se'  tu  entrato  ? 
O  Filgio  mio  asai  deietoso 
Tu  sei  partito  tanto  sconsolato  ! 
Ditemi,  O  dove,  per  amore  de  Dio 
Dove  andato  lo  Filgio  mio. 

Immediately  after  this  comes  the  scene  on  the  Mount 
of  Olives,  where  our  Lord  is  taken  prisoner. 

The  devotion  for  Good  Friday  begins  when  the  preacher 
comes  to  the  passage  in  which  Pilate  gives  the  order  to 
scourge  Jesus.  It  is  a  complete  representation  of  the 
Passion ;  the  lamentations  of  the  Madonna  which  are 
introduced  from  time  to  time  are  full  of  exquisite  poetry. 
After  Christ's  prayer  for  His  enemies,  she  addresses  the 
Cross :  "  Bend  thy  boughs,  O  Cross,  and  yield  some  rest  to 
the   Creator."  *     The   entombment    is    most    dramatically 

*  Inclina  li  toi  rami,  o  croce  alta. 

E  dola  [dona]  reposo  a  lo  tuo  Creatore 
Lo  corpo  precioso  ja  se  spianta  ; 
Lasa  la  tua  forza  e  lo  tuo  vigore. 


MYSTERY   PLAYS.  5 1 

portrayed.  Mary  consents  to  the  burial,  but  desires  to 
clasp  her  Son  once  more  in  her  arms.  S.  John  stands  at 
His  head,  the  Magdalene  at  His  feet,  Mary  between  the 
two.  One  by  one,  she  kisses  His  eyes,  His  cheeks,  His 
lips,  His  side,  His  feet,  letting  fall  broken  words  at  intervals. 
Finally,  she  turns  once  more  to  the  people,  and  shews  them 
the  nails,  while  S.  Mary  Magdalene  exhorts  them  to  for- 
give their  enemies,  as  Christ  forgave  His. 

After  the  middle  of  the  15th  Century,  the  religious 
drama — now  called  Rappresentazione  Sacra — appears  in 
Florence  in  other  and  more  highly  developed  forms,  but  still 
in  connection  with  the  guilds.  Now  we  have  real  mystery 
plays,  resembling  the  sacred  dramas  of  other  countries.* 
The  performances  were  no  longer  held  in  church  but  in 
the  open  air,  the  action  becomes  more  varied,  and  the 
mounting  of  the  piece  more  elaborate.  Instead  of  simple 
Laud-writers,  we  have  real  poets  like  Lorenzo  de'  Medici 
and  Belcari.  Many  of  the  latter's  mystery  plays  are  pre- 
served :  for  instance,  Abraham  and  Isaac  (acted  in  1449), 
the  Annunciation,  S.  John  the  Baptist  in  the  Desert,  the 
Last  Judgment,  etc.  The  authors  of  many  of  the  pieces 
are  unknown.  The  subjects  are  taken  either  from  Scripture 
or  from  the  legends  of  the  Saints  ;  the  treatment  is  as 
realistic  as  possible,  everything  is  calculated  to  stir  the  feel- 
ings of  the  audience.  Religious  plays  were  very  popular 
among  all  ranks  of  society  throughout  the  Peninsula  dur- 
ing the  15th  Century,  but  nowhere  so  much  so  as  in 
Florence,  the  city  of  Art,  par  excellence,  in    the   Italy   of 

*  Cf.  D'Ancona,  I.,  21 J  seq.^  ed.  2,  and  also  the  judicious  observations 
of  Stiefel  in  Grober's  Zeitschr.  fiir  Romanische  Philologie,  XVII. 
(1893),  573  seq.,  582  seq.  An  excellent  Bibliografia  delle  antiche  Rappr. 
Italiane  ne'  secoli  XV.  e  XVI.  was  published  by  Colomb.  de  Batines 
(Firenze,  1852);  Sacre  Rappres.  de'  secoli  xiv.,  xv.  e  xvi.,  with  admirable 
introductions  by  D'Ancona.     3  vols.,  Firenze,  1872. 


52  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

those  days.  Hence,  all  the  authors  of  mystery  plays  whose 
names  are  known  to  us — Belcari,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
Bernardo  and  Antonio  Pulci,  Pierozzo  Castellano,  Giuliano 
Dati — are  all  Florentines.  Distinguished  artists  like  Brunel- 
lesco  brought  scene-painting  and  decoration  to  the  highest 
pitch  of  perfection.  We  hear  of  the  most  amazing  stage 
mechanism,  flying  machines  which  wafted  the  glorified 
Saints  to  heaven,  and  parachutes  upon  which  God's 
messengers  floated  down  to  earth.  Nor  were  the  most 
dazzling  effects  of  light  wanting.  The  best  artists  of  the  Re- 
naissance vied  with  each  other  in  contriving  representations 
of  the  angelic  choirs  around  the  throne  of  God  the  Father.* 

The  sacred  drama,  the  outcome  of  Christian  worship 
and  of  popular  sentiment,  preserved  its  essentially  religious 
character  throughout  the  15th  Century,  in  spite  of  the 
introduction  of  sundry  comic  touches. 

This  secular  and  comic  element  remained  a  super- 
fluous addition,  often  an  effective  contrast  ;  the  end  and 
object  of  every  piece,  still  edification  and  piety.  Dogmas, 
even  the  mystery  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  are  expounded,  the 
Ten  Commandments  commented  on,  domestic. virtues  incul- 
cated, the  opinions  of  Jews  and  infidels  confuted.  The  per- 
formances, therefore,  take  place  almost  always  on  the  great 
Church  festivals,  so  as  to  provide  pure  and  elevating 
amusements  for  the  populace  ;  and  also  on  days  of  fasting 
and  penance,  in  order  to  turn  men's  minds  heavenwards 
by  setting  forth  before  their  eyes  Christ's  sacred  Passion 
and  His  glorious  victory.f 

*  Cf.^  in  corroboration,  D'Ancona's  great  work,  I.,  245  seq.^  2'jy  seq., 
367  seq.,  401  seq.,  435  seq.,  474  seq.,  505  seq.,  ed.  2,  and  FlechSIG, 
Decoration  der  modernen  Biihne,  5,  who  says  :  "We  might  almost 
affirm  that  our  own  age,  with  all  its  technical  science,  is  yet  not  able  to 
compete  with  the  achievements  of  the  Renaissance." 

t  For  the  religious  and  moral  aspect  of  the  Sacra  Rappresentazione, 


THE    ROMAN    PASSION    PLAY.  53 

Any  one  who  wishes  to  understand  the  true  character  of 
the  Hfe  of  the  people  of  Italy  in  those  days  should  consult 
these  religious  plays.  The  spirit  of  faith  with  which  it  was 
saturated  is  here  expressed  with  such  fervour,  such  grave 
simplicity  and  dignity,  as  deeply  to  impress  even  those  who 
are  farthest  from  sharing  it* 

This  efflorescence  of  religious  lyrics  and  dramas  in  the 
15th  Century  is  another  incontestable  proof  that  faith 
remained  strong  and  vivid  during  the  period  of  the 
Renaissance  ;  it  lasted  into  the  first  decade  of  the  i6th 
Century.  Thus,  even  as  late  as  the  year  15 17,  a  number  of 
youths  in  Pistoja  were  banded  together,  under  Dominican 
influence,  into  a  congregation  for  the  practice  of  works  of 
charity  and  piety,  under  the  name  of  the  Compagnia  della 
Purita.  They  instituted  symbolical  processions  with  accom- 
panying religious  performances.  A  Madonna  play  which 
they  acted  created  quite  a  stir  in  the  city,  and  moved  even 
the  most  obdurate  to  tears.f 

More  powerful  still  was  the  Roman  Passion-play,  which, 
in  its  finished  form,  belongs  to  the  end  of  the  15th 
Century,  but  is  certainly  older.J     In  Rome,  too,  the  pious 

cf.  D'Ancona,  I.,  644-58,  ed.  2,  where,  however,  it  is  by  no  means 
exhaustively  described.  The  subject  is  so  foreign  to  the  author's  mind 
that  he  sometimes  completely  misrepresents  it.  He  is,  however,  fair- 
minded  enough  to  make  the  admission  which  will  be  found  in  the  next 
note. 

*  D'Ancona,  I.,  658,  ed,  2,  says  of  the  representations  of  the  rite  of 
Baptism  given  in  the  Plays  of  S.  Quirico  e  Julitta  and  S.  Barbara  : 
"  Una  scena  simile  a  questa  crediamo  che  anche  al  di  d'oggi  nella  sua 
nuda  maestk,  nella  sua  semplicita  solenne,  scuoterebbe  profondamente  il 
publico  scettico  de'  nostri  teatri." 

t  Cf.  the  valuable  publication  by  P.  ViGO,  Una  compagnia  di  Giovinetti 
Pistoiesi  a  principio  del  secolo  xvi.  (Bologna,  1887),  and  the  Arch.  St. 
Ital.,  4  Serie,  XX.,  240  seq. 

X  Cf.  Gregorovius,  Kleine  Schriften,  III.,  177  seq.  (Leipzig,  1892); 


54  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

plays  owed  their  origin  to  a  guild,  that  of  the  Archi-con- 
fraternita  del  Gonfalone,*  which  has  been  mentioned  above. 
This  brotherhood  owned  a  chapel  in  the  Colosseum  which 
was  restored  in  15 17.  Christianity  had  surrounded  this 
mightiest  of  Roman  ruins  with  chapels,  and  planted  the 
Cross  in  the  middle  of  the  amphitheatre,  to  commemorate 
the  triumph  of  Christianity  over  idolatry  on  that  same  arena 
wherein  so  many  Christian  martyrs  had  sealed  their  faith 
with  their  blood.  Up  to  recent  times,  every  Friday  and 
Sunday,  as  long  as  Rome  was  still  Papal,  a  procession 
might  have  been  seen  at  dusk  wending  its  way  to  the 
Colosseum,  so  too  in  olden  times  the  members  of  the  Con- 
fraternita  del  Gonfalone  used  to  resort  thither  to  pray  and 
scourge  themselves  before  the  Cross  in  the  arena.  In  1490, 
Innocent  VIII.  accorded  permission  to  the  brotherhood  to 
act  religious  plays  in  the  amphitheatre,f  a  permission  which 
gave  them,  both  actually  and  from  an  historical  point  of 
view,  the  noblest  theatre  in  the  world. 

The  performances  took  place  on  a  high  platform  erected 
over  the  flat  roof  of  a  chapel  (S*^  Maria  della  Pieta),  which 
was  built  against  one  of  the  southern  arcades.  Genuine 
artists,  such  as  Antoniasso  Romano,  who  belonged  to  the 
guild,  painted  the  scenery.  The  authors  of  the  plays, 
Mariano  Particappa  and  Bernar  lo  di  Mastro,  both 
Romans,  and  Antonio  Dati,  a  Florentine,  and  Grand 
Penitentiary   in   the   time   of   Alexander    VI.,   were    also 

Atniati,  La  Passione  di  Christo  in  rima  volgare  secondo  che  recita  e  rap- 
presenta  di  parola  a  parola  la  compagnia  del  Gonfalone  di  Roma,  etc., 
Rome,  1866  (edition  of  only  200  copies) ;  Adinolfi,  Roma,  I.,  380  seq.  ; 
Klein,  IV.,  155 ;  Reumont,  II.,  999  seq.,  1212  ;  Creizenach,  I.,  335 
seq.;  and  D'Ancona,  I.,  115  seq..,  lyi  seq.,  353  seq.,  ed.  2.  No  reference 
is  made  in  these  works  to  the  frescoes  in  the  western  doorway  of  the 
amphitheatre  to  which  MOLITOR,  61,  alludes,  and  which  were  connected 
with  the  Passion-plays. 
*  See  supra,  p.  42.  t  See  Adinolfi,  ^.aterano,  Doc.  XII. 


CONFRATERNITIES   OF  THE   ROSARY.  55 

members  of  the  Confraternity.  The  actors,  men  of  the 
upper  middle  classes,  appeared  in  antique  garb,  with 
Roman  togas,  helmets,  and  breast-plates.  The  play  con- 
sisted of  a  rhymed  and  metrical — partly  lyric,  partly 
dramatic — rendering  of  the  history  of  the  Passion,  in  the 
dialect  of  the  people.  Here,  too,  the  lamentations  of  Our 
Lady  are  intensely  pathetic.  The  play  was  acted  on  Good 
Friday  after  nightfall,  by  torch-  and  lamplight,  and  was  thus 
witnessed  in  1497  by  the  famous  knight  and  traveller  of 
Cologne,  Arnold  von  Harff.  He  highly  commends  both 
the  play  and  the  actors,  who  were  youths  of  good  family.* 

Confraternities  of  the  Rosary,  Tertiaries  of  various  Orders, 
and  associations  for  the  burial  of  the  dead  were  common 
throughout  Italy.  The  Confraternities  of  the  Rosary  were 
naturally  chiefly  promoted  by  the  Dominicans,  S.  Dominic 
having  been  practically  the  founder  of  this  devotion  ;  some 
of  the  Papal  Nuncios,  however,  and  especially  Bishop  Alex- 
ander of  Forli,  were  active  in  encouraging  them.  The 
members  pledged  themselves  to  recite  the  Rosary  on 
certain  days,  to  implore  the  Divine  protection  against 
pestilences  and  other  calamities.  Popes  Sixtus  IV.  and 
Innocent  VIII.  encouraged  these  guilds  by  bestowing 
special  indulgences  upon  them.f 

The  institution  of  the  Third  Orders  was  also  a  legacy  of 
the  best  period  of  the  Middle  Ages.  It  is  usually  ascribed 
to  S.  Francis,  but  in  S.  Norbert's  time  the  Premonstra- 
tensians  had  already  a  third  Order,  the  members  of  which 
lived  in  the  world,  but  took  part  in  certain  conventual 
prayers  and  exercises.  |       S.  Francis,  however,  was  the  first 

*  Harff,  31.  These  religious  performances  had  the  good  effect  of, 
to  a  certain  degree,  preventing  the  Colosseum  from  completely  falling 
into  ruin.     Reumont,  III.,  2,  454. 

t  Wetzer  und  Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  IX.,  399. 

X  Hurter,  Innocent  III.,  Vol.  IV.,  146  (ed.  2,  1844) 


56  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

to  give  a  more  definite  shape  to  the  idea,  and  greatly  to 
enlarge  its  scope.  The  rule,  as  laid  down  by  the  Saint  in 
122 1,  is  in  twenty  sections.  The  conditions  of  admission 
are  primarily,  the  Catholic  Faith,  obedience  to  the  Church, 
and  a  blameless  reputation.  No  heretic,  no  person  even 
suspected  of  heresy,  can  be  accepted,  and  if  after  admission 
any  member  should  lapse  into  heresy,  he  must  be  handed 
over  to  the  authorities  for  punishment.  Any  one  who 
holds  any  property  that  has  been  unjustly  acquired,  must 
make  restitution  before  he  can  be  accepted ;  after  accept- 
ance there  is  a  year's  probation  before  being  actually 
admitted  ;  all  must  promise  to  fulfil  the  Commandments  of 
God.  Married  women  cannot  be  received  without  their 
husbands'  consent.  Both  sexes  are  to  dress  plainly,  with- 
out ornaments  of  any  kind,  to  abstain  from  revels,  masques 
and  dances,  and  not  to  countenance  strolling  mountebanks. 
They  are  directed  to  fast  more  frequently  than  other 
Christians,  and  to  recite  certain  prayers  at  stated  hours. 
The  sacraments  of  Penance  and  the  Holy  Eucharist  are  to 
be  approached  three  times  a  year,  at  Christmas,  Easter,  and 
Whitsuntide.  Offensive  weapons  may  only  be  carried 
when  absolutely  necessary.  Every  member  must  make  his 
will  three  months  after  his  admission.  Quarrels,  which  the 
brethren  and  sisters  are  bidden  scrupulously  to  avoid,  either 
amongst  themselves  or  with  others,  are  to  be  settled  by  the 
Superiors  of  the  Order,  or  by  the  Bishop  of  the  Diocese. 
An  oath  was  only  permitted  in  unavoidable  cases.  If 
possible,  one  Mass  was  to  be  heard  daily.  Sick  brethren 
were  to  be  visited,  the  dead  followed  to  the  grave,  and 
prayers  offered  for  the  repose  of  their  souls.  The  Superiors 
of  the  Order  were  not  to  be  elected  for  life  but  for  a  fixed 
term.  All  members  must  present  themselves  once  a  year, 
or  oftener  if  required,  at  the  appointed  place  for  the  visita- 
tion, which  was   to  be  conducted    by  a  priest ;   and  each 


THIRD   ORDER   OF   S.  FRANCIS.  57 

must  fulfil  whatever  penance  is  imposed  upon  him.  The 
rules,  however,  except  in  so  far  as  they  are  included  in  the 
laws  of  God  and  of  the  Church,  are  not  binding  under  pain 
of  mortal  sin.* 

These  Tertiaries,  or  brethren  and  sisters  of  Penance, 
were  to  form  a  religious  society,  living  in  the  world,  but 
preserved  by  their  rule  from  a  worldly  spirit.  Thus  lay- 
men and  secular  priests  could  share  in  the  benefits  and 
privileges  of  the  Order,  and  be  governed  by  the  mind  of 
S.  Francis. 

Obviously  such  an  association  as  this  could  not  fail  to 
exercise  a  salutary  influence  in  raising  the  tone  of  morals 
and  the  standard  of  Christian  life  in  the  Church.  The 
spirit  of  S.  Francis,  or  rather  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel,  was 
spread  abroad  among  all  ranks  by  the  Third  Order. 

It  was,  from  the  outset,  especially  popular  in  the  country 
of  its  founder.  The  choicest  spirits  of  Italy — Dante  and 
Columbus,  for  instance — were  members  of  itf  S.  Antoninus 
testifies  to  the  vast  number  of  Italians  who  were  Tertiaries 
of  S.  Francis.J: 

As    S.    Francis    always    made    everything   that    he    did 

*  Regnla  Tertiariorum  in  HOLSTENius,  Codex  regul.  monast.,  III., 
39  42.     Wetzer  imd  Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  X.,  740. 

t  This  important  but  hitherto  unnoticed  passage  is  in  the  Summa 
TheoL,  III.,  tit.  23,  cap.  5,  §  5  (Verona,  1750,  III.,  1291).  According  to 
S.  Antoninus,  the  third  Order  of  S.  Dominic  had  only  a  very  small 
following  in  Italy. 

X  de  S:^GUR,  Die  Bedeutung  des  dritten  Ordens  des  hi.  Franciscus, 
2  seg.,  7  seg'.  (Mainz,  1876).  This  author  asserts,  with  JEILER  (Normal- 
buch  fiir  die  Briider  und  Schwestern  des  dritten  Ordens  des  hi.  Fran- 
ciscus, 12  [Warendorf,  1881]),  but  without  producing  any  evidence,  that 
Raphael  and  Michael  Angelo  also  belonged  to  the  third  Order,  but  of  this 
I  could  find  no  authentic  proof.  Raphael's  father  was  a  member  of  the 
Society  of  S^a  Maria  della  Misericordia ;  according  to  ViSCHER,  Signorelli, 
125,  that  great  artist  belonged  to  a  religious  brotherhood  at  Cortona. 


58  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

depend  upon  the  Centre  of  the  Church,  he  was  careful  to 
obtain  at  once  for  his  rule  the  sanction  of  the  Holy  See. 
Few  Popes  since  then  have  neglected  to  bestow  some 
sign  of  approval  on  his  Tertiaries.  The  historian  of  the 
Franeiscans  counts  no  less  than  119  Bulls  and  Briefs  in 
favour  of  the  Third  Order  before  1500.  During  the  Renais- 
sance period,  Popes  Martin  V.,  Pius  II.,  Sixtus  IV., 
Julius  II.,  and  Leo  X,  were  its  special  patrons  and 
protectors. 

A  further  development  of  the  Third  Order  resulted  from 
a  desire  which  sprung  up  in  many  of  its  members  to  add 
entire  seclusion  from  the  world  to  the  practice  of  penance. 
They  lived  in  communities  under  the  three  vows,  and  thus  the 
Third  Order  of  Regulars  came  into  being.  Pope  Nicholas  V. 
granted  them  permission  to  found  new  religious  houses,  to 
hold  general  chapters,  to  elect  from  amongst  themselves  a 
Vicar-general  and  four  assistants,  and  to  adopt  a  distinctive 
habit  instead  of  the  hermit's  garb  they  had  hitherto  worn. 
The  first  Vicar-General  was  chosen  in  1448  at  the  general 
chapter  of  Montefalco.  Ten  years  later  they  had  obtained 
a  General  of  their  own.  At  the  end  of  the  14th  Century, 
chiefly  owing  to  the  efforts  of  S.  Angelina  di  Corbara, 
a  congregation  of  Nuns  of  the  Third  Order  of  S.  Francis 
was  established.  It  spread  quickly  ail  over  Italy,  and  was 
favoured  by  Popes  Martin  V.  and  Eugenius  IV.  Pius  II. 
placed  them  under  the  control  of  the  General  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan Observantines,* 

In  a  precisely  similar  manner  a  Third  Order  of  S.  Dominic 
had  been  founded,  partly  as  associations  of  both  sexes  living 
in  the  world,  and  partly  as  congregations  of  religious  living 
in  convents.  Its  rule  was  confirmed  by  Popes  Innocent  VII. 
and  Eugenius  IV.  This  Third  Order  of  S.  Dominic  boasts 
of    several    canonised    and    beatified    members,  of  whom 

*  Wetzer  und  Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  X.,  741  seq. 


BRETHREN    OF  THE   MISERICORDIA.  59 

we  will  mention  only  SS.  Catherine  of  Siena,  Colomba  of 
Rieti,  Osanna  of  Mantua,  and  Lucia  of  Narni.* 

The  example  thus  set  by  the  two  Mendicant  Orders  was 
soon  followed  by  others.  In  1401  Boniface  IX.  allowed 
the  Augustinians  to  institute  a  Third  Order  for  women,  both 
married  and  single.  Later  on  Sixtus  IV.  sanctioned  the 
admission  of  men.  Tertiaries  are  also  found  among  the 
Servites  and  Minorites.  The  Oblates  of  Tor  de'  Specchi, 
founded  by  S.  Frances  of  Rome,  must  also  be  mentioned 
here  in  this  connection.!  The  Third  Orders  and  many  other 
congregations  have  survived  all  the  storms  of  subsequent 
centuries,  and  still  exist  in  Italy. 

Most  people  who  have  been  in  Italy  have  experienced  the 
indelible  impression  which  the  first  sight  of  a  funeral  con- 
ducted by  one  of  these  brotherhoods  makes  upon  the  mind. 

In  silence  and  with  measured  tread  the  brethren  of  the 
Misericordia  still  pass  along  the  streets  of  Florence,  exactly 
as  they  did  500  years  ago.  They  might  have  stepped  out 
of  some  old  fresco  by  Giotto  or  Orcagna,  with  their  ample 
black  cloaks,  and  the  black  hoods  which  cover  the  head 
and  neck,  and  only  leave  slits  for  the  eyes,  each  with  a 
rosary  hanging  from  his  belt  which  tinkles  faintly  as  he 
walks,  and  in  the  midst  the  bier  draped  in  black.  To 
this  day  every  Italian,  from  the  King  to  the  beggar,  bares 
his  head,  as  he  did  500  years  ago,  when  the  sable  cortege 
approaches.  To  this  day,  when  the  foreign  visitor,  startled 
at  the  spectral  apparition,  turns  to  a  bystander  and  asks 
what  it  means,  the  Florentine,  half  surprised,  half  scornful 
at  his  ignorance,  answers  curtly,  "  la  Misericordia." 

For  no  less  than  500  years  the  name  of  the  Misericordia 

*  Wetzer  und  Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  III.,  1444  seq..,  ed.  2. 

t  Helyot,  III.,  76  seq.^  VII.,  519  ;  WETZER  und  Welte,  Kirchen- 
lexikon, X.,  745  ;  and  for  the  Oblates  of  Tor  de'  Specchi  see  Pastor, 
Hist.  Popes,  I.,  236  (Engl,  trans.). 


6o  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

has  always  been  held  in  grateful  veneration  throughout 
Tuscany.  Modelled  on  the  old  republican  constitution,  the 
brotherhood  has  remained  true  to  its  principles  and  its 
offices,  undisturbed  by  social  or  political  changes,  from  the 
days  of  Dante  to  the  present  hour.  Between  the  middle  of 
the  13th  Century,  when  it  was  founded  in  Florence,  and 
the  close  of  the  15th,  there  were  twenty-five  outbreaks  of 
the  Plague  in  the  city,  and  on  each  of  these  occasions  con- 
temporaneous accounts  bear  witness  to  the  courage  of 
the  brethren  of  the  Misericordia  in  the  face  of  death, 
and  their  unwearying  labours  in  the  fulfilment  of  their 
mission.* 

But  in  their  care  for  the  dead  they  did  not  forget  the 
living.  They  practised  all  the  seven  acts  of  mercy  so 
graphically  illustrated  by,  a  contemporary  artist  in  the 
terra-cotta  bas-reliefs  on  the  celebrated  Ospedale  del  Ceppo 
at  Pistoja.-|- 

Enough  has  been  already  related  to  shew  that  the  trade- 
guilds  throughout  Italy  were  in  the  habit  of  instituting 
various  foundations  to  supply  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
wants  of  their  members.  But  in  addition  to  these,  the  con- 
vents and  municipal  corporations  were  no  less  zealous  and 
active  in  works  of  charity  than  the  companies  and  brother- 
hoods. During  the  Middle  Ages,  Hospitals,  Almshouses, 
and  Orphanages  were  erected  in  all  parts  of  the  country, 
and  in  the  smaller  as  well  as  in  the  more  wealthy  cities, 
every  variety  of  institution  for  the  mitigation  of  human 
misery  in  all  its  forms  is  to  be  found.  Many  of  these 
institutions  suffered  severely  in  those  stormy  times.  The 
extraordinary  calamities  of  the  15th  Century  made  large 

*  Horschelmann'S  Essay,  quoted  supra^  p.  8,  note  ■^,  on  Pestilential 
Epidemics,  No.  179. 

t  Cf.  MiJNTZ,  II.,  457.  For  particulars  about  the  fate  of  the  Ospe- 
dale del  Ceppo,  see  the  works  of  Bargiacchi,  infra^  p.  64,  note  * 


RELIEF   OF  THE   POOR.  6l 

claims  on  all  of  them,  claims  which  were,  almost  without 
exception,  generously  met. 

In  most  places  the  relief  of  the  poor  seems  to  have  been 
admirably  organised,  and,  in  the  accounts  of  the  many 
epidemics,  there  is  nearly  always  some  mention  of  what 
the  corporation  had  done  for  the  destitute  in  such  times  of 
trouble.  Shelter,  clothing,  good  food,  and  medical  assist- 
ance were  as  far  as  possible  supplied,  and  special  officials 
appointed  to  deal  with  this  branch  of  the  public  service.* 

The  immense  variety  of  the  charitable  foundations  is  as 
admirable  as  the  number  of  them.  The  great  hospitals  are 
one  of  the  glories  of  the  15th  Century,  and  in  this  matter 
also  Florence  took  the  lead.  So  early  as  1328  the  various 
asylums  in  this  city  contained  over  1000  beds  for  the  sick 
poor.f 

In  the  15th  Century  the  number  of  hospitals  increased  to 
thirty-five.  The  oldest  and  most  famous  is  that  of  S.  Maria 
Nuova,  founded  by  the  father  of  Dante's  Beatrice.  In  Var- 
chi's  time,  the  i6th  Century,  this  hospital  spent  25,000  scudi 
a  year  on  tending  the  sick,  7000  being  derived  from  alms, 
and  the  rest  from  its  endowments.^  It  has  become  one  of 
the  greatest  institutions  in  the  world.  Next  to  it  ranked 
the  Scala  hospital  founded  in  1306,  which  existed  till  1531. 
Niccol6  degli  Alberti  founded  an  asylum  for  poor  women 
in  1377;  in  the  same  century,  the  hospital  of  S.  Niccolo, 
afterwards  called  S.  Matteo,  was  established.  The  beautiful 
hall  of  S.  Paolo,  designed  by  Brunellesco  in  the  Piazza  S. 
Maria  Novella,  reminds  us  of  the  infirmary  of  the  same 
name  founded  in  145 1.  Varchi  also  mentions  the  asylum 
for  the  sick  of  S.  Boniface  and  that  of  the  Incurables  (Incu- 

*  Quoted  from  Uffelmann,  Oeffentl.  Gesundheitspflege  in  Italian, 
published  in  the  Vierteljahrsschrift  fiir  Gesundheitspflege,  XI.,  178. 
t  HiJLLMAN,  Stadtewesen,  IV.,  61. 
t  Varchi,  I.,  394. 


62  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

rabili)  as  well  as  the  various  guild-hospitals.  Besides  these 
institutions  devoted  to  the  care  of  the  sick,  there  were 
many  others  which  provided  shelter  for  the  destitute  poor. 
Since  1421  Florence  has  also  possessed  a  foundling  hospital 
(Ospizio  degli  Innocenti),  which  is  one  of  the  finest  archi- 
tectural creations  of  Brunellesco.  One  of  its  most  beautiful 
features  is  the  hall  on  the  ground  floor,  in  the  style  of  the 
Renaissance,  adorned  with  exquisite  bas-reliefs  in  porcelain 
of  infants  in  swaddling  clothes  by  Luca  della  Robbia.* 

But  all  other  hospitals  of  the  time  were  thrown  into  the 
shade  by  the  Ospedale  Maggiore,  built  by  Filarete,  and  the 
Lazaretto  in  Milan,  begun  by  Lazzaro  de'  Palazzi  in  1488. 
These  were  in  no  respect  inferior  to  the  grandest  modern 
buildings  of  the  kind.  They  were  constructed  on  the 
principle  of  admitting  as  much  light  and  air  as  possible, 
with  wide  corridors,  open  colonnades,  court-yards  and 
gardens.  In  the  great  hospital  the  large  hall  was  in  the 
form  of  a  cross,  and  the  beds  were  so  disposed  that  all  the 
patients  could  see  the  Altar  in  the  middle.  Pope  Sixtus 
IV.  made  a  similar  arrangement  at  the  S'°  Spirito  in 
Rome.-j- 

In  Rome  itself  the  Popes  invariably  led  the  way  in  the 
matter  of  charity.  Martin  V.,  the  renovator  of  the  Eternal 
City,  "  the  father  of  his  country,"  was  zealous  for  the  poor ;  J 
Eugenius  IV.  was,  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word,  a  father  to* 
the  sick  and  needy.  He  restored  the  ruined  hospital  of 
S*°  Spirito  in  Sassia,  and  assisted  it  by  becoming  himself 

*  For  Florentine  charitable  institutions,  cf.  besides  Passerini,  Storia 
degli  stabilimenti  di  beneficenza  di  Firenze  (Firenze,  1853);  Skaife, 
Florentine  Life,  180  se^.,  and  Fr.  Bruni'S  monograph,  Storia  d.  Spedale 
di  S.  Maria  degl'  Innocenti  di  Firenze,  e  di  molti  altri  pii  stabilimenti 
(Firenze,  18 19),  2  vols. 

t  MUNTZ,  I.,  436. 

%  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  254  (Engl,  trans.). 


HOSPITALS   AND   ASYLUMS.  63 

a  member  of  the  brotherhood  of  the  Holy  Ghost.*  His 
example  was  followed  by  Sixtus  IV.,  who  rebuilt  the 
hospital  and  shewed  much  favour  to  the  Confraternity.  In 
consequence,  almost  every  one  in  Rome  joined  itf  On  the 
occasion  of  Alexander  VI.'s  Jubilee  in  1500,  the  bakers' 
guild  founded  the  brotherhood  of  S*^  Maria  di  Loreto, 
which  built  the  church  and  hospital  of  S*""  Maria  di  Loreto 
de'  Fornari.J 

The  asylum  for  incurables,  the  plans  for  which  were 
drawn  by  Antonio  di  Sangallo  the  younger,§  was  specially 
favoured  by  Leo  X.||  Besides  these  public  institutions, 
there  were  the  national  asylums  which  served  to  shelter 
houseless  pilgrims,  to  tend  those  who  were  sick,  and  to 
assist  the  poorer  members  of  the  various  nations  who  had 
settled  in  Rome.  All  these  foundations  were  munificently 
patronised  by  the  Popes,  who  bestowed  many  marks  of 
favour  on  them,  and  thus  greatly  encouraged  the  erection  of 
new  national  associations  and  hospices.  The  S'^  Maria 
deir  Anima,  for  instance,  owed  a  great  deal  to  several  of  the 
Popes.  Through  the  generosity  of  Nicholas  V.  the  church 
and  hospital  of  S.  Girolamo  degli  Schiavoni  were  erected 
for  the  Dalmatians  and  Sclavonians.  Under  Sixtus  IV.,  in 
whose  reign  several  national  hospices  were  restored,  this 
foundation  was  considerably  enlarged.    In  1456, Calixtus  III. 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  L,  252  seg^.  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  Idid.y  IV.,  460  seg. 

t  Piazza,  71. 

§  Redtenbacher,  365. 

II  Piazza,  45,  46.  Even  such  men  as  Count  Everso  of  Anguillara 
and  Caesar  Borgia  were  patrons  of  hospitals.  The  former  left  money 
in  his  will  for  the  new  wing  of  the  infirmary  S.  Giovanni  in  Laterano 
(Armellini,  272).  Caesar  built  the  women's  ward  at  S.  Maria  della 
Consolazione  (Reumont,  Gesch.  der  Stadt  Rom,  III.,  i,  421-2).  I 
have  not  been  able  to  consult  Pericoli,  L'Ospedale  della  S.  Maria 
della  Consolazione.    Imola,  1879. 


64  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

assigned  a  church  to  the  Bretons,  to  which,  in  151 1,  an 
infirmary  was  added. 

The  smaller  cities  did  not  lag  behind  the  larger  ones  in 
works  of  Christian  philanthropy.  Recent  researches  have 
brought  to  light  the  amazing  liberality  of  Pistoja  and 
Viterbo.*  Many  places,  especially  in  the  Papal  States,  are 
known  to  have  been  equally  charitable,  of  some  others 
there  is,  unfortunately,  no  record,  but  here  too  the  names 
of  S^°  Spirito,  S.  Giacomo,  S.  Pellegrino,  Misericordia,  which 
still  survive,  speak  plainly  enough.  There  is  no  exaggera- 
tion in  the  words  of  one  who  knew  Italy  well  when  he  says 
"  In  no  country  in  the  world  are  there  such  large  bequests 
and  endowments,  such  important  societies  for  the  relief  of 
the  poor  and  in  aid  of  the  sick,  the  weak,  the  helpless  and 
unfortunate/'f  The  total  wealth  of  the  benevolent  societies 
in  Italy  during  the  seventies  of  this  Century,  including 
Rome  and  the  Montes  Pietatis,  has  been  reckoned  at  1200 
million  lire.J 

Never  did  the  love  which  Christ  brought  down  from 
Heaven,  the  Divine  fire  which  He  kindled  in  the  hearts  of 
His  disciples,  burn  more  ardently  than  during  the  time  of 

■^  See  the  valuable  monographs  of  Bargiacchi,  Storia  degl'  istituti 
di  beneficenza,  d'istruzione  ed  educazione  in  Pistoia  e  suo  circondario 
(Firenze,  1883-4),  4  vols.,  and  PiNZl,  Gli  Ospizi  medioevali  e  TOspedale 
grande  di  Viterbo  (Viterbo,  1893) ;  cf.  also  Grisar  in  the  Zeitschrift  f. 
Kathol.  Theol.,  XIX.,  151  seq.  ;  Arch.  St.  Ital,  4  Serie,  XV.,  'j'j  seq.\ 
Giorn.  St.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  I.,  458.  The  splendid  hospital  buildings  at 
Fabriano  are  well-known.     See  Muntz,  I.,  436. 

+  RUMOHR,  Drei  Reisen  nach  Italien,  126  (Leipzig,  1832). 

X  Allg.  Zeitung,  1874,  No.  357,  Supplement.  These  figures  will, 
indeed,  soon  belong  to  history,  for  here  too  the  revolution  has  begun  its 
ruthless  work  of  destruction.  The  whole  patrimony  of  Christian  love, 
which  had  been  accumulated  by  the  faith  of  pious  ancestors  under  the 
shadow  and  guardianship  of  the  Church  is  now  entirely  withdrawn  from 
her  influence.  All  endowments,  except  such  as  benefit  particular 
families,  are  in  danger. 


LUTHER   ON    ITALIAN    HOSPITALS.  65 

the  Renaissance.  Not  only  were  most  of  the  older  founda- 
tions better  supported  than  ever,  but  a  great  number  of 
new  ones  were  added  to  them.  This  bright  spot  in  the  life 
of  that  period  has  been  too  much  overlooked.  It  may 
therefore  be  considered  permissible  to  insert  the  subjoined 
statistical  tables  in  order  to  demonstrate  the  truth  of  our 
assertion.* 

These  numerous  charitable  and  pious  endowments  bear 
eloquent  testimony  to  the  fervent  love  to  God  and  man 
which  glowed  during  the  Renaissance,  in  the  hearts  of  the 
Italian  people.  Foreigners  visiting  Italy  were  profoundly 
impressed  by  all  that  was  done  there  on  behalf  of  the 
afflicted  and  destitute.  Martin  Luther  on  the  occasion  of 
his  journey  to  Rome  in  15 11,  is  one  amongst  others  to  bear 
witness  to  this  impression. 

"  In  Italy,"  he  remarks,  "  the  hospitals  are  handsomely 
built,  and  admirably  provided  with  excellent  food  and 
drink,  careful  attendants  and  learned  physicians.  The  beds 
and  bedding  are  clean,  and  the  walls  are  covered  with 
paintings.  When  a  patient  is  brought  in,  his  clothes  are 
removed  in  the  presence  of  a  notary  who  makes  a  faithful 
inventory  of  them,  and  they  are  kept  safely.  A  white 
smock  is  put  on  him  and  he  is  laid  on  a  comfortable  bed, 
with  clean  linen.  Presently  two  doctors  come  to  him,  and 
the  servants  bring  him  food  and  drink  in  clean  glasses, 
shewing  him  all  possible  attention.  Many  ladies  also  take 
it  in  turns  to  visit  the  hospitals  and  tend  the  sick,  keeping 
their  faces  veiled,  so  that  no  one  knows  who  they  are. 
Each  remains  a  few  days,  and  then  returns  home,  another 

*  Cf.  Statistica  delle  Opere  Pie  al  31,  XII.,  1880 (Roma,  1886-91)  8  vols. 
The  figures  for  the  -(Emilia  are  missing  here,  and  are  borrowed  from  the 
statistics  of  i86r.  Neither  of  these  books  is  complete  or  scholarly. 
Completeness  could  not  be  attempted  in  this  Introduction  ;  if  it  had  been, 
it  would  have  grown  to  the  dimensions  of  a  separate  volume. 
VOL.    V.  F 


66 


HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 


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CHRISTIAN    ART    IN    THE    RENAISSANCE.  67 

taking  her  place.  In  Florence,  the  hospitals  are  managed 
in  the  same  way  and  with  the  same  care.  Equally  excellent 
are  the  foundling  asylums,  where  the  children  are  well-fed 
and  taught,  suitably  clothed  in  a  uniform,  and  altogether 
admirably  cared  for."* 

A  similar  opinion  is  expressed  by  John  Eck,  who  says 
that  none  of  the  German  hospitals  can  be  in  any  way 
compared  with  the  splendid  establishments  in  Rome, 
Florence,  Siena,  Venice,  and  other  places.f  Nearly  all 
those  hospitals  were  favoured  with  special  Papal  or 
Episcopal  Indulgences.!  The  innumerable  works  of  Art 
embodying  Christian  truths,  which  were  produced  in  Italy 
during  the  Renaissance,  stand  only  next  to  the  pious 
foundations  in  their  historical  importance,  as  a  measure  of 
the  national  stand-point  in  regard  to  religion.  They  are 
indeed  visible  "  witnesses  of  the  faith  that  was  in  it."§  This 
Art  is  the  glory  of  an  age  which  was  enthusiastic  in  its 
appreciation  of  beauty,  its  triumphs  are  an  undying  tribute 

*  K.  E.  FORSTEMANN,  D.  Martin  Luther's  Tischreden  oder  Colloquia, 
so  er  in  vielen  Jahren  gegen  gelehrten  Leuten,  aiich  fremden  Gasten 
und  seinen  Tischgesellen  gefuhret,  nach  den  Hauptstiicken  unserer 
Christlichen  Lehre  zusammen  getragen  II.,  213  (Leipzig,  1845),  Cf. 
also  the  praise  of  the  great  hospital  at  Siena  in  the  pilgrimage  of  the 
Knight  Arnold  von  Harff,  1496  seq.^  edited  by  Groote,  12  seq. 

t  ECK:  Der  Fiinft  und  letst  Tail  Christenlicher  Predig  von  den 
Zehen  Gebotten  (Ingolstadt,  1539) ;  cf.  for  this  rare  work  my  quotations 
from  Janssen,  Gesch,  des  Deutsch.  Volkes,  VII.,  496,  f  Ivii*^.  In  an- 
swer to  Butzer's  attack  on  Catholics,  saying  that  there  is  no  real  trust 
in  Christ,  no  active  charity,  no  true  holiness  among  them,  ECK  says  : 
Hie  tamen  ei  obiicio  unum  hospitale  S.  Spiritus  Romae  aut  hospitale 
Senense  aut  S.  Marci  Florentiae,  aut  ea  quae  sunt  sub  illustri  Venetorum 
dominio  an  non  in  his  officiosius  monstretur  caritas  in  proximos  etiam 
alienos,  quam  fiat  in  omnibus  dominiis  et  civitatibus  Luthericis.  Replica 
Jo.  Eckii  adversus  scripta  secunda  Buceri,  p.  32.     Parisiis,  1543. 

X  Burckhardt,  Geschichte  der  Renaissance,  222. 

§  Fr.  Schneider  in  Alte  und  Neue  Welt  (1877)  p.  488. 


68  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

to  the  genius  of  the  gifted  ItaHan  race.  To  the  general 
public  and  to  most  of  those  who  visit  the  Peninsula,  this 
artistic  activity  in  the  service,  or  at  least  under  the  influence 
of  the  Church,  appears  to  be  the  characteristic  feature  of 
the  age,  in  fact  the  real  Renaissance.  But  natural  as  is 
this  view  at  first  sight,  the  historian,  while  fully  realising 
the  splendid  development  of  its  Art,  must  not  neglect  or 
overlook  the  other  manifestations  of  the  culture  of  the  age. 
Indeed,  the  Art  itself  cannot  be  rightly  understood  without 
an  adequate  appreciation  of  the  other  characteristics  of  this 
unique  period. 

Without  entering  into  disputed  questions  in  aesthetics,  I 
think  it  important  to  observe  that  in  studying  and  criticis- 
ing the  Art  of  the  Renaissance,  a  distinction  should  be 
drawn  between  the  development  of  architecture  and  orna- 
mental sculpture  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  painting,  more 
particularly  of  easel  pictures,  on  the  other.  That  of  the 
handicrafts  also,  which  are  assuredly  the  best  criterions  of 
popular  culture  and  taste,  requires  to  be  separately  con- 
sidered. Too  little  attention  is  paid,  as  a  rule,  to  the 
importance  of  this  great  factor  in  the  economic  and  social 
life  of  a  nation. 

In  Architecture  and  decorative  Sculpture,  the  Renaissance 
effected  a  substantial  revolution.  The  antique  style  was 
revived,  which,  though  a  product  of  Pagan  civilisation,  was 
in  itself  neutral,  and  neither  Pagan  nor  anti-Christian.* 
The  degree  of  aesthetic  perfection  attained  by  any  school 
of  architecture  can  supply  no  criterion  of  its  merit  from  a 
religious  point  of  view.  The  spirit  in  which  the  buildings 
were  conceived  is  the  only  measure  by  which  they  can  be 
judged.  The  historian  of  Art  may  indeed  find  it  difficult  to 
forget  the  world  which  produced  the  antique  models,  and 

*  Cf.  Graus,  Die  Kath.  Kirche  und  die  Renaissance,  2nd  edit. 
Freiburg,  1888. 


ARCHITECTURE   TN    THE   RENAISSANCE.  69 

to  regard  the  Architecture  of  the  Renaissance  solely  in  the 
light  of  the  Faith  which  inspired  it,  but  it  was  in  this  light 
that  the  age  interpreted  its  own  work,  and  thus  only  can 
it  be  correctly  estimated.  Thus,  many  of  the  critics  of  the 
Art  of  the  Renaissance,  failing  to  recognise  this  fusion  of 
the  religious  with  the  aesthetic  point  of  view,  are  wholly  at 
fault  in  their  judgment  of  it.  Christian  Art  strove  to 
inspire  the  antique  forms,  to  express  Christian  ideas  in 
classic  shapes,  and  permeate  them  with  the  Christian 
civilisation  of  the  day. 

Magnificent  new  churches,  which  are  still  the  glory  of 
its  cities,  sprang  up  all  over  the  Apennine  Peninsula. 
Municipal  pride  and  piety  here  went  hand  in  hand.* 
These  emphatic  "  sermons  in  stone,"  would  in  themselves 
be  proof  enough  that  the  great  majority  of  the  nation  in  all 
ranks  were  still  devoted  to  the  Faith.  The  very  excess  of 
decoration  in  their  churches  testifies  to  their  allegiance.f 
Anything  like  a  complete  list  of  the  works  of  Art  executed 
at  the  time  of  the  Renaissance  for  religious  purposes,  would 
fill  a  volume.  The  following  is  merely  an  approximate 
record  of  the  most  important  of  these  in  the  domains  of 
Architecture  and  Sculpture.^ 

1 40 1.  Ghiberti,  Quercia  and  Brunellesco,  compete  for  the  bronze 

doors  of  the  Baptistery  at  Florence. 
1403.  The  first  door  of  the  Baptistery  is  entrusted  to  Ghiberti. 

1407.  Donatello  is  commissioned  to  execute  the  figure  of  David 
for  the  Cathedral  in  Florence. 

1408.  Commissions    for   figures    of    three    Evangelists   for   the 

Cathedral   in   Florence   are   given  to  Donatello,  Niccolo 
Lamberti  and  Nanni  d' Antonio  di  Banco. 
1408.  Quercia  completes  a  Madonna  for  the  Cathedral  at  Ferrara. 

*  Reumont  in  the  Lit.  Rundschau  (1878)  p.  333. 

t  MuNTZ,  I.,  34,414- 

X  Mainly  borrowed  from  Redtenbacher,  453  se^. 


70  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

1409-10.  Ciuffagni  is  at  work   on    statues  for  the  Cathedral  in 

Florence. 
1409.   Donatello  is  paid  for  the  figure  of  a  prophet. 
141 2.  Donatello  receives  the  price  of  his  Josue. 
141 4.   Intarsia  work  in  the  Cathedral  at  Orvieto. 

1 41 4.  Ghiberti   undertakes   the    bronze   statue   of  S.    John  the 

Baptist  for  Or  San  Michele  in  Florence. 

141 5.  Donatello  receives  a  commission   for  two  figures  on  the 

Campanile  in  Florence. 

141 5.  Donatello  is  paid  for  his  S.  John  the  Baptist. 

1 41 6.  Donatello  is  at  work  on  his  statue  of  S.  George  for  Or  San 

Michele. 

141 6.  Querela  is   directed  to  provide  a  font   for  San  Giovanni 
at  Siena. 

141 7.  The  holy- water  stoup  ascribed  to  Matteo  Sanese  is  placed 

in  the  Cathedral  at  Orvieto. 
141 7.  Ghiberti  designs  silver  candelabra  for  Or  San  Michele. 
141 7.  Two  bronze  plaques  for  the  font  in  San  Giovanni  at  Siena 

are  entrusted  to  Querela. 
1 41 7.  Two  descriptive  panels  for  the  font  at  Siena  are  ordered 

from  Ghiberti. 
1 41 9.  S.  Lorenzo  at  Florence  begun  by  Brunellesco. 
141 9.  Ghiberti  commissioned  to  execute  a  statue  of  S.  Matthew 

for  Or  San  Michele. 
circa  1420.  The  Pazzi  chapel  in  Florence  erected  by  Brunellesco. 

142 1.  A  marble  statue  for  the  bell  tower  (campanile)  in  Florence, 

ordered  from  Donatello  and  Giovanni  di  Bartolo. 

1422.  Donatello   executes   tne   heads   of  two   prophets  for  the 
Cathedral  at  Florence. 

1422.  Querela  carves  figures  for  S.  Frediano  at  Lucca. 
1424.  Ghiberti   finishes   the  bronze   gate   of  the   Baptistery   in 
Florence. 

1424.  Ghiberti    designs    glass    windows   for    the   Cathedral   at 

Florence. 

1425.  Ghiberti  receives  the  commission  for  the  second  bronze 
gate  of  the  Baptistery  in  Florence. 


RELIGIOUS   WORKS  OF   ART.  7 1 

1426.  Bmnellesco   begins   the    central    part    of    the   Monastery 

degli  Angeli  in  Florence. 
1426.  Fagade  of  the  Cathedral  at  Como  erected. 
143 1.  Completion  of  the  dome  of  the  Cathedral  at  Florence. 
143 1.  Marble  tribune  for  the  Cantoria  executed  by  Luca  della 

Robbia  for  the  Cathedral  in  Florence. 
1433.   Brunellesco  draws  plans  for  S*°  Spirito  in  Florence. 
1433.  Tabernacle  by  B.  Rossellino  in  SS.  Flora  and  Lucilla  at 

Arezzo. 

1433.  Tribune  for  the  Cantoria  by  Donatello,  placed  in  the  second 

chapel  of  the  Cathedral  in  Florence. 

1434.  Stained   glass   windows   by   Ghiberti,  put   in   the  Zanobi 

chapel  of  the  Cathedral  i.i  Florence. 
1436.  Consecration  of  the  Dome  in  the  Cathedral  at  Florence. 
1436.  Tabernacle    by    Bernardo    Rossellino    in    the    Abbey    at 

Fiesole. 

1436.  Donatello  is  directed  to  prepare  the  bronze  doors  of  the 
two  new  Sacristies  at  the  Cathedral  in  Florence. 

1437.  Luca   della   Robbia's   five   reUefs   for  the    Campanile   in 

Florence. 

1438.  Luca   della    Robbia   makes    two   marble    altars   for    the 

Cathedral  in  Florence. 

1438.  Turini  decorates  the  Cathedral-sacristy  at  Siena. 

1440.  Ghiberti  completes  the  shrine  of  the  relics  of  S.  Zanobi. 

1442.  San  Marco  in  Florence. 

1442.  Michelozzo  works  with  Ghiberti  on  the  doors  of  the  Baptis- 
tery in  Florence. 

1442.  Luca  della  Robbia  makes  a  Tabernacle  for  the  Hospital  of 
S^  Maria  Nuova  in  Florence. 

1442.  Vecchietta  carves  a  figure  of  Christ  for  the  Cathedral  at 

Siena. 

1443.  Buggiano  makes  a  Tabernacle  for  the  Cathedral  at  Florence. 
1443.  Ghiberti  finishes  six  bas-reliefs  for  the  second  door  of  the 

Baptistery  in  Florence. 
1446.   Luca  della  Robbia  begins  his  "Ascension"  for  the  Sacristy 
of  this  Cathedral  at  Florence. 


72  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

1446.  Turini   finishes  his  figure  of  Christ  for   the  Cathedral  in 

Siena. 
1447-8.  Bronze  screen-work  by  Michelozzo  for  the  Cathedral  at 
Florence. 

1447.  Building  of  S.  Michele  in  Bosco  near  Bologna. 

1448.  Luca   della    Robbia's   two   angels   in   the   chapel  of  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  in  the  Cathedral  of  Florence. 

1448.  Turini's  Reliquary  of  S.  Bernardino. 

1449.  Luca  della  Robbia's  sounding-board  for  the  pulpit  in  S. 

Domenico  at  Urbino. 

1450.  S.  Marco  at  Fiesole  is  finished. 

1450.  S.  Giacomo  on  the  Piazza  Navona  in  Rome  begun. 

1451.  Choir  by  Albert!  in  the  Church  of  the  SS"^^  Annunziata 
in  Florence. 

145 1.  Donatello  carves  a  figure  of  S.  John  the  Baptist  for  the 
Church  of  the  Frari  in  Venice. 

1452.  Michelozzo  makes  the  silver  statue  of  S.  John  the  Baptist 
for  the  Baptistery  in  Florence. 

1452.  Vittorio  Ghiberti  gilds  the  bronze  door  of  the  Baptistery. 

1452.  Ghiberti's  second  bronze  door  is  put  up. 

1453.  S'^  Maria  sopra  Minerva  in  Rome  is  finished. 
1456.  Facade  of  S*^  Maria  Novella  in  Florence  completed. 
1456.  The  Church  of  Corpus  Domini  at  Bologna  begun. 

1456.  The  high   altar  in   the   Cathedral  at   Ferrara.     (Meo  del 

Caprina.) 

1457.  Donatello  begins  the  bronze  doors  of  S.  Giovanni  at  Siena. 

1459.  S.  Domenico  at  Perugia. 

1460.  S.  Sebastiano  and  S.  Lorenzo  at  Mantua  begun  by  Alberti. 
1460.  The  great  doorway  of  the  Cathedral  at  Como. 

1460.  Marble  choir  in  S^^  Maria  della  Spina  at  Pisa. 

1 460.  Campanile  of  the  Cathedral  at  Ferrara. 

1462.  Portinari  Chapel  near  Sant'  Eustorgio  in  Milan. 

1462.  Statues  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  in  Rome  by  Paolo  Romano. 

1463.  Stalls  carved  by  Giuliano  da  Majano  in  the  Sacristy  of  the 

Cathedral  at  Florence  and  the  Badia  at  Fiesole. 
1463.  Chapel  of  S.  Andrea  near  S.  Peter's  in  Rome. 


RELIGIOUS  V/ORKS   OF   ART.  73 

1463.  Tabernacle  by  Mino  da  Fiesole  for  an  altar  in  S^^  Maria 

Maggiore  in  Rome. 
1463.  S'^  Maria  dalle  Grazie  in  Milan  is  begun. 
1463.  Vecchietta's  statue  in  wood  for  the  Cathedral  at  Narni. 
T465-72.  Vecchietta's  Ciborium  in  the  Cathedral  at  Siena. 
1465.  Choir-stalls  by  Lendinari  in  the  Cathedral  of  Modena. 

1465.  Facade  of  S.  Marco  in  Rome. 

1466.  S.  Michele  in  Venice. 

1466.  Church  of  the  Ospedale  della  Scala  at  Siena. 

1468.  Choir-stalls  of  the  Frari  Church  in  Venice. 

1469.  Completion  of  the  tomb  of  S.  Dominic  at  Bologna. 

1470.  Completion  of  the  facade  of  S^^  Maria  Novella  in  Flor- 
ence. 

1470-75.  Wood-carving  by  Giuliano  da  Majano  for  SS'"^  Annun- 
ziata  in  Florence. 

1470.  S.  Satiro  at  Milan  is  begun. 

147 1.  Madonna  della  Neve  at  Siena  is  finished. 

147 1.  The  Church  of  the  Servi  di  Maria  at  Siena  is  begun. 

147 1.  The  Church  della  Consolazione  in  Rome  consecrated. 

147 1.  Verrocchio  begins  statues  of  the  Apostles  for  Sixtus  IV. 

1 47 1.  Mino  da  Fiesole's  Tabernacle  for  the  Baptistery  in  Florence 

1472.  The  Cathedral  of  Citta  di  Castello  is  begun. 

1472.  S.  Andrea  at  Mantua  begun  by  Alberti. 
1472-77.  S^^  Maria  del  Popolo  in  Rome. 

1473.  S'^  Maria  in  Bado  at  Ferrara  is  begun. 

1473.  The  facade  of  the  Certosa  near  Pavia  is  begun. 
1473.  The  Sistine  Chapel  in  B^ome. 

1473.  Civitali's  sculptures  in  marble  in  the  Cathedral  of  Lucca. 

1474.  Benedetto  da    Majano  carves  the  pulpit  of  S.    Croce  in 
Florence. 

1475.  S.  Caterina  at  Siena. 

1475.  Choir  of  the  Cathedral  at  Pisa  by  Baccio  Pontelli. 

1475.  Sacristy  of  S.  Satiro  at  Milan. 

1475.  Vecchietta's  statue  of  S.  Paul  for  the  Cathedral  at  Siena. 

1476.  The  choir  of  SS'"^  Annunziata  in  Florence  is  finished. 
1476.  The  CoUeone  Chapel  at  Bergamo. 


74  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

1476.  Carved  stalls  in  S.  Domenico  at  Perugia. 
1476.   Renovation  of  S.  Satiro  at  Milan  by  Bramante. 
1476.  Verrocchio's  David  in  bronze. 

1476.  Vecchietta's  Christ  in  bronze  for  the  Ospedale  della  Scala 
at  Siena. 

1477.  The  new  part  of  the  Cathedral  at  Pavia  begun. 

1477.  Baccio    Pontelli   finishes    his   stalls   for   the   Cathedral  of 

Pisa. 

1478.  Verrocchio's  figures  for  the  Tabernacle  in  Or  San  Michele 
at  Florence. 

1478.  The   Incoronata    Chapel   at    Pisa   completed   by    Baccio 

Pontelli. 
1478.  Vecchietta's    S.    Sebastian    modelled    in    silver    for    the 

Cathedral  at  Siena. 
1478.  Vecchietta's  infant  Christ  for  the  font  of  S.  Giovanni  at 

Siena. 
1479-81.  S.  Agostino  in  Rome. 

1480.  SS'"^  Annunziata  outside  Bologna. 

1480-89.  S^^  Maria  de'  Miracoli  by  Pietro  Lombardo  in  Venice. 

1 48 1.  Tabernacle  by  Mino  da  Fiesole  for  S.  Ambrogio  in  Flor- 
ence. 

1482.  S.  Lorenzo  at  Cremona  is  finished. 

1482-84.  Civitali's  Tempietto  for  the  Volto  Santo  in  the  Cathe- 
dral of  Lucca. 

1483.  S.  Giovanni  Crisostomo  in  Venice. 
1483.  SS^^  Maria  delle  Grazie  at  Pistoja. 

1485.  Decoration  in  wood  by  Giuliano  da  Sangallo  for  the  high 

altar  of  the  Cathedral  at  Florence. 
1485.  The  foundation-stone   is   laid  of   Giuliano   da   Sangallo's 

Church  of  the  Madonna  delle  Carceri  at  Prato. 
1485.  Foundations  laid  of  the  Church  of  the  Madonna  del  Cal- 

cinajo  at  Cortona. 
1485.  S'^  Maria  Maggiore  at  Citta  di  Castello  is  begun. 
1485.  New  altar  in  the  Cathedral  of  Siena. 
i486.  Choir  of  S.  Francesco  at  Treviso. 
1487.  The  Incoronata  Church  at  Lodi. 


CHURCH   BUILDING.  75 

1487.  S^^  Maria  de'  Miracoli  at  Brescia  is  begun. 

1487.  Ferrucci  designs  and  executes  a  Ciborium  for  the  Cathe- 

dral at  Prato. 

1488.  S.  Giovanni  de'  Fiorentini  at  Rome  is  founded. 
1488.  S.  Bernardino  at  Assisi. 

1488.  Choir-stalls  of  S.  Pancrazio  in  Florence. 
1488.  Choir-stalls  in  the  Cathedral  of  Lucca. 

1490.  Choir-stalls  in  the  Cathedral  of  Citta  di  Castello. 

1 49 1.  Campanile  for  the  Cathedral  at  Ferrara  begun. 
1 49 1.  S^a  Maria  in  Via  Lata  at  Rome  begun. 

1 49 1.  Atrium  of  the  Cathedral  at  Spoleto. 
1 49 1.  S^^  Maria  presso  S.  Celso  at  Milan  begun. 
1 49 1.  Choir-stalls  of  S*^  Maria  Novella  in  Florence. 
1 49 1.  Civitali  decorates  the  Chapel  of  S.  John  the  Baptist  in  the 
Cathedral  at  Genoa. 

1491.  Choir  of  the  Cathedral  at  Florence  finished. 

1492.  S.    Maria    Maddalena    de'   Pazzi    at   Florence    begun   by 

Giuliano  da  Sangallo. 
1492.  The  Church  of  Pietrasanta  at  Naples. 

1492.  The  Crypt  of  the  Cathedral  at  Naples  em.bellished. 

1493.  S.  Croce  at  Crema. 
1493- 1508.  S.  Niccolo  at  Carpi. 

1494.  S.  Francesco  at  Ferrara. 

1494.  Madonna  dell'  Umilta  at  Pistoja. 

1494.  S.  Chiara  at  Pistoja. 

1494-98.  Civitali's  pulpit  in  the  Cathedral  of  Lucca. 

1495.  S^^  Maria  di  Monserrato  in  Rome. 

1495.  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso  in  Rome,  partly  built. 

1495.  S^^  Maria  dell'  Annunziata  at  Bevagna  finished. 

1495.  The  carved  stalls  of  S.  Petronio  at  Bologna. 

1497.  S.  Giacomo  Maggiore  in  Florence. 

1498.  S.  Francesco  al  Monte  near  Florence. 

1498.  S.  Vincenzo  del  Orto  at  Savona. 

1499.  Decoration  of  the  Choir  in  the  Cathedral  of  Feriara. 
1499.  Sculptures  by  Benedetto  da  Rovezzano  for  the  Tribune  of 

the  Choir  in  S.  Stefano  at  Genoa. 


^6  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

1499-1500.  Michael  Angelo's  Piet^ 

1499-15 1 1.  S.  Sisto  at  Piacenza. 

1500.  S.  Benedetto  at  Ferrara  is  begun. 

1500.  Rebuilding  of  the  Cathedral  at  Foligno  begun. 

1500.  S^^  Maria  dell'  Anima  in  Rome. 

1500.   Building  of  S*^  Maria  di  Loreto  in  Rome  determined  on. 

1500.  S.  Pietro  in  Montorio. 

1500.  Chapel  of  S.  Antonio  at  Padua. 

1502.  S'^  Giustina  at  Padua  is  begun. 

1502.  The  Cathedral  at  Cividale  is  begun. 

1503.  S.  Cristoforo  at  Ferrara. 

1504.  S.  Magno  at  Legnano. 

1504.  Laying  of  the  foundation-stone  of  S'^  Maria  della  Conso- 
lazione  at  Todi. 

1505.  S.  Giovanni  Battista  at  Ferrara. 

1506.  Laying  of  the  foundation-stone  of  the  new  S.  Peter's  in 

Rome. 
1506.  S.  Fantino  in  Venice. 
1506.   Benedetto  da  Rovezzano's  tomb  of  S.  Gualberto  for  the 

Vallombrosa. 

1508.  Altar  in  Madonna  delle  Carceri  at  Prato. 
1508-9.  Bramante's  work  at  Loreto. 

1509.  S'^  Maria  Maggiore  at  Spello. 

1509.  S.  Michele  at  Orvieto. 

1 5 10.  S.  Giovanni  at  Parma. 

151 1.  The  Servite  Church  at  Siena. 

151 1.  J.  Sansovino  makes  the  statue  of  S.  John  the  Baptist  for  the 

Cathedral  of  Florence. 

1512.  S*°  Spirito  at  Ferrara. 

15 1 2.  The  statue  of  an  apostle  by  Sansovino  for  the  Florentine 

Cathedral. 
15 14.  Sansovino's  work  in  the  Casa  Santa  at  Loreto. 

15 14.  Cathedral  at  Carpi  begun. 

15 1 5.  S.  Zaccaria  at  Venice  completed. 

15 1 7.  S^^  Maria  di  Piazza  at  Busto  Arsizio. 

1 5 1 8.  S.  Stefano  at  Faenza  is  begun. 


RENAISSANCE   AND   GOTHIC  ARCHITECTURE  "JJ 

At  the  same  time,  while  fully  recognising  how  large  a 
proportion  of  the  Art  of  the  Renaissance  was  dedicated  to 
Christian  uses,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  revival  of  the 
antique  in  art  as  well  as  in  literature,  brought  with  it  the 
dangerof  a  return  to  Pagan  ideals  in  ethics  and  civilisation.* 
A  Pagan  Renaissance  was  to  be  feared,  keeping  pace  with 
the  Christian  movement,  but  less  formidable  here  than  in 
literature.  Classical  studies  in  both  branches  had  never 
quite  died  out  in  Italy.  Italian  Gothic  had  absorbed  many 
antique  elements  into  a  style  of  its  own,  which,  however, 
speaks  far  less  eloquently  to  posterity  than  the  mediaeval 
monuments  of  Germany,  France,  or  Spain.  Thus  the 
Architecture  of  the  Renaissance  was  as  neutral  in  relation  to 
the  national  sentiment  and  conditions  of  life,  as  it  was  in 
relation  to  Christianity  and  the  mind  of  the  Church, 

The  aesthetic  merit  of  the  Renaissance  principle  in  Archi- 
tecture when  compared  with  the  Gothic  is  a  totally  different 
question.  The  champions  of  the  latter  may  justly  insist  on 
its  freedom  and  variety  of  detail  in  strict  subservience  to 
fixed  laws,  its  perfect  mastery  of  large  masses,  the  superiority 
of  the  dynamic  principle  of  construction  over  the  ancient 
static  method,  its  adaptation  of  each  form  to  the  idea  and 
purpose  and  to  the  material  employed,  its  noble  symbolism 
and  peculiar  capacity  for  expressing  religious  and  Chris- 
tian thought,  more  especially  the  lifting  up  of  the  soul  to 
God ;  \  but  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  if  we  attribute  all 
that  is  regrettable  in  the  practical  consequences  which 
resulted  from  the  classical  revival  (especially  from  the  later 
Renaissance  period  down  to  our  own  day),  whether  in 
architecture,  sculpture,  or  handicrafts,  rather  to  the  degrada- 
tion of  taste  than  to  the  failure  of  the  religious  basis.     The 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  12  seq.^  24  seq.^  49  seq.  (Engl,  trans,), 
t  A.  Reichensperger,  particularly    in  the   pamphlet,    Die   Kunst 
Jedermann's  Sache,  ed.  2,  1891 


78  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

effect  of  the  employment  in  the  modern  classical  style  of 
ready-made  forms,  which  had  been  designed  by  the  ancients 
to  express  different  ideas  and  serve  other  purposes,  was  to 
slacken  that  close  bond  between  the  form  and  the  thought 
which  it  represents,  or  the  use  for  which  it  is  intended, 
which  is  an  indispensable  condition  for  all  good  Art* 

Painting,  and  to  a  certain  extent,  sculpture,  must  be 
regarded  from  another  point  of  view.  There  is  no  contrast 
here,  as  there  is  in  the  modern-classical  architecture, 
between  present  and  past,  we  have  only  a  further  develop- 
ment, especially  in  regard  to  statues  and  grotesques  in 
which  the  influence  of  ancient  ideas  and  types  is  increas- 
ingly felt.f  Architecture  speaks  the  language  of  the 
antique,  on  which  it  is  based.  But  in  painting  and  sculp- 
ture, classic  reminiscences  are  rare  and  subordinate,  being 
confined  to  decorative  and  architectural  details.^  The 
painting  of  this  period  *'  is  the  perfected  blossom  of  the 
national  spirit  of  the  Italians.  Had  this  gifted  race  pro- 
duced nothing  beyond  its  magnificent  schools  of  painters, 
this  alone  would  have  sufficed  to  secure  it  an  imperish- 
able  fame.      The  steady  and    continuous  development  of 

*  The  loosening  of  these  relations  is  apparent  in  the  debased  style  of 
the  late  Renaissance  and  baroque  period.  This  fault,  combined  with  the 
failure  in  our  own  "century  to  recognise  the  aesthetic  interdependence  of 
form  and  material,  is,  apart  from  other  contributory  causes,  mainly  re- 
sponsible for  the  state  of  decadence  from  which  architecture  and  industrial 
art  are  only  just  beginning  to  emerge.  The  thorny  question  as  to  which 
style  of  architecture,  the  Gothic  or  the  Renaissance,  should  in  the  present 
day  be  preferred  and  cultivated,  requires  to  be  approached  in  the  light 
of  the  history  of  Art  and  with  a  due  consideration  of  modern  conditions. 
6y;  Dr  A.  TsCHERMAK,  Ueber  einen  Hauptfehler  des  modernen  Kunst- 
urtheils  in  the  Christliche  Kunstanzeigen,  1894  (Frankfurt),  Nos.  11,  12. 

t  For  further  details  see  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work,  Book  I.,  c.  7,  and  Book 
II.,  c.  8. 

X  WOLTMANN,  II.,    135. 


PAINTING   IN   THE   RENAISSANCE.  79 

Italian  painting  resembles  the  luxuriant  growth  of  a  plant 
under  absolutely  favourable  conditions.  It  was  rooted  in 
the  national  religion  whence  it  drew  its  inmost  life."  Thus 
Italian  painting  became  "  the  chosen  interpreter  and  organ 
of  the  mysteries  of  Christianity."* 

Easel-painting,  especially  saturated  with  the  spirit  of 
religion,  reached  the  highest  pitch  of  excellence  which 
history  has  ever  recorded,  and  the  soul  of  this  pre-eminence 
was  the  Catholic  Faith.f  True  it  is  that  here  and  there, 
though  very  rarely,  in  the  15th  Century,  the  sensuous  Pagan 
tendency  appears,  side  by  side  with  the  Christian  ;  but  the 
best  work  is  that  which  breathes  the  most  purely  religious 
spirit.  Painters  and  sculptors  vied  with  one  another  in 
doing  honour  to  the  Mother  of  God.  She  is  "  the  theme  of 
Raphael's  life,  the  golden  thread  which  is  interwoven  with 
the  whole  fabric  of  his  art  "  as  is  proved  by  the  fifty  or  more 
pictures  of  the  Madonna  which  we  owe  to  his  pencil.  The 
crown  of  them  all  is  his  Madonna  di  San  Sisto,  which,  like 
all  his  works,  combines  realism  in  form,  with  an  idealism  in 
conception.^  Mary  appears  here  in  glory  in  her  triple 
character  of  Virgin,  Mother  of  God,  and  Queen  of  Heaven.§ 
The  sorrow  of  the  Mother  of  God  is  most  touchingly  repre- 
sented in  the  Pieta  by  Guido  Mazzoni  (a  terra-cotta  in  S. 
Giovanni  at  Modena  1480II),  in  the  Pieta  by  Giovanni  Bellini 
at  Milan,1[and  in  Michael  Angelo's  renowned  masterpiece.** 

*  Gregorovius,  Gesch.  der  Stadt  Rom  im  Mittelalter,  VIII.,  149, 
ed.  3. 

t  This  is  Schaden's  view,  197. 

X  P.  Keppler,  Rafifael's  Madonnen,  in  the  Histor-polit.,  Bl.  XCVI., 
19  seg.,  81  seg^. 

§  Naumann,  Archiv  fiir  Zeichnende  Kiinste,  Jahrg.,  II.,  100. 

II  Archivio  St.  dell'  Arte,  III.,  10. 

1  MiJNTZ,  I.,  5. 

**  To  the  objection  raised  by  some  of  his  contemporaries  that  he  had 
made  Mary  too  young,  Michael  Angelo  replied  that  he  had  sought  to 


80  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Leonardo  da  Vinci's  Last  Supper,  the  "  Disputa,"  Raphael's 
cartoons  for  the  Sistine  tapestries,  and  the  Transfiguration, 
mark  the  cuhninating  point  of  Christian  Art*  Although 
Italy  has  supplied  a  liberal  share  of  the  contents  of  nearly- 
all  the  galleries  in  Europe,  it  has  still  so  large  a  store  of 
religious  pictures  of  the  first  order  that  an  even  approxi- 
mately complete  enumeration  of  them  would  fill  a  volume. 

Altar  pieces  were  the  commonest  form  of  easel-picture, 
but  devotional  subjects  were  often  painted  for  private 
families.  Biblical  scenes  were  frequently  depicted,  and 
portraiture  was  widely  cultivated.  The  awakened  interest 
in  antiquity  opened  up  a  new  world  of  subjects  in  myth- 
ology and  history,  which  served  to  adorn  the  state  apart- 
ments of  the  rich  and  great ;  f  but  still  throughout  the  15th 
Century,  the  proportion  of  religious  to  classical  pictures 
stands  at  about  twenty  to  one.J     The  advance  in  realism 

represent  that  Virgin  whose  soul  had  never  been  vexed  by  the  faintest 
sinful  desire,  and  to  make  visible  to  the  world  fhe  virginity  and  change- 
less purity  of  the  Mother  of  God.  This  work  at  once  made  Michael 
Angelo  the  most  famous  sculptor  in  Italy.  Originally  destined  for  the 
chapel  of  S.  Petronilla,  it  was  placed  in  1749  on  the  altar  of  the  first 
chapel  in  the  right  aisle  of  the  nave  of  S.  Peter's,  where  unfortunately 
its  transcendent  merits  cannot  be  fully  appreciated.  See  Grimm, 
Michelangelo,  I.,  185  seq.^  ed.  5;  Burckhardt,  Cicerone  433;  and 
Springer,  15  seq.\  Arnold  Wellmer,  Michelangelo's  Spuren  in 
Rom;  Frankfurter  Zeitung,  March  6,  1875,  No.  65,  Morning  edition  ; 
Christliches  Kimstblatt,  1875  (Stuttgart),  No.  7,  and  WOLFFLIN,  Die 
Jugendwerke  des  Michelangelo  (Mtinchen,  1891);  and  also  TsCHUDi 
in  the  Deutsche  Lit-Zeitung,  1891,  885.  For  other  Pietas  cf.  infra  on 
Savonarola  and  Art.  Cf.  also  Beissel  in  the  Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach, 
XVIII.,  473  seq.^  and  Revue  de  I'Art  Chretien,  1883,  Octobre. 

*  On  the  "Disputa,"  see  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work.  Book  III.,  c.  10  ;  on 
Leonardo's  Last  Supper,  see  the  admirable  treatise  by  Frantz — Das 
Heilige  Abendmahl  des  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  Freiburg,  1885. 

t  WOLTMANN,  II.,  134. 

X  MUNTZ,  I.,  232-73. 


THE  DOMINICAN    PAINTERS.  8l 

which  characterises  all  the  Art  of  this  period,  including  the 
Flemish,  still  the  predominant  school  throughout  the  rest 
of  Europe,  was  obtained  at  the  price  of  some  very  doubtful 
innovations.  Saints  are  often  shorn  of  their  nimbus,  of 
their  typical  attributes  and  of  their  traditional  features, 
and  they  are  depicted  in  the  garb  and  with  the  faces  of 
ordinary  citizens.*  The  study  of  the  nude,  indispensable 
to  accurate  drawing,  was  largely  extended  by  the  Renais- 
sance,"f  but  during  its  earlier  portion,  while  most  of  the 
children  are  naked,  male  figures  are  rarely  represented 
nude,  and  female  figures  scarcely  ever.J  Religion  could  not 
be  accused  of  prudery  in  the  moderate  restraints  which  she 
imposed  upon  artists,  and  it  was  not  till  the  Renaissance 
had  attained  to  its  apotheosis  that  they  were  entirely 
thrown  off. 

The  Dominican  painters  §  have  a  special  importance  as 
representing  the  opposition  to  this  incipient  profanation  of 
the  Art  of  the  Renaissance.  At  their  head  is  Fra  Giovanni 
Angelico,  the  most  Christian  painter  of  any  age,||  and  after 
him,  Fra  Filippino,  who  painted  the  frescoes  in  S^^  Maria 
Sopra  Minerva  in  Rome,  and  the  great  Fra  Bartolomeo  della 
Porta,  who  died  in  1517.II  The  war  waged  by  Girolamo 
Savonarola  against  the  corruptions  in  the  art  of  this  period 
which  were  thus  setting  in,  will  be  described   in  a  subse- 

*  MiJNTz,  I.,  298,  327-46,  604. 

t  Ibid.^  232. 

X  Ibid.^  291,  "En  these  generale  les  quattrocentistes  dvitaient 
de  representer  des  figures  nues  .  .  .  L'emploi  des  figures  nues  ne 
cessa  d'ailleurs,  pendant  tout  le  quinzieme  si^cle,  de  soulever  des 
protestations." 

§  Renaissance  und  Dominikanerorden,  Histor.-polit.,  Bl.  XCIIL,  897 
seq. ;  XCIV.,  26  j^^.  P.  ViNCENZO  Marchese,  Memorie  dei  piu  insigni 
Pittori,  Scultori  e  Architetti  Domenicani,  2  vols.,  Bologna,  1878-9,  ed.  iv. 

II    Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II.,  185  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

IT  Frantz,  Fra  Bartolomeo  della  Porta,  Regensburg,  1879. 
VOL.   V.  G 


82  HISTORY  OF   THE  POPES. 

quent  chapter,  which  will  also  deal  in  more  detail  with  its 
faults  and  follies;  but  these  were  still,  as  yet,  few  and  far  be- 
tween. 

A  comprehensive  review  of  the  architecture,  painting 
and  sculpture  of  the  15th  Century  in  Italy,  leaves  no  doubt 
on  the  mind  that  the  immense  majority  of  this  almost 
countless  host  of  works  of  art,  in  spite  of  traces  everywhere 
of  the  influences  of  the  antique,  were  inspired  by  religion, 
and  that  the  Art  of  the  period  was  essentially  Christian.* 
The  Art  of  the  Renaissance,  although  it  might  be  termed 
aristocratic,-|-  because  it  dwelt  so  much  in  courts  and 
palaces,  was  yet  chiefly  used  to  adorn  the  churches.     As 

*  Cf.  MUNTZ,  who  says,  I.,  273-4: — "Religious  sentiment  throughout 
the  15th  Century,  inspired  the  vast  majority  of  artistic  productions. 
Art  seems  wholly  bound  up  with  religion."  Thode,  Franz  von  Assisi, 
525,  observes  :— "In  spite  of  the  influence  of  the  antique,  quattrocento 
art  also  is  purely  Christian."  P.  Keppler,  Kunstbetrachtungen  in  den 
Histor-polit,  Bl.  XCV.,  17  seq.^  says: — "The  Renaissance  produced 
monuments  of  religious  art,  which  in  their  spirit  of  faith  and  purity,  rank 
beside  the  masterpieces  of  the  Middle  Ages — its  most  vigorous  roots  were 
struck  in  the  soil  of  the  Church,  Neither  in  intention,  character,  nor 
results  was  it  in  the  main  irreligious  ;  and  its  grandest  triumphs  were 
those  achieved  in  the  name  of  Faith  and  Christianity."  ViSCHER, 
Signorelli,  143,  says: — "A  glance  at  the  works  of  her  painters  and 
sculptors  reconciles  us  with  the  Italian  spirit,  for  they  are  the  expression 
of  true  p'ety."  GOTHEIN,  Ignatius  Loyola,  87  : — "  To  Art,  in  a  far  higher 
degree  than  to  poetry,  was  assigned  the  task  of  formulating  the  religious 
ideal.  How  she  performed  that  task,  how  she  shewed  her  gratitude  to 
Christianity,  and  the  services  she  has  rendered  and  still  renders  to 
Catholicism,  all  this  is  universally  recognised.  The  artist  who  painted 
religious  pictures  was  not  himself  necessarily  pious,  although,  as  a  matter 
of  fact,  we  know  that  the  greatest  of  these  felt  all  that  they  portrayed, 
and  whatever  is  painted  or  carved  by  the  artist  must  in  some  sense  have 
been  seen  by  him.  Thus  Italian  Art  represents  the  whole  series  of 
religious  emotions  from  the  simplest  to  the  loftiest ;  and  that  with  in- 
comparable completeness." 

t  MiJNTZ,  I.,  234. 


THE   FAITH   DISPLAYED    IN    ART.  83 

the  Greeks  gave  the  best  they  had  to  their  temples, 
so  did  the  Italians  to  their  churches.  Long  before  there 
were  any  museums  or  galleries  properly  so  called,  these 
churches  partook  of  both,  and  contained  everything  which 
architecture,  painting,  sculpture,  or  the  crafts  could  pro- 
duce.* All  these  treasures  were  accessible  to  the  multi- 
tudes. Every  day  they  could  be  seen  at  leisure,  and  in  an 
atmosphere  of  devotion.  The  popular  taste  was  formed  on 
them  and  learnt  to  study  them.  Thus  Art  became  the 
exponent  of  Faith  for  all,  whether  peasant  or  prince,  and 
the  Church  still  speaks  in  the  same  language,  even  to 
those  who  are  not  her  children.  Hence  a  modern  critic 
is  perfectly  right  in  his  estimate  of  the  significance  of  the 
testimony  of  its  Art  to  the  moral  and  social  condition 
of  the  Italian  people  at  the  time  of  the  Renaissance,  when 
he  says,  "  The  painting  alone  of  the  Italy  of  those  days 
atones  for  all  the  blemishes  that  disfigure  her,  as  it 
expresses  the  true  mind  of  the  nation,  apart  from  that 
dissolute  section  of  it  which  composed  the  ruling  class." 
These  monuments  of  Art  "  are  a  proof  that  the  people  still 
spoke  and  understood  the  language  of  profound  piety  and 
exalted  faith.  Even  where  the  sentiment  is  not  directly 
religious,  we  find  a  spiritual  beauty,  a  purity  in  feeling,  a 
seriousness  and  lofty  enthusiasm  which  afford  unmistake- 
able  evidence  that  in  spite  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  moral 
standard  of  the  age,  the  nation  remained  sound  at  the  core, 
still  seeking  the  good  in  the  beautiful."-!- 

Art,  however,  was  not  by  any  means  the  only  form  in 
which  the  vitality  of  the  Faith  displayed  itself  Large  as 
undoubtedly  was  the  number  of  unworthy  prelates,  bishops 
and  cardinals,  in  this  period  of  turmoil  and  transition,  we 

*  R.  Meyer  in  the  literary  supplement  to  the  Leipziger  Zeitung, 
No.  129,  Oct.  27,  1894. 

+   WOLTMANN,  IL,  136. 


84  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

come  across  many  excellent  men  wholly  devoted  to  their 
pastoral  duties.  Such  were :  at  Mantua,  Matteo  Bonim- 
perto  (ob.  1444) ;  at  Venice,  Lorenzo  Giustiniani  (ob.  1446);* 
at  Milan,  Gabriele  Sforza  (ob.  1457) ;  at  Florence,  S.  An- 
toninus (ob.  1459);  at  Osimo,  Gaspare  Zacchi  (ob.  1474) ;  at 
Bovino,  Natulo  Lombardi  (ob.  1477)  ;  at  Squillace,  Francesco 
Cajetani  (ob.  1480);  at  Foligno,  Antonio  Bertini  (ob.  1487)  ; 
at  Cosenza,  Giovanni  Battista  Pinelli  (ob.  1495) ;  at  Imola 
and  Rimini,  Jacopo  Passarella  (ob.  1495)  ;  at  Aquino, 
Roberto  da  Lecce  (ob.  1495)  ;  at  Modena,  Niccolo  Sandon- 
nino  (ob.  1499) ;  at  Belluono  and  Padua,  Pietro  Barozzi 
(ob.  1507);  at  Naples,  Alessandro  Carafifa  (ob.  1503);  at 
Chieti  (from  1505  to  1524),  Giovanni  Pietro  Caraffa ;  at 
Forli,  Pietro  Griffi  (ob.  1516)  ;  at  Pistoja,  Niccol6  Pandolfini 
(ob.  I5i8).t 

The  senate  of  the  Church  contained  not  a  few  prelates 
who  were  eminent  both  in  talent  and  piety.  Martin  V. 
appointed  a  number  of  distinguished  Cardinals,  the  greatest 
of  whom  were,  Domenico  Capranica,  Giuliano  Cesarini  and 
Niccol6  d'Albergati.  Eugenius  IV.  bestowed  the  purple 
on  the  famous  Greek,  Bessarion,  on  Juan  Torquemada, 
Juan  de  Carvajal,  Enrico  de  Allosio  and  Nicolas  of  Cusa. 
Calixtus  III.  elevated  the  saintly  Don  James,  Infante  of 
Portugal,  to  the  Cardinalate,  and  Pius  II.  bestowed  the  Hat 

*  See  Wetzer  und  Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  VII.,  1528  seq.^  ed.  2, 
which  gives  all  the  references  for  this  subject. 

t  Cf.  for  the  above,  Ughelli,  especially  IV.,  380  ;  III.,  224  ;  I.,  563  ; 
VIII.,  384;  IX.,  622;  I.,  761;  IX.,  342  J-^^.  ;  IL,  690;  I.,  445;  II.,  168; 
v., 439  ;  VI.,  224,  943  ;  II. ,  626  ;  III.,  376.  ForS.  Antoninus  cf.  supra, 
p.  28,  and  Pastor's  Hist.  Popes,  III.,  12  (Engl,  trans.).  For  Caraffa's 
labours  in  the  cause  of  Reform  at  Chieti  see  DiTTRlCH  in  the  Hist. 
Jahrbuch,  V.,  346  seq.  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  104,  230,  ed.  3,  points 
out  that  in  Italy,  bishoprics  never  (as  for  instance  in  Germany)  ran  in 
families  ;  also  that  novelists  and  satirists  scarcely  allude  to  the  bishops. 
Virtuous  bishops  are  described  by  Bandello,  II.,  39,  40,  in  his  novels. 


THE   SACRED   COLLEGE.  85 

on  Angelo,  the  worthy  brother  of  Domenico  Capranica, 
Bernardo  Eroli,  Alessandro  OHva,  and  Roverella.  Under 
Paul  II.  the  noble  Olivieri  Caraffa  and  Marco  Barbo  were 
nominated.  The  Cardinals  appointed  by  Sixtus  IV., 
Stefano  Nardini,  the  two  Spaniards  Auxias  de  Podio  and 
Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Mendoza,  also  Gabriele  Rangone  and 
the  saintly  Elias  de  Bourdeilles,  were  an  honour  to  the 
Sacred  College.* 

Afterwards,  when  the  College  of  Cardinals  was  becoming 
more  and  more  saturated  with  worldliness,  many  pious 
learned,  and  capable  men  remained,  who  were  in  every 
sense  ornaments  to  the  Church,  to  counterbalance  the 
unworthy  members.  One  of  these  was  Raymond  Peraudi, 
created  by  Alexander  VI.,  but,  towering  above  all  the  rest, 
mention  must  here  be  made  of  the  great  Francis  Ximenes, 
who  combined  administrative  qualities  and  literary  culture 
of  the  highest  order  with  entire  simplicity,  and  the  most 
inflexible  morality.  He  received  the  Hat  under  Julius 
II.  Later,  under  Leo  X.  the  senate  of  the  Church  was 
graced  by  Cajetanus  (Thomas  de  Vio),  who,  as  Legate  in 
Germany,  France  and  Hungary,  displayed  consummate 
ability,  and  was  styled,  on  account  of  his  learning,  the 
greatest  theologian  who  had  appeared  in  the  Church  since 
S.  Thomas  Aquinas.f 

Even  in  Saints  the  Renaissance  period  was  richer  than  is 
commonly  supposed.    The  following  list,  arranged  according 

*  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  225,  261,  264  seq.^  306,  309,  320 ;  IL, 
8-9,  105  seq. ;  III.,  294,  297,  299  ;  IV.,  255,  note  t,  301  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  A  more  detailed  account  of  these  Cardinals  will  be  given  further 
on.  Cf.  also  Hist.-polit.,  Bl.  LXXIX.,  103  seq.\  Paris  de  Grassis,  ed. 
Frati,  231,  and  Sanuto,  XL,  771-3,  agree  in  praising  Caraffa.  When 
Peraudi  died,  in  September  1505,  Julius  II.  wrote  as  follows: — Erat 
enim  rectus  et  sedi  apost.  admodum  utilis.  Breve  episc.  Lesinen  s.  d. 
Lib.  brev.  29  seq.,  72b.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


86  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

to  the  date  of  death,  may,  though  incomplete,  give  the  reader 
some  idea  of  the  glorious  band  of  Saints  and  Beati  the  study 
of  whose  lives  is  a  revelation  of  that  Christian  Italy  of  the 
Renaissance,  which  has  so  long  lain  hidden  under  its  more 
prominent  heathen  aspect.* 

1400.  Oddino  Barotti,  Provost  of  Fossano  in  Piedmont. 

1404.  Jacopo  d'Oldo,  priest  at  Lodi. 

1410.  Orsolina  da  Parma. 

141 1.  Danielle  da  Venezia,  Camaldolese. 
141 5.  Benincesa  Rapaccioli,  Servite. 

141 9.  Chiara  Gambacorti,  Dominicaness. 

141 9.  Giovanni  Dominici,  Dominican. 

1426.  Benincesa,  Servite  in  Tuscany. 

1429.  Gemma  of  Sulmona. 

1429.  Conradino,  Dominican.      He  refused  the  purple  and  died 
in  the  service  of  the  plague-smitten  inhabitants  of  Bologna. 

1430.  Manfredi  of  Riva,  Hermit. 

1432.  Roberto  Malatesta,  Franciscan  tertiary  at  Rimini. 

1433.  Stefano  Agazzari,  Regular  Canon  of  Bologna. 

1435.  Pietro  Gambacorti,  founder  of  the  Hermits  of  S.  Girolamo. 

1435.  Angelina  di  Marsciano,  Franciscan  tertiary  at  Foligno. 

1440.  Francesca  Rom  ana. 

1443.  Niccolo  d'Albergati,  Bishop  of  Bologna  and  Cardinal. 

1444.  Bernardino  of  Siena. 

1446.  Giovanni  Tavelli,  Bishop  of  Ferrara. 

1447.  Tommaso  Bellacci. 
1447.  Coleta. 

1450.  Angelina,  Poor  Clare  at  Spoleto. 

1 45 1.  Ercolano  of  Plagario,  Franciscan. 
T451.   Matteo  da  Girgenti,  Franciscan. 

*  For  the  following  list  the  reader  is  referred  in  general  to 
Chevalier,  Repert.,  where  a  complete  and  accurate  summary  of  the 
literature  on  this  subject  will  be  found.  Various  details  about  the  early 
Renaissance  Saints  are  given  in  the  earlier  portion  of  this  work.  Vol.  I., 
36,  232  seq. 


\ 

I 

i 

SAINTS  OF  THE  RENAISSANCE.  87  1 

1452.  Pietro  Geremia,  Dominican. 

1455.  Fra  Angelico  da  Fiesole,  Dominican,  and  painter.  ^ 

1455.  Giovanni  Bassand,  Celestine.  | 

1455.  Andrea  of  Modena,  Franciscan.  ' 

1456.  Lorenzo  Giustiniani,  Patriarch  of  Venice.  \ 
1456.  Filippo  d'Aquila,  Franciscan.  | 
1456.  Rita  di  Cascia.  | 
1456.  Giovanni  Capristano,  Franciscan.  ' 

1456.  Gabriele  Feretti.  \ 

1457.  Angela  FqHx.  , 

1458.  Angelo  Masaccio,  Camaldolese.  j 
1458.  Cristina  Visconti  at  Spoleto. 

1458.  Antonio  ab  Ecclesia.  j 

1458.  Elena  Valentinis  of  Udine. 

1459.  Antonino,  Archbishop  of  Florence. 

1460.  Antonio  Neyrot  of  Ripoli.  i 
1460.  Archangelo  of  Calatafimi.  I 
1463.  Caterina  of  Bologna,  Poor  Clare.  j 
1463.  Maddalena  Albrici.  ^ 

1466.  Bartolomeo  de  Cerveriis,  Dominican.  " 

1467.  Margherita,  Princess  of  Savoy,  Dominicaness. 

1471.  Antonio  of  Stronconio.  ! 

147 1.  Matteo  Carrieri,  Dominican. 

1472.  Giovanni  Bonvisi,  Franciscan.  ' 
1476.  Jacopo  della  Marca,  Franciscan. 

1478.  Caterina  of  Pallanza. 

1478.  Serafina  of  Pesaro.  | 

1479.  Andrea  of  Montereale,  Augustinian.  I 

1479.  Michele  di  Barga,  Franciscan. 

1480.  Andrea  of  Peschiera,  Dominican.  I 
1482.  Amadeo,  Franciscan,  at  Milan.  I 

1482.  Pacifico  Ceredano,  Franciscan.  ] 

1483.  Giacomo  Filippo  Bertoni,  Servite. 

1483.  Damiano  Fulcheri,  Dominican. 

1484.  Maria  degli  Alberici. 

1484.  Cristoforo  of  Milan,  Dominican.  ' 


8S  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES. 

1485.  Jacopo,  Franciscan,  at  Bitetto. 
i486.   Bernardo  of  Scammaca,  Dominican. 

1489.  Bartolomeo  Foresta,  Franciscan. 

1490.  Pietro  of  Molino,  Franciscan. 

1490.  Lodovico  Ravida,  Carmelite. 

1 49 1.  Jacopo  Alemannus,  Dominican,  at  Bologna. 
149 1.  Giovanna  Scopelli  at  Reggio. 

149 1.  Eustochia  Calafata,  Poor  Clare. 

1 49 1.  Vitale  of  Bastia. 

1494.  Bernardino  of  Feltre. 

1494.  Sebastiano  Maggi,  Dominican. 

1494.  Antonio  Turriani,  Augustinian. 

1495.  Angelo  of  Chivasso. 

1495.  Francesca,  Servite  nun  at  Mantua. 

1495.  Veronica  of  Binasco. 

1495.  Domenica,  Franciscan  nun  at  Urbino. 

1499,  Marco  of  Modena,  Dominican. 

1502.  Girolamo  Garibi,  Franciscan. 

1503.  Martino  of  Vercelli,  Augustinian. 

1504.  Vincenzo  of  Aquila,  Franciscan. 

1505.  Margherita  of  Ravenna. 

1505.  Osanna  of  Mantua. 

1506.  Colomba  of  Rieti. 

1507.  Francesco  cii  Paolo,  founder  of  the  Minims. 
1507.  Francesco  of  Caldarola,  Franciscan. 

1 5 10.  Caterina  Fiesco  Adorna. 

151 1.  Giovanni  Licci. 

1520.  Elena  Duglioli  dall'Olio,  at  Bologna. 

We  have  already  seen  how  the  innately  religious  tenapera- 
ment  of  the  Italian  nation  shewed  itself  in  countless  works 
of  mercy,  in  Art,  and  in  the  vast  number  of  Saints  and 
saintly  persons  which  it  produced.  Pervading  all  classes 
of  society,  it  revealed  itself  in  all  sorts  of  ways,  and  neither 
the  troubles  of  the  times,  nor  yet  the  corruption  of  a  great 
part  of  the  clergy,  had  power  to  extinguish  the  flame  of 


DEVOUT   SPIRIT  OF   THE  PEOPLE.  89 

piety,  in  some  districts  amounting  to  fervour,  which  still 
burned  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Even  in  the  accounts 
of  sanguinary  party  feuds,  such  as  those  at  Perugia,  the 
chroniclers  cannot  refrain  from  turning  aside  to  record 
instances  of  saintliness  and  Christian  charity  among  the 
citizens.* 

The  way  in  which  the  great  Jubilee  years  1450,  1475  and 
1500  were  observed,  affords  unmistakeable  proof  of  the 
devout  spirit  of  the  masses,f  and  this  was  no  less  manifest 
in  seasons  of  general  calamity,  notably  in  the  frequent  out- 
breaks of  the  Plague.  Every  effort  was  then  made  to 
obtain  pardon  from  God,  by  acts  of  penance,  mercy  and 
piety.  In  the  archives  of  Bologna,  when  in  1457  the  city 
was  visited  with  an  outbreak  of  Plague  and  an  earthquake, 
we  read  of  solemn  impetratory  processions  through  the 
streets.  Numbers  of  flagellants  paraded  the  city  in  solemn 
array,  crying  aloud  when  stopping  before  the  crosses  set  up 
at  the  street-corners,  and  crying  Mercy !  Mercy  !  {Miseri- 
cordia  !).  A  strict  fast  was  kept  for  a  week,  the  butchers 
sold  no  meat ;  even  women  living  in  shame  amended  their 
lives. J  In  1496  when  Siena  was  convulsed  by  civil  strife, 
a  report  spread  abroad  of  a  miraculous  apparition  which 
inspired  great  terror.  At  once  the  brotherhoods  instituted 
processions,  and  all  the  parishes,  one  after  another,  did  the 
same.  Long  lines  of  men  and  women  filed  into  the 
Cathedral,  where  each  one  lighted  a  taper  before  Duccio 
di  Buoninsegna's  picture  of  the  Virgin  (the  celebrated 
Majestas).  Besides  this,  every  one,  according  to  his 
ability,  performed  some  act  of  charity.  One  man,  says 
Allegretto     Allegretti,   ransomed    an    imprisoned    debtor, 

*  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I.,  29,  ed.  3. 

t  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II.,  74  seq,  ;  IV.,  2Z0  seq.^  and  Vol.  VI., 
Book  I.,  c.  6  (Engl,  trans.). 
;jl  Annal.  Bonon,,  890. 


90  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

another  gave  a  dowry  to  a  poor  maiden,  others  again 
had  masses  said.  This  was  done  by  the  members  of  all 
the  brotherhoods.  Day  and  night  they  walked  in  pro- 
cessions barefoot  through  the  city,  scourging  themselves, 
and  reciting  prayers  imploring  the  Divine  protection.* 

Towards  the  end  of  1504  and  the  beginning  of  1505, 
Bologna  was  harassed  by  a  succession  of  earthquakes. 
The  municipality  immediately  organised  solemn  pro- 
cessions in  which  their  principal  relics  and  the  Madonna 
di  San  Luca  were  carried.  The  people  fasted  and  prayed, 
wearing  mourning  and  rope  girdles.  As  a  thank-offering, 
when  at  length  the  shocks  ceased,  Giovanni  Bentivoglio 
caused  the  story  of  S.  Cecilia  to  be  painted  on  the  walls  of 
her  chapel,  by  Francesco  Francia  and  his  pupils.f 

Similar  measures  were  adopted  by  the  Venetians  after 
their  disastrous  defeat  near  Agnadello  on  May  14,  1509. 
A  day  of  humiliation  was  officially  proclaimed,  in  order 
to  appease  the  wrath  of  God,  and  during  those  days  of 
terror,  more  than  70,000  of  the  inhabitants  received  the 
Sacraments.  :|: 

Many  dignitaries  of  the  Church,  even  Popes  like  Alex- 
ander VI.,  were  utterly  worldly  ;  but  the  Italians  perfectly, 
and  better  than  any  other  nation,  understood  the  distinc- 
tion between  the  man  and  his  office.  S.  Catherine,  in 
saying  that  allegiance  must  be  rendered  to  every  Pope 
however  bad,  and  under  all  circumstances,  only  expressed 
what  was  universally  believed. §     The  dispensers  of  blessing 

■^  Allegretto  Allegretti,  856. 

t  GOZZADINI,  Giov.  Bentivoglio,  1^7  seq.  WOLTMANN,  II.,  310-18. 
These  frescoes,  although  damaged,  are  of  such  exquisite  beauty  that  no 
one  who  has  once  been  in  the  chapel  can  forget  them.  The  burial  of 
S.  Cecilia  is  incomparable  in  its  tenderness  and  grace. 

X  Bembo,  lib.  viii. 

§  SCHULTHEISS,  in  the  Allgem.  Zeitung,  1892,  No.  294,  Supple- 
ment ;  cf.  also  GOTHEIN,  Ignatius,  79.     S.  Antoninus  enlarges    upon 


TRUST    IN    THE   SACRAMENTS.  9I 

and  grace  might  be  personally  unworthy,  but  the  people 
knew  that  Christ's  deputy,  however  faulty,  was  still  the 
representative  of  the  Lord  in  the  exercise  of  his  office,  and 
that  the  Sacraments  derived  their  efficacy  from  Christ,  and 
not  from  the  merits  of  His  minister.  A  sinner  like  Vitel- 
lozzo  Vitelli  had  no  dearer  wish  before  his  execution  than 
to  obtain  the  Pope's  absolution,  although  that  Pope  was 
Alexander  VI.*  The  sons  of  Caterina  Sforza  exhorted  her 
in  her  trouble  not  to  let  the  devil  drive  her  to  despair  at 
the  thought  of  all  her  sins,  for  one  drop  of  Christ's  blood 
was  sufficient  to  atone  for  all  the  crimes  in  hell.  Caterina, 
like  a  true  child  of  the  age,  had  never  lost  her  Faith.  Even, 
in  the  midst  of  her  follies  and  while  leading  a  life  of  sin, 
she  built  churches  and  endowed  convents.  In  her  old  age 
she  repented  of  her  cruelties,  heard  mass  daily,  and  gave 
alms  liberally.f  In  her  later  years,  Lucrezia  Borgia 
equally  sought  to  atone  for  the  errors  of  her  youth  by 
deeds  of  piety  and  charity.^ 

the  possibility  of  wicked  priests  being  elevated  even  to  the  Papacy,  and 
enjoins  the  duty  of  obedience  to  them.  The  whole  structure  of  human 
society  which  is  God's  ordinance,  rests,  he  argues,  on  authority.  There- 
fore, however  wicked  the  powers  or  their  underlings  may  be,  the 
authority  is  in  itself  good — and  good  will  spring  from  it.  The  power 
which  God  allowed  the  devil  of  tempting  or  tormenting  Job,  or  Peter,  or 
Paul,  must  have  served  to  prove  or  humble  those  thus  assaulted. 
S.  Antoninus  then  emphasises  the  duty  of  obedience,  particularly  to  the 
Pope,  the  chief  of  all  earthly  potentates.  For  the  rest,  a  Pope  though 
morally  imperfect  may  yet  be  a  good  ruler  ;  and  even  if  he  should 
happen  to  be  both  a  bad  man  and  a  bad  ruler,  the  misuse  of  power  is 
one  of  the  results  of  human  corruption,  but  the  power  itself  is  still 
divine,  and  serves  to  purify  and  save  the  elect,  to  punish  and  condemn 
the  wicked.     S.  Antonin.,  Summ.  Theol,  III.,  tit.  22,  c.  2. 

*  Machiavelli,  Scritti  minori,  142  ;  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I., 
98,  148,  251,  ed.  2  ;  Barzellotti,  Italia  mistica,  51. 

t  Pasolini,  II.,  290,  398  se^. 

X  Cf.  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work,  Book  I.,  c.  5  (Engl,  trans.). 


92  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Death-beds,  on  which  the  consolations  of  reHgion  were 
rejected,  were  almost  unknown.  Cosimo  de'  Medici  had 
been  guilty  of  much  cruelty  to  his  enemies,  and  injustice 
in  the  collection  of  the  revenue.  When  he  felt  his  end 
approaching  he  prepared  for  death  by  a  humble  confession 
of  his  sins,  and  after  having  asked  pardon  of  all  around 
him,  received  the  Holy  Viaticum  with  the  deepest  faith 
and  contrition.*  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  in  spite  of  the  lax 
morality  of  his  life  and  his  relish  for  the  maxims  of  the 
heathen  philosophers,  still  kept  a  firm  hold  on  positive 
Christianity.  He  too  died  as  a  good  Catholic.  When  the 
Holy  Communion  was  brought  to  him,  he  would  not  receive 
his  Saviour  lying  in  bed.  In  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of 
those  about  him,  the  dying  man  arose,  dressed  himself,  and, 
supported  by  his  attendants,  entered  the  hall  where  he 
prostrated  himself  before  the  Sacred  Host.  The  devotion 
with  which  he  received  the  Holy  Viaticum  made  a  deep 
impression  on  the  bystanders.-|- 

Even  men,  who  in  youth  and  health  had  heaped  scorn 
and  derision  on  the  Church  and  her  Priests,  returned  when 
they  lay  dying,  to  the  Faith  of  their  youth. 

The  punishments  inflicted  by  the  Church  had  certainly 
less  effect  than,  formerly,!  partly  through  the  fault  of  the 
clergy  who  employed  them  too  freely  and  for  trifling 
causes  ;  but  that  they  were  still  observed  and  dreaded  by 
the  mass  of  the  people,  is  proved  by  the  strenuous  efforts 

*  SCHULTZE,  S.  Marco,  50 ;  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  I.,  139,  ed.  2.  For 
C.  Marsuppini  who  died,  unfortified  by  the  rites  of  the  Church,  c/. 
Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  26  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  IL,  416,  ed.  2. 

J  P.  P.  Vergerio  as  early  as  the  year  1408,  complains  of  this 
(Arch.  Stor.  per  Trieste,  I'lstria  ed.  il  Trentino,  L,  372) ;  c/.  also  the 
Florentine  Ambassador's  Report  dated  Rome,  1454,  Feb.  27.  (Florentine 
State  Papers,  CI.  X.,  Dist.  2,  No.  20,  f.  259.)  See  also  Pastor,  Hist. 
Popes,  IV.,  318  seg^.  (Engl,  trans.). 


DEVOTION   TO   THE   SAINTS.  93 

made  for  the  removal  of  Interdicts,  and  the  effect  produced 
by  the  Pope's  excommunication  of  Savonarola.* 

Belief  in  the  intercession  of  the  Saints  and  the  miracles 
wrought  by  their  relics  was  universal.  Every  town  and 
village  tried  to  secure  some  such  heavenly  protector  for 
itself  Even  States,  which  like  Venice  were  perpetually 
at  variance  with  Rome  on  account  of  their  encroachments 
on  the  rights  of  the  Church,  proved  no  exception  to  this 
rule.  We  find  repeated  accounts  of  infinite  pains  and  large 
sums  of  money  expended  by  the  Venetians  in  procuring 
relics  in  the  countries  which  they  had  wrested  from  the 
Turks.  On  the  arrival  of  these  sacred  treasures,  the  whole 
municipality,  with  the  Doge  at  their  head,  came  forth  in 
solemn  procession  to  meet  them.  In  1455  it  was  agreed 
that  10,000  ducats  was  not  too  great  a  price  to  pay  for  the 
seamless  coat  of  Our  Lord,  which,  however,  could  not  be 
obtained.f  The  republics  of  Siena  and  Perugia  went  to 
war  for  the  possession  of  the  marriage  ring  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  ;  Sixtus  IV.  endeavoured  to  mediate  between  them. 
Rome  was  richer  than  any  other  place  in  relics.  Two  spe- 
cially precious  treasures  were  acquired  during  the  15th  Cen- 
tury, namely,  the  head  of  S.  Andrew,  purchased  by  Pius  II., 
and  the  Holy  Lance,  presented  by  the  Sultan  to  Pope 
Innocent  VIII.  On  both  occasions,  the  entry  of  these  relics 
was  celebrated  by  a  gorgeous  pageant,  in  which  the  Christian 
Renaissance  displayed  its  utmost  magnificence.  J  The 
Romans  watched  over  their  treasures  with  jealous  care,  so 
much  so,  that  their  chief  magistrate  called  Pope  Sixtus  IV. 

*  For  a  detailed  account,  see  infra^  and  also  Burckhardt,  Cultur, 
I.,  137,  ed.  3  ;  and  Campori,  CI II.,  Lettere  inedite  di  Sommi  Pontefici, 
I  seq.     Modena,  1878. 

t  Burckhardt,  I.,  72,  ed.  3. 

X  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II.,  249,  258  seq.,  and  infra,  Book  I.,  c.  4 
(Engl,  trans.). 


94  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

sharply  to  account  for  having,  in  1483,  bestowed  certain 
rehcs  on   Louis  XL*  when  he  was  dying. 

The  veneration  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  always  strong  in 
Italy,  was  remarkably  so  at  this  period.  High  and  low, 
Popes  and  Princes,  or  simple  town  and  country  folk,  vied 
with  one  another  in  their  devotion  to  Mary.  Art  and 
poetry  did  their  utmost  in  her  honour.  Countless  churches 
and  chapels  were  dedicated  to  her,  and  miraculous  pictures 
of  her  were  reckoned  the  most  precious  treasures  that  any 
city  could  possess,  and  were  carried  solemnly  through  the 
streets  in  times  of  trouble.  In  all  their  distresses  the 
people  turned  with  touching  confidence  to  the  Mother  of 
Mercy  ;  whole  towns  sometimes,  as  was  the  case  with  Siena 
in  1483,  would  consecrate  themselves  to  the  Queen  of 
Heaven.-f  In  a  similar  manner  Savonarola,  amid  general 
enthusiasm,  proclaimed  Christ,  King  of  Florence. 

Church  festivals  were  celebrated  with  a  pomp  and 
splendour  undreamt  of  by  northern  nations.  Rome,  the 
centre  of  the  Church,  had  always  been  famous  for  the 
magnificence  of  her  ecclesiastical  ceremonies ;  under  Pius  II. 
and  Paul  II.  they  became  still  more  sumptuous.  That  of 
Corpus  Domini,  to  which  Martin  V.  and  Eugenius  IV.  had 
devoted  much  attention,  was  the  most  brilliant  of  all.  The 
Popes  themselves  took  part  in  the  Roman  processions, 
appearing  in  full  pontificals,  usually  carried  on  the  Sedia 
Gistatoria  and  surrounded  by  all  the  Cardinals  and  prelates 

*  Sixtus  IV.  appealed  to  the  example  of  his  predecessors,  especially 
S.  Gregory  the  Great  who  had  also  given  away  relics  ;  Jac.  Volaterranus, 
in  MURATORI,  XXIII.,  187. 

t  Burckhardt's  remarks  (Cultur,  I.,  252  seq.^  254  seq.^  256  seq.^  335, 
ed.  3)  on  this  point  need  correction,  as  also  Barzellotti's  in  Italic 
mistica,  52.  Neither  of  them  is  acquainted  with  the  extensive  Catholic 
literature  on  the  subject.  Cf.  Wetzer  und  Welte,  Kirchenlexikon, 
VIII.,  848  seq.,  ed.  2. 


VENERATION    FOR   THE    BLESSED   SACRAMENT.         95 

and  the  clergy  of  the  city.  Nicholas  V.  and  Pius  II.,  out 
of  reverence  for  the  Sacred  Host,  went  on  foot,  carrying 
the  monstrance  in  their  own  hands.  Even  if  the  papal 
court  was  travelling,  as,  for  instance,  in  1462,  when  Pius  II. 
was  at  Viterbo,  Corpus  Domini  was  celebrated  with  as  nnuch 
pomp  as  in  Rome.  Contemporary  accounts  shew  how  all 
those  resources  of  decorative  art  which  were  so  richly 
developed  by  the  Renaissance  were  called  into  play  on 
these  occasions  in  the  service  of  religion.*  The  exquisite 
banners,  mostly  designed  and  executed  by  painters  of  the 
Umbrian  School,  were  a  prominent  feature  in  those 
pageants.f  Venice  was  famous  for  the  splendour  of  her 
Corpus  Domini  festival,  in  which  the  Doge  and  all  the 
Magistrates  took  part.  J  In  Ferrara,  the  members  of  the 
reigning  house  always  appeared  in  the  procession. § 

Descriptions,  dated  1439  and  1454,  are  preserved  of  the 
famous  semi-dramatic  pageant  on  S.  John  the  Baptist's  day 
at  Florence.  That  of  1454,  as  we  see  by  the  record,  repre- 
sented the  whole  history  of  the  world,  from  the  fall  of  Luci- 
fer to  the  Last  Judgment.  || 

The  ardent  veneration  for  the  Blessed  Sacrament  of  the 
Altar,  expressed  in  these  gorgeous  Corpus  Domini  proces- 
sions, is  one  of  the  most  consoling  features  of  those  times.1I 

*  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  III.,  288  ;  IV.,  106  (Engl,  trans.).  Cf.  also 
BURCKHARDT,  II.,  144,  191,  ed.  2  ;  MORONi,  IX.,  46  seq.,  and 
D'Ancona,  I.,  79  seq.^  296,  ed.  2.  For  the  grand  Corpus  Domini  pro- 
cessions held  since  1426  in  Perugia,  cf.  Cronache  di  Perugia,  ed. 
Fabretti,  II.,  6  seq..,  and  for  the  procession  at  Bologna  in  1492,  see 
Annal.  Bonon.,  91 1. 

t  MiJNTZ,  Raphael,  81. 

:|:  Sanuto,  VIII.,  376  seq..,  and  MOLMENTI,  326  seq. 

§  D'Ancona,  I.,  295,  ed.  2. 

II  Creizenach,  I.,  303  seq. 

IT  F.  X.  KrauS  attributes  this  to  the  Franciscans.  Lit.  Rundschau 
(1895),  9.     Cf.  Stimmen  aus  Maria- Laach,  XXXIX.,  45. 


g6  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

In  Art  it  manifested  itself  in  the  beauty  and  costliness  of  the 
Tabernacles.  The  best  masters  vied  with  each  other  in  de- 
signing and  creating  a  worthy  dwelling-house  for  the  Body 
of  Christ.  Thus  in  1432  Ghiberti  designed  the  Tabernacle 
for  the  church  of  the  Weavers'  Guild  in  Florence.  Others 
of  the  same  period,  and  equally  beautiful,  can  still  be  admired 
at  Arezzo,  Fiesole,  Prato,  the  Hospital  della  Scala  at 
Siena,  and  in  S'^  Maria  Nuova,  S.  Ambrogio,  the  Cathe- 
dral, and  the  Baptistery  at  Florence.  It  was  by  no  mere 
chance  that  under  Julius  II.,  the  "Disputa"  of  Raphael 
was  painted  to  celebrate  the  glories  of  the  Holy  Eucharist* 

The  prayers  of  the  period  bear  touching  testimony  to  the 
prevailing  veneration  for  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  Equally 
earnest  and  devout  were  the  morning  and  night  prayers 
then  in  common  use,  the  prayer  to  S.  Jerome  for  protec- 
tion during  the  day,  and  the  private  devotions  at  mass 
and  before  confession.  The  meditation  of  the  Venerable 
Bede  on  the  seven  last  words  of  Our  Lord  had  been  trans- 
lated into  Italian  and  was  very  popular,  particularly  in  Tus- 
cany.-j- 

Such  prayers  take  us  back  to  the  time  when,  untroubled 
by  heathen  practices  of  so  many  of  the  upper  and  culti- 
vated classes,  the  confraternities  of  workmen  were  wont  to 
assemble  when  the  day's  toil  was  over,  to  pray  and  to  sing 
in  the  churches  and  chapels  of  their  respective  guilds,  or 
before  the  images  of  the  Madonna  at  corners  of  the  streets. 
Pilgrimages  were  another  common  form  in  which  devotion 
and  the  sense  of  spiritual  needs  were  manifested-!  Next  to 
Rome,   the    most    important    places    of    pilgrimage   were 

*  For  a  detailed  description  of  this  picture,  see  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work, 
Book  II.,  c.  10  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  See  Orazioni  antiche  Toscane  in  Palermo,  Opera  a  ben  vivere  di 
S.  Antonino,  265  seg. 

X  See  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  428  seg'.,  ed.  2. 


SANCTUARIES   OF   THE   MADONNA.  97 

Loreto  and  Assisi,  and  in  the  South,  the  sanctuary  of  the 
Archangel  Michael  on  Monte  Gargano. 

As  regarded  other  places  of  pilgrimage,  that  of  the  Monte 
Sacro  of  Varallo,  instituted  in  1491,  soon  obtained  a  great 
reputation,*  while,  in  due  correspondence  to  the  special 
love  of  the  Italian  for  the  Madonna,  those  dedicated  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin  are  by  far  the  most  numerous.  The  follow- 
ing new  shrines  in  her  honour  were  added  during  this 
period  to  those  already  existing,  some  of  which  date  from 
the  first  centuries  of  Christianity.  In  Piedmont,  our  Lady 
of  the  Pillar,  at  Mondovi ;  in  Liguria,  our  Lady  of  the  Wood 
of  Camogli,  near  Genoa ;  in  Lombardy,  our  Lady  of 
Grace  at  Mantua  ;  S^^  Maria  presso  Celso  in  Milan  ;  in  the 
^Emilia,  our  Lady  of  the  Fire  in  the  Cathedral  at  Forli ;  our 
Lady  of  the  Oak  at  Viterbo ;  our  Lady  of  Good  Counsel 
at  Genazzano ;  our  Lady  of  Perpetual  Succour  at  Rome ; 
and  many  others.-f 

The  concourse  of  the  faithful  at  these  holy  places  was 
greatest  of  all  when,  to  the  attraction  of  the  sanctuary  itself 
was  added  that  of  the  presence  of  some  famous  preacher 
of  penance.  The  earnest  outspokenness  of  these  Friars,  the 
deep  and  practical  impression  often  produced  by  their 
sermons,  form  one  of  the  most  cheering  features  of  the  time, 
shewing  what  deep  root  the  Christian  Faith  had  struck  in 
the  hearts  of  the  Italians. 

II. 

Side  by  side  with  the  Christian  Italy  of  the  Renaissance 
was  another  Italy  deeply  imbued  with  the  pagan  spirit  of 
the  Classics.     In  the  South,  which  is  the  land  of  extremes, 

■^  MOTTA,  II  beato  Bernardino  Caimi  fondatore  del  Santuario  di  Va- 
rallo, Doc.  e  lett.  ined.    Milano,  1891. 

t  Wetzer  und  Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  VIII.,  856  seq.^  ed.  2,  which 
gives  the  literature  on  this  subject. 

VOL.   V.  H 


98  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

this  unchristian  element  necessarily  asserted  itself  in  a 
sharper  contrast  with  the  other  than  in  more  northern 
countries,  and  the  preaching  Friars  were  in  perpetual 
conflict  with  it.  The  century  which  produced  S.  Anto- 
ninus, Fra  Angelico,  and  S.  Francis  of  Paula,  was  also  the 
age  of  Lorenzo  Valla,  Sigismondo  Malatesta,  Caesar  Borgia, 
and  Niccolo  Machiavelli.  The  chair  of  S.  Peter  was  occu- 
pied in  turn  by  Alexander  VI.  and  Pius  III.,  Innocent 
VIII.  and  Julius  II.  Good  and  evil  are  curiously  inter- 
woven in  all  the  Italian  States  during  the  15th  Cen- 
tury.* If  we  ask  how  it  was  that  so  many  of  the  Italians  of 
that  day  became  so  fearfully  depraved,  the  answer  is  not 
far  to  seek.  The  cause  is  to  be  found  in  the  unrestrained 
individuaHsm  fostered  by  the  pseudo-renaissance.  The 
adherents  of  this  soul-destroying  philosophy  deliberately 
advocated  the  selfishness,  pride,  ambition,  and  sensuality  of 
Paganism  in  opposition  to  the  mortification,  self-abnegation, 
and  humility  of  Christianity.  Thus  it  was  that  those 
specially  revolting  characters  of  which  Niccolo  Machiavelli 
is  the  type  came  into  existence,  men  who  combined  the 
highest  polish  with  the  utmost  depravity,  cruelty,  and 
cunning.f  When  Machiavelli  pronounced  that"  All  Italians 
are  super-eminently  irreligious  and  wicked,"  the  words  are 
false  as  a  general  statement,  but  true  of  the  votaries  of  the 
heathen  renaissance.  Most  of  these  men  gave  themselves 
up  to  lust  and  sensuality  with  the  rest,  the  proud  virtue  of 
the  heroes  of  antiquity  took  the  place  of  the  Christian  ideal.| 

*  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I.,  1 6,  ed.  3  ;  HoFLER,  Rodrigo  Borja,  21  ; 
and  Grimm,  Michael  Angelo,  I.,  117,  ed.  5. 

t  Cf.  Arnold  E.  Berger,  the  "  Ruckkehr  zum  Zeichen"  (ritornar  al 
segno,  as  Machiavelli  says)  in  the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1894,  No.  237,  Supple- 
ment. Antonio  of  Vercelli  emphatically  denounces  the  selfishness 
of  his  age,  Serm.,  III.,  69. 

X  Burckhardt,  Cultur,  I.,  201,  ed.  3. 


PAGAN    IDEA   OF   FAME.  99 

The  result  of  these  views  was  to  produce  a  craving  for 
personal  glory,  which  amounted  almost  to  a  demoniacal 
possession.  Even  in  Petrarch  we  find  an  overweening 
vanity  which  is  distinctly  pagan,  and  notions  of  a  sort  of 
Elysium  in  the  next  world  for  great  men,  borrowed  from 
Cicero,  and  Plato's  "  Phaedon."  In  him,  however,  and  in 
all  the  Christian  Humanists,  we  recognise  a  conflict  between 
the  two  antagonistic  principles  of  heathen  self-glorification 
and  Christian  humility.*  But  not  so  with  the  votaries  of 
the  pseudo-renaissance.  For  them,  merit  and  glory  are 
identical.  That  man  alcne  is  admirable  who  has  won 
laurels,  no  matter  what  means  he  has  employed.  Wherever 
we  find  the  ideal  of  Christian  life  thus  obscured  by  the  ideal 
of  achieving  fame,  there,  too,  we  find  the  pagan  Elysium, 
as  depicted  by  classical  authorities,  replacing  the  Christian 
Heaven  which  could  be  won  only  by  faith  and  self-denial. 
Dante  had  not  deemed  it  possible  for  even  the  greatest 
of  the  heathen,  those  whom  he  would  most  gladly  have 
admitted  into  Paradise,  to  rise  above  the  Limbo  just  on 
the  gate  of  Hell.  Now,  indeed,  the  poets  launched  out  into 
all  the  new  liberal  ideas  of  the  future  state ;  in  Bernardo 
Pulci's  poem,  Cosimo  the  Elder  is  received  after  his  death 
into  heaven  by  Cicero,  who  is  called  "  the  father  of  his 
country,"  and  by  the  Fabians,  Curtius,  Fabricius,  and  many 
others,  "  and  with  them,"  it  continues,  "  he  will  adorn  that 
choir  in  which  only  blameless  souls  may  sing."f 

The  Modern  temple  of  Fame  was  built  up  by  the 
writings  of  the  Humanists,  who  instituted  a  sort  of  cultus 
of  great  men,  including  veneration  of  their  birth-places  and 
tombs.  "  The  philologists  and  poets  have  created  a  universal 
pantheon  in  their  collections  of  the  lives  of  celebrated  men 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  L,  3  (Engl,  trans.) ;  and  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur, 
II.,  317,  361,  ed.  3. 

t  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  II.,  3 1 7-3 1 8,  ed.  3. 


lOO  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

and  women."  They  re^^ard  themselves  as  the  arbiters  of 
fame  and  immortality.*  "  Their  boundless  pretensions, 
colossal  vanity,  insatiable  thirst  for  glory,  in  any  form  and 
with  any  results  "  are  expressed  "  with  appalling  frankness" 
in  Machiavelli's  famous  preface  to  his  history  of  Florence, 
He  censures  previous  writers  for  their  too  scrupulous  reti- 
cence in  their  accounts  of  the  civil  feuds.  *'  They  were 
greatly  mistaken,  and  have  proved  how  little  they  under- 
stood human  ambition,  and  man's  desire  to  perpetuate  his 
name.  How  many  who  could  not  distinguish  themselves 
by  noble  deeds,  have  sought  by  their  crimes  to  become,  at 
any  rate,  notorious.  Those  authors  did  not  take  into  con- 
sideration that  actions  of  importance,  such  as  those  of  states 
and  rulers,  always  meet  with  more  praise  than  blame 
whatever  their  nature  and  consequences." f 

This  explains  why  thoughtful  historians  of  the  Renais- 
sance have  attributed  more  than  one  detestable  and  criminal 
undertaking  to  an  inordinate  craving  to  achieve  something 
that  should  be  remembered.^  The  greatest  admirers  of  the 
Renaissance  acknowledge  that  there  is  sorhething  truly 
diabolical  in  this  temper  of  mind.§  Machia^  elli's  latest 
biographer  very  justly  observes  that  Cola  di  Rienzo, 
Stephano  Porcaro,  Girolamo  Ogliati  and  others,  were 
actuated  less  by  the  love  of  liberty  than  by  a  desire  to 
emulate  Brutus.  It  was  vain-glory  rather  than  faith  or 
fanaticism  which  nerved  them  to  face  death  on  the  scaffold  ;|| 
happily  such    instances    were   rare.      With   the    majority, 

*  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I.,  1 73  seq.^  ed.  3. 

+  Ibid.^  II.,  179,  ed.  3. 

X  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II.,  215  seq.  (Engl,  trans.),  which  shews  the 
connection  between  many  conspiracies  and  assassinations  of  this  per- 
nicious classical  revival. 

§  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  179-180,  ed.  4  ;   ViLLARI,  I.,  78. 

II  ViLLARI,  loc.  Cit. 


LUXURY  AND   IMMORALITY.  lOI 

when  death  in  its  stern  reality  drew  near,  these  idle  dreams 
vanished  and  made  way  for  repentance  and  conversion.* 

Vain-glory,  however,  was  by  no  means  the  worst  of  the 
vices  which  sprang  from  the  unrestrained  self-regarding 
spirit  which  the  false  renaissance  did  so  much  to  promote. 
Luxury  and  extravagance,  deceit  and  fraud,  gambling, 
vendettas,  immorality,  rapine  and  murder,  religious  indif- 
ference, infidelity,  and  preternaturalism  were  its  boon 
companions.  The  culmination  of  the  results  of  this  apo- 
theosis of  selfishness  was  seen  in  some  men  who  appeared 
at  this  time,  monsters  in  human  form,  utterly  ruthless, 
revelling  in  crime  for  its  own  sake,  not  merely  using  it  as  a 
means  to  an  end  ;  or,  rather  using  such  means  to  compass 
ends  even  more  abnormally  detestable  and  horrible  than 
the  means  themselves.  To  this  class  belonged  Sigismondo 
Malatesta,  and,  in  a  sense,  Caesar  Borgia ;  f  but  they  were 
exceptional,  and  altogether  the  Pagan  Humanists  formed  a 
mere  fraction  of  the  Italian  nation.  It  is,  however,  indis- 
putable that  the  infection  of  their  poisonous  influence 
was  widely  diffused.  Zealous  preachers  may  sometimes 
exaggerate,  but,  beyond  all  doubt,  Italy,  under  the  influence 
of  the  false  renaissance,  was  rapidly  deteriorating.  The 
more  we  look  into  the  inner  life  of  the  period,  the  fuller  we 
find  it  of  the  most  startling  contrasts.^ 

In  almost  every  town  luxury  and  immorality  were  on  the 
increase,  driving  out  the  old  simplicity  and  purity  of  man- 
ners. "  I  know  not  how  to  describe  the  luxury  which  has 
already  infected  the  whole  of  Italy,"  cries  Roberto  da  Lecce 
in  one  of  his  sermons.  "  Ever  since  S.  Bernardino  began  to 
preach,  he  and  his  successors  have  denounced  vanity  and 
extravagance  in  dress ;  but  to  no  purpose,  for  the  women 

*  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV.,  187. 

t   BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  II.,  224  ^^^-i  ^d.  3. 

X  TORRACA,  Roberto  da  Lecce,  140. 


I02  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

grow  worse  and  worse."  He  threatens  frivolous  women 
with  the  wrath  of  God.  "  Oh  ye  wantons,  God  is  angry 
because  of  you,  your  trailing  gowns,  your  bare  bosoms, 
your  painted  faces,  your  desecration  of  holy  places  and 
seasons,  your  obscene  gestures,"  etc.  Another  time  he 
treats  the  subject  with  less  indignation,  but  more  practi- 
cally. *'  The  love  of  ostentation  has  so  increased  nowadays 
that  the  dower  of  a  bride  is  something  enormous,  and  a 
man  with  several  daughters  is  hardly  able  to  afford  to 
marry  more  than  one  of  them.*  Other  preachers,  such  as 
Antonio  da  Vercellif  and  Michele  da  Milan,|  used  lan- 
guage to  the  same  effect ;  but  the  efforts  to  stem  the  grow- 
ing evil  were  by  no  means  confined  to  the  Friars,  the 
magistrates  in  the  cities  were  equally  alive  to  it. 

There  is  hardly  a  town  in  all  Italy  whose  statute-book 
does  not  shew  a  whole  series  of  enactments  against  luxury, 
extravagance  in  dress,  especially  among  women,  over-ex- 
penditure on  weddings,  bridal  outfits,  feasts,  and  funerals. § 
Their  frequent  repetition  proves  how  quickly  and  widely 
the  mischief  was  spreading.||    The  flourishing  state  of  trade 

*  GUDEMANN,  214-5,  where  Old  Testament  denunciations  of  luxury 
in  dress  are  cited. 

t  Antonius  Vercellen.,  Sermones,  f.  121  ;  Bapt.  Mantuanus,  De 
Patientia,  lib.  II.,  c.  23. 

t  Michael  de  Mediolano,  I.,  48  ;  II.,  48-49  ;  III.,  48, 72. 

§  In  Florence,  the  statutes  of  141 5  enacted  that  the  number  of  guests 
on  both  sides  at  weddings  and  family  festivities  was  never  to  exceed  200. 
Among  the  great  families  in  Rome,  thfe  number  of  guests  at  weddings 
was  so  large  that  public  squares  were  converted  into  banqueting  halls 
by  means  of  canvas  roofs.  See  Reumont  in  the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1874, 
No.  358,  Supplement. 

II  In  Florence,  so  early  as  1306  and  1330  sumptuary  laws  were  issued. 
Next  came  the  strict  prohibitions  of  1352,  1355,  1384,  1388,  1396,  1439, 
1456  (see  Vita  Italiana  nel  Rinascimento,  I.,  100 ;  HuLLMANN,  IV.,  139  ; 
RoSLER,  Dominici,  54  se^.),  of  Nov.  29,  1464,  and  Feb.  29,  1471  (these 
two,  which  so  far  as  I  know  have  never  been  printed,  I  found  in  the 


EXTRAVAGANT   DISPLAY.  IO3 

and  manufacture,  and  the  growing  prosperity  of  the  country, 
together  with  the  impetus  given  to  Art  by  the  Renaissance, 
and  the  artistic  temperament  of  the  Itah'an  people,  com- 
bined to  stimulate  to  an  alarming  degree  the  taste  for 
extravagance  and  display,  especially  in  dress,  in  some  of 
the  great  cities.* 

Cod.  Capponi,  CIV.,  f.  74-76,  102-104,  of  the  National  Library  in 
Florence),  and  151 1  (see  Landucci,  307).  At  Bologna  we  must  notice 
Card.  Bessarion's  regulations  about  dress,  dated  1453,  which  caused 
bitter  lamentations  among  the  women.  See  a  pamphlet  by  Matteo 
Bosso  of  Verona.  (-^Matthaei  VER0NENS.,Can.  reg.  ad  B.  [essarionem] 
Card.  Tuscul.  Bononiae  legatum  ne  feminis  Bononiensibus  luxuriosa 
ornamenta  vestium  reddantur.  Cod.  Vat.,  1196,  f.  ()()  seq.  See  Vatican 
Library.)  In  Rome  the  statutes  revised  by  Paul  II.  (see  Pastor,  Hist. 
Popes,  IV.,  30,  Engl,  trans.)  and  the  regulations  of  Sixtus  IV.  imposed 
limitations  on  luxury,  but  quite  in  vain,  as  Altieri's  interesting  descrip- 
tion written  in  Julius  II.'s  time  shews:  Nuptiali  di  Marco  Antonio 
Altieri,  ed.  Narducci  (Roma,  1873).  At  Lucca  sumptuary  laws  were 
enacted  in  1473  ^^^  M84  (see  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  X.,  124  seq.).  At 
Macerata  prohibitions  of  luxury  begin  with  the  1 5th  Century.  Cf.  Gli 
statuti  suntuari  del  secolo  XV.  al  xviii.  per  la  Citta  di  Macerata.  (Fano, 
1879,  Wedding  publication.)  Venice  and  Genoa  passed  innumerable 
laws  curtailing  extravagance  (see  besides  BURCKHARDT,  Cullur,  II., 
170,  ed.  3;  MOLMENTI,  279  seq.).  Cf.  also  Sanuto,  XIV.,  115  seq. 
For  Genoa,  Belgrano,  166,  254  seq.^  260  seq.,  493  seq. 

*  The  authorities  cited  in  preceding  note  supply  further  details  sup- 
plementing Burckhardt'S  statement  in  Cultur,  II.,  112  seq.^  114  J-?$r., 
117,  172,  ed.  3.  C/;  also  Baudrillart,  Hist,  du  luxe.  III.,  333  seq. 
(Paris,  1880);  Cian,  Cortegiano,  43,  88  seq.,  155  ;  MiJNTZ,  Hist,  de 
I'Art,  I.,  5,  198  seq.,  -3,12  seq. ;  Mancini,  Alberti,  442  seq.,  453  ;  MOL- 
MRNTI,  La  Dogaressa  di  Venezia,  233  seq.,  256  (Torino,  1884) ;  Arch, 
della  Soc.  Rom.,  L,  484,  note.  In  Rome,  which  only  a  few  decades 
earlier  had  seemed  to  the  cultured  Florentines  no  better  than  a  city  of 
cowherds,  luxury  increased  enormously  under  Sixtus  IV.  and  his 
successors.  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  238  seq.  (Engl,  trans.) ; 
Reumont,  III.,  I,  463  seq.,2,/^c^Zseq.;  and  the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1874, 
No.  358,  Supplement  (following  the  "Nuptiali"  by  Marco  Antonio 
Altieri,  already  quoted).     For  Renaissance  banquets  and  table  decora- 


I04  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

The  chief  cause  of  the  rapid  progress  made  in  material 
comfort  and  good  living  was  the  wealth  of  the  country. 
The  Italians  had  become  one  of  the  richest  nations  in  the 
world.  The  revenue  of  Naples  in  1455  was  310,000  ducats, 
that  of  Florence  200,000,  of  the  Papal  States  400,000,  of 
Milan  500,000,  of  Venice  as  much  as  the  whole  income  of 
the  King  of  Spain,  namely  800,000  ducats.  In  1492  it 
amounted  to  600,000  in  Naples,  300,000  in  Florence, 
1,000,000  gold  ducats  in  Venice,  thus  shewing  a  general 
improvement,  in  spite  of  the  loss  inflicted  on  Italian 
commerce  by  the  steady  advance  of  the  Turks.  After 
this,  indeed,  came  blow  upon  blow,  each  one  falling  most 
heavily  on  Venice,  the  last  and  worst  of  all  being  the  dis- 
covery of  the  sea-route  to  the  East  Indies  ;  but  her  wealth 
still  remained  very  great.* 

The  prosperity  of  Florence  ranked  only  second  to  that  of 
Venice,  and  accordingly  the  complaints  from  both  preachers 
and  laymen  were  loud  in  proportion.  "  The  furniture  of  a 
single  room,"  writes  Leon  Battista  Alberti,  "  costs  more  than 
would  once  have  sufficed  to  prepare  a  whole  dwelling  for 
the  reception  of  a  bride.  Formerly  workmen  were  content 
to  eat  their  mid-day  meal  of  bread,  with  a  little  wine,  in 
the  workshops,  while  the  women  dined  at  home,  and  no 
wine  was  drunk  except  at  meals.  Nowadays  the  young 
folk  want  to  enjoy  themselves,  they   waste   their  money 

tions,  see  Essays  by  M.  Seibt  in  the  Frankf.  Zeitung,  1887,  Jan.  11  seq. ; 
GiJDEMANN,  212  ;  L.  Stecchetti,  La  tavola  e  la  cucina  nei  secoli 
XIV.,  XV.  (Firenze,  1884);  and  the  pamphlet  by  L.  A.  Gandini,  which 
is  important  as  containing  new  materia]  drawn  from  the  Archives  at 
Modena.  Tavola,  cucina  e  cantina  della  corte  di  Ferrara,  nel  Quattro- 
cento, Modena,  1889  (Nozze  Agazzotti-Testi). 

*  MiJNTZ,  Renaissance,  50  (Revenues  of  1455) ;  Gregorovius,  VII., 
347  (Revenues  of  1492,  cj.  Gottlob,  Cam.  Ap.,  7,56  seq.) ;  and  with 
reference  to  Venice,  LuiGl  DA  PORTO,  26,  and  Burckhardt,  Cultur, 
I.,  63,  ed.  3. 


PRODIGALITY   IN    LIVING.  I05 

at  play,  or  on  feasting  and  finery,  or  with  women ; 
they  have  lost  their  reverence  for  age,  and  fritter  their 
time  away  in  idleness.  Public  men  try  to  make  their 
offices  as  lucrative  as  if  they  were  in  trade."  "  The  times," 
remarked  Alessandra  Strozzi,  in  a  letter  dated  1466,  "  are 
not  favourable  to  matrimony.  Young  men  prefer  to  remain 
single.  Things  are  out  of  all  proportion  nowadays,  and 
bridal  outfits  have  never  been  so  extravagant.  No  matter 
how  large  the  dowry  may  be,  the  bride,  when  she  leaves 
her  father's  house,  generally  carries  it  all  away  on  her  back 
in  silks  and  jewels."* 

The  evil  increased  rapidly  in  the  time  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  and  some  families  were  brought  to  utter  ruin 
by  sheer  prodigality  and  luxury.  The  banquet  given 
by  Benedetto  Salutati  and  his  fellow-craftsmen  in  1476  to 
the  sons  of  King  Ferrante,  is  an  instance  of  the  extremes  to 
which  this  was  sometimes  carried.  It  resembled  the  noto- 
rious orgy  of  Cardinal  Pietro  Riario.-j-  At  the  same  time, 
as  has  been  justly  observed,  excesses  of  this  kind  were  far 
from  being  general  throughout  Italy.  Everyday  life  re- 
mained simple,  so  that  we  must  not  take  contemporary 
lamentations  too  literally.|  But  there  is  no  denying  the 
downward  tendency  which  characterised  the  15th  Cen- 
tury. Many  rich  families  set  a  bad  example.  The  cele- 
brations for  the  marriage  of  Bernardo  Rucellai  and 
Nannina  de' Medici  in  1466  consumed  more  than  150,000 
lire  of  our  money.§ 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  323,  ed.  2  ;  and  Kleine  Schriften,  131  seq. 

t  Palagi,  II  convito  fatto  ai  figliuoli  del  Re  di  Napoli  da  Benedetto 
Salutati  e  compagni  mercanti  Fiorentini  il  16  Febbraio  del  1476 
(Firenze,  1873).  For  the  banquet  of  Cardinal  Riario,  see  Pastor,  Hist. 
Popes,  IV.,  240  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

X  This  is  Reumont's  opinion,  Lorenzo,  II.,  313,  323,  ed.  2. 

§  Vita  Italiana  nel  Rinascimento,  I.,  125  seq.^  130  seq. 


I06  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Usury  and  fraud  went  hand  in  hand  with  the  wealth  and 
commerce,  which  all  this  luxuiy  required  for  its  support. 
S.  Bernardino  of  Siena  reproaches  the  merchants  with  the 
devices  and  tricks  with  which  they  strove  to  overreach  each 
other.  He  is  particularly  angry  with  the  Stocchi  family 
(stocco  =  rapier),  who  were  in  the  habit  of  buying  up  goods 
in  order  to  raise  prices,  then  selling  them  again  at  a 
profit,  and  afterwards  buy  them  back  cheap.  Their  name 
fitted  them  well,  for  they  stabbed  and  murdered '  their 
neighbours,  and  ought  to  be  driven  out  of  the  city.  S.  Ber- 
nardino is  equally  severe  on  those  who  used  false  weights 
and  measures,  who  knew  they  were  sinning,  but  said  to 
themselves — 

*'*  From  floor  to  roof  the  barn  we  '11  fill, 
May  the  goods  be  gotten  well  or  ill." 

The  Saint  vehemently  denounces  those  Christian  usurers 
who  even  give  money  to  the  Jews,  which  by  usury  they 
have  extorted  from  Christians.*  It  is  plain  from  the 
sermons  of  Gabriele  da  Barletta  (1470),  Roberto  da  Lecce, 
and  Michele  da  Milan,  that  matters  did  not  improve  as 
time  went  on.  The  latter  gives  a  long  list  of  common 
forms  of  fraudulent  contracts  and  monetary  transactions, 
explaining  the  technical  terms  in  his  own  way.f  A  whole 
series  of  sermons  by  Michele  deal  with  tricks  of  trade  and 
false  weights.^  Gabriele  da  Barletta,  in  his  peculiar,  graphic 
style  introduces  the  following  dialogue  into  one  of  his 
sermons : — "  My  son,  art  thou  a  Christian  ?  "     "  Yea,  father, 

*  GiJDEMANN,  244  seq.^  who,  in  opposition  to  all  received  authorities, 
flatly  denies  that  the  Jews  practised  usury.  It  was  natural  that  the 
preachers  should  attack  the  Christians,  since  no  Jews  came  to  hear  their 
sermons. 

+   GUDEMANN,  245. 

X  Mich,  de  Mediolano,  Sermones,  Pars  II.,  N.  81,  and  the  whole 
of  Pars  III.     See  also  ROB.  DE  LiTlO.,  Quadrag.  de  Peccatis,  123. 


INCREASE  OF   USURY.  IO7 

christened  in  such  and  such  a  church."  "  What  is  thine 
occupation  ?  "  "  I  am  a  usurer."  "  Oh,  if  thy  wife's  gowns 
were  put  under  a  press  the  heart's  blood  of  the  poor  would 
drip  from  them."* 

From  these  passages  it  is  plain  that  the  Jews  were  not 
the  only  extortioners  and  oppressors  of  the  poor.  The 
Christian  Jews  lent  money  on  far  more  exorbitant  terms, 
as  the  Town  Council  of  Verona  complained,  than  the  Jews 
themselves.f 

The  preachers  everywhere  inveighed  against  usury,  and 
many  cities,  Piacenza  for  instance,  forbade  it  under  pain  of 
the  severest  penalties  (exclusion  from  Holy  Communion 
and  from  Christian  burial),  but  the  evil  was  still  unabated.J 
It  was,  of  course,  at  its  worst  in  commercial  and  financial 
centres  like  Florence  and  Venice.  In  Florence  we  find  all 
patriots,  writers,  preachers,  and  legislators  concurring  in 
putting  usury  foremost  in  the  list  of  offences,  and  attri- 
buting all  other  evils  to  it,  and  we  have  documentary  proof 
that  their  accusations  were  no  mere  oratorical  phrases. 
Thirty  per  cent,  was  no  uncommon  rate  of  interest.§ 

In  1420  money-lenders  were  prohibited  from  taking  more 
than  20  per  cent,  but  still  there  was  no  improvement.  Ten 
years  later  another  course  was  tried,  and  an  attempt  made 
to  put  a  stop  to  Christian  usury  by  allowing  the  Jews  to 
lend  at  20  per  cent.  Jews  and  Christians  now  combined  to 
grind  the  people  down,||  and  the  writings  of  both  clergy  and 

*  G.  DA  Barletta,  Sermones,  48.     Lugdun.,  151 1. 

+  Della  Corte,  Storia  di  Verona,  III.,  6.     Venezia,  1744. 

t  GiJDEMANN,  246. 

§  POHLMANN,  80  seq.\  Endemann,  Studlen,  I.,  32  seq, ;  JANNET, 
Le  credit  populaire  et  les  banques  en  Italie,  12  seq.  According  to 
Moroni  (XLVL,  252)  70  or  80  p.c.  was  sometimes  charged  in  Italy; 
40  p.c.  was  usual  at  Piacenza  in  the  days  of  Bernardino  da  Feltre.  See 
Wadding,  XIV.,  481. 

II  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  308  seq.,  ed.  2  ;  Pohlmann,  81. 


I08  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

laity  are  full  of  complaints  of  their  extortions.  S.  Anto- 
ninus composed  a  treatise  against  usury,  in  which  he 
protests  most  earnestly  against  these  iniquitous  practices.* 
Twenty  years  after  the  death  of  the  Saint,  Vespasiano  da 
Bisticci  exclaims,  "  Repent,  O  city  of  Florence,  for  thou 
art  full  of  usury  and  unlawful  gains.  Thy  citizens  devour 
one  another;  greed  of  gain  has  set  every  man's  hand 
against  his  neighbour ;  injustice  has  become  so  common 
that  no  one  is  ashamed  of  it.  Of  late  thou  hast  seen  ter- 
rible things  in  thy  streets,  such  disturbances  and  distresses 
as  are  plainly  a  chastisement  from  God,  and  yet  thou 
remainest  obdurate.  There  is  no  hope  for  thee,  because 
the  minds  of  all  are  set  upon  nothing  but  money-making, 
although  they  see  how,  the  moment  a  man  dies,  all  his 
riches  vanish  away  like  smoke."  Vespasiano  da  Bisticci 
addressed  similar  exhortations  to  the  Milanese.^  The 
preachers  redoubled  their  efforts,  but  they  did  not  con- 
tent themselves  with  words,  and  in  the  end  it  was  they  who 
sought  and  found  a  remedy  in  the  erection  of  public  loan- 
offices. 

As  in  the  1 3th  Century,  so  now,  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
15th,  it  was  the  Franciscans  who,  with  the  sanction  of  the 
Apostolic  See,  took  this  social  reform  in  hand.J  Inter- 
course with  all  classes  of  society  had  rendered  them 
familiar  with  the  pitiless  greed  with  which  Jewish  and 
Christian  money-lenders  took  advantage  of  a  temporary 
embarrassment  to  demand  incredibly  high  interest.  To 
prevent  this  extortionate  trading  upon  the  needs  of  the 
smaller  townsfolk,  the  Franciscans  resolved  to  found  insti- 
tutions where  any  one  in  want  of  ready  money  could  obtain 

*  De  Usuris:   Cf.  Fabricius-Mansi,  I.,  in,  and  Endemann,  I., 
34  seg. 
t  Vespasiano  da  Bisticci,  Vite,  ed.  Frati,  III.,  322. 
X  Cf.  Jannet,  10. 


MONTI   DI   PIEtA.  109 

it  in  exchange  for  some  pledge,  and  without  interest,  the 
working  capital  of  the  scheme  being  supplied  by  voluntary 
contributions,  collections,  gifts,  and  legacies.  Hence  the 
expression  mons  (mountain)  meaning  a  heap  of  money, 
the  owners  of  which  were  supposed  to  be  the  poor  in 
general,  or  the  institution. 

To  the  Papal  States  belongs  the  honour  of  having  opened 
the  first  of  these  charitable  institutions,  or  mountains  of 
mercy  {monies  pietatis).  The  Popes  at  once  recognised 
the  significance  and  the  importance  of  these  establishments, 
and  encouraged  them  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  In  the 
year  1463  Pius  II.  established  the  first  Mons  Pietatis  in 
Orvieto;  that  of  Perugia  was  founded  in  1464  by  Paul  II. 
In  both  places  the  Franciscans  were  the  originators  and 
chief  promoters  of  the  movement.*  Sixtus  IV.  erected  one 
in  his  native  city,  Savona.  In  the  course  of  time  similar 
institutions  sprung  up  in  Assisi,  Mantua,  Pavia,  Ravenna, 
Verona,  Alessandria,  Ferrara,  Parma,  Rimini,  Cesena, 
Montagnana,  Chieti,  Rieti,  Narni,  Gubbio,  Monfelice, 
Brescia,  Lucca,  Aquila,  and  other  places,  and  almost 
always  under  Franciscan  auspices.  S.  Bernardino  da 
Feltre  especially  was  indefatigable  in  this  direction.  In 
the  course  of  his  missionary  tours,  which  covered  almost 
the  whole  of  Italy,  he  founded  Montes  Pietatis  wherever  he 
went.  The  extraordinarily  rapid  diffusion  of  these  institu- 
tions is  the  best  proof  that  they  responded  to  a  real  want 

*  In  addition  to  the  references  given  in  PASTOR,  Hist.  Popes,  I., 
32,  33  (Engl,  trans.,  notes),  see  also  Wetzer  und  Welte,  Kirchen- 
lexikon,  VII.,  1690  seq.^  ed.  2  ;  Bruder'S  Staatslexikon,  III.,  1092  seq. ; 
Blaize,  Des  Monts-de-Piete,  2  vols.  (Paris,  1856);  Endemann,  in 
Hildebrand's  Jahrb.  f.  Nationalokonomie,  I.  (1863),  324  seq.\  Ende- 
mann, Studien  der  Romanisch-canonistischen  Wirthschafts-  und  Rechts- 
lehre,  I.  (1874),  460-471  ;  De  Decker,  Les  Monts-de-Piete  en  Bel- 
gique.  Introduction  (Bruxelles,  1844);  and  J  ANN  ex's  work,  which  has 
not  received  as  much  notice  as  it  deserves,  p.  4  seq. 


no  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

especially  in  the  smaller  towns.  They  met  also  with  plenty 
of  resistance;  the  war  that  was  carried  on  against  them 
is  significant  as  a  proof  of  the  predominance  and  social 
power  which,  through  their  control  of  the  Exchange,  the 
Jews  had  acquired  in  Italy  at  that  time* 

Many  of  the  Princes,  Giovanni  Galeazzo  Sforza  of 
Milan  and  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  of  Bologna,  were  on  the 
side  of  the  usurers ;  but  they  found  in  S.  Bernardino  da 
Feltre  a  strong  and  persevering  opponent.f  In  the  Saint's 
unwearied  and  unsparing  denunciations  of  the  Jews  we 
are  led  to  see  what  a  baneful  influence  they  exercised 
throughout  the  whole  of  Italy,  and  how  they  drained  the 
life-blood  of  the  people,  both  rich  and  poor.  The  result 
was  a  wide-spread  anti-semitic  movement,  which  sometimes 
led  to  reprehensible  excesses.  S.  Bernardino  must  not  be 
held  responsible  for  these,  for  he  denounced  the  Christian 
usurers  as  well  as  the  Jews,  and  deprecated  all  violence. 
"  No  one,"  he  said  in  his  sermon  at  Crema,  "  who  values  the 
salvation  of  his  soul  will  dare  to  injure  the  Jews  either  in 
their  persons  or  their  property,  or  in  any  other  way.  For 
we  owe  justice  and  Christian  charity  to  all  men,  and  the 
ordinances  of  the  Popes  and  the  spirit  of  Christianity  alike 
enjoin  this  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Church  forbids  us 
to  maintain  intimate  relations  with  Jews ;  neither  ought 
we  to  have  recourse  to  them  as  physicians,  as  is  now  so 
commonly  done."  J  Nevertheless,  some  Jewish  usurers  en- 
deavoured   to    procure  his  assassination. §     S.  Bernardino 

*  J  ANNEX,  14. 

t  See  Erler'S  articles  on  the  persecutions  of  the  Jews  in  Verlng^s 
Axchiv  fiir  Kirchenrecht,  L.,  61  seq, ;  LI  1 1.,  3  seq. 
X  Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.,  VII.,  868,  882  ;   Erler,  loc.  cit.^  LI  1 1., 

9,  13- 

§  At  Modena  a  Jewess  sent  him  some  poisoned  fruit.  See  Erler, 
loc.  cit.^  L.,  62. 


OPPOSITION   OF   THE  JEWS.  Ill 

escaped  from  his  assailant  and  continued  his  labours.  In 
i486  Innocent  VIII.  called  him  to  Rome,  and  soon  after,  a 
Bull  in  favour  of  the  Monte  was  issued. 

In  the  year  1473  ^  Monte  di  Pieta  was  to  have  been 
erected  in  Florence,  but  the  intention  was  not  carried  out. 
It  was  said  that  the  Jews  had  bribed  the  magistrates  and 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici  to  prevent  it,  with  a  sum  of  100,000 
ducats.  When  S.  Be^-nardino  came  there  in  1488  he  endea- 
voured to  revive  the  project,  but  the  Jews  were  again 
successful,  by  their  intrigues  and  bribery,  in  staving  it  off. 
Finally  Savonarola  at  last  succeeded  in  procuring  its  estab- 
lishment. The  decree  promulgated  on  this  occasion  shews 
the  grinding  usury  practised  by  the  Jews.  We  find  that  in 
Florence  they  exacted  32J  per  cent,  for  loans,  so  that  a 
loan  of  100  florins  would  bring  in  by  the  end  of  fifty  years 
the  sum  of  49,791,556  florins,  7  grossi,  and  7  danai.*  The 
ever-increasing  demands  upon  the  Monte  di  Pieta  neces- 
sarily entailed  a  corresponding  increase  in  the  expenses  of 
administration,  and  thus  it  was  found  needful  to  make  a 
small  charge  on  each  loan  in  order  to  cover  these.  To  this 
the  Dominicans  objected,  as  a  contravention  of  the  law  of 
the  Church  against  usury.f  A  literary  controversy  sprang 
up  on  this  question,  which  was  embittered  by  jealousies 
between  the  various  orders.  Here,  as  always,  the  Holy  See 
adopted  a  line  of  wise  moderation.  Martin  V.  had  already 
declared  the  lawfulness  of  mortgages,^;  and  his  successors 

*  Cy.  ViLLARi,  Savonarola,  I.,  294  seg.  (Engl,  trans.) ;  also  De  Rossi, 
Ricordanze,  238  seg. ;  Jannet,  12,  n.  5;  Perrens,  II.,  147;  Reu- 
MONT,  Lorenzo,  II.,  309,  ed.  2.  These  authorities  completely  dispose  of 
the  assertions  of  Giidemann  (see  siipra^  p.  icxd,  note  *)  and  Reinach, 
Hist,  des  Israelites,  152  (Paris,  1885),  who  deny  the  practice  of  usury  by 
the  Jews. 

t  Jannet,  13  ;  and  Bruder's  Staatslexikon,  III.,  1093. 

X  See  Bruder,  Finanzpolitik  Rudolfs  IV.  von  CEsterreich,  95  seq. 
Innsbruck,  1886. 


112  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

followed  his  example  in  regard  to  the  Monte  di  Pieta.  The 
foundation  of  these  institutions  had  been  approved  by 
Pius  II.,  Paul  II.,Sixtus  IV.,  Innocent  VIII.,  and  Julius  II.;* 
finally,  they  were  protected  from  all  further  attacks  by  a 
privilege  granted  to  them  by  Leo  X.  on  May  4,  1 515,  in  the 
fifth  Lateran  synod.  They  were  allowed  to  demand  a 
percentage  on  loans  sufficient  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
management,  but  no  more  than  this.  Any  one  who  asserted 
this  to  be  unlawful  incurred  excommunication.f  The  fall 
in  the  rate  of  interest  in  the  i6th  Century  to  a  great  extent 
coincides  with  the  prosperity  of  the  Monte  di  Pieta.J 
Another  great  evil  of  this  period  was  the  vice  of  gambling, 
which  was  more  intense  and  universal  in  Italy  than  in  any 
other  country  in  the  world.  Already,  in  the  13th  and  14th 
Centuries,  this  passion  had  acquired  a  terrible  hold  over  the 
whole  nation,  both  rich  and  poor — even  the  Jews  in  Italy 
were  enslaved  by  it.  During  the  annual  villegiatura,  when 
people  were  less  under  observation,  it  went  on  to  a  frightful 
extent  There  was  no  lack  of  enactments  against  it ;  the 
laws  of  every  town  contain  statutes  condemning  and  for- 
bidding it.§  In  Florence,  dice-throwing  and  other  games 
of  hazard  had  been  interdicted  as  early  as  the  year  1285  ; 
but  there,  as  elsewhere,  these  prohibitions,  though  repeated 
in  the  15th  Century,  had  very  little  effect,  especially  as  on 
certain  days  play  was  permitted.  The  influence  of  saintly 
men,  such  as  S.  Dominic  and  SS.  Bernardino  and  Antonino, 
was  the  only  thing  that  seemed  to  have  any  power  against 
it.     It  is  related  of  the  latter  that  one   day  after  having 

*  See  Erler,  loc.  cit.^  L.,  63  ;  LI  1 1.,  6,  9  ;  and  JANNET,  24. 
t  Hefele-Hergenrother,  VIII.,  646. 

X  jANNET,  15. 

§  Cf.  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  II.,  305  seq.^  ed.  3.  In  the  13th  and 
14th  Centuries  the  Rechtsgeschichtliche  Studien  of  Zdekauer  in  Arch. 
St.  Ital,  4  Serie,  XVIII.,  20  seq.  ;  XIX.,  3  seq. 


PREVALENCE  OF   GAMBLING.  II3 

preached  at  San  Stefano,  as  he  was  returning  through  the 
Borgo  SS.  Apostoli,  he  saw  a  party  at  play  in  the  Loggia  of 
the  Buondelmonte.  He  walked  in  at  once  and  overturned 
the  tables,  while  the  players,  startled  and  ashamed,  fell  on 
their  knees  before  him  and  begged  to  be  forgiven.*  The 
effect  of  the  labours  of  such  men  as  these  were  unfortu- 
nately largely  frustrated  by  the  evil  influence  of  the  excesses 
which  many  of  the  worldly-minded  Cardinals  and  nephews 
of  the  Popes  permitted  themselves  to  indulge  in.-f  The 
originals  of  the  graphic  pictures  drawn  by  Leon  Battista 
AlbertiJ  of  the  gamblers  of  his  day  were  probably  Romans, 
but  the  same  thing  went  on  in  Genoa  and  all  the  other 
great  cities.  § 

Undoubtedly  of  all  the  evils  which  darken  Italian  life 
in  this  period,  the  deadliest  was  the  prevailing  immorality. 
Contemporary  writings  are  full  of  complaints  on  this  sub- 
ject, especially  of  course  those  of  the  preachers.  Roberto 
da  Lecce  declares  that  the  wickedness  of  his  day  exceeded 
that  of  the  world  before  the  flood  ||  This  no  doubt  is 
an  exaggeration,  but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  in  the 
smaller  as  well  as  the  more  important  cities,  immorality 
increased  to  a  terrible  extent  during  the  age  of  the  Renais- 
sance, and  that  especially  amongst  the  cultivated  and 
higher  classes,  revolting  excesses  were  common.  Illegiti- 
mate children  were  not  accounted  any  disgrace,  and  hardly 

*  See  RoSLER,  Dominici's  Erziehungslehre,  36 ;  and  Reumont, 
Lorenzo,  IL,  315,  ed.  2, 

t  For  instance,  Franceschetto  Cibo,  of  whom  mention  will  be  made 
later  on. 

X  Cena  di  Famiglia  in  the  Opere  volgari,  L,  \']6  seq.  Cf.  RoSLER 
and  Reumont,  loc.  cit. 

§  Belgrano,  434. 

II  Roberto  Caraccioli,   Quadragesimale  de  peccatis,  146  (Venet. 

1490);   GUDEMANN,  219. 

VOL.  V  I 


ri4  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

any  difference  was  made  between  them  and  those  born  in 
wedlock.* 

With  a  kw  honourable  exceptions  almost  all  the  Italian 
Princes  of  the  age  of  the  Renaissance  were  steeped  in  vice  ; 
the  crimes  of  the  Borgia  family  were  not  without  parallels 
in  other  princely  houses,  ^neas  Sylvius  Piccolomini,  in 
his  History  of  Frederick  III.,  says,  "Most  of  the  rulers  of 
Italy  in  the  present  day  were  born  out  of  wedlock."f  When 
Pius  II.  came  to  Ferrara  in  1459,  he  was  received  by  seven 
Princes,  not  one  of  whom  was  a  legitimate  son. 

It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  in  this  era  of  bastard 
dynasties  no  one  took  umbrage  at  the  origin  of  the  Borgia 
family,  or  that  little  heed  was  paid  to  moral  character  in 
general.!  Cruelty  and  vindictiveness  went  hand  in  hand 
with  immorality.  Many  of  the  illegitimate  rulers  allowed 
themselves  to  perpetrate  deeds  that  we  shudder  to  read  of. 
The  histories  of  the  Malatesta  in  Rimini,  the  Manfredi  in 
Faenza,  the  Baglioni  in  Perugia,  are  an  appalling  tissue  of 
malignity,  profligacy,  and  savage  brutality.  Giampaolo 
Baglione  lived  in  incest  with  his  sister.  The  city  of  Siena, 
torn  to  pieces  by  factions,  had  for  her  tyrant  Pandolfo 
Petrucci,  whose  summer  sport  was  to  hurl  great  boulders 
from  the  top  of  Monte  Amiata  regardless  of  who  or  what 
might  be  in  the  way.§ 

*  Zeller,  Italie  et  Renaissance,  188;  ViLLARi,  Machiavelli,  I.,  10; 
Grimm,  Michelangelo,  I.,  114,  ed.  5  ;  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV.,  37  seg^.;  and 
R.  Di  SORAGNA  in  Rasseg-na  Naz.,  X.,  131  (1882). 

t  A.  Sylvius,  Gesch.  Kaiser  Friedrichs  III.,  135  (Leipzig,  1890)  ;  cf. 
CUGNONI,  199.  Things  were  not  much  better  in  most  of  the  other 
countries  of  Europe.  Cf.  Hofler,  Die  Aera  der  Bastarden  am  Schluss 
des  Mittelalters  (Abhandl.  d.  Bohm.  Gesellsch.  d.  Wiss.,  VII.,  Folge,  IV. 
Bd.),  Frag,  1891. 

I  CiAN,  Cortegiano,  35  ;  Graf,  Cinquecento,  120. 

§  Burckhardt,  Cultur,  I.,  28  seg.,  34,  ed.  3  ;  TOMMASSINI,  Machia- 
velli, I.,  335. 


IMMORALITY   IN    ITALY.  II 5 

All  the  glamour  of  tasteful  magnificence  and  intellectual 
culture  which  hangs  round  the  Courts  of  the  Sforza  in 
Milan  and  the  d'Este  in  Ferrara  is  insufficient  to  conceal 
the  fearful  immorality  which  pervaded  this  brilliant  society, 
and  the  horrors  that  were  enacted  within  it.  One  domestic 
tragedy  succeeded  another.  In  Ferrara,  "in  1425,  a 
Princess  was  beheaded  for  adultery  with  a  step-son  ;  in 
1 49 1,  the  sons  of  the  House,  both  legitimate  and  illec^itimate, 
fled  from  the  Court  and  were  dogged  by  assassins  sent 
after  them  ;  the  exiles  kept  up  a  series  of  conspiracies 
against  the  government  ;  the  bastard  of  a  bastard  sought 
to  dispossess  the  lawful  heir,  Ercole  I.,  who,  a  little  later, 
in  1493,  was  supposed  to  have  poisoned  his  consort  on  dis- 
covering that  she  was  plotting  to  get  rid  of  him  by  the  same 
means,  at  the  instigation  of  her  brother,  Ferrante,  King 
of  Naples.  The  whole  episode  closes  with  a  plot  con- 
trived by  two  bastards  against  their  brothers  Alfonso  I. 
the  reigning  Duke,  and  Cardinal  Ippolito,  which,  being  dis- 
covered, they  were  forced  to  expiate  by  a  life-long  imprison- 
ment."* 

The  Court  of  Naples  was,  if  anything,  even  worse.  In- 
defatigably  energetic,  Ferrante  combined  considerable 
intellectual  culture  with  the  cunning  and  cruelty  of  a  beast 
of  prey.  Pontano  describes  the  horror  with  which  he 
watched  the  King  chuckling  and  rubbing  his  hands  with 
Satanic  delight  at  the  thought  of  the  poor  wretches  con- 
fined in  his  dungeons,  whom  he  kept  in  trembling  uncer- 
tainty as  to  what  their  fate  was  to  be.  Most  of  these 
unhappy  victims  had  been  treacherously  seized  while  dining 
at  his  own  table.  Ferrante's  treatment  of  his  old  minister 
Antonello  Petrucci,  who  had  grown  grey  and  lost  his  health 
in  his  service,  has  been  justly  characterised  as  diabolical. 

*  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I.,  47  seq.^  ed.  3  ;  MiJNTZ,  Hist,  de  I'Art, 
I.,  139  seq.  ;  and  BelGRANO,  40. 


Il6  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

The  poor  man,  in  ever  increasing  alarm,  kept  on  making 
present  after  present  to  his  master,  who  quietly  accepted 
them  all,  and  when  an  opportunity  came,  in  the  shape  of 
a  plot  in  which  it  was  possible  to  accuse  him  of  being  im- 
plicated, had  him  arrested  and  executed.  The  chronicler 
Philippe  de  Comines  says  of  Ferrante's  son  and  successor, 
Alphonso,  Duke  of  Calabria,  that  he  was  the  cruellest,  most 
vicious,  and  commonest  man  that  had  ever  been  seen.* 

The  Court  of  the  Gonzaga  family  at  Mantua  shews  a 
somewhat  better  record,  though  there,  too,  excesses  were 
not  wanting.  Even  at  that  of  the  Montefeltre  at  Urbino,  of 
which  Baldassare  Castiglione  has  painted  such  a  charming, 
though  highly  idealised  picture,  very  immoral  plays  were 
performed,  and  much  admired.f 

Dark  blots  deface  the  history  of  the  Medici  family,  more 
especially  that  of  Lorenzo.  Thanks  to  his  excellent  mother, 
Lorenzo  never  lost  his  Faith,  as  was  proved  by  his  Christian 
death,  but  the  life  of  this  great  patron  of  the  Arts  and 
Literature  was  far  from  corresponding  with  his  belief. 
Even  his  warmest  admirers  are  unable  to  defend  his 
memory  from  the  disgrace  of  the  cruel  sack  of  the  city  of 
Volterra,  of  his  seizure  of  the  chest  containing  the  money 
for  the  marriage  portions  of  maidens,  by  the  loss  of  which 
many  were  driven  to  embrace  a  life  of  shame,  and  of  the 
audacious  greed  with  which  he  appropriated  the  property 
of  the  State.  He  was  hardly  ever  without  some  love 
affair  on  hand,  and  for  years  carried  on  an  intrigue  with 
a  married  lady.     One  day  would  find  him  disputing  in  the 

*  GOTHEIN,  32  segr.,  364  se^.,  523-26 ;  and  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  36, 
37,  ed.  3. 

+  In  further  details  on  this  point,  see  tn/ra,  where  the  Drama  is 
treated  of.  In  regard  to  this  Court,  see  Reumont,  III.,  2,  136  j^^.,  329 
seg. ;  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  43  seg'.,  ed.  3  ;  ClAN,  Cortegiano,  17  seg. ;  and 
especially  Luzio-Renier,  Mantova  e  Urbino.  Torino,  1893. 


THE   BAD   EXAMPLE   OF   PRINCES.  II7 

Academy  on  virtue  and  immortality,  and  inditing  pious 
poems ;  on  the  next  he  might  be  seen  in  the  midst  of  his 
dissolute  friends  singing  loose  carnival-songs,  or  listening 
to  Luigi  Pulci  declaiming  the  wanton  lyrics  of  his  "  Mor- 
gante."  The  words  and  example  of  such  a  man,  and  the 
evil  splendour  of  such  a  Court,  could  not  fail  to  have  a 
corrupting  influence  on  Florentine  life.* 

As  in  Florence,  so  also  in  Venice,  those  who  were  at  the 
head  of  the  government  set  the  worst  example.  What  we 
are  told  by  a  Milanese  Ambassador  in  the  year  1475,  of 
the  immorality  of  the  Doge,  Pietro  Mocenigo,  a  man  of  70, 
and  what  other  narrators  relate  of  the  corruption  of  the 
nobles,  sounds  almost  incredible.  Under  such  circumstances 
we  cannot  be  surprised  to  find  traitors  among  the  highest 
officers  of  the  Republic,  or  that  Soranzo  was  hanged  for 
robbing  churches,  and  Contarini  put  in  chains  for  burglary .•]- 

The  indulgence  with  which  the  excesses  of  the  great  were 
viewed  by  the  disciples  of  culture  is  something  amazing. 
The  amours  of  princes  were  celebrated  during  their  life- 
time by  poets  and  literary  men,  and  later  by  painters,  also 
in  a  way  that  in  modern  times  would  have  been  considered 
the  height  of  indiscretion,  but  was  then  looked  upon  as 
merely  a  tribute  of  friendly  feeling.J 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  IL,  346,  ed.  2  ;  and  Gesch.  Roms,  IIL,  i, 
355;  Stern,  L,  178;  Villari,  Savonarola,  L,  39  j^^.,  44,  49  (Engl, 
trans.).  Baudrillart,  342  seq.\  Owen,  152;  Gaspary,  II.,  247 
seq.^  251;  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV.,  33  seq.;  Cantu,  I.,  186,  222;  and 
Buser,  Lorenzo,  11  seq.  ;  the  document  here  cited  on  p.  121,  does  not 
indeed  afford  much  evidence  on  the  subject  of  Lorenzo's  immoralities, 
since,  instead  of  referring,  as  Buser  supposes,  to  50  beautiful  slaves,  it 
only  mentions  50  Sclavonian  hides  ! 

t  MOLMENTI,  291,  296;  BELGRANO,  408  ;  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  64, 
ed.  3.  See  also  a  Letter  from  Leonardus  Botta  to  Galeazzo  Maria 
Sforza,  Duke  of  Milan,  dated  Venice,  1474.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

:|:  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  53,  ed.  3  ;   GOTHEIN,  525. 


[l8  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

The  Humanists  of  the  false  renaissance  made  themselves 
indispensable  at  the  Courts  of  the  various  Princes  as  tutors, 
orators,  or  envoys,  and  vied  with  their  patrons  in  the 
immorality  of  their  lives. 

As  regards  the  morals  of  the  bulk  of  the  population,  ex- 
cluding the  Court  circles,  it  is  impossible  to  form  any  certain 
judgment.  We  have  already  pointed  out  how  much  that 
was  good  and  admirable  it  still  contained,  especially 
amongst  the  intelligent  middle  classes — the  social  strata 
which  in  the  towns  are  comprised  between  the  craftsmen 
(inclusive)  and  the  city  patricians.*  Religion  was  the 
central  interest  in  their  minds.  Accustomed  to  an  occu- 
pied life,  regulated  by  the  exigencies  of  each  day's  work, 
they  exercised  far  more  control  over  their  imaginations 
than  the  classes  either  above  or  below  them.  They  felt  the 
corruption  of  the  clergy  acutely,  and  were  deeply  anxious 
for  reform,  even  if  it  were  only  in  their  own  cities,  as  is 
testified  by  the  chronicles  of  the  time,  which  proceed  mainly 
from  these  circles.-|- 

Also,  if  we  want  to  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  historical 
facts  of  the  case,  we  must  not  allow  ourselves  to  take  the 
descriptions  of  poets,  satirists,  novelists,  and  preachers  too 
literally;  they  almost  all  generalise  unduly,  and  exag- 
gerate, and  judgments  founded  on  such  sources  are  sure  to 
be  more  or  less  mistaken,!    but  there  can  be   no   doubt 

*  See  supra^  p.  ii. 

t  GOTHEIN,  Ignatius  von  Loyola,  8i,  who  also  points  out  the  immense 
influence  of  the  "  Divina  Commedia  "  on  the  tone  of  thought  of  the  citizen 
class.  Raphael  in  the  "Disputa"  justly  assigns  a  place  amongst  the  theo- 
logians to  Dante. 

X  Cf.  Wotke's  observations,  which  are  very  valuable,  though  perhaps 
sometimes  carried  a  little  too  far,  in  his  paper  on  Ercole  Strozza,  1 1  seq. 
(Wien,  1892);  and  in  the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1893,  No.  29,  Suppl.  It  is  a 
pity  that  he  does  not  enter  more  into  detail  in  the  statement  of  his  views. 
Those  of  Schultheiss  in  the  Allg.  Zeitung,   1892^  No.  301,  Suppl.,  are 


REALISM    IN   LITERATURE.  TIQ 

that,  side  by  side  with  the  many  good  elements  in  Italian 
society  in  the  15th  Century,  there  was  also  a  terrible  amount 
of  evil.*  Amongst  the  general  causes  contributing  to  pro- 
duce this  state  of  things  a  considerable  share  must  be 
assigned  to  literature  and  the  drama. 

The  foul  literature  produced  by  such  writers  as  Becca- 
delli,  Valla,  Poggio,  and  their  innumerable  disciples  was 
accessible  only  to  the  cultivated  classes.  Among  the  great 
bulk  of  readers  the  poison  was  disseminated  by  means  of 
the  novels  and  plays  which  were  written  in  the  vulgar 
tongue.  In  addition  to  Boccaccio's  novels,  first  printed  by 
a  Jew,  and  repeatedly  re-issued  during  the  15th  Century, 
there  were  the  far  worse  productions  of  Ser  Cambi, 
Masuccio,  Gentili  Sermini,  Francesco  Vettori,  Bandello, 
and  others.f  Their  favourite  subjects  are  the  relations 
between  the  sexes,  treated  with  the  crudest  realism,  and  in 
connection  with  this,  attacks  on  marriage  and  the  family. 
The  unsuspicious  husband  is  hoodwinked,  and  the  jealous 
husband  is  betrayed  in  spite  of  all  his  precautions.  Priests 
and  Monks  seduce  and  deceive,  and  are  in  their  turn  cheated 
and  beaten.  The  tendency  in  all  is  to  condone,  and  indeed  to 
glorify  adultery,  if  only  it  is  accompanied  with  adroit  decep- 
tion.J      As  with  the    Humanists  of  the   false  renaissance, 

similar.  Cf.  also  Ranke,  Zur  Kritik,  153*;  Arch.  St.  Ital,  4  Serie, 
II.,  288  seq.  ;  GaspaRY,  II.,  452-3  ;  GRANT  in  Die  Nation,  IV.,  482 
seq.  ;  and  in  the  same  connection,  Geiger,  in  the  Zeitschr.  f.  vergleich, 
Lit.-Gesch.  N.  F.,  II.,  250  seq. 

*  Cf.  for  one  class  of  subjects,  Belgrano,  422  seq.  and  453  seq. 
Though  the  preachers  often  exaggerate  in  their  diatribes,  still  in  many 
cases  their  statements  are  only  too  definite  and  credible.  Cf.  Sermones 
de  Sanctis,  Gabr.  Barlete,  12. 

+  HOFMANN,  Barbara  von  Mantua,  25.  BOCCACCIO'S  Decamerone 
was  read  even  by  women  ;  see  Mai,  Spicil.,  IX.,  616.  On  the  dis- 
semination of  bad  books,  see  Sermones,  Gabr.  Barlete,  1 3. 

:t:  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  31,  "•  X-  (Kngl-  trans.),  with  the  references 


[20  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

free  love  is  the  ideal  set  before  the  reader.  Gradually  things 
came  to  such  a  pass  that  men  who  were  thoroughly  es- 
timable in  all  other  respects  actually  defended  divorce. 
It  is  interesting  in  this  connection  to  compare  the  opinions 
of  Leon  Battista  Alberti  and  Baldassare  Castiglione,  two 
of  the  most  celebrated  writers  of  the  time  of  the  Renais- 
sance. The  former  wrote  a  work  on  education  in  Italian, 
which,  compared  with  Dominici's  treatise  on  the  same  sub- 
ject, bears  clear  traces  of  the  evil  influence  of  the  false 
renaissance.  In. the  first  the  system  of  morals  is  based  on 
the  firm  foundation  of  Christian  teaching  ;  in  the  second  it 
rests  on  purely  human  considerations.  Alberti's  practical 
counsels  are  excellent,  but  the  name  of  Christ  is  scarcely 
ever  mentioned,  and  the  ancient  classics  supply  all  the 
models  of  conduct  and  heroic  instances.*  At  the  same 
time,  Alberti  firmly  holds  fast  the  indissolubility  of  the 
Sacrament  of  Marriage,  A  quarter  of  a  century  later 
Baldassare  Castiglione,  though  so  high-minded  in  all  other 
respects,  expresses  opinions  in  his  "Cortegiano"  which  look 
very  like  an  apology  for  adultery.f  Pontano  says  plainly 
that  a  wife  had  better  shut  her  eyes  to  the  relations 
between  her  husband  and  her  maids.J 

Again,  from  a  moral  point  of  view,  the  influence  of  such 
poems  as  the  romantic  epics  of  Bojardo  and  Ariosto  was 
anything  but  good.  Bojardo's  chivalric  poem  is  full  of 
coarse  jokes  and  doubtful  episodes  ;§  the  "Orlando  Furioso" 

there  given.  See  also  Dandolo,  Secolo  di  Leone  X.,  II.,  155  j^^. 
Milano,  1861. 

*  ROSLER,  Dominici's  Erziehungslehre,  186^^7.,  and  the  same  writer's 
admirable  work,  Die  Frauenfrage,  207.     Wien,  1893. 

t  See  Cian's  interesting  essay,  Divorzisti  e  Antidivorzisti  nel  Rinas- 
cimento  Italiano,  in  the  Turin  Gazzetta  Letteraria,  1893,  N.  6. 

X  GOTHEIN,  572. 

§  Ersch-Gruber,  II.,  Section  26,  25, 


INFLUENCE   OF   ARIOSTO.  121 

of  Ariosto,  the  Court  poet  at  Ferrara,  is  much  worse.  Here 
the  occasions  of  all  the  knightly  exploits  and  feats  of  arms 
are  simply  the  sensual  passions  of  the  heroes  and  heroines, 
and  the  poem  is  full  of  voluptuous  descriptions,  glowing  with 
colour,  and  all  the  more  dangerous  from  the  attractiveness 
with  which  the  art  of  the  poet  invests  them.  Many  por- 
tions of  the  Orlando,  the  most  important  work  of  the  kind 
which  the  Renaissance  produced,  are  of  such  a  character 
that  the  majority  of  its  translators  refrain  from  reproducing 
them.*  Before  entering  on  his,  anything  but  decorous, 
diatribe  against  women,  and  their  ineradicable  duplicity, 
faithlessness,  and  caprice,  Ariosto  himself  says  : — 

Donne  e  voi  che  le  donne  avete  in  pregio 
Per  Die  non  date  a  questa  istoria  orecchio.  .  .  . 
Passi  chi  vuol  tre  carte,  o  quattro,  senza 
Leggerne  verso ; 

Orlando  Furioso,  Canto  xxviii. 

There  are  also  in  this  poem  many  satirical  passages  on  the 
immoral  lives  of  the  clergy,  though  the  poet's  own  conduct 
was  not  by  any  means  of  a  kind  to  give  him  a  right  to  be 
severe  upon  the  sins  of  other  men.f      Ariosto,  however, 

*  Ruth,  Gesch.  der  Ital.  Poesie,  II.,  293  seq. ;  Maffei,  Storia  di 
Lett.  Ital,  3,  2  (Milano,  1825.  II.,  61-64) ;  Gaspary,  II.,  412,  429  seq.^ 
436  seq.)  Weiss,  Apologie,  II.,  382;  Burckhardt,  II.,  45,  ed.  3; 
SCHNEEGANS,  Groteske  Satire,  112  seq.\  E.  SCHMIDT,  Der  rasende 
Roland,  in  the  Allg.  Zeit.,  1882,  Nos.  308,  310.  The  privilege  granted 
to  Ariosto  by  Leo  X.  on  the  publication  of  his  poem,  has  given  rise  to  a 
foolish  notion  that  this  Pope  had  formally  approved  of  it ;  whereas  in 
fact  it  is  nothing  but  an  ordinary  grant  of  copyright,  Reumont,  III.,  2, 

347- 

+  Ariosto,  says  Ruth,  II.,  245,  could  neither  live  nor  write  without  a 
mistress.  In  his  fiftieth  year  he  refused  the  honourable  post  of  Envoy  to 
Rome,  which  would  have  extricated  him  from  all  his  pecuniary  diffi- 
culties, because  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  part  from  his  lady-love  in 
Ferrara  (Satira,  VII.,  57  seq.).     He  resolved  not  to  marry  in  order  to 


122  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

never  attacked  religion ;  indeed,  in  some  of  his  Satires  he 
points  out  the  danger  of  tampering  in  any  way  with  Faith.* 

From  the  moral  point  of  view,  it  was  in  his  plays  that 
Ariosto  permitted  himself  the  greatest  licence.  Nowhere 
does  the  deep-seated  corruption  of  the  Italian  Courts  dis- 
play itself  in  a  more  revolting  form  than  in  this  branch  of 
literature.  Here  we  see  the  influence  of  the  ancient  pagan 
spirit  at  its  worst. 

To  Pomponius  Laetus,  a  votary  of  the  false  renaissance, 
and  the  pomp-lovjng  Ercole  I.  of  Ferrara,  belongs  the 
doubtful  glory  of  having  restored  the  works  of  Plautus  and 
Terence,  to  the  stage.  No  Festa  of  the  Roman  Academy, 
or  the  Court  of  Ferrara,  could  be  adequately  celebrated 
without  a  representation  of  some  play,  full  of  indecent  jests, 
by  one  or  other  of  these  authors.  Those  organised  by 
Pomponius  Laetus  in  Rome  were,  however,  carefully  got  up 
in  antique  style.  It  was  at  Ferrara  that  the  true  renais- 
sance of  Plautus  and  Terence  was  accomplished,  under  the 
auspices  of  Ercole  I.,  w^ho  was  the  founder  of  the  character- 
istic Drama  of  this  period.-|-  They  were  his  favourite  authors. 
The  stage  decorations  were  gorgeous,  many  of  the  pieces, 
in  which  a  ballet  (Moresca)  was  always  introduced,  were  a 
tissue  of  low  double-entendres.  During  the  Carnival  of 
the  year  i486  the  Menaechmi  of  Plautus  was  represented 
in  Italian  for  the  first  time  in  Ferrara.J     This  piece  was 

retain  his  liberty.  Cf.  also  Fernow,  Ariosto's  Leben,  81  seq.^  86  seq-.^ 
17 J  (Zurich,  1809);  Prolss,  I.,  2,  107;  and  SCHUCHARDT,  in  the 
Allg.  Zeit.,  1875,  No.  149,  Suppl. ;  and  Renaissance  und  Keltisches. 
Berlin,  1886. 

*  Cf.  besides  Ranke,  Z.  Gesch.  d.  Ital.  Poesie,  Werke,  51-52,  204, 
especially  Gabotto,  La  politica  e  la  religiosita  di  L.  Ariosto  in  the 
Rassegna  Emiliana.  Modena,  1889,  Novembre. 

t  See  D'Ancona,  Origini  del  Teatro  Italian©  (ed.  2,  Torino,  1891); 
and  Flechsig,  Dekoration  der  Modernen  Biihne,  6  seq.^  10  seq, 

X  Diario  Ferrarese,  278. 


REVIVAL   OF   THE   PAGAN    DRAMA.  1 23 

the  most  popular  of  his  plays  in  the  age  of  the  Renais- 
sance, and  the  one  which  exercised  the  greatest  influence 
on  the  development  of  Italian  Comedy.  Ercole's  successor, 
Alfonso  I.,  was  equally  devoted  to  this  kind  of  perfor- 
mance. Ariosto's  "  Cassaria "  (the  Casket),  written  in  the 
style  of  Plautus,  was  produced  for  the  first  time  at  his 
Court  during  the  Carnival  of  1508.*  This  vile  piece,  in 
which  the  chief  personage  is  a  pander,  who,  after  the 
fashion  of  ancient  Rome,  is  a  dealer  in  female  slaves,  is 
even  surpassed  in  licentiousness  by  the  same  author's  "  Sup- 
positi,"  which  was  put  upon  the  stage  at  Ferrara  for  the 
first  time  in  the  following  year.  His  third  Comedy,  "  Lena" 
(a  procuress),  a  tale  of  low  debauchery,  was  performed  in 
1528  before  the  whole  Court  at  the  marriage  of  Prince 
Ercole  with  Renee  of  Valois.f 

Isabella  d'Este,  wife  of  the  Marquess  Francesco  Gonzaga, 
shared  her  father's  passion  for  the  Drama,  and  took  great 
pains  with  the  Theatre  at  Mantua.  Secular  plays  were  also 
introduced  at  Urbino.  In  Rome  classical  plays  probably 
first  began  to  be  acted  in  the  reign  of  Innocent  VIII.,  and 
were  not  long  restricted  to  the  small  circle  of  the  Humanists. 
Very  soon  the  worldly-minded  Cardinals  and  other  Church 
dignitaries  opened  the  doors  of  their  palaces  to  Pom- 
ponius  Laetus  and  his  dramas.  Cardinal  Raffaele  Riario 
especially  patronised  the  stage  with  princely  munificence.^ 

*  Campori,  Notizie  per  la  Vita  di  L.  Ariosto,  68-9  (ed.  2,  Modena, 
1871) ;  Flechsig,  Dekoration  der  Modernen  Biihne,  20  seq. 

t  On  the  plays  of  Ariosto  see  Klein,  IV.,  304  seq.^  326  seq.^  351  seq. ; 
GASPARY,  II.,  416  seq.  ;  PrOLSS,  I.,  2,  109  seq.  ;  BOUTERWEK,  II.,  58 
seq. ;  Feuerlein,  Die  Ital.  Komodie,  in  the  Preuss.  Jahrb.,  XLVII., 
10  seq.  On  the  representations  in  Ferrara  see  Campori,  loc.  at.,  69 
seq.,  and  Flechsig,  22  seq.  See  also  Campanini,  L' Ariosto  (Bologna, 
1891) ;  and  Giorn  d.  Lett.,  XX.,  282  seq. 

t  D'Ancona,  Ongini,  II.,  6$  seq.,  2,A7  seq.,Qd.  2  ;  FLECHSIG,  25  seq., 
35  j^^.,  41  seq. 


124  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Under  Alexander  VI.  the  taste  for  theatrical  repre- 
sentations made  great  progress.  Plays,  for  the  most  part 
of  an  extremely  objectionable  character,  were  a  promi- 
nent feature  in  all  court  festivities,  and  also  in  the  Carnival 
amusements,  in  which  Alexander  took  a  great  interest.  In 
1502  the  Pope  had  the  Menaechmi  performed  in  his  own 
apartments  *  Fortunately,  the  warlike  tastes  of  Julius  II. 
for  a  moment  checked  the  stream,  but  under  Leo  X.  it 
flowed  freely  again.  He  was  not  ashamed  to  be  present 
at  a  sumptuous  representation  of  Cardinal  Bibbiena's  im- 
moral play,  "  Calandria,"  which  was  put  on  the  stage  for  the 
.first  time  at  Urbino  during  the  Carnival  in  iSiS-t 

Machiavelli's  plays  surpassed  even  those  of  Ariosto  and 
Bibbiena  in  absence  of  decorum.  His  "Mandragola"  (the 
Magic  Drink)  is  the  worst.  Nothing  more  detestable  could 
be  invented  than  the  incident  which  he  describes  in  his 
masterly  prose.  Unbridled  passion  and  the  lowest  desires 
are  the  main  theme  of  the  play.  In  its  clever  and  sparkling 
dialogue,  adultery  is  held  up  to  admiration.  In  this 
loathsome  production,  Machiavelli   gave   free  vent   to  the 

*  Dispacci  di  A.  GlUSTlNiANi,  I.,  379,  404,  413  ;  Sanuto,  IV.,  722, 
767,  782  ;  Ademollo,  II  Carnevale  di  Roma,  23  seq.  (Firenze,  1891); 
Flechsig,  46  seq.      - 

t  PUNGILEONI,  288  ;  Vernarecci,  in  Arch.  St.  p.  le  Marche,  III., 
183  seq.\  LuziO-Renier,  Mantova  e  Urbino,  213  seq.\  D'Ancona, 
Origini,  II.,  'j'j  seq.,  88  seq.,  loi  seq.,  ed.  2  ;  Luzio,  F.  Gonzaga,  18 
seq. ;  Flechsig,  60  seq.  ;  Celli,  in  the  Nuova  Rivista  Misena,  VII. : 
Un  carnevale  a  la  corte  d'Urbino  e  la  prima  rappresentazione  della 
Calandria.  As  to  the  play  itself  see,  besides  these  authorities,  Klein, 
IV.,  392  seq. ;  Gaspary,  II.,  577  seq.  ;  Prolss,  I.,  2,  loi  seq.  ;  GRAF, 
Studii  drammatici,  87  seq.;  Reumont,  III.,  2,  138;  Preuss.  Jahrb., 
XLVII.,  15  seq.  ;  R.  Wendriner,  Die  Quellen  von  B.  Dovizi's  Calan- 
dria (Halle,  1895),  shews  that  Bibbiena,  in  writing  Calandria,  was  more 
influenced  by  Boccaccio  than  by  Plautus.  Castiglione  says  that  in  the 
performance  of  Calandria  some  scenes  "  which  perhaps  would  have  been 
hardlv  admissible  on  the  stage  "  were  altered. 


THE   PLAYS   OF   MACHIAVELLI.  125 

corruption  of  his  own  nature,  and  to  his  bitter  hatred  of  the 
clergy.  The  piece  is  in  the  most  striking  contrast  to  Dante's 
noble  indignation  against  the  unworthy  representatives  of 
the  Church.  Machiavelli's  aim  in  his  caricature  of  Fra 
Timoteo  is  to  pour  contumely  on  the  whole  order.  The 
avaricious  and  gluttonous  monk  insults  and  tramples  on  all 
that  is  most  sacred  in  the  Church,  and  cares  for  nothing 
but  the  pelf  which  is  to  reward  his  infamy. 

His  second  comedy  "  Clizia,"  an  imitation  of  one  of  Plautus' 
most  scandalous  pieces,  is  on  a  par  with  the  first.  In  the 
Prologue  he  says  that  he  hopes  to  have  succeeded  in  avoid- 
ing anything  that  could  appear  objectionable  ;  it  is  his 
business  to  make  people  laugh,  and  he  has  chosen  lovers  as 
his  subjects,  but  has  throughout  expressed  himself  in  such 
a  manner  that  ladies  may  see  and  hear  without  blushing. 
In  reality,  there  are  passages  in  the  play  which  no  decent 
man  could  hear  with  patience.*  Even  the  Humanist,  Giglio 
Gregorio  Geraldi  exclaims  "  What  times !  what  morals  ! 
All  the  vileness  of  the  heathen  drama  which  had  been 
driven  out  by  Christianity  has  returned  again,  "f 

In  regard  to  the  Drama  there  were  two  distinct  worlds,  the 
Court  circle  in  which  plays  of  this  kind  were  admired  and 
enjoyed,  and  the  educated  middle-classes  which  continued 

*  Klein,  IV.,  371  se^.,  422  se^ ;  Gaspary,  II.,  579  seg. ;  Prolss, 
I.,  2,  118  seg'.;  Graf,  Stiidii  drammatici,  131  seg. ;  Machiavelli  als 
Komodiendichter  in  the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1881,  Nr,  237,  Suppl.  Sam- 
OSCH,  Machiavelli  als  Komodiendichter  (Minden,  1888);  ViLLARl, 
Machiavelli,  III.,  134  se^.,  here,  p.  136,  are  to  be  found  his  arguments  to 
prove  that  Leo  X.  was  not  present  at  the  performance  of  Mandrdgola. 
Gaspary'S  remarks  on  the  Jesuits  and  this  play  carry  their  own  con- 
futation with  them.  Theie  is  no  obligation  laid  on  any  one  to  know 
anything  of  the  Religious  Orders  ;  but  when  a  man  takes  upon  him- 
self to  write  about  them,  he  is  bound  to  have  at  least  an  elementary 
acquaintance  with  his  subject. 

t  Ruth,  II.,  507. 


126  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

to  relish  and  cultivate  the  Sacred  Drama,  the  influence  of 
which  was  invaluable  as  a  counter-check  to  the  sensuous 
tendencies  of  the  false  renaissance.  This,  however,  could 
not  last ;  the  movement  towards  the  revival  of  the  classical 
stage,  inaugurated  by  the  Humanists,  swept  steadily  on- 
wards, and  in  the  course  of  time,  the  rehgious  drama 
became  extinct* 

In  addition  to  the  baneful  effects  of  this  corrupt  litera- 
ture, a  custom  which  began  to  prevail  in  Italy  about  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  Century,  exercised  a  very  dis- 
astrous influence  on  the  national  morals.  About  this  time, 
slaves  began  to  be  imported  from  the  East,  mostly  women 
and  girls,  more  rarely  boys  and  youths.f  Previously  to  the 
Turkish  conquests,  these  women  were  mostly  Tartars  or 
Circassians,  brought  over,  as  a  rule,  by  the  Venetians  and 
Genoese.  Subsequently  the  majority  were  captives  from 
Servia,  Bulgaria,  Greece  and  Albania.  Repeated  enact- 
ments in  the  statute  books,  ever  increasing  in  stringency, 
shew  what  abuses  accompanied  this  trafiflc.  It  sounds 
strange  in  our  ears  to  find  this  abomination  referred  to  in 
the  letters  of  eminently  respectable  persons  quite  as  a 
matter  of  course,  and  the  national  characteristics  and 
qualities  of  these  slave-girls  freely  discussed.J  It  can  be 
proved  that  slaves  of  both  sexes  were  commonly  held  in 
nearly  all  the  great  cities  in  Italy,  such  as  Venice,  Florence, 
Mantua,  Ferrara,  Lucca,  Naples  and  Genoa.     The  Italian 

*  D'Ancona,  II.,  6 1  seq.^  ed.  2  ;  Flechsig,  6. 

+  Zamboni,  Gli  Ezzelini,  Dante  e  gli  schiavi,  242  seq.^  280  (Wien, 
1870);  BONGI,  Le  schiave  orientali  in  Italia  in  the  Nuova  Anto- 
logia  (1868)  II. ;  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  78  seq,^  ed.  2  ;  Zanelli,  Le  schiave 
orientali  a  Firenze  nei  sec.  xiv.,  xv.  (Firenze,  1885) ;  Reumont  in  the 
Hist.  Jahrb.,  VII.,  51  seq. ;  MOLMENTI,  293  seq. ;  GOTHEIN,  411  seq. ; 
Luzio-Renier,  Buffoni,  nani  e  schiavi  dei  Gonzaga  ai  tempi  d'Isabella 
d'Este,  61  seq.  (Roma,  1891) ;  Vita  Italiana  nel  Rinascimento,  I.,  91  seq. 

X  Lettere  di  Alessandra  Macinghi  negli  Strozzi,  475.  Firenze,  1877. 


EVIL   INFLUENCE   OF   SLAVES.  12/ 

Princes  made  it  a  point  to  have  some  Moorish  male  and 
female  slaves,  who  were  valued  in  proportion  to  the  black- 
ness of  their  skins,  and,  like  the  fool  and  the  dwarf,  were 
considered  an  indispensable  appendage  of  a  brilliant  Court. 
The  Court  artists  have  immortalised  some  of  these  quaint 
figures  in  their  frescoes.*  Almost  all  the  great  families  in 
Florence  possessed  female  slaves.  The  evil  custom  brought 
its  own  retribution  with  it.  "  Often  the  peace  of  a  house- 
hold was  destroyed  by  one  of  these  slave  women  ;  legitimate 
and  illegitimate  children  were  brought  up  together.  Thus, 
we  see  Carlo,  afterwards  Provost  of  Prato,  the  son  of  the 
elder  Cosimo  de'  Medici  and  a  Circassian  slave  bought 
in  Venice,  educated  with  the  other  children,  while  the 
mother  of  another  member  of  the  family,  Maria,  daughter 
of  Cosimo's  son  Piero,  is  unknown."  It  is  safe  to  say 
that  in  any  house  where  there  were  female  slaves,  the 
morals  of  the  male  members  of  the  family  were  sure  to  be 
far  from  exemplary.  From  private  letters  we  learn  that 
there  was  a  great  unwillingness  to  marry  among  the 
younger  mercantile  nobility.  In  reference  to  this,  Aless- 
andra  Strozzi,  writing  of  her  sons,  remarks  that  "  the  devil 
is  not  so  black  as  he  is  painted."-|* 

There   is  another  distressing    feature  of  the  age  which 

*  ManteGNA  in  the  Camera  degli  Sposi  in  the  Castle  at  Mantua. 
Paolo  Veronese  at  a  later  period  frequently  introduced  black  men  in  his 
pictures. 

t  Reumont  in  Hist.,  Jahrb.,  VII.,  57,  and  Kleine  Schriften,  134 
seq.  In  Siena,  in  the  beginning  of  the  1 5th  Century,  the  State  found  it 
necessary  to  take  measures  against  the  increasing  prevalence  of  celi- 
bacy;  see  L.  FUMI,  Bando  di  prender  moglie  in  Siena  (Siena,  1878). 
In  Lucca  a  decree  was  passed  in  1454  debarring  all  unmarried  men 
between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  fifty  from  any  public  office  (see  Giom. 
Ligust.,  1890,  188),  an  example  which  was  followed  by  the  municipality 
of  Cittk  di  Castello  in  1465.  See  Muzi,  Mem.  eccles.  e  civili  di  Cittk  di 
Castello,  I.,  230,  II.,  28. 


128  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

supplies  a  certain  measure  for  its  moral  condition,  and  must 
not  be  overlooked  by  the  historian  of  culture.  Already,  in 
the  14th  Century,  in  the  towns  in  Italy,  the  number  of 
unfortunate  women  leading  a  life  of  shame  had  been  very 
great.  The  1 5th  Century  shows  a  notable  increase  in  this 
class,  even  in  small  places  like  Orvieto  and  Perugia.*  These 
women  were  tolerated  to  prevent  worse  evils.  In  great 
international  centres,  such  as  Venice,  Rome  and  Naples,  as 
years  went  on  the  state  of  things  grew  worse  and  worse. 
The  chronicler  Infessura,  who,  however,  cannot  be  depended 
upon  for  accuracy,  estimates  the  number  of  these  unhappy 
creatures  in  Rome  in  the  year  1490  at  68oo.-j-  In  Venice, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  i6th  Century,  their  number  was 

*  Fabretti,  Documenti  di  Storia  Perugina,  Vol.  I.  (Torino,  1887), 
cites  decrees  in  1424,  1436,  1478,  i486  and  1487  against  these  women, 
but  all  these  enactments  proved  ineffectual.  In  1488  a  new  edict  was 
published,  but  equally  with  no  result.  The  Diario  di  Ser  Tommaso  di 
Silvestro  tells  the  same  story  in  regard  to  Orvieto,  see  pp.  1 66,  1 68,  etc. 
For  other  cities  (Florence,  Bologna,  Ferrara,  Siena,  Viterbo,  Faenza  and 
Rome),  see  numerous  statements  in  Rezasco's  Essay  in  the  Giornale 
Ligustico,  1890,  161  seq.  For  Milan,  see  Arch.  St.  Lomb.,  XVIII., 
1000  seq.  For  Genoa,  Belgrano,  429  j^^.  For  Padua,  LovARlNi,  Die 
Frauenwettrennen  in  Padua  (Berlin,  1892).  For  Turin,  Gabotto  in  the 
Giorn.  Ligust.,  1890,  316  j^^.  For  Mantua,  Giorn.  d.  Lett.  Ital,  XIX., 
472  seq.  Luzio-Renier,  Buffoni,  44,  and  Bertolotti  in  Mendico  A°  V., 
N.  10.  An  **Edict  of  Galeazzo  Maria  Sforza,  Duke  of  Milan,  of  June  6, 
1475,  against  improper  conduct  in  Courts  of  Justice  (Municipal  Archives, 
Pavia),  supplies  important  information  in  regard  to  the  state  of 
morals  in  that  city.  In  regard  to  the  dissipated  and  lawless  lives  of 
the  students  in  Rome,  see  Giorn.  d.  Lett,  II.,  134  seq.\  and  for  the 
same  in  Pistoja,  Arch.  St.  Ital,  4  Serie,  VII.,  114  seq. 

+  Infessura,  ed.  Tommasini,  260.  For  Rome  see  Reumont,  III.,  i, 
442  seq.  ;  2,  461  seq. ;  Lange,  Papstesel,  70  ;  Armellini,  Censimento 
di  Roma  sotto  Leone  X.  (Roma,  1882) ;  ViOLLET  (as  opposed  to  Woker) 
in  the  Rev.  Hist.,  XII.,  444  seq.^  and  the  special  authorities  cited  infra^ 
p.  130,  note*. 


REVIVAL   OF   THE   HET^R^.  1 29 

not  less  than  1 1,000,  out  of  a  population  of  300,000.*  Here 
they  enjoyed  considerable  freedom  in  comparison  with 
most  other  cities  where  various  restrictions  were  imposed 
upon  them  ;  but  in  spite  of  all  such  efforts,  their  numbers 
and  their  effrontery  continued  to  increase. 

Another  circumstance  which  requires  to  be  noted  is  that 
towards  the  close  of  the  15th  Century,  vice,  keeping  pace 
with  the  diffusion  of  culture,  became  itself  more  refined, 
and  consequently  more  dangerous.  "  With  the  spirit  ot 
the  Renaissance  more  and  more  pervading  daily  life,  came 
a  revival  of  the  Hetaerae." 

In  this  connection  the  gradual  substitution  about  this 
time  of  the  better-sounding  name  of  "  courtesan  "  for  the 
old  appellation  "  peccatrice,"  is  significant  of  the  change. 
Burchard's  Diary  of  Alexander  VI.  shews  that  this  appella- 
tion was  already  in  common  use  in  HQS.f  The  name  was 
at  once  both  an  effect  and  a  cause  of  efforts  to  correspond 
with  it  on  the  part  of  those  who  bore  it.  We  find  that 
these  women  cultivated  music  and  poetry,  and  could  write 
and  converse  with  elegance ;  many  of  their  letters  are 
fluently  and  correctly  expressed,  and  contain  Latin  quota- 
tions. During  the  i6th  Century,  many  of  the  Hetaerae, 
especially  in  Venice  and  Rome,  were  prominent  person- 
ages. They  lived  in  great  luxury  in  splendid  houses, 
and  were  accompanied  by  a  large  circle  of  acquaintances 
when  they  went  out  walking,  or  to  church.  Poets  wrote 
verses  about   them,  and  some  were  themselves  poetesses. 

*  Sanuto,  VIII.,  414;  MoLMENTi,  287 ;  Graf,  286,  Leggi  e 
memorie  Venete  siilla  prostituzione  sino  alia  caduta  della  repubblica.  A 
spese  del  Conte  di  Orford  (Venezia,  1870-72),  and  (G.  Tassini)  Cenni 
storici  e  leggi  circa  il  libertinaggio  in  Venezia  (Venezia,  1 886) ;  Les 
Courtisanes  et  la  police  des  moeurs  a  Venise.    Bordeaux,  1886. 

t  Cortegiana,  hoc  est  meretrix  honesta.  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II., 
442-4;  cf.  III.,  167. 

VOL.  V.  K 


I30  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

One  of  the  most  famous  of  the  Roman  courtesans 
who  bore  the  proud  name  of  Imperia,  and  was  the 
mistress  of  the  rich  banker  Agostino  Chigi,  had  Stras- 
cino  of  Siena  for  her  instructor  in  Itah'an  poetry.*  An 
early  death  saved  Imperia  from  the  fate  of  the  majority 
of  her  companions,  who,  all  their  wealth  having-  departed 
with  their  beauty,  generally  died  in  some  hospital,  or  in  a 
wretched  garret.-|- 

On  the  side  of  the  Church,  great  efforts  were  made  to 
stem  the  tide  of  evil,  especially  in  the  direction  of  ordinances 
relating  to  the  marriage  of  these  unhappy  victims.^  The 
mission  preachers  were  unwearied  in  their  labf  urs,  and 
often  succeeded  in  checking  it  for  a  time.§  Special 
missions  were  sometimes  given  for  the  conversion  of  these 

*  Cf.\n  addition  to  Graf'S  exhaustive  "  Studie,"  224  seg. :  Gaspary, 
II.,  508  ;  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  II.,  138  seg.,  ed.  3  ;  Gregorovius, 
VIII.,  281  seg. ;  Canello,  Storia  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  15  seg.  (Milano,  1880) ; 
SCHULTHEISS  in  the  Allg.  Zeit,  1892,  Nr.  298;  MiNGHETTi,  Raffaele,  94  ; 
ReumoNT,  /oc.  czL,  as  well  as  the  following  list  of  authors  whose  works 
refer  mainly  to  the  i6th  Century:  Ferrai,  Lettere  di  Cortegiane  del 
sec.  XVI.  (Firenze,  1884),  and  Luzio  in  the  Giorn.  d.  Lett.,  IIL,  432 
seg.  ;  Bertolotti,  Repressioni  straordinarie  alia  prostituzione  in  Roma 
nel  sec.  XVI.  (Roma,  1878);  Arullani,  Appunti  sulle  cortegiane  nel 
cinquecento  in  Bibl.  d.  scuole  class.  Ital,  VI.,  14  (1894);  CiAN, 
Galanterie  Ital.  del.  sec.  XVl.,  in  La  Letteratura  (Torino,  1887) ;  RODO- 
CANACHI,  Courtisanes  et  Bouffons.  Etude  des  moeurs  Romaines  au  XVl. 
siecle  (Paris,  1894),  and  ClAN  in  the  Giorn.  d.  Lett.  Ital,  XXIV,  446  seg. 

t  The  well-known  poetess  Tullia  d'Aragona,  cf.  Nuova  Antologia, 
IV.,  655  seg.  [1886];  Celani,  Le  Rime  di  T.  d'Aragona  (Bologna, 
1891) ;  LuziO  in  the  Riv.  St.  Mantov.,  I.  [1885],  and  BONGI  in  the  Rev. 
crit.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  IV.,  186  seg.  [1887]),  fell  into  such  poverty  that  in  her 
last  years  she  kept  a  small  wine-shop  in  the  Trastevere  where  she  died. 
See  Corvisieri,  II  Testamento  di  Tullia  d'Aragona  (1556)  in  Fanfulla 
della  Domenica,  1886. 

X  Graf,  272. 

§  Giorn.  Ligustico  (1890),  319. 


SINS  OF  THE  AGE.  I31 

women.  The  Mantuan  chronicles  mention  one  conducted 
by  the  famous  preacher,  Aegidius  of  Viterbo,  during  the 
Lent  of  1 508  in  Rome.*  Some  were  converted  ;  and  in  their 
later  years,  the  mistresses  of  Rodrigo  and  Caesar  Borgia, 
Vannozza  de'  Cattanei  and  Fiammetta,  sought  by  charity 
and  penance,  to  atone  for  their  sins.f  But  in  the  main, 
things  remained  much  as  they  werej  in  Rome,  which  was 
not  surprising,  considering  the  bad  example  set  by  so  many 
of  the  clergy.§  The  evil  was  not  done  away  with  till  the 
time  of  the  Catholic  reformation. 

But  this  was  not  the  worst  of  the  maladies  which  the 
false  renaissance  had  brought  upon  Italy.  The  historian 
of  these  times  cannot  avoid  touching  upon  a  still  more 
painful  subject.  There  is  unmistakeable  evidence  of  the 
revival  of  the  horrible  national  vice  of  the  Greeks.||     It  had 

*  A  questi  di  frate  Egidio  ha  facto  una  predica  per  convertire  tutte 
queste  bagasse  (bagascie)  de  Roma ;  quando  furno  alia  presentia  sua 
tutte  volevano  fare  mirabilia  et  promessoli  el  partito  molto  largo  ;  par- 
tite che  furno  a  Lucha  te  vidi.  Vero  h  che  alcune  per  essere  state 
assai  in  questo  peccato  se  sonno  convertite  parte  a  le  monache  de  ponte 
Sisto  et  in  el  monesterio  de  S.  Giorgio,  Cesar  de  Bechadellis  (not 
Beccodelli  as  it  is  written  by  Bertolotti  [loc.  cit.^  8] )  to  the  Marchioness 
Isabella  of  Mantua,  Rome,  March  5,  1508.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  In  regard  to  Vanozza,  see  infra^  p.  363.  As  to  Fiammetta,  after 
whom  the  street  leading  from  the  Maschera  d'Oro  to  S.  Apollinare  is  called 
Piazza  Fiammetta,  see  Adinolfi,  Torre  de'  Sanguigni,  1 5  seq. ;  Graf, 
279  seq.^  shews  that  even  the  courtesans  had  not  wholly  lost  their  Faith. 

X  Cf.  Grossino's  account,  Jan.  7,  1512  ;  Luzio,  F.  Gonzaga,  29,  30. 

§  Cf.  infra,  p.  1 70  seq. 

II  Besides  the  references  given  in  PASTOR,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  26,  n.  "^ 
(Engl,  trans.) ;  see  also  for  what  follows  :  Knebel,  II.,  150  ;  Landucci, 
251,  298  ;  Platina,  in  Vairani,  Mon.  Cremon.,  I.,  28.  Cenni  sul  liber- 
tinaggio  a  Venezia  (see  supra^  p.  129,  note  ■'^),  17  seq.  ;  GiJDEMANN,  219 
seq.  ;  LanGE,  Papstesel,  24  ;  Perrens,  II.,  147  ;  Belgrano,  427  seq.  ; 
GUIDICINI,  Miscell.  Bologn.,  43  seq.  ;  Machiavelli,  Lettere  fami- 
liari,  p.  p.  c.  di.  E.  Alvisi,  Ediz.  integra  (not  sold  in  the  book  trade), 
233,  317,  321,  325,  335,  337.     Florence,  1883. 


132  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

been  almost  eradicated  through  the  influence  ol  the  Church 
and  the  severe  laws  enacted  at  her  instigation,  punishing  it 
and  branding  it  with  shame.  Clothed  in  the  graceful 
robes  of  Greek  myths  and  lightly  sung  by  Roman  poets,  it 
slipped  noiselessly  back  into  the  modern  world.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  15th  Century,  it  was  already  to  be  found 
in  Venice,  Siena  and  Naples.  In  Naples,  S.  Bernardino 
of  Siena  publicly  preached  against  it,  and  declared  that 
"  God  would  send  fire  from  heaven  and  destroy  the  city 
as  He  destroyed  Sodom  and  Gomorrha."*  Of  the  later 
mission  preachers,  Roberto  da  Lecce,  Michele  da  Milano, 
and  Gabriele  da  Barletta  were  those  who  raised  their  voices 
most  loudly  against  this  growing  curse.f  In  Venice,  the 
State  endeavoured  by  legislation  and  severe  penalties  to 
check  this  form  of  corruption,  but  in  vain.  The  advocates 
of  the  false  renaissance  openly  and  unblushingly  extolled 
the  unnatural  vices  which  had  been  the  ruin  of  the  ancient 
world.  Some  actually  made  a  boast  of  such  practices ; 
others  excused  them  on  the  ground  that  they  were  not 
condemned  by  the  noblest  men  among  the  ancients,  the 
models  whom  the  Humanists  made  it  the  one  aim  of  their 
lives  to  resemble.  In  his  seventh  satire  Ariosto  says  that 
almost  all  the  Humanists  were  addicted  to  the  vice  for 
which  God  destroyed  Sodom  and  Gomorrha.|  This,  no 
doubt,  is  an  exaggeration,  like  many  other  wholesale  accu- 
sations formulated  in  a  scandalous  age  which  did  not  spare 

*  VOIGT,  Wiederbelebung,  II.,  471  seq.^  ed.  2. 

t  Michael  de  Mediolano,  Sermones,  P.  I.,  65;  P.  II.,  64;  P.  III. 
in  fine ;  Gabr.  da  Barletta,  Sermones  de  Sanctis,  f.  78  ;  Rob.  de 
LiTiO,  Serm.,  30.     See  also  Arch.  Veneto,  fasc.  71,  p.  237  seq. 

X  Senza  quel  vizio  son  pochi  umanisti 
Che  fe'  a  Dio  forza,  non  che  persuase 
Di  far  Gomorra  e  i  suoi  vicini  tristi ; 

Satira^  VII.,  25  seq. 


GUILT   OF   THE   HUMANISTS.  1 33 

even  Michael  Angelo's  character,  and  which  should  be 
taken  only  for  what  they  are  worth.*  Still  in  regard  to 
many  of  the  Humanists,  setting  aside  what  may  be  only 
poetical  embroideries,  their  own  writings  prove  that  it  is 
not  unfounded.!  Pomponius  Laetus,  in  answer  to  charges 
of  this  nature,  cited  the  example  of  Socrates,  and  the 
poet  Cosmico  quoted  a  poem  of  Plato.J  There  can  be 
hardly  any  doubt  that  the  most  distinguished  Poet  and 
Humanist  at  the  Court  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  Angelo 
Poliziano,§  the  Venetian  Chronicler  Sanuto,||  and  the 
Venetian  Envoy  in  Rome  in  the  time  of  Innocent  VHL, 
Antonio  Loredano,1[  were  all  guilty  of  this  vice.  Loredano 
was  dismissed  from  his  post  in  consequence  of  it. 

The  most  serious  part  of  it,  as  far  as  the  nation  was 
concerned,  was  that  it  made  its  way  into  the  lower  ranks 
also.  At  the  time  of  the  invasion  of  Charles  VHL,  a 
chronicler  writes  :  the  whole  country  and  all  the  great 
cities,  Rome,  Florence,  Naples,  Bologna,  Ferrara  are 
infected.**  Many  preachers  attribute  all  the  misfortunes 
of  the  Italians,  the  wars,  dearths  and  earthquakes,  to  the 

*  Cf.  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  180-90,  ed.  3,  and  JANSEN,  Soddoma,  42  seq. 

t  Netzer,  Leben  des  F.  Baldi,  58  (Wien,  1790),  shews  tliat  this 
was  the  case  with  regard  to  his  hero. 

X  Giom.  St.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  XIII.,  144.  In  regard  to  P.  Laetus,  see 
Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  41  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

§  Cf.  UziELLi,  232  seq..,  where  also  the  proof  is  found  that  Poliziano 
held  a  Canonry.  In  regard  to  his  life  and  writings  see  Graesse,  II.,  3, 
711  seq.  ;  Gaspary,  II.,  213  seq.^  218  seq.  ;  HOFFMANN,  Lebensbilder 
beriihmter  Humanisten,  I.  (Leipzig,  1837) ;  Mahly,  A.  Poliziano  (Leipzig, 
1864) ;  C.  Castellani,  a.  Poliziano  (Carrara,  1868) ;  Vita  Italiana,  II., 
I  seq..,  and  the  treatise,  In  memoria  di  A.  Poliziano  (Siena,  1894).  Del 
Lungo  is  preparing  a  comprehensive  work  on  Poliziano. 

II  The  proof  is  to  be  found  in  a  hitherto  unnoticed  Despatch  in  Luzio, 
P.  Aretino,  11,  note  i.    Torino,  1888. 

IT  Navagieroin  Muratori,  XXIII.,  1194. 
**  Muratori,  XXIV.,  12  ;  Knebel,  II.,  150. 


134  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

wrath  of  God  on  account  of  this  sin.  When,  in  151 1, 
Venice  was  visited  with  a  violent  earthquake,  the  Patriarch 
told  his  terrified  countrymen  that  this  was  a  punishment 
from  God  because  they  would  not  give  up  their  vices.* 

The  frequency  of  murders  in  churches  is  another  mark 
of  the  blunting  of  the  moral  sense  caused  by  the  spirit  of 
the  classical  renaissance ;  most  of  them  were  perpetrated 
by  men  who  strove  to  emulate  Brutus  and  Cassius,  the  two 
chief  heroes  of  the  Humanists.f  Yet  another  was  the 
growing  practice  of  political  assassination.  In  Venice 
especially,  this  was  the  most  common  way  of  getting  rid 
of  an  enemy,  either  at  home  or  abroad.  These  things 
were  coolly  discussed  and  determined  in  the  Council,  and 
assassination  was  freely  employed  by  the  Government  as  a 
political  agency,  so  that  Pontanus  could  say  with  truth  that 
in  Italy  "  nothing  was  so  cheap  as  human  life."  It  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  to  find  that  duelling  increased  im- 
mensely and  that  brigandage  was  rampant  in  many 
places.J 

Moral  corruption,  such  as  we  have  been  describing, 
could  not  fail  to  lead  to  religious  indifference.  Boc- 
caccio's famous  poem  of  the  Three  Rings,  is  a  significant 
expression  of  this  tendency.§     The  Morgante  Maggiore  of 

*  Sanuto,  XII.,  84  seq. 

f  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  308  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

X  In  addition  to  the  references  given  in  previous  volumes,  see  also 
Marini,  I.,  277  ;  Sybel,  Hist.  Zeitschrift,  LI  I.,  374  seq.^  and  NOLHAC, 
Erasme  en  Italie,  20.  In  regard  to  Brigandage,  see  BURCKHARDT,  II., 
220  seq.^  ed.  3.     On  Duelling,  ClAN,  Cortegiano,  45. 

§  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  265,  340,  ed.  3.  For  what  follows  I  had  hoped 
to  find  valuable  material  in  Owen's  work.  The  Sceptics  of  the  Italian 
Renaissance  (London,  1893),  but  have  been  completely  disappointed  and 
thrown  back  on  Zimmermann's  indecisive  pronouncement  in  the  Hand- 
weiser  (1893),  340  seq.  That  which  Skaife,  131  seq.^  says  in  regard  to 
Florence  is  also  quite  inadequate. 


RESUSCITATION   OF  PAGANISM.  1 35 

Luigi  Pulci,  shews  that  a  similar  tone  of  thought  was  well 
received  in  Lorenzo  de*  Medici's  circle.  The  poem  is  a 
romantic  tale  of  chivalry  divided  into  cantos,  each  of 
which  begins  by  invoking  the  inspiration  of  God  and  the 
Saints,  for  a  muse  whose  utterances  are  nothing  but  a 
tissue  of  buffoonery.  In  the  second  canto,  the  help  of  the 
crucified  Jupiter  is  implored  to  bring  the  tale  to  a  close. 
The  fourth  contains  a  parody  of  the  Gloria  Patri  in  a 
medley  of  Italian  and  Latin  verses,  and  in  another,  there 
is  a  parody  of  the  Paternoster,  The  more  profane  the 
song,  the  more  solemn  is  the  prologue  which  introduces  it. 
Sudden  conversions  and  baptisms  are  sarcastically  de- 
scribed and  attributed  to  the  lowest  motives.  Sacred 
things  are  travestied  and  derided,  and  finally,  the  poet 
winds  up  with  a  declaration  of  faith  in  the  goodness  of 
all  religions  which,  in  spite  of  his  professions  of  orthodoxy, 
evidently  implies  a  purely  theistic  point  of  view.* 

The  temper  and  teaching  of  another  section  of  the 
votaries  of  the  false  renaissance  was  perhaps  even  more 
objectionable  than  that  of  Luigi.  These  men  frankly 
advocated  the  complete  resuscitation  of  Pagan  thought 
and  ethics.  Their  programme  is  expressed  in  Lorenzo 
Valla's  book  on  pleasure,  published  in  143 1,  which  is 
nothing  but  Epicureanism  pure  and  simple.  With  Valla, 
enjoyment  and  nothing  else  is  the  aim  of  life.  The 
pleasures  of  the  senses  are  our  highest  good,  and  the 
ancients  who  raised  voluptuousness  into  a  cult,  and  wor- 
shipped pleasure  as  a  God,  were  happy. f 

*  Ruth,  II.,  142  seq.,  198,  202  seq.  ;  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  266,  ed.  2  ; 
Owen,  147  seq.,  153  seq.\  Settembrini,  Lez.  di  Lett.  Ital.,  330; 
Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  44  seq.,  ed.  2;  Gaspary,  II.,  275  seq.\  L. 
PULCi's  Sarcasms  on  Immortality  in  a  sonnet  in  the  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  N. 
T.,  IX.,  49  seq. 

t  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  13  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 


136  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Fortunately,  face  to  face  with  the  heathen  stood  the 
Christian  Renaissance,  and  for  a  considerable  time  this 
school  was  still  so  powerful  that  Valla,  in  his  theories,  had 
no  disciples.*  In  practice,  however,  and  more  and  more  as 
the  century  drew  towards  its  close,  his  gospel  of  pleasure 
found  an  ever  widening  circle  of  adherents.  Considerations 
of  prudence  led  the  paganising  Humanists  to  avoid  an 
open  breach  with  the  Church,  and  in  addition  to  this,  they 
were,  for  the  most  part,  too  indifferent  on  the  subject  of 
faith  to  occupy  themselves  with  religious  questions.  Some, 
on  account  of  their  neglect  of  religion  and  reckless  utter- 
ances against  the  Church,  were  commonly  called  "  Atheists  "; 
but  such  a  thing  as  speculative  and  rationalistic  Atheism 
was  unknown,  and  no  one  would  have  dared  to  profess  it."-|* 
Though  the  Church  permitted  a  good  deal  of  latitude  in 
some  directions,  actual  heresy  was  severely  dealt  with,  as  is 
proved  by  the  fate  of  the  Roman  Academicians  under  Paul 
II., I  and  the  punishment  of  such  men  as  Zanino  de  Solcia, 
Giovanni  da  Montecatini,  Niccolo  Lelio  Cosmico  and  others. 
Heretics  such  as  these  were,  however,  rarv2.  Setting  aside 
the  Waldenses  and  the  Fraticelli,  unorthodox  teaching 
found  very  little  sympathy  in  Italy  during  the  Renais- 
sance.!    However  much  worldliness  and  scepticism  might 

*  Gabotto,  L.  Valla  e  TEpicureismo  nel  Quattrocento.  Parte  prima, 
50  (Milano-Torino,  1889).  The  rest  of  this  work  has  unfortunately  not 
yet  come  out. 

t   BURCKHARDT,  II.,  272,  ed.  3. 

X  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  51  seq.  (Engl,  trans.),  and  Uzielli, 
187  seq. 

§  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  113  (Engl,  trans.) ;  UziELLi,  212  seq.., 
and  Cantu,  I.,  182  seq.;  III.,  699  seq.  On  the  Paduan  poet  Niccol6 
Lelio  Cosmico,  see  B.  Rossi's  excellent  treatise  in  the  Giorn.  St.  d.  Lett. 
Ital.,  XIII.,  loi  seq..,  and  the  letter  published  in  the  same  periodical, 
XXIII.,  461  seq.,  which  shews  that  the  accusations  of  heresy  brought 
against  this  poet  were  not  wholly  groundless.     On  a  heretic  in  Bologna 


DEATH-BED   REPENTANCES.  1 37 

have  done  in  weakening  religious  feeling  *  such  a  thing  as 
obstinate  heresy  hardly  existed.  Whatever  rash  or  free- 
thinking  language  might  on  occasion  be  used,  when  it 
came  to  the  point,  a  direct  breach  with  Christianity  and 
the  Church  was  almost  always  avoided.f  Even  the  most 
advanced  Humanists,  at  the  approach  of  death,  returned 
to  the  faith  of  their  childhood.  Codrus  Urceus,  a  pro- 
fessor in  Bologna,  used  to  tell  his  hearers  that  no  one 
knew  what  happened  to  the  soul  or  the  spirit  after  death, 
and  that  all  that  was  said  about  the  next  world  was  nothing 
but  old  wives'  tales  to  frighten  children.  "  When,  however, 
he  came  to  die,  in  his  will  he  commended  his  soul  to 
Almighty  God,  admonished  his  weeping  scholars  to  fear 
God,  and  above  all  things  hold  fast  their  Faith  in  immor- 
tality and  retribution  after  death;  and  received  the  last 
Sacraments  with  great  devotion.''^  Even  such  men  as 
Malatesta  and  Machiavelli,  after  spending  their  lives  in 
estrangement  from  the  Church,  sought  on  their  death-beds 
her  assistance  and  consolations.  Both  made  good  con- 
fessions and  received  the  Holy  Viaticum. §  In  this  as  in 
other  things,  we  have  evidence  which  proves  how  saturated 
with  Christianity  was  the  spirit  of  the  Italian  nation.  It  is 
hardly  possible  to  exaggerate  the  confusion  of  contradictions 
of  which  life  was  made  up  in  those  days  of  transition. 
Another  instance  of  this  has  lately  been  discovered  in  the 
story  of  Sigismondo  Malatesta.  This  man,  a  professed 
votary  of  paganism  and  its  vices,  had  an  effigy  of  the  skull 

who  maintained  that  Christ  had  not  yet  come,  see  Baptista  Mantu- 
ANUS,  De  Patientia,  1.  III.,  c.  13. 

*  Cf.  Ant.  de  Vercellis'  complaint  in  Sermones,  f.  243. 

t  This  is  pointed  out  by  von  Bezold  in  Sybel'S  Zeitsch.,  XLIX.,  212. 

:j:  BuRCKHARDT,  Cultur,  II.,  274,  ed.  3.  Cf.  Malagola,  Codro 
Urceo,  1 86  J<?(7.    Bologna,  1878. 

§  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  28  (Engl,  trans.). 


138  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

of  one  of  his  ancestors  carved  in  marble,  in  order,  so  the 
inscription  runs,  that  he  might  never  forget  him,  and  daily- 
pray  for  his  soul* 

This  sort  of  alternation  during  life,  between  free-thinking 
and  the  religion  implanted  in  youth,  to  which,  on  their 
death-beds  they  definitively  returned,  was  very  general 
amongst  the  Humanists  and  men  of  letters.f  The  two 
Humanists,  Giovanni  Gioviano  Pontano  and  Antonio 
Galatea,  both  southern  Italians,  are  striking  instances  of 
this  class. 

Pontano's  writings  (1426 — 1503)+  are  saturated  with 
paganism  and  pagan  ideals.  In  combating  superstition 
he  attacks  the  Invocation  of  the  Saints,  and  classes  it  with 
the  worship  of  idols.  He  executed  a  scholarly  copy  of 
Beccadelli's  poems,  which  are  modelled  on  the  licentious 
tone  of  the  later  Roman  period,  and  which  are,  many  of 
them,  pervaded  with  the  most  repulsive  cynicism.  When 
quite  an  old  man  he  wrote  loose  poems  on  the  manners  of 
the  bathers  of  Baiae.  The  writings  of  his  pupil  Marullus 
were  of  a  similar  character.  In  his  Hymns  to  nature  he 
addresses  the  ancient  Gods  in  terms  which  could  only  fitly 
be  applied  to  a  living  Divine  Person.  "  When  Erasmus 
remarked  that  the  poem  was  barely  Christian,  this  was 
taken  up  as  an  insult  to  the  Italians,  and  he  was  scornfully 
informed  that  a  Christian  muse  meant  a  barbarous  muse."§ 
Pontano  was  the  centre  of  a  learned  circle  in  Naples,  which 
was  called  the  Academia  Pontaniana.     The  members,  like 

*  See  a  drawing  of  this  skull,  which  is  in  the  possession  of  M.  Campori 
at  Modena,  in  Yriarte,  Un  Condottiere,  230. 

t  Carducci,  Studi  Lett,  99;  Gaspary,  II.,  275,  and  Uzielli, 
218. 

t  Sarno'S  Biography  (Napoli,  1761),  andTALLARlGO  (Napoli,  1874) ; 
and  also  Gothein  (references  given  below). 

§  Gothein,  34,  427  se^.,  439  se^.,  449  seg^.,  537  seg.,  594 ;  and 
Gaspary,  II.,  299  seq.,  301  seg'.,  307  seg.,  317  seg'. 


WORKS   OF   GALATEUS.  1 39 

those  of  the  Roman  Academy  of  Pomponius  Laetus,  adopted 
Latin  names.  Pontano  called  himself  Jovianus  instead  of 
Giovanni,  and  Sannazaro  was  turned  into  Actius  Sincerus.* 

Galateus,  a  member  of  this  Academy,  is  the  author  of  a 
remarkable  dialogue  entitled  "  Eremita."  This  composition 
contains  vehement  attacks  upon  the  clergy  and  complaints 
against  Rome,  and  the  truths  of  the  Faith  are  also  assailed 
sometimes  directly  and  sometimes  with  irony.  Ridicule  is 
poured  upon  the  most  venerated  names  in  Biblical  and 
Sacred  history,  and  S.  Jerome  is  held  up  to  scorn  for  his 
denunciations  of  the  heathen  classics  ;  and  yet,  this  curious 
production  concluded  with  a  devout  hymn  to  the  Blessed 
Virgin.f 

This  man,  after  having  in  his  Dialogue  so  bitterly  at- 
tacked the  Court  of  Rome,  betook  himself  thither  in  the 
time  of  Julius  II.,  in  order  to  present  to  the  Pope  a  copy 
of  "  the  original  Greek  document "  containing  the  gifts  of 
Constantine.J  Valla's  treatise  against  this  deed  of  gift  was 
written  at  Naples,§  now  a  Humanist  from  Naples  comes 
forward  to  defend  it,  while  a  little  later  Ariosto  relegated 
it  with  various  other  fictitious  things  to  a  dwelling  in  the 
moon.y 

*  Gaspary,  II.,  301. 

t  See  GOTHEIN,  462  seq.^  who  has  made  use  of  a  MS.  in  the  Library 
of  Naples  and  "as  the  Dialogue  is  hardly  likely  to  be  published  at 
present "  gives  a  complete  analysis  of  it.  He  is  not  aware  that  it  was 
printed  some  time  ago  in  the  Collana  di  Scrittori  di  Terra  d'Otranto, 
II.,  I  seq.  (Lecce,  1873) ;  N.  BARONE(Studi  sulla  vita  di  A.  Galateo,83), 
has  overlooked  Gothein's  work.  He  thinks  (36)  that  the  Dialogue  was 
composed  about  1496. 

X  Barone,  Studi,  47  seq. 

§  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  \Z  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

||  Orlando  Furioso,  XXXIV.,  80.  Cf.  Gabotto'S  treatise  quoted 
supra^  p.  122,  note*.  The  Venetian  Ambassador  spoke  very  sneeringly 
of  this  document  to  Alexander  VI.     Cf.  ClAN,  Cortegiano,  201. 


I40  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

If  we  look  at  the  Humanists  collectively,  as  a  body  of 
men,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  their  craze  for  antiquity 
insensibly  produced  in  many  of  them  a  weakening  of  the 
religious  sentiment.  "The  eminent  men,  and  to  a  con- 
siderable extent  the  institutions  of  classical  times,  were 
preferred  to  those  of  the  middle  ages,  and  the  difference  in 
religion  seemed  of  no  moment  in  the  absorbing  desire  to 
emulate  these  heroes  of  ancient  history."  Christian 
dogma,  and  all  that  was  the  product  of  the  mediaeval 
spirit,  appeared  to  the  fanatical  classicism  of  the  Renais- 
sance, barbarous  and  out  of  date.  Regardless  of  the 
essential  difference  which  the  Church  maintained  between 
heathen  and  Christian  ideas,  they  jumbled  the  two 
together,  and  delighted  in  disguising  Christian  thought  in 
the  language  of  the  ancients.  God  is  called  Jupiter,  even 
Dante  goes  so  far  as  to  call  him  "  il  Sommo  Giove." 
Heaven  is  Olympus,  the  Saints  are  Gods,  excommunication 
is  spoken  of  as  Dirae.  Wherever  the  Humanists  touch 
Christianity  they  paganise  it.*  The  poet  Publio  Gregorio 
of  Citta  de  Castello,  invokes  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Trinity, 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  the  Muses,  all  in  the  same  breath. 
He  declares  that  "  Mary  opens  and  closes  the  doors  of 
Olympus.""!-  Pontano  goes  still  farther.  He  calls  a  Saint 
not  only  Divus  but  Deus,  he  identifies  the  Angels  with  the 
ancient  Genii,  and  his  description  of  the  state  of  souls  after 
death  can  hardly  be  distinguished  from  the  classical  abode 
of  the  Shades.|  The  flippancy  of  some  of  these  Humanists 
even  went  so  far  as  to  see  nothing  incongruous  in  linking 
sanctity  with  obscenity.     A  collection  of  poems  in  MS.  of 

*  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  277-8,  ed.  3  ;  cf.  20I  and  I.,  177,  201  seq.^ 
ed.  3 ;  Gregorovius,  VII.,  498,  ed.  3 ;  Piper,  Mythologie,  I.,  280 ; 
Gruyer,  176,  and  Schneegans,  119  seq. 

t  Gabotto,  Publio  Gregorio  da  Cittk  di  Castello,  25  {ibid.^  1890). 

X  Burckhardt,  II. ,  278,  ed.  2. 


HUMANISTS   AND   ANTIQUITY.  I4I 

the  time  of  Alexander  VI.,  contains  a  series  of  epigrams, 
the  first  of  which  are  in  honour  of  Our  Lady  and  various 
holy  women,  after  which,  without  a  break  or  observation 
of  any  kind,  they  pass  on  to  celebrate  the  most  famous 
courtesans  of  the  day.  "  The  Saints  of  God  and  the 
votaries  of  Venus  are  calmly  catalogued  together  as  dis- 
tinguished women."* 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  amongst  the  votaries 
of  the  false  unchristian  renaissance,  the  imitation  of  the 
ancients  amounted  to  a  mania.  "  The  tyrant  posed  as 
Caesar  and  Augustus,  the  republicans  as  Brutus,  the  cap- 
tains of  the  mercenary  bands  strove  to  appear  like  Scipio 
and  Hannibal,  the  philosophers  aped  Aristotle  and  Plato, 
the  literati  mimicked  Virgil  and  Cicero."f 

In  common  with  many  of  the  works  of  Art  of  that 
period,!  ^^^  writings  of  Christian  Humanists  like  Battista 
Spagnolo  and  Jacopo  Sannazaro,  present  a  most  curious 
medley  of  Paganism  and  Christianity.§  Sannazaro,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  first  book  of  his  famous  poem  on  the  birth 
of  Christ,  invokes  the  Angels  and  the  Muses  together. 
Heaven  is  usually  called  Olympus,  the  first  person  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  the  Thunderer,  the  Ruler  of  Olympus  and  the 
King  of  the  Gods,  Christ  is  hymned  as  the  Father  of 
Gods  and  men,  Mary  as  the  Mother  and  Queen  of  the 
Gods.     The  poet   indeed   takes   pains   to   point   out   that 

*  *Epitaphia  clarissimarum  mulierum  que  virtute,  arte  aut  aliqua 
nota  claruerunt.  Cod.  of  Hartmann  Schedel  in  d.  Staatsbibl.  von 
Munich;  see  Gregorovius,  L.  Borgia,  89  (96  in  ed.  3). 

t  ViLLARi,  Machiavelli,  I.,  22. 

X  See  m/ra,  p.  198  seg^. 

§  Gabotto,  Un  poeta  beatificato.  Schizzo  di  Battista  Spagnolo  da 
Mantova  (Venezia,  1892) ;  La  fede  di  J.  Sannazaro  (Bologna,  1891),  and 
Piper,  Mythologie,  L,  282  segf.  In  a  future  volume  I  shall  have  more 
to  say  about  Sannazaro. 


142  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

historical  Christianit)^  has  cut  away  the  ground  from  under 
the  feet  of  the  fables  of  mythology,  but  he  perpetually 
introduces  Pagan  myths  into  his  representations  of 
Christian  subjects.  In  describing  the  miracles  of  Christ, 
he  declares  that  mortal  diseases  yield  to  His  word,  the 
wrath  of  Diana  is  assuaged,  the  furies  of  Tartarus  are  put 
to  flight,  and  those  possessed  with  devils  are  healed. 
Perhaps  this  infatuation  is  even  stronger  in  another  poet, 
Pietro  Bembo.  His  epitaphs  are  purely  heathen.  In  his 
hymn  to  S.  Stephen,  God  the  Father  appears  in  His  glory 
in  the  midst  of  Olympus,  Christ  is  "  the  lofty  Heros," 
Mary,  a  radiant  Nymph.  His  letters  are  full  of  similar 
displays  of  bad  taste  ;  and  he  frequently  expresses  himself 
in  the  same  manner  even  when  writing  as  private  secretary 
to  Leo  X.*  The  inscription  on  a  tank  in  the  Capitol, 
which  was  restored  by  the  Conservators  of  Rome,  reads 
like  one  of  those  of  the  olden  times ;  "  We  have  prepared 
the  vessel ;  do  thou,  O  Jupiter  fill  it  with  rain  and  be 
gracious  to  those  who  dwell  by  thy  rock."f  The 
increasing  practice  of  choosing  Greek  and  Roman  names 
at  baptisms,  is  another  significant  fact.  Petrarch  spoke  of 
his  friends  as  Laelius,  Socrates,  Simonides ;  and  he  himself 
liked  to  be  called  Cicero,  and  named  his  daughter  Tullia. 
One  of  the  Roman  nobles  christened  his  sons  Agamemnon, 
Achilles  and  Tydeus,  a  painter  named  his  son  Apelles  and 
his  daughter  Minerva.  "  Even  the  courtesans  of  Rome 
chose  names  which  had  been  borne  by  their  predecessors 
in  old  times,  such  as  Lucretia,  Cassandra,  Porcia,  Penthe- 
silea.     All   the  relations  of  life,  and  all    offices  and  cere- 

*  Piper,  Mythologie,  loc.  cit.  ;  Gaspary,  II.,  401;  Reumont,  III., 
2,  322  seq.  ;  and  CANTtr,  I.,  189-90. 

t  FORCELLA,  I.,  32;  Gregorovius,  VIII.,  272  seq.^  ed.  3,  where 
many  other  instances  are  to  be  found,  especially  of  the  time  of  Leo  X., 
to  which  we  shall  recur  in  a  future  volume. 


HEATHEN  TERMS  IN  THEOLOGY.         143 

monies  were  classicised  as  far  as  possible."*  Primarily, 
however,  all  this  was  merely  an  affair  of  fashion  and 
dilettanteism  which  must  not  be  judged  too  severely. 
Pedants  delighted  in  calling  Town  Councillors  "  Patres 
Conscripti,"  Nuns,  "  Virgines  Vestales,"  G.YG.ry  Saint, 
"  Divus  "  or  "  Deus."  People  of  better  taste,  like  Paul  Jovius, 
followed  the  mode  more  or  less  because  they  could  hardly 
help  it.  But  Jovius  does  not  obtrude  it,  and  thus  when 
we  find  in  his  writings  Cardinals  entitled  "  Senatores,"  the 
Cardinal  Dean,  "  Princeps  Senatus,"  excommunications, 
"  Dirae,"  the  Carnival,  "  Lupercalia,"  etc.,  we  can  bear  it 
without  annoyance.  Indeed,  his  works  are  a  proof  how 
unjust  in  many  cases  it  would  be  to  infer  an  unchristian 
tone  of  thought  from  the  use  of  this  kind  of  phraseology .f 

Nevertheless  it  was  quite  possible  for  these  vagaries  to 
assume  dangerous  forms.  The  most  objectionable  of  these 
was  the  attempt  to  introduce  the  heathenism  of  the  elegant 
Humanistic  style  into  theologial  science.  We  find  such  an 
attempt  in  the  Compendium  of  Dogma  published  in  1 503, 
by  Paulus  Cortesius,  Secretary  to  Alexander  VI.,  and  later 
Apostolical  Protonotary.  Cortesius  certainly  takes  his 
stand  on  the  principles  of  the  Church,  and  refutes  the  false 
conceptions  of  the  heathen  philosophers  ;  but  he  is  convinced 
that  Christian  Dogma  cannot  be  rightly  understood  or 
explained  without  the  aid  of  the  wisdom  of  the  ancient 
sages.  Thus  the  pagan  garment  in  which  he  wraps  his 
Dogma  is  undoubtedly  a  source  of  peril.  Christ  is  called 
the  God  of  thunder  and  lightning,  Mary  the  mother  of  the 

*  SCHNEEGANS,  1 19,  and  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  291,  ed.  3.  Here  also  are 
to  be  found  various  burlesques  and  productions  of  poetical  Maccaronis, 
satirising  the  extravagant  classicism  of  the  Humanists.  On  all  this, 
especially  on  Folengo,  see  a  future  volume. 

t  BURCKHARDT,  I.,  292-3,  ed.  3.  Cf.  also  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I., 
39  (Engl,  trans.). 


144  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Gods,  the  departed  souls,  the  Manes.  S.  Augustine  is 
extolled  as  the  God  of  theologians,  and  the  Pythic  seer  of 
Theology,  and  S.  Thomas  Aquinas  as  the  Apollo  of  Christi- 
anity. When  he  comes  to  the  Fall  of  Man,  he  introduces 
the  subject  by  announcing  that  now  he  is  going  to  treat 
of  the  Phaethon  of  the  human  race.  Hell  is  described 
as  exactly  like  the  ancient  Tartarus  with  the  three  rivers 
Kocythus,  Avernus  and  Styx.* 

Another  work  entitled  "  On  true  Philosophy,"  and 
published  in  1507  at  Bologna  by  Adriano  Corneto,  forms 
a  striking  contrast  to  Cortesius  and  his  humanistic 
tendencies.  Aristotle,  Plato,  the  Humanists  and  all 
human  science  and  reasoning,  are  all  included  in  one 
sweeping  condemnation.  According  to  Corneto,  Holy 
Scripture  is  the  only  source  of  all  faith  and  all  knowledge. 
Faith  must  precede  knowledge,  without  faith  no  true 
knowledge  is  possible,  the  human  reason  is  incapable  of 
apprehending  Divine  things  ;  wisdom,  happiness,  and  bliss, 
can  only  be  obtained  by  a  complete  surrender  to  revelation. 
"  None  of  the  philosophers  knew  that  pattern  of  Divine 
humility,"  Adriano  declares,  "  which  in  the  fulness  of  time 
was  manifested  to  the  world  in  Christ.  I  do  not  ask  what 
the  philosophei-s  say,  I  ask  what  they  do.  The  dialecticians, 
of  whom  Aristotle  is  the  chief,  are  cunning  in  the  spinning 
of  webs,  their  art  is  the  art  of  war,  but  the  Christian  must 
avoid  them.  We  must  reject  dialectics,  we  must  despise 
rhetoric  and  devote  ourselves  to  the  sober  sincerity  of 
Holy  Writ.  The  interpretation  of  the  Church  can  be 
understood  by  the  whole  human  race,  for  the  Church  is 
not  an  Academy,  but  consists  of  the  mass  of  the  people. 
There  is  no  use  in  knowing  geometry,  arithmetic  and 
music ;  geometry  and  astrology  do  not  lead  to   salvation 

*  Piper,  Mythologie,  I.,  287-9,  ^^^  Gebhardt,  A.drian  von  Corneto, 
71  seg. 


PHILOSOPHY   OF  ADRIANO   CORNETO.  I45 

but  rather  to  error,  and  the  withdrawal  of  the  soul  from 
God.  God  is  more  worthily  praised  by  the  homage  of  the 
heart  than  by  music.  Grammar  and  literature  may  be 
useful  for  this  life  in  giving  facility  in  expressing  oneself, 
and  enabling  a  man  to  distinguish  between  fact  and  false- 
hood ;  but  the  liberal  arts  have  no  right  to  their  name, 
Christ  alone  can  make  man  free.  The  works  of  the  poets, 
the  wisdom  of  the  worldly,  the  pomp  of  rhetorical  words, 
are  the  Devil's  dainties  ;  they  enthral  the  ear,  they  cajole  the 
heart,  but  yield  no  satisfying  truth.  Plato  and  Aristotle, 
the  Epicureans  and  the  Stoics  are  all  in  hell  with  the 
Devil ;  the  philosophers  are  the  Patriarchs  of  the  Heretics. 
We  should  endeavour  to  know  the  Creator,  not  the 
causes,  of  things.  Wise  and  holy  simplicity  teaches  us  to 
be  fools  willingly  and  not  to  admire  the  wisdom  of  the 
flesh." 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  noteworthy  that  he  admits  that  if 
we  find  in  the  writings  of  the  philosophers,  especially  the 
Platonists,  anything  that  is  true  and  in  harmony  with  the 
Faith,  we  need  not  be  afraid  of  such  things,  but  on  the 
contrary  should  appropriate  them,  as  unjustly  gotten 
goods,  to  our  own  use ;  but  there  is  very  little  of  this  in 
comparison  to  what  we  have  in  the  Divine  Scriptures. 
Towards  the  close  of  his  book  Corneto  exclaims  :  "  What 
shall  I  say  about  physics,  ethics  or  logic  ?  All  the  truths 
that  man's  tongue  can  utter  are  to  be  found  in  Holy 
Scripture.  Its  authority  is  greater  than  anything  that  the 
human  intellect  is  capable  of  producing."  Thus  the  pith 
of  the  whole  work  is  summed  up  in  the  two  following 
sentences.  "  All  the  science  of  the  world  is  folly,  in 
God  alone  is  Wisdom  and  Truth.  To  attain  to  God 
and  His  wisdom,  we  do  not  need  to  know  anything  of 
philosophy,  or  any  other  method,  nor  to  have  studied  the 
writings  of  Aristotle   or    Plato ;   we    need    nothing  but  a 

VOL.  V.  L 


146  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

firm  faith  in  revealed  religion  as  it  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Bible."* 

This  curious  book  is  mostly  made  up  of  quotations  from 
the  great  doctors  of  the  Church,  ruthlessly  torn  from  their 
context,  often  inaccurately  reproduced,  and  always  selected 
to  support  the  author's  point  of  view. 

Even  though  we  may  admit  that  he  is  not  always  wholly 
in  the  wrong,  Corneto's  views  are  far  too  extreme.-f  His 
blank  rejection  of  philosophy  and  the  sciences  is  in  flat 
contradiction  with  the  opinions  of  the  Fathers  of  the 
Church  of  whom  he  thinks  so  muchj  and  also  with  the 
teaching  of  the  great  mediaeval  theologians,  and  the 
attitude  of  the  Church  in  general  towards  Science  and  the 
Renaissance  in  literature  and  the  classics.  The  value  of 
the  latter  especially  as  a  means  of  intellectual  culture,  has 
always  been  recognised  by  the  Church,  even  though  she 
could  not  recommend  them  as  an  end  in  themselves  or  as 
supplying  ideals  for  imitation.  The  position  of  the  Church 
has  always  been  clearly  defined ;  the  study  of  the  classics 
is  to  be  employed  for  the  development  of  the  natural 
intellectual  powers,  and  so  for  the  deepening  of  the 
specifically  Christian  consciousness,  not  for  its  emascula- 
tion or  destruction.  §  The  extravagances  of  the  votaries 
of  the  false  renaissance  on  the  one  side,  and  zealots  such 
as  Adriano  on  the  other,  made  it  extremely  difficult  for 
the  adherents  of  the  Church  to  keep  to  that  just  middle 
course   which   she    enjoined.      She   could    not    trust    the 

*  Gebhardt,  Adrian  von  Corneto,  54-67. 

t  He  is  right  in  laying  stress  on  the  importance  of  the  practical  life 
and  conduct  of  the  teachers  of  philosophy,  and  also  m  his  assertion  that 
the  Church  in  her  doctrinal  teaching  will  always  be  popular  and  easily 
understood  by  the  people. 

X  Gebhardt,  67  seg. 

§  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  7  se^.  (Engl,  trans.). 


THE   TWO   RENAISSANCES.  I47 

Humanists,  and  at  the  same  time  could  not  condemn  the 
study  of  the  heathen  classics,  which,  besides  being  a 
valuable  instrument  of  education,  was  indispensable  to  the 
right  understanding  of  the  whole  body  of  patristic  literature. 
The  golden  mean  had  to  be  preserved  between  due  con- 
sideration for,  and  encouragement  of,  the  movement  for 
higher  culture  and  the  progress  of  Science  and  Art,  and  the 
maintenance  of  practical  Christianity  in  dogma  and  precept. 
It  was  in  the  nature  of  things  that  however  clearly  the 
principles  to  be  observed  in  the  last  resort  might  be  under- 
stood, there  would  be  considerable  uncertainty  in  practice, 
since  each  case  had  to  be  decided  on  its  own  merits,  as  to 
what  was  permissible,  or  the  reverse.  The  border  line 
between  the  heathen  and  Christian  Renaissance  was  often 
extremely  difficult  to  define;  the  two  tendencies  touched 
each  other  at  so  many  points,  and  indeed  were  often  united 
in  the  same  person.  Besides  which,  with  many  it  was  a 
mere  question  of  fashion.*  The  balance  was  not  rightly 
struck  till  the  time  of  the  Catholic  Reformation.-f 

One  of  the  special  dangers  accompanying  the  rage  for 
the  antique  in  the  age  of  the  Renaissance  was  that  many 
were  drawn  by  it  to  adopt  the  superstitions  of  the  ancient 
world.  This  danger  was  further  enhanced  by  the  influence 
of  Arabic  learning  which  had  already  begun  to  be  very  con- 
siderable in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Frederick  I  I.J 

*  BURCKHARDT  rightly  lays  stress  on  this,  II.,  291,  ed.  3. 

t  In  regard  to  this  we  shall  enter  into  more  detail  in  a  future  volume, 
in  treating  of  Humanism  in  the  time  of  Leo.  X.,  and  Clement  VII. 

t  In  corroboration  of  what  follows  see  the  very  comprehensive  in- 
vestigations of  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  279  seg^.,  ed.  3,  and  also  the  following 
works  by  Gabotto  in  which  much  new  documentary  material  is  pro- 
duced and  new  views  advanced,  (i)  L'Astrologia  nel  Quattrocento  in 
rapporto  colla  civiltk.  Osservazioni  e  documenti  inediti  (Milano-Torino, 
1889).  (2)  Nuove  ricerche  e  documenti  sull'  Astrologia  alia  corte  degli 
Estensi  e  degli  Sforza,  in  the  periodical  La  Letteratura  (Torino,  1891). 


148  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

The  commonest  form  of  superstition  was  Astrology,  the 
pursuit  of  which  was  usually  combined  with  Astronomy. 
Petrarch  in  his  day  opposed  it  to  the  utmost  of  his  power, 
but  without  producing  any  impression.  During  the  whole 
of  the  15th  Century  and  a  part  of  the  i6th,  the  belief  that 
the  future  could  be  read  by  means  of  horoscopes  of  the  re- 
lative positions  of  the  planets  in  regard  to  each  other,  and 
to  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  was  almost  universal.  A  com- 
plicated system  was  developed,  in  which  various  attributes 
founded  on  more  or  less  erroneous  notions  of  the  characters 
of  the  ancient  gods,  were  ascribed  to  each  of  the  planets. 
Men  were  firmly  convinced  that  the  destinies  of  each  indi 
vidual  largely  depended  on  the  influence  of  the  planets 
under  which  he  or  she  was  born,  these  latter  being  also 
controlled  by  the  constellations  through  which  they  pass. 
Only  a  few  of  the  most  enlightened  men,  such  as  Pius  II., 
were  able  to  shake  off  these  superstitions.  In  most  of  the 
Universities,  side  by  side  with  the  professors  of  Astronomy, 
there  were  professors  of  Astrology  who  propounded  systems 
and  wrote  treatises  on  their  special  subject.  Every  little 
Court  had  its  astronomer ;  sometimes  as  in  Mantua  there 
was  more  than  one.  No  resolution  in  any  important  matter 
was  taken  without  consulting  the  stars,  and  even  trifling 
details  such  as  the  journeys  of  members  of  the  family,  the 
reception  of  foreign  envoys,  the  taking  of  medicine,  were 

(3)  Bartol.  Manfredi  e  FAstrologia  alia  corte  di  Mantova  (Torino,  1891). 

(4)  Alcuni  appunti  per  la  cronologia  della  vita  dell'  astrologo  Luca 
Gaurico  (Napoli,  1892).  See  also  CASANOVA,  L'Astrologia  e  la  con- 
segna  del  bastone  al  capitano  generale  della  rep.  Fiorentina.  Estr.  d. 
Arch.  St.  Ital.  (Firenze,  1895) ;  Meyer,  Der  Aberglaube  des  Mittel- 
alters  und  der  Nachsten  Jahrhunderte,  p.  5  seq.  (Basel,  1884);  Gal- 
LARDO,  Bibl.  Espanola,  II.,  514  (Ital.  Press  for  Astrological  Works); 
J.  Grasse,  III.,  1,936;  CiAN,  Cortegiano,  34;  Schmarsow,  Melozzo, 
87;  UziELLi,  214  seq.\  Gudemann,  221  seq.^  shews  that  the  Italian 
Jews  also  believed  in  Astrology. 


STUDY  OF  ASTROLOGY.  1 49 

all  determined  by  Astrology.  Dare-devil  soldiers  of  fortune 
such  as  Bartolomeo  Alviano,  Bartolomeo  Orsini,  Paolo 
Vitelli,  believed  in  it*  Amongst  the  Universities,  those  of 
Padua,  Milan  and  Bologna  were  its  special  homes,  but  its  in- 
fluence is  to  be  found  everywhere  in  the  calendar,  in  medicine 
and  in  all  the  current  beliefs  and  popular  prophecies.f 
"  Things  have  come  to  such  a  pass,"  says  Roberto  da  Lecce 
in  one  of  his  sermons,  "  that  people  hardly  dare  to  eat  any- 
thing, or  put  on  new  clothes,  or  begin  the  most  trifling 
undertaking  without  consulting  the  stars."J  Astrology  was 
so  bound  up  with  Italian  life  that  many  even  of  the  Popes, 
Sixtus  IV.,  Julius  II.,  Leo  X.,  and  still  later  Paul  III.  were 
influenced  by  the  notions  of  their  time.§  The  famous 
Cristoforo  Landini  seriously  hoped  to  forecast  the  future 
of  Christianity  by  means  of  the  science  of  the  stars,  the 
pious  Domenico  de'  Dominichi  pronounced  a  discourse  in 
praise  and  defence  of  Astrology.  ||  The  learned  naturalist 
and  physician  Paolo  Toscanelli,  who  lived  the  life  of  a 
saint,  was  Astronomer  to  the  Medici  and  the  Floren- 
tine Governments  It  must  be  understood  however  in  re- 
gard to  him  and  other  right-minded  men  that  "  it  was  only 

*  Gabotto,  L'Astrologia,  8. 

t  See  VON  Bezold'S  interesting  paper  on  "  Astrology  in  the  making 
of  history"  in  QuiDDE's  Zeitschrift,  VI 1 1.,  63.  Cf.  also  Gabotto, 
Notizie  ed  Estratti  del  poemetto  inedito  "de  excellentium  virorum 
principibus"  di  Antonio  Cornazzano,  15  seq.     Pinerolo,  1889. 

X  Rob.  de  Litio,  Quadrag.  de  Peccatis,  43. 

§  It  is  uncertain  whether  or  not  Paul  II.  tolerated  Astrology.  See 
Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  60,  note  t  (Engl,  trans.). 

II  ViLLARi,  Savonarola,  I.,  243  (Gennan  edition).  Machiavelli, 
I.,  200 ;  and  Skaife,  145  seq.  In  regard  to  Domenichi,  see  Pastor, 
loc.  cit. 

IF  Uzielli,  214  seq.  It  was  not  till  quite  the  close  of  his  life  that 
Toscanelli,  in  consequence  of  some  of  his  observations,  lost  faith  in 
Astrology.     Loc.  cit.,  222-3. 


150  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Up  to  a  certain  point  that  they  allowed  themselves  to  be 
guided  by  the  stars  ;  a  limit  was  assigned  by  religion  and 
conscience  which  was  not  over-passed."*  Many  like 
Pontano  "  honestly  believed  that  Astrology  was  a  genuine 
experimental  science  and  that  the  traditions  derived  from 
the  ancients  were  as  certain  and  well  authenticated  as 
Aristotle's  observations  in  the  natural  history  of  animals. 
What  Pontano  sought  for  in  Astrology  was  not  to  forecast 
the  future,  but  a  clearer  understanding  of  the  conditions  of 
human  life  and  the  influence  exercised  upon  it  by  nature. 
It  was  the  conviction  that  there  was  an  unbroken  chain  of 
cause  and  effect,  binding  all  things  both  great  and  small  in 
the  universe  to  each  other,  and  man  among  the  rest,  so  that 
the  powers  of  nature  must  bear  their  due  part  in  his  origin 
and  destiny,  which  attracted  so  many  even  of  the  nobler 
intellects  of  that  day  to  the  study  of  Astrology."*!- 

Astrological  and  astronomical  ideas  supplied  congenial 
material  to  the  artists  of  that  time  who  delighted  in  repre- 
sentations of  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  and  personifications  of 
the  stars  and  the  planetary  deities.  The  frescoes  in  the 
Palazzo  Schifanoia  in  Ferrara  and  the  Borgia  apartments  in 
the  Vatican  are  well-known  instances  of  these.  The  astro- 
logical teaching  in  regard  to  the  offspring  of  the  planets 
found  definite  expression  in  the  time  of  the  Renaissance  in 
the  so-called  signs  of  the  planets.  A  distinct  type  of  these 
symbols  appeared  in  the  middle  of  the  15th  Century.  It 
probably  originated  in  Florence,  passed  from  Italy  into  the 
Netherlands,  and  thence  into  Germany,  and  held  its  ground 
well  into  the  early  part  of  the  i6th  Century.J 

*  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  28 1,  ed.  3. 

t  GOTHEIN,  446. 

t  Lippmann's  learned  treatise  "  Die  Sieben  Planeten  "  describes  the 
wanderings  and  transformations  of  this  cycle  of  representations.  (Pub- 
lished by  the  Intemat.  Chalcographical  Association  in  the  year  1895.) 


OPPOSITION   OF   THE   MISSION    PREACHERS.  15I 

One  of  the  greatest  merits  of  the  mission  preachers  of  that 
day  was  the  determined  war  which  they  waged  against 
Astrology.  It  would  be  impossible  to  stigmatise  the  evil 
effects  of  this  superstition  more  incisively  and  directly  than 
was  done  by  such  men  as  S.  Bernardino  of  Siena,  Antonio 
of  Vercelli,  Roberto  da  Lecce  and  Gabriele  Barletta.*  Many 
of  the  Humanists  also  set  their  faces  against  Astrology ;  f 
Paul  II.  wished  to  forbid  the  practice  of  it.J  But  of  all  the 
writings  of  that  day  directed  against  Astrology  and  also 
against  the  one-sided  infatuation  for  classical  literature,  the 
work  of  Pico  della  Mirandola  is  by  far  the  most  striking  and 
effective.  § 

From  the  date  of  this  publication,  the  delusion  began 
gradually  to  give  way  in  Italy.  It  became  possible  for 
satirists  like  Ariosto  in  his  "  Necromanti "  to  heap  ridicule 
on  the  charlatan  dealers  in  the  black  arts.il  The  change  of 
opinion  began  to  find  expression  in  painting.  In  the  dome 
of  the  Chigi  Chapel  in  S'^  Maria  del  Popolo,  Raphael  repre- 
sents the  heaven  of  the  fixed  stars,  and  the  deities  of  the 
planets  as  presided  over  by  angels,  and  blessed  from  above 
by  God  the  Father.^ 

*  GUDEMANN,  222-4.  Rob-  da  Lecce  was  specially  severe  against 
Alchemy:  Quadrag.  de  Peccatis,  122.  Savonarola  deserves  mention 
here  also  as  a  vigorous  opponent  of  superstition.  Cf.  Geffcken, 
208.  Bapt,  Mantuanus  expresses  himself  very  strongly  against  the 
Alchemists  of  his  day  :  De  Patientia,  1.  III.,  c.  2.  Cf.  ibid.,  c.  12,  against 
Astrologers. 

t  Cf.  VoiGT,  Wiederbelehbung,  II.,  492  seq.,  ed.  2. 

X  Cf  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  60  (Engl,  trans.). 

§  Burckhardt,  I.,  244,  ed.  3. 

II  Ruth,  II.,  526.9^^.  ;  Carriere,  81  seq.  ;  GasPARY,  II.,  418  seg.  ; 
Gabotto,  L'Astrologia,  39. 

IT  Burckhardt,  II.,  288,  ed.  3.  In  regard  to  Pico,  cf  von  Bezold, 
Astrolog.  Geschichtsconstruction,  loc.  cit.,  65,  and  UziELLi,  223  seq. 
Cf  220  seq.  on  Pico's  opponent  Lucio  Bellanti. 


152  HISTORY  OF   THE   TOPES. 

Astrology,  however,  was  only  one  of  many  other  preva- 
lent superstitions.  Very  many  of  the  Humanists  were 
amazingly  credulous  in  regard  to  wonders  and  prophecies. 
Poggio  was  a  firm  believer  in  prodigies  of  the  sort  that  are 
found  in  the  classics.  It  was  true  that  Oracles  had  dis- 
appeared, and  that  the  Gods  could  not  now  be  enquired  of, 
but  it  became  very  much  the  fashion  to  open  a  page  of 
Virgil  at  random  and  to  interpret  the  lines  which  first  met 
the  eye  as  an  omen.  "  The  influence  of  the  demonology 
of  the  later  paganism  can  distinctly  be  traced  in  prevailing 
beliefs  on  that  subject  in  the  Renaissance.  The  printing 
of  the  works  of  Jamblichus  or  Abammon,  on  the  Egyptian 
mysteries,  in  a  Latin  translation  towards  the  end  of  the  15th 
Century,  is  a  proof  of  this.  Even  the  Platonic  Academy  in 
Florence  was  not  wholly  free  from  a  hankering  after  these 
and  similar  neo-Platonic  delusions  of  the  decadent  Roman 
Empire."  There  was  a  revival  also  of  the  belief  in  the 
possibility  of  subjecting  demons  and  obliging  them  to 
work  for  human  ends.  Sixtus  IV.  found  it  necessary  to 
direct  a  Brief  against  some  Carmelites  in  Bologna  who  had 
maintained  that  there  was  no  harm  in  asking  for  things 
from  demons.  Here  also,  however,  the  reaction  was 
making  itself  felt.  It  is  noteworthy  that  poets  and 
novelists  could  count  upon  a  sympathising  public  in  turning 
all  such  things  into  ridicule.  From  the  beginning  of  the 
i6th  Century,  belief  in  magic  was  perceptibly  on  the  wane.* 

Many  of  the  errors  into  which  the  philosophers  of  the  age 
of  the  Renaissance  fell,  were,  like  these  superstitions,  con- 
nected  with  the   classical   craze.f     Gemistos    Plethon,  an 

*  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  29 1  seq.,  ed.  3.  Cf.  CiAN,  Cortegiano,  249. 
There  is  an  interesting  enumeration  of  all  the  various  kinds  of  super- 
stition in  a  Sermon,  p.  162  seq.^  by  Antonius  Vercelli.  Cf.  also  ROB.  DE 
LiTio,  Quadrages.,  44. 

t  Besides   BURCKHARDT,   II.,  312,  ed.   3,  see  RiTTER,  Gesrh.  der 


PLATONISM   OF   FICINO.  1 53 

enthusiastic  disciple  of  Plato  of  the  neo-Platonic  school, 
ignored  Christianity  and  in  religion  reverted  to  paganism. 
He  hoped  by  the  revival  of  his  philosophy  to  create  a 
universal  religion.* 

Cardinal  Bessarion  endeavoured  to  mitigate  the  dispute 
between  Plethon  and  the  Greek  Aristotelians.  In  his 
famous  Defence  of  Plato,  he  demonstrates  the  essential 
agreement  between  the  two  Attic  Masters,  while,  at  the 
same  time  pointing  out  the  errors  which  separate  both  from 
Christianity.!  The  Platonic  philosophy  had  in  Marsilio 
Ficino,  an  even  more  devoted  adherent  than  in 
Plethon.  This  gifted  writer  was  deeply  penetrated  with 
the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  entered  Holy 
Orders  in  the  year  1473.  Personally,  Ficino  was  through- 
out a  blameless  priest  and  a  faithful  Christian,  but  his 
endeavour  to  unite  Platonism  with  Christianity  was  open 
to  grave  objections.  Plethon  wished  to  substitute  a 
mixture  of  neo-Platonism  and  oriental  religious  doctrines 
for  Christianity,  Ficino,  fascinated  by  the  beauty  of  the 
ancients,  sought  to  infiltrate  Platonism  into  Christianity, 
without  apparently  perceiving  the  danger  that  the  positive 
teaching  of  the  latter  might  disappear  in  the  process.  His 
mysticism,  enhanced  by  a  strong  leaning  towards  As- 
trology, laid  him  open  to  suspicion.  In  1489  he  was 
accused  before  Innocent  VIII.  of  practising  magical  arts, 
and  successfully  disproved  the  charge  ;  but  he  cannot  be 
acquitted   of    that   of  having   mixed   up    Platonism    with 

Phil,  IX.,  220  seq.  ;  StoCKL,  Gesch.  der  Phil,  III.,  202  seq.  ;  RlXNER, 
Gesch.  der  Phil,  194  seq.  ;  Haffner,  Gesch.  der  Phil,  II.,  678  seq. 
See  also  Heinrich,  Dogmatik,  I.,  95,  104. 

*  In  addition  to  PASTOR,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  322  (Engl  trans.),  see  also 
BURCKHARDT,  II.,  260,  ed.  3,  and  Stkin,  126  seq. 

f  Cf.  on  Bessarion's  work,  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  321  (Engl  trans.), 
and  Haffner,  /oc.  cit. 


154  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Christianity  to  a  dangerous  extent.  His  infatuation  for 
Plato  was  such  that  he  actually  addressed  his  hearers  as 
"  beloved  in  Plato  "  instead  of  "  beloved  in  Christ."  The 
great  master  was  made  by  these  fanatical  admirers,  the 
object  of  a  veritable  cultus,  as  though  he  had  been  a  Saint, 
lamps  were  burned  before  his  picture,  he  was  ranked  with 
the  Apostles  and  Prophets,  and  feasts  were  celebrated  in 
his  honour.  It  was  even  seriously  proposed  to  add 
extracts  from  his  writings  to  the  homilies  which  were 
publicly  read  in  the  churches  on  Sundays.* 

Ficino's  young  friend  Pico  della  Mirandola,  deserves 
perhaps  to  be  called  the  most  brilliantly  gifted  of  all  the 
members  of  the  Platonic  Academy  in  Florence.  Like  his 
master  he  sought  to  demonstrate  the  fundamental  agree- 
ment of  all  the  heathen  philosophers  with  each  other,  and 
with  Christian  scholasticism  and  mysticism.  In  his  system 
however,  the  most  prominent  place  is  given,  not  to  Plato, 
but  to  the  fantastic  esoteric  doctrines  of  the  Kabbala. 
This  attempt  to  find,  in  Jewish  mysticism,  a  better  support 
for  Christianity  than  in  the  old  paths  of  the  great  theo- 
logians, can  only  be  characterised  as  a  mistake  and  a  weak- 
ness. But  whenever  Pico's  cabalistic  and  neo-Platonic 
ideas  led  him  into  anything  palpably  irreconcilable  with 
the  teachings  of  the  Church,  he  never  failed  to  draw 
back  and  submit  to  the  divinely  appointed  authority.-f     In 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  25  seg.,  ed.  2  ;  Rohrbacher-KnopflER, 
310.  ROCHOLL  in  Briegers  Zeitschr.  fiir  Kirchengesch.,  XIII.,  53  seg'. ; 
Carriere,  26  seg.;  Stein,  129  se^.,  154  seg.;  Fischer,  I.,  88  seg.,  ed.  3; 
Gaspary,  II.,  166  seg.  ;  Gabotto,  L'Epicureismo  di  Marsilio  Ficino. 
(Milano,  1891.)     Cf.  Giom.  St.  d.  Lett.,  XVIIL,  459  seg^. 

t  Haffner,  II.,  681  seg.;  Katholik,  1880,  I.,  192  ;  Reumont,  /oc. 
cit.;  SchroCKH,  XXX.,  441  seq.;  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV., 9  J^^.;  RlXNER, 
197 seq.;  GaSPARY,  II.,  171  seq.;  RoCHOLL,  loc.  cit.,  62 seq.  VON  Bezold 
in  Sybel'S  Zeitschr.,  XLIX.,  194  seq.  ;  Antol.  Ital.,  N.  S.  IX.,  2,  21  seq.  ; 
X.,  I,  3  seq. ;  Carriere,  32  seq. ;  Dreydorff,  Das  System  des  Joh. 


ARISTOTELIANS   OF  PADUA.  1 55 

direct  opposition  to  the  Florentine  Platonists  were  the 
Aristoteh'ans,  who  were  divided  into  Averroists  and  Alex- 
andrians, and  whose  head-quarters  were  at  Padua.  At  this 
University  the  nature  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul 
formed  the  chief  topics  of  discussion.  In  the  early  part  of 
the  1 6th  Century,  the  disputes  were  so  violent  that  the 
students  refused  to  listen  to  each  new  professor  until  he 
had  declared  his  views  about  the  soul.  The  Aristotelians 
of  the  Renaissance  had  fallen  into  some  very  serious  errors 
on  this  subject.  Alexandrians  and  Averroists  agreed  that 
the  personal  immortality  of  the  soul  could  not  be  philo- 
sophically demonstrated.  The  Averroists  also  maintained 
that  the  whole  human  race  was  animated  by  a  single  soul. 
Marsilio  Ficino  was  foremost  in  shewing  how  dangerous 
these  doctrines  were.  "  The  opinions  of  both  Averroists 
and  Alexandrians,"  he  wrote,  "  are  alike  destructive  of 
religion."  The  Aristotelians  tried  to  shelter  themselves 
behind  the  proposition  that  what  was  true  in  Philosophy 
might  be  false  in  Faith,  and  all  of  them  professed  their  sub- 
mission to  the  teaching  of  the  Church.* 

Patient  and  tolerant  as  Rome  ever  is,  she  could  not  allow 
such  dangerous  doctrines  to  pass  unchallenged.  On  Dec.  19, 
1 5 13,  at  the  eighth  sitting  of  the  Lateran  Council,  Leo  X. 
issued  a  dogmatic  constitution  defending  the  immortality 
and  individuality  of  the  soul.     The  new  distinction  between 

Pico  (Marburg,  1858);  cf.  also  Hagemann,  in  the  Liter.  Handweiser, 
1868,  Nr.  65.  On  the  medical  and  astrological  works  of  Marsilio 
Ficino  see  Weitenweber,  Des  Marsilius  Ficinus  Werk ;  De  vita 
Studiosorum,  in  connection  with  his  remarks  on  Hellenism.  Prag, 
1858. 

*  Besides  the  above  mentioned  works ;  cf.  also  Wetzer  und 
Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  I.,  531  seq.  and  1750,  ed.  2;  Lea,  III.,  575. 
The  highest  honours  have  been  awarded  to  Mabilleau's  as  yet  unpub 
Hshed  work  on  the  schools  of  Padua,  of  which  his  Etudes  Hist,  sur  la 
philosophie  de  la  Renaissance  en  Italic  (Paris,  1881)  is  the  introduction. 


156  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

truths  of  Philosophy  and  truthsof  Theology  was  also  rejected, 
because  truth  is  not  twofold,  and  cannot  contradict  itself. 
Any  proposition  not  in  accordance  with  the  true  Faith,  was 
pronounced  false,  and  might  not  be  taught.  Professors  at 
the  Universities  were  moreover  directed  by  the  Council  to  be 
careful  in  their  discourses  on  Philosophy,  to  point  out  the 
truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  to  refute  to  the  best  of 
their  power  the  heathen  doctrines  of  the  mortality  or  univer- 
sality of  the  human  soul,  the  eternity  of  the  world,  etc.* 

In  spite  of  this,  in  15 16,  Pietro  Pomponazzi,  who  had 
been  summoned  from  Padua  to  Bologna,  there  published  a 
treatise  in  which  he  defended  the  theory  of  the  mortality 
of  the  soul,  including  the  reason,  and  quoted  Alexander 
Aphrodisias  to  shew  that  this  was  Aristotle's  real  meaning, 
and  that  it  was  impossible  to  prove  its  immortality  on 
philosophical  grounds.-}-   The  Minorites  in  Venice  succeeded 

*  Hergenrother,  VIII.,  586. 

t  In  addition  to  FiORENTiNO'S  very  inadequate  monograph,  Pietro 
Pomponazzi  (Firenze,  1869),  cf.  Essays  by  Ferri  in  the  Arch.  St.  Ital., 
3  Serie,  XV.,  65  seq. ;  in  La  Filosofia  delle  scuole  Ital.,  1877  ;  in  the 
Giorn.  Napolit.  di  Filosofia,  VIII.  (1878),  109-24,  and  in  the  Atti  d. 
Lincei,  Scienze  Mor.  S.,  II.,  III.,  875-6;  Franck  in  the  Journal  des 
Savants  (May  and  July,  1869);  RiTTER,  IX.,  390  j-^^.;  DiTTRICH,  Con- 
tarini,  220  seq.  ;  FiSCHER,  I.,  79  seq.^  ed.  3  ;  FONTANA,  Sulla  immor- 
talitk  delF  anima  di  Pietro  Pomponazzi  (Siena,  1869);  PodestX,  Doc. 
sul.  P.  (Estr.  d.  Atti  d.  Romagna,  Bologna,  1868);  Davari,  Lettere 
di  Pietro  Pomponazzi  (Mantova,  1877) ;  Giorn.  St.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  VIII., 
377  seq.',  Owen,  iZc^seq. ;  Haffner,  II.,  683  seq. ;  Stockl,  III.,  202 
seq.',  Lea,  III.,  575  seq.\  RlXNER,  205  seq.',  Lange,  Gesch.  des  Materi- 
alismus,  103  seq.  (Iserlohn,  1866) ;  Credaro,  Lo  scetticismo  degli  Acca- 
demici,  II.,  320  (Milano,  1893);  Ardigo,  Pietro  Pomponazzi  (Mantova, 
1869);  Opere  Filosof.,  I.  (Mantova,  1882);  L.  Ferri,  La  psicologia  di 
Pietro  Pomponazzi  secondo  un  manoscritto  della  Biblioteca  Angelica  di 
Roma  (Comento  ined.  al  De  Anima  di  Aristotele),  Roma,  1877  ;  cf. 
Zarncke's  Centralblatt,  1877,  P-  1209.  The  essay  on  the  Materialism 
of  Pietro  Pomponazzi  in  the  Katholik,  1861,  I.,  .150  seq..^  is  highly  instruc- 


SUICIDE   OF   POMPONAZZI.  1 57 

in  getting  the  book  publicly  burnt,  and  it  would  have  met 
with  a  like  fate  in  Rome  and  Bologna  if  Bibbiena  and 
Giulio  de'  Medici  had  not  intervened  on  Pomponazzi's 
behalf  It  was  quite  possible  to  maintain  that  the  philo- 
sopher had  only  stated  Aristotle's  theory  of  the  soul  his- 
torically, and  not  as  agreeing  with  it  himself  Besides 
Pomponazzi  professed  the  most  absolute  submission  to  the 
Church.  Many  were  deceived  by  this,  but  on  June  13, 
1 5 18,  Leo  X.,  despite  the  powerful  influence  of  Bibbiena 
and  Giulio  de'  Medici,  called  upon  the  philosopher  to  make 
a  formal  recantation.*  Whether  Pomponazzi  did  so  or 
not,  does  not  appear,  but  he  retained  his  opinions.  A 
recently  discovered  account  of  Pomponazzi's  last  days, 
supplies  an  additional  proof  that  he  really  had,  under  the 
veil  of  an  impartial  statement  of  the  theories  of  another, 
astutely  put  forward  his  own  materialistic  views.  In  a 
private  letter  to  his  father  on  May  20,  1525,  Antonio 
Brochardo  describes  how  the  famous  teacher,  when  his 
health  had  completely  broken  down,  determined  to  meet 
death  and  have  done  with  it  once  for  all.  He  carried  out 
this  determination  by  steadily  refusing  either  to  speak  or 
eat.  Threats  and  even  force  were  unavailing.  Not  till  the 
seventh  and  last  night  did  he  break  his  resolute  silence  to 
say  "  I  depart  gladly."  Some  one  asked  him  "  Where  are 
you  going  ?  "  "  Where  all  mortals  go  "  he  replied.  Being 
asked  again  "  Whither  then  do  mortals  go  ?  "  Pomponazzi 
answered  "  Where  I  am  going  and  where  all  the  others 
have  gone."  The  bystanders  made  a  last  attempt  to 
induce  the  dying  man  to  eat.  In  vain,  "  Let  me  be,  I  wish 
to  die "  he   angrily  exclaimed,  and  with    these  words   he 

tive  but  little  known  ;  SPIEKER  regards  Pomponazzi's  professed  submis- 
sion to  the  Holy  See  as  a  mere  empty  form.     (Leben  und  Lehre  des 
Pietro  Pomponazzi.     Miinchener  Diss.,  1868,  p.  8.) 
■^  Cf.  Document  in  Ranke,  Popes,  I.,  48,  note  1,  ed.  6 


158  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

passed  away.*  This  account,  based  on  the  testimony  of  an 
eye-witness,  reveals  the  fact  so  carefully  kept  back  by 
Pomponazzi's  admirers  that  the  philosopher  who  had 
taught  rank  materialism  under  the  mask  of  Christianity,f 
ended  by  taking  his  own  life.  This,  happily,  was  a  very 
rare  occurrence  at  the  time  of  the  Renaissance.^ 

The  views  advanced  by  Pomponazzi  were  so  dangerous 
and  so  widely  disseminated  that  it  is  cheering  to  note  the 
energy  with  which  they  were  opposed.  Treatises  in  refuta- 
tion of  them  were  composed  by  the  philosopher  Agostino 

*  Brochardo's  letter  was  published  by  ClAN,  Nuovi  documenti  su 
Pietro  Pomponazzi,  29  seq.  (Venezia,  1887).  Only  thirty-seven  copies  of 
this  work  were  printed,  and  it  is  consequently  scarcely  known  in 
Germany.  Probably  the  only  reference  to  it  is  my  own  in  the  Hist. 
Jahrb.,  XII.,  223  seq.  As  the  matter  is  one  of  great  importance,  the 
original  text  is  given  below.  II  valente  philosopho  .  .  .  assai  pativa  da 
certo  tempo  in  qua  gravissimi  dolori  di  fianco,  ardore  di  vessica,  doglia 
per  cagione  di  preda  et  indispositione  istrema  di  stomaco :  laonde 
deliberando  di  non  mille  ma  una  volta  sola  morire  qual  vero  philosopho 
disprezatore  di  morte  si  pose  a  non  voler  mangiare  ne  dire  parola  ad 
alcuno  et  ne  per  preghi,  minaccie  o  forza  che  sieno  state  adoperate  mai 
non  ha  voluto  far  altrimenti  se  non  che  la  settima  et  ultima  notte  in- 
torno  alle  sei  o  otto  hore  comincio  a  parlare  et  dire  :  Abeo  letus,  abeo  :  et 
questi  da  cui  sono  informato  di  queste  cose  gli  rispose  :  Quo  ergo 
vultis  abire  Domine  ?  et  egli :  Quo  mortales  omnes.  Onde  costui  un 
altra  fiata  gli  disse  :  Et  quo  eunt  mortales  ?  Gli  rispose  :  Quo  ego  et  alii. 
Et  in  questa  lo  incominciorono  a  confortare  et  di  novo  a  porzeli  il  cibo. 
Ma  lo  stoico  indignato  comincio  a  gridare  :  sinite,  volo  abire.  Et  cosi 
gridando  solvuntur  frigore  membra.  Vitaque  cum  gemitu  fugit  indig- 
nata  sub  umbras.  The  clever  epitaph  given  by  Bayle,  Art.  Pomp. 
Note  D.,  is  possibly  a  play  upon  this  account  of  the  philosopher's  death  : 
Hie  sepultus  jaceo  ;  quare  ?  nescio,  nee  si  scis  aut  nescis  euro  ;  si  vales 
bene  est ;  vivens  valui ;  fortassis  et  nunc  valeo ;  si  aut  non  ?  dicere 
nescio. 

t  Cf.  Katholik,  loc.  cit. 

X  Cf.  MOTTA,  Suicidi  nel  quattrocento  e  nel  cinquecento  in  Arch. 
St.  Lomb.,  XV.,  <^6seq.,  with  Cian,  loc.  cit..,  22.    See  also  Landucci,  277. 


TEACHING   OF   POMPONAZZI.  I  59 

Nifo,  who  dedicated  his  book  to  Leo  X.,  the  Augustinian 
Ambrogio  Fiandini,  the  Dominican  Bartolomeo  di  Spina, 
Bartolomeo  Fiera  of  Mantua,  the  Servite  Jerome  Amideus 
of  Lucca,  and  a  young  Venetian  noble,  Gasparo  Contarini. 
The  latter  writing  to  one  who  in  earlier  days  had  been 
his  teacher,  expressed  himself  in  respectful  and  courteous 
terms.  His  arguments  were  mostly  drawn  from  the  philo- 
sophy of  S.  Thomas.  Pomponazzi  vouchsafed  no  reply 
to  any  of  his  opponents  except  Nifo  and  Contarini.  His 
answer  to  Nifo  is  sharp  and  sometimes  contemptuous  in 
tone ;  to  his  old  pupil  he  wrote  courteously.  Contarini  in  re- 
turn composed  a  second  and  shorter  treatise,  in  which  with 
all  deference  to  his  former  master  he  discusses  and  trium- 
phantly confutes  his  opponent's  arguments  one  by  one.* 

More  reprehensible  still  were  the  conclusions  which 
Niccol6  Machiavelli,  the  most  gifted  representative  of  the 
false  renaissance  drew  from  the  philosophy  of  the  ancients.f 
Never  perhaps  has  any  man  been  so  imbued  with  the  spirit 

*  With  the  somewhat  abstract  dissertations  of  FlORENTiNO,  41  seq.^ 
49  seq.^  52  seq.^  192  seq.^  cf.  Hergenrother,  VIII. ,  585  seq.  ;  see 
also  Dittrich'S  excellent  monograph  on  Contarini,  222  seq. ;  Reusch's 
account  of  this  matter  (Index  I.,  60)  is  inadequate.  Reusch  is  not  even 
acquainted  with  Fiorentino. 

t  MOHL,  III.,  519  seq.,  gives  a  summary  of  authorities  upon  Machia- 
velli. Cf.  MOHL,  Handworterbuch  der  Staatswissensch.,  IV.,  1093. 
Reumont'S  reviews  of  books  by  Trendelenberg,  ViLLARi  and  NiTTi  in 
the  Allg.  Zeitung,  1877,  No.  248  j^^.,  Supplement,  and  in  the  Bonner 
Litteraturblatt,  1872,  p.  147  seq.,  are  valuable.  For  the  deficiencies  in 
Tommasini's  work  see  Deutsche  Literaturzeitung,  1884,  No.  8  ;  (/!  also 
Sybel's  Zeitschr.,  LI  I.,  554  seq.  Cf.  also  Owen,  162  seq. ;  Gierkb:, 
Althusius,  299;  Le  Correspondant,  1873,  ^^77^  ^^^  1882;  Ellinger 
(Die  antiken  Quellen  der  Staatslehre  Machiavelli's  in  der  Zeitschr.  fiir 
die  Ges.  Staatswissenschaften,  XLIV.,  1-58  [enlarged  edition, Tubingen, 
1888])  shews  how  Machiavelli  borrowed  from  the  antique.  For 
criticisms  on  the  new  edition  of  Villari,  cf.  PELLEGRINI  in  the  Rassegna 
Bibliogr.  d.  Lett.,  Ital.,  II.,  n.  12.     Pisa,  1894. 


l6o  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

of  pagan  antiquity  as  was  this  Florentine  politician.  Machi- 
avelli's  private  life  was  regulated  on  pagan  principles,  and 
truly  appalling  are  the  glimpses  into  this,  afforded  by  his 
letters  to  his  friend  and  confidant,  Francesco  Vettori.* 
The  two  were  kindred  souls.  Their  interest  in  life  was 
divided  between  politics  and  gallantry.  Their  fortunes 
indeed  were  very  different.  Vettori  lived  in  considerable 
splendour  as  Ambassador  in  Rome.  Machiavelli  after  the 
Florentine  revolution  of  15 12,  found  himself  condemned  to 
an  involuntary  idleness,  most  distasteful  to  his  restless 
nature.  In  characteristic  fashion  he  sought  consolation, 
on  the  one  hand,  in  the  study  of  the  classics,  and  on  the 
other,  in  low  pot-houses  and  vile  amours.  These  latter  and 
the  politics  of  the  day  are  the  principal  subjects  of  his 
correspondence  with  Vettori.  Not  once  does  he  allude  to 
his  wife  or  his  three  children  (a  fourth  was  born  in  15 14). 
Possibly  Machiavelli  exaggerated  his  love  affairs,  and  told 
tales  which  are  only  partially  true  ;  but  all  the  same  he  must 
beyond  doubt,  have  led  a  dissipated  and  immoral  life.f  He 
sought  to  drown  his  discontent  in  the  tumult  of  the  senses. 
"  Although  I  am  near  50,"  he  writes,  "  Cupid's  nets  still 
enthral  me.  Bad  roads  cannot  exhaust  my  patience  nor 
dark  nights  daunt  my  courage.  I  have  flung  all  serious 
thought  to  the  winds  ;  I  care  no  longer  to  read  of  the  old, 
or  to  speak  of  the  new.     My  whole  mind  is  bent  on  love, 

*  N.  Machiavelli,  Le  lettere  familiari,  p.  p.  E.  Alvisi  (Firenze, 
1883).  By  the  kindness  of  Prof.  Uzielli  of  Florence  I  obtained  access  to 
the  editio  Integra  of  this  work,  which  for  decency's  sake  is  withheld  front 
the  public.  Repulsive  as  these  documents  are  we  cannot  but  regret 
that  they  are  not  published.  They  are  essential  to  a  true  estimate  of 
Machiavelli's  character. 

t  Cf.  Giorn.  St.  d.  Lett.  Ital,  II.,  176  seq.\  Villari,  II.,  191  seq.\ 
Gaspary,  II.,  342-69,  and  Allg.  Zeitung,  1875,  No.  25,  p.  362.  For 
Vettori  see  also  H.  Rosemeier,  N.  Machiavelli's  erste  Legation  zu 
Kaiser  Maximilian  I.,  40.    Biickeburg,  1894. 


MACHIAVELLI  AND   HIS   WORKS.  l6l 

for  which  I  give  Venus  thanks  *  Machiavelli  describes 
many  of  these  episodes  in  such  vile  language,  as  to  disgust 
even  his  latest  champion.f  Several  letters  are  so  coarse 
that  to  this  day  no  one  has  ventured  to  publish  them.  In 
the  straits  to  which  he  was  put  for  money,  Machiavelli 
soon  ceased  to  have  the  heart  for  this  obscene  jesting.  He 
was  not  exactly  poor,  but  he  had  not  income  enough  to 
provide  for  his  family.  Accustomed  to  lavish  expenditure 
he  now  saw  himself  obliged  to  count  every  farthing.  In 
vain  he  sought  to  obtain  some  post  which  would  have  pro- 
vided him  with  occupation  and  a  salary,  and  his  famous 
book  the  "  Prince "  was  written  to  attract  the  attention  of 
the  Medici  to  his  unfortunate  position.ij 

Every  one,  Machiavelli  says,  can  see  that  it  is  more 
honourable  for  the  private  citizen  in  the  daily  intercourse  of 
his  home  to  keep  his  word  and  walk  uprightly ;  neverthe- 
less we  learn  by  experience,  that  those  who  have  done  the 
greatest  deeds,  have  by  force  or  by  cunning  made  other 
people  their  tools.  To  be  honest  and  to  act  honestly  in 
a  public  capacity  is  not  only  unnecessary  but  actually 
deleterious.  A  prudent  man  will  learn  to  deceive  and 
dissemble,  so  as  to  preserve  an  outward  show  of  goodness ; 

*  Machiavetxi,  Lettere  familiari,  361.     Cf.  preceding  page,  note*. 

t  ViLLARl,  Machiavelli,  II.,  192  ;  UziELLi,  232. 

X  Cf.  BaumGARTEN,  Gesch.  Kads  V.,  I.,  522  seq.^  who  disproves, 
first,  Ranke's  opinion  (Zur  Kritik,  163*),  that  the  "Prince"  was  written 
from  the  point  of  view  of  15 14;  and  secondly  Villari's,  that  the  book 
was  not  written  till  151 5.  Machiavelli'S  letter  of  Dec.  10, 15 13  (Opere, 
VI 1 1.,  96),  shews  that  the  work  was  then  finished.  The  treatise  is  more- 
over couched  in  general  terms  and  does  not  touch  upon  contemporary 
politics  and  passing  events.  It  was  not  composed  for  any  special 
political  situation  nor  directly  for  the  Medici,  since  after  the  completion 
of  the  book,  Machiavelli  consults  a  friend,  whether  or  not  to  dedicate 
it  to  them  ;  Geiger,  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  vergl.  Literaturgesch.,  Neue 
Folge,  II.,  251,  agrees  throughout  with  Baumgarten. 

VOL.  V.  M 


l62  HISTORY  OF   THE    POPES. 

but  to  act  honestly  under  all  circumstances  would  be  to 
invite  disaster.  A  man  should  be  able  to  adapt  himself  to 
circumstances  and  be  when  necessary  wicked,  inhuman, 
brutal,  now  a  fox,  and  now  a  lion.  He  who  plays  the  fox 
best  is  always  the  most  successful.  A  prudent  man  will  avoid 
all  parade  of  vice  and  scandal.  If  all  men  were  good,  such 
principles  would  indeed  be  wicked ;  but  some  are  treacher- 
ous, and  there  is  no  need  to  keep  faith  with  these  ;  others 
again  are  such  fools  that  they  can  only  be  ruled  by  tyranny  ; 
impostors  will  always  find  plenty  of  people  who  wish  to 
be  deceived.  The  only  precaution  which  must  never  be 
omitted  is  always  to  turn  the  way  of  the  wind  and  to  take 
care  to  succeed.  The  rabble  judges  by  appearances  and 
results,  and  the  world  is  mostly  rabble.* 

In  excuse  for  Machiavelli  it  has  been  urged  that  his  book 
was  not  meant  to  be  a  universal  rule,  but  was  intended 
to  meet  an  exceptional  state  of  things.  This,  from  a 
C;'.ristian  standpoint,  is  a  lame  excuse.  The  religion  of 
the  Incarnate  Son  of  God  knows  only  one  law  of  conduct, 
universally  applicable  to  high  and  low  and  in  all  imagin- 
able cases,  and  that  is,  that  a  good  end  does  not  justify 
unlawlul  means. 

Machiavelli's.  teaching  is  the  exact  opposite  of  this.  In 
terse  and  admirably  chosen  language  he  advocates  the 
complete  severance  of  politics  from  the  eternal  principles 
of  Christianity.  Never  were  distinctive  doctrines  more 
plausibly  and  ably  set  forth,  or  with  greater  audacity. 
"  Christianity  has  no  place"  in  his  conception  of  politics. 
God  and  divine  justice  are  altogether  left  out.     Hitherto 

*  Machiavelli,  II  Principe,  c.  i8  ;  Weiss,  Apologie,  II.,  623-4, 
ed.  2.  The  idea  that  a  ruler  is  to  be  able  to  play  the  brute  and  be  a 
fox  or  a  lion,  to  which  Machiavelli  recurs  again  and  again,  is  borrowed 
from  Plutarch.  See  Ellinger,  in  the  Zeitschr.  fiir  die  Geschichte 
Staatswissenschaften,  XLIV.,  50. 


MACHIAVELLI'S  "  PRINCE."  163 

Christianity  had  been  regarded  as  the  bond  of  union 
between  nations,  as  the  basis  of  States,  as  that  which  made 
Europe  one  spiritual  family.  The  Church  was  the  soil  in 
which  all  the  nations  and  all  their  laws  and  constitutions 
were  rooted.  Machiavelli  ignores  the  entire  system  of 
Christian  government.  It  is  not  only  his  style  which  is 
classical,  his  whole  tone  of  mind  is  pagan  in  the  strictest 
and  most  unqualified  sense  of  the  word.  Just  as  in  ancient 
Rome,  cunning  and  violence  were  the  basis  of  power,  and 
justice  seem.ed  a  superfluous  ornamental  accessory,  a  mere 
trifle,  so  the  fulcrum  of  Machiavelli's  politics,  is  a  combina- 
tion of  terrorism  with  craft.  Justice  is  left  out  of  his 
scheme  and  no  wonder,  since  he  regards  States  and  Peoples, 
not  in  their  relation  to  God,  but  simply  as  the  material  in 
which  his  designs  are  to  be  carried  out.* 

Machiavelli  measures  the  present  by  the  standard  of 
antiquity,  and  indiscriminately  holds  up  whatever  was  done 
by  the  Romans  as  an  example  to  his  "  Prince,"  although 
their  action  applied  to  strange  countries  with  which  they 
had  no  intimate  connection,  and  which  in  race,  language  and 
civilisation,  were  entirely  foreign  to  them.  He  attempts  to 
graft  modern  politics  on  to  Roman  antiquity,  to  build  on 
old  foundations,  as  if  Christianity  the  solid  basis  of  the 
modern  world,  the  tie  which  unites  all  civilised  nations,  had 
never  come  into  existence.  He  has  no  hesitation  in  recom- 
mending, as  parts  of  his  system,  acts  which  are  even  more 
inhuman  than  the  most  ferocious  deeds  of  contemporary 
tyrants.  Caesar  Borgia  murdered  his  old  allies,  but  he 
certainly  never  destroyed  whole  cities — as  the  5th  chapter 
of  the  "Prince"  advises  should  be  done  in  certain  cases. 
"  Whoever  is  lord  of  a  town  accustomed  to  freedom,"  it 
says,  "  and  who  omits  to  destroy  it,  may  rest  assured  that  it 
will  depose  him."     No  passage  in  the  whole   book  shews 

*  Fr.  Schlegel,  quoted  by  WEISS,  Weltgesch.,  IV.,  963. 


1 64  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

more  plainly  that  it  cannot  have  been  meant  as  practical 
advice  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici.  It  is  clear  that  Machiavelli 
was  propounding  an  abstract  theory,  without  any  thought 
of  its  being  literally  put  in  practice.* 

It  is  the  same  with  the  famous  exhortation  to  the  Medici 
in  chapter  xxvi.,  "  to  deliver  Italy  from  tyrants,"  which  was 
perhaps  inserted  later.  "  We  see,"  it  runs,  "  how  Italy 
implores  Almighty  God  to  send  her  a  deliverer,  who  would 
free  her  from  this  barbarous  cruelty  and  wickedness.  We 
see  her  ready  and  willing  to  follow  any  flag,  if  there  were 
but  a  leader  to  carry  it."  Compare  this  with  Machiavelli's 
confidential  letters  of  15 13  and  1 5 14.  "As  for  Italian 
union,"  he  expressly  says,  "the  idea  is  laughable.  First, 
because  here,  union  in  any  good  cause  is  out  of  the  question, 
and  even  if  the  heads  were  of  one  mind,  we  have  no  soldiers 
but  the  Spaniards  that  are  worth  a  farthing  !  Secondly, 
because  the  members  would  never  agree  with  the  heads."f 

The  whole  passage  in  chapter  xxvi.  describing  Italy  as 
unanimous  in  her  desire  for  freedom  and,  calling  for  a 
leader,  is  only  a  fantastic  episode  and  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  main  drift  of  the  "  Prince."  Machiavelli  felt  no 
"inward  compulsion  to  justify  his  political  opinions  by 
pointing  to  some  great  patriotic  act.  Had  he  felt  this 
necessity  he  would  not  have  so  carefully  concealed  the 
link  between  his  politics  and  their  purpose,  that  it  has 
remained  undiscovered  for  300  years.  His  politics  were 
the  outcome  of  Jhis  own  experiences  and  classical  studies. 
He  knew  of  no  ruling  power  which  did  not  rely  on  the 
unscrupulous  use  of  force  and  intrigue.    A  State  resting  on 

•^  Baumgarten,  Gesch.  Karls  V.,  I.,  531-2.  The  agreement  here 
between  Baumgarten  and  Schlegel  is  the  more  remarkable  from  the 
difference  in  their  point  of  view. 

t  Machiavelli,  Opere,  VIII.,  75  seq.\  Baumgarten,  Geschichte 
Karls  v.,  I.,  531-2. 


MACHIAVELLI   ON    LIVY.  165 

a  moral  basis  was  outside  his  sphere  of  thought,  because 
moraHty  did  not  enter  into  his  conception  of  either  public 
or  private  life.  His  'Prince'  systematises  the  political 
practices  of  his  time  in  all  their  unvarnished  hideousness, 
with  the  addition  of  a  few  touches  borrowed  from  the 
antique,  and  he  expected  to  make  his  fortune  with  the 
Medici  by  this  undisguised  confession  of  pure  political 
heathenism."* 

Views  as  objectionable  as  those  in  the  "  Prince"  are  ex- 
pressed in  Machiavelli's  "  Discourses  on  Livy."  In  the 
opening  chapters  the  author  makes  excuses  for  Romulus 
who  killed  his  own  brother  and  murdered  his  colleague. 
"  Wise  men,"  says  Machiavelli, . "  will  forgive  Romulus  the 
ruthless  deed,  considering  the  end  he  had  in  view,  and  the 
result  of  his  action."  In  another  place  he  says  "  where  it  is 
a  question  of  saving  one's  country,  there  must  be  no  hesita- 
tion on  the  score  of  justice  or  injustice,  cruelty  or  kindness, 
praise  or  blame,  but  setting  all  else  aside,  one  must  snatch 
at  whatever  means  present  themselves  for  preserving  life 
and  liberty."! 

That  the  holder  of  such  opinions  must  not  only  have 
stood  aloof  from  the  Church,  but  been  in  his  heart  an 
enemy  of  Christianity,  is  obvious.  Machiavelli  entertained 
a  savage  hatred  of  priests,  and  above  all  for  the  Popes. 
Any  sort  of  attack  on  them,  however  criminal,  was  lawful 
in  his  eyes.  He  finds  fault  with  Giampaolo  Baglioni  for 
throwing  away  the  opportunity,  in  1 506,  of  getting  hold  of 
the  Pope's  person  by  treachery.  "  Baglioni  out  of  cowardice 
did  not  see  his  chance,  or  rather  did  not  dare  to  attempt 
what,  had  he  done  it,  would  have  earned  for  him  immortal 
fame  ;  for  all  the  world  would  have  applauded  his  courage. 

*  Baumgarten,  Gesch.  Karls  V.,  I.,  535-6. 

t  Discorsi  sopra  la  prima  deca  di  Tito  Livio,  I.,  c.  9;  III.,  c.  41  ; 
ViLLARi,  Machiavelli,  II.,  260-6. 


1 66  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

He  would  have  been  the  first  to  shew  those  haughty  pre- 
lates how  little  awe  they  inspire,  because  of  the  lives  they 
lead.  He  would  have  succeeded  in  an  enterprise,  the 
greatness  of  which  would  have  far  outweighed  any  disgrace 
or  danger  that  could  have  attended  it."  *  Even  pronounced 
enemies  of  the  Papacy  stigmatise  this  venomous  passage  as 
"  revolting  "  on  account  of  the  utter  want  of  moral  sense 
which  it  displays.-f 

Machiavelli's  hatred  extended  beyond  the  person  to 
the  cause.  He  acknowledges  the  importance,  and  the 
necessity  of  religion  to  the  State,  but  in  itself  he  believes 
it  to  be  a  pious  fraud.  To  be  perfect  in  his  eyes,  it 
should  be  simply  a  cult  having  a  definitely  political  aim, 
that  of  fostering  patriotism,  the  patriotism  of  the  ancients. 
For  this  reason  he  thinks  highly  of  Roman  polytheism, 
and  recommends  it  as  the  ideal  of  a  State  religion.;]:  P'or 
him  as  for  the  ancients,  it  was  a  civil  institution,  a 
political  instrument  for  keeping  the  masses  in  hand,  and 
so  he  believed  that  each  religion,  having  accomplished  its 
predestined  cycle,  passed  away  like  any  other  earthly  thing. § 
Christianity  was  a  sealed  book  to  him  and  he  considers  it 
dangerous  for  his  ideal  state.  "  The  Christian  religion,"  he 
says, "only  teaches  men  to  suffer,  and  thus  the  world  seems 
to  have  been  enfeebled  and  made  the  prey  of  scoundrels. 
The  religions  of  antiquity  raised  none  to  their  altars  save 
those  who  achieved  earthly  fame,  such  as  princes  and  suc- 
cessful generals ;  but  the  Christian  religion  extols  humility 
and  a  contemplative  life  and  seeks  the  highest  good  in 
meekness,  self-denial  and  scorn  of  worldly  honours.     The 

*  Discorsi,  I.,  c.  27. 

t  This  is  the  opinion  of  Brosch,  Julius  TL,  128  ;   Grimm,  Michel 
Angelo,  I.,  292,  ed.  5  ;  and  Gregorovius,  L.  Borgia,  <^\  seq. 
X  Owen,  166.    Cf.  Ellinger,  loc.  cit.^  27. 

§    HiPLER,  72. 


HIS   HATRED  OF  THE  CHURCH.  167 

ancients,  on  the  other  hand,  prized  only  commanding 
intellect,  physical  strength  and  all  thobc  qualities  which  tend 
to  make  men  powerful."* 

Machiavelli,  steeped  in  the  worship  of  pagan  antiquity, 
can  only  see  the  Church,  her  earthly  head  and  her  priest- 
hood, as  he  sees  the  Christian  religion,  in  caricature.  "If 
Christianity,"  he  writes  with  hypocritical  disregard  of 
patent  facts,  "  had  remained  what  its  founders  made  it, 
things  would  have  gone  very  differently,  and  mankind 
would  have  been  far  happier,  but  there  can  be  no  plainer 
proof  that  this  religion  is  falling  to  pieces  than  the  fact  that 
the  people  who  live  nearest  to  Rome  are  the  least  pious  of 
any."f  In  thus  blaming  the  Church  for  what  happened  in 
her  despite,  Machiavelli  was  aware  that  he  stood  almost 
alone,  and  that  few  shared  his  animosity.  "  Since  some," 
he  says  himself,  "  are  of  opinion  that  the  Italian  nation  owes 
its  prosperity  to  the  Roman  Church,  I  will  here  mention  two 
of  the  chief  objections  to  this  view."  One  of  these  is  a  re- 
petition of  his  former  remark  that  in  consequence  of  the 
evil  example  set  them  by  the  Roman  Court,  Italians  had 
lost  every  vestige  of  religion  and  piety.J  This  statement 
is  simply  false  ;§  and  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  observe  that 
an  affectation  of  zeal  for  the  cause  of  religion,  sits  ill  upon  a 
man  who  had  declared  Christianity  to  be  dangerous  to  the 

*  Discorsi,  II.,  c,  2  ;  ViLLARl,  II.,  265. 

t  Discorsi,  I.,  c.  12;  ViLLARi,  II.,  262  ;  HiPT.ER,  73.  The  injustice 
of  making  the  Popes  responsible  for  the  distracted  condition  of  Italy  is 
shewn  by  Wegele,  Dante's  Leben,  5  (Jena,  1879,  ed.  3).  C/.  the  quo- 
tation in  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  20  (Engl,  trans.).  See  also  Hoklek, 
in  the  Hist,  polit.  Bl.,  XLVIL,  424, 

I  La  prima  ^,  che  per  gli  esempi  rei  di  quella  Corte,  questa  Provincia 
ha  perduto  ogni  divozione  ed  ogni  religione.     Discorsi,  I.,  c.  12. 

^  C/.  supra,  p.  II  seg'.;  Maulde  (Origines,  125),  reverses  Machia- 
velli's  statement  and  remarks  that  it  was  not  the  Court  which  corrupted 
Italy,  but  the  corruption  of  Italy  which  infected  the  Court. 


1 68  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES. 

State.  His  second  objection  carries  no  more  weight  than 
the  first ;  it  is  that  the  Papacy  was  the  real  cause  of  the 
weakness  and  disunion  from  which  Italy  was  suffering.* 
Machiavelli  as  a  historian  might  have  seen  that  the  Papacy 
"  as  the  centre  of  the  one  Church  founded  by  Christ,  must 
of  necessity  have  its  seat  in  the  ancient  capital  of  learning, 
culture  and  power,  and  that  Rome,  in  imposing  the  easy 
yoke  of  the  gospel  upon  subject  nations,  was  fulfilling  an 
infinitely  higher  mission  than  the  Pagan  Empire  which 
trampled  them  under  its  iron  heel."-i-  He  failed  to  perceive 
that  an  absolute  military  monarchy  would,  besides  destroy- 
ing the  municipal  and  provincial  prosperity  of  Italy,  and 
subjugating  the  inhabitants  to  the  tyranny  of  a  despot,  have 
nipped  in  the  bud  the  development  of  Art  and  Literature,  and 
deprived  Italy  of  the  imperishable  glory  of  the  Renaissance.^ 
For  all  this,  Machiavelli,  entangled  in  a  web  of  classical 
dreams,  had  neither  eyes  nor  ears.  The  Papacy  for  him 
was  the  root  of  all  evil  ;  it  had  ruined  Reh'gion  and  the  State, 
and  deserved  in  its  turn  to  be  annihilated.  He  was  blind  to 
the  obvious  truth  that  this  would  have  entailed  the  destruc- 
tion of  both  the  religious  and  the  political  unity  of  the 
Italian  race.  His  ultimate  object  however  was  something 
beyond  the  annihilation  of  the  Papacy  and  of  the  Church 
of  Rome.  The  State  was  in  his  eyes  more  important  than 
religion  or  morals,  and  he  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the 
secularisation  of  all  religion.  Consequently  he  could  not  but 
desire  to  place  the  religion  of  ancient  Rome,  or  as  he  termed 
it,  patriotism,  in  the  place  of  Christianity,  and  the  deified 
self-centred  State  on  the  throne  of  the  Universal  Church.§ 

*  DIscorsi,  I.,  c.  12. 

t   HiPLER,  73. 

:|:  Cantu,  I.,  193,  cf.   198  for  a  striking  passage  from  Guicciardini. 
See  also  K.  Fischer,  Gesch.  d.  Phil,  I.,  75,  ed.  3. 

§  A  critic,  who  is  by  no  means  on  the  Catholic  side,  expresses  him- 


CORRUPTION  OF  THE  ITALIAN  CLERGY.     1 69 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  holder  of  such  views,  one 
who,  in  theory  and  practice,  represented  a  mixture  of  the 
cynic  and  the  epicurean,*  should  have  come  to  be  regarded 
even  by  his  fellow-countrymen  as  a  scoundrel.  No  one 
believed  in  his  death-bed  conversion.  "  The  universal  hatred 
felt  for  Machiavelli  resulted,"  writes  Varchi,  "  from  his 
licentious  tongue,  his  disgraceful  conduct,  and  his  book 
the  '  Prince.' "  f  This  work  marks  the  culminating  point 
of  the  pagan  renaissance,  which,  had  it  succeeded,  would 
have  been  the  ruin  of  Italy. J 

Although  we  must  reject  Machiavelli's  picture  of  the 
condition  of  the  Church  as  a  caricature,  it  is  nevertheless 
indisputable  that  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  Italian 
clergy,  from  the  Mendicant  Friars  to  the  highest  digni- 
taries, were  participators  to  a  large  extent,  in  most  of  the 
evils  that  we  have  been  describing.  The  more  intimately 
the  Church  was  bound  up  with  the  public  and  social  life  of 
the  community,  the  more  must  the  corruption  of  the  world 
affect  her,  and  its  perils  menace  her  members.  Cupidity, 
manifesting  itself  in  the  prevalence  of  simony  and  the 
accumulation  of  benefices,  selfishness,  pride  and  osten- 
tatious luxury  were  but  too  common  amongst  ecclesiastics. 
The  extent  of  the  corruption  is  seen  in  the  complaints  of 
contemporary  writers,  and  proved  by  well  authenticated 
facts.  § 

self  in  almost  identical  language  :  K.  FISCHER,  Gesch.  d.  Phil,  I.,  86, 
ed.  3.  Cf.  also  Haffner,  in  the  Katholik  (1875)  L,  234  ;  Gaspary,  IL, 
356  seq.  ;  Cantu,  I.,  192  seq.^  and  Carriere,  217  seq.^  for  Machia- 
velli's  exaggerated  idea  of  the  State. 

■**•  This  opinion  is  expressed  by  Reumont,  Bonner  Lit.-Blatt.(i872),  147. 

+  Varchi,  L,  150;  Burckhardt,  I.,  82,  ed.  3. 

\  Gregorovius  (L.  Borgia,  124)  is  also  of  opinion  that  this  Humanist 
culture  was  tottering  on  the  edge  of  an  abyss  which  must  have  swallowed 
it  up. 

§  Confining  ourselves  to  the  testimony  of  devout  Catholics  which  is 


I/O  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Unhappily,  the  infection  spread  even  to  the  Holy  See. 
The  corruption  begins  with  Paul  II.;  it  increases  under 
Sixtus  IV.*  and  Innocent  VIII.,  and  comes  to  ahead  in 
the  desecration  of  the  Chair  of  S.  Peter,  by  the  immoral  life 
of  Alexander  Vl.f  The  depravity  of  these  times  struck 
even  such  outside  observers  as  the  knight  Arnold  von 
Harff,  with  horror. J 

The  lives  of  many  cardinals,  bishops  and  prelates,  are 
a  sad  spectacle  at  a  time  when  one  man  could  hold  any 
number  of  benefices,§  and  squander  unabashed  the  revenues 
derived  from  them  in  a  career  of  luxury  and  vice.  The 
serious  corruption  in  the  College  of  Cardinals,  began  under 
Sixtus  IV.,  II  and  during  the  reign  of  Innocent  VII I.H  it 
increased  to  such  an  extent  that  it  became  possible  by 
bribery  to  procure  the  election  of  such  a  successor  as 
Alexander  VI.  A  glance  at  the  lives  of  Ippolito  d'Este, 
Francesco  Iloris,  Caesar  Borgia,  and  others,  is  enough  to 
shew  the  character  of  the  members  admitted  under  this 
Pope  into  the  senate  of  the  Church.**     It  was  not  till  the 

doubly  weighty,  let  us  compare  the  words  of  Pius  II.,  Nicholas  of  Cusa, 
and  Domenico  de'  Dominichi,  quoted  in  a  previous  volume  {cf.  PASTOR, 
Hibt.  Popes,  Vol.  III.,  269  seq.^  Engl,  trans.),  with  RODERICUS  DE 
Arevalo,  Speculum  vitae,  II.,  20;  Bapt.  Mantuanus,  De  calamitatibus 
temp,  libri  III.,  especially,  p.  56  seq.^  and  the  numerous  denunciations 
of  the  preaching  Friars,  many  of  which  have  been  collected  by  GuDE- 
MANN,  218  seq. 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  210-35  seq.,  413  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

+  For  particulars  see  infra,  Books  I.  and  II, 

X  A.  VON  Harff,  Pilgerfahrt,  36-7. 

§  Instances  are  given  by  ROSCOE,  Leo  X.,  I.,  21  ;  Cantu,  I.,  21, 
and  in  subsequent  chapters  in  this  history. 

II  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  409  seq.  (Engl,  trans.) ;  Bapt.  Man- 
tuanus, De  Vita  Beata,  182,  complains  that  the  most  unsuitable  persons 
tried  to  obtain  bishoprics. 

IT    See  i7ifra.  Book  I.,  c.  6. 

**  Details  in  regard  to  these  persons  will  be  given  later.     For  Cardmal 


UNPRIESTLY    LIVES.  I7I 

rei^n  of  Julius  II.  that  a  partial  improvement  took  place, 
and  even  he  bestowed  the  purple  on  such  worthless  persons 
as  Sigismondo  Gonzaga  and  Francesco  Alidosi.*  Strict 
ecclesiastical  discipline  was  not  re-established  in  the  College 
of  Cardinals  till  the  middle  of  the  i6th  Century. 

It  is  not  surprising  when  the  highest  ranks  of  the 
clergy  were  in  such  a  state,  that  among  the  regular  orders 
and  secular  priests,  vice  and  irregularities  of  all  sorts 
should  have  become  more  and  more  common.  The  salt  of 
the  earth  had  lost  its  savour.  Moreover,  where  moral 
purity  languishes,  faith  cannot  fail  to  suffer  ;  and  thus 
when  to  this  v/as  added  the  influence  of  the  false  renais- 
sance, many  were  led  astray.  It  was  such  priests  as  these 
who  gave  occasion  to  the  more  or  less  exaggerated  descrip- 
tions of  the  clergy  given  by  Erasmus  and  Luther,  who 
visited  Rome  during  the  reign  of  Julius  II.  ;t  but  it  is  a 
mistake  to  suppose  that  the  corruption  of  the  clergy  was 
worse  in  Rome  than  elsewhere ;  there  is  documentary 
evidence  of  the  immorality  of  the  priests  in  almost  every 
town  in  the  Italian  Peninsula.;]:     In  many  places,  Venice, 

Iloris,  see  PARIS  DE  Grassis,  ed.  D.ollinger,  372.  Of  Cardinal  Ippolito 
d'Este,  we  are  told  that  he  hired  assassins  to  put  out  the  eyes  of  his 
natural  brother  Julius,  because  one  of  his  mistresses  had  remarked  that 
they  were  beautiful ;  Gregorovius,  VIII.,  72,  ed.  3  ;  ClAN,  Cortegiano, 
35  ;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  304  seq.  For  the  extravagant  expenditure 
of  the  Cardinals  see,  inter  alios,  Gabr.  DA  Barletta,  Sermones,  f.  %7. 

*  Particulars  of  Alidosi's  career  will  be  given  further  on  (PASTOR, 
Hist.  Popes,  VI.,  Book  II.,  Engl,  trans.).  For  the  immorality  of  Cardinal 
S.  Gonzaga,  cf.  Luzio,  F.  Gonzaga,  46-7.  The  state  of  things  that 
prevailed  even  under  Julius  II.,  is  shewn  in  the  Ferrarese  Ambassador's 
Report  dated  Rome,  June  17,  1 506,  of  the  high  favour  which  the  courtesan 
Imperia  enjoyed  with  several  Cardinals.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

t  NOLHAC,  Erasme  en  Italie,  76-9. 

X  For  a  general  description,  cf.  Cantu,  I.,  201  seq.  For  Genoa, 
cf.  Belgrano,  473  seq.;  for  Verona,  Tiib.  Quartalschrift,  1859,  16: 
for  Fermo,  Leopardi,  N.  Buonafede,   18;  for  Ferrara,  SOLERTI,  Vita 


172  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

for  instance,  matters  were  far  worse  than  in  Rome.*  No 
wonder  that,  as  contemporary  writers  sadly  testify,  the 
influence  of  the  clergy  had  declined,  and  that  in  many 
places  hardly  any  respect  was  felt  for  the  priesthood. 
Their  immorality  was  so  gross,  that  suggestions  in  favour 
of  allowing  priests  to  marry  f  began  to  be  heard.  Rodericus 
de  Sancta  Ella  composed  his  treatise  dedicated  to  Pope 
Sixtus  IV.  against  a  proposal  of  this  kind.| 

Many  of  the  monasteries  were  in  a  most  deplorable 
condition.  The  three  essential  vows  of  poverty,  chastity, 
and  obedience,  were  in  some  convents  almost  entirely  dis- 

Ferrarese  in  Atti  d.  Romagna,  3  Serie,  X.,  18  ;  for  Nepi,  Diario  Nepe- 
sino,  121,  131,  157  ;  for  Chieti,  Hist.  Jahrb.,  V.,  347  ;  for  Pavia,  *Man- 
date  of  the  Duke  of  Milan  to  the  Podesta  of  Pavia,  dated  Sept.  27, 
1470,  containing  complaints  of  the  priests  who  went  about  at  night  in 
secular  attire.  (Municipal  Archives  of  Pavia.)  Much  scandal  was  also 
given  by  the  clergy  in  Sicily.  Cf.  the  *  Brief  of  Sixtus  IV.  to  the  Abbots 
of  S.  Maria  de  Bosco  and  S.  Placidimo,  dated  Rome,  Nov.  4,  1475. 
■^Ordinance  of  the  Viceroy,  dated  Palermo,  Oct.  26,  1 500,  on  priests  who 
kept  concubines.     Both  documents  are  among  the  Archives  at  Palermo. 

*  Cf.  Brosch,  in  Sybel'S  Histor.  Zeitschrift,  XXXVII.,  309  seg'.; 
Cenni  sul  libertinaggio,  22  seg'.,  30,  and  INNOCENT  VIII.'s  •^*Brief  of 
Oct.  31,  1487.  (State  Archives  of  Venice.)  The  clearest  evidence  of  the 
state  of  things  in  Rome  is  to  be  found  in  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I., 
240  segf.  ;  II.,  79  seg'.  See  also  '^'^P.  Candidus,  Venerab.  fratri  Antonio 
Ord.  Jesuator.,  dat.  Mediolani,  1453  J^^-  5  (Cod.  J.  235  in  the  Am- 
brosian  Library  at  Milan);  a  contribution  by  P.  Barrocius,  148  i,  in 
the  Anecdota  Veneta,  ed.  Contarini,  f.  202  ;  cf.  also  Fl.  Ambrosius,  De 
rebus  gestis  ac  scriptis  operibus  Bapt.  Mantuani,  186  (Taurini,  1784); 
Freher,  III.,  186  ;  VoiGT,  Pius  II.,  III.,  502  se^. ;  Reumont,  III.,  2, 
457  ^^^-f  GOTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  25  seg'. 

t  Cf,  Gabr.  da  Barletta,  Sermones,  f.  35. 

X  Roderici  de  Sancta  Ella  (cf.  Graesse,  Tresor  VI.,  i,  143  ;  Hain, 
Rep.,  IV.,  13  seg.,  31-2  ;  Mazzetti,  Prof  Bol.  [1847],  266  seg.),  contra 
impugnatorem  celibatus  et  castitatem  presbyterorum  ad  Xistum  P.  M., 
a  magnificent  Renaissance-Codex,  with  the  arms  of  Sixtus  IV.  Cod. 
Vat.,  3639 — Vatican  Library. 


INFLUENCE   OF  THE   BENEDICTINES.  173 

regarded.*  Too  many  regulars,  says  the  Franciscan  Roberto 
da  Lecce,  were  monks  in  nothing  but  the  name.f  The 
painter  Fra  Fih'ppo  Lippi,  and  the  novelist  Bandello,  though 
these  men  lived  mostly  at  Court,  are  instances  of  the  sort  of 
characters  to  be  found  in  some  monasteries/];  The  discipline 
of  many  Convents  of  Nuns  was  equally  lax.§ 

In  the  face  of  these  scandals,  however,  we  have  undeni- 
able evidence  that  there  were,  during  the  Renaissance,  many 
faithful  Generals  of  Orders,  such  as  Aegidius  of  Viterbo,|| 
holy  bishops  like  SS.  Antoninus  and  Lorenzo  Giustiniani, 
and  zealous  Popes,  unwearied  in  their  efforts  for  reform.^ 
A  great  deal  was  done  to  raise  the  tone  of  the  religious 
houses.  In  the  year  141 2,  the  Benedictine  congregation 
of  S.  Giustina  was  founded  at  Padua  by  the  Venetian, 
Lodovico  Barbo.  The  influence  of  this  community  had 
a  lasting  effect  throughout  Italy,  both  on  public  morals 
and  in  reviving  the  spirit  of  religion  in  convents.**     New 

*  Cf.  Cronica  de  Bologna,  736;  Molmenti,  291  ;  Gudemann,  218 
seq.\  Gherardi,  Documenti,  69  seq.\  Cantu,  I.,  205;  Reumcnt, 
Kl.  Schriften,  19;  Fl.  Ambrosius,  Bapt.  Mantuanus,  190;  MORSOLIN, 
L' Abate  di  Monte  Subiaso,  4  seq.  ;  BoUet.  St.  d.  Suizz.,  Ital,  VIII.,  234. 

t  Rob.  de  Litio,  Quadrag.  de  Peccatis,  53.  The  preacher  also  com- 
plains of  the  interference  of  the  regulars  with  the  parish  priest  in  the  cure 
of  souls. 

X  Cf,  supra^  p.  9  seq.,,  and  for  LiPPi,  infra.  One  great  evil  was  that 
many  persons  entered  religion  who  had  no  vocation,  and  were  far  too 
easily  admitted.     This  is  pointed  out  by  ROB.  DE  LiTiO,  Serm.,  35. 

§  Examples  are  given  in  the  Annal.  Bonon.,  897,  and  by  Belgrano, 
477  seq.,,  482.     Cf,  Sanuto,  IV.,  305,  and  the  Giorn.  Ligustico,  XII., 

37  s^q- 

II  Cf,  Lammer,  Zur  Kirchengesch.,  65  seq. 

IT  For  the  endeavours  of  the  Papacy  see  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II., 
104  seq,  ;  III.,  269  seq,  (Engl,  trans.)  and  infra,,  numerous  passages. 
For  a  genera  account,  cf,  Weiss,  Vor  der  Reformation,  22  seq, 

^  Cf.  Katholik  (1859),  II.,  1361  seq,,,  and  Dittrich  in  Hist.  Jahrb., 
v.,  320  seq. 


174  HISTORY  OF   THE    POPES. 

Houses  were  founded  at  Bassano,  on  Monte  Af^riano  near 
Verona,  in  Genoa,  S'*^  Spirito  near  Pavia,  S.  Dionisio  at 
Milan,  and  in  other  places,  and  monks  were  sent  to  already- 
existing  monasteries  to  assist  in  reforming  them.  As  time 
went  on,  many  of  the  older  Benedictine  monasteries  in 
Italy  took  up  the  movement,  amongst  others,  S.  Maria  in 
Florence,  S.  Paolo  in  Rome,  S.  Giorgio  Maggiore  in 
Venice,  S.  Polirone  in  the  Duchy  of  Mantua,  S.  Severino 
in  the  Neapolitan  States,  S.  Pietro  near  Perugia,  S.  Proculo 
near  Bologna,  S.  Pietro  near  Modena,  S.  Pietro  de'  Glisciate 
in  Milan,  S.  Sisto  near  Piacenza.  Unfortunately,  many 
convents  which  had  submitted  to  reforms,  soon  fell  back 
into  their  former  disorders,  but  this  was  not  the  case  with 
the  Benedictines.*  The  Dominican,  Felix  Faber  of  Ulm, 
who  visited  S.  Giustina  in  1487,  gives  a  glowing  account 
of  the  fervour  and  progress  of  this  community,  and  the 
good  that  the  example  set  by  the  Benedictines  was  doing 
amongst  the  other  orders.-j- 

A  glance  at  the  list  of  the  great  preachers  of  Penance, 
almost  all  of  whom  belonged  to  some  order,  affords  further 
evidence  that  side  by  side  with  the  corrupt  and  relaxed 
members,  there  were,  even  in  the  worst  monasteries,  many 
good  and  even  fervent  monks. 

^  Katholik,  1859,  pp.  1360  j^^.,  1489  j^^.  ;  i860,  200  seg'.,  425  seg'.  ; 
DiTTRiCH,  in  the  Hist.  Jahrb.,  V.,  320  seg'.,  where  references  to  other 
books  are  given. 

t  F.  Fabri,  Evagatorium,  ed.  Hassler,  HI.  (Stuttgardiae,  1849),  393. 
One  of  the  sternest  preachers  of  the  day  says  :  "  Nonne  videmus  in  hac 
vita  multos  religiosos  et  religiosas  qui  propter  Deum  mundum  contemnunt, 
castitatem  perpetuam  et  voluntariam  paupertatem  observant,  quique 
rejecta  propria  voluntate  usque  ad  sepulturam  obedientiae  praelatorum 
se  submittunt."     Ant.  Vercell.,  Serm.,  fol.  244. 


THE   PREACHING   FRIARS.  1 75 


III. 


AmoniTst  the  characteristic  features  of  the  a-iij-e  of  the 
Renaissance,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  is  that  of  the 
preaching  Friars.  In  every  ItaHan  city,  great  or  small, 
their  voices  were  heard  admonishing,  exhorting,  and 
denouncing  sin.  The  good  done  by  these  men  has  been 
hitherto  but  little  studied.  All  that  is  as  yet  known  of 
their  labours,  shews  them  to  have  been  most  successful. 
They  were  truly  the  benefactors  and  saviours  of  society 
in  those  days.  They  knew  how  to  touch  the  consciences 
of  their  hearers.  "  Their  discourses  are  purely  moral, 
containing  no  abstract  ideas,  but  full  of  practical  appli- 
cation, driven  home  by  the  ardent  devotion  and  ascetic 
spirit  of  the  preacher.  They  dwelt  but  little  on  the  terrors 
of  hell  and  purgatory.  The  argument  on  which  they  relied 
was  a  vivid  description  of  the  "  maledizione,"  the  curse 
which  sin  brings  with  it,  and  which  haunts  the  evil-doer  on 
earth.  The  consequences  of  grieving  Christ  and  His  saints 
are  felt  in  this  life.  It  is  only  thus  that  souls  steeped  in 
passion,  vindictiveness  and  crime,  can  be  aroused  and 
brought  to  repentance  and  conversion,  which  is  the  really 
important  point."* 

Some  of  the  chief  preachers  at  the  time  of  the  Renais- 
sance were  S.  Bernardino  of  Siena  (d.  1444) ;  Alberto  da 
Sarteano  (d.  1450)  ;  Antonio  da  Rimini  (about  1450) ; 
Silvestro  da  Siena  (about  1450) ;  Giovanni  da  Prato  (about 
1455) ;  S.  Giovanni  Capistrano(d.  1456)  ;  Antonio  da  Bitonto 
(d.  1459);  S.  Jacopo  della  Marca  (d.  1476);  Roberto  da 
Lecce  (d.  1483)  ;  Antonio  da  Vcrcelli  (d.  1483)  ;  Michele 
da  Carcano  (about  1485);  Bernardino  da  Feltre  (d.  1494); 
Bernardino  da  Bustis  (d.  1 500).     All  these  were  Franciscans, 

*  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  II.,  239-40,  ed.  3. 


176  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

but  other  relif^ioiis  orders  produced  equally  distinguished 
preachers.  We  may  mention  as  among  the  most  pro- 
minent, the  two  Servites,  Paolo  Attavanti  and  Cesario  de' 
Contughi,  the  Dominicans,  Giovanni  Dominici,  Giovanni 
da  Napoli,  and  Gabriele  da  Barletta,  the  Carmelite  Battista 
Panezio,  and  the  Augustinians,  Aurelio  Brandolino  Lippi 
and  Aegidius  of  Viterbo,* 

We  have  seldom  read  anything  more  striking  than  these 
sermons,  in  which  the  evils  of  the  period  are  ruthlessly 
laid  bare,  often  with  exaggeration. f  The  series,  so  far  as 
any  order  is  observed,  follow  that  of  the  Commandments 
of  God  and  the  Church.  The  corresponding  sins  and  vices 
are  portrayed  in  instances  taken  from  life,  and  denounced 
in  scathing  terms.  Most  of  the  arguments  are  drawn  from 
Scripture  or  from  the  Fathers.  The  instruction  of  the 
people  in  the  truths  of  the  Faith  was  left  to  the  parochial 
clergy.  The  preaching  Friars  aimed  mainly  at  the  con- 
version of  their  hearers,  and  found  their  best  opportunities 
during  the  penitential  seasons  of  the  Church,  such  as  Lent 
or  Advent ;  when  the  cities  were  torn  with  factions  or 
private  feuds ;  when  some  glaring  scandal  had  occurred  ;  or 
in  times  of  peril  or  plague.  Then  the  preachers  appeared, 
devoting  themselves  with  indefatigable  zeal  to  the  task  of 

*  To  the  list  of  works  in  note  t  on  p.  32  of  PASTOR,  Hist.  Popes,  I., 
(Engl,  trans.)  should  be  added :  TiRABOSCHi,  VI.,  2, 422  seg^. ;  and  GraSSE, 
Lehrbuch  der  Litteraturgesch.,  II.,  173  seg.  The  printed  sermons  are 
enumerated  by  Hain,  as  well  as  by  GraSSE.  An  immense  number 
have  remained  unprinted,  the  national  libraiy  in  Florence  being  especi- 
ally rich  in  them.  The  registers  of  the  various  churches  shew  how 
diligent  the  preachers  were.  C/.  for  instance  :  Nota  de'  predicatori  che 
hanno  predicato  in  S.  Martino  di  Lucca  de'  quali  si  e  conservata  la 
nota  nell'  Archivio  de'  Signori  Canonici  from  A.  D.  1406  (MS.  in  the 
Library  at  Lucca)  ;  Aegidius  of  Viterbo  will  be  mentioned  again  later, 
particularly  in  our  next  forthcoming  volume  where  details  will  be  given, 

*  See  GiJDEMANN,  259. 


POPULARITY   OF   THE   FRIARS.  1 77 

converting  sinners,  encouraging  the  good,  and  strengthen- 
ing the  weak  ;  while  the  part  they  had  in  the  establishment 
of  the  Monte  di  Pieta  shews  their  energy  in  the  further- 
ance of  such  practical  social  reforms  as  came  within  their 
sphere  of  action.  Occasionally,  courses  of  sermons  were 
given  to  promote  the  honour  of  some  particular  saint ; 
thus,  the  two  SS.  Bernardino — both  Franciscans, — in  their 
time,  gave  a  great  impetus  to  the  devotion  to  S.  Joseph.* 
The  preaching  Friars  tried  to  use  the  simplest  language, 
such  as  would  be  most  readily  understood.  They  made 
use  of  anecdotes  of  daily  life  and  personal  experiences  to 
fix  the  attention  of  their  hearers.  Sometimes  they  scolded 
or  sternly  rebuked  the  people,  at  others  they  talked  to  them 
in  a  friendly  and  familiar  fashion.f  Most  of  the  preachers 
we  have  named  were  immensely  popular,  and  the  crowds 
which  flocked  to  hear  them  shewed  how  exactly  they  hit 
off  the  taste  of  their  audiences.  Their  appearance  set  the 
whole  city  and  all  the  country  round  in  commotion  ;  the 
shops  were  closed  as  a  rule,  and  they  were  often  obliged  to 
preach  in  the  public  squares,  because  the  churches  were  not 
large  enough  to  hold  the  vast  concourse  of  people.  Hour 
a/ter  hour  the  dense  throng  stood  patiently  hanging  on  their 
words,  for  the  sermons  were  usually  very  long.  It  is  recorded 
that  15,000  inhabitants  of  Perugia  and  its  environs  came  to 
hear  Roberto  da  Lecce  preach  in  that  city  in  1448.  All  the 
places  were  occupied  long  before  the  sermon  began,  and  it 
lasted  nearly  four  hours.J 

*  Beissel,  in  the  Stimmen  aus  Maria- Laach.,  38,  p.  284  seq. 

t  Cf.  with  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  240,  ed.  3  ;  TORRACA,  Rob.  da  Lecce, 
in  the  Arch.  St.  Napolit.,  VII.,  151  seq. 

X  Graziani,  597  seq.^  describes  Roberto  da  Lecce's  sermon.  With 
this,  cf.  the  account  of  S.  Bernardino's  appearance  at  Perugia,  in  the 
Cronache  di  Perugia,  ed.  Fabretti,  II.,  5  seq.^  and  ibid.^  68  seq.^  for  the 
sermon  by  S.  Jacopo  della  Marca. 

VOL.   V.  N 


178  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

These  sermons  by  Roberto  da  Lecce  in  1448,  were 
accompanied  by  dramatic  presentations  of  their  subjects 
which  enormously  added  to  their  effect.  A  procession 
with  Christ  in  the  centre  bearing  His  Cross,  issued  from 
the  Cathedral,  Mary,  robed  in  black,  advanced  to  meet 
Him,  and  then  the  whole  cortege  advanced  together  to  the 
foot  of  the  preachers  tribune  where  the  Crucifixion,  the 
weeping  women  at  the  foot  of  the  Cross,  and  finally,  the 
Descent  from  the  Cross  were  represented.  Sobs  and  loud 
lamentations  from  the  crowd  filled  the  air  while  these 
scenes  were  being  enacted.  Similar  representations  are 
mentioned  as  accompanying  the  sermons  of  other  Fran- 
ciscan preachers.* 

The  first  results  usually  achieved  by  the  sermons  were 
the  release  of  insolvent  debtors,  and  the  burning  of 
"  vanities,"  that  is,  of  dice,  cards,  masks,  false  hair,  charms, 
indecent  pictures,  frivolous  song  books,  and  musical  instru- 
ments. Things  of  this  sort  were  piled  in  a  heap  in  some 
open  space,  a  figure  of  the  devil  perched  on  the  top,  and 
the  whole  set  on  fire.  After  this  "  the  more  or  less 
hardened  sinners  began  to  come  in.  Men  who  had 
long  absented  themselves  from  confession  approached 
the  Sacrament  of  Penance,  goods  unjustly  withheld 
were  restored,  injurious  and  insulting  words  taken  back." 
Towards  the  end  of  the  course,  when  all  hearts  were  pre- 
pared and  softened,  the  speaker  would  approach  whatever, 
under  the  circumstances,  seemed  the  most  urgent  evil  of 
the  moment.  This,  in  those  days  of  bitter  party  feuds, 
was  generally  some  exasperated  quarrel,  or  some  cruel 
project  of  vengeance.  The  preacher,  holding  the  Cross 
aloft,  would  call  upon  the  people  to  forget  and  forgive. 
Chroniclers  graphically  describe  the  sounds  of  weeping  and 
cries  of  "  Jesu  mercy ! "  that  would  burst  from  the  crowd, 

*  Creizenach,  I.,  313-14  ;  D'Ancona,  I.,  280  seq.^  ed.  2. 


REFORMS   EFFECTED   BY   THE   FRIARS.  1 79 

and  how  overtures  of  peace  were  made  on  the  spot  from 
quarters  where  peace  had  long  been  unknown.  "  Enemies 
who  had  been  such  for  years  embraced  each  other,  and 
even  blood-feuds  were  relinquished.  Outlaws  were  allowed 
to  return,  to  forgive  and  be  forgiven.  Reconciliations  (pad) 
thus  effected,  seem,  on  the  whole,  to  have  been  kept  to, 
even  after  the  excitement  had  subsided,  and  in  such  cases, 
the  memory  of  the  Friar  was  blessed  by  many  genera- 
tions ;  but  now  and  again  a  crisis  occurred,  such  as  that  in 
1482,  between  the  Roman  families  of  Valle  and  Croce,  in 
which  the  hatred  was  so  violent  that  even  the  great  Roberto 
da  Lecce  lifted  up  his  voice  in  vain."  However,  on  the 
whole,  the  preaching  Friars  were  wonderfully  successful  in 
effecting  reforms,  both  social  and  moral.  Few  epochs 
can  boast  such  splendid  records  of  conversions  of  whole 
towns  and  provinces  as  the  age  of  the  Renaissance.* 
The  preaching  Friars  were  frequently  revered  by  the 
common  people  as  saints.  After  the  closing  sermon 
had  concluded  with  the  benediction  "  Peace  be  with 
you,"  it  was  customary  to  hold  a  solemn  procession,  in 
which  the  whole  population,  including  the  city  magistrates, 
took  part.  Sometimes,  at  the  close  of  a  mission,  all  the 
adults  of  the  place,  from  the  magistrates  down  to  the 
craftsmen,  received  the  Blessed  Sacrament.f  When  the 
preacher  was  leaving  the  city,  enthusiastic  demonstrations 
of  popular  gratitude  towards  their  spiritual  benefactor 
would  frequently  occur.J 

We  cannot  but  admire  the  manner  in  which  high  and 

*  In  addition  to  the  works  mentioned  in  PASTOR,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  34, 
note  *  (Engl,  trans.),  amongst  which  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  240  se^.^  ed.  3, 
is  as  usual  foremost,  see  also  Barzellotti'S  treatise,  55  seg. 

+  C/.  Cronache  di  Perugia,  ed.  Fabretti,  II.,  34. 

1  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  240-42,  ed.  3.  C/.  TORRACA,  /oc.  cit.,  1 43  seq.^ 
and  Cronache  di  Perugia,  ed.  Fabretti,  II.,  68. 


l8o  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

low,  Popes  and  Princes,  submitted  to  the  rebukes  of  these 
Friars  ;  and  equally  admirable  is  the  fearlessness  dis- 
played by  the  preachers  in  denouncing  the  sins  and  vices 
of  all  ranks  and  conditions  * 

The  more  earnest  of  these  men  lamented,  among  other 
evils,  the  extravagances  which  some  of  their  brethren 
allowed  themselves  in  their  discourses.']'  We  hear  of 
preachers  whose  sermons  were  overcharged  with  vain 
learning,  or  full  of  hair-splitting  theological  questions,  and 
again,  of  others  who  condescended  too  much  to  the  taste 
of  the  populace.  The  newly  revived  pagan  philosophy 
was  too  often  brought  forward  in  the  pulpit  at  the  expense 
of  Christianity.  Passages  from  the  works  of  heathen  poets 
and  teachers  replaced  the  customary  quotations  from  the 
Fathers.  The  glamour  of  the  new  learning  obscured  the 
old  simple  doctrines,  and  heathen  Mythology  was  mixed 

*  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  33-4,  and  IV.,  389-90  (Engl,  trans.) ; 
also  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  244,  ed.  3,  and  Gudemann,  218-59.  The  most 
despotic  Pope  of  that  brilliant  period,  Julius  II.  was  one  of  the  most 
strenuous  supporters  of  those  bold  preachers.  Time  after  time  he  sent 
them  out.   Cf.  Lib.  brev.  25  f.,  f.  44  :  1506,  Dec.  20,  Bonon.  (A**  4°) :  fratri 

Martino  Sennensi  Ord.  de  Monte  Carmelo in  ecclesia  Cruci- 

ferorum  Venetarum  verbum  Dei  et  doctrinam  evangelicam  iuxta  traditam 
tibi  a  Deo  facultatem  festis  nativitatis  et  quadragesimae  proximae  futurae 
praedicare.  Ibid.^  f.  117  :  1507,  Jan.  28,  Bonon.  (A°  4°) :  Timotheo  de 
Medicis  Lucensi  Ord.  S.  Francisci,  is  sent  as  a  Lenten  preacher  to 
Siena.  The  *Brief  of  Nov.  4,  1505,  addressed  to  Aegidius  of  Viterbo, 
printed  in  the  Appendix,  proves  the  importance  attached  by  Julius  II. 
to  the  sermons  to  be  preached  by  Aegidius  in  Rome  (Secret  Archives  of 
the  Vatican).  The  Augustinian  Mariano  de  Cavi  also  preached  in  Rome 
during  the  reign  of  Julius  II.  Cardinal  Gonzaga  in  a  letter  dated  Rome, 
Jan.  20,  1 508,  commends  the  learning  and  exemplary  life  of  this  monk, 
whose  preaching  in  Bologna,  Florence,  and  Naples  had  produced  great 
results.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  Cf.  Rob.  de  Litio,  P.  II.,  Serm.  8  ;  see  also  Mich,  de  Medio lano, 
P.  III.,  S.  50.     Others  are  referred  to  by  Gudemann,  258. 


FRA  GIROLAMO  SAVONAROLA.  l8l 

Up  with  Christian  dogma.*  Equally  objectionable  was  the 
conduct  of  those  preachers  who,  instead  of  aiming  at  the 
conversion  and  edification  of  their  hearers,  thought  only 
of  making  a  name  for  themselves.  Such  men  invented  all 
sorts  of  miracles,  sham  prophecies  and  silly  fables,  painted 
exaggerated  pictures  of  prevalent  abuses,  and  gross  ones 
of  vices,  recklessly  attacked  ecclesiastical  dignitaries, 
even  the  Pope  himself,  and  pronounced  the  Church  to  be 
utterly  corrupt.  Their  sermons  were  full  of  omens  and  so- 
called  revelations  announcing  the  most  appalling  judg- 
ments, such  as  the  destruction  of  Rome,  the  annihilation  of 
the  Church,  and  the  coming  of  anti-Christ ;  dealing  with 
politics  and  all  sorts  of  worldly  matters,  and  leaving  out 
the  one  thing  needful.f 

Many  of  these  characteristic  qualities  of  the  sermons  of 
the  day,  both  the  good  and  the  bad,  were  combined  in  the 
man  who  developed  them  to  their  fullest  extent,  and  for  a 
time  made  Italy  ring  with  his  name,  Glrolamo  Savonarola. 
A  mission  sermon  preached  by  an  Augustinian  monk,  led 
this  highly-gifted  youth,  a  scion  of  an  ancient  family  of 
Ferrara,  to  resolve,  without  his  parents'  knowledge,  upon 

*  It  was  against  this  that  the  reaction  of  the  Theatine  fathers  was 
afterwards  directed.     See  Tiib.  Theol.  Quartalschrift  (1859),  12  seq. 

t  C/:  S.  Antoninus,  Summa  Theol,  P.  III.,  tit.  18,  c,  4,  and  infra^ 
the  provisions  made  by  the  Lateran  Council.  Previous  to  this  Council 
there  was  doubtless  a  lack  of  due  control,  although,  as  a  rule,  only 
friars  or  priests  were  allowed  to  preach  ;  but,  as  BURCKHARDT  observes, 
I.,  243.  ed.  3,  "  It  is  difficult  to  draw  any  very  sharp  distinction  in  this 
matter,  because  the  Church  and  the  pulpit  too,  had  so  long  been  used  to 
give  publicity  to  all  sorts  of  announcements,  to  acts  of  the  legislature,  for 
lectures,  etc.,  and  even  at  regular  sermons,  Humanists  and  laymen  were 
sometimes  allowed  to  speak."  For  the  proceedings  against  a  preacher 
at  Milan  in  1492,  see  Ghinzoni,  in  the  Arch.  St.  Lomb.,  XIII.,  42  seq. 
These  documents  are  unfortunately  not  explicit  enough  to  indicate  the 
precise  offence  of  which  the  preacher  was  accused. 


1 82  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

entering  the  Dominican  Order.  Savonarola  (born  Sept.  21, 
1452)  chanced  to  hear  this  sermon  on  his  way  to  Faenza 
in  1474.  A  year  later  he  was  a  novice  in  the  Dominican 
monaster}^  at  Bologna.  Amongst  his  papers,  his  parents 
found  one  "  On  contempt  of  the  world,"  in  which  the 
young  enthusiast  paints  a  terrible  picture  of  contemporary 
morals.  For  the  good,  of  which  so  much  remained,  he 
seems  to  have  had  no  eye.  He  could  have  known  but 
little  of  the  world,  but  he  sees  only  the  evil,  which  reminds 
him  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  Early  in  his  monastic 
career,  Savonarola  composed  his  famous  poem  "  The  decay 
of  the  Church,"  in  which  again  we  find  only  the  dark  side 
of  the  life  of  the  period.  The  Church  appears  as  a  chaste 
virgin,  because  her  faith  had  remained  pure.  Savonarola 
asks  her  "  Where  are  the  teachers,  where  is  the  learning, 
the  Christian  charity  and  the  purity  of  former  days  ? "  The 
maiden  takes  him  by  the  hand  and  says  "  Seeing  how 
pride  and  vain-glory  entered  Rome  and  corrupted  her,  I 
withdrew  and  hid  myself  here,  where  I  spend  my  life  in 
mourning."  Then  she  shews  him  all  the  wounds  which  she 
has  received  from  the  malice  and  rage  of  men.  Profoundly 
grieved,  he  bids  the  saints  and  martyrs  weep  for  her ; 
"  The  temple,  the  sanctuary  of  purity,  is  defiled."  He 
asks  whose  fault  it  is,  and  the  Church  replies  that  it  is 
caused  by  pride,  and  the  lust  of  the  flesh  and  of  the  eyes. 
"  Oh  that  I  could  stem  this  tide  of  wickedness  !  "  cries 
Savonarola.  "  Weep  "  she  answers  "  and  be  silent,  for  this 
is  the  better  part."  * 

Henceforth  the  young  Dominican  seeks  relief  in  prayer 
and  penance  from  the  torturing  spectacle  of  moral  and 
religious  depravity.  In  Bologna,  Savonarola  had  only 
been  entrusted  with  the  instruction  of  novices,  but  in  1481 
or  1482,  he  was  sent  by  his  superiors  to  preach  in  Florence, 

*  Poesie  di  Fra  G.  Savonarola,  ed.  Guasti,  10-15. 


SAVONAROLA  IN  FLORENCE.  1 83 

the  very  heart  and  centre  of  the  Renaissance.  The  deep- 
seated  corruption  which  encountered  him  in  the  capital  of 
Lorenzo  il  Magnifico,  the  widespread  immorahty  of  the 
Florentines,  and  their  scornful  infidelity,  caused  him  the 
most  acute  anguish.  He  overlooked,  in  his  passionate 
indignation,  the  immense  amount  of  good  which  remained  ; 
and  seeing  only  the  evil,  he  attacked  it  with  a  violence 
which  turned  many  people  against  him.  It  was  no  wonder 
that  his  first  sermons  in  S.  Lorenzo  met  with  no  response. 
The  speech  and  manners  of  this  stranger  were  too  rough 
and  rude  to  please  the  Florentines,  his  Lombard  accent  too 
harsh,  his  expressions  too  homely,  his  gesticulations  too 
vehement.  They  missed,  too,  the  quotations  from  poets  and 
philosophers,  which  they  so  much  relished.  Savonarola's 
reckless  bitterness,  the  exaggerated  severity  of  his  ful- 
minations  against  the  immorality  of  his  contemporaries,  and 
their  fanaticism  for  the  classics,  made  him  utterly  repulsive 
to  them.  Their  darling  was  Fra  Mariano,  a  favourite  of 
the  Medici,  whose  sermons  were  so  popular  that  the 
vast  nave  of  S'^^  Spirito  could  hardly  contain  his  audi- 
ence. Angelo  Poliziano  praises  Mariano's  sonorous  voice, 
his  refined  expressions,  his  well-turned  sentences,  the  har- 
mony of  his  cadences.  "  I  never  knew,"  he  continues, "  a  more 
discreet  and  agreeable  man.  He  neither  repels  his  hearers 
by  over  severity,  nor  deceives  them  by  too  great  leniency. 
Many  preachers  deem  themselves  lords  of  life  and  death, 
abuse  their  powers,  look  askance  at  everything,  and  weary 
men  by  perpetual  admonitions.  Mariano  is  moderation 
itself.  A  stern  censor  in  the  pulpit,  he  has  no  sooner 
quitted  it  than  he  becomes  genial  and  courteous."*  Savo- 
narola was  not  discouraged  by  the  coldness  of  his  reception, 
but  rather  roused  to  a  yet  fiercer  combat  with  vice.  The 
stories  of  the  heroes  of  both  the  Old  and  the  New  Testa- 
*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  IL,  390,  ed.  2. 


1 84  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

merits  possessed  his  brain,  the  imagery  of  the  Hebrew 
Prophets  and  of  the  Apocalypse  became  a  living  reality  to 
him  ;  "  he  thought  one  day  that  he  had  seen  a  heavenly 
vision,  and  had  heard  a  voice  bidding  him  to  announce  the 
afflictions  which  were  to  come  upon  the  Church  and  the 
people.  Thus  assured  of  his  divine  mission,  and  having 
once  entered  the  charmed  circle  of  dreams  and  visions,  he 
never  emerged  from  it  until  after  his  imprisonment."* 

The  young  Friar  must  have  been  glad  when  his 
Superiors  sent  him  to  preach  the  Lenten  sermons  for  1485 
and  i486  in  the  small  hill-side  town  of  S.  Gimignano  near 
Siena.  Here  he  could  venture  to  unfold  his  prophetic 
programme  ;  and  here  for  the  first  time  he  uttered  his 
three  famous  sentences.  "  The  Church  will  be  punished, 
then  she  will  be  purified, — and  that  soon."  Preaching  at 
Brescia  in  i486,  he  expounded  the  Apocalypse,  threaten- 
ing divine  vengeance,  and  calling  to  repentance.  The 
response  which  these  sermons  elicited  gave  back  to  Savona- 
rola the  confidence  which  he  had  lost  in  Florence.  "  I  am 
more  determined  than  ever,"  he  wrote  to  his  mother  on  Jan. 
25,  1489,  "to  devote  body  and  soul  and  all  the  knowledge 
which  God  has  given  me,  for  the  love  of  Him,  to  the  good  of 
my  neighbour  ;  and  since  I  cannot  do  it  at  home  I  will  do 
it  abroad.  Bid  all  men  walk  honestly.  I  depart  to-day  for 
Genoa."  He  returned  the  same  year  to  Florence ;  -j*  ente-ed 
the  pulpit  of  S.  Marco  on  Aug.  i,  1490,  to  preach  upon  the 
Apocalypse,  and  at  once  achieved  a  triumph.  The  re- 
vulsion in  his  favour  was  as  sudden  as  it  was  great.  In 
consequence  of  the  crowds  who  flocked  to  hear  him,  the 
cathedral  pulpit  was  placed  at  his  disposal  during  the 
Lent  of  1491.  For  hours  the  close-packed  throng  would 
await  the  arrival  of  the  small  sallow-faced  Friar  with  his 

*  Schwab,  in  the  Bonner  Literaturblatt,  4,  898. 

t  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  I.,  89  seq.  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 


SAVONAROLA'S   SUCCESS.  1 85 

furrowed  brow,  aquiline  nose,  and  piercing  fiery  eyes.* 
To  the  Florentines  Fra  Girolamo  was  an  entirely  new 
phenomenon,  and  his  sermons  were  totally  unlike  those  to 
which  they  were  accustomed.  "  A  parallel  to  him  could 
only  be  found  by  going  back  to  the  old  Hebrew  prophets, 
whose  spirit  filled  him,  and  whose  traditions  he  sought  to 
revive."  f  "  He  introduced  an  almost  new  method  of 
preaching  the  Word  of  God,"  writes  the  Florentine 
chronicler  Cerretani,  "  in  fact,  the  method  of  the  Apostles. 
His  sermons  were  not  divided  into  parts,  there  were  no 
intricate  questions,  no  cadences  or  rhetorical  devices.  His 
sole  aim  was  to  expound  Holy  Scripture,  and  restore  the 
simplicity  of  the  primitive  Church."  J     It  is  very  remark- 

*  Next  to  the  delicately  cut  gems  of  Giovanni  delle  Corniole,  the 
portrait  now  exhibited  in  the  convent  of  S.  Marco  is  the  most  faithful 
rendering  of  the  great  man's  features.  It  is  a  copy,  not  (as  Woltmann, 
II.,  602,  and  most  recent  critics  think)  the  original  picture  by  Bartolomeo 
della  Porta,  which  is  lost.  Cf.  RUBIERI,  II  ritiatto  di  Fra  Girolamo 
(Firenze,  1855),  and  Frantz,  Fra  Bartolomeo,  94  j^^.  where  more  will  be 
found  about  the  other  portraits  and  coins.  The  Dominican  Fra  BENE- 
DETTO gives  the  following  description  of  Savonarola  in  his  epic  poem, 
"  The  Cedar  of  Lebanon,"  edited  by  Marchese. 

'  "  Era  parco  di  corpo,  ma  ben  sano 
Era  di  membra  a  modo  delicato 
Che  quasi  relucia  sua  santa  mano. 

Hare  sempre,  e  non  gik  mai  turbato  ; 
Di  sguardo  desto  e  penetrante  e  bello  : 
Del  occhio  sufformato  oscuro  e  grato. 

Denso  di  barba  e  d'oscuro  capello 
La  bocca  svelta,  e  la  faccia  distesa 
Arcato  el  naso  alquanto  aveva  quello." 

For  the  two  medallions  of  Savonarola  and  Domenico  da  Pescia  in  the 
Vienna  Museum,  see  Rivist.  Ital.  di  Numismatica,  1892. 

t  Perrens,  Savonarola,  79. 

X  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  I.,  143,  n.  i  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 


1 86  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

able  that  this  Friar  should  have  steadily  continued  to  rise 
in  the  esteem  of  the  Florentines.  While  trampling  with 
unsparing  and  often  exaggerated  scorn  on  all  the  pre- 
dilections of  this  "  race  of  artists,  and  worshippers  of  art," 
he  told  them  that  "  their  love  of  beauty  was  mere  lust, 
the  works  of  their  painters  immoral,  and  that  even  the 
pagan  Aristotle  had  warned  his  disciples  against  indecent 
pictures,  such  as  would  corrupt  the  soul  of  youth.  He 
described  the  whole  of  life  in  Florence  as  vain  and 
frivolous,  and  merely  sensual,  in  spite  of  all  their  intellect 
and  wit."  *  Savonarola's  manner  in  the  pulpit  was  so 
impressive  that  his  hearers  accepted  everything  that  he 
said,  and  frequently  burst  into  tears.  In  the  notes  taken 
of  his  sermons,  one  constantly  comes  upon  the  remark 
"  Here  I  began  to  weep,  and  could  not  continue."  In 
reading  these  notes  one  cannot,  of  course,  gain  any 
adequate  idea  of  the  words  as  they  were  uttered ;  but 
**  the  phrases,  even  when  written  down,  are  so  forcible  in 
their  simplicity  and  originality,  as  to  have  almost  the  effect 
of  spoken  words."  f  His  vivid  descriptions  caught  the  lively 
fancy  of  the  multitude,  his  awful  threats  of  impending 
judgment  were  irresistible  to  an  emotional  people. 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  who  could  never  be  satisfied  until  he 
had  drawn  whatever  was  remarkable  or  distinguished 
into  his  own  circle,  did  all  he  could  to  attract  this 
influential  Friar,  but  in  vain.  Savonarola  went  out  of 
his  way  to  inflict  a  slight  on  the  haughty  magnate  by 
omitting  to  pay  him  the  customary  visit  after  his  elec- 
tion as  Prior  of  S.  Marco,  a  convent  rebuilt  by  the 
Medici  fam"ly;  but  Lorenzo  had  the  prudence  to  take 
no  notice  of  this.  His  attitude  towards  this  most  out- 
spoken and  even  virulent  opponent  was  that  of  a  finished 

*  Weiss,  IV.,  231. 

t  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV.,  76. 


SAVONAROLA  AND   LORENZO  DE'   MEDICL  1 87 

man  of  the  world  and  wise  statesman.  Never,  under 
any  provocation,  was  he  betrayed  into  a  rash  step ;  bearing 
with  proud  indifference  all  the  annoyances  and  insults 
which  the  passionate  preacher  heaped  upon  him  *  At 
the  last,  when  he  felt  that  his  end  was  near,  Lorenzo 
even  sought  spiritual  consolation  in  that  dread  hour, 
from  his  fearless  censor.f  Had  Savonarola  known  how 
to  be  moderate,  he  might  have  exercised  an  incalculable 
influence  over  this  Prince,  who,  with  all  his  worldliness 
and  frivolity,  was  open  to  religious  impressions  ;  but  he  let 
himself  be  carried  away  by  his  impetuosity,  and  in  his 
efforts  to  effect  that  searching  reform  which  was  his  ideal, 
he  overstepped  the  bounds  of  what  was  prudent  and  pos- 
sible. 

Savonarola's  influence  was  materially  increased  by  the 
separation  which  Alexander  VI.  effected  between  the 
Tuscan  and  the  Lombard  congregations  of  his  order.  A 
stringent  reform  was  instituted  at  S.  Marco ;  the  Prior  being 
himself  a  living  example  of  the  precepts  he  enforced.  He 
always  wore  the  coarsest  dress ;  his  bed  was  the  hardest, 
his  cell  the  smallest  and  meanest.^ 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  IL,  396,  ed.  2. 

+  In  regard  to  the  famous  controversy  as  to  whether  Savonarola 
really  made  his  absolution  conditional  on  the  restoration  of  the  liberties 
of  Florence,  and  whether  Lorenzo  refused  this,  cf.  ViLLARl,  L,  146- 
149,  168  seq.  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2),  and  Arch.  St.  Ital,  5  Serie,  L,  201 
seq. ;  Schwab's  examination  into  this  question  in  the  Bonner  Literatur- 
blatt,  IV.,  899,  was  apparently  unknown  to  Villari  as  also  to  Frantz  ;  see 
Fra  Bartolomeo,  75  seq.  Cf.  for  the  whole  matter,  Pellegrini's 
observations  in  the  Giorn.  St.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  X.,  246  seq.  The  latter 
justly  remarks  that  Villari  relies  too  much  on  the  Pseudo-Burlamacchi. 
See  also  Rev.  Hist.,  XXXVIII.,  168;  ARMSTRONG  in  the  Engl.  Hist. 
Review,  IV.,  448  seq.\  and  Hartwig  in  the  Hist.  Zeitschr.,  LXIV.,  181, 
188  seq. 

X  Villari,  loc.  cit.  i.,  179.     Perrens,  iio  seq.    The  entrance  to 


l88  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

In  1493  Savonarola  preached  a  course  of  Advent  sermons 
in  which  with  growing  boldness  and  in  very  intemperate 
language  he  denounced  the  corruption  of  the  clergy  and 
the  vices  of  the  princes.  The  clergy  he  says  "  tickle  men's 
ears  with  talk  of  Aristotle  and  Plato,  Virgil  and  Petrarch, 
and  take  no  concern  of  the  salvation  of  souls.  Why, 
instead  of  expounding  so  many  books,  do  they  not  expound 
the  one  Book  in  which  is  the  law  and  spirit  of  life.  The 
Gospel,  O  Christians  I  ye  should  ever  have  with  you  ;  not 
merely  the  letter,  but  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel.  For  if  thou 
lackest  the  spirit  of  grace,  what  will  it  avail  thee  to  carry 

Savonarola's  cell  was  through  an  oratory,  on  the  outer  wall  of  which 
there  is  the  following  inscription  : — 

LeoX.  P.M.  dieEpill 

ph.  MDXVIhocll 

cram  ingrus  X  annos  || 

et  X  quadr.  fribus  || 

totiens  visitanti  || 

bus  concessit. 

This  oratory  has,  properly  speaking,  nothing  to  do  with  Savonarola, 
and  it  was  irrespective  of  him  that  Leo  X.  granted  Indulgences  to  those 
who  visited  it.  It  is  only  in  recent  times  that  it  has  been  linked  with  the 
person  of  the  great  Dominican,  owing  to  the  monument  erected  there 
in  his  honour.  Adjoining  it  are  Savonarola's  study  and  dormitory ; 
both  cells  are  very  small,  each  only  four  paces  square,  with  one  narrow 
window  about  2  feet  in  height  and  rounded  at  the  top.  See  Brunner, 
Studien,  I.,  71.  One  was  his  sleeping  apartment,  the  other  the  study. 
The  first  cell  contains  the  "  relics  "  of  Savonarola,  formerly  preserved  in 
the  sacristy  :  his  rosary,  cloak,  hair-shirt,  under-garment,  and  a  fragment 
of  the  stake  at  which  he  suffered.  Two  Bibles  are  also  kept  in  S.  Marco, 
with  marginal  notes  attributed  to  Savonarola.  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  I., 
122,  note  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2),  disputes  this,  but  believes  the  glosses  in  the 
two  Bibles  in  the  Bibl.  Naz.  and  Riccardiana  to  have  been  really  written 
by  Savonarola.  A  Bible  with  copious  marginal  notes  in  Savonarola's 
handwriting  was  shewn  me  in  1888,  among  various  treasures,  by  Count 
Paar,  the  Austrian  ambassador  to  the  Vatican. 


ADVENT  AND  LENTEN  SERMONS.  189 

about  the  whole  book ;  and  again  still  greater  is  the  fool- 
ishness of  those  that  load  themselves  with  briefs  and  tracts 
and  writings,  so  that  they  are  like  unto  stalls  at  a  fair. 
Charity  doth  not  consist  in  written  papers !  The  true 
books  of  Christ  are  the  Apostles  and  the  Saints  ;  the  true 
reading  of  them  is  to  imitate  their  lives ;  but  in  these  days 
men  are  made  books  of  the  devil.  They  speak  against 
pride  and  ambition,  yet  are  plunged  in  both  up  to  the  eyes  ; 
they  preach  chastity  and  maintain  concubines;  they  pre- 
scribe fasting  and  feast  splendidly  themselves.  Those  are 
useless  books,  false  books,  bad  books,  and  books  of  the 
devil,  for  the  devil  hath  filled  them  with  his  malice.  These 
prelates  exult  in  their  dignities  and  despise  others ;  these 
are  they  that  would  be  feared  and  reverenced  ;  these  are 
they  that  seek  the  highest  place  in  the  synagogues,  the  chief 
pulpits  of  Italy.  They  seek  to  shew  themselves  by  day  in 
the  public  squares,  and  be  saluted  and  called  masters  and 
rabbis,  they  make  broad  their  phylacteries  and  enlarge  the 
hem  of  their  garments  ;  they  spit  roundly ;  step  gravely 
and  expect  their  slightest  nod  to  be  obeyed."  "  See  how  in 
these  days  prelates  and  preachers  are  chained  to  the  earth 
by  the  love  of  earthly  things ;  the  cure  of  souls  is  no  longer 
their  concern."  "  In  the  primitive  Church  the  chalices  were 
of  wood,  the  prelates  of  gold  ;  in  these  days  the  Church 
hath  chalices  of  gold  and  prelates  of  wood."* 

Savonarola's  Lenten  sermons  in  1494  were  still  more 
startling.  He  now  began  to  connect  the  impending  judg- 
ments with  the  advent  of  a  new  Cyrus  who  would  overrun 
Italy  without  opposition.  In  September  he  spoke  again 
on  the  same  subjects.  Dim  rumours  of  the  French  expedi- 
tion were  already  afloat  and  the  agitation  increased  in 
force.  On  the  21st  September  the  excitement  was  at  its 
height.     The  vast  aisles  of  the  Cathedral  of  Florence  could 

*  ViLLARi,  Savonarola,  I.,  179-180,  182,  184  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 


I90  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

hardly  hold  the  thronj^  which  for  hours  had  stood  waiting 
for  the  arrival  of  the  preacher.  At  last  Savonarola  mounted 
the  pulpit  and  gave  out  his  text.  "  Behold  I  bring  the  waters 
of  a  great  flood  upon  the  earth.  Ecce  ego  adducam  aquas 
super  terram!'  The  words  fell  like  a  thunderbolt;  terror  and 
dismay  took  possession  of  the  multitude.  So  great  was  the 
alarm,  writes  the  chronicler  Cerretani,  that  sobs  and  lamen- 
tations burst  from  all,  and  the  people  went  about  the  city  in 
silence  and  only  half-ahve.  Poliziano  says  that  his  hair 
stood  on  end.*  A  few  days  later  the  Medici  were  driven 
out  and  the  French  King  entered  Florence  in  triumph.  So 
striking  a  fulfilment  of  Savonarola's  predictions,  together 
with  his  wonderful  success  in  maintaining  order  in  the  city 
during  the  French  occupation,  of  course  enormously  in- 
creased his  prestige.  The  people  regarded  him  as  a 
true  prophet,  and  in  addition  to  this,  he,  and  he  only, 
had  been  able  to  mollify  the  French  King  previous  to 
his  entry  into  Florence,  and  it  was  he  who  had  induced 
him  to  depart.  Counsel,  assistance,  and  even  commands 
were  now  expected  of  him  in  the  difficult  task  of 
remodelling  the  constitution.-j-  Thus  it  was  that  circum- 
stances forced  the  Friar  of  S.  Marco  into  an  unnatural 
position,  and  one  full  of  peril.  He  justified  his  inter- 
ference in  poHtics  on  the  plea  that  he  found  it  necessary 
in  order  to  save  souls.  "  O  my  people  !  "  he  cries,  "  thou 
knowest  that  I  have  always  refrained  from  touching  on  the 
affairs  of  State  ;  thinkest  thou  that  I  would  enter  upon  them 
at  this  moment  did  I  not  deem  it  necessary  for  the  salva- 
tion of  souls  ?  Thou  wouldst  not  believe  me,  but  now  thou 
hast  seen  how  all  my  words  have  been  fulfilled ;  that  they 
are  not  uttered  of  my  own  will,  but  proceed  from  the  Lord. 
Hearken  ye,  then,  unto  him  that  desireth  nought  but  your 

*  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  I.,  231  seq.  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 
t  Ibid.^  259  seq. 


SAVONAROLA   AND   POLITICAL   REFORM.  I9I 

salvation.  Purify  the  spirit,  give  heed  to  the  common 
good,  forget  private  interests,  and  if  ye  reform  the  city  to 
this  intent,  it  will  have  greater  glory  than  in  all  past  times. 
In  this  wise,  O,  people  of  Florence,  shalt  thou  begin  the 
reformation  of  all  Italy  and  spread  thy  wings  over  the 
earth  to  bear  reform  to  all  nations."  This  reform,  he  goes 
on  to  say,  must  begin  with  spiritual  things,  and  all  temporal 
good  must  be  subordinate  to  moral  and  religious  good. 
Cosimo  de'  Medici  had  said  that  States  could  not  be 
governed  by  Paternosters^  but  this  was  the  speech  of  a 
tyrant.  If  they  wanted  a  good  Constitution,  everything 
must  be  referred  to  God — he  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  politics  conducted  on  any  other  principle.  In  regard 
to  the  Constitution  to  be  established,  in  his  sermon  in  the 
cathedral  he  insisted  especially  on  four  points :  First,  the 
fear  of  God  and  reformation  of  morals;  secondly,  zeal 
for  the  popular  government  and  public  welfare,  in  prefer- 
ence to  all  private  interests  ;  thirdly,  a  general  reconciliation 
whereby  the  friends  of  the  past  Government  should  be 
absolved  of  all  their  crimes,  their  fines  remitted,  and  indul- 
gence shewn  to  all  debtors  of  the  State ;  fourthly,  a 
form  of  universal  government  comprising  all  citizens  who 
in  virtue  of  the  city's  ancient  statutes  were  entitled  to  a 
share  in  the  State.*  Savonarola,  like  many  of  his  contem- 
poraries, believed  in  the  "  great  modern  fallacy,"  that  Con- 
stitutions can  be  manufactured,  that  a  well-considered 
system  of  checks  and  counter-checks  will  produce  a  Govern- 
ment.f  Incredible  as  it  seems,  the  Friar  of  S.  Marco 
succeeded.  He  introduced  a  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  ideas  which  he  had  preached  became  law. 
The  Great  Council  was  founded  at  his  suggestion,  the 
system  of  taxation  altered,  usury  suppressed  by  the  insti- 

*  ViLLARI,  loC.  Cit.  I.,  262,  265. 

t  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I.,  81,  ed.  3. 


192  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

tution  of  a  Monte  di  Pieta,  the  administration  of  justice 
regulated,  and  the  tumultuous  meetings  misnamed  Parlia- 
ments, which  had  been  the  tools  of  the  Medici  were  abol- 
ished.* 

Political  reform  was  only  a  part  of  the  great  task  which 
Savonarola  had  set  himself;  his  scheme  embraced  the  reno- 
vation of  social  life,  as  well  as  science,  literature,  and  art. 
Christianity  was  to  reassert  its  sovereignty  over  the  paganism 
of  the  false  renaissance  in  every  department  of  life.  His 
"  Evviva  Christo"  was  to  echo  from  lip  to  lip.  Politics,  society, 
science  and  art,  were  to  have  the  commandments  of  God 
for  their  basis.  Christ  was  to  be  proclaimed  King  of  Flor- 
ence and  protector  of  her  liberties.f 

Savonarola  had,  however,  another  meaning  also  in  thus 
entitling  Christ  the  King  of  Florence.  He  claimed  to  be  the 
organ  of  Divine  messages  and  revelations.  His  poetic  tempe- 
rament, his  ardent  fancy  steeped  in  the  prophetic  and  Apo- 
calyptic books  of  Scripture,  and  the  predictions  of  Joachim 
and  Telesphorus,  at  that  time  so  much  in  vogue,  combined 
to  produce  in  him  a  firm  conviction  that  he  had  direct  inter- 
course with  God  and  the  angels.  He  imagined  that  he 
heard  voices  and  saw  faces.  "  Gradually  the  visions  gained 
such  mastery  over  his  reflective  consciousness  that  in  the 
midst  of  an  ordinary  conversation  he  would  see  the  heavens 
opened  and  hear  voices,  and  it  seemed  impossible  to  him 
to  doubt  the  reality  of  his  immediate  intercourse  with  the 
world  of  spirits."  "  That  which  I  saw  in  the  spirit  and  put 
into  words  was  to  me  far  more  certain,"  he  writes  in  the 

*  Savonarola,  as  the  reformer  of  the  Florentine  constitution,  cf.  in 
addition  to  ViLLARl,  I.,  269  seq.^  298  seq.  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2);  Frantz, 
Sixtus  IV.,  58  seq.  See  also  Gherardi,  323  seq.  Thomas,  Les  Re- 
volutions Polit.  de  Florence,  348  seq.  (Paris,  1881),  and  Bernon,  in 
the  Rev.  des  Quest.  Hist,  LXXXVHL,  563  seq. 

t  Cf.  Frantz,  Fra  Bartolomeo,  74,  76-9 ;  cf.  Perrens,  175  seq. 


HIS   VISIONS   AND   REVELATIONS.  193 

treatise  on  visions,  "  than  first  principles  are  to  philosophers." 
An  accidental  circumstance  confirmed  him  in  his  fancies, 
and  induced  him  resolutely  to  shake  off  any  lingering 
doubts.  There  was  in  the  convent  of  S.  Marco  a  Friar 
named  Silvestro  Maruffi,  who  happened  to  be  a  somnam- 
bulist, and  had  frequent  visions.  Savonarola  believed  in  this 
man  so  blindly  as  even  on  one  occasion  to  publish  a  vision  of 
Maruffi's  as  his  own,  commanded,  as  he  supposed,  by  angels 
to  do  so.  In  his  judgment  of  other  people's  dreams  and 
visions,  Savonarola  was  inclined  to  be  critical,  but  he  never 
admitted  the  possibility  of  any  mistake  in  regard  to  his 
own.*  "  1  know  the  purity  of  my  intentions,"  he  declares ; 
"  I  have  sincerely  adored  the  Lord  ;  I  try  to  follow  in  His 
footsteps  ;  I  have  passed  my  nights  in  prayer  and  watching  ; 
I  have  renounced  my  peace  ;  I  have  consumed  health  and 
strength  for  the  good  of  my  neighbours.  No,  it  is  not 
possible  that  God  should  have  deceived  me.  This  light  is 
Truth  itself;  this  light  is  the  aid  of  my  reason,  the  support 
of  my  charity ."f 

Too  often  in  his  fulminations  against  the  growing  corrup- 
tion, for  which  the  Medici  were  so  largely  responsible,  the 
impetuous  Dominican,  carried  away  by  the  torrent  of  his 
own  eloquence,  allowed  himself  to  be  betrayed  into  very 
extravagant  statements.  In  one  sermon  he  said — "  The 
only  good  that  Plato  and  Aristotle  did,  was  to  provide  a 
good  many  arguments  which  can  be  turned  against  heretics. 
They  and  the  other  philosophers  are  fast  in  hell.  Any  old 
woman  knows  more  about  Faith  than  Plato.  It  would  be 
good  for  the  Faith  if  many  of  these  seemingly  precious 
books  could  be  destroyed."  On  another  occasion  he  de- 
clared that  only  a  very  few  should  occupy  themselves  with 

*  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  247,  ed.  3. 

t  Cf.  ViLLARi,  I.,  318  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2).     Schwab,  in  the  Bonnei 
Literaturblatt,  IV^,  903  seq.^  and  Tocco,  in  La  Vita  Ital.,  II.,  381  seq. 
VOL.   V.  O 


194  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

learning.  All  that  was  needed  was  a  small  body  of  intel- 
lectual athletes  to  refute  heretical  sophistries,  the  rest  should 
confine  their  studies  to  grammar,  good  morals,  and  religious 
instruction.* 

Language  of  this  kind  led  to  the  belief  that  Savonarola 
was  opposed  to  Art  and  Science,  but  recent  investigations 
have  proved  the  injustice  of  this  accusation.  It  is  certain 
that  he  made  provision  for  study  among  his  own  friars, 
and  wished  them  to  learn  Greek  and  Oriental  languages 
with  a  view  to  missions,  though  not  aiming  at  any  great 
results  in  scholarship.  It  is  also  certain  that  Savonarola 
rescued  the  magnificent  Medici  Library  for  Florence.  How 
then  could  he  have  been  an  enemy  to  science?  We  have 
his  own  defence  of  himself  against  the  reproach  of  being 
an  enemy  of  poetry  and  poets.  "  I  have  never  been 
minded,"  he  says,  "  to  condemn  the  art  of  verse,  but  only 
the  abuse  made  of  it  by  many,  although  not  a  few  have 
sought  to  calumniate  me  in  their  writings."  He  ihen  pro- 
ceeds to  explain  in  what  this  abuse  consists :  "  There  is  a 
false  race  of  pretended  poets  who  can  do  nought  but  run 
after  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  repeating  their  ideas,  copy- 
ing their  style  and  their  metre  ;  and  even  invoking  the 
same  deities,  as  if  we  were  not  men  as  much  as  they,  with 
reason  and  religion  of  our  own.  Now,  this  is  not  only  false 
poetry  but  likewise  a  most  hurtful  snare  to  our  youth. 
Were  this  not  already  as  clear  as  sunlight,  I  would  labour 
to  prove  it,  experience,  the  only  teacher  of  all  things, 
having  so  plainly  manifested  to  all  ey^'s  the  evils  born  of 
this  false  kind  of  poetry,  that  it  is  needless  to  pause  to 
condemn  it.  And  what  shall  we  say  on  finding  that  even 
the  pagans  condemned  poets  such  as  these  ?  Did  not 
Plato  himself,  whom  nowadays  all  extol  to  the  skies, 
declare  the  necessity  of  making  a  law  expelling  from  the 

*  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  249,  ed.  3. 


SAVONAROLA  ON   ART.  1 95 

city  all  poets,  who  by  the  example  and  authority  of  most 
iniquitous  deities,  and  the  allurements  of  most  shameful 
verse,  filled  the  world  with  ignominious  lust  and  moral 
destruction  ?  Why  do  our  Christian  rulers  make  no  sign  ? 
Why  do  they  dissemble  these  ills  ?  Why  do  they  not  pass 
a  law  banishing  from  the  city  not  only  these  false  poets, 
but  even  their  works,  and  those  of  the  ancient  writers  treat- 
ing of  vicious  subjects,  and  in  praise  of  false  gods?  It 
would  be  an  excellent  thing  were  such  books  destroyed, 
and  only  those  inciting  to  virtue  preserved."* 

Savonarola  held  similar  views  in  regard  to  painting. 
What  he  there  rightly  opposed,  was  the  Pagan  false  renais- 
sance. "  It  was  not  Art  itself  which  he  condemned,  but  its 
desecration,  the  introduction  of  earthly  and  even  immodest 
sentiments  and  dress  into  sacred  pictures.  On  the  con- 
trary, pious  and  genuinely  religious  art  would  have  been 
an  efficacious  support  in  building  up  that  ideal  State  which 
he  dreamt  of,  and  for  a  while  even  made  a  reality." 
Again  and  again  Savonarola  explains  what  he  finds  fault 
with  in  contemporary  Art,  and  what  he  desires  to  put  in 
place  of  it.  For  him  edification  is  the  main  object  of  Art ; 
he  will  tolerate  none  which  does  not  tend  to  the  service  of 
religion.  He  denounces  the  delineation  of  the  undraped 
human  form  as  unchaste  and  demoralising,  all  the  more  so 
because  for  women  and  children  the  church  pictures  serve 
instead  of  books  f  "  His  quarrel  was  with  the  tendency  to 
emphasise  the  sensuous  side  of  Art,  to  please  the  taste  of 

*  ViLLARI,  II.,  149,  i$o,  151  (Engl,  trans,  ed.  2). 

+  Bode,  223.  Cf.  Muntz,  Precurseurs,  227,  229  seq.  and  237,  That 
Savonarola  was  no  enemy  of  Art  is  convincingly  demonstrated  by  L. 
Gruyer,  Les  Illustrations  des  ecrits  de  J.  Savonarole  publics  en  Italie 
au  XV.  et  au  xvi.  siecle,  et  les  paroles  de  Savonarole  sur  I'Art  (Paris, 
Didot,  1879);  Rio,  De  I'Art  Chretien,  II.,  368;  Frantz,  II.,  666; 
Hettner,  Italienische  Studien,  145-53. 


196  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

worldlings,  and  to  ignore  its  true  vocation,  which  is  spiritual, 
and  leads  to  God.  Savonarola's  fulminations  against  the 
nude  in  pictures  were  not  directed  against  the  study  of  the 
nude,  nor  the  use  of  it  in  Art  in  general,  but  only  on  its 
use  with  the  purpose  of  pandering  to  sensual  thoughts."  * 
His  protest  was  against  naturalism  in  Religious  Art, although 
he  admitted  that  all  Art  was  based  on  the  study  of  nature. 
His  advice  to  artists  was  to  dwell  more  on  expression  and 
ideal  beauty,  and  less  on  perfection  of  form. 

His  endeavour  was  to  eliminate  the  sensual  taint  from 
Art ;  but  here,  too,  he  generalised  and  exaggerated  till  he 
frequently  overshot  the  mark.  *'  Ye  trick  out  the  Mother 
of  God  in  the  frippery  of  a  courtesan,  ye  give  her  the 
features  of  your  paramours.  Then  these  young  men  go 
about  saying  of  this  woman  or  that :  Here  is  a  Magda- 
lene, here  a  Virgin,  there  a  S.  John.  And  then  ye  paint 
their  faces  in  the  churches,  the  which  is  a  great  pro- 
fanation of  divine  things.  Ye  painters  do  very  ill ;  and 
did  ye  know,  as  I  know,  the  scandal  ye  cause,  ye  would 
certainly  act  differently.  .  .  .  Ye  fill  the  churches  with 
vain  things  ;  think  ye  the  Virgin  should  be  painted  as  ye 
paint  her  ?     I  tell  ye  that  she  went  clothed  as  a  beggar."  f 

In  contrast  to  this,  Savonarola  inculcated  a  severe  and 
serious  treatment  of  sacred  subjects ;  "  The  figures  should 
be  larger  than  life,  and  thus  be  easily  recognised  as  typical. 
Their  drapery  should  be  simple  and  correspond  in  its  form 
with  the  age  in  which  they  lived." 

Too  many  of  Savonarola's  criticisms  on  Art  are  certainly 
open  to  the  charge  of  one-sidedness,  harshness,  and  ex- 
aggeration ;  but  his  quarrel  with  the  debasement  of  con- 
temporary art  was  in  many  respects  a  just  one.     There  is 

*  See  Aug.  Reichensperger's  Essay  :  "  Zur  Charakteristik  der  Re- 
naisance,"  in  No.  347  of  Koln.  Volkszeitung,  Dec.  16,  1881. 
t  ViLLARl,  II.,  147  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 


ABUSES   IN    PAINTINrx.  I97 

no  denying  the  sensual  pagan  tendency  which  had  crept 
into  Italian  Art  towards  the  close  of  the  15th  century, — a 
tendency  which,  even  from  an  aesthetic  point  of  view,  was 
distinctly  faulty.  Again,  a  glance  at  many  of  the  works 
of  the  period  reveals  a  growing  tendency  towards  realism, 
and  an  increasing  delight  in  reproducing  the  hundred  and 
one  little  accessories  of  daily  life  which  pleased  the  eye  of 
the  painters  and  were  dear  to  the  Italian  fancy.  In  Savon- 
arola's time  these  two  influences  were  doubtless  "  in  the 
ascendant,  and  had  become  so  prominent  as  on  the  one 
hand  to  obscure  the  typical  meaning  of  the  picture,  and  on 
the  other,  by  an  unintentional  naturalism,  seriously  to  detract 
from  its  influence  as  an  aid  to  devotion." 

The  abuse  of  painting  friends  and  acquaintances  of 
the  artist  as  Saints,  grew  apace  during  the  latter  half  of 
the  15th  Century.  Donatello,  in  choosing  a  man  like 
Poggio  for  a  model  of  a  prophet,  was  defying  all  sense  of 
propriety.  The  same  was,  in  a  sense,  true  of  Benozzo 
Gozzoli's  frescoes  in  the  Campo  Santo  at  Pisa,  and  in  S. 
Gimignano,  and  of  those  painted  by  Ghirlandajo  in  S^^ 
Maria  Novella  in  Florence.*  The  dissolute  Carmelite,  Fra 
Filippo  Lippi,  did  even  worse,  for  his  Madonnas  repro- 
duce again  and  again  the  features  of  Lucrczia  Buti,  his 
mistress.f 

Though  up  to  the  close  of  the  15th  Century  the  abuse  of 
introducing  mythological  subjects  and  sensuous  methods  of 
presentation  into  sacred  pictures  was  still  comparatively 
rare,  there  were,  nevertheless,  many  lamentable  exceptions 
to  the  rule.     Thus,  before  his  conversion,  Fra  Bartolomeo 

*  Many  as  are  the  beauties  of  Ghirlandajo's  frescoes  in  the  Choir 
of  S^a  Maria  Novella,  we  cannot  but  regard  the  introduction  of  twenty-one 
portraits  of  members  of  the  donors'  families  as  a  profanation  of  sacred 
history.     MuNTZ,  Precurseurs,  230. 

t  GuHL,  I.,  24  ;  Crowe-Cavalcaselle,  III.,  52  seq. 


198  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

painted  a  picture  of  S.  Sebastian  which,  Vasari  tells  us,  had 
shortly  to  be  removed  from  the  church,  in  consequence  of 
the  evil  effects  which  the  fathers  found  it  to  produce.* 
Many  of  Mantegna's  pictures  and  etchings  are  by  no  means 
immaculate.f 

Luca  Signorelli,in  his  "Last  Judgment,"  at  Orvieto,  makes 
far  more  use  of  the  nude  than  is  allowable  in  a  cathedral, 
and  even  introduces  mythological  characters.  Sundry 
naked  deities  were  painted  by  the  same  artist  for  the  elder 
Lorenzo,  and  in  the  palace  of  Pandolfo  Petrucci  at  Siena 
amongst  others  a  Bacchante.:j:  Another  of  his  productions, 
"  The  Education  of  Pan,"  a  group  of  naked  gods,  is  in  a 
private  gallery  in  Florence.§  The  frescoes  painted  by 
Correggio  in  the  Camera  di  San  Paolo  at  Parma  are  most 
indecent  These,  however,  belong  to  a  later  date,  15 18. 
They  were  executed  for  Donna  Giovanna,  the  abbess 
•of  a  rich  convent,  a  cultured  lady  of  the  Humanist 
school.  The  ceiling  of  the  hall  is  painted  to  represent  an 
arbour  of  vines,  with  genii  and  cupids  hiding  in  its  foliage. 
The  sixteen  lunettes  contain  figures  in  grey  monochrome, 
the  Graces,  the  Fates,  Fortuna,  sundry  satyrs,  and  even  an 
undraped  Venus.  On  the  wall  of  this  bower  of  the  gods 
Diana  appears  in,  diaphanous  attire.  The  whole  composi- 
tion is  mythological  ;  there  is  nothing  Christian  about  it|| 
There  are  pictures  of  Venus  by  Sandro  Botticelli  and  Piero 
di  Cosimo,^  which  are  also  extremely  reprehensible.     The 

*  Vasari,  III.,  i,  39  (ed.  1598). 

t  Piper,  I.,  i,  326. 

X  Ibid.,  I,  322. 

§  Crowe-Cavalcaselle,  IV.,  1st  half,  85  seq. 

II  Woltmann,  II.,  706  ;  Naumann's  Archiv.  fiir  Zeichnende  Kiinste, 
VII.,  117  seq.\  and  RUMOHR,  Drei  Reisen  nach  Italien,  159  (Leipzig, 
1832). 

IF  Piper,  I.,  i,  327. 


MYTHOLOGY   IN   SACRED  ART.  1 99 

so-called  "Temple  of  Malatesta"  at  Rimini,  a  church  built 
by  Leon  Battista  Alberti,  at  the  desire  of  this  tyrant,  is 
absolutely  heathen.  There  is  hardly  a  single  Christian 
symbol  or  religious  inscription  in  the  whole  of  this  magni- 
ficent structure.  The  statue  of  S.  Michael  is  a  portrait  of 
Malatesta's  mistress,  the  famous  Isotta.  In  the  Chapel  of 
S.  Jerome  we  find  a  nude  Olympian  group — Diana,  Mars, 
Mercury,  Saturn,  and  even  Venus.*  Again,  the  doors 
of  the  Cathedral  at  Como  are  decorated  with  classical 
figures  purely  mythological  or  historic.  Centaurs  bearing 
naked  female  figures  on  their  backs,  nymphs,  and  Heracles 
with  Mucins  Scaevola.  These  groups  are  partly  borrowed 
from  antique  sarcophagi,  coins  and  gems,  and  partly 
original.  Similar  mythological  figures  are  to  be  seen  in 
the  arabesques  framing  the  bronze  doors,  executed  by 
Antonio  Filarete  in  1441-1447,  for  the  old  Church  of  S. 
Peter's.-]-  Many  of  the  monuments  to  the  dead  even  bear 
no  trace  of  Christianity.  This  is  the  case  with  Jacopo 
della  Quercia's  sarcophagus  in  the  gallery  at  Florence,^: 
and  Verrocchio's  tomb  of  Piero  and  Cosimo  de'  Medici  in  S. 
Lorenzo  in  the  same  city.§  No  vestige  of  Christianity  is 
discernible  on  the  tomb  of  Rolando  de'  Medici  in  the  An- 
nunziata,!!  nor  on  that  of  Giovanni  de'  Medici  by  Donatello 
in  S.  Lorenzo. IF  Mythological  allegories  are  freely  used 
in  the  monument  to  Girolamo  della  Torre  (d.  1506)  and 
his    son,   executed    by   Andrea    Riccio    for   the   church   of 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  HI.,  1 18-119  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  Piper,  I.,  i,  292-4  ;  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  360  (Engl,  trans.). 

X   Cupids,  Tritons,  and  Centaurs  mingle  with  Biblical  scenes  in  the 
font  designed  by  Querela,  in  the  Cathedral  at  Siena.      C/.  Piper  I.,  i 
292  seg. 

§  MUNTZ,  I.,  59. 

II  /dz'd.y  424. 

IT  J  did.,  429. 


200  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

S.  Fermo  at  Verona.  Even  on  the  tomb  of  Pope  Sixtus  IV., 
erected  by  his  nephew  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  we  find  that 
medley  of  Christian  and  Pagan  ideas  which  marks  the 
transition  stage  between  the  Christian  conception,  and  that 
utterly  mundane  treatment  which  prevailed  later.*  On  the 
whole,  however,  during  the  15th  Century  the  Popes  kept 
the  vagaries  of  artists  within  bounds,  although  in  Florence 
their  extravagances  were  already  deplorable.f 

These  transgressions  had  not  as  yet  become  common, 
but  were  numerous  enough  to  account  for  the  severity  of 
Savonarola's  censures.  Perhaps  he  was  sometimes  unneces- 
sarily severe,  but  the  justice  of  his  rebukes  was  acknow- 
ledged by  more  than  one  painter.  Indeed,  the  eloquent 
Dominican  exercised  great  influence  over  many  artists. 

The  miniature-painters  Benedetto,  Filippo  Lapacino,  and 
Eustachio  were  then  employed  in  the  convent  of  S.  Marco,  so 
were  the  painters  Agostino  di  Paolo  del  Mugello,  Agostino 
de'  Macconi,  Andrea  of  Florence,  and,  most  important  of 
all,  Fra  Bartolomeo  della  Porta  ;  so,  too,  were  the  architects 
Domenico  di  Paolo  and  Francesco  di  Prato,  as  well  as  two 
of  the  Robbia  family.  Outside  the  convent  also,  Savon- 
arola reckoned  many  an  artist  among  his  followers.  We 
will  mention  only  Sandro  Botticelli  and  Lorenzo  di  Credi, 
who,  like  Fra  Bartolomeo,  burnt  their  studies  from  the 
nude.  Perugino  must  not  be  left  out,  nor  the  architect 
Cronaca,  nor  again  the  sculptors  Baccio  da  Montelupo, 
Ferrucci,  Baccio  Baldini,  Giovanni  delle  Corniola,  and 
Michael  Angelo.     The  tragic  death  of  their  master  affected 

*  GregorOVIUS,  Die  Grabmaler  der  Romischen  Papste,  loi  (1857); 
10 1  seq. ;  and  PASTOR,  Gesch  der  Papste,  II.,  568,  note  i,  ed.  2. 

t  MuNTZ,  Precurseurs,  224.  "En  these  generale  les  papes  mon- 
traient  une  reserve  excessive  vis-k-vis  des  beaux  arts.  On  chercherait 
vainement  a  Rome  ces  compositions  mythologiques,  qui  remplissaient 
des-lors  les  oalais  de  Florence. 


REFORM   IN    SACRED   ART.  201 

both  Fra  Bartolomeo  and  Sandro  Botticelli  so  profoundly, 
that  the  forn:ier  ceased  painting  for  a  time,  and  the  latter 
laid  aside  his  brush  and  never  resumed  it.  Savonarola's 
influence  can  be  traced  in  many  of  the  works  of  Art  pro- 
duced by  his  contemporaries,*  notably  in  those  of  Giovanni 
della  Robbia,  representing  the  dead  Christ  in  His  mother's 
arms,  with  the  other  mourners.  This  incident,  so  graphi- 
cally described  in  many  of  Savonarola's  sermons,  became 
at  that  time  a  more  frequent  subject  of  Florentine  Art  than 
at  any  previous  or  later  period.  Pietro  Perugino  during 
the  last  years  of  the  15th  Century  painted  hardly  any 
pictures  but  these  "Pieta" — the  immortal  fresco  of  the 
Crucifixion  in  the  chapter-house  of  S.  Maria  Maddalena 
de'  Pazzi,  the  Deposition  from  the  Cross  in  the  Palazzo 
Pitti,  Christ  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  Christ  on  the  Cross, 
and  the  Pieta  in  the  Academy  at  Florence,  all  belong  to  the 
years  1494-1497.  About  the  same  time  Michael  Angelo 
painted  the  "  Deposition,"  now  in  the  National  Gallery  in 
London,  and  Sandro  and  Filippino  produced  those  in  the 
Pinakothek  in  Munich.  "  The  erection  of  the  marble  shrine 
containing  a  Pieta,  from  the  hand  of  Andrea  Sansovino,  at 
S'°  Spirito,  and  Filippino's  commission  to  paint  the  great 
Descent  from  the  Cross  (in  the  Academy  at  Florence) 
belong  to  a  somewhat  later  date.  The  latter  work  was 
finished  by  Perugino  in  1 504.  About  this  time  Fra  Barto- 
lomeo painted  a  fresco  of  the  Last  Judgment  for  S^^  Maria 
Novella,  and  Michael  Angelo  carved  the  Pieta  in  S.  Peter's 
at  Rome,  the  crowning  monument  of  this  tendency  in  Art"  f 
The  Art  of  the  period  shewed  a  dangerous  tendency 
towards  excessive  naturalism,  and  a  baroque  style  which  was 

*  Bode,  222-3  ;  Woltmann,  IL,  602  ;  Schultze,  S.  Marco,  61  ;  P. 
Marchese,  Memorie  dei  piu  te  insigni   Pittori,   Scultori  e  Architetti 
Domenicani,  I.,  512  seq.^  ed.  4  ;  MuNTZ,  Precurseurs,  231-2. 
t  Bode,  224. 


202  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

apt  to  lose  itself  in  irrelevant  details.  Thus  the  return  to 
a  more  serious  treatment  of  religious  subjects,  and  to  a 
greater  simplicity  of  form  and  sobriety  of  colour,  was  in 
itself  meritorious  ;  but  in  the  majority  of  these  works  we 
miss  that  freshness  and  originality,  in  short,  that  sincerity, 
which  we  admire  in  other  15th  Century  artists.  In  these 
painters  there  is  a  certain  constraint  of  manner  and  an 
affectation  of  exaggerated  solemnity.* 

The  tone  of  unreality  in  the  Art  influenced  by  Savonarola 
corresponds  exactly  with  a  certain  extravagance  and 
violence  which  characterised  the  whole  of  his  teaching  and 
work,  especially  in  the  matter  of  social  reform. 

His  sermons,  particularly  those  of  1495,  ^^^  an  effect  in 
Florence  which  for  the  moment  was  almost  miraculous.  The 
whole  aspect  of  the  city  was  changed.  Women  laid  aside 
their  costly  ornaments  and  flaunting  manners,  and  were 
transformed  into  patterns  of  plain  dressing  and  modesty. 
Roystering  youths  became  suddenly  decorous  and  devout. 
Deadly  enemies  were  reconciled.  Rich  bankers  and  mer- 
chants hastened  to  restore  ill-gotten  gains.  Feasting  and 
amusements  of  all  sorts  were  abandoned.  Hymns  took 
the  place  of  licentious  songs  and  carnival  choruses.  The 
churches  overflowed,  the  number  of  communicants  im- 
mensely increased,  and  the  stream  of  alms  had  never  been 
known  to  flow  so  abundantly.  There  were  now  238 
instead  of  50  monks  in  the  convent  of  S.  Marco.  Among 
the  new  comers  were  youthful  sons  of  noble  families,  and 
men  of  mature  age  who  had  made  names  for  themselves  in 
literature,  or  science,  or  politics,  such  as  Pandolfo  Ruc- 
cellai,  Georgio  Vespucci,  Zanobi  Acciaiuoli,  Pietro  Paolo 
Urbino,  Professor  of  Medicine,  a  Jewish  tutor  of  Pico  della 
Mirandola,  and  many  more.-f 

*  Bode,  225. 

t  ViLLARi,  Savonarola,  I.,  344-5  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 


RELIGIOUS   EXCITEMENT  IN  FLORENCE.  203 

A  new  life  had  begun  in  Florence.  The  great  question 
was,  would  it  last?  Unfortunately,  in  combating  the 
corruption  encouraged  by  the  Medici,  the  zealous  Friar 
had  not  only  overstepped  the  bounds  of  prudence,  but  even 
those  of  fairness  and  justice. 

Savonarola  introduced  into  the  religious  life  a  narrowness 
and  scrupulosity  hitherto  unknown  in  the  middle  ages. 
Essentially  a  rigorist  of  the  type  of  Tertullian,  to  him  due 
moderation  was  impossible.  Starting  with  the  false  im- 
pression that  the  whole  community  was  corrupt  throughout, 
he  overlooked  all  the-  good  which  really  existed.  "  The 
Renaissance  was  for  him  a  foreign  world,  and  he  only  knew 
it  in  its  extremes."*  To  these  he  opposed  an  extreme  of 
his  own,  of  a  sort  which  in  Florence,  of  all  places,  could  not 
possibly  have  held  its  ground  for  any  length  of  time. 

Savonarola,  no  doubt,  was  animated  by  the  highest 
motives  in  his  endeavours  to  purge  the  Church  of  all  taint 
of  worldliness  ;  but,  in  his  ardent  zeal,  he  overlooked  the 
fact  that  the  Church,  from  her  very  nature  and  constitution, 
must  remain  in  the  world.  He  had  never  seen  much  of 
practical  life,  and  now,  in  attempting  to  carry  the  spirit  of 
a  religious  house  into  the  every-day  world  and  the  relations 
of  citizens  with  each  other,  he  condemned  many  things 
that  were  quite  permissible.  The  standing  reproach  of  his 
enemies  that  he  wanted  to  turn  Florence  into  a  cloister 
and  all  its  inhabitants  into  monks  and  nuns  was  by  no 
means  without  foundation.  What  the  Church  only  incul- 
cated as  counsels  of  perfection  to  be  embraced  by  a  few 
chosen  souls,  he  endeavoured  to  enforce  as  binding  upon 
all.  "  A  Dominican  Friar,"  writes  the  Mantuan  Envoy  on 
November  17,  1494,  "has  so  terrified  all  the  inhabitants  of 
Florence  that  they  are  wholly  given  up  to  piety ;  three 
days  in  the  week  they  fast  on  bread  and  water,  and  two 

*  BOHRINGER,  1033  ;  SXERN,  I.,  277. 


204  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

more  on  bread  and  wine.  All  the  maidens  and  many  of 
the  wives  have  taken  refuge  in  convents,  so  that  only  men 
and  youths  and  old  women  are  ever  to  be  seen  now  in  the 
streets."*  It  actually  became  necessary  to  remit  a  portion 
of  the  taxes  ordinarily  paid  by  the  butchers,  as  they  were 
almost  ruined.  In  direct  contradiction  with  the  rule  of 
the  Church,  Savonarola  permitted  married  women  to  enter 
convents,  and  even  to  separate  from  their  husbands,  against 
the  wishes  of  the  latter. j-  He  forbade  his  penitents  from 
joining  in  perfectly  innocent  amusements.;}:  The  fever  of 
religious  excitement  stirred  up  amongst  the  Florentines 
by  Savonarola  §  made  the  city  the  laughing-stock  of  Italy. 
Those  who  held  aloof  from  the  movement  expressed  their 
annoyance  at  being  supposed  to  take  part  in  proceedings 
so  palpably  extravagant  and  often  absurd,  with  such 
vehemence  that  even  some  of  his  adherents  began  to  think 
that  he  was  going  too  far,  and  he  found  it  necessary  to 
defend  himself  in  a  sermon.  "  Brother,"  he  makes  the 
objector  complain,  "  thou  hast  brought  us  very  low  ;  all  day 
long  we  are  praying  and  fasting,  and  fasting  and  praying. 
We  can  endure  no  longer ;  we  are  the  talk  of  all  Italy. 
Our  neighbours  jeer  at  us.  *  What,'  they  say,  *  have  they 
given  up  fasting  in  Florence  ?  We  are  persecuted  about 
our  incessant  fasts.  They  say  Florence  has  put  on  a  cowl  ; 
all  her  people  have  become  monks.  We  can  no  longer 
endure  the  ridicule  that  our  perpetual  praying  and  fasting 
is  bringing  upon  us.'     Well,  let  us  talk  it  over.     Tell  me,  is 

*  Arch.  St.  Lomb.,  I.,  331. 

t  Perrens,  200  seq.^  203,  214. 

\  Cf.  Gaspary,  II.,  199  and  664,  where  he  cites  a  remarkable  passage 
from  D.  Gianotti. 

§  The  followers  of  Savonarola — writes  Piero  Vaglienti — take  every- 
thing he  says  for  Gospel,  and  believe  more  in  him  than  they  do  in 
S.  Paul.     Rivista  delle  Biblioteche  dir.  di  G.  BlAGi,  IV.,  52. 


INQUISITORIAL   PROCEEDINGS.  205 

what  you  are  doing  good  or  bad  ?  You  cannot  say  that 
it  is  a  bad  thing  to  fast  and  pray.  If,  then,  it  is  good,  go 
on  your  way,  and  let  people  say  what  they  will."  * 

It  is  impossible  also  to  approve  of  some  of  the  means  by 
which  Savonarola  sought  to  carry  out  his  reforms.  The 
penalties  he  imposed  were  immoderate.  Gamblers  were  to 
be  punished  with  torture,  and  blasphemers  were  to  have 
their  tongues  pierced.f  He  required  servants  to  act  as 
spies  on  their  masters,  and  did  not  shrink  from  any  viola- 
tion of  the  privacy  of  domestic  life,  which  in  Florence  was 
very  jealously  guarded.  Every  possible  method  of  coercion, 
espionage,  and  delation  was  to  be  employed  in  order  to 
enforce  a  standard  of  perfection  in  conduct,  for  which  the 
citizens  of  Florence  were  by  no  means  prepared.  If  any- 
thing were  wanting  to  the  proof  that  Savonarola  was  the 
last  man  who  would  have  been  likely  to  succeed  in  pro- 
ducing a  permanent  social  reform,J  it  would  be  found  in 
the  fact  that  this  tyrannical  police  of  his  consisted  entirely 
of  children,  mere  boys  who  had  not  yet  attained  the  age 
of  reason. 

These  inquisitors  patrolled  the  whole  city  hunting  out 
all  evil-doers,  and  their  jurisdiction  extended  even  to 
girls  and  women.  They  made  their  way  forcibly  into 
houses,  seized  the  cards  and  dice  and  even  the  money  on 
the  gaming-tables,  and  confiscated  harps,  lutes,  perfumes, 
mirrors,  masks,  and  poems,  and  carried  them  off  to  be  burnt. 
The    indignation    aroused    by    this    intolerable    insolence 

*  Perrens,  265-6. 

t   BOHRINGER,  853-4. 

%  See  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  249  seq.,  ed.  3,  who  remarks  :  "The  com- 
plete transformation  of  public  and  private  life,  which  the  iron-handed 
Calvin  in  later  times  could  only  succeed  in  producing  in  Geneva  with 
the  help  of  an  external  state  of  siege,  was  foredoomed  in  Florence  to  be 
no  more  than  a  futile  attempt  arousing  the  bitterest  opposition." 


206  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

increased  from  day  to  day,  but  Savonarola  only  laughed  at 
it.  When  some  of  the  citizens  took  to  defending  them- 
selves with  sticks  against  the  incursions  of  these  children, 
he  provided  them  with  men  from  the  city-watch  to  pro- 
tect them.  Parental  authority  had  no  sanctity  in  his  eyes 
when  exerted  in  opposition  to  his  wishes.  He  publicly 
preached  disobedience ;  and  when  some  parents  spoke  of 
sending  their  children  to  France,  in  order  to  withdraw 
them  from  his  influence,  he  answered  defiantly,  "  Send 
them  where  you  please  ;  they  will  soon  come  back  again."* 
The  fanaticism  of  these  children  grew  to  such  a  pitch  that 
they  threatened  to  stone  any  one  who  ventured  to  say  a 
word  against  their  Prophet,  who  was  now  exercising  abso- 
lutely dictatorial  powers  ;  but  Savonarola  only  saw  in  them 
the  saintly  citizens  of  the  Florence  of  the  future.f  The 
waves  of  party  spirit,  which  the  leader  of  the  people  should 
have  been  striving  to  calm,  rose  higher  and  higher,  and  the 
situation  became  daily  more  and  more  unnatural  and 
unbearable.  Instead  of  the  promised  peace,  discontent  and 
dissensions  reigned  in  every  family  in  Florence.  As  far  as 
this  goes,  the  charges  against  Savonarola  made  later  by  his 
enemies  were  perfectly  true. 

"Every  house,"  they  said,  '*was  divided.  Husbands  and 
wives,  fathers  and  children,  were  at  daggers  drawn,  so  that 
one  heard  nothing  but  threats  and  angry  words  all  day 
long.  Mothers-in-law  drove  their  sons'  wives  out  of  the 
house,  and  men  their  own  wives  ;  the  only  thing  in  which 
they  were  agreed  was  that  they  could  not  live  together. 
Women  wrote  privately  to  Savonarola  to  inform  him  of 
their  husbands'  plots  against  him."  Parents  abandoned 
their  children  in  order  to  go  into  convents.  Half-distracted 
A^omen  rushed  to  the  cathedral  at  midnight  to  argue  with 

*   PERRENS,  206-9  ;   BOHRINGER,  857, 

t  Sanuto,  I.,  79. 


THE  "BURNING  OF  VANITIES."  207 

the  opponents  of  the  Prophet,  shrieking  that  he  was  the 
true  light,  and  any  one  who  did  not  believe  in  him  was  a 
heretic*  They  were  only  repeating  what  he  had  said 
himself  a  hundred  times  in  asserting  his  divine  vocation. 

From  the  very  first  there  was  often  a  want  of  dignity  in 
Savonarola's  way  of  speaking,  that  seemed  difficult  to  recon- 
cile with  the  inspiration  which  he  claimed.  "  You  live  like 
swine,"  he  said  to  the  Florentines.  He  called  the  Princes 
who,  he  prophesied,  were  to  invade  Italy,  barbers  armed  with 
gigantic  razors ;  the  distress  which  they  would  bring  upon 
her  was  like  a  salad  of  borage,  bitter  in  the  mouth  ;  the 
reform  of  manners,  like  a  mill  which  would  grind  out  the 
flour  of  wisdom.  When  they  had  been  preached  to  in  this 
style,  his  followers  often  behaved  in  strange  ways,  which 
they  called  being  "  fools  for  the  love  of  Christ."-j-  The 
"burning  of  vanities"  also  began  to  assume  a  fantastic  and 
theatrical  character.  At  the  sound  of  a  bell  from  the 
Palazzo  Vecchio,  the  Signoria  came  out  on  the  balcony, 
and,  accompanied  by  the  singing  of  hymns  and  the  clang 
of  trumpets,  the  solemn  procession  issued  for  S.  Marco's  to 
celebrate  what  Savonarola  himself  called  the  feast  of  the 
Higher  Folly  {inaggior pazzia).  Three  circles  were  formed 
enclosing  the  pyre :  the  innermost  consisted  of  the  Friars 
of  S.  Marco,  interspersed  with  boys  dressed  to  represent 
angels  ;  the  next  was  of  youths,  clerical  and  lay  ;  the  outer 
one  of  old  men,  citizens,  and  priests.  All  were  crowned 
with  wreaths,  and  a  solemn  dance  was  executed  round  the 
pyre.J 

*  Perrens,  210.  Cf.  Vaglienti'S  description  in  the  Riv.  delle 
Bibliot.,  IV.,  53,  61  ;  Hase,  35. 

t  HaSE,  125  ;  (/!  32. 

X  Burckhardt,  II.,  251,  ed.  3  ;  Perrens,  267  seq.\  Hase,  84  seq. 
The  ways  of  the  followers  of  Savonarola  seem  very  similar  to  tliose  oi 
the  Salvation  Army  in  the  nresent  day. 


208  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Savonarola  was  quite  unable  to  see  the  absurdity  of  all 
this.  He  defended  dancing  by  pointing  to  the  example  of 
David,  and  announced  that  stranger  scenes  than  these 
would  shortly  be  forthcoming.*  It  never  struck  him  that 
such  excitement  of  the  religious  sentiments  must  end  by 
producing  exhaustion,  nor  could  he  see  that  his  violent 
methods  of  conversion  were  paving  the  way  for  an  equally 
vehement  reaction.  Another  unsatisfactory  side  of  the 
behaviour  of  Savonarola's  disciples  was,  that  they  formed  a 
church  within  the  Church.  This  sort  of  separation  was  the 
first  step  towards  the  institution  of  a  National  Church,  which 
would  have  been  an  inevitable  result  of  the  movement  had 
it  continued  long  enough.-]- 

The  same  unhealthy  extravagance  and  narrowness  of 
vision  characterised  Savonarola's  action  when,  as  very  soon 
happened,  he  passed  on  from  the  field  of  morals  into  that 
of  politics.  Here  also  he  claimed  Divine  inspiration,  and 
had  no  perception  of  incongruity  when,  in  his  prophecies, 
God  was  always  made  to  adopt  the  Florentine  point  of 
view,  whether  the  subjects  were  the  French  King,  the  great- 
ness of  the  city,  or  victory  over  her  enemies  and  the 
reconquest  of  Pisa.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  apply  the 
words  of  Christ,  "  no  iota  shall  remain  that  shall  not  be 
fulfilled,"  to  his  own  predictions.  It  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  these  predictions  were  not  concerning  the  growth  of 
the  kingdom  of  God  or  spiritual  things,  but  had  to  do  with 
purely  external  and  political  matters,  such  as  the  future 
of  Florence,  the  conquest  of  Pisa,  and  the  like.  Such  a 
method  of  prophesying  seems  almost  blasphemous.^ 

When  Savonarola  thus  took  upon  himself  the  two  func- 
tions of  a  divine  prophet  and  a  political  leader,  the  result 

*  Perrens,  268. 
t  Burckhardt,  II.,  246,  ed.  3. 
;i-6. 


SAVONAROLA'S   POLITICAL   FANATICISM.  209 

was  not  only  to  turn  him  aside  from  the  straight  path 
both  of  reHgious  vocation  and  the  work  of  the  priest- 
hood, but  to  drive  him  to  the  brink  of  the  abyss  in  which 
he  was  destined  finally  to  be  engulfed.  It  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  Friar  of  S.  Marco  not  only  stirred  up 
political  passions  in  others,  but  became  himself  the  victim 
of  political  fanaticism.* 

Even  the  warmest  admirers  of  Savonarola  must  admit 
that  in  the  pulpit  he  frequently  allowed  himself  to  use  lan- 
guage which  was  not  befitting  for  one  who  should  have 
been  devoted  to  the  cause  of  peace.  Thus  in  his  sermon 
against  the  tumultuous  assemblies,  misnamed  parliaments, 
which  the  Medici  encouraged  to  serve  their  own  ends,  he 
says :"  If  he  that  would  summon  a  Parliament  be  of  the 
Signoria,  let  his  head  be  cut  off;  if  he  be  not  of  it,  let  him 
be  proclaimed  a  rebel  and  all  his  goods  confiscated  ;  .  .  .  . 
should  the  Signoria  seek  to  call  a  Parliament  ...  all  may 
cut  them  to  pieces  without  sin."  This  sermon  was  preached 
on  the  28th  July,  1495,  and  a  fortnight  later  Savonarola's 
proposals  had  become  the  law !  When,  in  October,  after 
Charles  VIII.  had  left  Florence,  the  Medici  made  an  attempt 
to  return,  "  Savonarola  in  the  pulpit,  crucifix  in  hand, 
openly  and  loudly  counselled  the  citizens  to  put  to  death 
all  who  sought  to  re-establish  tyranny."  A  few  days  after- 
wards a  law  was  again  passed  putting  a  price  on  the  heads 
of  the  Medici,  which  was  virtually  equivalent  to  a  general 
summons  to  arms,  f 

The  man  who  proposed  and  carried  out  measures  such 
as  these,  claimed  at  the  same  time  to  be  the  direct  inter- 
preter of  the  Divine  will  in  regard  to  the  government  of 

*  See  Schwab,  in  the  Bonner  Theol.  Literaturblatt,  IV.,  902  ; 
Grisar,  396. 

t  ViLLARI,  Savonarola,  I.,  292-3,  and  II.,  17-18  (Engl,  trans.. 
ed.  2). 

VOL.   V.  P 


2IO  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

the  city.  He  aimed  at  establishing  a  theocracy  in  Flo- 
rence, resennbling-  that  by  which  the  Jews  were  ruled  in  the 
time  of  the  Judges.  Thus  the  religious  idea  took  form  in 
politics,  and  a  monarchy  was  to  be  erected  by  the  democracy, 
under  the  immediate  guidance  of  God  ;  Savonarola,  as  the 
Daniel  of  the  Florentines,  was  to  be  the  medium  of  the 
Divine  answers  and  commands.*  Florence,  at  the  end  of 
the  15th  Century,  was  utterly  incapable  of  enduring  for 
any  length  of  time  such  a  theocracy  as  this,  in  which 
Savonarola,  in  the  last  instance  as  the  interpreter  of  the 
Divine  will,  represented  the  monarchical  principle,  and 
claimed  a  sort  of  Infallibility.  This  was  the  weak  spot  in 
all  his  ecclesiastical  relations  in  Florence.  The  promise  of 
magisterial  Infallibility  is  only  given  to  the  Church  in  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff;  by  what  right  could  Savonarola  pretend 
to  be  the  immediate  organ  of  the  will  of  God  in  matters 
that  regarded  the  government  of  the  city  ?  The  days  were 
past  in  which  the  will  of  God  was  announced  to  His  people 
by  the  mouths  of  prophets  and  judges.  The  fulness  of  truth 
has  now  been  manifested  in  Christ  and  committed  to  His 
Church,  ordained  by  Him  for  all  time  to  be  the  one  Fount 
of  Salvation,  and  endowed  with  the  gift  of  Infallibility  in 
her  teaching  office.j- 

Savonarola's  claim  to  be  a  prophet  was  a  two-edged 
sword,  which  in  the  end  turned  against  him,  and  brought 
about  his  ruin.  Easy  as  it  had  been  at  first  to  win  the 
confidence  of  the  people,  it  was  equally  easy,  when  they 
found  their  hopes  disappointed,  to  persuade  them  that  he 
was  an  impostor,  and  that  they  had  been  betrayed. J 

After  the  tragic  downfall  of  the  great  preacher,  it  soon 
became  evident  how  feebly  rooted  his  teaching  had  been  in 

*  Marchese,  I.,  181. 

t  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV.,  88  seq, 

X   BOHRINGER,  886. 


SHALLOWNESS   OF   HIS   REFORM.  211 

the  rocky  Florentine  soil.*  The  reform  which  he  had 
inaugurated,  only  held  its  ground  in  restricted  and  isolated 
circles;  the  mass  of  the  people  fell  back  almost  at  once 
into  their  old  ways.  The  revolution  in  manners  had  been 
carried  into  all  sorts  of  trivial  and  harassing  details,  and 
was  essentially  a  merely  external  one.f  Even  during  his 
lifetime  Savonarola  had  learnt  by  experience  how  ephe- 
meral was  the  effect  of  his  sermons.  The  moment  he  was 
silenced,  vice  and  unbelief  began  at  once  to  raise  their 
heads  again,  and  he  broke  forth  into  bitter  invectives 
against  the  people  whom  he  loved  so  dearly,  threatening 
them  with  the  wrath  of  God,  and  declaring  that  all  the 
promised  prosperity  would  be  turned  into  judgments. 
But  all  his  eloquence  was  powerless  to  extinguish  the 
passion  for  politics  which  was  ingrained  in  the  character 
of  the  Florentines  ;  and  the  breach  between  the  prophet 
and  his  people  was  one  that  could  not  be  healed.  Savona- 
rola in  throwing  himself  into  the  revolution  in  politics  was 
aiming  mainly  at  the  interests  of  religion  ;  the  State  was 
to  be  the  instrument  for  doing  away  with  corruption  and 
carrying  out  a  thorough  moral  and  religious  reformation. 
The  Florentines,  on  the  other  hand,  cared  only  for  reform 
in  religion  in  so  far  as  it  carried  with  it  political  freedom. 
Hence  arose  the  curious  phenomenon  that  whenever  in  a 
sermon  Savonarola  made  no  allusion  to  politics,  he  failed  to 
interest  his  hearers.  Then  he  found  himself  obliged  to  de- 
clare Christ  the  King  of  Florence,  and  to  announce  from  the 
pulpit  that  the  Blessed  Virgin  desired  the  acceptance  of  the 
new  constitution,  and  that  the  Lord  had  commanded  that 
the  Parliaments  should  be  done  away  with.  The  hierarchy 
of  the  Angels  and  the  seven  days  of  Creation  were  made 

*  On  the  conflict  between  Savonarola  and  Alexander  VL,  and  his  end, 
see  Vol.  VL  of  this  work.  Book  L,  chap.  6  (Engl,  trans.). 

t  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV.,  84  ;  cf.  75,  and  Marchese,  I.,  292  seq. 


212  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

to  figure  in  the  organisation  of  the  constitution  and  the 
revolution  in  Florence.  But  it  was  all  in  vain.  Savonarola 
could  not  eradicate  the  evil  effects  of  the  rule  of  the  Medici. 
The  religious  and  moral  revival  which  he  had  evoked  passed 
quickly  away,  a  sudden  flame  which  flared  up  for  a  moment 
and  then  went  out.* 

In  Florence  itself  Savonarola  had  achieved  a  certain 
measure  of  success,  but  his  wider  schemes  of  universal  re- 
form, boldly  conceived  though  somewhat  vaguely  formulated, 
failed  entirely.  In  the  first  place  his  reliance  on  so  frivolous 
and  profligate  a  monarch  as  Charles  VIII.  was  fatal  to  their 
success,  j-  When  this  new  Messiah  quitted  Italy,  the  French 
plans  were  wrecked,  and  the  visionary  hopes  of  his  prophet 
melted  away ;  but,  possessed  by  the  delusive  theory  that  a 
General  Council  was  superior  to  the  Pope,J  Savonarola  set 
himself  in  opposition  to  the,  doubtless  unworthy,  but  still 
legitimate,  occupant  of  the  Chair  of  S.  Peter,  and  thus  not 
only  ruined  himself,  but  damaged  the  cause  of  true  reform. 
This  was  not  to  be  attained  by  revolutionary  methods. 

S.  Catherine  of  Siena,  writing  to  the  Government  of  Flo- 
rence, had  said  that  even  were  the  Pope  a  devil  incarnate, 
he  ought  to  be  obeyed  in  obedience  to  God,  whose  vice- 
gerent he  is.§  ■  Savonarola  defied  Alexander  VI.,  disre- 
garded his  sentence  of  excommunication,  and  attacked  the 
very  foundations  of  ecclesiastical  order  by  threatening 
the    Pope  with   a   Council. ||      The    calling   together  of  a 

*  ViLLARi,  Savonarola,  II.,  84-7  (Engl,  trans,  ed.  2);  and  Gelli, 
Fra  G.  Savonarola.     App.  alle  Letture  di  Famiglia,  9  (Firenze,  1857). 

t  HOFLER  justly  says,  Rom.  Welt.,  226,  that  from  the  moment  that 
Savonarola  identified  his  cause  with  that  of  Charles  VIII.  of  France, 
failure  became  inevitable. 

I  TOCCO  in  La  Vita  Ital.,  II.,  391. 

§  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  106  (Engl,  trans.). 

II  For  further  details  on  the  point  see  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work,  Book- 1, 
chap.  I.  (Engl,  trans.). 


SAVONAROLA   DEFIES   THE   POPE.  21 3 

General  Council  to  deal  with  the  reform  of  the  Church  was 
certainly  in  itself  a  most  desirable  thing;  but  a  Council 
assembled  without,  or  rather  in  opposition  to,  the  Head  of 
the  Church,  far  from  doing  away  with  the  evils  that  existed, 
would  have  enormously  aggravated  them.*  The  Synod  of 
Basle,  in  the  endless  difficulties  which  it  had  raised,  instead 
of  the  hoped  for  amendment  had  shewn  what  confusion 
the  false  doctrine  of  the  supremacy  of  a  Council  over  the 
Pope  had  introduced  into  the  Christian  world,  and  what 
disastrous  consequences  must  necessarily  attend  the  attempt 
to  upset  the  natural  constitution  of  any  government,  and 
most  of  all  of  that  which  was  proper  to  the  Church.f 

Savonarola,  in  the  state  of  nervous  excitement  produced 
in  him  by  his  imaginary  visions  and  revelations,  was  not 
fully  conscious  of  the  meaning  of  the  attitude  which  he 
adopted. J  What  kind  of  forces  he  had  set  in  motion  when 
he  thus  abandoned  that  submission  to  the  supreme  lawful 
authority  which  is  the  corner-stone  of  all  reform  in  the 
Catholic  sense,  was  destined  soon  to  appear.§  After 
his  death  a  violent  persecution  broke  out  against  his  ad- 
herents, in  consequence  of  which  many  of  them  retired 
into  the  country ;  ||  but  in  a  short  time  the  Frateschi,  as  they 
were  called,  raised  their  heads  again,  and  in  March  1499 
they  had  possessed  themselves  of  all  the  public  offices. 
The  old  veneration  for  the  Friar  flared  up  again,  although 
the  General  of  the  Dominicans  repressed  it  to  the  utmost 
of  his   power.lf     Towards  the  close  of  the  year   1500,  an 

*  See  the  Dominican  P.  Marchese  (I.,  254),  a  devoted  adherent  of 
Savonarola. 

t  Pastor,  Gesch.  der  Papste,  I.,  235  seq.  ed.  2. 

X  Frantz,  Sixtus  IV.,  82. 

§  RoSLER,  Dominici,  60. 

II  Sanuto,  I.,  969. 

IT  Ranke,  Studien,  328  ;  MARCHESE,  I.,  305  seq.  \  Gherardi,  Doc, 
329  seq. 


214  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

eccentric  popular  preacher,  Martino  di  Brozzi,  appeared  in 
Florence.  His  ragged  garments  and  matted  hair,  together 
with  the  fearful  prophecies  of  impending  judgments  which 
he  incessantly  poured  forth,  almost  gave  the  impression  of 
a  maniac ;  but  the  inflammable  populace  of  Florence  were 
fascinated  by  the  fool  of  Brozzi  (Pazzo  di  Brozzi,  which  is 
a  little  village  near  Florence,  on  the  road  to  Pisa).  He 
gladly  adopted  the  nickname.  "  God,"  he  announced, "  was 
going  to  punish  Italy,  Rome,  and  Florence  for  the  death  of 
Savonarola  ;  they  would  not  believe  the  wise  prophet,  and 
so  God  had  sent  them  a  fool."  The  authorities  twice  put 
him  into  prison,  but  did  not  succeed  in  silencing  him.* 

A  Httle  later  it  began  to  be  known  that  a  new  and 
audacious  attempt  was  being  made  to  carry  out  Savon- 
arola's notions  of  the  constitution  of  the  Church.  "  If  any 
doubts  yet  lingered  in  men's  minds  as  to  the  results  which 
would  follow  if  his  ideas  were  pushed  to  their  logical  con- 
clusions, the  question  was  now  decided.  Not  that  this  fact 
in  any  way  justifies  the  proceedings  of  those  who,  by  means 
of  torture,  extorted  Savonarola's  so-called  confession  ;  but 
it  puts  us  in  a  position  to  form  a  just  appreciation  of  the 
judgment  pronounced  upon  him  by  the  authorities  of  the 
Church."  t 

According  to  the  account  of  the  Florentine  chronicler 
Cerretani,J  twenty  of  Savonarola's  disciples  belonging  to 
the  lower  classes  formed  themselves  into  a  society,  holding 
frequent  meetings  and  electing  a  "pope,"  to  whom  they 

*  Cambi,  XXL,  i68  ;  Marchese,  I.,  310. 

+  HOFLER,  Italienische  Zustande  gegen  Ende  des  XV.  Jahrhunderts, 

30- 

%  Cf.  in  the  Appendix  for  the  beginning  of  the  year  1 502,  the  text  of 
this  remarkable  narrative,  to  which  HoFLER  (Italienische  Zustande,  30 
seg.)  was  the  first  to  draw  attention.  As,  however,  Hofler's  transcript 
is  in  many  places  inaccurate  and  the  account  is  extremely  interesting,  I 
have  thought  it  necessary  to  publish  it  verbatim. 


PIETRO   BERNARDINO'S   SECTARIES.  21$ 

yielded  implicit  obedience  in  all  things  both  spiritual  and 
temporal.  This  "  pope  "  was  a  citizen  of  Florence,  of  humble 
extraction,  called  Pietro  Bernardino,  aged  twenty-five.  He 
was  small  in  stature,  had  dark  eyes,  a  long  nose,  and  a 
hoarse  voice.  He  was  absolutely  illiterate  but  extremely 
cunning.  This  was  the  man  who  was  to  inaugurate  a  new 
series  of  "  popes/'  who  were  to  reign  over  the  purified  Church 
in  opposition  to  the  worldly  successors  of  S.  Peter.*  By 
close  attention  to  Savonarola's  sermons,  and  diligent 
reading  of  his  works,  Bernardino  had  almost  learnt  the 
Bible  by  heart.  Even  during  the  Master's  life-time,  he 
had  acquired  a  high  reputation  as  a  preacher  to  children 
and  the  poorer  classes.  On  the  death  of  the  prophet  he 
continued  to  exercise  these  powers  in  secret  assemblies. 
His  teaching  was  in  the  highest  degree  inflammatory  and 
revolutionary.  The  Church,  he  said,  must  be  purified  by 
the  sword  ;  now  that  Savonarola  was  dead,  there  was  not 
one  just  man  left  on  the  earth.  Until  the  Church  had 
been  reformed,  it  was  useless  to  go  to  confession,  as  there 
were  no  priests  or  religious  who  were  worthy  of  the  name. 
Bernardino  himself  assumed  priestly  functions,  and  anointed 
the  rooms  which  the  brethren  used  as  churches,  with  oil. 
This  he  called  the  unction  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  The  new 
sectaries  prayed  in  silence,  did  not  hear  mass,  and  dressed 
poorly.  When  they  were  at  meals  together,  Bernardino 
would  often  stop  suddenly  and  say,  "The  Holy  Ghost 
desires  us  to  pray."  Then  all  would  cease  to  eat,  and  keep 
silence  in  prayer  until  he   gave  the  sign  to  resume  their 

*  HOFLER,  31,  who  observes  that  Bernardino's  attempt  recalls  that 
of  a  similar  prophet  in  Parma  in  the  16th  Century,  who  under  the  pre- 
tence of  a  Divine  Commission  and  special  favour  from  the  Holy  Ghost, 
had  attracted  a  large  following,  professing  evangelical  poverty  and  sim- 
plicity of  life.  Finally,  the  extreme  licentiousness  of  his  life  obliged  tlie 
authorities,  both  spiritual  and  temporal,  to  interfere. 


2l6  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

meal.  The  new  "  pope  "  was  venerated  by  his  disciples  as 
a  prophet.  All  his  words  and  actions  were  believed  to  be 
significant,  and  to  presage  either  political  changes  by  means 
of  the  French,  the  Germans,  or  the  Turks,  or  else  the  over- 
throw of  the  Church. 

The  secret  meetings  of  these  sectaries  could  not  perma- 
nently be  concealed  from  the  Inquisition  and  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Florence.  On  their  information  the  Council  of 
Eight  forbade  the  meetings  and  arrested  several  of  the 
members.  "  The  new  '  pope '  told  his  followers  that  he  had 
foreseen  this,  and  advised  them  to  leave  Florence  secretly." 
They  betook  themselves  to  Bologna,  and  thence  to  Miran- 
dola,  where  they  were  kindly  received  by  an  ardent 
admirer  of  Savonarola,  the  learned  Count  Gian  Francesco, 
nephew  to  the  celebrated  Giovanni  of  Mirandola.  The 
Count  was  shortly  afterwards  besieged  by  his  brothers 
Ludovico  and  Federigo,  who  claimed  to  be  the  heirs  of 
Mirandola,  and  were  supported  by  Ercole  I.  Duke  of 
Ferrara,  and  Gianjacopo  Trivulzi.  Gian  Francesco  found 
himself  in  such  difficulties  that  he  lost  courage  and  would 
have  given  way,  but  Bernardino's  disciples  assured  him 
that  it  was  the  will  of  God  that  he  should  overcome  his 
enemies.  Fortified  with  this  belief  he  continued  the 
struggle,  but  was  no  match  for  his  assailants,  and  was 
finally,  in  August  1502,  driven  out  of  his  castle.*  He 
barely  escaped  with  his  life,  and  the  sectaries,  who  called 
themselves  "  the  anointed  ones,"  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
victors.  Their  lives  were  judged  to  be  immoral  and  their 
doctrines  heretical.  In  consequence  Pietro  Bernardino  and 
some  of  his  associates  were  burnt  and  the  rest  banished, 
or  delivered  over  to  the  Florentine  authorities.f     "  Such 

*  GuicciARDiNi,  v.,  c.  4;   TiRABOSCHi,  VII.,  I,  397;   Mem.  di 
Mirandola,  II.,  53  ;  Balan,  Assedii  della  Mirandola,  10. 

t  In  the  same  year,   1502,  Savonarola's  followers  had  again  been 


PROPHESYING   FRIARS.  2iy 

was  the  unhappy  end  of  another  of  those  attempts,  so 
often  repeated  in  Italy,  to  set  aside  the  means  of  Salvation 
provided  by  the  Church  and  her  system  of  Orders,  and 
to  found  a  new  Ecclesiastical  Society,  in  which  laymen, 
unprepared  and  unauthorised,  assumed  the  pastoral  office ; 
but  owing  to  the  increasing  decay  of  discipline  in  the 
Church,  this  was  by  no  means  the  last  effort  of  the  kind, 
and  any  person  who  pretended  to  have  a  special  call  to 
reform  her,  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  followers."*  Thus 
in  Florence,  where  the  veneration  for  Savonarola  and  the 
style  of  preaching  on  the  reform  and  chastisement  of  the 
Church  which  he  had  inaugurated  still  survived,-]*  a  hermit, 
Hieronymus  of  Bergamo,  appeared  in  1508  and  drew  many 
after  him.  Tall,  haggard,  and  pale,  with  a  long  beard,  he 
preached  in  the  Church  of  S^°  Spirito  and  announced  that 
Italy  would  be  devastated,  and  Rome,  Venice,  and  Milan 
destroyed  by  a  nation  hitherto  unknown.J  Other  preachers 
in  the  same  city  held  forth  in  a  similar  style,  prophesying 
terrible  visitations,  and  a  purification  of  the  Church.§ 

In  the  following  years  similar  voices  were  heard  in 
Rome  itself  announcing  the  downfall  of  priestly  domina- 
tion, and  the  humiliation  and  reform  of  the  Church.H  Under 
Leo  X.  these  prophesying  hermits  and  friars  became  so 
numerous  that  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  were  obliged 
to  take  the  matter  in  hand.     In  the  eleventh  sitting  of  the 

giving  trouble  in  Florence,  as  we  see  from  an  ordinance  issued  by  the 
General  of  the  Dominicans,  Bandello.     See  Docum.,  335,  in  Gherardi. 

*  HOFLER,  Italienische  Zustande,  33. 

t  Landucci,  285;  Cambi,  XXI.,  204,  256;  Villari,  Savonarola, 
II.,  309  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 

X  HoFLER,  Italienische  Zustande,  33.  The  "preacher  from  Ber- 
gamo "  mentioned  by  Sanuto,  VII.,  409,  is  probably  this  Hieronymus  of 
Bergamo. 

§  Landucci,  285. 

II  Corp.  Dipl,  Portug.,  1.,  133,  and  Sanuto,  XII.,  323. 


2l8  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Lateran  Council  (Dec.  19,  15 16)  it  was  decreed  that  no 
priest,  whether  secular  or  regular,  should  be  allowed  to 
preach  until  he  had  been  carefully  examined  by  his  proper 
superior  and  found  fit  for  the  office  by  age,  conduct,  discre- 
tion, prudence,  and  knowledge.  Wherever  he  intends  to 
preach  he  must  submit  his  credentials  to  the  Bishop  of  the 
place.  Preachers  are  required  by  the  Council  to  preach 
the  Gospel,  and  explain  Holy  Scripture  in  conformity  with 
the  interpretation  of  the  doctors  of  the  Church,  taking 
away  nothing  and  adding  nothing  of  their  own.  They  are 
especially  forbidden  to  assign  any  date  for  impending  judg- 
ments, the  coming  of  anti-Christ,  or  the  Last  Day;  for 
Holy  Scripture  declares  (Acts  i.,  7)  that  times  are  not  for 
us  to  know.  "  All  who  have  done  this,"  the  Council  goes 
on  to  say,  are  "  liars  and  tend  to  throw  discredit  on  other 
preachers  who  announce  the  word  of  God  in  simplicity. 
No  one  may  attempt  to  predict  future  events  either  out  of 
the  word  of  God,  or  as  having  any  private  revelation,  or 
with  the  help  of  vain  divinations.  Preachers,  are  to  obey 
the  Divine  command  of  preaching  the  Gospel  to  every 
creature,  teaching  them  to  eschew  vice  and  practise  virtue, 
and  to  follow  peace  and  have  charity  one  towards  another 
in  accordance  with  the  will  of  the  Saviour.  All  must 
beware  of  rending  the  seamless  garment  of  Christ,  and  be 
careful  to  say  nothing  tending  to  disparage  bishops,  priests, 
or  superiors,  before  the  world."  In  regard  to  prophecies 
nothing  must  be  publicly  announced  until  it  has  been  sub- 
mitted to  the  Pope  or  the  Bishop  of  the  Diocese  for  his 
approval,  for  not  every  spirit  is  to  be  believed,  and  therefore 
the  Apostle  requires  that  they  should  be  examined.  Any 
one  who  disobeys  these  ordinances  is  to  be  suspended  from 
preaching  and  incurs  the  greater  excommunication  from 
which  the  Pope  only  has  power  to  release  him.* 
*  Hergenrother,  VIII.,  707,  708. 


SENSATIONAL   PREACHING.  219 

A  glance  at  the  preposterous  things  that  were  said  and 
done  in  the  earHer  years  of  the  reign  of  Leo  X.  by  these 
preaching  hermits  and  soothsaying  friars  will  shew  how 
necessary  some  such  regulations  as  these  had  become. 

Jacopo  Pitti  tells  us  that  in  the  year  15 13  twelve  friars 
belonging  to  the  order  of  Franciscan  conventuals,  agreed 
to  divide  Italy  between  them  into  twelve  districts  and  thus 
traverse  the  whole  country  in  order  to  announce  coming 
events  to  the  people.*  One  of  these,  Francesco  da  Monte- 
pulciano,  preached  during  Advent  in  S*^  Croce  at  Florence, 
and  drew  such  an  appalling  picture  of  the  doom  which 
was  to  overtake  the  Italians  generally,  and  the  Romans 
and  Florentines  in  particular,  that  his  hearers  almost  went 
out  of  their  minds.  Cries  of  "  misericordia  !  misericordia  !  " 
filled  the  church,  and  the  whole  city  was  stirred  as  the 
terrible  tidings,  no  doubt  not  softened  in  any  way  in  the 
telling,  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth  and  penetrated  into 
its  most  distant  quarters.  Savonarola's  predictions  were 
recalled  and  repeated  with  redoubled  emphasis,  and  those 
who  were  discontented  with  the  government  began  to 
stir  so  that  the  administration  became  alarmed.  The 
Archbishop's  Vicar  summoned  the  preacher  to  appear 
before  him  and  found  his  conduct  blameless  and  only  his 
judgment  at  fault.  On  S.  Stephen's  day  Francesco  pre- 
dicted the  downfall  of  Rome  and  of  the  priests  and  monks. 
None  of  the  bad  ones  would  be  left  alive.  For  three  years 
there  would  be  neither  mass  nor  sermons.  The  land  would 
be  bathed  in  blood  ;  nearly  all  the  men  would  be  slain  and 
even  women  and  children  would  not  escape.  All  the  bonds 
of  social  life  would  be  loosed,  mothers  would  destroy  their 
own  children.     All  these  things  were  to  happen  when  the 

*  Pitti,  112.  This  and  the  examples  which  follow  shew  that  TOCCO 
(La  Vita  Ital.,  II.,  395)  is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  prophesying  ceased 
when  Savonarola  died. 


220  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

King  of  France  should  lose  his  power,  the  son  of  King 
Federigo  return  to  his  kingdom,  and  a  canonically  elected 
Pope  occupy  the  chair  of  S.  Peter.  The  preacher  con- 
cluded by  exhorting  his  hearers  to  do  penance.  The  con- 
gregation remained  motionless  when  the  sermon  ended, 
petrified  with  terror.  The  government  despatched  a 
messenger  to  Rome  to  consult  the  Pope  as  to  what 
should  be  done;  but  suddenly  on  December  the  31st,  15 13, 
Francesco  died  of  inflammation  of  the  lungs.  The  people 
came  in  crowds  to  kiss  the  dead  man's  feet  as  though 
he  had  been  a  saint  In  consequence,  the  corpse  was  taken' 
away  and  buried  secretly  at  night.  But  once  rekindled, 
the  spirit  of  prophecy  was  not  so  easily  extinguished. 
Other  monks  came  forward  and  foretold  terrible  persecu- 
tions for  the  Church,  that  an  anti-Pope  would  be  elected, 
and  there  would  be  false  Cardinals,  false  Bishops  and  false 
prophets.  Presently  nuns,  bed-ridden  women,  young  girls 
and  peasants  began  to  prophesy  on  all  sides.  Finally  the 
Bishops  in  Council  forbade  under  severe  penalties  any  one 
to  preach  or  hear  confessions  without  permission  from  the 
local  authority,  and  prohibited  all  prophesying,  arbitrary 
interpretations  of  Holy  Writ,  secret  religious  assemblies, 
and  the  wearing'of  relics  of  Savonarola  or  his  companions.* 
In  spite  of  these  repressive  measures  the  movement  set 
going  by  Savonarola  could  not  be  arrested  so  quickly.  For 
a  whole  generation  after  his  death  his  followers  lingered  on 
in  Florence  as  a  hidden  sect.  Their  views  had  developed 
into  a  system  which  aimed  practically  at  forming  a  sort  of 
national  state  religion  for  Florence.  The  prophet,  in  these 
circles,,  was  looked  upon  as  a  saint.  The  power  of  working 
miracles  was    ascribed    to    his    relics,  and    the    fulfilment 

*  PiTTi,  112,  113.  On  Francesco  de  Montepulciano,  cf.  also  Cambi, 
XXII.,  37-39  ;  Landucci,  343-4  ;  Burckhardt,  II.,  244  seq.^  ed.  3  ; 
D'Ancona,  II.,  163,  ed.  2. 


PORTENTOUS   PROPHECIES.  221 

of  his  predictions,  in  regard  to  the  destruction  of  Rome 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Florentine  republic,  was  con 
fidently  expected.  Even  Michael  Angelo  appears  not  quite 
to  have  escaped  the  influence  of  these  fancies.  "  In  an 
old  Florentine  manuscript  we  find  it  recorded  that  in 
the  year  1 5 13,  he  saw  a  meteor  in  Rome  of  which  he 
immediately  made  a  sketch  on  a  sheet  of  paper.  It  was 
a  star  with  three  tails,  one  directed  downwards  on  Rome, 
the  other  towards  Florence,  and  the  third  to  the  East.  Any 
one  might  see  the  drawing  at  his  house ;  and  its  meaning 
was  clear.  It  evidently  portended  some  fearful  calamity 
for  Rome,  Florence  and  the  Church,  through  the  instru- 
mentality either  of  the  Sultan,  or  one  of  the  great  Christian 
powers.  The  barbarians  would  encamp  in  Rome  and 
Florence,  and  things  would  be  worse  than  when  Prato  was 
occupied  in  15 12."  * 

For  many  years  Savonarola's  prophecies  of  a  reform  in 
the  Church,  and  a  period  of  happiness  and  well-being  for  all 
Christendom,  and  especially  a  time  of  peace  and  freedom 
for  Florence,  were  current  amongst  the  lower  classes  in  the 
city.  Enthusiasts  were  always  on  the  watch  for  the  signs 
which  were  to  be  the  harbingers  of  the  great  change.  In 
the  time  of  Machiavelli,  a  prophet  of  this  sort  appeared  in 
the  person  of  Francesco  da  Meleto,f  the  son  of  a  citizen 
of  Florence  and  a  Circassian  slave.  Apparently  he  had 
gone  to  Constantinople  in  1473,  when  quite  a  youth,  on  some 
commercial  business,  and  there  had  frequent  discussions 
with  Jews  whom  he  endeavoured  to  convert  to  Christianity. 
While  residing  in  the  city  of  the  great  enemy  of  Christen- 
dom, his  mind  seems  to  have  been  very  much  occupied  with 
a  strong  desire  to  penetrate  the   future,  and   see  how  the 

*  Grimm,  Michelangelo,  II.,  30,  31,  ed.  5. 

t  Cf.  for  what  follows,  the  interesting  essay  by  S.  BONGI,  in  the  Arch 
St.  Ital.,  5  Serie,  III.,  62  seq. 


222  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

world  was  to  be  delivered  from  the  barbarity  of  the  Turk. 
On  his  return  to  Florence  he  appears  to  have  been  drawn 
into  the  movement  of  which  Savonarola  was  the  leader. 
Later  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  prophetical  litera- 
ture. Finally  he  came  to  believe  that  he  had  received  from 
the  Holy  Ghost  the  gift  of  raising  the  veil  which  shrouded 
the  future  from  the  eyes  of  others.  He  embodied  the 
result  of  his  investigations,  which  were  mostly  founded  on 
numerical  calculations,  in  two  treatises  which  he  printed. 
The  first  of  these,  on  the  mysteries  of  Holy  Scripture,  was 
so  well  received  as  greatly  to  strengthen  his  belief  in  his 
prophetical  mission.  Thus  encouraged,  he  ventured  to 
dedicate  his  second  work  to  the  newly-elected  Pope,  Leo  X., 
who  received  it  graciously.  In  this  second  treatise  he  an- 
nounced that  the  great  revolution  would  begin  in  15 17, 
with  the  conversion  of  the  Jews,  and  be  completed  in  1536, 
by  the  annihilation  of  the  Turkish  Empire.  Meanwhile, 
these  views  had  been  widely  diffused  in  Florence  and  pro- 
claimed from  the  pulpit  by  several  preachers.  From  the 
point  of  view  of  the  Church  this  was  evidently  dangerous. 
The  Florentine  Provincial  Council  assembled  in  1517, 
under  the  presidency  of  the  Cardinal  Bishop  Giulio  de' 
Medici  (afterwards  Clement  VH.),  decided  to  forbid  the 
reading  of  Meleto's  book,  and  also  the  preaching  of  his 
views.  Leo  X.  confirmed  their  judgment,  and  the  deluded 
prophet  seems  to  have  submitted  at  once,  for  we  hear  no 
more  of  him  ;  and  his  book  is  now  so  rare,  that  it  is  plain 
that  all  the  copies  of  it  that  could  be  got  hold  of,  must  have 
been  destroyed. 

It  is  especially  noteworthy  that,  at  this  decisive  period, 
similar  prophets  appeared  also  in  other  parts  of  Italy. 

In  August  1 5 16,  at  Milan  after  its  second  conquest  by  the 
French,  a  Tuscan  recluse  Hieronymus  of  Siena  began  to 
preach  in  the  Cathedral  without  the  permission  of  the  Arch- 


UNAUTHORISED   LAY-PREACHER.  223 

bishop.  The  appearance  and  demeanour  of  this  prophet 
were  so  unusual,  that  soon  the  whole  city  flocked  to  see 
and  hear  him.  Contemporary  writers  liken  him  to  S. 
John  the  Baptist ;  they  describe  him  as  a  tall,  gaunt  figure, 
bare  headed  and  bare-footed,  and  clad  only  in  a  single 
garment  of  coarse  cloth,  surmounted  by  a  ragged  mantle 
of  the  same  stuff.  His  unkempt  locks  and  long  matted 
beard  added  to  the  stern,  almost  savage,  effect  of  his 
appearance.  He  seemed  about  thirty  years  of  age,  and 
spoke  with  ease  and  fluency.  At  the  close  of  all  his 
addresses  he  used  to  prostrate  himself  before  the  altar  of 
our  Lady,  and  remain  for  a  long  time  in  prayer.  Every 
evening  he  caused  the  Cathedral  bell  to  be  tolled  to  call 
the  people  together  to  recite  the  Salve  Regina.  His 
popularity  with  the  common  people  increased  from  day  to 
day.  The  extreme  severity  of  his  way  of  living  produced 
a  great  impression.  He  ate  nothing  but  bread  and  roots, 
drank  only  water,  and  slept  on  the  bare  ground.  He 
accepted  no  alms  for  himself,  whatever  was  given  to  him 
he  exchanged  for  candles  to  burn  before  the  image 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  for  a  lamp  and  altar  to  Our 
Lady,  which  he  erected  in  the  Cathedral.  Such  proceed- 
ings would  have  been  impossible  for  a  layman  without  the 
permission  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  had  it  not  been 
that  public  affairs  in  Milan  just  at  that  time  were  in  great 
confusion.  But,  even  so,  he  could  not  fail  in  time  to  meet 
with  opposition,  especially  as  he  was  perpetually  haranguing 
against  priests,  and  still  more  against  the  Friars,  and 
never  preached  without  making  some  attack  upon  them. 
Meanwhile  the  people,  especially  the  women,  came  to  hear 
him  in  ever  increasing  numbers.  When  questioned  as  to  his 
doings  by  the  authorities,  secular  or  religious,  he  answered 
curtly  that  he  had  come  to  proclaim  the  Word  of  God. 
One  day  a  monk  in  the  Cathedral  interrupted  him  and 


224  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

told  him  roundly  that  he  was  incurring  excommunication 
by  preaching  as  he  was  doing,  as  only  priests,  deacons  and 
sub-deacons  had  the  permission  of  the  Church  to  do  this. 
Hieronymus  replied  that  S.  Paul,  without  being  ordained, 
had  converted  the  world  ;  and  when  against  this  it  was 
urged  that  S.  Paul  had  received  the  Holy  Ghost,  he 
answered  that  he  too  had  been  sent  by  God.  At  last,  the 
annoyance  caused  by  his  attacks  on  the  clergy,  and  the 
interruption  of  the  ordinary  services,  became  so  great,  that 
the  doors  of  the  Cathedral  were  closed  against  the 
preacher.  Upon  this,  he  left  the  city  on  December  28, 
and  the  excitement  gradually  died  away.* 

In  the  May  of  the  same  year,  1416,  a  still  more  trouble- 
some and  mischievous  person  appeared  in  Rome.  This 
was  a  certain  Fra  Bonaventura,  who  announced  himself  as 
the  long-expected  Angelic  Pope  who  was  to  be  the  Saviour 
of  the  World.  In  him  too,  probably,  as  with  the  other 
prophets,  we  have  another  result  of  the  influence  of 
Savonarola,  whose  views  were  quite  in  harmony  with  the 
ideas  of  the  Joachi mites  and  of  Telesphorus.  It  is  also 
a  striking  coincidence,  and  one  that  no  doubt  is  not 
accidental,  that  in  that  same  year  the  prophecies  of 
Telesphorus  were  printed  in  Venice  by  an  Italian  Augus- 
tinian  hermitf  Bonavenatura's  followers  were  about  20,000 
in  number.  They  used  to  kiss  his  feet,  considering  him  as 
Christ's  Vicegerent.  He  wrote  a  paper  addressed  to  the 
Doee  of  Venice,  in  which  he  called  the  Roman  Church  the 
scarlet  woman  of  the  Apocalypse.  The  title  page  of  this 
began  with  the  words  "  Bonaventura,  chosen  by  God  to  be 
the  Pastor  of  the  Church  in  Zion,  crowned  by  the  hands  of 

*  Prato,  Storia  di  Milano,  in  Arch.  St.  Ital,  III.,  357-359-  Qf. 
BURIGOZZO'S  Report,  zdzd.,  431,  432. 

t  C/.  Grauert,  in  the  Deutscher  Hausschatz,  XVII.,  710.  In  regard 
to  Telesphorus  see  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  I.,  152-155  (Engl,  trans.). 


FERMENT   IN    MEN'S   MINDS.  225 

angels,  and  commissioned  to  be  the  Saviour  of  the  World, 
sends  greeting  and  his  apostolic  blessing  to  all  believers  in 
Christ."  He  goes  on  to  excommunicate  Leo  X.  and  all  the 
cardinals  and  prelates,  and  warns  all  the  faithful  to  separate 
from  the  Roman  Church.  All  Christian  kings  are  admon- 
ished to  support  him.  The  Venetian  government  is  specially 
recommended  to  stand  by  the  King  of  France,  because  this 
monarch  is  the  instrument  designed  by  God  for  the  reform 
of  the  Church  and  the  conversion  of  the  Turks.  It  is  not 
surprising  to  find  that  this  fanatic  was  imprisoned  in  the 
Castle  of  S.  Angelo,  whereupon  his  followers  disappeared.* 
The  frequency  of  these  phenomena  shews  the  ferment 
that  was  going  on  in  men's  minds,  and  the  urgent  need 
that  was  felt  of  reform  in  the  Church.  The  point  upon 
which  everything  depended  was,  that  this  reform  should 
not  be  the  work  of  revolutionists  and  fanatics,  but  should 
be  effected  within  the  Church,  on  the  right  lines,  and  by 
her  own  divinely  constituted  authorities.  Julius  II.  had  at 
last  put  an  end  to  the  unfortunate  procrastinations  of  his 
predecessors,  and  set  to  work  in  the  best  and  only  way  to 
produce  satisfactory  results,  by  calling  together  the  Lateran 
Council.  Savonarola's  adherents  shewed  how  little  in  the 
way  of  true  reform  was  to  be  expected  from  them,  by 
choosing  this  decisive  moment  to  throw  all  their  weight  on 
the  side  of  the  revolutionary  mock  synod  at  Pisa,  support- 
ing the  purely  political  aims  of  the  French  King,  as 
against  the  true  Council  of  the  true  Pope,  Julius  Il.f  The 
death  of  this  energetic  Pontiff,  just  as  the  Council  was 
approaching  the  most  important  question  of  the  day,  made 
the  next  Papal  election  a  doubly  important  one. 

*  HOFLER,  Italienische  Zustande,  36,  56-7.  As  early  as  the  year 
1491,  a  prophet  had  appeared  in  Rome  and  announced  the  speedy 
advent  of  the  Pope  of  the  Angels.     See  I'n/ra,  Book  I.,  Chap.  6. 

t  Perrens,  II.,  480-81.     ViLLARl,  Machiavelli,  II.,  130. 
VOL.    V.  Q 


226  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

The  task  that  fell  to  the  lot  ot'  the  successor  of  Julius 
II.  was  the  most  difficult  that  could  be  imagined.  The 
fate  of  all  human  things  had  overtaken  the  human  element 
in  the  Church  and  in  the  Papacy.  The  inner  kernel,  the 
essence,  was  untouched,  but  the  canker  had  gone  very 
deep,  not  only  in  Italy,  but  also  in  nearly  every  other 
country  in  all  Christendom.  Almost  everywhere  ecclesi- 
astical life  was  full  of  abuses  and  evils,  and  the  prestige  of 
the  Papacy  was  seriously  shaken.*  In  many  directions 
masses  of  inflammable  material  lay  heaped  together,  so 
that  the  slightest  spark  might  at  any  moment  set  up  a 
conflagration  in  which  good  and  bad  would  be  destroyed 
together.  A  catastrophe  such  as  had  been  dreaded  in  the 
days  of  the  Borgia,f  such  as  in  many  countries,  especially 
Italy  and  Germany,^  had  been  announced  in  the  form  of 
terrible  prophecies,  or  a  schism,  with  which  the  Popes  had 
been  repeatedly  threatened  by  the  rulers  of  Spain,  Germany 
and  France,  could  only  be  averted  by  a  fundamental 
reform  in  both  head  and  members.  §  Whether  this  would 
be  possible,  was  the  important  question  on  which  the 
future  of  the  Church  and  the  world  depended. 

*  Further  details  on  this  subject  will  be  found  in  a  future  volume 
of  this  History. 

t  The  common  belief  that  the  coins  struck  by  Louis  XII.  with  the 
inscription  "  Perdam  Babilonis  nomen,"  belong  to  the  time  of  Julius  II. 
(GlESELER,  II.,  4,  191,  note),  is  mistaken.  The  Envoy  from  Ferrara 
to  Alexander  VI.,  in  a  "^Despatch  dat.  Rom.  1502,  Aug.  1 1,  says  :  Qui  se 
he  monstrato  da  diversi  ducato  novo  facto  stampare  per  la  Maesta 
Christianissima,  il  cjuale  da  uno  canto  ha  sculpita  la  testa  de  Sua 
Maesta,  de  I'altro  ha  li  tri  ziglii  cum  lettere  che  dicono :  Perdam 
nomen  Babilonis.  Et  pigliandosse  universalmente  Roma  per  Babilonia 
qui  se  ne  fa  varii  iudicii.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

t  See  DOLLINGER  in  the  Hist.  Taschenbuch,  1871,  281  seg.  Cf.  358 
seq.     In  a  future  volume  we  shall  revert  to  these  German  prophecies. 

§  In  regard  to  these  threats,  see  Vol.  VI.  of  this  work.  Books  I.- II. 
(Engl,  trans.). 


BOOK  I. 


INNOCENT  VIII.      1484-1492. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Disturbances  in  Rome  during  the  Vacancy  of  the  Holy 
See. — Election  of  Innocent  VIII.  and  First  Years  of 
HIS  Pontificate. 

The  news  of  the  death  of  Sixtus  IV.  which  had  taken 
place  on  the  I2th  August,  1484,  set  all  Rome  in  commotion, 
and  the  most  violent  disturbances  among  the  troops  with 
which  the  city  was  scantily  garrisoned,  were  the  immediate 
result.  A  strong  movement  in  favour  of  the  Colonna  and  in 
opposition  to  the  chief  favourite  of  the  late  Pope,  Girolamo 
Riario,  soon  made  itself  felt.  With  wild  shouts  of 
"  Colonna,  Colonna,"  the  infuriated  populace  invaded  the 
palace  of  Girolamo  on  the  13th  August,  and  devastated  it 
so  completely  that  nothing  but  the  bare  walls  remained  ;  the 
rabble  vented  their  rage  even  on  the  trees  and  shrubs  of  the 
adjacent  garden.* 

The  compatriots  and  partisans  of  the  Ligurian  Pope  fared 
no  better  than  the  nephew  ;  on  the  very  same  day  the 
granaries  in  Trastevere  as  well  as  two  ships  laden  with  wine 
which  belonged  to  Genoese,  were  seized  by  the  infuriated 
mob.  No  Ligurian  property  in  Rome  was  now  safe  ;  even 
the  Genoese  Hospital  was  destroyed.  The  provisions  which 
Caterina,  the  wife   of  Girolamo  had    stored  up  in  Castel 

*  Report  of  G.  Vespucci  in  ThuaSNE,  I.,  498.  Cf.  Report  of  Stefano 
Guidotti  in  CiAN,  Cat.  Sforza,  8  (line  25  read  soi  instead  of  doi^  and 
line  27  desfono  instead  of  desono).  Infessura,  161.  Cf.  also  the 
continuation  of  the  Chronicle  of  Caleffini  by  G.  Merenda  in  Cod.  I — 
I — 4  of  the  Chigi  Library. 


230  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Giubileo  shared  the  same  fate ;  they  were  either  des- 
troyed or  carried  off.*  Caterina  herself,  full  of  courage, 
hastened  to  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo,  deposed  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  and  declared  that  she  would  give  up  the  strong- 
hold to  no  one  except  the  newly-elected  Pope.f  The  Car- 
dinals, a  number  of  whom  assembled  in  the  Palace  of  the 
Camerlengo  Raffaele  Riario,  did  their  utmost  to  re-estab- 
lish order  in  the  city,J  but  for  the  present  they  were  power- 
less before  the  prevailing  excitement. 

Girolamo  Riario  on  hearing  the  sad  news  of  the  death  of 
Sixtus  IV.,  had  immediately  raised  the  siege  of  Paliano,  and 
his  retreat  was  so  hurried  as  to  bear  all  the  appearances  of 
a  precipitate  flight.  Artillery,  ammunition,  tents  and  horses 
were  left  behind.  On  .the  Eve  of  the  Assumption,  Girolamo 
arrived  with  his  troops  before  Rome,  and  by  order  of  the 
cardinals  encamped  at  Ponte  Molle,  where  he  intended  to 
remain  until  the  election  was  over.  It  was  feared  that  the 
Pope's  nephew  would  use  force  to  ensure  the  nomination  of 
a  Pontiff  of  his  own  choice,§  and  indeed  the  courage  of  the 
Count  by  no  means  failed  him  ;  he  trusted  in  his  army,  in 
the  power  of  the  Orsini  and  the  possession  of  the  Castle  of 
S.  Angelo,  Riario  also  expected  to  be  supported  by  some 
members  of  the  College  of  Cardinals.||  However,  after  two 
days,  he  deemed  it  advisable  to  retreat  to  Isola  Farnese ;  the 
old  castle,  which  was  situated  in  the  vicinity  of  the  ancient 
Veii,  belonged  to  Virginio  Orsini.f     This  change  of  tactics 

*  INFESSURA,  161-3  ;  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1089. 

t  Pasolini,  I.,  148. 

t  ^Despatch  of  B.  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1484,  Aug.  15.  State  Archives, 
Modena. 

§  Despatch  of  L.  Lantus  of  14th  August,  1484,  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom, 
XL,  618.  On  the  siege  of  Paliano,  see  Pastor,  Gesch.  der  Papste,  II., 
565,  ed.  2. 

II  Report  of  G.  Vespucci  of  15th  Aug.,  1484,  in  Thuasne,  I.,  499-500. 

^  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1089  ;  ThuaSNE,  I.,  502. 


OBSEQUIES  OF  SIXTUS   IV.  23 1 

must  be  ascribed  to  the  fact  that  the  fortunes  of  his  enemies 
were  improving  from  day  to  day.  The  inhabitants  of  Cavi, 
Capranica  and  Marino  had  recalled  the  Colonna  ;  in  Rome 
Cardinal  Giovanni  was  received  with  enthusiasm.  Prospero 
and  Fabrizio  Colonna  also  returned  there  with  a  powerful 
army.*  In  a  short  time  the  city,  to  which  all  the  armed 
vassals  of  both  parties  flocked  in  crowds,  had  become  an 
open  camp.  Civil  war  threatened  to  break  out  every 
moment  All  shops  were  closed  ;  no  one  could  venture 
into  the  streets  without  endangering  his  life.  The  palaces 
of  the  Cardinals  were  changed  into  small  fortresses  ; 
according  to  the  account  of  one  of  the  ambassadors,  tue 
owners  seemed  to  be  prepared  for  an  immediate  attack 
The  Cardinals  Giuliano  della  Rovere  and  Rodrigo  Borgia 
especially  had  filled  their  houses  with  troops,  had  erected 
outworks  and  provided  themselves  with  artillery.  In  Tras- 
tevere  bridges  and  gates  were  closed,  so  that  all  traffic 
was  stopped.  The  Orsini  had  entrenched  themselves  in 
Monte  Giordano,  for  they  expected  every  moment  to  be 
attacked.     The  whole  town  was  in  arms  and  uproar.-f 

Such  was  the  state  of  Rome  when  the  obsequies  of 
Sixtus  IV.  began  on  the  17th  August,  1484.  Only  a  few  of 
the  Cardinals  were  present.  Giuliano  della  Rovere  did  not 
leave  his  strongly  fortified  palace  on  the  heights  of  S. 
Pietro  in  Vincoli.  The  Cardinals  Colonna  and  Savelli 
likewise  refused  to  go  either  to  S.  Peter's  or  to  the  con- 
clave in  the  Vatican,  as  long  as  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  energetic  wife  of  Girolamo  Riario. 
Not  content  with  the  number  of  their  adherents  who  had 
flocked  to  Rome,  they  sent  for  troops  from  Aquila,  Terni, 

*  INFESSURA,  164-5. 

t  Cf.  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1089-90,  also  the  Sienese  and  Horentine 
reports  in  the  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom,  XL,  619-20,  and  in  Thuasne,  I., 
t;o2. 


232  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Amelia,  and  other  Ghibelline  cities.  The  majority  of 
the  Cardinals,  especially  Cardinal  Cib6,  shared  the 
opinion  of  the  former,  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
secure  a  safe  place  for  the  Papal  election.*  In  the  mean- 
while, the  excitement  and  confusion  increased  from  day  to 
day.  A  double  election  and  an  impending  schism  were 
already  talked  of,f  when,  owing  to  the  energetic  interfer- 
ence of  Cardinal  Marco  Barbo,  affairs  assumed  a  more 
promising  aspect.  This  prudent  and  universally  esteemed 
prelate  possessed  the  confidence  of  all,  even  of  Giuliano 
della  Rovere.  He  began  by  bringing  about  an  agreement 
with  Girolamo  Riario.  In  return  for  the  payment  of  8000 
ducats  and  other  concessions,  he  obtained  the  surrender  of 
the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo,  which  was  entrusted  to  the 
Bishop  of  Todi,  in  the  name  of  the  Sacred  College.  It 
was  further  stipulated  that  Girolamo  should  repair  to  his 
own  States,  and  Virginio  Orsini  with  his  adherents  to 
Viterbo,  whilst  the  Colonna  were  to  evacuate  the  city,  and 
Giacomo  Conti  was  to  give  up  the  guard  of  the  Palace ;  a 
truce  was  also  concluded  which  was  to  begin  on  the 
Coronation-day  of  the  new  Pope  and  to  last  for  a  month.J 

When  order  had  thus,  to  a  certain  extent,  been  re- 
established, it  was  possible  to  think  seriously  of  making 
preparations  for  the  Conclave  in  the  Vatican.  On  the 
25th  August  the  obsequies  of  Sixtus  IV.  were  finished, 
and  on  the  day  following,  the  25  Cardinals  present  in 
Rome  went  into  Conclave.§ 

*  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  207. 

t  C/.  the  despatch  of  Vespucci  in  Thuasne,  I.,  502,  504,  as  also  the 
Latin  account  in  SCHMARSOW,  Melozzo,  377. 

X  INFESSURA,    164-5;   SaNUDO,  Vite,    1235  ;    PASOLINI,   I.,    156^^^.; 

Thuasne,  I.,  507,  510,  and  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom,  XL,  622-3.  Caterina 
made  difficulties  in  the  beginning,  see  Pasolini,  loc.  cit. 

§  Paolo  dello  M astro,  ed.  Pelaez,  106.  Sigismondo  de'  Conti 
(L,  209)  erroneously  states  Aug.  27th  as  the  date  on  which  the  Cardinals 


THE   CARDINALS   IN    CONCLAVE.  233 

For  many  years  the  number  of  the  electors  had  not  been 
so  considerable;  at  the  Conclave  of  Nicholas  V.,  Pius  II. 
and  Sixtus  IV.,  only  18  Cardinals  had  been  present;  at 
that  of  Calixtus  III.  only  15  ;  at  the  election  of  Paul  II.,  20. 
With  regard  to  the  different  nationalities,  the  proportion 
was  about  the  same  as  in  147 1 ;  the  Italian  Cardinals  had 
a  complete  majority  over  the  4  foreigners, — 2  Spaniards, 
Borgia  and  Moles ;  i  Portuguese,  Giorgio  da  Costa,  and  i 
Frenchman,  Philibert  Hugonet. 

We  have  shewn  in  our  account  of  the  Pontificate  of 
Sixtus  IV.  the  disastrous  effects  of  his  having  augmented 
the  number  of  the  worldly-minded  Cardinals.*  The  Con- 
claves of  1484  and  1492  are  among  the  most  deplorable  in 
the  annals  of  Church  History. 

The  first  step  taken  by  the  Cardinals  in  Conclave  was 
to  draw  up  an  election  capitulation  ;  in  doing  so,  they 
openly  disregarded  the  prohibitions  of  Innocent  VI.  This 
capitulation,  which  was  signed  by  all  the  Cardinals  on  the 
28th  August,  shews  a  notable  increase  in  their  demands ; 
the  monarchical  constitution  of  the  Church  was  to  be 
changed  into  an  aristocratic  one,  and  the  personal  interests 
of  the  electors  were  the  primary  consideration.  The  first 
clause  in  the  document  provided  that  each  Cardinal  should 
receive  every  month  100  ducats  from  the  Apostolic 
Treasury,  unless  he  had  a  yearly  income  of  4000  ducats 
from  his   own    benefices.      The    next    regulation,   a   new 

went  into  Conclave.  The  number  of  electors  varies  in  different  accounts. 
See  NOVAES,  56  and  ClACONiuS,  IIL,  92,  103  ;  however,  all  the  authentic 
sources  agree  in  the  number  of  25,  see  SiGiSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  L,  209 
seq.\  Paolo  dello  Mastro,  loc  cit.\  Burchardi  Diarium,  L,  24; 
Arrivabene  in  a^Report  of  25th  Aug.,  1484  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua), 
and  ■^'Acta  Consist.,  Arm.  31,  T.  52,  f  69.  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican. 

■*  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  409  seq.  (Engl,  trans.),  and  swfira, 
Introduction,  p.  170. 


234  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

one,  secured  a  complete  indemnification  for  such  Cardinals 
as  might  be  punished  by  secular  Princes  for  their  vote,  with 
the  confiscation  of  their  revenues.  Not  till  these  matters 
have  been  settled  do  the  really  salutary  measures  affecting 
the  public  welfare  appear,  such  as  the  vigorous  prosecution 
of  the  war  with  the  Turks,  the  reform  of  the  Church,  the 
convocation  of  a  Council,  the  suppression  of  nepotism.  "  It 
does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  the  Cardinals  that  the 
good  election  of  a  worthy  Pope  would  have  been  a  much 
more  efficacious  remedy  against  abuses  than  the  most 
detailed  election  capitulation."* 

There  existed  a  great  divergency  of  opinion  as  to  who 
would  be  raised  to  the  Pontifical  dignity.  The  Mantuan 
Envoy  reported  on  Aug.  15th  that  Cardinal  Stefano  Nardini 
had  the  best  chance,  because  he  was  popular  with  the 
people  of  Rome,  and  favoured  by  a  great  number  of  the 
Cardinals.  "  Others  mention  the  old  Cardinal  Conti  who 
belongs  to  the  party  of  the  Orsini,  a  worthy  man  whose 
clever  brother  is  held  in  high  esteem.  Cardinal  Moles' 
Spanish  descent  is  objected  to,  but  as  he  is  a  good  and 
venerable  old  man,  and  a  stranger  to  all  the  intrigues 
carried  on  at  Rome,  many  think  that  he  stands  a  good 
chance  of  being  elected.  Marco  Barbo  is  also  spoken  of 
as  a  candidate ;  he  would  make  an  excellent  Pope,  because 
of  his  noble  character,  his  ability,  and  the  general  esteem 
in  which  he  is  held,  "  but,"  the  Envoy  adds,  "  he  is  a 
Venetian."f      We   have   already    mentioned    the   valuable 

*  DOLLINGER,  Kirchengeschichte,  357.  For  the  original  text  of  the 
Election  Capitulation,  see  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1484,  n.  28  seq. ;  Aretin, 
Beitr.  z.  Geschichte,  I.,  6,  73  seq.\  and  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  33  seq.\ 
in  the  same  work,  p.  62,  is  the  confirmation  by  oath  of  these  regulations, 
by  the  elected  Pontiff.  On  the  different  clauses  of  this  document,  cf. 
GOTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  238,  288,  291. 

t  Report  of  Stefano  Guidotti,  dat.  Rome,  1484,  Aug.  15th,  in  ClAN, 
Cat.  Sforza,  9. 


PROSPECTS   OF   THE   ELECTION.  235 

services  rendered  by  Barbo  in  the  time  of  confusion  after 
the  death  of  Sixtus  IV. ;  his  election  would  no  doubt  have 
proved  a  blessing  for  the  Church.  Other  contemporaries 
are  of  the  same  opinion.  "  All  the  courtiers,"  writes  the 
Sienese  Envoy,  Aug.  22nd,  "  and  those  who  are  not  blinded 
by  passion,  are  anxious  for  the  election  of  Barbo  or  Picco- 
lomini  in  the  interests  of  the  Church.  Piccolomini  is 
supported  by  Naples,  Barbo  by  Milan  ;  Cardinal  Borgia 
is  zealously  canvassing  for  himself"*  The  party  of  the 
Orsini,  leagued  with  Count  Girolamo,  had  exerted  all  their 
influence  in  favour  of  Borgia  and  eventually  of  Conti,  ever 
since  the  death  of  Sixtus  IV.f 

Italian  diplomacy  was  of  course  not  idle.  All  the  States 
which  had  been  in  alliance  before  and  through  the  peace  of 
Bagnolo,^:  joined  hands  to  procure  the  Tiara  for  a  friend  of 
the  Italian  League,  or  at  least  for  one  who  would  be  neutral. 
Venetians,  Genoese  and  Ultramontanes  (non-Italians),  were 
to  be  excluded ;  but  with  regard  to  individual  candidates, 
there  was  a  great  divergency  of  opinion  among  the  allies. 
The  personal  ambition  of  the  Cardinals  also  played  an 
important  part  in  the  contest.  Arlotti,  the  Envoy  of 
Ferrara,  says  in  a  despatch  of  Aug.  26th  :  "  The  competition 
may  possibly  become  so  hot,  that  in  the  end  a  neutral 
candidate  Hke  Moles,  Costa,  or  Piccolomini — all  worthy 
men — may  be  elected."  §     Alfonso,  duke  of  Calabria  and 

*  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom,  XL,  623-4. 

+  Report  of  the  Sienese  envoy  of  i6th  August,  1484,  loc.  cit.  618-19. 

X  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  381;  seq.  (Engl,  trans.). 

§  *Per  quelli  da  Milano  se  fa  puncia  per  Novara  o  Milano,  per  la  M'a 
del  Re  per  Napoli  o  Vice-cancelliero.  Per  altri  S.  Marco  o  Malfeta.  Et 
tanta  poteria  essere  la  concurrentia  tra  costoro  che  la  sorte  poteria 
achadere  supra  uno  de  questi  tri  Gerunda,  Portugallo  o  Sena  che  sono 
tenuti  neutrali,  et  persone  digne.  ''^Despatch  of  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1484, 
August  26th.     State  Archives,  Modena. 


236  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPP:S. 

Ludovico  Sforza,  Duke  of  Bari,  Vice-regent  of  Milan,  tried 
to  influence  the  electors  more  directly  by  a  letter  sent  to 
their  ambassadors  at  Rome,  August  26th.  It  contained 
express  orders  to  request  Girolamo  Riario  and  Virginio 
Orsini  to  use  all  their  influence  to  oppose  the  election  of 
Cardinals  Costa,  Cibo,  Savelli  and  Barbo,  without,  however, 
having  recourse  to  violence.  In  this  document,  six  other 
Cardinals  are  recommended ;  unfortunately,  however,  their 
names  are  not  mentioned.  On  the  same  day  a  correspond- 
ing despatch  was  sent  to  the  Cardinals  Giovanni  d'  Ara- 
gona  and  Ascanio  Maria  Sforza,  to  be  handed  at  the 
Consistory  to  all  the  Cardinals,  and  to  be  read  there  in 
public.  If  this  document  had  arrived  in  time,  we  should 
have  the  first  instance  of  a  formal  interference,  both 
exclusive  and  inclusive,  by  a  Government  in  the  Papal 
election.* 

The  real  leader  of  the  Cardinals  who  sided  with  the 
league,  was  the  Vice-chancellor  Rodrigo  Borgia.  All  the 
reports  agree  in  stating  that  this  ambitious  prelate  was 
trying  his  utmost  to  obtain  the  Tiara.  As  early  as  August 
1 8th,  1484,  the  Florentine  Envoy  reports  that  Borgia  was 
working  hard  for  his  own  election,  and  that  he  had  promised 
the  post  of  Vice-chancellor  and  his  own  palace  to  Cardinal 
Giovanni  d'  Aragona,  and  25,000  ducats  and  the  Abbey  of 
Subiaco  to  Cardinal  Colonna,  and  that  he  had  held  out 
similar  bribes  to  Cardinal  Savelli.-]*  "  Rodrigo  Borgia  cer- 
tainly is  one  of  the  most  active  competitors,"  says  the  Envoy 
from  Ferrara,  three  days  later ;  "  however,  it  is  impossible 
to  give  a  decided  opinion  as  yet,  as  to  what  his  chances  are." 
The  Envoy  then  recalls  the  Roman  proverb,  which  is  here 
perhaps  mentioned  for  the  first  time  in  writing.     "  He  who 

*  Thuasne,   I.,   512-13;  Gennarelli,   55;    Petrucelli  della 
Gattina,  I.,  308  seq. ;  Sagmuller,  Papstwahlen,  104-5. 
t  Thuasne,  I.,  503. 


PARTIES   AMONG   THE   CARDINALS.  237 

enters  the  Conclave  a  Pope,  leaves  it  a  Cardinal."* 
Giovanni  d'  Aragona,  the  son  of  Ferrante  of  Naples,  Ascanio 
Sforza  and  the  Camerlengo  Raffaele  Riario  were  entirely 
on  the  side  of  Borgia ;  the  latter  counted  with  such 
certainty  on  success,  that  he  had  made  all  necessary  pre- 
parations for  protecting  his  magnificent  palace  against  the 
pillage  which  generally  followed  the  election.-]-  However, 
in  spite  of  all  his  promises  of  money,  lands  and  benefices, 
he  was  unable  to  obtain  the  decided  majority.  "  Borgia 
has  the  reputation  of  .being  so  false  and  proud,"  the  Floren- 
tine Envoy  writes,  August  21st,  "  that  there  is  no  danger  of 
his  being  elected.''^  He  had  given  them  a  specimen  of  his 
faithlessness  immediately  after  the  death  of  Sixtus  IV. 
Hitherto  he  had  always  sided  with  the  Colonna,  he  now  went 
over  to  the  Orsini  through  whose  help  he  hoped  to  secure 
his  election ;  §  but  at  last  he  recognised  the  impossibility 
of  attaining  his  object ;  he  therefore  began  to  promote  that 
of  his  countryman  Moles,  whose  age  and  infirm  health 
would  probably  soon  entail  a  fresh  Conclave.||  The  head 
of  the  opposition  party,  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  found  him- 
self in  a  similar  position.  He  could  only  count  with 
certainty  on  the  Cardinals  Savelli,  Colonna,  Cib6  and  the 
two  La  Rovere.  The  weakness  of  both  parties  became 
apparent  in  the  first  scrutiny  on  the  morning  of  the  8th 
August:  Cardinal  Barbo  obtained  ten,  or  according  to 
other  accounts  eleven  or  twelve  votes.  Jakob  Burchard, 
the  master  of   ceremonies  reports  that  for  fear  of  Barbo 

*  Sopra  tutti  piu  forza  de  pratica  fa  el  Vice-cancelHero  per  se,  ma 
certamente  perfin  a  qua  non  se  pu6  firmare  el  iudicio.  Anche  h  qua  pro- 
verbio,  che  per  opinione  intra  papa  in  conclave  usisce  fuora  cardinale. 
■^Report  of  B.  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1484,  Aug.  21.    State  Archives,  Modena. 

+  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  109 1  ;  Thuasne,  I.,  519. 

t  Thuasne,  I.,  507. 

§  ScHMARSOw,  Melozzo,  377. 

II  Cf.  Reports  of  the  Envoys  in  THUASNE,  I.,  512,  516,  518. 


238  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

obtaining  the  necessary  seventeen  votes  it  was  resolved  that 
in  the  first  scrutiny  there  should  be  no  accessit* 

Giuliano  now  began  to  bestir  himself  in  earnest.  His 
candidate  was  a  man  who  owed  everything  to  him : 
Giovanni  Battista  Cibo,  Cardinal  of  S.  Cecilia  and  Bishop 
of  Molfetta.  He  threw  himself  into  the  contest  with  all  the 
unscrupulous  energy  of  his  nature  and  did  not  hesitate  to 
have  recourse  to  bribery  in  order  to  attain  his  object.f  The 
worldly-minded  Cardinals  were  all  the  easier  now  to  win 
over,  because  they  were  afraid  that  he  might  ally  himself 
with  the  Venetians,  in  which  case  Barbo,  whose  principles 
in  morals  were  very  strict,  would  have  ascended  the  chair 
of  S.  Peter.  Giuliano  succeeded  first  in  gaining  the  Card- 
inals Orsini,  Raffaele  Riario,  then  Ascanio  Sforza.  Sforza 
was  followed  by  Borgia,  and  the  latter  persuaded  Giovanni 
d'Aragona  to  join  their  party.  J  Jakob  Burchard,  who  took 
part  in  the  Conclave,  relates  that  Cardinal  Cibo  won  the 
votes  of  his  future  electors  by  signing  petitions  for  favours 
which  they  presented  to  him  during  the  night  in  his  cell.§ 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  56-57.  In  the  -^Mandati  of  Innocent  VIII., 
Vol.  I.  (1484-86),  we  find  entered  28th  Sept.,  1484,  a  sum  paid  to  Joanni 
Burkardo,  clerico  cerimoniar.     State  Archives,  Rome. 

+  The  statements  of  the  Envoys  referring  to  this  matter  can  nearly  all 
be  proved  correct.     Cf.  Hagen,  Papstwahlen,  14-15. 

X  Cf,  Reports  of  Vespucci  in  Thuasne,  I.,  516  seq. ;  also  Infessura, 
170  seq.^  and  SaGMULLER,  108  seq.  ;  B.  Arlotti  reports,  ist  Sept., 
1484,  to  his  master  :  "^Como  sia  proceduta  questa  ellection  seria  un  lungo 
dire,  ma  questa  h  la  verita  che  San  Piero  ad  vincula  h  quello  che  lo  ha 
facto  papa  et  li  rev^i  car^i  Aragona  et  Visconti  I'hano  seguito.  Perche 
altramente  tocavano  cum  mane,  che  San  Piero  ad  vincula  se  seria  inteso 
cum  h  cardinali  Venetian!  el  seria  ne  caduta  la  sorte  in  el  car'i  S.  Marco, 
el  qual  nel  primo  scrutinio  hebbe  piu  voce  cha  niuno  altro  et  per  questo 
la  seguente  nocte  fuo  voltata  tutta  questa  pratica  in  modo  che  costui 
h  papa  et  chiamase  Innocentio  ottavo.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

§  BURCHARDi  Diarium,  L,  61.  I  agree  with  Sagmuller,  iio  seq.^ 
against  Hagen,  Papstwahlen,  8  seq.^  in  the  interpretation  of  this  passage. 


ELECTION    OF   INNOCENT   VIIL  239 

The  negotiations  had  lasted  through  the  whole  night :  by 
the  morning  of  29th  August,  1484,  Giuliano  della  Rovere 
had  secured  eighteen  votes  for  Cibo.  The  opposition  party 
now  gave  up  all  resistance  as  useless.  At  9  o'clock  a.m. 
Cardinal  Piccolomini  was  able  to  announce  to  the  crowd 
assembled  outside  the  Vatican,  that  Cardinal  Cibo  had  been 
elected  and  had  assumed  the  name  of  INNOCENT  VIIL 
The  people  burst  forth  into  acclamations,  the  bells  of  the 
palace  of  S.  Peter's  began  to  ring,  and  the  thunder  of 
cannons  resounded  from  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo.* 

The  newly-elected  Pontiff,  who,  for  the  first  time,  again 
assumed  a  name  borne  by  a  Pope  during  the  Schism,  was 
52  years  old.  He  was  above  middle  size,  strongly  built, 
and  his  face  was  full,  his  complexion  strikingly  fair,  and  his 
eyes  weak.f  He  was  descended  from  a  Genoese  family  of 
good  position,  who  were  related  to  the  wealthy  Doria.J  In 
the  accounts  of  his  genealogy  there  is  much  that  is 
legendary,  and  it  remains  uncertain  whether  the  Cibo  are 
of  Asiatic  origin,  or  whether  they  are  connected  with  the 
Tomacelli,  the  family  of  Innocent  VII. ;  but  Aran  Cibo  is 
mentioned  in  Genoese  documents  of  1437  as  having  been 
made  Anziano  in  that  city,  and  employed  for  some  time 
both  in  the  government  and  the  administration  of  justice 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  any  longer  that  the  election  of  Innocent  VIII 
was  simoniacal. 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  62  ;  Paolo  dello  Mastro,  ed.  Pelaez, 
106. 

t  Cf.  Reports  in  Thuasne,  I.,  517  ;  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  IL,  37. 
Portrait  of  Innocent  VIIL,  on  the  papal  coin  in  Frakn6i,  Math.  Cor- 
vinus,  227. 

X  For  an  account  of  the  family  of  Cibo  see  Staffetti,  L,  5  seq. 
Arrivabene  specially  mentions  the  relationship  of  the  Pope  with  Lazzaro 
Doria  in  a  ^Report  dat.  Rome,  1485,  May  10th :  He  says,  L.  Doria  h 
molto  intimo  al  Papa  ;  e  lo  piu  riccho  citadino  di  quella  cita.  Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua. 


240  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

at  Naples,  and  also  as  having  been  a  Roman  senator  in 
1455.*  He  married  Teodorina  do'  Mari,  a  Genoese  lady 
of  patrician  birth  ;  Giovanni  Battista  Cib6,  born  in  1432, 
was  the  issue  of  this  marriage.  He  studied  at  Padua  and 
at  Rome,  and  in  his  youth  had  no  intention  of  taking 
Orders,  and  his  life  at  the  licentious  court  of  Aragon  was  no 
better  than  that  of  many  others  in  his  position.  He  had 
two  illegitimate  children,  a  daughter,  Teodorina,  and  a  son, 
Franceschetto.f  It  is  characteristic  of  Cardinal  Giuliano, 
that  he  did  not  scruple  to  help  in  promoting  a  man  of  such 
antecedents  to  the  supreme  dignity.     However,  it  is  certain 

*  ViANi,  Memone  d.  famiglia  Cibo  (Pisa,  1808);  Atti  Mod.,  VII., 
309  seg^.,  319;  CIACONIUS,  III.,  104;  Marini,  I.,  228;  Reumont, 
Beitrage,  IV.,  192  seg'.;  ViTALE,  Storia  de'  Senat.  di  R.,  II.,  430.  The 
statements  of  Cerri,  59  seg^.,  are  mostly  unreliable. 

t  The  accusation  brought  against  him  by  Infessura  (p.  175)  of  his 
having  violated  his  "votum  castitatis"  when  a  priest,  is  false,  for  SiGlS- 
MONDO  de'  Conti  says  expressly  (II.,  33) :  Habuit  Innocentius  Francis- 
chettum  et  Theodorinam  filios  ante  sacerdotium.  But  the  statement  that 
these  children  were  the  offspring  of  a  legitimate  marriage  is  equally  in- 
correct, for  Sigismondo  adds  immediately  after  :  non  ex  uxore  susceptos  ; 
cf.  also  II.,  37,  and  Burchardi  Diarium,  I.,  321,  as  well  as  the  authors 
there  quoted.  It  is  doubtful  whether  there  were  any  other  children 
besides  these,  although  this  might  be  inferred  from  the  Envoy's  Reports 
in  Thuasne,  I.,  517-19;  see  Creighton,  III.,  120.  The  statements 
of  Infessura  and  of  the  poet  MaruUus  who  speak  of  seven  or  sixteen 
children  are  exaggerations.  In  a  matter  of  such  weight  an  epigram- 
matist is  as  doubtful  an  authority  as  Infessura,  whose  untrustworthiness 
we  have  proved  above.     The  epigram  of  MaruUus  : 

"  Octo  nocens  pueros  genuit,  totidemque  puellas  ; 
Hunc  merito  potuit  dicere  Roma  patrem  " 

which  has  often  been  literally  interpreted,  is  clearly  a  mere  play  of  words. 
In  1883  the  Museum  of  Berlin  bought  a  more  than  life-size  bust  of 
Teodorina  Cibo,  with  the  following  inscription  on  the  pedestal :  Teodorina 
Cibo  Inno.  VIII.,  P.  M.  f.  singul.  exempli  Matrona  formaeque  dignitate 
conspicua. 


CAREER   OF   INNOCENT   VIII.  241 

that  from  the  moment  Giovanni  Battista  entered  the 
ecclesiastical  state,  all  the  accusations  against  the  purity  of 
his  private  life  cease.  The  fact  also  that  the  irreproachable 
Cardinal  Calandrini  took  him  into  his  service  seems  to 
indicate  a  reform  in  his  morals.  In  April  1469,  Paul  II. 
bestowed  on  him  the  bishopric  of  Savona,  which  he  ex- 
changed under  Sixtus  IV.  for  that  of  Molfetta  (situated  near 
Bari  on  the  Adriatic).*  Cibo  formed  a  close  intimacy  with 
Giuliano,  the  nephew  of  Sixtus  IV.,  and  to  him  especially 
he  owed  his  speedy  promotion.  The  Pope  liked  the  Bishop 
of  Molfetta  because  of^his  gentle  amiable  character;  he 
made  him  his  Datary,  and  gave  him  the  Red  Hat  on  the 
7th  May,  I473.f  Cibo  was  generally  called  Molfetta  from 
the  name  of  his  bishopric. 

In  the  exercise  of  his  ecclesiastical  ministry,  Cibo  gained 
great  popularity.  "  Nobody  left  him  without  being  con- 
soled," says  a  contemporary,  "  he  received  all  with  truly 
fatherly  kindness  and  gentleness  ;  he  was  the  friend  of 
high  and  low,  of  rich  and  poor."  |  Sixtus  IV.  thought  so 
highly  of  him,  that  at  his  departure  from  Rome  in  June 
1476,  he  left  him  behind  as  Legate.  Cibo  filled  this  post, 
an  extremely  thorny  one  in  the  state  of  affairs  at  that 
time,  to  the  complete  satisfaction  of  the  Pope. 

*  Gams,  822,898,  and  Ughelli,  IV.,  741 ;  I.,  918  ;  Jacob.  Volaterranus 
in  MuRATORi,  XXIII.,  119. 

t  B.  Arlotti  writes  ist  Sept.  1484  to  his  Duke  :  *That  he  knew  the  new- 
Pope  very  well  when  he  was  a  Cardinal,  but  honores  mutant  mores,  ma 
certamente  la  benignita  et  afabilita  I'ha  tanto  innata  et  abituata  ch' 
ogniuno  sta  in  ferma  speranza  che  habiamo  un  bon  Papa.  (State 
Archives,  Modena.)  Aegidius  of  Viterbo  says  of  Innocent  VIII.:  *Qu\ 
cum  omnium  mortalium  humanissimus  ac  comis  maxime  atque  urbanus 
esset,  Sixto  carus  effectus  datarius  ac  tandem  cardinalis  est  factus. 
Hist,  viginti  secul.,  Cod.  c.  8,  19,  f.  314.     Angelica  Library  at  Rome. 

I  SioiSMONDO  de' CoNTi,  I.,  2II-I2;  Thuasne,  I.,  517-19;  and 
also  GOTTLOB,  in  the  Historische  Jahrb.,  VII.,  316. 

VOL.   V.  R 


242  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

All  accounts  agree  in  praising  the  kindness,  the  benevo- 
lent and  amiable  disposition  of  the  newly-elected  Pope, 
but  they  are  equally  unanimous  in  condemning  his  want  of 
independence  and  weakness.  "  He  gives  the  impression  of  a 
man  who  is  guided  rather  by  the  advice  of  others  than  by 
his  own  lights,"  says  the  Florentine  Ambassador  of  him,  as 
early  as  Aug.  29th,  1484,  and  he  also  speaks  of  him  as 
wanting  in  solid  education  and  experience  in  political 
affairs.*  It  is  not  surprising  that  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  to 
whom  Cibo  owed  his  promotion  to  the  dignities  both  of 
Cardinal  and  Pope,  obtained  an  unbounded  ascendency 
over  a  character  of  this  kind.  "  While  with  his  uncle  he 
had  not  the  slightest  influence,  he  now  obtains  whatever  he 
likes  from  the  new  Pope,"  remarks  the  Envoy  from  Ferrara, 
Sept.  13th,  1484.  "Send  a  good  letter  to  the  Cardinal 
of  S.  Peter,"  the  Florentine  Envoy  writes  to  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici,  "  for  he  is  Pope  and  more  than  Pope."*!-  The 
practical  result  of  these  relations  was  that  Cardinal  della 
Rovere  came  to  reside  in  the  Vatican,  while  his  brother. 
Giovanni,  already  Prefect  of  Rome,  was  named  Captain- 
general  of  the  Church,  in  December.  J 

*  FabroniuS,  II.,  257,  259  ;  Thuasne,  I.,  517  ;  ReumONT,  Lorenzo, 
II.,  200,  ed.  2. 

+  See  Fabronius,  II.,  259,  and  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  308.  The 
Genoese  Envoy  at  Rome,  Lazzaro  Doria,  remarks  in  a  ■**■  Report  of 
23rd  Aug.,  1485,  that  it  was  the  same  thing  to  treat  with  the  Pope  or 
with  Giuliano  della  Rovere  :  che  e  tutto  uno  effecto.  State  Archives, 
Genoa. 

%  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  71,  124;  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1093;  and 
Cappelli,  Carteggi,  I.,  277.  Innocent  VIII.  had  communicated  the 
news  of  his  election  to  Giovanni  della  Rovere  on  the  day  itself,  and  had 
added  an  invitation  to  come  to  Rome.  ("^  Lib.  brev.  18,  f.  2\  Secret  Ar- 
chives of  the  Vatican.)  The  -^Letter  of  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1484,  Sept.  13, 
says  :  Madama.  Se  la  V.  S.  J.  ha  inteso  de  la  gran  bona  gratia  ha  cum  el 
novo  papa  tra  et  sopra  I'altri  el  r.  car^^  Sanpiero  ad  vincula  I'ha  inteso 


THE  CORONATION.  243 

Immediately  after  his  election,  Innocent  VIII.  had 
pledged  his  word  to  the  magistrates  to  bestow  all  civic 
offices  and  benefices  on  Roman  citizens  only.  It  was  his 
failure  in  keeping  this  promise,  which  so  incensed  Infessura, 
the  secretary  of  the  Roman  Senate,  that  he  composed  a 
series  of  caustic  epigrams  against  him.*  In  judging  this 
matter  we  must  consider,  however,  that  it  was  very  hard 
for  the  Pope  "  to  keep  his  promise  in  the  face  of  the  claims 
of  the  greedy  prelates."  f  The  electors  and  their  adherents 
had  to  be  rewarded,  personal  relations  and  friends  to  be 
considered ;  but  the  just  complaints  against  this  unpromising 
beginning  of  his  Pontificate  were  kept  in  the  background 
for  the  time  being,  by  the  brilliant  festivities  of  the  Corona- 
tion and  the  J>ossesso. 

On  Sept.  nth,  all  the  preparations  for  the  Coronation,  in 
which  artists  like  Perugino  and  Antoniasso  Romano  were 
engaged,  were  completed.^  The  ceremony  itself  took 
place  on  the  following  day.  In  the  morning  the  Pope 
went  to  S.  Peter's,  celebrated  High  Mass  there,  and  gave 
his  benediction  to  the  people.  Then  Cardinal  Piccolo- 
mini  crowned  him  outside  the  Basilica.  After  a  short 
interval,  he  went  in  solemn  procession  to  take  possession 

molto  ben  el  vero ;  et  la  causa  h  nota  che  Sanpiero  ad  vincula  lo  face 
far  vescovo  (but  only  of  Molfetta)  ;  et  poi  cardinale  et  novissimamente 
li  ha  durato  fatica  assay  et  havuto  bona  parte  a  farlo  papa  et  S.S.  vole 
li  stia  apresso  et  alogia  in  pallatio.  (State  Archives,  Modena.)  Innocent 
VIII.  had  proposed  the  nomination  of  Giovanni  della  Rovere  in  a 
Consistory  held  Nov.  26th,  and  all  the  Cardinals  had  agreed  to  it. 
^Letter  of  A.  Sforza  written  on  this  day.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

*  Infessura,  174. 

t  Gregorovius,  VI  L,  272,  ed.  3. 

X  SCHMARSOW,  Melozzo,  371.  In  the  ''^  Mandati,  1484-86  we  find 
entered  for  the  28th  September,  1484,  payment  for  XIII.  tibianis  qui 
interfuerunt  coronationi  S.D.N.  On  the  19th  January,  1485,  there  are 
still  several  sums  entered  pro  festo  coronationis.    State  Archives,  Rome. 


244  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

{possesso)  of  the  Lateran  Palace.  The  homage  of  the  Jews 
usual  on  such  occasion  took  place  in  the  interior  of  the 
Castle  of  S.  Angelo  ;  the  object  of  this  arrangement  was 
to  protect  them  against  ill-usage  from  the  populace. 
Burchard  gives  a  minute  description  of  the  magnificent 
procession  to  the  Lateran,  and  there  exist  several  other 
accounts  of  it  in  Italian,  and  one  in  German,  so  that  we 
possess  ample  information  in  regard  to  all  its  details. 
An  immense  crowd  of  people  thronged  the  streets,  which 
were  decorated  with  green  boughs  and  gorgeous  hangings 
and  carpets.  Sixteen  noblemen  carried  "the  canopy, 
under  which  the  Pope  rode  on  a  white  horse  richly- 
caparisoned  in  white  and  gold.  He  had  on  his  head 
a  golden  crown,  and  over  his  shoulders  the  pallium  ; 
and  wore  round  his  neck  a  costly  amice,  and  a  cross 
of  gold  on  his  breast,  and  blessed  the  people  as  he 
passed."* 

Innocent  VIII.,  whose  affability  is  highly  praised  by  the 
Envoy  from  Ferrara,f  had  all  the  more  cause  for  being 
satisfied  in  so  far  that  the  day  and  all  the  ceremonies  had 
passed  over  without  any  hitch  or  disturbance  worth 
mentioning.^      Qn  the  same   day   the  solemn  Bulls  were 

*  Chmel,  Materialien  zur  Oesterreich.  Gesch.,  II.,  358  (Wien,  1838). 
The  above  account  taken  from  the  Archives  of  Riedeck  has  been  over- 
looked both  by  Reumont  and  Gregorovius.  Cf.  also  especially  BUR- 
CHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  90  seg.  (see  Cancellieri,  Possessi,  46  seg'. ; 
Berliner,  II.,  75);  letter  of  Vespucci  of  Sept.  13th,  1484,  in  Genna- 
RELLI,  48  ;  Paolo  dello  M astro,  ed.  Pelaez,  106,  and  the  ^Report 
of  B.  ArlottI,  dat.  Rome,  1484,  Sept.  13th.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

t  For  the  *Report  quoted  see  supra,  p.  242,  note  J. 

J  The  Duke  of  Milan  wrote  to  his  envoy  F.  A.  de  Talentis,  Sept.  19th, 
1484,  that  he  learned  with  very  great  pleasure  from  his  letter  of  the 
14th,  that  the  Coronation  of  the  Pope  had  taken  place  con  tanta  solemnita 
et  quiete  de  quello  populo  quanto  desyderare  se  fosse  potuto.  (State 
Archives,  Milan.)     Cf.  also  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom,  XL,  629. 


GOOD   INTENTIONS  OF  THE   POPE.  245 

drawn  up  which  acquainted  all  Christian  Princes  and 
States  with  the  accession  of  the  new  Pope,  and  asked  their 
prayers  for  a  prosperous  Pontificate.* 

Prayers  were  certainly  greatly  needed,  for  Innocent 
VIII.  entered  upon  the  government  of  the  Church  and 
the  Pontifical  States  under  circumstances  of  great  difficulty, 
aggravated  by  the  deplorable  state  of  the  finances  of  the 
Holy  See.f  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  newly-elected 
Pontiff  was  full  of  good  intentions.  Three  things,  he 
repeated  on  his  Coronation-day,  he  was  resolved  to  pursue 
with  the  greatest  zeal ;  peace,  justice,  and  the  welfare  of 

*  The  Pope  had  informed  some  princes  and  prelates  of  his  election, 
before  his  Coronation.  Cf.  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1484,  n.  46  seq.  The 
official  "^Bull  Salvator  noster,  dat.  prid.  Id.  Sept.,  has  been  preserved  in  the 
Archives  of  Florence,  Cologne  and  Mantua.  From  Ennen,  III.,  880,  it 
appears  that  a  similar  Bull  had  been  sent  to  the  Universities  of  Cologne, 
however  this  Bull  no  longer  exists,  though  the  one  addressed  to  the 
University  of  Cracow  is  still  extant,  see  Monum.  Pol,  XI.,  306.  The 
Universities  of  Paris  and  of  Heidelberg  were  also  informed  of  the  election 
by  a  special  letter,  see  Guettee,  VIII.,  60  ;  Hautz,  I.,  354.  The  cities 
of  the  Papal  States  {cf.  Cod.  C,  IV.,  i,  of  the  Library  of  the  University 
of  Genoa)  and  the  chief  prelates  and  archbishops  received  likewise  a 
special  notice.  Cf.  the  Regest.  of  the  Bull  addressed  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Salzburg  in  the  Archives  of  the  Imperial  and  Royal  government  of 
Salzburg,  Rub.  I.,  fasc.  4^.  The  numerous  Embassies  of  Obedience  are 
all  entered  in  Burchardi  Diarium.  Of  the  Envoys'  addresses  of  con- 
gratulation to  the  new  Pope,  many  of  which  were  printed  at  the  time, 
those  of  Tito  Vespasiano  Strozza  {cf  the  monographs  of  Albrecht 
[Dresden,  1891]  36),  and  of  John  von  Dalberg,  Bishop  of  Worms,  were 
the  most  admired  ;  the  latter  was  considered  a  wonderful  production 
for  a  German  ;  the  fact  that  it  passed  through  two  editions  in  Rome 
proves  how  highly  thought  of  it  was.  Cf.  MORNEWEG,  Joh.  v.  Dalberg, 
95-99.     Heidelberg,  1887. 

t  Breve  regibus  Hispanie,  dat.  ut  s.  (7  Dec,  1484) :  Invenimus  in  hac 
nostra  ad  apostolatus  apicem  assumptione  aerarium  camere  apostle  non 
modo  pecuniis  exhaustum,  sed  debitis  etiam  magnis  gravatum.  Lib. 
brev.  18,  f.  74,  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican 


246  HISTORY  OF   THE    POPES. 

the  city.*  Accordingly,  he  provided  for  a  stricter  surveill- 
ance and  administration  of  justice  in  Rome,  and  com- 
missioned some  of  the  Cardinals  to  endeavour  to  bring 
about  an  accommodation  between  the  Colonna  and  Orsini.f 
Even  beyond  the  boundaries  of  his  own  territory,  Innocent 
was  anxious  to  extend  the  blessings  of  peace.  He  was 
especially  desirous  of  putting  an  end  to  the  prolonged 
dispute  about  Sarzana.  On  the  17th  Sept.  he  had  entered 
into  negotiations  on  this  subject  with  the  Envoys  of  Naples, 
Florence  and  Milan.  In  accordance  with  the  recent  under 
standing,  the  Pope  said  on  this  occasion,  he  considered  it 
a  supreme  duty  of  his  Apostolic  office  to  bring  about  this 
peace,  so  that  all  Italian  States  might  enjoy  its  happy 
results,  and  might  recover  from  the  heavy  expenses  which 
had  left  the  Holy  See  burdened  with  a  debt  of  more  than 
250,000  ducats.  The  dispute  about  Sarzana,  complicated 
by  the  attack  of  the  Florentines  on  Pietrasanta,  caused  him 
great  anxiety,  because  of  the  character  of  the  Genoese, 
who  would  not  hesitate  to  set  the  world  on  fire,  and  who 
had  already  brought  foreigners  to  Italy  on  other  occasions. 
Genoa  had  applied  to  him  to  settle  the  affair  by  a  judicial 
pronouncement  .  He  knew  that  his  predecessor  had  failed 
in  his  attempt  to  do  this,  but,  being  a  Genoese  himself  and 
in  a  more  favourable  position  than  Pope  Sixtus,  he  hoped 
to  attain  his  object,  especially  as  he  felt  sure  that  the 
Signoria  of  Florence  would  do  their  utmost  to  smooth  the 
way.  J 

*  *Che  ad  tre  cose  vole  attender  cum  studio  et  efficatia :  a  pace, 
iustitia,  et  abundantia.  *  Report  of  B.  Arlotti  of  13th  Sept.,  1484. 
A.rlotti  had  already  reported,  Sept.  ist,  that  the  dispositions  of  the  Pope 
were  extremely  pacific.     (Both  ^Letters  in  the  State  Archives,  Modena.) 

t  INFESSURA,  177,  and  Ambassadorial  Report  in  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom, 
XL,  631.  On  the  deputation  of  Cardinals  cf.  "^Letter  of  Card.  A.  Sforza 
dat.  Rome,  Sept.  26,  1484.     State  Archives,  Milan, 

X  Report  of  Vespucci  of  i8th  Sept.,  1484,  in  Gennarelli,  51  se^.; 


ILLNESS  OF  THE  POPE.  247 

A  few  days  later,  22nd  September,  the  names  of  the  new 
Cardinal-Legates  were  published.  Nardini  was  to  go  to 
Avignon,  Moles  to  the  Campagna,  Savelli  to  Bologna, 
Orsini  to  the  March  of  Ancona,  and  Ascanio  Sforza  to 
the  Patrimony  of  S.  Peter.  Arcimboldi  was  confirmed  as 
Legate  of  Perugia.*  Existing  circumstances  made  it  a 
matter  of  especial  urgency  that  a  Legate  should  be  sent 
at  once  to  Avignon,-j-  however,  neither  Nardini  nor  Moles 
ever  entered  upon  the  duties  of  their  office  ;  the  former 
died  October  22nd,  the  latter,  November  21st,  1484.  J 

The  Pope  himself  had  fallen  ill  in  October  1484.  §  Soon 
it  became  evident  that  in  spite  of  his  good  resolutions,  he 
had  neither  energy  nor  prudence  enough  to  be  successful 
in  his  mediation  between  the  jealous  and  quarrelsome 
States  of  Italy.  His  interference  in  the  dispute  about 
Sarzana  had  no  effect.  In  the  Spring  of  the  following 
year,  Innocent  again  fell  sick,  and  at  the  same  time  the  feud 
between  the  Orsini  and  Colonna  broke  out  afresh.  Sigis- 
mondo  de'  Conti  tells  us,  that  on  the  12th  March,  1485,  the 
Pope  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever,  which  kept  him  in 
bed  for  three  months  ;  and  he  was  in  such  a  critical  state 

Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  208,  cf.  197,  232  seg.^  ed.  2.  See  also  the 
very  rare  treatise  of  GlACOMO  DA  FlENO,  Delia  legazione  a  Roma  di 
Lazzaro  Doria  il  1485  :  Saggio  di  studi  suUa  diplomazia  Genovese. 
(Sampierdarena,  1863),  which  Reumont  has  overlooked. 

*  In  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  125,  it  is  stated,  without  date,  that  this 
took  place  in  the  second  Consistory.  The  date  given  above  is  taken 
from  a  **  Report  of  A.  Sforza  of  Sept.  22nd,  see  Appendix,  N.  i. 
State  Archives,  Milan. 

i  Cf.QXi  this  point  the  "^  Brief  to  the  King  of  France  of  Oct.  i6th,  1484. 
Lib.  brev.  18,  f.  36.    Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  113,  115  ;  "'^  Letter  of  Cardinal  A.  Sforza, 
dat.  Rome,  1484,  Oct.  24th.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

§  "  Last  night  the  Pope  fell  ill,"  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  reports 
in  a  ■'^'Letter,  dat.  Rome,  1484,  Oct.  9th.     State  Archives,  Modena. 


248  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

that  one  day  it  was  rumoured  that  he  was  dead.  The 
Protonotary,  Obbietto  Fieschi,  sent  word  at  once  to  the 
Orsini  that  the  Pope  had  expired.  They  immediately  posted 
troops  on  the  Ponte  Molle  and  all  the  bridges  of  the  Anio 
in  order  to  secure  free  communication  with  the  city ;  but 
they  had  soon  to  repent  of  this  manoeuvre,  for  the  report 
of  the  Pope's  death  proved  false.  The  skilful  treatment 
of  the  famous  physicians,  Podocatharo  and  Giacomo  da 
Genesio,  had  saved  the  life  of  Innocent  VIII.  The  Pope, 
who  had  always  favoured  the  Colonna,  now  grew  more 
partial  to  them  than  ever.  The  fortune  of  war  also  seemed 
to  smile  on  them  in  the  beginning  ;  in  two  days  they  took 
Nemi  and  Genzano,  but  they  were  afterwards  defeated  by 
the  Orsini.* 

These  endless  disputes,  which  Innocent  VIII.  tried  in 
vain  to  allay,  were  seriously  aggravated  by  the  estrange- 
ment between  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Naples,  which 
continued  to  increase  from  day  to  day. 

*  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  2i8-2o  ;  BuRCHARDi  Diarium,  I.,  142  ; 
INFESSURA,  178;  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1093.  In  a  "^Letter  dated  1485, 
April  5th,  Cardinal  A.  Sforza  specially  mentions  the  weak  state  of  the 
Pope  after  his  illness.     State  Archives,  Milan. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Quarrels  between  the  Pope  and  Ferrante  of  Naples 
(1484-1487). — The  Cibo  and  Medici  families  allied  by 
marriage. 

Although  King  Ferrante  of  Naples  had  done  his  best 
before  the  Papal  election  to  exclude  Cardinal  Cibo,  he  now 
made  a  great  show  of  cordiality,  and  immediately  sent  him 
a  letter  of  congratulation.  Innocent  lost  no  time  in  send- 
ing his  thanks,  and  reminding  him  of  his  former  relations 
v/ith  Naples,  assured  him  that  he  would  do  for  him  all  he 
conscientiously  could,  but  he  added,  that  he  hoped  Ferrante 
on  his  part  would  shew  himself  a  true  Catholic  Prince.* 

The  first  note  of  discord  in  the  relations  between  Rome 
and  Naples  was  struck  by  the  King's  son,  Alfonso,  Duke 
of  Calabria.  He  came  to  Rome  on  the  20th  October,  1484, 
on  his  return  from  Ferrara,  and  was  received  by  the  Pope 
with  all  possible  marks  of  honour  and  friendship  ;j-  but 
when  the  Duke  demanded  the  incorporation  of  Benevento, 
Terracina,  and  Ponte  Corvo,  with  the  territory  of  his  father, 
Innocent  VIII.  refused  to  accede  to  his  request.  It  is  said 
that  Alfonso  replied  in  a  menacing  tone,  saying,  that 
before  long  he  would  make  the  Pope  beg  for  the  annexa- 
tion, of  his  own  accord.     In  consequence  of  this  collision, 

*  Raynaldus,  ad.  an.  1484,  n.  47. 

t  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  11 1  ;  Leostello,  43  seq.  The  Pope 
received  Alfonso  on  Oct.  22nd ;  after  that  Cardinal  Borgia  gave  a 
splendid  banquet  in  his  honour,  sec"  Appendix,  N.  2,  letter  of  Cardinal 
Ascanio  Sforza  of  Oct.  22nd,  1484.     State  Archives,  Milan. 


250  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

it  seemed  doubtful  whether  the  Neapolitan  Embassy  of 
Obedience  would  be  sent  to  Rome.  To  bring  this  about, 
the  Pope  had  recourse  to  a  very  strange  expedient.  Bulls 
were  drawn  up  annexing  the  cities  as  demanded,  but  these, 
instead  of  being  handed  over  to  the  King,  were  entrusted 
to  the  keeping  of  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  while 
Innocent  VIII.  made  a  declaration  before  a  notary,  that 
the  documents  were  only  intended  for  show,  in  order  to 
appease  the  impetuous  King  for  the  moment.  It  was  not 
at  all  his  intention  to  give  up  his  claim  to  the  cities,  and  he 
was  resolved,  if  necessary,  to  meet  force  with  force.  As 
Alfonso  drew  up  troops  on  the  borders  of  the  Papal  States, 
the  Pope  also  began  to  collect  an  army  and  to  look  out  for 
allies.*  Above  all.  Innocent  VIII.  tried  to  gain  Venice. 
On  February  28th,  1485,  the  canonical  penalties  imposed 
by  Sixtus  IV.  upon  the  Venetians  were  withdrawn,  and 
the  Signoria  responded  by  sending  their  Embassy  of 
Obedience.^  Tommaso  Catanei,  Bishop  of  Cervia,  was 
sent  to  Venice,  to  arrange  for  the  transference  of  Roberto 
Sanseverino,  the  captain  of  the  mercenary  troops,  to  the 
Papal  service.^ 

The  relations  between  Rome  and  Naples  became  more 
and  more  strained,  owing  to  the  conduct  of  Ferrante,  who 
not  only  refused  to  pay  the  tribute  for  his  fief,  but  inter- 
fered   unjustifiably    in    purely    ecclesiastical    matters,    de- 

*   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  I.,  2 1 6. 

t  The  Bull  of  Absolution  in  Raynaldus.,  ad  an.  1485,  n.  45  ;  cf. 
Navagiero,  1 192  ;  Malipiero,  301.  *Brief  to  the  Doge  G.  Mocenigo, 
of  March  2nd,  1485  (State  Archives,  Venice).  ^Letter  of  Cardinal  A. 
Sforza,  dat.  Rome,  1485,  Feb.  28th  (State  Archives,  Milan),  and 
^Despatch  of  Arrivabene,  dat.  Rome,  1485,  March  26th  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua).  On  the  Obedience,  see  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I., 
148-9  ;  *June  29th,  Innocent  VIII.,  thanked  the  Doge  for  it  ;  see  Lib. 
brev.  1 8,  f.  207  b,  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

It:   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI    I.,  2 1 7. 


COMMENCEMENT   OF   THE   BARONS'   WAR.  25 1 

spoiled  the  clergy  by  arbitrary  taxes,  and  openly  sold  his 
bishoprics  to  utterly  unsuitable  persons.*  In  the  Summer 
of  1485  the  two  Courts  came  to  an  open  rupture.  On  the 
feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  the  Neapolitan  Envoy 
appeared  with  the  customary  white  horse  but  without  the 
tribute.  It  was  impossible  for  the  Pope  to  accept  the  lame 
excuse  that  the  King  was  not  able  to  pay  because  of  his 
expedition  against  Otranto,  as  several  years  had  passed 
since  this  event.  When  Innocent  refused  to  accept  the 
palfrey  without  the  money,  Ferrante's  ambassador  entered 
a  formal  protest.f 

Nearly  at  the  same  moment  the  Barons'  war  broke  out 
at  Naples.  This,  "  the  most  appalling  of  all  the  tragic 
dramas  of  the  15th  Century,"  was  caused  by  Alfonso  of 
Calabria.  This  "  overbearing,  faithless  and  cruel "  Prince 
persuaded  his  father  to  attempt  to  put  down  the  discon- 
tented nobles  by  a  sudden  and  treacherous  attack.  In 
the  Summer  of  1485  he  found  an  opportune  moment. 
Count  Montorio,  who  was  Governor  of  the  rich  town  of 
Aquila,  was  enticed  to  come  to  Chieti,  and  there  taken 
prisoner  ;  the  citadel  of  Aquila  was  immediately  occupied 
by  Neapolitan  troops. J  The  Barons  soon  saw  that  the 
same  fate  awaited  them  which  Louis  XI.  had  prepared  for 
his  nobles  ;  they  determined  not  to  submit  to  the  tyranny 
of  the  house  of  Aragon,  but  to  take  measures  to  defend 
themselves.  In  the  autumn  of  1485,  the  inhabitants  of 
Aquila  expelled  the  Neapolitan  garrison  and  planted  the 
banner  of  the  Church   on  their  walls.§      Their  example 

*  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  226  se(/.  Cf.  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II., 
217,  ed.  2  ;  Christophe,  II.,  31 1-12. 

t  GlANNONE,  III.,  350  seq. 

X  PORZio,  59  seq.\  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  217,  ed.  2;  Gothein, 
Siiditalien,  226. 

§  Croniche  di  Napoli,  in  Arch.  St.  Nap.,  I.,  57  ;  NOTAR  GlACOMO,  156, 


252  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

was  followed  by  several  other  Neapolitan  cities  and  terri- 
tories.* 

Rome  in  July  was  visited  with  an  outbreak  of  the 
Plague,-|-  and  at  the  same  time  the  course  of  events  in  the 
neighbouring  kingdom  was  watched  with  anxious  atten- 
tion. "Innocent  VIII.,"  the  Mantuan  Envoy  reports, 
July  i8th,  1485,  "is  entirely  taken  up  with  the  affairs  of 
the  Barons."  They  had  already  laid  their  complaints 
against  Ferrante  before  the  Pope  on  a  former  occasion  ;  now 
again  their  messengers  appeared  in  Rome  to  ask  for  help. 
Their  language  was  that  of  men  driven  to  desperation  ; 
they  would  rather  suffer  any  extremity  than  submit  to  the 
tyranny  of  Ferrante  or  Alfonso ;  if  the  Pope  did  not  help 
them,  they  would  put  themselves  under  the  protection  of 
some  foreign  power.J 

Thus  we  see  that  Innocent  found  himself  forced  into  taking 
part  in  the  war,  and  no  great  efforts  were  needed  on  the  part 
of  Giuliano,  the  sworn  foe  of  the  Aragonese,  to  bring  him  to 
a  point.  The  danger  was  all  the  greater  because  both  con- 
tending parties  were  capable  of  seeking  aid  from  the  Turks. 
It  was  evident  which  side  the  Pope  would  take.  Ferrante's 
conduct  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  as  well  as  the  experience 
of  former  Popes  of  his  violence  and  treachery,  left  no  room 

and  Rivera,  La  dedizione  degli  Aquilani  ad  Innocenzo  VIII.,  in  Bollett. 
d.  Soc.  patria  negli  Abruzzi,  L,  36  seq.     Aquila,  1889. 

*  NOTAR  GlACOMO,  1 57  ;  BORGiA,  Benevento,  III.,  422. 

f  Cy;  on  this  point  the  "^Letters  of  A.  Sforza,  dated  Rome,  July  2, 
II,  and  22,  1485:  many  deaths — numbers  are  flying  from  the  city 
(State  Archives,  Milan).  On  the  7th  July,  Arlotti  mentions  the  number 
of  deaths  ;  on  the  1 8th,  he  says  that  the  Plague  is  spreading,  and  in 
October  it  was  still  raging.  ^Reports  of  the  7th,  8th,  and  loth  October, 
all  in  the  State  Archives,  Modena. 

X  SiGlSMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  227-8.  '^Despatch  of  the  Mantuan 
Envoy  Arrivabene,  dat.  Rome,  1485,  July  i8th.  Gonzaga  Archives 
at  Mantua. 


DEATH   OF  CARDINAL  D' ARAGONA.  253 

for  doubt  on  this  point.*  At  this  moment  Ferrante  tried 
once  more  to  avert  the  impending  storm  by  sending  his 
son,  Cardinal  Giovanni  d'  Aragona  as  mediator  to  Rome  ; 
but  the  Plague  was  raging  there,  the  Cardinal  was  stricken 
and  died  on  October  I7th.f  Whilst  Ferrante's  son  was 
on  his  death-bed,  the  CardinalsJ  discussed    the  affairs    of 


*  Cf.  Lebret,  VI.,  345,  and  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  218,  ed.  2. 
As  to  Giuliano's  motives,  see  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  34  seq. ;  and  also 
CiPOLLA,  632.  On  calling  in  the  Turks,  see  Sigismondo  de'  Conti, 
I.,  228. 

t  Infessura  (ed.  Tommasini,  186  seq.)  makes  out  that  Cardinal 
d'Aragona  died  of  poison  {cf.  Mazzuchelli,  I.,  2,  927).  The  editor, 
Tommasini,  does  not  mention  Gennarelli's  remark  (72) :  Monumenta 
legationum  Florentinorum  ne  verbum  quidem  faciunt  de  veneno. 
NOTAR  GlACOMO,  1 53,  does  not  speak  of  poison  either;  Leostello, 
81,  expressly  states  that  the  Cardinal  succumbed  to  a  fever.  Infessura, 
who  moreover  does  not  give  the  correct  date  for  the  Cardinal's  death, 
is  contradicted  besides  by  several  ^Reports  of  Ambassadors  which  I  have 
discovered,  so  that  even  Tommasini  will  hardly  maintain  the  accuracy  of 
the  chronicler  in  this  case.  The  documents  on  which  I  rely  are  :  ( i ) 
^Report  of  Arrivabene,  dat.  Rome,  1485,  Oct.  17th :  Questa  nocte  a 
le  hore  X.,  se  ne  morto  lo  card,  de  Aragona.  (There  is  no  mention  of 
poison.  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua).  (2)  ^Letter  of  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome, 
1485,  Oct.  7th :  Plague  at  Rome.  Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  Cardinal 
d'Aragona  two  of  his  companions  died.  The  Cardinal  himself  is  in  bed. 
Oct.  8th  :  Numerous  deaths  in  Rome.  El  qual  cardinale  (d'Aragona)  sta 
pur  cosi  debile  con  la  febre  continua  et  doi  proportionali  {sic)  benche 
mostrano  esser  legieri,  pur  questa  sira  ha  preso  una  medicina  de  renbar- 
bai-o  et  prima  per  via  del  stomacale  se  li  h  facta  in  piu  volte  bone  evacua- 
tion de  sangue.  S.  S^ia  Rma  spera  ben  de  se  et  anche  li  medici  non 
desperano.  Oct.  loth  :  The  Cardinal  is  better.  Oct.  17th  :  In  quest' hora 
el  rev.  et  ill.  quondam  cardinale  de  Ragona  vestro  cugnato  (the  letter  is 
addressed  to  Duke  Ercole)  expiravit.  Con  gran  devotion  et  religione  h 
passato.  Panegyric  of  the  deceased.  lo  de  continuo  me  \\  sum  trovato 
in  la  infirmita  et  in  la  morte.     State  Archives,  Modena, 

X  The  absent  Cardinals  were  invited  by  *Briefs  of  Oct.  4th,  1485,  to 
return  speedily  for  the  following  Saturday.     Briefs  to  this  effect  were 


254  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Naples  with  the  Pope.  The  result  was,  that  the  Holy  See 
warmly  embraced  the  interests  of  the  Barons,  took  Aquila 
under  its  protection,  and  declared  war  against  the  King.* 
The  Bull  drawn  up  to  justify  this  step  is  dated  October 
14th,  and  was  affixed  to  the  door  of  S.  Peter's  ten  days 
later.f 

The  King  of  Naples  soon  proved  the  insincerity  of  his 
proposals  of  peace  to  Rome,  by  openly  declaring  himself 
the  protector  of  the  Orsini  who  had  a  short  time  before  re- 
jected the  offer  of  the  Pope  to  act  as  mediator. |  Ferrante's 
attempt  to  come  to  terms  with  his  nobles  completely  failed, 
for  nobody  trusted  him ;  the  rebellion  soon  spread  over  the 
whole  kingdom. 

In  order  to  intimidate  the  Pope,  Ferrante  now  had  re- 
course to  the  expedient  generally  adopted  by  those  who 

received  by  the  Cardinals  of  S.  Mark,  Angers,  Lisbon,  and  Naples.  Lib. 
brev.  19,  f.  12.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

*  SiGlSMONDO  de'  Conti,  L,  222.  The  ^Briefs  to  the  episc.  Bal- 
neoregien.,  dat.  1485,  Oct.  i8th.  (Joy  expressed  at  the  return  of  Aquila 
to  the  Church),  dil.  fil.  camerario  et  quinque  artium  civit.  nostre  Aquil, 
dat.  ut  s.  (the  latter  Brief  is  now  printed  in  Bollett.  St.  d.  Soc.  patria. 
negli  Abruzzi,  L,  42),  Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  21  ;  in  the  same  place,  see  a 
*Brief  of  Oct.  26th,'  by  which  the  immediate  despatch  of  troops  to  Aquila 
is  decreed  ;  it  is  addressed  to  Giov.  Franc,  de  Balneo,  Hector  de  Fodivio, 
and  other  Papal  captains.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican, 

t  The  Bull  is  in  SiGiSMONDO  DE'  CONTi,  L,  223-4.  It  is  alluded  to 
in  the  Report  of  Arrivabene,  of  Oct.  25th,  1485  :  Heri  la  Sta  di  N.S. 
fece  attachar  a  le  porte  di  S.  Pietro  la  bolla  piombata  de  la  justificatione 
suoa  circa  questa  impresa  del  Reame.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.) 
Frakn6i,  Mathias  Corvinus,  227,  is  mistaken  when  he  says  the  Bull 
was  first  published  on  the  ist  November,  which  is  also  contradicted  by 
the  Report  in  Cappelli,  45. 

t  With  INFESSURA,  180-83,  (/•  ^Letters  of  Cardinal  A.  Sforza,  dat. 
Rome,  1485,  July  3rd  and  8th  (State  Archives,  Milan),  and  the  "^Des- 
patches of  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1485,  July  7th  and  i8th.  State 
Archives,  Modena. 


INTRIGUES   OF   KING   FERRANTE.  255 

had  any  quarrel  with  Rome  ;  he  renewed  the  question  of 
convoking  a  Council.  For  this  end  he  put  himself  in  com- 
munication with  Mathias  Corvinus,  King  of  Hungary. 
The  Neapolitan  Envoy  was  instructed  to  ask  Mathias  to 
support  his  father-in-law  by  giving  him  material  help,  to  dis- 
suade Venice  from  taking  the  Pope's  side,  and  to  appeal  to 
a  Council  against  the  greed  and  unbearable  arrogance  of 
Rome.*  Mathias  Corvinus  agreed  to  these  proposals, 
January  29th,  i486  ;  he  declared  in  a  solemn  assembly  of 
the  Hungarian  prelates  and  magnates,  and  in  presence  of 
the  Venetian  and  Florentine  Envoys  that  he  would  not  for- 
sake the  father  of  his  wife.  He  threatened  the  Pope  with 
the  withdrawal  of  his  allegiance  and  an  appeal  to  a  Council, 
and  the  Venetians  with  war.  At  the  end  of  March,  800 
Hungarian  cavalry,  and  later  on  200  cavalry  and  700  in- 
fantry started  for  Naples.  At  the  same  time  Mathias  made 
an  alliance  with  the  Turks  in  virtue  of  which  they  were  to 
prevent  the  Venetians  from  assisting  the  Pope.f 

Milan  followed  the  example  of  Hungary  and  declared 
for  the  King  of  Naples.  The  latter  tried  to  gain  Lorenzo 
de*  Medici  also.  In  order  to  hinder  this,  the  Pope  sent  the 
Florentine  Archbishop  Rinaldo  Orsini  to  Lorenzo.  He 
explained  to  the  Duke  that  "  Innocent  VIII.  was  determined 
to  resort  to  arms  ;  that  for  many  months  he  had  warned 
the  King  by  the  late  Cardinal  d'  Aragona  and  through  his 
brother  Don  Francesco ;  but  that  Ferrante  had  become 
more  and  more  overbearing  in  his  conduct,  so  that  at  last 
things  must  take  their  course."  The  mission  of  Orsini  had 
no  effect ;  Lorenzo  declared  for  Ferrante.  J 

The  Pope  now  began  to  look  for  alliances  and  succeeded 

*  Ferdinandi  Primi  Instruct,  ed.  Volpicella  (Napoli,  1861),  n.  5. 
Tallarigo,  Giov.  Pontano,  I.,  181.     S.  Severino-Marche,  1869-71. 
t  Frakn6i,  Mathias  Corvinus,  228. 
X  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  222  se^.,  ed.  2  ;  Christophe,  II.,  318. 


256  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES. 

in  concluding  one  with  Genoa  through  the  mediation  of 
Lazzaro  Doria  in  November,  1485.  He  next  tried  to  win 
the  Venetians,  as  did  also  the  Neapolitan  Barons,  but 
neither  the  Pope  nor  they  could  obtain  anything  from 
that  quarter.  The  utmost  that  Venice  would  concede 
was  permission  to  Roberto  Sanseverino,  whose  services 
Innocent  VIII.  was  extremely  anxious  to  secure,  to  depart 
"  if  he  pleased."* 

The  Pope  was  so  impatient  to  see  Roberto  Sanseverino, 
that  he  ordered  him  to  hasten  to  Rome  without  his  troops, 
in  order  to  arrange  the  plan  of  campaign. f  Roberto 
entered  the  city  on  horseback,  November  loth,  1485,  through 
the  Porta  del  Popolo  and  was  ceremoniously  received.  On 
the  same  day  Innocent  VIII.  sent  word  to  Aquila  of  his 
arrival,  adding  that  after  consultation  with  Roberto,  he 
would  inform  them  of  his  plans.J  During  the  following 
days,  the  Lord  of  Anguillara,  Pierro  Giovanni  de  Savelli, 
Francesco  de  Colonna  and  others  were  called  to  Rome,  to 
take  part  in  the  Council  of  War.§  On  November  30th, 
Roberto  swore  fealty  to  the  Pope  as  Standard-bearer  of  the 
Church.||  It  was  not  a  moment  too  soon,  for  the  enemy 
was  already  at  the  gates  of  Rome. 

Alfonso  of  Calabria  had  invaded  the  Papal  territory  with 

*  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1485,  n.  43  ;  ROMANIN,  IV.,  422  N.  Cf.  in  Ap- 
pendix, N.  3,  the  "^Brief  from  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

t  See  in  Appendix,  N.  4,  the  "^Brief  of  30th  Oct.,  1485  (Secret  Ar- 
chives of  the  Vatican),  and  SiGiSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  I.,  230. 

X  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  158,  and  the  Brief  of  Nov.  10,  1485,  in 
Bollett.,  St.  d.  Soc.  patr.  negli  Abruzzi,  I.,  49. 

§  *Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  46^ :  Dom.  Anguillarie  Pier  Joh.  militi  de  Sabellis, 
Paschali  viceduci  Gravine,  dat.  13th  Nov.  [1485]  ;  Francisco  de  Columna 
notario  nostro,  episc.  Massan.,  dat.  14th  Nov.  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican. 

II  BuRCHARDi  Diarium,  I.,  166  seq.  In  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  Conti,  I., 
239,  read  Decemb.  instead  of  Novemb. 


DISORDERS   IN    ROME.  257 

twelve  battalions,  and  had  joined  Virginio  Orsini  at  Vico- 
varo.  Florence  sent  a  considerable  force,  Milan  only  100 
soldiers.*  The  enemy  took  possession  of  the  Bridge 
of  Nomentana  and  carried  their  raids  to  the  very  gates  of 
Rome.  The  greatest  disorder  prevailed  in  the  city.  Amidst 
the  general  alarm  and  excitement  there  was  one  man  only 
who  kept  his  head  on  his  shoulders,  and  that  was  Cardinal 
Gialiano  della  Rovere.  If  Rome  did  not  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy,  and  if  their  hopes  of  help  from  within  the 
city  itself  were  disappointed,  it  was  to  the  iron  energy  of 
that  prelate  that  the  Pope's  thanks  were  due.  Day  and 
night  he  allowed  himself  no  rest.  In  the  cold  December 
nights,  he  was  to  be  seen  with  Cardinals  Colonna  and  Savelli 
making  the  round  of  the  guards  of  the  gates  and  walls. 
The  Vatican  was  turned  into  a  fort,  the  house  of  the 
Neapolitan  Ambassador  was  pillaged,  the  castle  of  the 
Orsini  on  Monte  Giordano  was  set  on  fire.  Virginio 
Orsini  swore  that  he  would  have  his  revenge  ;  that  the  head 
of  Giuliano  should  be  carried  through  the  town  spiked  on  a 
lance.f 

The  courage  of  the  enemy  rose  from  day  to  day  as  they 
discovered  how  feebly  Rome  was  garrisoned.  Roberto 
Sanseverino  and  Giovanni  della  Rovere  had  as  yet  no 
troops  ;  the  Colonna  with  all  their  men  were  at  Aquila,  so 
that  in  reality  the  city  was  only  defended  by  the  guards  of 
the  palace  and  a  small  force  of  artillery  and  cavalry.J  In 
this  extremity  all  criminals  were  allowed  to  return  ;  this 
was  done  in  order  to  reinforce  the  ranks  of  the  defenders. 

*  SiGlSMONDO  de'  Conti,  L,  238;  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  223, 
ed.  2.  As  late  as  Nov.  ist.  1485,  the  Pope  had  sent  ^Briefs  to  Virginio 
and  Paolo  Orsini  commanding  them  to  desist  from  their  depredations. 
Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  41.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

t   INFESSURA,  189  seq.^  1 92  ;   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CoNTI,  L,  239  scq. 

X  SiGISMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  241. 
VOL.   V.  S 


258  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

It  was  not  surprising  therefore  that  robbery  and  murder 
became  every-day  occurrences.* 

Virginio  Orsini  carried  on  the  war  with  Rome  with  the 
pen  as  well  as  with  the  sword.  He  wrote  pamphlets 
calling  for  the  deposition  of  Cardinal  Giuliano,  whom  he 
accused  of  the  most  horrible  vices,  and  of  Innocent  VIII. 
The  Romans  were  urged  to  rebel  against  the  degrading 
tyranny  of  the  "  Genoese  sailor,"  who  was  not  even  a  true 
Pope.  Orsini  offered  to  assist  in  bringing  about  the  election 
of  a  new  Pontiff  and  new  Cardinals,  and  threatened  to  throw 
Innocent  VIII.  into  the  Tiber.-j- 

Although  the  Romans  did  not  respond  to  this  invitation, 
the  position  of  the  Pope  was  very  critical ;  none  of  the 
roads  leading  to  the  city  were  safe,  travellers  and  even 
envoys  of  foreign  powers  were  mercilessly  plundered. J 
The  distress  in  the  city,  which  in  reality  was  in  a  state  of 
siege,  was  becoming  intolerable,  when  at  last  the  troops  of 
Roberto  Sanseverino  arrived,  December  28th,  1485.  He  at 
once  presented  his  soldiers  to  the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals, 
and  then  marched  against  the  enemy. § 

The  situation  now  began  to  change  for  the  better.  In 
December  of  the  same  year  the  bridge  of  Nomentana  was 
taken  by  storm,  and  in  January  i486  Mentana  was  wrested 
from  the  Orsini.  After  this.  Cardinal  Orsini  surrendered 
Monte  Rotondo  and  repaired  to  Rome  to  seek  recon- 
ciliation   with    the    Pope.li      The    desertion    of    Cardinal 

*  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1097  ;  INFESSURA,  190. 

t    iNFESSURA,  192-3  ;   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  I.,  24 1-2. 

J   SiGISMONDO  DE'   CONTI,  I.,   24I.      Cf.    INFESSURA,    196,   and    Not. 

di  Nantiporto,  1099,  on  the  spoliation  of  the  Envoy  of  Maximilian  of 
Austria  by  mercenaries  of  Roberto  Sanseverino  in  i486. 

§  Cf.  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  171  seg'.,  and  ■'^Letter  of  Cardinal  A. 
Sforza,  dat.  Rome,  1485,  Dec.  27th.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

II  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1099  ;  INFESSURA,  193  ;  Leostello,  gy  segf.,  104 
-9^^.;  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTi,  I.,  243  seg'.;  Cappelli,  49-50.     On  the 


RUMOUR   OF   THE   POPE'S   DEATH.  259 

Orsini  filled  Duke  Alfonso  with  dismay.  He  left  his  army 
and  fled  to  Pitigliano.  Paolo  Orsini  took  the  command  of 
the  troops  thus  abandoned  by  their  leader  and  led  them 
to  Vicovaro*  Innocent  VI 1 1.,  who  had  been  in  a  pre- 
carious state  of  health  for  several  months  of  the  preceding 
year,  fell  ill  at  this  moment.  On  January  21,  a  rumour  was 
started  that  the  Pope  was  dead,  and  that  Virginio  Orsini 
had  entered  the  city — which  spread  like  wild-fire.  An  inde- 
scribable panic  seized  the  inhabitants  of  Rome,  for  a  general 
pillage  was  apprehended.  The  excitement  lasted  the  whole 
day,  and  did  not  abate  even  when  the  Pope  shewed  himself 
in  person  at  the  window.  In  consequence  of  this  false 
report  Mentana  rebelled,  and  Innocent  VIII.  ordered  this 
fortress  to  be  demolished.f 

After  the  miserable  fashion  in  which  these  wars  were 
conducted  in  Italy  at  that  period,  the  struggle  dragged  on 
through  the  following  months  without  any  definite  result. 
The  Papal  States  suffered  severely,  and  there  seemed  no 
prospect  of  any  end  to  the  devastations. 

As  early  as  Jan.  30th,  i486.  Innocent  VIII.  had  des- 
patched an  Envoy  to  the  Emperor  to  explain  his  position, 
and  ask  for  help.J     But  more  efficacious  assistance  might 

engagement  at  the  bridge  of  Nomentana,  see  also  the  ■^Letter  of  Cardinal 
A.  Sforza,  dat.  Rome,  1485,  Dec.  28.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  224,  ed.  2. 

t  INFESSURA,  196-8  ;  Not,  di  Nantiporto,  1099 ;  SiGlSMONDO  DE' 
CONTi,  I.,  240;  Cappelli,  50;  Borgia,  Benevento,  III.,  423  seq. 
See  ■'^Letter  of  Arrivabene,  dat.  Rome,  i486,  Jan.  24th,  Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua,  and  ^Anonymous  Letter  from  Rome  of  Jan.  21, 
i486,  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan. 

J  See*Brief  of  Jan.  30th,  i486.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.)  Cf. 
•^Brief  to  Basle  of  the  same  day.  (City  Archives,  Basle.)  On  the  attitude 
of  Innocent  VIII.,  with  regard  to  the  election  of  Maximilian  I.,  in  Feb. 
i486,  see  Ulmann,  in  the  Forschungen,  XXII.,  156.  "^Lib.  brev.  19, 
f.  237,  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  confirms  Ulmann's  conjecture 


26o  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

be  expected  from  the  Spanish  royal  couple  than  from 
Frederick  III.  This  rising  power  from  henceforth  -began 
to  take  a  more  and  more  active  part  in  the  affairs  of 
Italy.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  tried  to  negotiate  peace,  for 
which  service  the  Pope  expressed  his  thanks,  February  loth, 
i486.  Eight  days  later,  Innocent  VIII.  replied  to  the  Duke 
of  Brittany  who  had  exhorted  him  to  make  peace,  by  a 
detailed  enumeration  of  all  Ferrante's  misdeeds,  stating  in 
addition  that  the  tyranny  of  the  King  had  driven  the 
nobles  to  such  desperation  that  they  were  prepared  to  call 
in  the  Turks  if  the  Pope  had  refused  to  assist  them.* 

As  no  assistance  could  be  hoped  for  from  Venice,  the 
Pope,  or  rather  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  and  Cardinal 
de  La  Balue,-]-  who,  from  the  February  of  1485,  had  been 
acting  as  Envoy  of  Charles  VIII.,  and  protector  of  French 
interests  in  Rome,  had  begun  to  turn  their  eyes  towards 
Rene,  Duke  of  Lorraine.  This  Prince  had  inherited  from 
his  grandfather,  claims  on  Naples  and  Sicily,  which  Inno- 
cent VIII.  now  supported.  The  members  of  the  Sacred 
College,  however,  were  by  no  means  unanimous  on  this 
point.  On  March  5th,  i486,  the  discussions  in  Consistory 
grew  so  warm,  and  La  Balue  and  Ascanio  Sforza  came  to 
such  angry  words,  that  the  Pope  had  to  silence  them  both.j 

In  spite  of  this  opposition  La  Balue  and  Giuliano  managed 
to  persuade  Innocent  to  adhere  to  his  former  policy,  and 
to  apply  to  the  French  for  help  ;§  on  March  23rd,  Giuliano 

expressed  in  his  note  i,  with  regard  to  the  date  of  the  Papal  letter, 
that  both  letters  (the  one  to  the  Emperor  Frederick  and  the  other  to 
Maximilian  I.)  are  dated  March  9th,  i486. 

*  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  i486,  n.  2,  3. 

t  Cf.  the  excellent  monograph  by  FORGEOT,  J.  de  La  Balue,  125  seq. 

X  Cf.  Letters  of  A.  Sforza,  in  Arch.  St.  ItaL,  IV.,  2,  66  seq.^  and  in 
Arch.  St,  NapoL,  XL,  759  seq..,  and  the  **Report  of  Arrivabene,  dat. 
Rome,  i486,  March  6th5  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

§  On  March  loth,  i486,  the  Pope  wrote  to  the  French  King  to  ac- 


DEFEAT  OF  PAPAL  TROOPS.  26 1 

embarked  at  Ostia  for  Genoa,  where  he  arrived  at  the 
beginning  of  April.  To  all  appearances  his  mission  was 
to  proceed  from  thence  to  the  Court  of  Charles  VIII.  of 
France,  in  order  to  induce  the  King  to  send  assistance. 
However,  the  Cardinal  remained  at  Genoa,  where  he 
occupied  himself  in  negotiations  with  Rene's  Envoy 
and  in  superintending  the  equipment  of  a  fleet  by  the 
Genoese.* 

On  May  9th,  Innocent  VIII.  addressed  a  letter  of 
encouragement  to  the  Neapolitan  nobles,  and  assured  them 
that  he  would  do  his  utmost  to  continue  the  struggle.^ 
About  the  same  time  Alfonso  of  Calabria  defeated  Roberto 
Sanseverino  at  Montorio.|  The  enemy  again  marched 
upon  Rome.  Not  only  the  city,  but  nearly  the  whole  of 
the  Papal  States  were  in  the  greatest  danger.  For  months 
the  Florentines  had  been  secretly  inciting  Perugia,  Citta 
di  Castello,  Viterbo,  Assisi,  Foligno,  Montefalco,  Spoleto, 

knowledge  the  receipt  of  his  letter  on  the  situation  in  Naples  ;  the  Brief 
concludes  by  praising  the  King.  Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  240 ;  ibid.  "^Brief  of 
commendation  of  the  same  day  to  duci  Borbonii ;  and  f.  2  50,  *Brief  to 
the  French  King,  of  March  15th,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  his  good 
dispositions  the  Pope  sent  him  some  blessed  candles.  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican. 

*  See  Brosch,  Julius  IL,  36  seq.^  where,  however,  the  departure  of 
Giuliano  is  wrongly  stated  to  have  taken  place  at  the  "  end  of  March." 
The  date  given  above  in  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  L,  182,  and  in  Cappelli, 
53  (Brosch  was  acquainted  with  both  sources,  but  preferred  to  cull 
from  them  the  unauthenticated  rumours  rather  than  the  facts  which  they 
contain),  is  confimied  by  the  Report  in  cypher  of  Arrivabene,  dat.  Rome, 
i486,  March  23rd.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  Concerning  this  matter, 
cf.  also  BuSER,  Beziehungen,  246  seq.^  and  in  the  Appendix,  N.  5,  the 
*Brief  to  Giuliano  of  May  i  ith,  i486.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

t  *Principibus  et  baronibus  regni  Neapolit.  Nobis  et  S.  R.  S.  adherent, 
Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  361.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  PORZIO,  Congiura  de'  Baroni,  lib.  II.,  c.  33  seq.\  Rosmini,  Trivulzio, 
II.,  143  seq.y  CiPOLA,  637  ;  Bollett.  d.  Soc.  negli  Abruzzi,  I.,  177. 


262  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Todi  and  Orvieto,  to  rebellion,  and  although  these  intrigues 
were  not  crowned  with  success,  they  had  the  effect  of 
obliging  the  Pope  to  divide  his  forces.*  In  April  i486,  the 
condottiere  Boccolino  Guzzoni  seized  the  town  of  Osimo  ;  f 
at  the  same  time  the  news  reached  Rome,  that  Mathias 
Corvinus  was  sending  an  army  to  invest  the  important  city 
of  Ancona,J  and  that  Turkish  ships  had  been  sighted  on 
the  coasts  of  the  Adriatic.  An  exhausted  treasury  added 
to  the  difficulty  of  the  situation ;  this  is  mentioned  in 
several  of  the  Papal  Briefs. § 

When  Innocent  VI 1 1,  saw  how  things  were  going, 
he  began  to  repent  of  having  taken  part  in  the  Nea- 
politan war  trusting  to  the  assistance  of  the  faithless 
Venetians.il  Cardinal  Giuliano,  who  might  be  called  the 
soul  of  the  resistance  to  Ferrante,  had  hitherto  always 
succeeded  in  overcoming  the  misgivings  of  the  Pope,  but 
he  was  now  far  from  Rome.  On  the  last  day  of  May,  the 
Envoys  of  the  French  King  and  of  Duke  Rene  arrived  in 

*  SiSMONDi,  XL,  289-90.  The  greater  number  of  the  cities  remained 
faithful  to  the  Pope.  Cf.  the  *  Briefs  of  commendation  to  Viterbo  of 
Feb.  loth,  and  to  Perugia  of  Feb.  28th,  and  of  March  5th,  i486.  Lib. 
brev.  19,  f.  178,  2 1 5,"  228  b.  We  see  how  the  Pope  was  obliged  to  divide 
his  forces,  from  the  "^  Briefs  to  Perugia,  dat.  Rome,  i486,  Feb.  5th,  20th, 
and  April  12th.     Cod.  C.  IV.,  i.  of  the  University  Library,  Genoa. 

t  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  Conti,  L,  2/2  seq.  ;  Ugolini,  II.,  49  seq.  ; 
Cecconi,  Carte  dipl.  Osimane,  71-2,  and  Boccolino  Guzzoni,  ^o  seq. 

X  *  Gubernatori  Marchie.  Ex  quodam  magnae  fidei  viro  e  partibus 
Segnie  nuper  accepimus  regem  Hungariae  aliquas  copias  suas  navibus 
versus  Anconam  transmittere  decrevisse  non  tam  uti  regi  Neapolit. 
auxilium  ferat  quam  ut  terris  nostris  damnum  aliquod  inferat.  Then 
follows  an  injunction  to  oppose  him  and  not  to  allow  Ancona  to  fall 
away.  Dat.  Rome,  23rd  April,  i486.  Lib.  brev.  19,  f  .3 1 7.  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican. 

§  For  proofs  of  this,  see  infra  Chap.  VI. 

II    CaPPELLI,  52  ;   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  I.,  258. 


THE    POPE    MAKES   PEACE   WITH    FERRANTE.         263 

Rome  *  and  entered  into  negotiations  with  Innocent  about 
the  affairs  of  Naples  ;  but  the  Ambassador  of  Ferdinand  of 
Spain,  who  was  naturally  anxious  to  prevent  the  French 
from  establishing  themselves  in  Italy,  did  his  utmost  to 
frustrate  their  efforts  and  to  persuade  the  Pope  to  come  to 
terms  with  Ferrante.  The  Spanish  Envoys  were  supported 
by  the  Cardinals  Borgia  and  Savelli ;  La  Balue  and  Borgia 
had  a  violent  altercation  on  the  subject  in  the  Consistory.-|* 
In  Aquila  a  rebellion  against  the  government  of  the  Church 
broke  out,  whilst  the  army  of  Duke  Alfonso  ma:de  alarming 
progress.  His  victorious  troops  steadily  gained  ground  ; 
their  skirmishers  were  almost  at  the  gates  of  Rome.  Dis- 
affection was  spreading  so  rapidly  amongst  the  Pope's  own 
people,  that  it  seemed  absolutely  necessary  to  bring  the 
war  to  a  close.  Treachery  was  the  order  of  the  day  ;  only 
a  small  number  of  the  Castellans  could  be  trusted.]:  A  far 
less  irresolute  man  than  Innocent  VIII.  might  have  made 
peace  under  such  circumstances.  Messages  were  sent  to 
Cardinal  Giuliano  and  to  Duke  Rend  to  the  effect  that,  as 
they  had  delayed  so  long,  it  would  be  better  now  to  post- 
pone their  arrival  to  a  still  later  period,  and  that  the  ruin 
of  Rome  and  of  the  Papal  States  could  only  be  averted  by  a 
Treaty  of  Peace.  § 

Cardinal  Micheli  was  entrusted  with  the  negotiation  of 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  204.  On  their  journey,  cf.  ■^Lib.  brev.  19, 
f.  386-7.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

t  INFESSURA,  202  ;  SiSMONDl,  XL,  292  ;  FORGEOT,  J.  de  La  Balue, 
1 3 1-2.     Concerning  Aciuila,  see  Cappelli,  55. 

X  Infessura,  206,  209,  210-14  ;  Leostello,  no  seq. 

§  SiGiSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  L,  260.  He  States,  p.  259,  that  the  Peace 
was  concluded  in  August  i486,  in  order  to  prevent  the  French  from 
reaping  the  fruits  of  the  war  and  thus  rousing  the  jealousy  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  possibly  causing  them  to  side  with  Ferrante.  Giuliano 
returned  to  Rome,  Sept.  12th,  but  found  the  Pope  so  little  inclined  for  a 
new  war  with  Naples,  that  he  retired  to  Ostia.     Cappelli,  59. 


264  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

the  conditions  of  peace.  The  agreement  was  concluded 
without  difficulty,  as  Ferrante  made  great  concessions  out 
of  fear  of  the  French  ;  the  captain  of  his  forces,  Gian 
Giacomo  Trivulzio  and  the  Humanist  Pontano,  repaired 
secretly  to  the  Vatican,  where,  in  the  night  of  9th-ioth 
August,  i486,  the  preliminaries  were  signed.*  The  princi- 
pal clauses  of  the  treaty,  which  was  guaranteed  by  their 
Spanish  Majesties,  Milan,  and  Florence,  were  the  following  : 
— Ferrante  recognised  the  Papal  supremacy,  and  engaged 
to  pay  the  customary  tribute  with  arrears  ;  the  revolted 
nobles  were  to  submit  to  the  King,  who  promised  a  com- 
plete amnesty;  Aquila  was  to  take  its  choice  between 
Rome  and  Naples;  Virginio  Orsini  was  to  ask  the  Pope's 
pardon  ;  and  Innocent  VIII.  was  to  have  the  free  disposal 
of  all  bishoprics  and  benefices.-|* 

Looking  at  the  conditions  that  Ferrante  accepted,  no  one 
would  have  guessed  that  his  was  the  victorious  side.  In 
this  he  can  hardly  have  been  actuated  by  the  fear  of  France 
alone.  The  clue  to  his  apparent  amiability .  must  rather 
be  sought  in  his  subsequent  conduct,  for  his  facility  in 
making  concessions  on  paper  was  more  than  counter- 
balanced by  the  skill  with  which  he  evaded  the  fulfilment  of 
his  engagements.  The  whole  compact  was  as  quickly 
broken  as  it  had  been  concluded.      There  can  hardly  be 

*  Cf.  the  Letter  of  Trivulzio  in  ROSMINI,  II.,  149-50. 

t  INFESSURA,  214  seq.\  Sanudo,  Vite,  1238  seq.\  PORZIO,  148; 
CiPOLLA,  638-9  ;  in  the  same  place,  details  of  the  fate  of  R.  Sanseverino 
whose  fidelity  (according  to  Sigismondo  de'  Conti)  the  Pope  had  been 
led  to  suspect.  Cf.  also  in  Appendix,  N.  6  the  "^Despatch  of  Arri- 
vabene  of  Aug.  nth,  i486.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  *The  same 
Envoy  announces  in  accordance  with  Burchardi  Diarium,  I.,  208,  on 
Sept.  1 2th,  the  publication  of  the  Treaty  which  had  not  taken  place  till 
then.  Cf.  NOTAR  GlACOMO,  160.  An  account  of  the  festivities  in 
honour  of  the  Peace  is  to  be  found  in  Ghirardacci,  Istoria  di  Bologna 
ad  an.  i486.     Cod.  768  of  the  University  Library  at  Bologna. 


FERRANTE  AND  THE  BARONS.         265 

found  in  all  the  annals  of  history  a  more  scandalous 
violation  of  a  treaty.  Before  the  end  of  September 
Ferrante  had  expelled  the  Papal  troops  from  Aquila, 
murdered  the  Pope's  representative,  and  taken  possession  of 
the  city.  Then  came  his  revenge  on  the  nobles.  Not  only 
the  Barons  themselves,  but  their  wives  and  children  also 
were  thrown  into  prison,  and  all  their  property  was  confis- 
cated, including  even  monies  invested  in  foreign  countries. 
When  the  Barons  had  been  thus  disposed  of,  the  turn  of  the 
Pope  came  next.  The  payment  of  the  tribute  was  refused, 
and  benefices  given  away  as  before  without  any  reference 
to  the  Holy  See.  "  The  hand  of  the  King  is  heavier  on  the 
Church  than  ever."* 

Not  content  with  all  this,  Ferrante  set  himself  to  harass 
the  helpless  Pope  by  stirring  up  disturbances  in  the  Papal 
States.-]-  To  this  systematic  policy  of  violence  Innocent 
VIII.  had  nothing  to  oppose  but  the  most  abject  irresolu- 
tion and  vacillation.  By  his  feeble  policy  of  groping  about 
for  alliances  first  in  one  direction  and  then  in  another,  he 
had  lost  the  confidence  of  all  parties.  In  i486,  the  Pope 
had  entered  into  fresh  negotiations  with  Venice,  which  re- 
sulted in  a  new  Veneto-Roman  league  proclaimed  at  the 
end  of  February  1487  ;  but  before  another  month  had 
elapsed  he  had  swung  round  again  and  sided  with  Flor- 
ence.J  A  project  of  a  marriage  between  Lorenzo's  second 
daughter  Maddalena  and  Franceschetto  Cib6  was  broached  ; 
but  on  account  of  the  youth  of  the  bride  its  celebration  had 

*  SiGISMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  26 1  ;  II.,  30  ;  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II., 
228  j^^.,  ed.  2,  and  Rom,  III.,  i,  192  ;  GOTHEIN,  Siiditalien,  527  seq. 

+  Lebret,  VI.,  349  seq. 

X  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  39.  On  the  league  with  Venice  which  had 
greatly  startled  Lorenzo,  see  Cappelli,  63  ;  SiGISMONDO  de'  Conti, 
I.,  281,  423  seq.\  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  237  seq.\  and  BUSER, 
Lorenzo,  82. 


266  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES. 

to  be  postponed  for  a  while.  "  In  the  meantime  several 
events  occurred  of  which  Lorenzo  might  have  taken  advan- 
tage had  not  other  circumstances  tended  to  strengthen  his 
desire  of  obtaining  a  footing  in  Rome,  and  his  hopes  of 
domineering  over  the  feeble  Pope."* 

In  1487  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  had  already  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  laying  the  Pope  under  an  obligation.  In  Osimo, 
the  condottiere  Boccolino  Guzzoni  had  rebelled  again  and 
entered  into  communication  with  the  Sultan  Bajazet.  It 
is  a  fact  proved  by  letters  which  have  been  discovered,  that 
this  daring  rebel  was  prepared  to  hand  over  the  Marches 
to  the  Turks.-}-  As  the  Sultan  did  not  seem  unwilling 
to  accept  the  proposal,  everything  depended  on  prompt 
action.  Innocent  VIII.  lost  no  time.  In  March  1487,  Giuli- 
ano  della  Rovere  was  sent  against  Boccolino,J  but  was  so 
crippled  by  want  of  funds  that  he  found  himself  unable  to 
achieve  anything  ;  and  the  Pope  appealed  to  Milan  for  help. 
The  Milanese  in  May  sent  Gian  Jacopo  Trivulzio,  one  of 
the  ablest  generals  of  the  period,  but  he  too  was  unable 
to  take  Osimo.  In  July,  Giuliano  asked  to  be  recalled,  and 
was  superseded  by  Cardinal  de  La  Balue.  By  the  time  the 
latter  arrived  before  Osimo,  Trivulzio  had  reduced  the  city 
to  such  extremity  that  it  was  on  the  point  of  surrendering. 

By  skilful  management,  the  Florentine  Ambassador  suc- 
ceeded in  inducing  Boccolino,  "  on  the  payment  of  8000 
ducats,  to  give  up  the  city  and  to  repair  to  Florence."§     The 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  240-42,  ed.  2.  Cf.  Pandolfini's  "^Report 
on  March  21,  1487.     State  Archives,  Florence. 

t  SiGISMONDO  de'  CONTI,  I.,  273  Seq.  3IO  ;  SUGENHEIM,  361  ; 
Brosch,  Julius  II.,  41,  309-10;  ROSMINI,  II.,  158  seq.\  UOOLINI, 
II.,  54  seq. ;  CiPOLLA,  641  seq.  See  also  MORUS,  Bibl.  Picena,  V.,  197, 
and  Cecconi's  monograph,  Boccolino  Guzzoni,  74  seq. 

X  Cf.  the  -^Reports  of  Pandolfini  of  2nd,  loth,  and  nth  March,  1487. 
State  Archives,  Florence. 

§  Reumont,    Lorenzo,   II.,   238,  ed.   2  ;  and   Cecconi,   Boccolino 


FERRANTE  REPUDIATES  THE  TREATY.      267 

friendly  relations  of  the  Pope  with  the  Medici  were 
advantageous  to  the  Orsini,  for  Lorenzo's  wife  was  a 
sister  of  Virginio  Orsini.  To  no  one  was  this  change 
more  distasteful  than  to  Cardinal  Giuliano.  On  July 
19th,  1487,  he  had  returned  from  Osimo  in  very  ill- 
humour,  and  when  in  August  the  Pope  formally  received 
the  Orsini  back  into  favour  he  left  Rome  and  retired  to 
Bologna ;  however,  he  soon  made  it  up  again  with 
Innocent* 

Whilst  the  war  at  Osimo  was  dragging  on  without  any 
decided  result,  Ferrante  took  advantage  of  the  Pope's 
embarrassment  to  bring  his  dispute  with  the  Holy  See  to  a 
climax.  In  May  1487,  Trojano  de'  Bottuni  was  sent  to 
Rome,  Florence  and  Milan,  as  Extraordinary  Ambassador, 
with  instructions  coolly  to  repudiate  all  the  stipulations 
contained  in  the  treaty  of  August  nth,  1486.!  "Towards 
the  end  of  July  1487,  Innocent  VIII.  held  a  Consistory  to 
deliberate  on  Neapolitan  affairs.  The  whole  college  of 
Cardinals  agreed  with  him,  that  it  was  incompatible  with 
the  honour  of  the  Holy  See  to  remain  passive  any  longer. 
It  was  resolved  that  letters  should  be  sent  to  Spain,  Milan 
and  Florence,  the  co-signatories  of  the  treaty,  to  inform  them 
of  its  violation.  A  Nuncio  was  to  be  sent  to  Naples  to 
remonstrate,  and  in  case  of  any  fresh  breach  of  faith  with 

Guzzoni,  83  j<?^.,  91  j^^.,  100  seg. ;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  156,  164 
seg.  ;  FORGEOT,  142.  In  a  *  Brief  of  i6th  Aug.,  1487,  Innocent  VIII. 
thanked  the  Duke  of  Milan  for  having  sent  Trivulzio  to  take  Osimo. 
(Original  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan.)  Innocent  VIII.  likewise  thanked 
the  Perugians  in  a  "^  Brief  of  Sept.  ist,  1487,  for  subsidies  sent.  C.  IV.  i 
of  the  University  Library,  Genoa. 

*  INFESSURA,  227  ;  Not.  di  Nantiporto,  1105  ;  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  42. 
According  to  a  "^Despatch  of  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1487,  July  19th, 
Giuliano  returned  on  that  day. 

+  Ferdinandi  Instruct.,  L.,  217  seg.  ;  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  242 
seg.,  ed.  2. 


26S  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

the  Barons  to  assist  them  in  obtaining  redress  through  the 
ordinary  means."  These  resolutions  were  embodied  in  the 
instruction  dated  24th  July,  1487,  to  the  Nuncio  Pietro 
Vicentino,  Bishop  of  Cesena.*  The  way  in  which  the 
Nuncio  was  treated  at  Naples,  is  characteristic  of  Ferrante. 
He  was  denied  an  audience,  whereupon  he  stopped  the  King 
at  the  gate  of  the  palace  when  he  was  going  out  hunting, 
and  forced  him  to  listen  to  the  demands  of  the  Pope. 
Ferrante's  reply  was  a  flat  refusal  expressed  in  the  most 
scornful  terms.  He  had  not  forgotten  the  tribute,  but  he 
had  spent  so  much  on  the  Church  that  he  had  no  money 
left.  With  regard  to  his  interference  in  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  Ferrante  remarked  that  he  knew  his  subjects, 
whereas  the  Pope  did  not;  he  would  therefore  continue  to 
confer  benefices  on  those  whom  he  considered  worthy, 
and  Innocent  VHI.  must  content  himself  with  the  right 
of  confirming  his  nomination.  When,  finally,  Vicentino 
reproached  him  with  violating  the  treaty  by  imprisoning 
the  Barons,  the  King  reminded  him  of  the  arrest  and 
subsequent  release  of  the  Cardinals  Colonna  and  Savelli  by 
Sixtus  IV.,  and  added:  I  choose  to  deal  in  the  same 
way  with  my  traitorous  subjects.  Then  he  ordered  the 
bugles  to  sound,  and  rode  off  without  even  saluting  the 
Nuncio.-j- 

In  face  of  Ferrante's  insolence.  Innocent  VIII.  seems  to 
have  completely  lost  his  head.  "  Gian  Jacopo  Trivulzio," 
the  Envoy  from  Ferrara  writes  6th  September  1487, "  speaks 
of  the  pusillanimity,  the  helplessness,  and  incapacity  of  the 
Pope  in  the  strongest  terms,  and  adds  that,  if  some  spirit 

*  Reumont,  loc.  cit.  The  text  of  the  instruction  is  in  Raynaldus, 
ad  an.  1487,  n.  jo.  On  the  Consistory,  see  Cappelli,  67,  and  a  "^Letter 
of  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1487,  July  19th.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

t  Cf.  the  Modenese  despatch  in  Balan,  242,  note  3,  with  INFESSURA, 
l'2.c)-'>p.     See  also  Nunziante,  Lettere  di  Pontano,  3. 


MARRIAGE   OF   FRANCESCHETTO   CIb6.  269 

and  courage  cannot  be  infused  into  him,  the  consequences 
will  be  very  serious."* 

Emboldened  by  the  Pope's  weakness,  Ferrante's  next 
step  was  to  publish  a  solemn  appeal  to  a  Council.-|-  A  few 
days  after  the  news  of  this  had  reached  Florence,  the  Papal 
secretary  Jacopo  Gherardi  arrived  there,  with  secret 
instructions  to  endeavour  to  bring  about  a  league  between 
Milan  and  Venice  against  Naples  ;  as,  however,  Lorenzo 
was  determined  not  to  fight,  and  dissuaded  the  Pope  from 
pronouncing  ecclesiastical  censures,  this  came  to  nothing.^ 
In  Rome  a  rumour  began  to  be  bruited  about  in  October, 
that  Innocent  was  preparing  a  decree  of  excommunication, 
interdict,  and  deposition  against  Ferrante,  but  as  negotia- 
tions with  Milan  and  Florence^  continued  to  be  kept  up,  it 
was  inferred  that  these  extreme  steps  might  possibly  be 
avoided  and  an  accommodation  arranged. §  Lorenzo  had 
considerable  influence  with  the  Pope  at  that  time,  for  the 
marriage  of  Franceschetto  Cibo  was  just  about  to  take  place. 

On  November  13th,  the  bride  entered  Rome,  accom- 
panied by  her  mother.  On  the  i8th,  the  Pope  gave  a 
banquet  in  honour  of  the  bridal  pair,  and  made  them  a 
present  of  jewels  worth  10,000  ducats.||  At  the  beginning 
of  his  Pontificate,  Innocent  had  refused  to  allow  Frances- 
chetto to  reside   in   Rome;1[    now  with  almost  incredible 

*  Cappelli,  68  ;  ReumoNT,  Lorenzo,  IL,  247,  ed.  2. 

t  Cf.  the  Reports  in  BUSER,  Lorenzo,  85  seq.  ;  and  in  Cappelli,  68, 
also  Baluze,  L,  518  seq. 

X  Tabarrini  in  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  3  Serie,  VIL,  2,  3  seq.\  X.,  2,  3 
seq.  ;  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  IL,  248  seq..,  ed.  2  ;  and  BuSER,  Lorenzo,  86 
seq. 

%  "^Letter  of  B.  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1487,  Oct.  25th.  State  Archives, 
Modena. 

II  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  L,  275  ;  CAPPELLI,  69  ;  Staffetti,  4. 

U  We  have  this  from  a  very  authentic  source,  viz.  a  "''"Letter  from 
Cardinal  A.  Sforza,  dat.   Rome,   1484,  Oct.   I2lh.     "*  Sono  circa    tre  di 


2JO  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

weakness  he  celebrated  the  nuptials  in  his  own  palace. 
The  marriage  contract  was  signed  on  January  20th,  1488.* 
Lorenzo  was  vexed  at  finding  that  Innocent  VIII.  shewed 
no  disposition  to  make  an  extensive  provision  for  the  newly 
married  couple,  but  his  annoyance  was  still  greater  at  his 
delay  in  the  bestowal  of  the  Cardinal's  Hat  which  had  been 
promised  to  his  second  son  Giovanni.f 

The  marriage  of  Maddalena  with  Franceschetto,  who 
was  by  many  years  her  senior,  was  not  a  happy  one ; 
though  utterly  rude  and  uncultured,  Cib6  was  deeply 
tainted  with  the  corruption  of  his  time  ;  he  cared  for 
nothing  but  money,  in  order  to  squander  it  in  gambling 
and  debauchery;  but  quite  apart  from  this  the  alliance 
between  the  Cibo  and  Medici  families  was  a  most  question- 
able proceeding.  "  This  was  the  first  time  that  the  son  of 
a  Pope  had  been  publicly  recognised,  and,  as  it  were,  intro- 
duced on  the  political  stage."  J  Aegidius  of  Viterbo  justly 
passed  a  very  severe  judgment  on  Innocent  VIII.  on  account 
of  this  deplorable  aberration.  § 

chel  figliolo  de  N.  S.  e  venuto  qui  con  poca  dimonstratione  de  S,  S^^  et 
sta  molto  privatamente  et  per  quanto  intendo  vole  parta  da  qui  et  vada 
stare  a  Napoli  o  altrove  ne  li  lochi  de  la  chiesa.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

*  Gregorovius"  Archive  of  the  Notaries  of  the  Capitol,  503. 

t  Cf.  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  359  seq.^  ed.  2;  who  remarks:  "The 
complaints  in  the  letters  addressed  by  the  bride's  relations  to  her  father- 
in-law  are  more  creditable  to  Innocent  VIII.  than  to  those  who  wrote 
them." 

X  Reumont,  Lorenzo^  II.,  240  seq.,  ed.  2;  Staffetti,  5,  8  seq. 

§  In  the  November  of  the  following  year  Innocent  VIII.  celebrated 
also  in  the  Vatican  the  marriage  of  his  grand- daughter  Peretta  (daughter 
of  Teodorina)  with  the  Genoese  merchant  Gherardo  Usodimare  :  the 
Pope  himself  sat  at  table  at  the  banquet.  See  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I., 
320-22,  he  remarks  :  Res  hec  secreta  non  fuit,  sed  per  totam  urbem 
divulgata  et  prescita.  Ego  non  interfui,  sed  fratre  prefati  Guillielmi 
camerarii  secreti,  qui  interfuit,  hec  mihi  referente,  notavi,  licet  contra 
normam    ceremoniarum   nostrarum   acta   sint,  que   expresse   prohibent 


CHAPTER  III. 

Troubles   in   the  Romagna. — Disputes   and   Final   Recon- 
ciliation BETWEEN  Rome  and  Naples. 

Thp:  Spring  of  the  year  1488  witnessed  the  outbreak  of 
serious  disturbances  in  the  Romagna.  On  the  14th  April 
Girolamo  Riario,  who  was  hated  for  his  brutal  tyranny  and 
cruelty,  was  treacherously  murdered  by  three  conspirators. 
The  downfall  of  the  Riario  family  now  seemed  inevitable ; 
but  Caterina,  the  courageous  consort  of  the  assassinated 
noble,  held  the  citadel  of  Forli  till  it  was  relieved  by  the 
Milanese  troops,  and  thus  preserved  the  government  for 
her  young  son  Ottaviano.* 

mulieres  esse  in  convivio  cum  pontifice.  The  verdict  of  Aegidius  of 
Viterbo  in  his  *Hist.,  XX.  saecul.  (not  complete  in  Gregorovius,  VII., 
271,  ed.  3),  runs  thus  :  Primus  pontificum  filios  filiasque  palam  ostenta- 
vit,  primus  eorum  apertas  fecit  nupteas,  primus  domesticos  hymeneos 
^elebravit.  Utinam  ut  exemplo  prius  caruit,  ita  postea  imitatore  caruisset 
(f  315).  On  satires  upon  the  nephews  of  Innocent  VIII.,  see  Luzio  in 
Giorn.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  XIX.,  89,  and  also  Cod.  9846  of  the  Court  Library, 
Vienna. 

*  CiPOLLA,  647  ;  Fasolini,  I.,  199  seg^.,  207  seg.  Little  is  known  of 
the  relations  between  Girolamo  Riario  and  Innocent  VI 1 1.,  who,  soon 
after  his  election,  had  invested  him  with  Imola  and  Forli.  In  regard  to 
this  matter  a  *  Letter  of  Cardinal  A.  Sforza,  written  partly  in  cypher, 
dated  Rome,  1485,  Sept.  17th,  which  runs  thus,  is  of  great  interest  (the 
passages  in  cypher  are  as  follows),  *  Da  bon  loco  sono  avisato  che  el  C. 
Hieronymo  ha  facto  ofifierire  al  papa  squadre  dece  de  gente  d'arme  per  la 
impresa  del  Reame  et  lo  Papa  le  ha  acccptate.  (State  Archives,  Milan.) 
I  do  not  know  of  any  confirmation  of  this  statement. 


2/2  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

The  conspirators  had  immediately  applied  to  Lorenzo  de* 
Medici  and  Innocent  VIII.  for  help.  The  suspicion  expressed 
by  Checho  Orsi,  the  real  instigator  of  the  conspiracy,  that 
the  Pope  was  implicated  in  the  plot,  is  without  foundation. 
Apart  from  the  untrustworthiness  of  the  testimony  of  such 
a  man,  Checho  refuted  himself  by  asking  Lorenzo  to  act  as 
mediator  with  the  Pope,  and  to  induce  him  to  favour  the 
enterprise.* 

Part  of  the  population  of  Forli  eagerly  desired  to  be 
uuder  the  immediate  rule  of  the  Church,  and  despatched 
envoys  to  Rome  with  a  petition  to  the  Pope  to  take  the 
town  under  his  protection.  Innocent  VIII.  in  consequence 
sent  troops  under  the  command  of  the  protonotary  Bernar- 
dino Savelli,  from  Cesena  to  Forli ;  they  were,  however, 
captured  by  the  Milanese.  Upon  this  the  Pope  gave  up 
all  further  interference,  although  he  had  a  perfect  right  to 
support  the  party  which  had  formally  offered  the  town  to 
him.  Although  Girolamo  had  been  most  unfriendly  to 
him  during  the  reign  of  Sixtus  IV.,  Innocent  recommended 
his  infant  children  to  the  people  of  Forli,  and  gave  instruc- 
tions in  the  same  sense  to  his  Envoy,  Cardinal  Rafifaele 
Riario.f 

Innocent  VIII.  had  a  special  reason  for  abstaining  from 
interference  in  the  troubles  in  the  Romagna,  for  just  at  that 
time  the  Neapolitan  King  was  straining  every  nerve  to  stir 
up  the  cities  of  the  Papal  States    to  rebel    against   their 

■^  Report  of  Stefano  de  Castrocaro  in  Gennarelli,  101-3,  and 
Thuasne,  I.,  521-4.  It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  the  other  assassin, 
Lodovico  Orsi,  said  in  his  evidence  that  no  one  in  the  world  beside  him- 
self, Checho,  and  the  third  conspirator  had  any  knowledge  of  the  plot. 
Cf.  also  Pasolini,  I.,  248  ;  III.,  116 ;  Cian,  Cat.  Sforza,  15,  agrees  with 
Pasolini,  but  he  thinks  the  attitude  of  Innocent  VIII.  in  regard  to  the 
troubles  in  the  Romagna  was  similar  to  that  of  Sixtus  IV.  towards  the 
Pazzi  conspiracy. 

t  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  L,  3 1 5- 1 6. 


TROUBLES   IN   THE   PAPAL  STATES.  2/3 

rightful  ruler.  The  revolt  of  the  important  city  of  Ancona, 
which  had  been  apprehended  for  the  last  two  years,  now 
actually  broke  out.  In  the  beginning  of  April  1488,  the 
Council  of  Ancona  hoisted  the  Hungarian  flag  on  the 
belfry  of  the  town  hall  and  on  the  masts  of  the  ships,  as 
a  sign  that  the  city  had  placed  itself  under  the  protection 
of  Ferrante's  son-in-law,  Mathias  Corvinus.*  If  Innocent 
was  not  strong  enough  to  retain  his  hold  on  his  most  impor- 
tant seaport  on  the  Adriatic,  how  useless  would  it  have  been 
for  him  to  think  of  taking  Forli  in  hand.  The  reproaches 
showered  upon  him  by  the  impetuous  Roman  chronicler 
Infessura  on  this  subject,  are  quite  unjust.f  If  the  Pope 
had  responded  to  the  requests  of  the  citizens  of  Forli,  he 
would  have  had  Florence  as  well  as  Milan  to  contend  with. 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici  said  openly  that  he  would  rather  see 
Forli  in  the  power  of  Milan  than  under  the  rule  of  Rome. 
The  Church,  he  said  to  the  Envoy  from  Ferrara,  was  more 
to  be  feared  at  that  moment  than  Venice  itself,  and  this 
had  decided  him  to  assist  King  Ferrante  against  the 
Pope.+ 

Innocent  VIII.  was  once  more  alarmed  by  another 
piece  of  bad  news  from  the  Romagna.  On  the  31st  of  May 
Galeotti  Manfredi,  lord  of  Faenza,  was  killed  through  the 
jealousy  of  his  wife.  This  led  to  disturbances,  and  for  a 
time  war  between  Florence  and  Milan  seemed  imminent. 
The  Pope,  through  the  Bishop  of  Rimini,  did  his  best  to 
maintain  peace.§  In  Perugia,  also  at  that  time  sadly  torn 
with  party  strife,  Innocent  laboured  in  the  same  cause,  but 

*  Fraknoi,  Mathias  Corvinus,  22  seg'.  In  the  same  place  the  details 
of  the  rupture  between  Ancona  and  Hungary,  which  soon  followed,  will 
be  found. 

t  Infessura,  232,  whose  "  ut  fertur,"  is  noteworthy. 

I  Cappelli,  72  ;  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  IL,  270  se^.,  ed.  2. 

§   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  I.,  316- 

VOL.   V.  T 


274  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

without  much  success.*  In  December  1489  he  appointed 
his  own  brother,  Maurizio  Cib6,  Governor  of  that  city.f 
This  "  able  and  honest "  man  attempted  to  bring  about  a 
peaceable  settlement  of  these  interminable  quarrels,  but  his 
endeavours  were  as  fruitless  as  those  of  Franceschetto 
Cib6,  who  was  sent  to  Perugia  in  July  1488.I  At  the  end 
of  October  the  hereditary  feud  between  the  families  of 
Baglione  and  Oddi  broke  out  afresh,  to  the  great  grief  of 
the  Pope,§  and  filled  the  unhappy  city  with  rapine  and 
murder.  The  conflict  terminated  in  the  expulsion  of  the 
Oddi,  and  as  the  Baglioni  were  expecting  military  assist- 
ance from  Ferrante,  Innocent  VIII.  thought  it  advisable 
to  refrain  from  stringent  measures  against  them.  In 
November  1488  he  sent  Cardinal  Ficcolomini  to  Perugia, 
who,  by  his  admirable  tact  and  indefatigable  perseverance, 
succeeded  in  pacifying  and  winning  over  the  Baglioni,  and 
thus  preserving  the  city,  which  seemed  on  the  point  of 
being  lost  to  the  Holy  See.|| 

Cardinal  Ficcolomini  also  displayed  great  skill  in  adjust- 
ing the  ancient  dispute  about  the  boundary  line  between 
Foligno  and  Spello,  and  thus  freed  Innocent  VIII.  from 
one  cause  of  anxiety ;  H   but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  must 

*  Cf.  the  "^  Brief  to  Perugia,  dat  1487,  Januar.  10.  Cod.  C.  IV.,  i,  of 
the  University  Library,  Genoa. 

t  *  Brief  of  i8th  Dec,  1487,  loc.  cit.  The  vice-governor  for  M.  Cibo, 
who  did  not  go  to  Perugia  till  22nd  Feb.,  1488  (Graziani,  669),  was  Angelo 
da  Sutri. 

X  Cf.  the  Papal  *  Briefs  to  Perugia,  of  9th  and  i  ith  July  and  22nd  Sept. 
1488,  with  Graziani,  670  seq.    Cod.  cit.  of  the  University  Library,  Genoa. 

§  (7:  *  Brief  to  Perugia  of  Oct.  31,  1488,  loc.  cit. 

II  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  Conti,  L,  317  ;  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  27^  seq.^ 
ed.  2.  Regarding  the  nomination  of  Piccolomini  cf.  Graziani,  690 
seq.^  and  a  *  Letter  from  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  1488,  Nov.  9.  State 
Archives,  Modena. 

IT  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  L,  3 1 7. 


HOSTILITY   OF   NAPLES   AND   HUNGARY.  275 

be  confessed  that  Ferrante's  attitude  of  persistent  and 
insolent  hostility  kept  the  Pope  in  a  constant  fever  of 
alarm  and  perplexity.  "When,  in  the  Spring  of  1489, 
the  Spanish  Court  attempted  a  mediation,  Ferrante  did 
everything  in  his  power  to  irritate  the  Pope  by  attacks 
on  his  person  and  his  family,  and  seemed  bent  on  bringing 
about  an  immediate  rupture.  His  conduct  can  only  be 
explained  on  the  supposition  that  he  thought  he  might  now 
with  impunity  vent  all  his  spite  against  his  enemy,  or  that 
he  wished  to  provoke  a  contest  which  might  lead  him  with 
a  victorious  army  to  the  gates  of  Rome,  regardless  of  the 
risk  that  it  might  also  lead  a  foreign  power  into  Italy.  The 
events  of  1495,  so  fatal  to  Ferrante's  dynasty  and  kingdom, 
were  thus  the  results  of  his  own  conduct  six  years  earlier. 
It  was  through  no  merit  of  his  or  of  his  son,  who  was  worse 
than  himself,  nor  yet  of  the  Pope,  that  the  catastrophe  was 
delayed  for  so  long.  Neither  Ferrante  nor  Innocent  had 
any  inkling  of  what  was  coming  ;  the  one  was  blinded  by  his 
grasping  tyranny  and  pride,  the  other  by  his  short-sighted 
weakness.  That  the  impending  ruin  was  averted  for  the 
time  being,  was  chiefly  due  to  Lorenzo  de*  Medici, — a  merit 
which  would  suffice  to  outweigh  many  shortcomings."* 

The  King  of  Naples  received  considerable  support  in 
his  defiance  of  Rome  from  the  Hungarian  King,  Mathias 
Corvinus,  who  at  that  time  was  trying  to  get  the  Turkish 
Prince  Dschem  into  his  own  hands.  Failing  to  obtain 
this  through  his  Ambassador  at  Rome,  Mathias  threatened 
to  bring  the  Turks  into  Italy.  He  felt  himself  bound  in 
honour,  he  declared  to  the  Papal  Nuncio,  not  to  forsake  the 
King  of  Naples.-f 

The  King  of  Hungary  had  not  felt  it  inconsistent  with 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  IL,  370-71,  ed.  2, 

t  Frakn6i,  Mathias  Corvinus,  262.  On  the  subject  of  Dschem, 
see  the  following  chapter. 


276  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

his  honour  to  seize  Ancona,  neither  did  it  now  prevent  him 
from  tampering  with  the  vassals  of  the  Pope  and  with  the 
famous  condottiere,  Giulio  Cesare  Varano.*  He  hoped  by 
stirring  up  a  revolt  in  the  Papal  States  to  reduce  the  Pope 
to  submission.  Innocent  defended  himself  as  well  as  he 
could.  In  May  1489  he  resolved  to  pronounce  the  extreme 
penalties  of  the  Church  against  Ferrante.f  On  June  27th 
Niccolo  Orsino,  Count  of  Pitigliano  was  named  Captain- 
general  of  the  Church.  Three  days  later  Ferrante  was 
threatened  with  excommunication  if  he  did  not  carry  out 
the  stipulations  contained  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace  within  two 
months.J  Ferrante  shewed  no  greater  inclination  than 
before,  either  to  pay  the  tribute,  to  release  the  Barons,  or 
to  abstain  from  interference  in  ecclesiastical  matters  ;  and 
Innocent  VIII.  thought  the  time  had  come  to  adopt 
decisive  measures.  He  relied  on  the  assistance  of  foreign 
powers,  and  was  encouraged  in  this  hope  by  Cardinal  de  La 
Balue.§  Charles  VI 1 1,  of  France  and  Maximilian  of  Austria 
had  just  concluded  a  peace  at  Frankfort-on-Main  (July 
1489).  "Might  not  the  two  reconciled  Princes  combine 
together  as  loyal  sons  of  the  Church  to  restore  order  in 
Italy  and  then  begin  the  crusade  against  the  Turks  ?  Might 
not  one  or  other  of  these  Princes,  on  behalf  of  Genoa  or 
Milan,  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  Lodovico  and  oblige  him  to 
give  up  his  ambiguous  attitude  towards  the  Pope  and 
render  him  hearty  and  effective  support  against  Naples  ? 
Could  Ferrante  still  hold  out  if  he  saw  the  whole  of  Christen- 
dom ranged  on  the  side  of  the  Pope  ?  "  Anticipations  such 
as  these  certainly  corresponded  very  little  with  the  real  state 

*  Frakn6i,  Mathias  Corvinus,  262-3. 

t  Cf.  the  letter  of  PlER  Vettori,  Florentine  Ambassador  at  Naples, 
of  May  30th,  1489.     Av.  il  princ,  LL,  n.  8.     State  Archives,  Florence. 
X  INFESSURA,  245  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  360. 
§  FORGEOT,  J.  Balue,  136. 


THE   POPE  DEPOSES   FERRANTE.  277 

of  affairs,  but  were  nevertheless  cherished  in  Rome,  especi- 
ally by  the  sanguine  Cardinal  de  La  Balue  and  by  some  of 
the  French  Envoys.*  From  Spain  Innocent  VIII.  also 
expected  assistance.f 

At  the  beginning  of  September  1489,  the  term  assigned 
to  the  King  of  Naples  had  expired.  On  the  nth  of  that 
month,  the  Pope  held  a  Consistory,  to  which  all  the 
Ambassadors  at  Rome  were  invited.  In  a  lengthy  dis- 
course Innocent  VIII.  explained  the  historical  and  legal 
relations  between  Naples  and  the  Holy  See.  He  set 
forth  in  detail  the  behaviour  of  the  two  last  Kings  to- 
wards the  Church,  and  especially  Ferrante's  refusal  to 
pay  the  dues  for  his  fief,  and  to  fulfil  his  treaty  obliga- 
tions, and  he  enlarged  on  the  consequences  of  these 
acts.  Then  the  notary  of  the  Apostolic  Chamber  read 
a  document  drawn  up  in  the  last  Secret  Consistory, 
which  declared  Ferrante  to  have  forfeited  his  crown,  and 
Naples  to  have  fallen  to  the  Holy  See  as  an  escheated  fief. 
The  Neapolitan  Ambassador,  who  was  present,  asked  for  a 
copy  of  this  document,  and  for  permission  to  read  a  reply 
in  defence  of  his  master,  to  which  the  Pope  consented. 
The  defence  explained  the  reasons  why  the  King  did  not 
hold  himself  bound  to  pay  the  tribute,  and  stated  that  he 

*  BUSER,  Beziehungen,  269-271  ;  FORGEOT,  loc.  cit.  Innocent  VIII. 
had  a  claim  on  Maximilian's  gratitude,  having  previously  used  his  influ- 
ence to  release  the  King  out  of  the  hands  of  the  rebels  in  Flanders  ; 
see  Forschungen  zur  Deutschen  Geschichte,  XXII.,  158;  MOLINET, 
Chroniques,  ed.  Buchon,  III.,  294.  We  can  see  from  a  despatch,  in 
Cappelli,  70,  overlooked  by  Ulmann,  how  the  French  were  still  in- 
triguing at  the  Papal  Court  against  Maximilian  I.  ;  this  despatch  con- 
firms the  historian's  conjecture,  that  it  was  owing  to  French  influence 
that  Maximilian's  confirmation  was  only  condilionally  granted  by  Rome 
on  the  Peace  of  F  rankfort ;  cf.  infra. 

t  Lanfrkdini's  Report  of  Oct.  23rd,  1489,  in  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  3  Seric, 
XV.,  296-7. 


278  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

had  already  appealed  to  "  the  Council."  According  to 
him  the  right  of  convoking  a  Council  had,  on  account  of 
the  Pope's  opposition,  devolved  on  the  Emperor;  conse- 
quently that  of  Basle  having  been  illegally  dissolved,  was 
still  sitting.  It  was  no  difficult  matter  for  the  Bishop  of 
Alessandria  to  shew  the  untenability  of  King  Ferrante's 
position,  whereupon  the  Neapolitan  Ambassador  declined 
all  further  discussion,  and  the  Pope  closed  the  Con- 
sistory.* 

War  between  Rome  and  Naples  now  seemed  inevitable, 
for  the  only  effect  of  the  Pope's  energetic  proceedings  was 
to  make  Ferrante  still  more  obstinate  and  defiant.  In 
October  1489  he  had  written  to  Charles  VI 1 1.,  who  had 
tried  to  dissuade  him  from  making  war  against  Rome,  that 
far  from  having  any  thought  of  taking  up  arms  against  the 
Holy  See,  his  sentiments  towards  it  were  those  of  the  most 
filial  devotion  and  submission.-]-  His  conduct  in  the  follow- 
ing years  shewed  how  much  these  hypocritical  declarations 
were  worth.  He  tried  ineffectually  to  turn  Maximilian 
against  Rome,  by  sending  him  a  pamphlet  in  which  the 
life  of  the  Pope  and  of  his  Court  were  depicted  in  the 
darkest  colours. J  His  language  to  Innocent  VIII.  himself 
was  invariably  scornful  and  menacing.  In  January  1490, 
he  announced  that  he  would  send  the  palfrey  to  Rome,  but 
not  a  farthing  of  the  tribute  money,  and  that  he  would  not 

*  On  the  Consistory  of  Sept.  11,  1489,  of  which  INFESSURA,  250,  and 
BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  364,  give  short  and  inexact  accounts  (Burchard 
says  quite  honestly  :  non  interfui,  etc.),  I  consulted  a  very  detailed  and 
as  yet  unpublished  **  Report  of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy  Arlotti,  dat.  ex  urbe 
die  I  ith  Septemb.,  1489.  (State  Archives,  Modena.)  Cf.  in  the  same  place 
a  *  Letter  from  Arlotti  of  Sept.  15,  1489,  and  a  "^  Despatch  from  G.  L. 
Cataneo,  dat.  Rome,  1489,  Sept.  12th.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  NUNZIANTE,  Lettere  di  Pontano,  12-13. 

X  iNFESSURA,  256;   LiCHNOWSKY,   VIII.,  Regest,   N.    1415,  1417, 

I4I9. 


INSOLENCE   OF   FERRANTE.  279 

pardon  a  single  one  of  his  nobles.*  In  May  a  Neapolitan 
Envoy  said  at  Florence,  that  his  master  would  no  longer  put 
up  with  the  overbearing  and  discourteous  conduct  of  the 
Pope ;  if  the  latter  persisted  in  his  unjustifiable  demands, 
the  King  would  appear  in  Rome  in  person,  with  spur  and 
lance,  and  answer  him  in  a  way  which  would  make  his 
Holiness  understand  his  error.-|-  All  the  great  Powers 
seemed  to  have  abandoned  the  Head  of  the  Church,  and  this 
emboldened  Ferrante  to  treat  him  in  this  shameful  manner. 
The  aged  Emperor  Frederick  admonished  the  Neapolitans 
in  March  to  make  peacej  but  like  his  son  Maximilian,  he 
was  too  much  occupied  with  his  own  affairs  to  take  an 
active  interest  in  those  of  the  Pope.  In  Italy  no  one 
stirred  a  finger  to  protect  the  Holy  See  against  the  insults 
which  Ferrante  so  persistently  heaped  upon  it,  and  Inno- 
cent VIII.  complained  bitterly  of  this  to  the  Florentine, 
Pandolfini.  "  In  deference  to  the  representations  of  the 
Italian  powers,"  he  said  "  he  had  shewn  great  indulgence 
to  Ferrante.  The  only  result  had  been  that  the  King 
became  more  and  more  insolent,  while  the  Powers  stood 
by  and  allowed  him  to  insult  the  Pope  as  much  as  he 
pleased.  If  the  Italians  cared  so  little  for  his  honour  he 
should  be  driven  to  look  abroad  for  protection.  Never, 
Pandolfini  adds,  had  he  seen  the  Pope  so  moved.  He  did 
his   best   to  calm  him,  and    represented    to  him   that   his 

*  Cherrier,  I.,  341. 

t  Report  of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy  in  Cappelli,  80.  On  the  conduct 
of  the  Neapolitan  Envoy,  who  threatened  to  determine  his  claim  to 
precedence  by  force  of  arms,  cf.  Burchardi  Diarium,  I.,  410  seq.^ 
and  *  Letter  of  Cardinal  A.  Sforza,  dat.  Rome,  1490,  May  30th,  State 
Archives,  Milan. 

X  Emperor  Frederick  IIL  to  King  Ferrante,  dat.  Linz,  1490,  March 
29th.  The  original  in  the  House,  Court,  and  State  Archives  at  Vienna, 
Romana^  I.,  is  not  mentioned  in  Chmel'S  Regesten,  nor  in  the  Regesten 
of  LiCHNOWSKY,  VIII.,  nor,  as  far  as  I  can  sec,  printed  anywhere. 


280  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

patience  would  be  rewarded,  and  that  he  might  count  on 
the  support  of  Florence,  Milan,  and  Venice.  But  Innocent 
would  not  hear  him  out.  He  was  perpetually  put  off  with 
words,  he  exclaimed.  Florence  was  the  only  power  on 
whom  he  could  reckon,  Sforza's  vacillation  made  Milan 
useless,  and  Venice  would  never  do  anything.  He  was 
resolved  to  make  an  end  of  this.  He  would  excommuni- 
cate the  King,  denounce  him  as  a  heretic,  and  lay  his 
kingdom  under  Interdict.  He  would  call  upon  all  the 
States  of  the  League  to  bear  witness  that  he  had  ample 
justification  for  what  he  was  doing ;  and  if  Ferrante  made 
war  upon  him,  as  he  had  threatened,  and  no  one  would 
help  him,  he  would  take  refuge  abroad,  where  he  would  be 
received  with  open  arms  and  assisted  to  get  back  what 
belonged  to  him  ;  and  this  would  bring  shame  and  harm  on 
some  people.  Unless  he  could  uphold  the  dignity  of  the 
Holy  See,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  remain  in  Italy. 
If  he  were  to  be  abandoned  by  the  Italian  States,  it 
would  be  out  of  the  question  for  him  to  resist  Ferrante, 
on  account  both  of  the  insufficiency  of  the  resources  of 
the  Church  and  the  disloyalty  of  the  Roman  Barons, 
who  would  be  delighted  to  see  him  in  trouble.  He 
held  himself  to  be  fully  justified  in  leaving  Italy,  if  the 
dignity  of  the  Holy  See  could  be  safeguarded  in  no  other 
way.  Other  Popes  had  done  this  and  had  returned  with 
honour."* 

Thus  a  repetition  of  the  exile  of  Avignon  seemed 
imminent,  for  France  was  the  country  to  which  Innocent 
VIII.  would  have  turned.  The  position  of  the  Pope  was 
indeed  almost  intolerable.  Each  day  brought  fresh  alarms 
of  hostile  action  on  the  part  of  Fen  ante;  in  July  came  the 
news  that  Naples  had  induced  Benevento  to  throw  off  its 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  377-8,  ed.  2.  The  original  text  of 
Pandolfini's  Report  of  July  28,  1490,  is  in  Fabronius,  IL,  353-8. 


ILLNESS  OF   INNOCENT   VIIL  28l 

allegiance.*  A  few  months  later,  accounts  arrived  that 
Ferrante  was  intriguing  with  the  Colonna,  in  order  to  win 
them  to  his  interest.^  Just  at  this  time  Innocent  VIIL,  who 
had  been  far  from  well  in  August,J  had  an  attack  of  fever, 
and  was  so  seriously  ill  that  he  received  the  last  Sacra- 
ments, which  he  did  with  great  devotion.  He  rallied  a 
little  for  a  time,  but  grew  worse  again,  and  was  given  over 
by  his  physician. §  On  the  26th  September  it  was  reported 
in  Rome  that  the  Pope  was  dead.  The  news  seemed  so 
certain  that  the  Envoy  from  Ferrara  sent  a  special 
messenger  to  Ferrara  to  announce  it.||     On  the  following 

*  *D\e  ultima  Julii,  1490,  L'^  venuto  lettere  de  Benivento  che  la  terra  e 
,ribellata  contra  pontificem  pro  rege  Ferdinando,  tamen  ancor  non  si 
crede.  "^Commiss.  S.  D.  N.  Pape  ad  episc.  Tarvisin.  Codex  N.  90  (chart, 
saec.  XV.),  f.  32^.  (Town  Library,  Verona.)  Cf.  also  INFESSURA,  258, 
and  Leostello,  351. 

+  Desjardins,  I.,  438,  note  2. 

X  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  273. 

§  "^Report  of  Giov.  Lucido  Cataneo,  dat.  Rome,  Sept.  21,  1490  : — 
The  Pope  has  febra  continua  e  vehemente.  Sept.  24:  The  Pope  is  better 
vero  che  la  S^^  S.  ha  habuto  molto  de  sbatere  e  se  communicho  cum 
multa  devotione  tanto  quanto  dir  se  possa.  Sept.  25  :  There  is  an  improve- 
ment in  the  Pope's  condition,  but  he  still  has  fever.  Sept.  26  :  The  Pope 
is  suffering  an  catarro  e  si  tene  da  i  medici  per  spiaciuto.  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua.)  On  the  precarious  state  of  the  Pope's  health,  c/. 
supra,  pp.  247, 259,  and  ( i )  Arlotti's  ^Reports  of  Nov.  29,  1488.  The  Pope 
was  ill.  Dec.  8  :  The  Pope  is  well  again.  (2)"^  Card.  A.  Sforza,  Rome, 
May  30,  1490  :  The  Pope  is  poorly.  (State  Archives,  Milan.)  (3)  On 
the  1 5th  Aug.,  1490,  the  Venetian  Envoy  gives  such  a  bad  account  of  the 
condition  of  Innocent  VIIL  that  the  Government  on  the  20th  send  him 
instructions  as  to  what  he  is  to  do  in  case  the  Pope  dies.  Mon.  Hung., 
IV.,  263. 

II  I  found  Arlotti's  "^Despatch  on  the  subject,  dated  Rome,  Sept.  26, 
1490,  in  the  State  Archives  at  Modena.  It  is  marked  on  the  outside  : 
Subito,  subito  ;  cito,  cito.  C/.  also  Appendix,  N.  7  (Despatch  of  Sept.  26). 
The  dates  in  Gregorovius,  VIL,  289,  ed.  3,  and  Creighton,  III.,  136 
(who  quotes  Infessura,  260),  are  therefore  erroneous. 


282  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

morning  Rome  was  like  a  camp ;  every  one  armed  in  pre- 
paration for  the  disturbances  which  would  probably  follow. 
Franceschetto  Cibo  attempted  to  take  advantage  of  the 
prevailing  confusion  to  get  hold  of  the  papal  treasure  and  of 
Prince  Dschem,  who  was  then  residing  in  the  Vatican,  with 
the  object  of  selling  him  by  means  of  Virginio  Orsini  to 
Ferrante.  Fortunately  the  Cardinals  were  on  their  guard, 
and  the  attempt  failed.  An  inventory  was  drawn  up  of  the 
papal  treasures,  and  Cardinal  Savelli  was  given  charge  of 
the  monies.*  The  report  of  Innocent's  death  was  soon 
found  to  be  false.  He  had  had  something  of  the  nature  of 
a  stroke  which  had  brought  him  very  near  death,  but  on  the 
28th  he  had  already  begun  to  recover -f  and  is  said  to  have 
declared  that  he  still  hoped  to  outlive  all  the  Cardinals. 
There  did  not  seem,  however,  much  likelihood  of  this,  for  his 
health  continued  very  feeble.  He  hoped  to  find  restoration 
in  the  bracing  air  of  Porto  d'Anzio  and  Ostia,  but  it  was 
not  to  be.  On  his  return  to  Rome  on  the  30th  November, 
it  seemed  at  first  as  if  he  had  benefited  a  little  from  the 
change, J  but  a  few  days  later  the  Mantuan  Envoy  writes 
that  he  has  had  a  fresh  attack  of  fever.§  In  blaming 
Innocent  VIII.  for  the  vacillation  and  weakness  of  his  con- 
duct, allowances  should  be  made  for  the  state  of  his  health, 
and  also  for  the  financial  difficulties  which  hampered  him 
through  the  whole  of  his  Pontificate.  || 

*  Cf.  the-  Florentine  Despatch  in  Desjardins,  I.,  484,  n.  2  (the 
editor  has  erroneously  placed  it  in  the  year  1491),  and  INFESSURA, 
260-61.  The  accounts  here  given — of  course  with  the  observation  ut 
fertur — of  the  great  amount  of  his  treasure  are  untrustworthy,  and  con- 
tradict all  other  reliable  statements  on  the  point ;  cf.  infra. 

t  Arlotti's  ^Report,  dat.  Rome,  Sept.  28, 1490.    State  Archives,  Modena. 

X  Arlotti's  ■* Letter,  dat,  Rome,  Dec.  2,  1490.    State  Archives,  Modena. 

§  "^El  papa  sta  cum  la  quartana  a  modo  usato  hora  mancho  male  hora 
piu,  G.  L.  Cataneo,  Rome,  Dec.  3,  1490.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

II  Cf  infra,  Chap.  VI. 


ISOLATION    OF  THE   POPE.  283 

Under  these  circumstances  active  measures  against 
Naples  were  out  of  the  question.  Ferrante  was  well  aware 
of  this,  and  calmly  persisted  in  his  outrageous  conduct.  On 
the  feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  this  year,  as  in  1485,  the 
palfrey  was  sent  without  the  tribute,  and  was  returned, 
in  spite  of  the  protest  of  the  Neapolitan  Envoy.*  Accord- 
ing to  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  the  Pope  at  this  time  still 
hoped  for  support  from  Florence  and  Milan.  It  seems 
strange  that  he  could  have  continued  to  cherish  such  futile 
expectations,  but  it  appears  that  he  was  not  finally  un- 
deceived until  the  conduct  of  these  States,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  disputes  between  Ascoli  and  Fermo,  had  made 
further  illusions  impossible.  In  1487  Cardinal  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  had  done  his  best  to  restore  order  and  make 
peace,  but  in  vain,  and  the  strife  had  been  going  on  ever 
since  from  bad  to  worse.  In  the  Summer  of  1491  the 
people  of  Ascoli  had  attacked  Offida ;  the  Vice-Legate  of 
the  Marches  was  besieged  and  a  Papal  Envoy  was  murdered. 
In  August,  Innocent  despatched  Cardinal  de  La  Balue  and 
Niccolo  Orsini  of  Pitigliano  with  a  body  of  troops  to  punish 
this  crime,  and  put  an  end  to  the  state  of  anarchy  which  pre- 
vailed throughout  the  district.  They  took  Monte  Brandone, 
and  would  soon  have  reduced  the  people  of  Ascoli  to  order, 
but  for  the  intervention  of  Virginio  Orsini  at  the  head  of  a 
Neapolitan  force.  Innocent  now  applied  to  Venice,  Milan, 
and  Florence  for  help,  but  with  absolutely  no  result.  These 
powers  were,  on  the  contrary,  determined  to  do  everything 
in  their  power  to  hinder  the  pacification  of  the  Papal  State 
and  weaken  the  power  of  the  Pope.f  Lorenzo's  participa- 
tion in  these  intrigues  and  also  his  action  in  securing  the 

*  Cappelli,  81. 

t  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  32;  Burchardi  Diarium,  I.,  415; 
Balan,  v.,  250  se^.  For  Ferrante's  unblushing  denial  of  his  implica- 
tion in  the  Ascoli  disturbances,  see  Trinchera,  II.,  1,1  se^. 


284  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

victory  for  the  Baglioni  in  Perugia  shew  his  character  in  a 
very  unfavourable  light,  considering  his  relationship  to  the 
Pope,  and  the  many  favours  that  he  had  received  from 
him.* 

These  painful  experiences,  reinforced  by  the  entreaties  of 
the  Romans  and  the  Cardinals,  at  last  induced  Innocent  to 
consent  to  make  direct  overtures  to  Ferrante  for  an  accom- 
modation ;  f  and  the  King,  alarmed  at  the  increasingly 
intimate  relations  which  were  growing  up  between  France 
and  the  Holy  See,  in  reply  offered  better  terms  than  could 
have  been  expected,  Gioviano  Pontano  came  to  Rome  in 
December,  and,  though  there  were  many  difficulties  to  over- 
come, an  agreement  was  at  last  effected,  which  was  an- 
nounced in  a  Secret  Consistory  on  the  29th  January  14924 
The  conditions  were  that  the  imprisoned  Barons  were  to  be 
tried  and  judged  by  the  Pope  ;  that  the  King  was  to  pay 
36,000  ducats  down  for  his  fief,  and  for  the  future  to  main- 
tain 2,000  horsemen  and  5  triremes  for  the  service  of  the 
Church,  and  to  continue  as  before  the  annual  present  of  the 
palfrey.  I 

From    this    moment   Ferrante's   behaviour  towards   the 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  280  seq.^  ed.  2. 

t  SiGlSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  3 1 -3,  represents  Innocent's  decision 
as  having  been  determined  by  the  conduct  of  the  Italian  powers  in  the 
affairs  of  Ascoli,  and  he  is  fully  corroborated  by  the  Reports  of  the 
Ferrarese  Envoys  in  Balan,  V.,  251,  n.  i.  Accordingly  Reumont, 
II.,  380,  ed.  2,  who  has  entirely  overlooked  Balan's  work,  requires  cor- 
rection on  this  point. 

X  Cappelli,  82  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  442  ;  Tallarigo,  Pontano, 
234  seq,  (Napoli,  1874);  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  289  seq.\  NUN- 
ziante,  Lettere  di  Pontano,  4  seq.^  and  a  ^Letter  from  G.  L.  Cataneo, 
dat.  Rome,  Feb.  1$,  1492.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  The  date  in 
Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1492,  n.  10,  is  incorrect. 

§  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  33  ;  Gottlob,  Cam.  Ap.,  233;  and 
Thuasne,  loc  cit.^  293. 


PEACE  BETWEEN  FERRANTE  AND  THE  POPE.   285 

Pope  underwent  a  complete  transformation.  Amidst 
effusive  professions  of  gratitude  and  devotion  he  commenced 
negotiations  for  a  family  alliance  between  himself  and 
Innocent  VIII.  He  proposed  that  his  grandson,  Don 
Luigi  of  Aragon,  should  marry  Battistina,  a  daughter  of 
Teodorina  and  Gherardo  Usodimare.  Fear  of  France  was 
the  cause  of  the  complete  change  of  front ;  the  wily  King 
saw  at  once  how  dangerous  the  growth  of  this  rising  power 
must  be  to  his  kingdom  ;  and,  in  addition  to  this,  there  was 
the  other  danger  from  the  Turks.  Ferrante  despatched  an 
Envoy  to  Innocent  VIII.  to  discuss  this  subject*  On  the 
27th  May,  Ferdinand,  Prince  of  Capua,  son  of  Alfonso  of 
Calabria  and  Ferrante's  grandson,  came  to  Rome  and  was 
received  with  royal  honours.-f-  A  chronicler  of  the  time 
says  that  he  will  not  attempt  to  describe  the  splendours  of 
this  reception  as  no  one  would  believe  him,|  and  the  con- 
temporaneous reports  of  the  Envoys  corroborate  his  state- 
ment. A  banquet,  given  by  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  which 
lasted  six  hours,  seems  to  have  surpassed  in  sumptuous- 
ness  anything  hitherto  imagined.  Dramatic  performances 
were  included  in  the  pleasures  provided  for  the  guests. § 
The    entertainment    given    in    honour    of    the    betrothal 

*  Cf.  infra^  Chap.  4. 

t  In  addition  to  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  477  ;  and  The  .^Chronicle 
of  Parenti  (National  Library,  Florence),  see  also  G.  A.  Boccaccio's 
^Report,  dat.  Rome,  May  27,  1492.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

X   INFESSURA,  273-4. 

§  "^El  revmo  Mons.  Ascanio  fa  uno  apparato  quodammodo  incredibile 
per  honorare  el  dicto  principe  a  casa  soa  ad  uno  pranso  che  sera  tuto  il 
giomo ;  fa  cuprire  tute  quelle  strade  et  cosi  il  cortillo  com  quello  suo 
orto  guasto  dove  se  fark  el  pranso  con  uno  apparato  regale  et  dove  se 
recitarano  molte  comedie  et  representacione  ;  non  se  attende  ad  altro 
se  non  de  fare  una  cosa  singulare  all  di  nostri.  Second  ^Letter  of  G.  A. 
Boccaccio,  on  May  27.  Cf.  *"**'Report  of  June  5,  1492.  State  Archives. 
Modena. 


286  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

of  Luigi  of  Aragon  to  Battistina  Cib6  furnished  an  occa- 
sion for  a  fresh  display  of  magnificence  in  the  Vatican 
itself.*  But  all  this  time,  side  by  side  with  these  festivities, 
serious  negotiations  were  going  on.  The  object  of  Ferdi- 
nand's visit  was  to  obtain  for  himself  the  investiture  of 
Naples,  and  thus  secure  the  succession  for  the  family.  This, 
the  French  Envoys,  who  were  then  in  Rome  on  important 
business  for  the  King  of  France,  did  their  utmost  to  pre- 
vent. They  had  been  sent  thither  on  account  of  Anna,  the 
heiress  of  the  Duchy  of  Brittany,  who  had  been  betrothed 
by  procuration  to  Maximilian,  King  of  the  Romans. 
Charles  VIII.,  anxious  to  get  possession  of  this  important 
province,  had  carried  her  off,  and  now  required  a  Papal  dis- 
pensation to  set  her  free  from  her  betrothal  ;  and  other 
dispensations  were  also  needed,  as  Charles  was  himself 
betrothed  to  Margaret  of  Burgundy,  and  was  also  related 
to  Anna.  These  dispensations  were  granted,  but  privately, 
and  disavowed  by  Innocent  and  the  Ambassadors. J- 

The  French  King  was  encouraged  by  this  success  to  hope 
that  he  might  also  be  able  to  hinder  the  investiture  of 
Ferdinand.  In  the  Spring  of  1492,  the  Master  of  the  Horse, 
Perron  de  Baschi,  came  to  Rome  ostensibly  on  other  busi- 
ness, but  in  reality  for  this  purpose,  and  to  request  that  it 
might  be  conferred  on  France.J 

But,  accommodating  as  the  Pope  had  shewn  himself  in 
regard  to  the  dispensations,  this  was  quite  another  matter, 
and  Baschi's  mission  failed  utterly.  On  the  4th  June,  in  a 
Secret  Consistory,  a  Bull  was  read  regulating  the  Neapolitan 
succession.  It  provided  that  Ferrante's  son  Alfonso  was  to 
succeed  him,  and  in  the  event  of  Alfonso  predeceasing  his 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  487-8. 

t  Ulmann,  Maximilian  I.,  I.,  124  seq.^  139  seq ;  cf.  also  Grauert, 
Hist  Jahrb.,  Vn.,  451. 
X  Buser,  Beziehungen,  304,  531  seq. 


THE   NEAPOLITAN   SUCCESSION.  287 

father,  the  Prince  of  Capua.*  The  French  Ambassador 
wished  to  enter  a  protest  against  this,  but,  by  the  Pope's 
orders,  was  refused  admission  to  the  Consistory.f 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  488  ;  Sigismondo  de'  CONTI,  IL,  34;  *Pa- 
RENTI,  Chronicle  (National  Library,  Florence);  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1492. 
n.  11-13;  Borgia,  Dom.  temp,  nelle  due  Sicilie,  198-9.     Roma,  1789 

t  Trinchera,  I.,  1 1 5-6. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

The  Eastern  Question. — The  Turkish  Prince. — Prince 
DscHEM  IN  Rome.  —  The  Fall  of  Granada.  —  Death  of 
the  Pope. 

Of  all  the  evil  consequences  produced  by  the  disputes 
between  Naples  and  the  Holy  See,  which  lasted  throughout 
almost  the  whole  of  the  Pontificate  of  Innocent  VIII.,  the 
worst  was  their  effect  in  checking  the  war  against  the 
Turks. 

Disturbing  news  from  the  East  was  perpetually  arriving. 
Just  at  the  time  of  the  Papal  election  the  hordes  of  Sultan 
Bajazet  had  overrun  Moldavia  and  conquered  the  two 
important  strongholds  of  Kilia  and  Akjerman.*  Deeply 
impressed  by  this  event,  and  by  further  news  of  an  increase 
in  the  Turkish  navy,  Innocent  VIII.,  immediately  after  his 
election,  issued  an  address  to  the  Italian  States  and  all  the 
European  powers,  pointing  out  the  magnitude  of  the  danger 
which  threatened  the  Church  and  western  civilisation,  and 
asking  for  immediate  assistance  to  repel  it.  He  summoned 
all  the  Christian  States  to  send  Ambassadors  as  soon  as 
possible  to  Rome,  provided  with  full  powers  to  decide  on 
the  measures  to  be  adopted,  as  the  situation  was  so  serious 
as  to  brook  no  delay .f     This  Encyclical  is  dated  Nov.  21, 

*  Frakn6i,  Mathias  Corvinus,  220. 

t  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1484,  n.  61,  from  the  *Lib.  brev.  18,  f.  63,  to 
which  is  added  :  *Similia  regi  Ferdinando,  duci  Mediol.,  Florent,  duci 
Sabaudiae,  duci  Ferrariae,  march.  Mantuae,  march.  Montisferrati,  card,  et 
duci  ac  ant.  Januen.,  imperatori,  regi  Franciae,  duci  Britaniae,  duci  Maxi- 


INNOCENT   VIII.   AND   THE   TURKISH    QUESTION.      289 

1484,  and  on  the  same  day  a  special  letter  was  despatched 
to  Mathias  Corvinus,  King  of  Hungary,  who  was  at  war 
with  the  Emperor  Frederick,  admonishing  him  to  put  forth 
all  his  strength  against  the  enemy  of  the  Faith.*  About 
the  same  time  the  Pope  wrote  to  Ferdinand,  King  of  Aragon 
and  Castile,  desiring  him  to  protect  Sicily,  which  belonged 
to  him,  and  was  threatened  by  the  Turks.f  He  also  exerted 
himself  to  have  measures  taken  for  the  defence  of  Rhodes, 
and  in  February  1485  proposed  to  the  King  of  Naples  a 
detailed  scheme  for  the  protection  of  the  Italian  sea-board 
from  the  Turkish  ships.  A  fleet  of  60  triremes  and  20 
ships  of  burden  would  be  necessary  to  defray  the  expense 
of  this,  Naples  and  Milan  should  contribute  7S,ooo  ducats, 
Florence  30,000,  Ferrara  and  Siena  6000,  Montserrat  and 
Lucca  2000,  Piombino  1000.  It  boded  no  good  for  the 
success  of  this  plan  when  Florence,  with  all  her  wealth, 
found  a  flimsy  pretext  for  evading  her  share  of  the  assess- 
ment. Plenty  of  money  was  forthcoming  for  the  war  with 
Genoa,  but  all  the  Pope's  warnings  as  to  the  far  greater 
importance  of  that  against  the  Turks,  on  which  the  pre- 
servarion  of  Italy  and  the  Christian  Faith  depended,  fell  on 
deaf  ears.J  In  the  beginning  of  1485,  Innocent  VIII.  wrote 
again  to  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  and  Castile  on  the  defence 
of  the  Sicilian  coast,  and  meanwhile  set  a  good  example 
himself  by  taking  energetic  measures  to  strengthen  the 
fortifications  of  his  own  ports  on  the  Adriatic,  and  more 

mil.,  regi  Angliae,  regi  Hispaniae,  regi  Scotiae,  regi  Datiae,  regi  Portu- 
galliae,  regi  Poloniae,  duci  Saxoniae,  march.  Brandeb.,  comiti  Palat. 
Rheni,  Job.  archiepisc.  Treviren.,  Hermano  archiepisc.  Colon.,  Bertoldo 
archiep.  Mogunt.,  ad  confederates,  duci  Aiistriae,  duci  Bavariae,  Senen- 
sibus,  Lucensibus.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

*  Theiner,  Mon.  Ung.,  IL,  501-2;  and  Ravnaldus,  ad  an.  1484, 
n.  62-3. 

t  Rayn ALDUS,  ad  an.  1484,  n.  67-8,  cf.  69  and  71. 

X  Ibid.^  ad  an.  1485,  n.  4. 

VOL.   V.  U 


290  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

especially  of  Ancona.  The  Legate  of  the  Marches,  Car- 
dinal Orsini,  the  Governor  of  Fano,  and  finally  the  citizens 
of  Ancona,  alt  received  stringent  orders  to  this  effect* 
When,  in  April,  more  reassuring  news  arrived,  according  to 
which  no  attack  was  to  be  apprehended  from  the  Turks  in 
that  year,  the  Legate  was  desired  by  no  means  to  relax  his 
efforts  on  this  account.-f 

The  disputes  which  arose  between  Rome  and  Naples  in 
the  Summer  of  1485  had  the  effect  of  completely  shelving 
the  question  of  the  Turkish  war.  The  Pope  was  obliged  to 
content  himself  with  providing  for  the  defence  of  his  own 
sea-board  and  doing  what  he  could  to  assist  the  numerous 
refugees  who  were  fleeing  northwards  to  escape  the  Turks.J 
From  this  time  forward  Innocent  VI IL  was  always  in  such 
difficulties  that  he  ceased  to  be  able  to  give  effective  atten- 
tion to  these  larger  questions.  The  ink  of  the  Treaty  of 
Peace  concluded  between  him  and  Ferrante  in  August  i486, 

*  *Legato  Marchie,  dat.  ut  s.  (1485,  Januarii  22) :  Varii  rumores  quot- 
tidie  afferuntur  de  apparatibus  Turci  qui  in  Italiam  venire  meditatur  et 
diverse  etiam  rationes  extant  ut  id  credatur.  Measures  were  to  be  taken 
for  the  defence  of  the  coast,  and  more  especially  of  Ancona.  Lib.  brev. 
18,  f.  105  ;  zdzd.,  f.  114;  Anconitatis,  dat.  ut  s.  (1485,  Febr.  i);  idzd., 
f.  115b  ;  ^Gubernatori  Fani,  dat.  ut  s.  (1485,  Febr.  4).  (Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican.)     C/.  GoTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  126  se^. 

t  *Bapt.  Card,  de  Ursinis,  legato  Marchie,  dat.  Romae,  vi.  Aprilis, 
1485.  Lib.  brev.  18,  f.  163.  In  June  of  the  following  year  some  Turkish 
vessels  appeared  in  the  Adriatic,  and  a  *Brief  of  June  12,  i486,  warns 
the  Governor  of  the  Marches  to  watch  the  coast.  Lib.  brev.  19,  f  416. 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  Cf.  "^Brief  to  the  Legato  Marchie  Anconitane,  dat.  ut  s.  (1485,  Oct. 
18):  Placet  nobis  admodum  quod  provided  feceris  locis  maritimis  pro- 
vincie  ob  Turcorum  incursionem.  Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  21.  (Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican.)  Cf.  the  resolution  of  the  Senate  of  Loreto  for  protect- 
ing the  church  containing  the  Holy  House,  against  the  Turks,  in  Arch. 
St.  deir  Arte,  L,  419  seq.  On  piracy,  cf.  Guglielmotti,  481  seq. ;  on 
Innocent  VIH.'s  pensioners,  GOTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap..  63,  203. 


THE    POPE   PROPOSES   A   CRUSADE.  291 

was  hardly  dry  before  the  King  had  violated  all  its  provi- 
sions. In  the  following  year  Innocent  had  the  distress  of 
seeing  the  Lord  of  Osimo,  Boccolino  Guzzone,  allying  him- 
self with  the  Sultan  in  order  to  incite  him  to  attack  the 
Marches.*  Harassed  as  he  was,  however,  the  Pope  still 
clung  to  the  project  of  a  Crusade.  In  December  i486, 
Raymond  Peraudi  (Perauld)  was  sent  to  the  court  of  the 
Emperor  Fredei  ick,  who  at  that  time  was  not  well  disposed 
towards  Innocent,  and  the  Carmelite,  Gratiano  da  Villanova, 
to  that  of  Maximilian.  Contrary  to  all  expectation,  both 
Princes  were  inclined  to  listen  favourably  to  the  Pope's 
proposals  for  a  Crusade.f  Upon  this,  Innocent  on  the  27th 
of  May,  i486,  published  a  Bull  in  which  he  described  "  the 
dangei  from  the  Turks,"  which  menaced  both  Germany 
and  Italy,  and  expressed  his  determination  to  leave  no 
means  untried  whereby  all  Christendom  might  be  roused 
and  encouraged  to  resist  them.  He  announced  the  willing- 
ness of  the  Emperor  and  other  kings  and  princes  to  under- 
take a  Crusade,  and  decreed  that  a  tithe  of  one  year's 
revenue  shou  d  be  levied  for  this  purpose  on  all  churches, 
incumbencies,  and  benefices,  and  all  ecclesiastical  persons 
of  whatever  rank,  and  whether  secular  or  regular,  through- 
out the  provinces  of  the  Empire.  Raymond  Peraudi  and 
Gratiano  da  Villanova  were  nominated  collectors-general 
of  this  tax,  and  endowed  with  the  usual  faculties  and 
privileges.^ 

■^  Cf.  supra,  p.  262. 

t  Schneider,  Peraudi,  10 ;  and  Gottlob,  Peraudi,  450. 

X  GOTTLOB,  Peraudi,  450  (drawn  from  Vatican  sources).  Cf.  Chmel, 
Reg.,  8001.  A  Papal  Brief  to  Ercole  of  Ferrara,  dated  1487,  s.  die, 
summoning  him  to  assist  in  the  Crusade,  no  doubt  belongs  to  this  time  ; 
unfortunately  it  is  a  good  deal  torn.  The  original  is  in  the  State 
Archives,  Modena.  Probably  the  embassy  from  Henry  VII.  of  Eng- 
land— who  was  at  that  time  on  very  good  terms  with  Innocent — which 
arrived  in  Rome  on  May  8,  1487  (see  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom.,  III.,  ^82  seg.\ 


292  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

In  Germany  Peraudi  made  an  excellent  impression. 
Trithemius  says  that  "  he  was  a  man  of  spotless  life  and 
morals,  and  of  singularly  blameless  character,  in  every 
respect.  He  had  an  immense  love  of  justice  and  a  genuine 
contempt  for  worldly  honours  and  riches.  I  know  of  no 
one  like  him  in  our  day."  Such  praise  seems  almost  ex- 
travagant; but  all  the  German  Princes  and  learned  men 
with  whom  Peraudi  came  in  contact,  express  themselves  in 
similar  terms.*  He  was  burning  with  zeal  for  the  Crusade, 
but  here  he  was  doomed  to  bitter  disappointment.  The 
political  confusion  throughout  the  Empire  and  the  egoism 
of  the  States  was  too  great ;  neither  laity  nor  clergy  were 
in  a  state  of  mind  to  be  capable  of  apprehending  any 
general  interest.     In  this  matter  he  accomplished  very  little. 

On  the  26th  June,  1487,  Berthold,  Archbishop  of  Mayence, 
and  the  Electors  of  Saxony  and  Brandenburg  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Pope,  in  which  they  begged  to  be  exempted 
from  the  proposed  tithe.  They  said  it  would  be  impossible 
for  them  to  pay  this  in  addition  to  the  requisitions  for 
maintaining  the  personal  dignity  of  the  Emperor.  "  We 
abstain,"  they  say,  "  from  mentioning  the  permanent 
charges  which  the  Church  has  to  bear,  and  which  are  by 
no  means  insignificant ;  but  frequent  wars,  and  the  oppres- 
sion and  extortions  which  the  Church  and  the  clergy  have 
had  to  endure  for  so  long,  have  brought  them  so  low  that 

had  also  to  do  with  the  Crusade.  In  1487  and  1489  Henry  VII.  con- 
sented to  the  publication  of  Papal  Bulls  on  the  Crusade,  but  the  Papal 
collectors  had  but  small  success,  and  got  little  help  from  the  Court.  See 
BUSCH,  England,  I.,  243-388. 

*  Schneider,  Peraudi,  1-2,  where  the  original  document  is  given. 
Florez  speaks  unfavourably  of  him,  and  calls  him  vain  and  garrulous 
(Brown,  State  Papers,  I.,  191) ;  but  as  he  was  an  opponent,  his  opinion 
is  not  an  impartial  one.  At  any  rate,  even  if  he  were  not  entirely  devoid 
of  vanity  and  a  little  too  fond  of  talk,  it  is  evident  that  Peraudi  made  a 
good  impression  in  Germany. 


DIFFICULTIES   RAISED   BY   GERMANY.  293 

neither  in  the  churches  nor  personally  are  they  able  to 
maintain  the  splendour  of  former  days,  and  it  is  to  be 
feared  that  they  will  soon  be  completely  ruined.  Your 
Holiness  can  imagine  of  what  men  become  capable  when 
they  are  driven  to  such  straits.  They  persuade  themselves 
that  all  things  are  allowable,  just  or  unjust,  good  or  bad. 
for  extreme  need  knows  no  law."* 

According  to  Trithemius,  the  clergy  in  all  parts  of  the 
Empire  held  meetings  to  deliberate  on  what  was  to  be  done, 
and  finally  resolved  to  appeal  from  the  Pope  ill-informed 
to  the  Pope  better- in  for  med.f  The  resistance  was  so  great 
that  Innocent  was  forced  to  give  up  the  imposition  of  the 
tithe  in  Germany.^  He  did  not  give  up  the  Crusade, 
and  since  next  to  nothing  was  to  be  got  from  Germany  he 
now  turned  to  France.  On  the  i6th  November,  1487,  the 
Envoys  to  the  French  Court,  Lionello  Cheregato  of  Vicenza, 
Bishop  of  Trail,  and  a  Spaniard,  Antonio  Florez,  started 
from  Rome.§  On  the  20th  January,  1488,  Cheregato  de- 
livered a   stirring  address,  in   the   Royal   Palace  at   Paris, 

*  MiJLLER,  Reichstagstheat,  Friedr.  III.,  130  seq.  ;  Gesch.  d.  Nun- 
tien,  II.,  700-711  ;  WEISS,  Berthold  von  Henneberg,  12;  Gebhardt, 
58.  On  the  grievances  which  the  Emperor  at  that  time  had  against  the 
Pope,  cf.  Janssen,  Reichscorresp.j  II.,  477  seq.^  and  Foisch.  zur  Deuts- 
chen  Gesch.,  XX.,  157. 

t  Trithemius,  II.,  529 ;  Weiss,  loc.  cit, 

X  Grotefend,  Quellen,  I.,  46. 

§  GOTTLOB,  Peraudi,  451,  makes  Nov.  13  the  date  of  their  departure; 
but  Bonfr.  Arlotti,  who  is  always  well-informed,  says  in  a  "^Despatch 
of  Nov.  17,  1487,  that  the  Envoys  to  France  had  started  "yesterday." 
(State  Archives,  Modena.)  Here,  as  also  in  a  Report  in  Cappelli  (69), 
which  has  not  hitherto  been  noticed  by  any  historian,  it  is  stated  that  the 
Envoys,  besides  the  inauguration  of  the  Crusade,  were  commissioned  to 
endeavour  to  negotiate  the  abrogation  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction.  Cf. 
SiGlSMONDO  DE'  Conti,  II.,  22,  and  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  184. 
ThuasNE  (174)  erroneously  puts  off  the  departure  of  the  Nuncios  till 
the  first  days  of  December. 


294  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

before  Charles  VIII.,  on  the  Turkish  question.  Referring 
to  the  glorious  feats  of  arms  accomplished  by  the  King's 
predecessors  and  the  Popes  in  the  past  times  against  the 
Turks,  he  contrasted  in  glowing  terms  those  days  with  the 
present.  "  In  the  days  of  your  forefathers,  who  went  forth 
to  fight  against  the  Crescent  and  for  the  Christian  Faith, 
who  would  have  thought  it  possible  that  we  should  be 
coming  here  to-day  to  urge  you  to  come  to  the  rescue  of 
Italy  and  the  States  of  the  Church  from  those  same 
inhuman  enemies  of  the  Christian  name?" 

In  order  to  shew  how  great  the  danger  was,  the  Nuncio 
referred  to  Boccolino  Guzzoni's  attempted  treason.  Its 
failure  had  only  made  the  Sultan  still  more  eager  to  attack 
Italy.  The  Italian  States  were  not  strong  enough  to  defend 
themselves  single-handed,  and  therefore  the  Pope  required 
assistance  from  the  other  Christian  Powers.  They  would 
not  be  able  to  give  this  help  unless  they  were  at  peace 
among  themselves,  and  therefore  Innocent  urged  the  King 
to  use  his  influence  to  put  an  end  to  the  present  deplorable 
divisions.  As  these  wars  were  evidently  a  Divine  chastise- 
ment brought  upon  nations  through  the  faults  of  the  Princes 
and  people,  now  was  the  time  for  the  King  to  reform  the 
abuses  which  had  crept  into  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  France. 
The  way  in  which  Cheregato  expressed  himself  on  this 
subject  confirms  the  statement,  which  we  have  from  other 
sources,  that  he  had  instructions  to  endeavour  to  combat 
the  anti-Roman  spirit  which  found  its  chief  expression  in 
the  so-called  Pragmatic  Sanction.  Finally,  he  strongly 
urged  that  the  well-known  unfortunate  Prince  Dschem,  who 
had  been  brought  to  France  by  the  Grand  Master  of  Rhodes 
in  1482,  should  be  handed  over  to  the  Pope.* 

*  Cheregato'S  speech  was  printed  in  Rome  (probably  by  Steph. 
Plank)  the  same  year,  and  was  republished  in  the  App.  of  Sigismondo 
de'  Conti,  I.,  428  seq. 


CONVOCATION   OF   THE   STATES-GENERAL.  295 

Later,  the  task  of  the  Nuncios  was  rendered  much  more 
difficult  by  the  course  of  events  in  Flanders,  where,  ever 
since  the  ist  of  February,  1488,  Maximilian  had  been  a 
prisoner  in  the  hands  of  his  subjects.  At  the  request  of 
the  Emperor,  the  Pope,  through  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne, 
laid  an  Interdict  on  the  rebels  *  When  the  news  reached 
the  French  Court,  it  was  observed  there  that  as  Flanders 
belonged  to  France  so  severe  a  punishment  ought  not  to 
have  been  imposed  without  consulting  Charles  VIII.,  and 
also  that  it  was  undeserved,  as  the  Flemings  had  just 
grounds  of  complaint  against  Maximilian.f  The  anti- 
Roman  party  made  great  capital  out  of  the  event.  "  The 
Royal  Advocate,  Johannes  Magistri,  an  enemy  of  God  and 
of  the  Holy  See,"  writes  Cheregato  from  Tours  on  the  i6th 
May,  1488,  "  is  delighted  at  the  Interdict,  because  it  gives 
him  an  opportunity  of  calumniating  the  Holy  See."  J  Later, 
Raymond  Peraudi  was  sent  to  France  to  support  Chere- 
gato. Being  a  Frenchman,  and  having  had  great  influence 
with  Louis  XL,  he  seemed  the  best  person  to  make  peace 
between  Charles  VIII.  and  Maximilian.  From  France 
Peraudi  hastened  back  to  Germany  to  promote  the  con- 
vocation of  the  States-General,  which  was  to  assemble  at 
Frankfort-on-Main.§ 

The  Assembly  at  Frankfort  was  opened  on  the  6th  July, 
1489.  A  Brief  addressed  to  it  depicts  the  extremity  of  the 
danger  in  eloquent  language.  "  The  Popes  had  made  every 
possible  effort  to  induce  the  Christian  Princes  and  nations 
to  unite  together  to  repel  their  hereditar}^  foe.     Was  all  to 

*  Cf.  supra^  p.  277,  note  *  and  also  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  405  scq.  ; 
and  Frederick  III.'s  letter  to  the  College  of  Cardinals,  in  Valentinelli, 
Lettere  Lat.  di  Principi  Austriaci.    Venezia,  1856. 

t  Cheregato's  Report  in  LjUBiC,  51. 

X  LjUBiC,  59. 

§  Schneider,  Peraudi,  12-14. 


296  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

be  in  vain  ?  The  matter  admitted  of  no  further  delay,  and 
Innocent  urged  the  Princes  to  send  Envoys  as  soon  as 
possible  to  Rome,  with  adequate  powers  to  agree  together 
upon  a  plan  of  concerted  operations.  It  was  essential  that 
all  jealousies  and  disputes  should  be  laid  aside,  and  his 
Legates  would  do  all  in  their  power  to  bring  this  about. 
Not  only  would  he  devote  all  the  resources  of  the  Holy  See 
to  the  expedition,  but,  if  it  were  deemed  advisable,  he  would 
himself  accompany  it.  He  had  written  in  the  same  sense 
to  all  the  Christian  Princes,  and  hoped  that  they,  as  well  as 
the  Germans,  would  not  refuse  to  attend  to  his  paternal 
warnings  and  prayers."*  These  stirring  words  were  ably 
seconded  by  Peraudi's  diplomatic  skill,  and  within  ten  days 
he  had  succeeded  in  inducing  the  King  of  the  Romans 
and  the  French  Envoys  then  in  Frankfort,  to  come  to 
terms.f 

During  the  following  months  Peraudi  was  occupied  in 
proclaiming  the  Indulgence  for  the  Crusade  in  Germany, 
and  assisting  the  Papal  Nuncio  to  the  Court  of  Hungary, 
Bishop  Angelo  d'Orte,  in  his  negotiations  to  bring  about  a 
reconciliation  between  Mathias  Corvinus  and  the  Emperor. 
These  were  so  far  successful  that,  on  the  19th  of  February, 
1490,  a  truce  was  agreed  to  which  was  to  last  till  the  8th  of 
September.^ 

*  GOTTLOB,  Peraudi,  452.  The  zeal  of  the  Pope  for  the  Crusade  is 
also  manifested  in  a  *Brief  to  Lucca  of  April  12,  1489.  State  Archives, 
Lucca,  Arm.  6,  n.  429. 

t  Du  Mont,  IIL,  2,  237.  Cf.  Burchardi  Diarium,  L,  362 ; 
Kervyn  DE  Lettenhove,  Lettres  de  Philippe  de  Commines,  IL,  68 
seq.  \  Schneider,  Peraudi,  14  seq.  ;  Ulmann,  Maximilian  L,  L  70. 
On  Peraudi's  Letter  of  Indulgence  of  the  year  1489,  see  Progr.  des 
Gymnasiums  zu  Feldkirch,  i860,  p.  186  seq.  \  on  another  of  the  year 
1490,  Serapeum  (1849)  p.  330. 

X  Schneider,  loc.  cit.^  14-19 ;  Ulmann,  Maximilian  L,  L  82 ; 
Fraknoi,  Math.  Corvinus,  266. 


INNOCENT   VIII.   AND   PRINCE   DSCHEM.  297 

Before  the  opening  of  the  Assembly  at  Frankfort,  Innocent 
had  achieved  a  signal  success  in  a  matter  which  was  very 
closely  connected  with  the  Crusade ;  he  had  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  person  of  the  man  upon  whom,  according  to 
the  general  opinion,  the  prospects  of  the  whole  enterprise 
would  depend.  This  was  the  famous  Prince  Dschem,  who, 
on  account  of  disputes  in  regard  to  the  succession,  had  been 
obliged  to  fly  from  his  own  country  and  had  taken  refuge 
with  the  Knights  of  Rhodes.*  He  had  arrived  in  the  island 
in  1482.  The  Grand-Master  of  the  Knights  of  S.  John, 
Pierre  d'Aubusson,  at  once  saw  the  use  that  could  be  made 
of  the  Prince  for  keeping  the  Sultan  in  check.  He  agreed 
with  Bajazet  to  keep  the  Prince  in  safe  custody  in  con- 
sideration of  an  annual  payment  of  45,000  ducats,  and  as 
long  as  friendly  relations  were  maintained  between  the 
Sultan  and  himself.-|-  Ever  since  then,  Dschem  had  lived  on 
a  demesne  belonging  to  the  Knights  in  Auvergne.  During 
this  time  Charles  VHI.  of  France,  the  Kings  of  Hungary 
and  Naples,  Venice,  and  Innocent  VIII.  had  all  been 
endeavouring  severally  to  get  the  Grand  Turk,  as  he  was 
called,  into  their  own  hands. 

As  early  as  the  year  1485  the  Pope  had  made  great 
efforts  in  this  direction  ;J  but  Tie  had  been  unsuccessful,  his 
enemy  Ferrante  having  found  means  to  counteract  all  his 
endeavours.§  At  last,  the  Papal  Nuncios  in  France, 
Lionello  Cheregato  and  Antonio  Florez,  succeeded  in 
obtaining  possession  of  the  Prince,  but  at  the  cost  of  large 

*  Schneider,  Tiirkenzugscongress,  4,  and  especially  Thuasne, 
Djem-Sultan,  3  seq.  On  one  of  Dschem's  predecessors,  see  Pastor, 
Gesch.  der  Papste,  II.,  262,  Anm.  4,  1^^  Aufgabe. 

t  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  Z\seq.\  Forgeot,  J.  Balue,  143. 

X  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1485,  n.  12  ;  Zinkeisen,  II.,  484  ;  Thuasne, 
Djem-Sultan,  131  seq. 

§    Frakn6i,  Math.  Corvinus,  221. 


298  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

concessions  on  the  side  of  Rome.  The  Grand-Master 
received  a  Cardinal's  Hat  for  himself  and  important  rights 
and  immunities  for  his  Order.  The  French  King  was  won 
over  by  the  elevation  of  the  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux  (after- 
wards of  Lyons)  to  the  Cardinalate,  and  apparently  also  a 
promise  that,  by  delaying  the  granting  of  the  necessary  dis- 
pensations, a  hindrance  should  be  put  in  the  way  of  the 
marriage  of  Anne  of  Brittany  with  the  rich  Alain  d'Albret.* 
The  treaty  concluded  between  Innocent  and  the  Knights 
of  S.  John,  with  the  consent  of  Charles  VI 1 1.,  provided 
that  "  the  Prince,  for  his  personal  security,  should  retain  a 
body-guard  of  Knights  of  Rhodes,  while  the  Pope  was  to 
receive  the  pension  of  45,000  ducats  hitherto  paid  to  the 
Order  for  the  maintenance  of  Prince  Dschem,  but  to  pledge 
himself  to  pay  10,000  ducats  if  he  should  hand  over  his 
charge  to  any  other  monarch  without  the  consent  of  the 
King  of  France.""!- 

The  King  of  Naples  was  almost  out  of  his  mind  with 
rage  when  he  heard  of  the  Pope's  success,  a:nd  meditated 
all  sorts  of  impossible  plans  for  seizing  Dschem  during  the 
course  of  his  journey  from  France  to  Rome.J  Meanwhile 
the  voyage  was  safely  accomplished,  and  on  the  6th  of 
March,  1489,  the  Prince  landed  at  Civita  Vecchia,  where,  on 
the  loth,  he  was  handed  over  to  Cardinal  de  La  Balue  by 
his  custodian,  Guido  de  Blanchefort,  Prior  of  Auvergne.§ 
On  the  evening  of  the  13th  March  the  son  of  the  conqueror 

*  BUSER,  Beziehungen,  261-62;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  173  seq.\ 
LjUBic,  56  ;  Cherrier,  I.,  187.  On  the  nominations  of  the  Cardinals, 
see  infra^  Chap.  V. 

t  ZiNKElSEN,  II.,  485.  Other  accounts  make  the  Pension  only  40,000 
ducats.     See  Heidenheimer,  Correspondenz,  513,  note  i. 

X  Mon.  Hung.,  IV.,  6 ;  Fraknoi,  loc.  cit. 

§  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  335 ;  Thuagne,  Djem-Sultan,  226 ; 
FORGEOT,  i^^seq 


PRINCE  DSCHEM   IN    ROME.  299 

of  the  Rome  of  the  East  entered  the  Eternal  City  by  the 
Porta  Portese.  All  Rome  was  astir  ;  so  large  a  crowd  had 
assembled  that  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  a 
path  could  be  cleared  through  the  throng  for  the  cor- 
tege. The  mob  were  insatiable  in  feasting  their  eyes  on 
the  unaccustomed  sight,  and  were  penetrated  with  the 
belief  that  it  betokened  an  escape  from  a  great  danger. 
A  prophecy  had  been  current  throughout  Christendom 
that  the  Sultan  would  come  to  Rome  and  take  up  his 
abode  in  the  Vatican.  Great  was  the  relief  and  joy  when 
it  was  seen  to  be  so  happily  fulfilled  in  so  unexpected  a 
manner.* 

By  the  Pope's  orders  Dschem  was  received  with  royal 
honours.  At  the  gates  he  was  met  by  a  deputation  of 
members  of  the  households  of  the  Cardinals  (amongst 
whom,  however,  there  were  none  of  the  rank  of  a  Prelate), 
the  Foreign  Envoys,  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and 
Franceschetto  Cibo.  "  The  son  of  Mahomet  disdained  to 
vouchsafe  them  a  single  glance.  With  his  head  enveloped 
in  a  turban  and  his  gloomy  countenance  veiled,  he  sat 
almost  motionless  on  the  white  palfrey  of  the  Pope."  The 
only  sign  which  he  gave  of  being  aware  of  the  greetings  of 
which  he  was  the  object  was  a  slight  inclination  of  the 
head,  and  he  hardly  noticed  the  gifts,  consisting  of  700 
ducats  and  brocaded  stuffs,  which  were  sent  to  him  by  the 
Pope.  He  rode  in  stolid  silence  between  Franceschetto 
Cibo  and  the  Prior  of  Auvergne.  The  long  procession, 
with  the  truly  Oriental  tokens  of  respect  from  the  Envoy 
of  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  passed  slowly  across  the  Isola 
di  S.  Bartolomeo  and  along  the  Piazza  Giudca  and  the 
Campo   di   Fiore   to  the  Papal    Palace,   where  the  Prince 

*  SiGISMONDO  de'  Conti,  I.,  325  ;  BuSER,  Bezicliuiigen,  262,  errone- 
ously makes  the  date  of  Dschem's  arrival  March  30.  SiGiSMONDO,  loc. 
cit.^  is  equally  mistaken  in  making  it  March  15. 


300  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

was    conducted    to    the    apartments    reserved    for    royal 
guests.* 

The  next  day  an  open  Consistory  was  held,  at  the 
close  of  which  the  Pope  received  the  Grand  Turk.  Prince 
Dschem  was  conducted  into  the  hall  by  Franceschetto  Cibo 
and  the  Prior  of  Auvergne.  The  customary  ceremonial 
was  dispensed  with,  in  order  that  nothing  might  be  done 
which  would  dishonour  the  Prince  in  the  eyes  of  his 
countrymen.  Making  a  slight  inclination  and  laying  his 
right  hand  on  his  chin,  Dschem  went  up  to  the  Pope  and 
kissed  his  right  shoulder.  He  addressed  Innocent  VIII. 
through  an  interpreter,  and  informed  him  that  he  looked 
upon  it  as  a  great  favour  from  God  to  have  been  permitted 
to  behold  him ;  when  he  could  see  the  Pope  in  private  he 
would  be  able  to  impart  to  him  some  things  which  would 
be  advantageous  to  Christendom.  The  Pope  in  reply 
assured  Dschem  of  his  friendly  disposition  towards  him,  and 
begged  him  to  have  no  anxiety,  for  that  everything  had 
been  arranged  in  a  manner  suitable  to  his  dignity.  Dschem 
thanked  him,  and  then  proceeded  to  salute  each  of  the 
Cardinals  in  order  according  to  their  rank.f 

*  Cf.  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  336  seq.^  and  Sigismondo  de'  Conti, 
I.,  .325,  who  were  eye-witnesses.  See  further,  INFESSURA,  241  seq.  \  and 
among  modern  writers,  GregOROVIUS,  VII.,  286  seq.^  ed.  3,  and 
Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  227  seq.  to  422  seq.  Cf.  also  ^Report  of  the 
Ferrarese  Envoy,  March  14.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

t  Cf.  BURCHARDi  Diarium,  I.,  341,  who  in  all  essentials  agrees  with 
Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  I.,  326.  The  -^Report  of  Arlotti,  of  the  14th 
March  1487,  which  differs  from  them,  is  not  trustworthy.  Cf.  also 
Serdonati,  66,  and  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  233  seq.  G.  L.  Cataneo, 
in  a  "^Letter  dat.  Rome,  March  17,  1489,  says  :  "^El  fratello  del  Turcho 
hozi  de  essere  in  audientia  cum  el  papa.  El  di  che  se  ge  apresentoe  in 
publico  [consistorio]  non  disse  altro  per  interprete  se  non  che  li  piaceria 
molto  vedere  S.  B^e  per  haver  cosi  desiderato  longamente  e  se  li  prestava 
orechie  li  daria  alchuni  boni  advisi.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 


IMPRESSION    MADE   BY   PRINCE   DSCHEM.  3OI 

The  numerous  descriptions  of  Dschem's  outward  appear- 
ance that  we  find  in  contemporary  writings,  testify  to  the 
interest  which  he  excited  in  Rome.  The  best  known  of 
these  is  that  by  the  celebrated  painter  Mantegna,  in  a 
letter  of  June  15,  1489,  to  the  Marquess  Francesco  Gonzaga 
of  Mantua.  ''  The  brother  of  the  Turk,"  he  writes,  "  Hves 
here  in  the  Palace,  carefully  guarded.  The  Pope  provides 
him  with  pastimes  of  all  sorts,  such  as  hunting,  music, 
banquets,  and  other  amusements.  Sometimes  he  comes 
to  dine  in  the  new  palace,  where  I  am  painting,  and 
behaves  very  well  for  a  barbarian.  His  manners  are  proud 
and  dignified ;  even  for  the  Pope  he  never  uncovers  his 
head,  nor  is  it  the  custom  to  uncover  in  his  presence.  He 
has  five  meals  in  the  day,  and  sleeps  awhile  after  each ; 
before  meals  he  drinks  sugared  water.  He  walks  like  an 
elephant,  with  a  measured  step  like  the  beat  of  a  Venetian 
chorus.  His  people  speak  highly  of  him,  and  say  he  is 
an  accomplished  horseman,  but  as  yet  I  have  had  no 
opportunity  of  seeing  whether  this  is  true.  He  often 
keeps  his  eyes  half-closed.  His  nature  is  cruel,  and  they 
say  he  has  killed  four  people ;  to-day  he  has  severely 
maltreated  an  interpreter.  He  is  credited  with  great 
devotion  to  Bacchus.  His  people  are  afraid  of  him.  He 
takes  little  notice  of  what  passes,  as  if  he  did  not  under- 
stand. He  sleeps  completely  dressed,  and  gives  audiences 
sitting  cross-legged,  like  a  Parthian.  On  his  head  he 
wears  thirty  thousand  (!)  yards  of  linen  ;  his  trowsers  are 
so  wide  that  he  can  bury  himself  in  them.  The  expression 
of  his  face  is  ferocious,  especially  when  Bacchus  has  been 
with  him."*     Several  of  the  traits,   as  here   depicted,  are 

*  BOTTARI,  VIIL,  22.  Cf.  ReumONT,  III.,  I,  193,  and  GUHL,  I., 
55-56.  Reumont  makes  no  comment  on  Mantegna's  exaggerations. 
On  Dschem's  poems,  see  Hammer-Purgstall,  Gesch.  der  Osman. 
Dichtkunst,  I.,  145  seq 


302  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

obviously  caricatured,  but  most  of  the  rest  are  corroborated 
by  other  accounts.  His  age  at  this  time  is  variously  com- 
puted by  different  writers.  Guilleaume  Caoursin  makes  it 
28,  vv^hile  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  speaks  of  him  as  35  years 
old  ;  the  latter  dwells  upon  the  savage  expression  of  his 
countenance,  and  his  uncertain  and  cruel  temper.  In  all 
other  respects  these  two  writers  agree  in  their  descriptions 
of  him  ;  they  portray  him  as  a  tall,  powerfully-built  man, 
with  a  swarthy  complexion,  a  hooked  nose,  and  blueish, 
glittering  eyes.*  The  Ferrarese  and  Mantuan  Envoys,  who 
were  acquainted  with  the  beautiful  medals  of  the  Con- 
queror of  Constantinople,  executed  by  Italian  artists,  men- 
tion the  resemblance  between  the  Prince  and  his  father  as 
very  striking.*]- 

To  the  Pope,  Dschem  was  a  valuable  hostage  for  the  good 
behaviour  of  the  Sultan.  At  first  Spoleto  or  Orvieto  were 
talked  of  as  places  where  he  could  be  safely  confined  ;  I  but 
finally,  it  was  decided  that  he  could  be  kept  most  securely 


*  G.  Caoursin  in  Thuasne,  Burchardi  Diarium,  I.,  537;  cf.  M. 
BOSSUS'  description,  zdid.  527.  See  also  Feuillet  de  Conches,  Causeries 
d'un  Curieux,  IV.,  461  seg'.  (Paris,  1868)  ;  Le  Bougy,  in  the  Rev. 
Contemp.,  1862;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  231  se^.,  and  Rev.  des  Quest. 
Hist.  (1892,  Juillet)p.  289. 

f  Cf.  A  -^Letter  from  Arlotti  of  March  14,  1489  (State  Archives, 
Modena);  and  G.  L.  Cataneo's  ^Report,  dat.  Rome,  March  17,  1489  :  '^Lui 
h  del  aspetto  che  ho  significato  et  de  anni  circha  trentacinque  e  assai  si 
asimiglia  a  la  faza  del  patre  secundo  le  medaglie  (impressions  are  given 
in  Hertzberg,  618,  and  Frakn6i,  M.  Corvinus,  97)  si  ritrovano. 
Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

%  Arlotti's  "^Report  of  March  14,  1489  (State  Archives,  Modena),  and 
G.  L.  Cataneo's  -^^Letter  of  March  17,  1489  :  *Esso  Turcho  ha  facto 
pregare  N.  S'^e  lo  toglia  de  mane  a  quelli  da  Rhodi  e  lo  tenga  a  Roma. 
In  summa  S.  Sta  persevera  in  volerlo  man  dare  a  Orveto  e  nel  tempo 
chel  sta  qui  se  li  da  ogni  piacere  lasarlo  vedere  el  palazo  vechio  e  novo 
e  simile  cose.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 


PREPARATIONS   FOR   THE   CRUSADE.  303 

in  the  Vatican.  Here  the  Prince  Hved  in  sumptuously 
furnished  apartments,  commanding  an  extensive  view  of 
vineyards  and  gardens.  His  maintenance  was  provided 
for  with  the  greatest  HberaHty,  costing  15,000  ducats  a 
year.  This,  says  Sigismondo,  was  a  severe  drain  on  the 
overtaxed  resources  of  the  Pope,  but  he  submitted  to  it 
for  the  sake  of  the  advantages  which  the  whole  of  Christen- 
dom derived  from  the  custody  of  the  Prince.* 

In  the  autumn  of  1489,  Innocent  VIII.  was  busily 
occupied  with  the  preparations  for  the  Crusade.f  The 
Sultan  fully  recognised  the  standing  menace  which  the 
possession  of  Dschem  constituted  for  him  ;  and  his  anxieties 
were  increased  by  the  negotiations  opened  by  the  Pope 
with  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,J  and  his  plan  for  assembling 
representatives  of  all  the  Christian  Powers  in  Rome  to 
deliberate  on  the  Eastern  question. §  In  this  difficulty 
Bajazet  had  recourse  to  an  expedient,  which,  unfortunately, 
in  those  days  was  not  unfrequently  resorted  to  by  European 
Powers  also.  He  hired  a  renegade  nobleman  of  the  Marches 
of  Ancona,  by  name  Cristofano  di  Castrano  (alias  Magrino), 
to  poison  the  Belvedere  fountain,  from  which  the  table  of 

*  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  I.,  328  ;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  238,  240. 

t  FORGEOT,  J.  Balue,  147. 

X  Cf.  Allegretti,  825  ;  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1489,  n.  4 ;  Muller, 
Relaz.,  237 ;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  254 ;  and  Weil,  Gesch.  d. 
Kalifen,  V.,  345,  n.  i.  Stuttgart,  1862. 

§  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  L,  328.  In  the  beginning  of  1490,  the 
celebrated  Callimachus  appeared  in  Rome,  sent  by  the  King  of  Poland. 
He  sought  to  dissuade  the  Pope  from  his  plan  of  uniting  all  Christendom 
in  a  crusade  against  the  Turks,  and  to  shew  that  it  would  be  far  more 
advantageous  for  him  to  conclude  a  separate  agreement  with  the  King  of 
Poland,  who  was  quite  prepared  to  undertake  the  war  against  the  un- 
believers, and  possessed  special  facilities  for  doing  so.  Zeissberg, 
Poln.  Geschichtschreibung,  369;  Mon.  Polon.,  XL,  521  ;  Caro,  V.,  2, 
953  seq.,  646  seq. 


304  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Dschem  as  well  as  that  of  Innocent  VIII.  was  supplied  ;  the 
poison  would  take  five  days  to  work  its  effects,  and  the 
assassin  was  promised  Negroponte  and  a  high  post  in  the 
Turkish  army.  Apparently  there  were  some  accomplices  in 
Rome  who  were  aware  of  the  plot.  Magrino  betrayed  him- 
self in  Venice  before  he  had  even  arrived  in  Rome,  and  was 
arrested,  carried  thither,  and  executed  in  May  1490.* 

The  Pope's  letter  of  May  8th,  1489,  proposing  a  Congress, 
met  almost  universally  with  a  favourable  response.^  In 
consequence.  Briefs  were  sent  out  in  December  appointing 
the  25th  March,  1490,  as  the  opening  day  in  Rome.J 
Raymond  Peraudi  was  indefatigable  in  his  labours  to 
promote  it.  In  an  eloquent  letter  to  the  King  of  Poland, 
he  describes  how  "  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  Ponti- 
ficate, the  mind  of  Pope  Innocent  had  been  incessantly 
occupied  in  devising  means  for  the  defence  of  the  Christian 
Commonwealth,  and  how  the  possession  of  Prince  Dschem, 
the  Sultan's  brother,  renders  the  present  moment  a  specially 
favourable  one  for  action.      Dschem  has   promised,  if  he 

*   INFESSURA,  254-6;  SiGISMONDO  DE' CONTI,  II.,  39  ;  andTHUASNE, 

Djem-Sultan,  261  seq.^  269  seq.  In  ■^Commiss.  S.  D.  N.  Pape  ad  episc. 
Tarvisinum,  we  have  the  history  of  the  strenuous  efforts  made  by  the 
Pope  in  December  1489,  to  get  hold  of  this  malefactor.  (Cod.  90,  of  the 
Library  of  Verona,  f.  5^-6.)  The  conspirator  is  here  called  Macrino 
Castracan  :  "^Non  vidi  mai  homo  piu  apassionato  del  N.  8°^  per  questo 
et  delibera  sapere  che  sono  quelli  de  urbe  che  ano  intelligentia  cum 
Macrino ;  de  lui  non  fa  tanto  computo  quanto  de  li  complici  et  fautori. 
The  following  passage  out  of  the  "^Report  of  G.  L.  Cataneo  of  March  17, 
1489,  mentioned  in  note  %  of  p.  302,  shews  what  fears  were  entertained  of 
intrigues  in  Rome  on  the  part  of  the  Sultan  in  connection  with  Dschem: 
*Un  Turcho  che  desmonto  a  Napoli  capito  in  questa  terra  nel  arivare 
del  Turcho  e  per  suspetto  e  sta  carcerato.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  Schneider,  Tiirkenzugscongress,  4. 

X  *Brief  to  Ercole  of  Ferrara,  dat.  Rome,  Dec.  6,  1489.  (Original  in 
the  State  Archives,  Modena.)  Cf.  the  Brief  of  Dec.  7, 1489,  in  Theiner, 
Mon.  Pol.,  II.,  251. 


MEETING   OF   THE   CONGRESS.  305 

obtains  the  Caliphate  through  the  Christians,  to  withdraw 
the  Turks  from  Europe,  and  even  to  give  up  Constanti- 
nople. The  Pope  has  therefore  sent  Legates  to  all  the 
European  Courts,  to  implore  them  to  lay  aside  all  private 
quarrels  and  to  unite  in  a  common  Crusade.  He  had  himself 
been  to  France  and  to  Germany,  and  the  result  had  been 
that  Charles  and  Maximilian  had  made  peace  with  each 
other.  Peace  was  re-established  also  in  Brittany,  Flanders, 
and  Brabant.  He  was  now  endeavouring  to  bring  about  an 
accommodation  between  the  Emperor  and  Hungary.  He 
implored  and  adjured  his  Majesty  by  the  mercy  of  Christ, 
that  he  too  would  shew  himself  to  be  a  good  Catholic 
and  pious  King  by  complying  with  the  Pope's  desires.* 

At  the  request  of  Frederick  HI.  and  Maximilian,  the 
Congress  was  put  off  till  a  little  later.  On  the  25th  March, 
Pietro  Mansi  of  Vicenza,  Bishop  of  Cesena,  delivered  a 
stirring  address  for  the  opening,j-  but  the  actual  business 
did  not  begin  till  after  Pentecost.  Venice  took  no  part  in 
this  assembly,  in  order  to  avoid  disturbing  her  good  rela- 
tions with  the  Porte.J 

The  history  of  the  Congress  is  to  be  found  in  the  pages 
of  Sigismondo  de'  Conti ;  and  elsewhere  a  series  of 
documents  serve  to  complete  it.§  On  the  3rd  of  June,  all 
the  Cardinals  and  the  Envoys  met  in  the  Papal  Palace. 
Innocent  VHT.  delivered  a  long  address,  retracing  the 
history  of  his  efforts  up  to  the  present  time,  to  set  on  foot 

*  GOTTLOB,  Peraudi,  453. 

t  Printed  in  the  App.  to  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  CONTi,  II.,  413-23,  and 
repeatedly  published. 

X  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  265. 

§  Especially  the  "'^Report  of  the  Envoy  from  Cleves  and  Juliers, 
Johann  Nagell,  to  Duke  William  I.,  in  the  State  Archives  at  Diisseldorf 
(section  Jiilich-Berg,  Polit.  Begebcnheiten,  I.  A.),  which  is  accompanied 
by  formal  documents,  and  of  which  Schneider  has  made  use  in  his 
Tijrkenzugscongress,  i  se^. 

VOL.    V.  X 


306  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

an  expedition  against  the  Turks.  He  had  taken  infinite 
trouble  and  made  large  pecuniary  sacrifices  to  obtain 
possession  of  the  person  of  Dschem,  which  appeared  to  him 
to  be  a  matter  of  great  importance.  The  Sultan  Bajazet 
was  very  much  afraid  of  his  brother,  a  party  among  the 
Janissaries  and  people  being  bent  upon  stirring  up  a  revolt 
in  'his  favour.  It  was  their  bounden  duty  not  to  permit 
this  heaven-sent  opportunity  to  pass  without  taking  advant- 
age of  it.  They  had  therefore  to  consider  where  and  with 
what  soldiers  the  attack  should  be  opened  ;  whether  by  land 
or  by  water,  or  by  both  at  once ;  how  large  the  army  should 
be,  how  the  fleet  should  be  equipped,  whether  the  land 
and  sea  forces  should  operate  separately,  or  combined  in 
detachments.  They  must  also  deliberate  as  to  the  number 
of  generals,  whether  there  should  be  one  Commander-in- 
Chief,  or  several  of  equal  rank  ;  what  money  will  be  re- 
quired, and  how  it  is  to  be  collected  ;  whether  there  should 
be  a  reserve  fund  in  case  of  mishaps  ;  how  long  the  war  was 
likely  to  last ;  what  amount  of  provisions  and  war  material 
will  be  requisite ;  and  how  the  expense  of  the  whole  is  to 
be  apportioned.  The  Cardinals  ought  also  to  consider  all 
these  questions  so  as  to  be  prepared  to  give  their  advice 
when  needed.  Perhaps  it  would  be  well  also  to  take 
counsel  as  to  whether  it  might  not  be  possible  for  the 
Pope  to  follow  the  example  of  Sixtus  IV.,  and  by  his 
Apostolical  authority  impose  a  truce  between  all  Christian 
Princes  for  the  time  being.* 

As  time  went  on,  there  was  no  lack  of  the  usual  disputes 
in  regard  to  precedence  ;  and  the  Envoys,  divided  into  two 
parties,  Germans  and  Italians,  made  but  slow  progress  with 
the  negotiations.  At  last,  however,  mainly  thanks  to  the 
German,  and  especially  to  the  Imperial  Envoys,  a  reply  to 
most  of  the  questions  proposed  by  the  Pope  was  agreed 

*  Schneider,  TUrkenzugscongress,  5-6. 


THE   CONSTITUTION    OF   THE  ARMY.  307 

to.  The  address  was  handed  over  in  writing  to  the  Pope 
and  the  Cardinals.  It  began  by  thanking  God,  first,  that 
he  had  put  such  desires  into  the  heart  of  the  Pope,  and 
next,  Innocent  himself  for  his  exertions  in  the  matter  of 
Dschem,  who  was  most  valuable  as  a  standing  menace  to 
the  Sultan,  and  a  means  of  breaking  up  his  Empire.  He 
should  be  carefully  guarded  in  Rome  for  the  present,  and 
later  on,  counsel  should  be  taken  as  to  how  he  could  be  most 
advantageously  employed  in  the  campaign.  As  regarded 
the  constitution  of  the  army,  the  Envoys  were  of  opinion 
that  it  should  consist  of  three  divisions  :  a  Papal  and  Italian 
army,  a  German  army,  including  Hungary,  Poland,  and  the 
Northern  States,  and  a  third  force  made  up  of  the  French, 
Spaniards  and  English.  In  addition  to  the  separate  chiefs 
of  these  various  corps,  a  single  Commander-in-Chief  should 
be  appointed.  The  Germans  considered  that  if  the 
Emperor,  or,  failing  him,  the  King  of  the  Romans,  person- 
ally took  part  in  the  Crusade,  he  should  be,  ipso  facto, 
Commander-in-Chief.  The  other  Envoys  wished  that  the 
Generalissimo  should  be  elected  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war  by  the  Princes  and  the  Pope.  They  further  expressed 
their  opinion  that  it  would  be  extremely  desirable  that  the 
Holy  Father  should  accompany  the  expedition.  To  pro- 
vide for  the  expenses  of  the  war  they  suggested  that  each 
Prince  should  levy  a  toll  on  his  subjects,  clergy  and  laity 
contributing  alike.  The  duration  of  the  war  might  be 
calculated  at  three  years. 

It  was  important  that  the  troops  should  be  collected 
simultaneously  and  as  quickly  as  possible ;  the  German 
contingent  in  Vienna,  and  the  rest  in  Ancona,  Brindisi, 
or  Messina.  The  German  troops  were  to  march  through 
Hungary  and  Wallachia ;  the  fleet  would  attack  the 
Peloponnesus  and  Euboea  ;  the  French  and  Spaniards  with 
the  Italian  horsemen    were  to  concentrate  in  Valona  and 


308  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

thence  bear  down  upon  the  enemy.  A  simultaneous  attack 
should  be  directed  against  the  Moors ;  but  it  seemed  an 
essential  preliminary  to  the  whole  undertaking  that  the 
Pope  should  endeavour  to  put  an  end  to  the  disputes  be- 
tween the  Christian  powers,  or,  at  any  rate,  secure  an 
armistice  for  the  time. 

In  his  reply.  Innocent  thanked  the  Envoys  for  their 
approval  of  his  plan  of  fighting  the  Turks  by  means  of 
Prince  Dschem.  The  question  as  to  whether  the  Turkish 
Prince  should  accompany  the  expedition  in  a  captive  or 
active  capacity,  must  be  left  to  those  who  were  best  ac- 
quainted with  the  enemy  and  their  country;  but  the 
decision  of  this  point  should  not  be  long  delayed.  In 
regard  to  the  assembling  of  the  forces,  the  simultaneous 
commencement  of  the  war,  the  route  selected  for  the  attack, 
and  the  pacification  of  Europe,  the  Pope  agreed  in  all  essen- 
tials with  the  views  of  the  Envoys.  The  Commander-in- 
Chief  must  be  either  the  Emperor  or  the  King  of  the  Romans, 
as  they  were  the  natural  protectors  of  the  Church.  With 
regard  to  the  expenses  of  the  war,  the  levies  from  the 
laity  should  be  collected  by  the  Princes,  while  he  would 
charge  himself  with  the  taxation  of  the  clergy;  but  this 
subject  might  be  further  discussed.  He  thought  that  a 
force  of  50,000  horsemen  and  80,000  infantry  would  suffice ; 
but  the  strength  of  the  army  and  fleet  would  be  a  matter 
for  future  agreement  between  the  Christian  Princes.  In 
regard  to  his  personal  participation  in  the  Crusade,  Inno- 
cent declared  that  he  was  prepared  in  everything  to  follow 
the  example  of  his  predecessors.  The  war  must  be  counted 
as  likely  to  last  five  rather  than  three  years,  and  should  be 
begun  in  the  following  year,  when  the  Sultan  of  Egypt  was 
expected  to  make  an  attack  on  the  Turks.  Referring  to 
the  hostile  attitude  of  the  King  of  Naples  towards  himself. 
Innocent  further  observed  that  it  was  one  of  the  primary 


INNOCENT   VIII.   ADDRESSES   THE   ENVOYS.  309 

duties  of  the  Christian  Princes  to  maintain  order  in  the 
States  of  the  Church.  He  insisted  earnestly  on  the  great 
importance  of  immediate  action,  as  the  main  thing  on 
which  the  chance  of  success  depended.*  In  conclusion,  he 
expressed  his  surprise  that  the  Envoys  declared  themselves 
unable  to  come  to  any  definite  decision  without  further 
reference  to  their  respective  governments,  seeing  that  he 
had  expressly  requested  that  they  should  be  provided  with 
full  powers  for  this  very  purpose.  He  hoped,  at  any  rate, 
that  they  would  lose  no  time  in  obtaining  them,  lest  the 
favourable  moment  for  making  use  of  Prince  Dschem 
should  be  lost  by  further  delay.f     On  the  30th  July  the 

*  "  The  recommendations  of  the  Roman  Court  in  regard  to  the  conduct 
of  the  war,"  observes  SCHNEIDER  (Tiirkenzugscongress,  11),  "  betoken 
great  prudence  and  knowledge  of  the  subject ;  for  the  most  part  they 
agree  with  those  of  the  Emperor's  Envoys.  No  doubt  they  were  to  a 
great  extent  inspired  by  the  military  experience  of  Cardinal  Giuliano 
della  Rovere,  afterwards  Julius  II."  The  Pope  had  also  obtained  much 
useful  information  on  the  internal  condition  of  the  Turkish  Empire  from 
Callimachus.     See  supra,  p.  303,  note  §. 

t  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  Conti,  II.,  1-4,  and  the  documents  from  the 
Archives  of  the  Capitol  there  printed  in  the  App.,  424-36.  These  latter 
are  generally  quoted ;  I  discovered  the  following  MSS.,  which,  in  part, 
contain  better  readings  :  ( i )  Collection  in  Codex,  without  signature,  in  the 
Altieri  Library,  Rome  ;  (2)  Cod.  Ottob.,  1888,  f.  161-73,  Vatican  Library  ; 
(3)  Cod.  D.,  IV.,  22,  f.  202-17,  of  the  Casanat.  Lib.,  Rome  ;  (4)  Politicor. 
varia,  VII.,  f.  330  seg.,  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican  ;  (5)  State 
Archives,  Diisseldorf.  Cf.  SCHNEmER,  Tiirkenzugscongress,  7-1 1,  who, 
however,  has  overlooked  the  copy  in  SiGlSMONDO  de'  CONTi  in  the  State 
Archives,  Venice,  Cod.  MiscelL,  692.  The  Responsio  Innocentii  VIII., 
is  in  Codex  6,  Plut.  XIV.  of  the  Capitoline  Archives,  as  well  as  in  the 
MS.  in  the  Casanat.  Lib.,  dat.  die  lunae  xxvi.  Julii  ;  the  MS.  in  the 
Diisseldorf  Archives  and  that  in  the  Venetian  Archives  bears  the  same 
date.  That  in  the  Cod.  Ottob.  is  dated  lunae  16  Julii.  As  in  1490,  the 
26th  and  not  the  i6th  July  fell  on  a  Monday — the  former  seems  to  be 
the  correct  date  ;  N.  Franco,  however,  appears  to  contradict  this  view, 
as,  in  giving  an  extract  in  his  notes  from  the  answer  of  the  Pope,  he 


3IO  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Congress  was  closed  by  the  Pope,  to  be  reopened  when  the 
Envoys  had  received  the  requisite  full  powers;  but  this 
never  took  place.* 

According  to  the  somewhat  optimist  view  of  Sigismon- 
do  de'  Conti,  the  Crusade  would  really,  in  spite  of  all 
difficulties,  have  been  carried  through,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  death  of  the  King  of  Hungary,  Mathias  Corvinus,  at 
the  early  age  of  47,  from  an  apoplectic  stroke.f  The 
blow  to  the  Christian  cause  was  all  the  greater  because 
this  event  at  once  plunged  that  country  into  a  bitter  con- 
test for  the  succession  to  the  throne.  Maximilian  seized 
the  opportunity  to  endeavour  to  recover  his  hereditary 
possessions  in  Hungary.  On  the  19th  of  August  he 
marched  into  Vienna,  where  he  was  warmly  greeted  by 
the  inhabitants.  On  the  4th  of  October  he  started 
from  thence  to  make  good  his  claim  to  the  Hungarian 
throne  by  force  of  arms ;  but  want  of  money  and  a 
mutiny  amongst  his  retainers  checked  his  otherwise 
victorious  progress.  As  but  little  help  could  be  got 
from  the  Empire,  a  Peace  was  concluded  between  him 
and  King  Wladislaw,  on  the  7th  November,  149 1,  at  Pres- 
burg.  The  Pope  had  done  his  best  to  bring  this  about ; 
but  now  the  final  blow  to  the  prospects  of  the  Crusade 
fell   in   the  revival  of  the  quarrel   between  Charles  VHI. 


writes  :  "^Die  xii.  Julii,  1490.  Questa  matina  el  N.  S.  in  consistorio  ha  pro- 
posto  questo  et  benche  el  sia  piu  diffuse,  tamen  sollicite  collegi  memoria. 
Cod.  90,  f.  28b  seq.  in  the  Town  Library,  Verona.  It  should  be  noticed 
here  that  in  1490  the  12th  July  was  a  Monday.  On  the  31st  July,  1490, 
Innocent  VIII.  wrote  a  *Letter  to  Frederick  III.,  on  the  Congress  for 
the  Crusade.  (State  Archives,  Vienna.)  See  Regest.  in  LiCHNOWSKY, 
VIII.,  n.  1416. 

*  Schneider,  Tiirkenzugscongress,  11. 

t  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  4  ;  Fraknoi,  M.  Corvinus,  270;  see 
also  Lascaris,  in  the  Serapeum  (1849),  68. 


PROPOSALS   OF   BAJAZET.  3 11 

and  Maximilian,  which  broke  out  afresh  with  redoubled 
violence.* 

While  political  affairs  in  the  North  were  thus  developing 
in  a  very  unfavourable  manner  for  the  Crusade,  the  Pope, 
who  was  also  suffering  from  serious  illness,-]-  was  cruelly 
harassed  by  Ferrante.  Venice,  the  greatest  naval  power  in 
Europe,  steadily  pursued  her  huckster's  policy  of  giving  her 
support  to  whatever  state  of  things  seemed  most  advan- 
tageous for  her  commerce.  Throughout  the  Congress,  she 
kept  the  Sultan  thoroughly  informed  of  all  its  transactions.^ 
Under  such  conditions  as  these,  what  chance  could  there  be 
of  a  combined  attack  on  the  Crescent  ?  We  need  to  realise 
this  hopeless  state  of  things  in  order  to  understand  how 
Innocent  VIII.  came  to  lend  a  favourable  ear  to  the  pro- 
posals made  to  him  in  November  1490,  through  a  Turkish 
Envoy. 

The  Sultan  Bajazet  lived  in  perpetual  terror  lest  Prince 
Dschem  might  be  employed  as  a  tool  wherewith  to  attack 
him.  His  attempt  to  poison  the  Prince  having  failed,  when 
the  news  of  the  Congress  to  discuss  the  question  of  a  new 
Crusade  reached  him,  he  determined  to  try  another  ex- 
pedient. He  despatched  an  embassy  to  Rome,  which  arrived 
there  on  the  30th  of  November,  1490,  bringing  presents, 
and  an  unsealed  letter  to  the  Pope,  written  in  Greek  on 
papyrus.  In  this  letter  he  requested  Innocent  VIII.  to 
undertake  the  custody  of  his  brother  Dschem,  in  Rome, 
on  the  same  conditions  as  had  formerly  been  arranged  with 
the  Grand-Master  of  the  Knights  of  Rhodes.§ 

*  Ulmann,  Maximilian  I.,  I.  97  seq.^  wo  seq.^  112  seq.\  HUBER,  III., 
295  seq.',  Krones,  II.,  484  seq. 

t  Cf.  supra^  p.  281. 

X  Cf.  Schneider,  Tiirkenzugscongress,  11,  note  4  and  12.  The  docu- 
ments in  Muller,  Relaz.,  237,  288,  shew  what  friendly  relations  subsisted 
between  Florence  and  the  Sultan  in  1487  and  1488. 

§  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  Conti,  II.,  23  seq.^  whose    report    is   confirmed 


312  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

The  Pope  accepted  the  Sultan's  gifts  and  permitted  the 
Envoys  to  visit  Prince  Dschem  and  assure  themselves  of  his 
well-being-.  In  regard  to  the  negotiations  he  considered 
the  matter  too  important  and  affecting  too  many  interests 
to  decide  it  by  himself,  and  therefore  called  a  Council  of 
all  the  Ambassadors  then  present  in  Rome  to  discuss  it. 

The  Turkish  Ambassador  had  at  first  promised  that  as 
long  as  Dschem  was  kept  in  safe  custody  his  master  would 
abstain  from  attacking  any  part  of  Christendom.  Later, 
however,  he  restricted  this  promise  to  the  coasts  of  the 
Adriatic,  and  expressly  excluded  Hungary,  with  the  result 
that  no  agreement   could    be  come   to.      The  Envoy  left 

throughout  by  the  letters  of  the  Envoy.  In  addition  to  the  reports  from 
the  Florentine  State  Archives,  given  by  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  276 
seq.^  I  have  made  use  of  the  following  documents  {a)  "^^Report  of  Bon- 
francesco  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  Dec.  2,  1490  (State  Archives,  Modena) ;  {b) 
■^Report  of  the  Milanese  Envoy  ( Jac.  episc.  Dherton.  et  Steph.  Taberna), 
dat.  Rome,  Dec.  2,  1490  (State  Archives,  Milan).  Here  I  found  in  the 
Series  "Turchia''  a  contemporaneous  Latin  translation  of  the  Sultan's 
letter  ;  in  substance  it  agrees  with  the  account  given  of  it  by  Sigismondo 
and  Baluze  ;  the  translation  differs  a  good  deal  from  theirs,  and  they  also 
differ  from  each  other  in  the  wording  in  many  places.  For  comparison 
I  here  subjoin  the  beginning :  Sultan  Parazit  Chan  Dei  gratia  magnus 
imperator  ac  utriusque,  &c.,  omnium  christianorum  patri  et  domino  dom. 
Rom.  eccles.  antistiti  dignissimo.  Post  condecentem  et  iustam  allo- 
cutionem.  Significamus  Tue  Divinitati  intellexesse  nos  a  r.  card, 
magno  magistro  Rhodique  domino  germanum  nostrum  isthic  degere  ad 
presens,  qui  a  nominati  cardinalis  proceribus  istuc  adductus  nunc  quoque 
sub  illorum  custodia  est.  Que  res  urbis  quidem  pergrata  visa  est  admo- 
dumque  letati  sumus  ipsum  apud  vos  hospitari,  etc.  The  translation  in  the 
Milanese  State  Archives  differs  from  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  and  Baluze, 
Miscell.,  I.,  517,  in  bearing  the  date  May  16,  1490,  instead  of  May  17. 
Many  MS.  collections  contain  translations  of  this  letter,  as,  for  instance, 
Cod.  511  of  the  Chapter  Library  at  Lucca,  also  (date  May  20)  Cod.  716 
of  the  Munich  Library,  and  MS.  1238  of  the  National  Library  in  Paris  ;  see 
Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  277.  The  Greek  text  {cf.  Briegers  Zeitschr., 
VII.,  152),  in  Cod.  Vatic.  Gr.  1408,  f  i<^^-'^^  is  dated  May  28,  1490. 


BAJAZET   A   TRIBUTARY   TO   THE   POPE.  313 

the  pension  for  Dschem,  which  had  hitherto  been  paid  to 
Rhodes,  in  Pome,  and  took  back  an  answer  from  the  Pope 
to  the  effect  that  no  definite  reply  could  be  given  to  the 
Sultan's  proposal  until  the  views  of  all  the  Christian  powers 
had  been  ascertained.*  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  reports  that 
many  men,  whose  opinion  was  not  to  be  despised,  thought 
it  imprudent  in  the  Pope  to  condescend  so  much  to  the 
Turkish  barbarian,  and  out  of  desire  of  gain  to  conclude 
a  sort  of  bargain  with  him  ;  on  the  other  hand  he  adds : 
Innocent  had  to  consider  that  by  this  means  Christen- 
dom might  be  saved  from  war,  and  he  might  also  obtain 
from  the  Sultan  some  sacred  relics  which  were  in  his 
possession.f 

It  may  well  be  conceded  to  Innocent  VIII.  that  the 
desire  to  obtain  these  relics  for  Rome  and  to  shield  Christen- 
dom from  the  attacks  of  the  Turks  v/as  not  an  unworthy 
one,  and  also  that  under  existing  circumstances  and  con- 
sidering the  unwillingness  of  the  majority  of  the  Christian 
Princes  to  undertake  a  Crusade,  a  compact  of  this  kind  was 
probably  the  most  advantageous  arrangement  then  attain- 
able; J  but  at  the  same  time  it  is  undeniable  that  the  recep- 
tion of  this  sort  of  subsidy  from  the  Sultan,  exercised  a  de- 
cided influence  on  the  Pope's  attitude  towards  the  Turks. 

While  Bajazet  was  thus  kept  in  check,  and  forced  to  pay 
a  kind  of  tribute  to  the  Holy  See,  by  the  fear  that  his  most 
dangerous  enemy  might  at  any  moment  be  let  loose  upon 

*  I  am  able  to  supply  the  date  which  is  wanting  in  SiGiSMONDO  DE' 
CONTi,  II.,  25-6,  from  a  contemporaneous  copy  in  the  Milanese  State 
Archives  :  it  is  1490  tertio  non.  Januar.  A,  70. 

t  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  loc.  cit.\  Infessura,  261.  In  regard  to 
the  Sultan's  gifts  see  the  Florentine  report  in  Thuasne,  278  [cf.  ibid.^ 
280,  in  his  criticism  of  Infessura),  and  the  ■'^Report  of  Arlotti,  quoted 
supra^  p.  309,  note  t. 

I  Artaud  von  Montor,  Geschichte  der  Papste,  continued  by 
Zaillar,  IV.,  172  (Augsburg,  1854);  GR()NE,  II.,  293. 


314  HISTORY   OF  THE    POPES. 

him,  Ferdinand  the  CathoHc  was  dealing  a  crushing  and 
final  blow  to  the  power  of  Islam  in  the  West.  Granada  fell 
on  the  2nd  January,  1492,  and  the  banner  with  the  great 
silver  crucifix,  given  by  Sixtus  IV.,  which  had  been  borne 
before  the  army  throughout  the  whole  campaign,  was 
planted  on  the  Alhambra.*  This  event  closed  an  episode 
in  Spanish  history  which  had  lasted  eight  hundred  years  ; 
the  whole  of  Spain  was  now  united  into  a  single  nation, 
strong  enough  to  make  its  influence  felt  henceforth  in  the 
development  of  Europe  and  more  especially  in  that  of 
Italy.  "  In  this  last  and  decisive  contest  with  Islam,  Fer- 
dinand had  learnt  by  experience  the  utter  faithlessness 
of  his  cousin,  the  King  of  Naples.  Ferrante  had  secretly 
supported  the  Moors  against  him,  and  now  it  only  depended 
on  the  course  of  events  whether,  instead  of  prosecuting  the 
war  along  the  north  coast  of  Africa,  the  Spanish  monarch 
should  not  fix  his  eyes  on  the  island  of  Sicily  as  the  Archi- 
median  point  by  means  of  which  Italy  could  be  drawn,  bit 
by  bit,  within  the  sphere  of  the  influence  of  Aragon,"-f- 

The  fall  of  Granada  sent  a  thrill  of  joy  through  the  whole 
of  Europe  ;  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  sort  of  compensation 
for  the  loss  of  Constantinople.  Nowhere,  however,  was  the 
rejoicing  more  heartfelt  than  in  Rome,  where  for  many 
years  the  conflict  with  the  Moors  had  been  watched  with 
sympathetic  interest.^     In  the  night  of  February  1st  the 

*  Prescott,  I.,  402-3,  486 ;  Hefele,  Ximenes,  23  seq. ;  SCHIRR- 
MACHER,  Gesch.  Spaniens,  VI.,  712  ;  G.  VOLPI,  La  resa  di  Granata 
(1492),  descritta  dall'  oratore  di  Castiglia  e  di  Aragona  presso  la  s.  sede. 
(Lucca,  1889.)  Florian,  Gonzalo  de  Cordoba  6  la  conquista  de 
Granada;  historia  de  las  acciones  heroicas,  etc.,  escrita  en  frances  y 
vertida  al  espanol  por  D.  J.  Lopez  de  Penalver.  Paris,  1892. 

t  HoFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  54-5. 

X  When,  on  the  17th  June,  1485,  the  news  of  a  victory  of  Ferdinand 
over  the  Moors  reached  Rome,  a  festa  was  organised  at  once  to  celebrate 
the  good  tidings.     See  "^Letters  of  Ar.rivabene,  dat.  Rome,  June  18  and 


THE   FALL  OF  GRANADA.  315 

news  arrived  in  Rome ;  Ferdinand  had  himself  written  to 
inform  the  Pope.*  The  rejoicings,  both  religious  and  secu- 
lar, lasted  for  several  days.  Innocent  VIII.  went  in  solemn 
procession  from  the  Vatican  to  S.  James's,  the  national 
Church  of  the  Spaniards,  where  a  Mass  of  thanksgiving  was 
celebrated,  at  the  end  of  which  he  gave  the  Papal  Benedic- 
tion. Cardinal  Rafifaele  Riario  entertained  the  Spanish 
Envoys  with  a  dramatic  representation  of  the  Conquest  of 
Granada  and  the  triumphal  entry  of  the  King  and  Queen  ; 
while  Cardinal  Borgia  delighted  the  Roman  people  with  the 
novel  spectacle  of  a  bull  fight,  which  had  never  before  been 
seen  in  Rome.f 

From  the  time  that  Ferrante  concluded  Peace  with  the 
Pope  on  January  22,  1492,  he  appears  to  have  begun  again 
to  take  an  interest  in  the  Turkish  question,  at  least  so  his 
letters  informing  Innocent  VIII.  of  the  movements  of  the 
Turks  would  seem  to  indicate.^  In  May  1492,  Pontano 
was  sent  to  Rome  to  discuss  what  joint-measures  could  be 
taken  to  repel  the  common  enemy.§     The  Sultan,  always 

July  16,  1485  (Gonzaga  Archives),  and  also  a  "'^Letter  of  Card.  A. 
Sforza,  dat.  Rome,  July  22,  1485.  (Milanese  State  Archives.)  In  the 
year  1488,  Ferdinand  sent  100  captive  Moors  to  Rome  as  a  thank- 
offering  to  the  Pope  for  his  support  in  the  war.  See  SiGlSMONDO  DE' 
CONTI,  L,  307-8. 

*  ■'^In  questa  nocte  passata  circa  le  sette  hore  giunse  la  nova  vera  et 
certa  de  la  intrata  del  Re  de  Spagna  in  Granata  cum  grandissimo 
triumpho  et  ordine  segondo  ha  scritto  S.  M'a  al  papa.  ^Despatch  of 
Boccaccio,  dat.  Rome,  Feb.  ist,  1492.     Modenese  Archives. 

t  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  444  seq.  Cf.  SiGiSMONDO  DE'  CONTi, 
I.,  328,  374-5  ;  Trinchera,  II.,  45,  and  the  collection  of  authorities  in 
Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  294  seq.^  and  also  a  ^Letter  from  Boccaccio, 
Rome,  Feb.  8,  1492  (Modenese  Archives),  and  one  from  G.  L.  Cataneo, 
dated  Rome,  Feb.  15  and  17,  1492.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

X  Trinchera,  II.,  i,  57-8,  60,  79  seq.,  94,  loi,  106  seq.,  124.  On 
Alfonso's  mission  to  Otranto,  see  ibid.,  128  seq. 

§  NUNZIANTE,  Letterc  di  Pontano,  8. 


3l6  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

on  the  watch  in  his  dread  of  mischief  from  Dschem,  soon 
discovered  the  change  in  Ferrante's  attitude,  and  sent 
fresh  Envoys  to  Naples  *  as  well  as  to  Rome.  The  latter 
brought  with  them  a  precious  relic, — the  head  of  the  Spear 
of  Longinus,  which  had  pierced  the  side  of  Our  Lord.  By 
order  of  the  Pope  the  sacred  relic  was  received  at  Ancona 
by  Niccolo  Cib6,  Archbishop  of  Aries  ;  and  Luca  Borsiano, 
Bishop  of  Foligno  placed  it  in  a  crystal  reliquary  set  in  gold, 
and  brought  it  to  Narni.  From  thence  it  was  taken  by  the 
Cardinals  Giuliano  della  Rovere  and  Giorgio  Costa  to  Rome. 
Although  Innocent  was  far  from  well  at  the  time,  he  was 
determined  to  take  part  in  its  solemn  reception.  When,  on 
May  31,  1492,  the  Cardinals  arrived  before  the  gates  of 
Rome,  the  Pope  went  to  meet  them  outside  the  Porta  del 
Popolo,  took  t-he  reliquary  in  his  hands  with  the  greatest 
reverence,  and  delivered  a  short  address  on  the  Passion  of 
Christ.  He  then  carried  it  in  solemn  procession  to  S. 
Peter's,  the  streets  through  which  he  passed  being  richly 
decorated  in  its  honour.  From  thence  he  had  it  conveyed 
to  his  private  apartments,  where  it  was  kept.f  In  the 
farewell  audience  given  by  Innocent  to  the  Turkish  Envoys 
on  June  14,  1492,  he  desired  them  to  inform  the  Sultan  that, 
in  case  of  an  attack  by  the  latter  on  any  Christian  country, 
he  would  retaliate  by  means  of  Prince  Dschem.     He  also 

*  Trinchera,  II.,  I,  98-9,  102-3,  105-6. 

t  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  473  seq.  ;  SiGISMONDO  DE'  Conti,  II., 
28-9;  INFESSURA,  274;  NOTAR  GlACOMO,  175  ;  Not.  di  Nantiporto, 
1 108  ;  Bernabei,  in  Ciavarini,  Croniche  Anconit,  204  (Ancona,  1870) ; 
Bernaldez,  I.,  307  ;  also  Boccaccio's  ^Report  dat.  Rome,  May  27,  1492 
(State  Archives,  Modena) ;  and  "^Brognolus,  dat.  Rome,  May  31,  1492 
(Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua).  On  the  later  history  of  this  relic,  and  that 
of  similar  relics  preserved  in  Nuremburg  and  Paris,  cf.  Wetzer  und 
Welte,  Kirchenlexikon,  VII.,  1419-22,  ed.  2,  and  Thuasne,  Djem- 
Sultan,  298,  where  a  number  of  new  reports  on  the  Turkish  Embassy 
of  1492  have  been  made  use  of. 


SUFFERINGS   OF   INNOCENT  VIII.  317 

sent  a  private  messenger  of  his  own  to  Constantinople  with 
the  same  message.* 

The  reception  of  the  Holy  Spear,  says  a  contemporary 
writer,  may  be  said  to  have  been  the  last  act  of  Innocent 
VIII.  During  the  whole  of  his  reign  this  Pope  had  been 
so  harassed  by  war  and  the  fear  of  war  that  he  had  never 
been  able  to  accomplish  his  earnest  desire  of  visiting  Loreto 
or  any  of  the  more  distant  portions  of  his  dominions.  He 
hardly  ever  left  Rome,  and  then  only  to  go  to  Ostia  or  Villa 
Magliana.f  In  addition  to  the  war  difficulty,  the  feeble 
health  of  the  Pope  was  also  an  obstacle  to  his  travelling 
far. 

In  the  autumn  of  1490,  as  in  that  of  the  previous  year, 
Innocent  VIII.  suffered  from  repeated  attacks  of  fever,  but 
recovered  on  each  occasion  ;  thanks  to  the  skill  of  the  famous 
physician  Giacomo  di  San  Genesio  ;  I  but  from  March  1492 
the  Pope's  health  began  again  to  fail.§  Just  at  this  time  the 
death  of  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  (April  8)  seemed  to  threaten 
anew  to  disturb  the  peace  of  Italy  ;  Innocent  at  once  took 
measures  to  meet  the  danger,||  as  also  in  regard  to  the  revolt 

*  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  302.. 

t  SiGISMONDO  de'  CONTI,  II.,  29. 

X  SiGISMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  36.  Cf.  Leostello,  398,  and  the 
Brief  of  Feb.  20, 1491,  in  Lichnowsky,  VIII.,  Reg.,  No.  15 10.  On  his 
illness  in  the  autumn  of  1490,  see  Graziani,  737,  and  Leostello,  371. 

§  "^Report  of  G.  L.  Cataneo,  dat.  Rome,  March  19,  1492.  During 
the  last  three  days  the  Pope  has  been  suffering  from  male  di  fianchi ; 
April  12 — the  Pope  is  better:  tutavia  non  se  reha  ne  e  per  liberarsi 
cosi  presto.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  C/.  ^Letter  from  Card.  A. 
Sforza,  April  16,  1492.     Milanese  State  Archives. 

II  Cf.  the  *Letter  from  Cataneo,  quoted  in  the  previous  note  (in 
which  he  says  that  the  Pope  had  written  to  Florence  on  the  death  of 
Lorenzo,  et  ha  rasonato  de  far  legato  del  patrimonio  el  car'e  de'  Medici), 
with  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  422  seg.,  ed.  2.  The  same  Envoy  states, 
on  the  15th  April,  that  the  Pope  had  written  to  all  the  Italian  Powers  in 
support  of  the  Medici  interest.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 


3l8  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

of  Cesena,  which  took  place  shortly  after.*  In  spite  of  these 
anxieties  the  Pope's  condition  improved  so  much  that  he 
was  able  to  take  part  in  the  solemn  reception  of  the  Holy- 
Spear,  and  the  marriage  of  Luigi  of  Aragon  with  Battistina 
Cib6.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  month  of  June,  Innocent 
was  fairly  well ;  after  the  feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  he 
thought  of  going  somewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome, 
for  change  of  air  and  to  hasten  his  recovery ;  f  but,  on  the 
22nd  or  23rd  June,  the  abdominal  pains  returned,  an  old 
sore  on  his  leg  broke  out  again,  and  the  feverish  attacks 
came  back.  The  physicians  differed  in  their  opinions,  but 
the  worst  was  feared.J  At  the  same  time  the  Pope  felt 
still  so  strong  that  at  first  he  made  light  of  the  apprehen- 
sions of  his  physicians.  On  the  30th  June  he  was  better. 
The  fluctuations  lasted  on  into  the  month  of  July,  but  the 
general  opinion  was  that  the  Pope  was  slowly  dying. § 

The  first  effect  of  the  hopeless  state  of  the  Pope's  health 
was  notably  to  increase  the  insecurity  of  life  and  property  in 
the  city.  For  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  all  law  and  order  would 
break  down  ;  hardly  a  day  passed  without  a  murder  some- 

*  Cf,  the  *Brief  to  Ercole  of  Ferrara,  dat.  Rome,  June  21,  1492. 
Grig,  in  Modenese  State  Archives. 

t  *Letter  from  F.  Brognolus,  dat.  Rome,  June  17,  1492  :  El  Papa 
sta  pure  asai  bene.  June  23  :  El  papa  Dio  gratia  sta  pur  asai  meglio  ; 
fatto  el  di  di  S.  Pietro  S.  B"®  vol  andare  ad  alcune  terre  qui  contigue  a 
Roma  per  pigliare  un  pocho  di  piacere  con  speranza  de  fortificarsi 
meglio.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

X  Cf.  with  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  T)7,  a  ^Letter  from  F.  Brog- 
nolus to  the  Marchioness  Barbara  of  Mantua :  lo  scrivo  al  vostro  ill"*** 
sig.  consorte  de  la  Ex.  V.  come  el  papa  sta  molto  male  per  una  gran 
pasione  che  11  da  sei  di  in  qua  in  quella  gamba  dove  la  havuto  male 
gran  tempo ;  the  worst  is  to  be  feared.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

§  -^Letter  from  F.  Brognolus  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua,  dat.  Rome, 
June  30,  1492  :  the  Pope  is  better.  July  12  :  El  papa  sta  ora  ben  or 
male  ;  a  iudicio  de  ognuno  el  si  va  consumando  a  pocho  a  pocho. 
Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 


DEATH   OF    INNOCENT   VIII.  319 

where.  The  Cardinals  kept  a  stricter  watch  over  Dschem. 
An  inventory  was  made  of  the  treasures  of  the  Church, 
and  the  Vice-Camerlengo,  Bartolomeo  Moreno,  thought  it 
prudent  to  retire  first  to  the  Palazzo  Mattei,  and  finally  to 
the  Belvedere.  The  disorders  at  last  became  so  serious 
that  several  of  the  Barons,  at  the  persuasion  of  Cardinal 
Giuliano  della  Rovere,  agreed  to  waive  their  party  feuds 
and  combine  with  the  Conservators  of  the  city  to  maintain 
order.     After  this  the  town  was  quieter.* 

The  Pope's  end  was  that  of  a  pious  Christian.  On  the 
15th  July  he  confessed,  and  received  Holy  Communion  on 
the  following  day.f  On  the  17th  it  was  thought  that  the 
last  hour  had  come,J  but  his  strong  vitality  resisted  death 
for  another  week.  The  resources  of  the  physicians  were 
exhausted,  and  there  was  no  hope  of  recovery. §  "  All  hope 
is  abandoned"  writes  the  Florentine  Envoy  on  July  19; 
"  the  Pope's  strength  is  so  entirely  exhausted  that  the  spirit 

*  Cf.  the  Florentine  Despatch  in  Thuasne,  I.,  569  se^. ;  and  INFES- 
SURA,  274-6,  where,  however,  the  dates  are  inaccurate.  The  taking  of 
the  inventory  is  stated  by  Infessura  to  have  occurred  die  lunae  16,  dicti 
mensis  ;  but  F.  Brognolus  reports  it  in  a  "^Letter  of  July  12,  1492.  Gon- 
zaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  Florentine  Despatch  of  July  15,  in  Thuasne,  I.,  567. 

J  ■'^Despatch  of  Brognolus,  dat.  Rome,  July  17,  1492  :  nunc  laborat  in 
extremis.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

§  Infessura,  275-6,  relates  that  Innocent  VIII.'s  Jewish  domestic 
physician  had  three  boys  of  ten  years  old  killed,  and  brought  their  blood 
to  the  Pope  as  the  only  means  by  which  his  life  could  be  preserved. 
On  the  Pope's  rejecting  this  he  fled.  If  this  account  were  true  (as 
Gregorovius  seems  to  suppose,  VII.,  297,  ed.  3)  it  would  establish  the 
fact  that  the  Jews  were  in  the  habit  of  using  human  blood  in  medicine  ; 
but,  in  the  unprinted  detailed  despatches  of  the  Mantuan  agents,  I  can 
find  no  mention  of  anything  of  the  sort ;  nor  yet  in  Valori's  reports.  As 
these  narrators  minutely  retail  every  drop  of  medicine  that  the  Pope 
took  (9^  Thuasne,  I.,  571),  it  is  impossible  that  they  should  have  omitted 
to  mention  a  remedy  so  startling  as  this. 


320  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

is  all  that  is  left  of  him  ;  but  he  retains  his  full  conscious- 
ness."* Except  for  his  too  great  solicitude  for  his  own 
relations,  which  occupied  his  mind  to  the  last,-]-  the  death 
of  Innocent  VIII.  was  a  most  edifying  one.  Sigismondo 
de'  Conti  and  the  Florentine  Envoys  agree  in  relating  how, 
although  by  that  time  speaking  had  become  very  difficult 
to  him,  the  Pope  summoned  the  Cardinals  to  his  bed-side, 
asked  their  forgiveness  for  having  proved  so  little  equal  to 
the  burden  which  he  had  undertaken,  and  exhorted  them 
to  be  united  among  themselves  and  to  choose  a  better 
successor.  He  then  desired  an  inventory  to  be  taken  in 
their  presence  by  the  Chamberlains  of  all  the  money  and 
valuables  in  the  Palace,  and  gave  orders  that  the  Holy 
Spear  should  be  taken  to  S.  Peter's.  After  this  he  dismissed 
the  Cardinals  and  received  the  Holy  Viaticum  with  tears  of 
devotion.;!: 

After  a  death-agony  which  lasted  five  days,§  Innocent 
VIII.  passed  away  on  25th  July,  1492,  about  the  24th  hour 
(9  o'clock  in  the  evening). ||     His  body  was  laid  in  S.  Peter's. 

*  Thuasne,  L,  569. 

t  Ibid. 

X  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  T.,  36-7.  According  to  this  narrator  all 
this  took  place  pridie  quam  expiraret.  As  Sigismondo's  dates  are  not 
always  accurate,  I  prefer  Valori's,  who  gives  July  1 7  as  the  day  of  the 
Pope's  address  to  the  Cardinals.  In  everything  else  his  account  (though 
more  concise)  is  in  perfect  agreement  with  Sigismondo's.  See  also  the 
entry  in  Franceschetto'S  autographic  diary,  preserved  in  the  State 
Archives  at  Massa,  in  Arch.  St.  Ital,  5  Serie,  XII.,  152,  n.  i. 

§  ^Letter  from  F.  Brognolus,  Rome,  July  25,  1492.  El  papa  e  stato 
quatro  o  cinque  di  quodamodo  in  transito.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.) 
Cf.  also  RicoRDi  DI  Sacchi,  in  N.  di  Tuccia,  426. 

II  "^Despatch  from  Boccaccio,  dat.  Rome,  July  25,  1492.  The  Pope 
died  circa  le  24  hore.  (State  Archives,  Modena.)  Brognolus'  letter, 
mentioned  in  the  previous  note,  gives  a  later  date  :  La  notte  seguente 
venendo  li  26  el  papa  passo  di  questa  vita  fra  li  cinque  e  sei  ore  di  notte. 
NOTAR  GlACOMO,  175  :  de  iovedi  venendo  lo  venerdi  ad  nocte  ad  hore 


TOMB   OF   INNOCENT  VIII.  32 1 

He  has  been  in  a  sense  more  remembered  than  many 
greater  Popes,  because  his  tomb,  executed  in  bronze  by 
Antonio  Pollajuolo,  is  one  of  the  few  monuments  which 
have  been  transferred  from  the  old  to  the  new  S.  Peter's. 
It  stands  against  one  of  the  pillars  in  the  left  aisle  of  the 
nave.  ''The  Pope,  a  colossal  figure  with  massive  drapery, 
sits  on  a  throne,  his  right  hand  raised  in  blessing,  and  his 
left  holding  the  Holy  Spear ;  on  each  side  of  him,  in 
shallow  niches  in  the  wall,  stand  the  four  cardinal  virtues  ; 
on  the  hemicycle  above,  the  theological  virtues, — graceful 
figures,  full  of  life  and  motion,  are  portrayed  in  low  relief. 
Below,  on  an  urn,  is  the  recumbent  form  of  the  Pope  on  a 
bed  of  State.  Apparently  this  was  originally  placed  on 
the  wide  projecting  cornice  of  the  hemicycle,  and  the  per- 
spective of  the  whole  design  shews  that  it  was  meant  to 
be  seen  from  a  much  more  level  point  of  view.  At  the 
height  at  which  it  is  now  placed,  much  of  its  exquisite 
workmanship,  especially  in  the  decorative  part,  is  quite  lost 
to  the  spectator.  For  its  originality,  clearness  of  outline, 
and  mastery  of  the  technique  of  its  material,  this  work 
deserves  to  be  ranked  amongst  the  masterpieces  of  Quattro- 
cento Florentine  Art."  * 

The  inscription  on  the  monument,  which  was  added  at  a 
later  date,  contains  a  slight  anachronism  in  regard  to  the 
discovery  of  America.  It  was  not  till  August  3,  1492, 
that  the  Pope's  great  fellow-countryman  Columbus  set  sail 
from  the  port  of  Palos  to  found  a  new  world. 

cinquo.  INFESSURA,  276  :  sexta  vel  septima  hora  ;  RiCORDi  Dl  Sacchi, 
loc.  cit.  :  tra  le  setle  e  I'otto  hore  ;  Valori,  in  ThuaSNE,  I.,  491,  says  the 
same  as  Boccaccio. 

*  BURCKHARDT,  Cicerone,  358-9  ;  Reumont,  III.,  r,  198,  423,  and 
Arch.  St.  deir  Arte,  IV.,  367  seq.  Cf.  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  431 
seq.  The  Oratio  rev.  dom.  Leonelli  episc.  Concord,  habita  Rome  in 
ecclesia  S.  Petri  in  funere  fe.  re.  dom.     Innocentii,  pape  VIII.  coram 

VOL.  V.  y 


CHAPTER  V. 

Innocent  VIII.  as  Patron  of  Art  and  Scholarship. 

The  disturbed  state  of  Italy,  the  exhaustion  of  the  Papal 
treasury,  and  the  want  of  energy  arising  from  the  state  of  the 
Pope's  health  are  quite  sufficient  to  account  for  the  poverty 
of  the  records  of  the  reign  of  Innocent  VIII.  in  the  matter 
of  Art  and  Scholarship  as  compared  with  that  of  Sixtus  IV. 
At  the  same  time,  as  regards  Art,  so  many  of  the  works  of 
his  time  have  been  either  destroyed  or  become  unrecogni- 
sable that  the  creations  in  that  department  appear  smaller 
than  they  really  were.  On  investigation,  we  find  that  both 
in  architecture  and  in  painting  a  large  number  of  important 
works  were  produced. 

In  the  Vatican,  Innocent  went  on  with  the  works  begun 
by  Paul  II.,  whose  love  for  precious  stones  he  shared.*  He 
erected  a  noble  fountain  in  the  Piazza  of  S.  Peter's  in  marble, 
with  two  large  circular  basins,  one  above  the  other  ;  one 
of  these  now  serves  the  drinking  fountain  on  the  right  of  the 
obelisk.f     A  good  deal  of  work  by  way  of  repair  was  done 

s.  cetu  rev.  dom.  cardinalium  et  tota  curia  die  xxvni.  mensis  Julii,  1492, 
was  printed  at  the  time.  I  found  a  copy  of  it  in  the  Borghese  Library, 
now  alas !  scattered  to  the  winds.  See  also  Beissel  in  the  Stimmen 
aus  Maria- Laach,  XLVL,  490  seq. 

*  Details  in  P^RAT^,  516.  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  368  seq.^  and 
Muntz,  Hist,  de  I'Art,  I.,  102. 

+  Serdonati,  79 ;  Gregorovius,  VII.,  639,  ed.  3  ;  Burchardi 
Diarium,  III.,  173.  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  368,  and  Adinolfi, 
Portica,  123  seq. 


RESTORATIONS  EFFECTED  IN  ROME.       323 

in  the  time  of  Innocent  VIII.  Restorations  were  effected 
in  the  castle  and  bridge  of  S.  Angelo,  the  Ponte  Molle, 
the  Capitol,  the  fountain  of  Trevi,  the  gates  and  walls  of 
the  city,  and  a  large  number  of  churches.  Among  these 
latter  may  be  mentioned  especially  S.  Agostino,  S*^  Croce, 
S.  Giuliano  de'  Fiamminghi,  S.  Giovanni  in  Laterano,  and 
S.  Stefano  in  Coeliomonte.*  S*^  Maria  della  Pace  was  com- 
pleted, S^^  Maria  in  Via  Lata  rebuilt.  With  the  strange 
indifference  of  those  days  to  the  preservation  of  Roman 
remains,  the  ruins  of  an  old  arch  were  demolished  in  the 
prosecution  of  this  latter  work.-j* 

In  S.  Peter's,  Innocent  went  on  with  the  building  of 
the  Loggia,  for  the  bestowal  of  the  solemn  Blessing,  which 
had  been  begun  by  Pius  II.;  commenced  a  new  Sacristy, 
and  constructed  a  Shrine  for  the  Holy  Spear,  which, 
together  with  the  chapel  built  by  Cardinal  Lorenzo  Cibo, 
was  destroyed  in  1606. J  The  diligence  with  which  In- 
nocent VIII.  prosecuted  the  continuation  of  the  new 
streets  begun  by  his  predecessors,  was  of  great  advantage 
to  the  city.  The  carrying  out  of  these  works  was  entrusted 
to  the  Treasurer-General,  Falcone  de'  Sinibaldi,  who  is  so 
highly  praised  by  Sigismondo  de'  Conti.§ 

Outside  Rome,  Baccio  Pontelli  was  commissioned  by  the 
Pope  to  execute  or  set  on  foot  architectural  work  in  the 

*  MiJNTZ,  Antiquites,  I2g  seg^.,  149  j^^.,  153,  156,  162  ;  BURCHARDI 
Diarium,  II.,  69  ;  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  466  seg. ;  BORGATI,  88,  and 
Arch.  St.  Ital.,  3  Serie,  VI.,  177. 

t  Armellini,  634  ;  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  464  seg.  On  the  destruc- 
tion of  Ancient  Monuments,  see  MuNTZ,  Antiquites,  35  seg. 

X  Stevenson,  Topografia  e  Monumenti,  1 1  ;  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV., 
365  seg.^  456  seg.  The  remains  of  the  Ciborium  are  still  to  be  seen  in 
the  Vatican  grottoes  ;  Janner,  III.,  579,  mentions  an  impost  levied  for 
the  works  in  S.  Peter's. 

§  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  41  ;  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  3  Serie,  VI.,  i,  176. 
Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  62  seg^.y  363  seg. 


324  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

town  of  Aignano,  Corchiano,  Jesi,  Osimo,  Terracina  and 
Tolfa,  and  in  the  Papal  Palaces  at  Viterbo  and  Avignon.* 
Innocent  VIII.  also  assisted  in  the  building  of  the  Cathe- 
dral at  Perugia.-|-  The  number  of  documents  still  extant, 
relating  to  works  in  the  harbour  and  Citadel  of  Civita 
Vecchia,  seem  to  indicate  that  they  must  have  been  some- 
what extensive.  These  were,  for  the  most  part,  managed 
by  Lorenzo  da  Pietrasanta,  who  was  frequently  employed 
by  the  Pope.  J 

In  addition  to  the  works  already  mentioned,  Innocent 
VIII.  also  built  the  Belvedere  in  the  Vatican,  and  the  Villa 
Magliana  in  the  Valley  of  the  Tiber  about  six  miles  from 
Rome.  He  had  begun  the  hunting  lodge  at  Magliana 
while  he  was  still  a  Cardinal.  When  he  became  Pope  he 
proceeded  to  enlarge  and  decorate  it  as  is  shewn  by  the 
inscriptions  over  the  windows.  Unfortunately,  it  is  now  in 
a  very  dilapidated    state.     Magliana    and  Ostia  were   the 

*  MuNTZ,  in  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  466  seq.-,  ibid.,  III.,  296  seq.^ 
is  an  important  new  document  on  B.  Pontelli,  discovered  by  Miintz. 
SCHMARSOW,  Melozzo,  344.  Under  the  heading  Pro  fabrica  Palatii 
Viterb.,  I  found  in  the  *Lib.  brev.  17,  f.  37,  a  document  in  which 
R[aphael]  acting  on,  an  order  from  the  Pope,  desires  S.  Georgii  Card, 
to  make  sundry  payments  on  account  of  the  building  of  the  palatium 
quod  modo  ad  habitationem  presidii  provincie  patrimonii  in  civit.  Viterbii 
extruitur.  Dat.  Viterbii  in  arce  die  xvill.  Maii,  1484.  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican. 

t  Cf.  Innocent  VII I.'s  *Briefto  the  government  of  Perugia,  dat.  Rome, 
Feb.  28,  1485  (Regesta.  in  Cod.  C.  IV.,  i,  in  the  Library  at  Genoa), 
and  the  *Bull  of  Sept.  16,  i486,  in  Capitular  Archives  at  Perugia. 

X  MuNTZ,  in  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  61  seq.  Miintz  here  refers  to 
Frangipani,  Storia  de  Civita  Vecchia,  124  seq.,  a  work  that  I  have  not 
been  able  to  see  ;  therefore  I  cannot  say  with  certainty  whether  the  Brief 
of  Innocent  VIII.,  to  the  thesaurarius  provincie  patrimonii,  dat.  Romae, 
XI.  Sept.,  1484,  ante  coronat,  which  contains  the  order  for  completing  the 
harbour  of  Civita  Vecchia,  has  been  printed  or  not.  *Lib.  brev.  17,  f.  37. 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


PINTURICCHIO  AND   THE  VATICAN   BELVEDERE.      325 

only  country  places  to  which  he  could  resort  during  his 
troublous  reign  ;  the  state  of  Italy  was  such,  that  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  visit  the  cities  in  his  dominions  or  to 
fulfil  his  vow  of  making  a  pilgrimage  to  Loreto.* 

The  interior  of  the  summer  residence  built  on  the  slope 
of  the  Vatican  hill  towards  Monte  Mario,  which  now  con- 
stitutes the  central  point  of  the  sculpture-gallery,  underwent 
a  complete  transformation  by  command  of  Innocent  VIII., 
in  accordance,  it  is  said,  with  a  design  drawn  by  Antonio 
Pollajuolo.  The  management  of  the  work  was  entrusted 
to  Jacopo  de  Pietiasanta.  The  building  was  a  square  with 
pinnacles  connecting  it  with  the  round  tower  of  Nicholas  V. 
Infessura  says  that  the  Pope  spent  60,000  ducats  upon 
itf  This  sum  no  doubt  included  the  paintings  with  which 
the  villa  was  decorated.  The  name  of  Belvedere  was 
given  to  it  on  account  of  the  splendid  view  which  it  com- 
mands of  Rome  and  its  neighbourhood,  from  Soracte  to  the 
Alban  hills. 

Unfortunately,  the  paintings  executed  for  this  villa 
by  Pinturicchio  and  Mantegna  have  almost  entirely 
perished. 

According  to  Vasari,  the  whole  of  the  Loggia  of  the 
Belvedere  was  adorned  at  the  Pope's  desire  by  Pinturicchio 
with  views  of  various  cities  "  after  the  Flemish  fashion " 
which,  being  a  novelty  in  Rome,  was  then  very  much  in 
vogue ;  Rome,  Milan,  Genoa,  Florence,  Venice  and  Naples 
were  thus  portrayed.  The  same  writer  also  states  that  Pin- 
turicchio   painted    a  fresco   of   the  Blessed  Virgin    in    the 

*  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  29  ;  cf.  iNFESSURA,  280.  In  a  future 
volume  we  shall  return  to  the  subject  of  the  Villa  Magliana,  on  which 
it  will  be  necessary  to  compare  Reumont,  III.,  i,  414  seq,^  and  L. 
Gruner,  Villa  Magliana.     Leipzig,  1847. 

t  Infessura,  279  ;  Arch.  St.  dell'  Arte,  IV.,  458  seq.  ;  Jahrb.  des 
Deutsch.  Archaol.  Institute,  V.,  11. 


326  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Belvedere.*  The  poetical  beauty  of  Pinturicchio's  land- 
scapes in  his  paintings  in  the  Buffalini  Chapel  in  S'^  Maria 
in  Aracoeli,  enables  us  to  conjecture  the  loss  which  the 
world  has  sustained  by  the  destruction  of  the  frescoes  in 
the  Belvedere.  We  may  also  gather  from  the  fact  that 
Innocent  VIII.  evidently  recognised  Pinturicchio's  special 
gift  for  landscape  painting,  that  this  Pope  was  not  so  de- 
void of  artistic  feeling  as  he  is  often  represented  to  have 
been. 

More  deplorable  still  is  the  loss  of  the  frescoes  of  the 
other  painter  employed  by  Innocent  in  the  decoration  of 
this  building.  As  early  as  the  year  1484,  Cardinal  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  had  commenced  negotiations  on  behalf  of  the 
Pope  with  Gonzaga  to  obtain  the  services  of  Andrea 
Mantegna  who  already  enjoyed  a  well  earned  celebrity  in 
Mantua  ;t  but  it  was  not  till  1488  that  Mantegna  at  last 
came  to  Rome,  with  the  sanction  of  the  Marquess  of 
Mantua,  who  bestowed  on  him  the  honour  of  knighthood 
on  his  departure.  The  work  of  painting  the  chapel  in  the 
Belvedere  was  at  once  entrusted  to  him.  He  spent  two 
full  years  in  Rome,  endeavouring,  as  he  himself  says,  with 
all  possible  diligence,  to  do  honour  to  the  illustrious  house 
of  Gonzaga,  whose  child  he  considered  himself. J  This 
makes  it  all  the  more  to  be  regretted  that  these  frescoes 
should  have  been  destroyed  when  the  new  wing  was  built 
by  Pius  VI.  Vasari  bestows  the  highest  praise  on  the 
delicate  finish  of  these  paintings  which  were  almost    like 

*  Vermiglioli,  Mem.  di  Pintur.  (Perugia,  1837) ;  Crowe-Caval- 
CASELLE,  IV.,  275  seq.^  and  SCHMARSOW,  Pinturicchio,  27  seq.^  93  seq. 

t  Arco,  Degli  Arti  in  Mantova,  II.,  69  (Mantova,  1857).  On  Mantegna, 
cf.  BaSCHET,  in  Gaz.  des  Beaux  Arts,  XX.,  318  seq.,  478  seq.  ;  Braghi- 
ROLLI,  in  the  Giorn.  di  Erudiz.  Art.,  I.,  194  seq.;  and  Luzio-Renier  in 
the  Giorn.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  XVI.,  128  seq. 

X  Bottari,  VI 1 1.,  25  ;  GUHL,  I.,  52  seq. 


ARTISTS   EMPLOYED   BY   INNOCENT   VIII.  327 

miniatures.  He  says,  that  among  other  subjects  the 
baptism  of  Christ  was  portrayed  in  the  Chapel  of  S.  John. 
In  consequence  of  the  Pope's  financial  difficulties,  the  artist 
had  a  good  deal  to  complain  of  in  the  matter  of  remunera- 
tion. His  discreetly  mild  observations  on  this  subject  are 
corroborated  by  Vasari.  He  relates  that  on  one  occasion 
Innocent,  having  asked  the  painter  what  one  of  the  figures 
was  meant  to  represent,  Mantegna  replied,  "  It  is  Economy" 
(discrezione),  on  which  the  Pope  observed,  "  If  you  want  a 
good  pendant  to  it  you  had  better  paint  Patience."  On  his 
departure,  however,  in  1490,  Innocent  VIII.  seems  to  have 
done  something  to  make  up  for  this.* 

Besides  Pinturicchio  and  Mantegna,  Filippino  Lippi  and 
Perugino  were  also  employed  in  Rome.  The  latter  was 
generously  patronised  by  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere,*]- 
while  Lippi  was  commissioned  by  Cardinal  Oliviero  Caraffa 
to  decorate  the  Chapel  of  S.  Thomas  Aquinas,  which  was 
built  by  the  prelate  in  the  Dominican  Church  of  S'^  Maria 
sopra  Minerva.  These  pictures  are  clever  but  somewhat 
superficial.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Cardinal 
himself  arranged  the  scheme  of  the  paintings.  Numerous 
inscriptions  explain  the  meaning  of  the  frescoes,  some  of 
which  are  concealed  behind  the  monument  of  Paul  IV. 
The  principal  picture  on  the  wall  to  the  right  of  the 
entrance  represents  the  victory  of  S.  Thomas  over  heresies. 
In  the  lunette,  Christ  is  painted  on  the  Cross  saying  to  the 
Saint,  "  Thou  hast  written  well  of  me,  Thomas,  what  shall  I 
give  thee  in  reward  ?  "  to  which  S.  Thomas  answers,  "  Noth- 
ing but  Thyself,  Lord."  On  the  wall  behind  the  Altar, 
Lippi  has  painted  the  Annunciation  with  the  portrait  of 
the   founder.      Here   we    see    the    hand    of    the    master. 

*  CORTESIUS,  De  Cardinalatu,  87  ;  GUHL,  I.,  54  ;  Reumont,  III.,  I., 
431  ;  WOLTMANN,  II.,  255. 

t  SCHMARSOW,  Pinturicchio,  21  seq.^  31  scq. 


328  HISTORY  OF   THE    POPES. 

Nothing  could  be  more  beautiful  than  the  joyous  soaring 
angels.* 

Pinturicchio  was  employed  by  several  of  the  Cardinals. 
He  executed  paintings  in  S*^  Maria  del  Popolo  for  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  and  Giorgio  da  Costa,  and  in  S*^  Croce  for 
Carvajal.f 

It  is  interesting  in  connection  with  the  development  of 
Art  in  the  time  of  Innocent  VIII.  to  note,  that  in  1484 
he  bought  tapestries  from  some  Flemish  merchants,  re- 
presenting S.  George  accompanied  by  personifications  of 
the  liberal  arts.J  He  encouraged  art  manufacturers  by  the 
bestowal  of  honorary  distinctions,  most  frequently  by  the 
gift  of  a  consecrated  sword.  One  of  these,  still  preserved 
in  the  Museum  of  Cassel,  was  presented  in  1 491  to  the 
Margrave  William  I.  of  Hesse,  who  visited  Rome  in  that 
year  on  his  way  home  from  the  Holy  Land.§ 

In  the  matter  of  scholarship  and  literature  as  in  Art, 
Rome  under  Innocent  VIII.  compares  most  unfavourably 
with  the  Rome  of  Sixtus  IV.  Nevertheless ,  it  would  not 
be  correct  to  suppose  that  Innocent  was  entirely  devoid  of 

*   HETTNER,  144;  WOLTMANN,  II.,  178. 

t  LuTZOW,  Kunstschatze,  423  j^^. ;  Crowe-Cavalcaselle,  IV.,  273. 

X  Reumont,  III.,  I,  432. 

§  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  439  ;  and  Lessing,  in  the  Jahrb.  der 
Preuss.  Kunstsammlungen,  XVI.,  117  seg'.  (1895).  See  here  also 
much  general  information  on  consecrated  swords  supplementing  what  is 
to  be  found  in  Zaluski,  Analecta  de  sacra  in  die  natale  Domini  usitata 
caeremonia  ensem,  etc.  benedicendi  (Varsoviae,  1726);  MORONi,  Diz.,  and 
MUNTZ,  Les  Epees  d'honneur,  in  the  Rev.  de  I'Art  Chretien  (1889)  408 
seg.  (1890)  281  se^.  On  engravings  and  medals  of  the  time  of  Innocent 
VIII.,  see  MuNTZ,  I'Atelier  Monet,  de  Rome.  Doc.  sur  les  graveurs  et 
medailleurs  de  la  cour  pontif.  depuis  Innocent  VIII.  jusqu'k  Paul  III., 
in  the  Rev.  Numismat,  II.  (1884),  separate  pub.  (Paris,  1884),  5  seg.  On 
the  Mint,  see  Reumont,  III.,  i,  281  seg.,  and  especially  Garampi's  rare 
work,  App.,  202  seg^. 


INNOCENT'S  ENCOURAGEMENT  OF  SCHOLARS.   329 

literary  tastes.  He  made  it  evident  that  this  was  not  the 
case  when,  in  the  year  1484,  Angelo  Poliziano  came  to 
Rome  with  the  Florentine  embassy  of  Obedience.  On 
that  occasion,  the  Pope  in  presence  of  an  illustrious  com- 
pany, ordered  him  to  make  a  Latin  translation  of  the 
historical  works  of  the  Greeks,  referring  to  the  exploits  of 
the  Romans,  so  that  they  might  be  more  accessible  to  the 
majority  of  readers.  In  obedience  to  this  flattering  com- 
mand, Poliziano  selected  Herodian  for  his  translation,  and 
endeavoured  to  make  it  read  as  it  would  have  done  had 
the  author  written  it  in  Latin.  Innocent  VIII.  rewarded 
the  dedication  of  this  work  with  a  special  Brief  and  a  gift 
of  200  ducats,  in  order  to  set  the  translator  free  to  devote 
himself  more  completely  to  work  of  this  kind.  Poliziano 
thanked  the  Pope  in  a  beautiful  Sapphic  ode,  in  which  both 
thought  and  language  reflect  the  spirit  of  classical  poetry.* 
Innocent  VIII.  accepted  dedications  also  from  Tito 
Vespasiano  Strozzi,-]-  Peter  Marsus,J  and  the  celebrated 
physician,  Gabrielle  Zerbi  ;§  he  bestowed  marks  of  distinc- 
tion also  on  foreign  Humanists  such  as  Johann  Fuchs- 
magen.ll 

*  Meiners,  II.,  35,  124  seq.\  Reumont,  III.,  i,  358  seq.  There  are 
two  copies  of  this  translation  in  the  Vatican  Library  in  Cod.  Vat.  1836 
(Bibl.  Altemps),  and  1859  (Bern.  Caraffe  prior.  Neapolit.  liber). 

t  The  collection  of  poems  dedicated  by  Strozzi  to  Innocent  VIII.,  is 
to  be  found  in  the  Dresden  Library  ;  see  Albrecht,  T.  B.  Strozzi 
(Dresden,  1891) ;  and  Giom.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  XVII.,  166,  442. 

X  p.  Marsus,  Panegyricus  Innocentio  VIII.  P.  M.  dicatus  in  memo- 
riam  S.  Joannis  Evang.  s.  I.  et  a.  {ca.  1485,  printed  in  Rome  by  Plank). 

§  The  Pope  raised  the  salary  of  this  distinguished  scholar  from  1 50  to 
250  florins,  see  Marini,  I.,  310.  On  Sept.  25,  1484,  he  reappointed 
Franciscus  de  Padua  to  the  post  of  Professor  of  Canon  Law  in  Studio 
Romano.  See  "^Brief  on  this  day  in  the  Lib.  brev.  18,  f  16.  (Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican.)     This  Brief  is  printed  in  Rknazzi,  I.,  290. 

II  ZiNGKRLE,  Beitriige,  114. 


330  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Innocent  VIII.  had  for  his  secretaries,  Gasparo  Biondo,  An- 
drea da  Trebisonda,  Giacomo  da  Volterra,  Giovanni  Pietro 
Arriv^abene,  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  and  Giovanni  Lorenzi.* 
This  latter,  a  distinguished  Hellenist,  was  born  at  Venice  in 
1440,  and  came  to  Rome  in  1472  as  secretary  to  his  fellow 
countryman  Marco  Barbo  ;  Innocent  VIII.  made  him  one 
of  his  secretaries  in  1484,  and  a  librarian  in  the  Vatican  in 
the  following  year.-j-  Financial  difficulties  prevented  any 
additions  worth  mentioning  from  being  made  to  the 
Vatican  Library  during  this  reign.  It  is  noteworthy,  how- 
ever, that  the  greatest  liberality  continued  to  be  shewn  in 
regard  to  the  use  of  manuscripts,  which  were  frequently  lent 
to  students,  even  out  of  Rome.  A  considerable  number 
were  sent  by  Poliziano  to  Florence,  at  the  request  of  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici.J  The  numerous  marks  of  favour  bestowed  by 
Innocent  VIII.  on  Giovanni  Lorenzi  are  an  additional 
proof  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  this  Pope  towards  the 
Renaissance.§ 

An  event  which  occurred  in  Rome  in  the  Spring  of  1485, 
shews  how  powerful  the  Renaissance  had  become  there  in 

*  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  40. 

t  NOLHAC,  G.  Lorenzi,  in  Mel.  d'Archeol.,  VIII.,  i  seq.  (1888), 
where  further  details  of  his  history  are  given,  and  also  in  regard  to  his 
eminence  as  a  Humanist.  Under  Alexander  VI.  he  fell  into  disgrace 
and  was  deprived  of  his  post. 

X  Marini,  II.,  255  ;  Muntz-Favre,  La  Bibl.  du  Vatican,  307-310. 
To  complete  the  history  of  the  Vaticana  I  think  it  well  to  draw  attention 
to  two  *  Despatches  of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy,  Arlotti,  which  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  Miintz-Favre.  On  Jan.  3,  1488,  he  reports  *  Lo  inventario 
de  li  libri  de  la  bibliotecha  apostolica  h  fornito  e  tengolo  in  casa  con- 
signatome  da  M.  Demetrio  [de  Lucca,  Custode  of  the  Vaticana  under 
Sixtus  IV.;  see  MiJNTZ,  loc.  cit,  299,  and  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV., 
433  seq.^  Engl,  trans.].  On  Dec.  16,  1488,  Arlotti  writes  :  *  Demetrio 
nostro  custode  de  la  bibliotecha  apostolica  has  been  very  ill,  but  is  now 
better.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

§  NOLHAC,  loc.  cit.^  5. 


DISCOVERIES   ON    THE  APPIAN   WAY.  33 1 

the  time  of  Innocent  VIII.  and  how  the  movement  had 
penetrated  to  the  lower  classes.* 

Towards  the  end  of  April  in  that  year  some  masons 
working  in  the  Fondo  Statuario  belonging  to  the  Olivetan 
Fathers  of  S^  Maria  Nuova,  came  upon  some  ancient  monu- 
ments. This  property  is  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  well- 
known  bed  of  ruins,  about  six  miles  from  Rome  on  the 
Appian  way,  which  is  called  Roma  Vecchia.  They  found 
here  two  pedestals  of  statues  with  inscriptions  belonging  to 
the  Praefectus  praetorie  Herennius  Potens  ;  the  remains  of 
a  vault  in  which  the  freedmen  of  the  gentes  Tullia  and 
Terentia  were  buried  ;  and  finally  a  sarcophagus  without 
any  inscription,  containing  a  body  in  a  marvellous  state  of 
preservation.  This  was  evidently  owing  to  the  efficacy  of 
the  composition  which  had  been  employed  in  embalming  it, 
and  which  consisted  of  a  mixture  of  balsam,  cedar  oil,  and 

*  The  most  trustworthy  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  body  of  the 
Roman  maiden  in  1485,  is  to  be  found  in  the  diary  of  the  Notajo  di 
Nantiporto,  1094.  See  also  Barth.  FONTIUS  to  Fr.  Sacchetti,  published 
by  Janitschek,  first,  in  the  Gesellschaft  der  Renaissance,  120,  and  then, 
in  a  better  version,  in  the  Repert.  f  Kunstwissenschaft,  VII.,  239-40  ;  also 
two  other  letters  printed  by  HuLSEN  in  the  Mittheil.  d.  CEst.  Instituts,  IV., 
435-38  (here  too  is  the  best  criticism  on  the  narratives).  In  addition  to 
these  cf.  INFESSURA,  178  seq.  {cf.  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom.  XL,  532  seq.). 

SiGISMONDO  DE  CONTI,  II.,  44-45  ;   ALEXANDER  AB  ALEXANDRO,  Dies 

geniales.  III.,  c.  2,  and  Raphael  Volaterranus,  Comment,  urb.,  954 
(Lugduni,  1552).  I  found  another,  as  yet  unprinted,  account  in  the  *Proto- 
collo  Notarile  of  Paolo  Benevieni  (B.  494),  entitled :  Nuove  Ricordo 
chome  negli  an.  dom.  1485,  del  mese  d'  Aprile  ci  fu  lettere  da  Roma 
chome  in  via  Appia  presso  a  S.  Sebastiano  luogo  detto  capo  de  bove  in 
uno  sepolcro  marmoreo  fu  trovata  una  fanciulla  morta  integra  nolle  [  = 
non  le]  manehava  nulla  ne  naso  ne  capitelli  [  =  capezzeli]  {cf.  Dizion.  d. 
Crusca,  ed.  4)  ne  labra  ne  denti  ne  lingua  ne  capelli  imo  piu  che  la 
carne  cedeva  e  stemossi  de  circa  1 700  anni  fusse  stata  sotterra  con  una 
cuffia  di  filo  d'oro  all'  ungheresca  e  per  certi  inditii  che  fusse  Tulliola 
fighuola  di  Marco  Tullio  Cicerone.     State  Archives,  Florence. 


332  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

turpentine.*  The  body  was  immediately  taken  to  the 
Palace  of  the  Conservators,  where  it  was  exhibited  to  the 
public.  The  whole  city  seems,  from  the  sensational  cha- 
racter of  most  of  the  accounts,  to  have  gone  mad  with  joy 
and  excitement.  The  antiquarians  and  Humanists  were  in 
ecstasy ;  the  eager  curiosity  of  the  populace  was  insati- 
able. Rome  was  flooded  with  all  sorts  of  contradictory 
reports  and  conjectures,  many  of  them  wild  exaggerations 
or  pure  inventions.  The  extraordinary  variations  in  the 
accounts,  in  which  the  few  grains  of  personal  observation 
or  authentic  history  are  largely  outweighed  by  the  matter 
supplied  by  the  imagination  of  the  narrator,  betray  the  uni- 
versal excitement.  All  are  agreed  as  to  the  wonderful  state 
of  preservation  of  the  body  and  as  to  its  sex.  They  describe 
with  enthusiasm  the  suppleness  of  the  limbs,  the  blackness 
of  the  hair,  the  perfection  and  whiteness  of  the  nails  and 
teeth.  Ornaments  are  also  said  to  have  been  found  on  the 
head  and  fingers  of  the  body. 

The  eager  crowd  which  from  morning  till  night  beset 
the  Palace  of  the  Conservators  to  gaze  on  the  dead  Roman 
maiden  could  only  be  compared  to  the  scene  when  a  new 
Indulgence  had  just  been  proclaimed.  This  passionate 
enthusiasm  about  the  body  of  a  heathen  seems  to  have 
aroused  serious  alarm  in  the  mind  of  Innocent  VIII., 
lest  it  should  prove  the  harbinger  of  a  paganisation  of 
the  lower  classes  which  would  have  worse  consequences 
than  that  of  the  men  of  letters.  He  gave  orders  to 
have  the  body,  which  had  begun  to  turn  black  from  ex- 

*  HuLSEN,  loc.  cit.^  89,  quotes  a  botanist  who  thinks  it  most  probable 
that  the  composition  was  mainly  olive  oil  to  which  resin  and  aromatic 
substances  were  added.  This  conjecture  is  contradicted  by  SiGlSMONDO 
DE'  Conti,  II.,  44,  who  expressly  states  that  the  mixture  was  believed  by 
experts  who  had  examined  it  to  consist  of  the  ingredients  mentioned  in 
the  text. 


EXCITEMENT   CAUSED   BY   THE   DISCOVERIES.        333 

posure  to  the  air,  removed  in  the  night  and  buried  outside 
the  Porta  Pinciana.* 

*  The  account  given  in  the  text  is  founded  on  Hulsen'S  in  the 
Mittheil.  d.  CEst.  Instituts,  IV.,  433-49,  which  corrects  and  completes  H. 
Thode's  essay  in  the  same  periodical,  p.  75-91.  Thode's  conjecture 
that  the  well-known  head  of  a  girl  at  Lille  is  a  true  portrait  of  this 
maiden  is  here  shewn  to  be  unfounded.  H.  Grimm,  in  the  Jahrb.  d. 
Preuss.  Kunstsammlungen,  IV.,  104-8,  comes  to  the  same  conclusion  ; 
and  Heydemann,  in  Lutzow's  Zeitschr.,  XXL,  8  seq.^  equally  rejects  this 
hypothesis.  The  Roman  accounts  describe  long  black  hair,  small  ears, 
and  a  low  forehead  ;  whereas  in  the  head  at  Lille  the  girl  has  auburn  hair, 
the  ears  are  remarkably  large,  and  the  forehead  too  high  for  beauty 
according  to  classical  ideas.  On  this  subject  cf.  also  BURCKHARDT,  L, 
230,  ed.  3;  Gregorovius,  VII.,  555-6;  Reumont,  III.,  i,  363; 
Courrier  de  L'Art  (1883),  312;  L'Art,  XXXV.  (1883),  i  ;  Mittheil. 
d.  Deutsch.  Archaol.  Instituts,  VI.,  18.  In  regard  to  the  date  of  the 
discovery,  Hiilsen  has  observed  that  it  would  be  interesting  to  ascertain 
whether  the  English  Envoys,  whose  arrival  is  mentioned  by  the  Not.  di 
Nantiporto  concurrently  with  the  finding  of  the  body,  did  actually  come 
to  Rome  on  April  19.  Since  Hiilsen  wrote,  "  Burchardi  Diarium"  has 
appeared  and  solves  this  question,  as  (I.,  145)  the  arrival  of  the  Envoys, 
April  20,  1485,  is  mentioned  in  it. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Defence  of  the  Liberties  and  Doctrines  of  the  Church.— 
The  Bull  on  Witchcraft,  of  1484. — Moral  Condition 
OF  the  Roman  Church.  —  Increase  of  Worldliness 
amongst  the  Cardinals. 

It  was  not  in  politics  alone  that  Innocent  VIII,  found 
his  authority  contemned  and  attacked  ;  in  purely  ecclesi- 
astical matters  the  case  was  no  better.  Next  to  Naples 
the  Republics  of  Venice  and  Florence  were  the  two  States 
which  gave  him  the  most  trouble  by  their  persistent 
encroachments  on  the  rights  and  independence  of  the 
Church.  In  the  negotiations  with  Venice  in  connection 
with  the  removal  of  the  ecclesiastical  penalties  imposed 
upon  this  city  by  Sixtus  IV.,  Innocent  had  done  his  best 
to  protect  the  Venetian  clergy  against  arbitrary  taxation 
and  the  interference  of  the  State  in  appointments  to  bene- 
fices, but  with  little  success.*  As  time  went  on,  it  became 
evident  that  the  Signoria  had  no  notion  of  giving  up  its 
pretensions  to  absolute  control  in  ecclesiastical  as  well  as 
in  temporal  matters.  In  the  year  1485  the  See  of  Padua 
fell  vacant.  Innocent  VIII.  gave  it  to  Cardinal  Michiel. 
The  Venetian  government  nominated  the  Bishop  of  Civi- 
dale,  Pietro  Barozzi.  Neither  party  would  give  way.  The 
Pope  sent  a  special  Envoy  to  remonstrate  with  the  Signoria, 
but  he  could  make  no  impression  ;  the  Republic  refused  to 
yield,  and  finally  had  recourse  to  violence.     The  revenues 

*  Navagiero,  II 92. 


ECCLESIASTICAL   DISPUTE   WITH   VENICE.  335 

of  all  the  benefices  held  by  Cardinal  Michiel  within  the 
Venetian  dominions  were  confiscated,  and  on  this  the  Pope 
and  the  Cardinal  gave  up  the  contest* 

The  death  of  the  illustrious  Cardinal  Marco  Barbo, 
Patriarch  of  Aquileia,  in  1 491,  was  the  occasion  of  a  new  and 
sharp  contest  between  Venice  and  Rome.  Innocent  VIII. 
had  on  2nd  March  bestowed  this  dignity  on  the  Venetian 
Ambassador  at  Rome,  the  learned  Ermolao  Barbaro,  who 
had  accepted  it  without  first  obtaining  the  necessary  per- 
mission from  the  Venetian  government.  For  this  the 
Signoria  resolved  to  punish  Barbaro  severely.  They  had  in- 
tended to  obtain  the  Patriarchate  for  Niccolo  Donato,  Bishop 
of  Cittanova,  and  that  Barbaro  should  be  forced  to  resign. 
The  new  Patriarch  himself  being  out  of  reach,  his  father  was 
threatened  with  severe  pecuniary  penalties,  unless  he  could 
persuade  his  son  to  give  way.  On  this  Barbaro  was  anxious 
to  resign  ;  but,  as  the  Pope  would  not  permit  this,  the  Sig- 
noria summoned  him  to  appear  within  twenty  days  before 
the  Council  of  Ten,  under  pain  of  banishment  and  the 
confiscation  of  all  his  Venetian  benefices.  Ermolao  chose 
the  latter  alternative;  he  devoted  the  rest  of  his  life  to  the 
pursuit  of  learning,  and  died  in  exile  in  1493.  During 
the  life-time  of  Innocent  VIII.,  the  Patriarchate  remained 
vacant,  the  Venetian  government  meanwhile  absorbing  its 
revenues  ;  under  Alexander  VI.  it  obtained  the  nomination 
of  Donato.f 

Florence  and  Bologna  did  not  fall  far  behind  Venice  in 
attacks  on  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Church.  In 
Florence,    Innocent   was   obliged    to    protest    against    the 

*  Navagiero,  1 192-3  ;  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  i486,  n.  36. 

+  Malipiero,  687-8;  Navagiero,  1200;  Sigismondo  de' Conti, 
II.,  35,  47;  Sanuto,  Diari,  I.,  746-7;  Tiraboschi,  VI.,  2,  151  seg.  ; 
Ughelli,  v.,  130-31  ;  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  3  Serie,  II.,  i,  123  seg. ; 
Cecchetti,  I.,  309. 


336  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

arbitrary  taxation  of  the  clergy ;  *  in  Bologna  against  the 
punishment  of  a  priest  by  the  secular  tribunal,  in  contraven- 
tion of  the  Canon-lavv.f  He  was  equally  forced  more  than 
once  to  make  a  stand  against  the  Milanese  Government  in 
defence  of  the  liberties  of  the  Church.J 

Outside  of  Italy  there  was  no  lack  of  troubles  of  the  same 
nature.  Mathias  Corvinus,  King  of  Hungary,  especially 
behaved  towards  the  Church  with  a  high-handed  insolence 
that  had  to  be  resisted.  In  the  year  1485  he  promulgated 
a  decree  that  no  prelate  who  did  not  reside  in  Hungary, 
was  to  possess  or  draw  the  revenues  of  any  benefice  within 
the  kingdom.  He  at  once  proceeded  to  put  the  law  in 
force  by  intercepting  one  of  the  officials  of  the  Cardinal 
Bishop  of  Erlau,  taking  from  him  25,000  ducats  which  he  was 
bringing  to  his  master  in  Rome,  and  carrying  the  money 
back  to  Buda.  In  the  same  year  he  came  into  open 
collision  with  Rome  by  appointing  Ippolito  d'Este,  a  mere 
child,  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Gran.  In  vain  Innocent 
represented  to  the  King  that  to  entrust  the  government  of 
a  diocese  to  a  child  "  was  as  unreasonable  as  it  was  wrong." 
Corvinus  replied  by  maintaining  that  "  on  other  occasions 
His  Holiness  had  accepted  less  capable,  and  from  an 
ecclesiastical  point  of  view,  more  objectionable  persons 
than  Ippolito ;  and  further  declared,  that  whoever  else  the 
Pope  might  appoint,  no  one  but  his  nominee  should  touch 
the  revenues  of  the  diocese ; "  and  in  order  to  give  due 
emphasis  to  this  declaration,  he  announced  that  2000  ducats 
out  of  these  revenues  would  be  sent  to  Ferrara  as  "  a  fore- 
taste."    Finally,   the    King  carried   his   point  and    in  the 

*  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  i486,  n.  35. 

t  Cf.  the  *  Briefs  to  Bologna,  dat.  Rome,  Sept.  4  and  Oct.  30,  i486, 
Feb.  9  and  May  26,  1487.     State  Archives,  Bologna,  Q.  3. 

I  See  *  Brief  to  Milan,  dat.  Rome,  April  18,  1492.  (Milanese  State 
Archives.)     Autog.,  III.,  and  DesjaRDINS,  I.,  536. 


ENCROACHMENTS   ON    THE   CHURCH.  337 

Summer  of  1489  Ippolito  came  to  Hungary  and  was  in- 
stalled in  his  Archbishopric* 

Though  in  this  matter  Innocent  was  forced  to  give  way, 
he  stood  firm  in  insisting  on  the  liberation  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Kalocsa,  who  had  been  put  in  prison  by  Mathias. 
Several  Briefs  having  proved  of  no  avail,  in  the  Autumn  of 
1488,  the  Nuncio,  Angelo  Pecchinolli  was  sent  to  remon- 
strate by  word  of  mouth.  Mathias  now  said  he  was  ready, 
pending  the  result  of  the  proceedings  against  him,  to  hand 
over  the  Archbishop  to  the  safe-keeping  of  the  Papal  Legate ; 
but  the  promise  was  hardly  made  before  it  was  withdrawn. 
Upon  this  the  Legate  calmly  but  firmly  pointed  out  to  the 
angry  King  the  difficult  position  in  which  he  was  placed  by 
this  action  on  his  part,  he  having  already  informed  the  Pope 
of  the  promise  made  by  Corvinus.  "  If  I  now  contradict  what 
I  have  just  stated,"  he  said,  "  either  His  Holiness  will  think 
that  I  am  a  liar,  or  that  your  Majesty's  word  is  not  to  be 
trusted."  With  great  difficulty  Pecchinolli  at  last  prevailed 
upon  the  King  to  undertake  to  release  the  Archbishop  from 
prison  and  send  him,  at  the  Legate's  choice,  either  to  Erlau 
or  Visigrad,  there  to  be  kept  under  guard,  and  the  promise 
was  fulfilled.-|- 

In  France  as  in  Hungary  Innocent  VIII.  had  to  with- 
stand most  unjustifiable  attacks  on  the  rights  of  the 
Church.  In  1485  we  find  him  complaining  that  in 
Provence  the  secular  authorities  set  at  naught  and  ill- 
treated  the  clergy.  Throughout  the  kingdom  Church 
matters  were  often  tyrannically  dealt  with.  Parliament 
withheld  its  placet  from  the  Pope's  Bulls,  obedience  to  his 
commands  was  frequently  refused,  and  the  Universities 
persisted   in  appealing  from  the  Pope    ill-informed  to  the 

■'^  Frakn6i,  Math.  Corvinus,  287  seq.^  289. 

f  Ibid.,  248,  258  seq.  ;  Theiner,  Mon.  Ung.,  II.,  497,  508  seq.  See 
also  Frakn6i  in  the  periodical  Sz^zadok  (1883),  489  seq. 

VOL.   V.  Z 


338  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Pope  better-informed.*  Innocent  VIII.  had  to  enter 
repeated  protests  against  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  ;  at 
the  close  of  the  year  1 49 1  he  endeavoured  by  means  of 
a  Concordat  to  place  his  relations  with  France  on  a 
better  footing. f  Similar  encroachments  on  the  part  of  the 
rulers  of  England  and  Portugal  had  to  be  resisted.  In- 
nocent succeeded  in  his  energetic  repudiation  of  the  preten- 
sion of  John  II.  of  Portugal  to  make  the  publication  of 
Papal  Bulls  and  Briefs  depend  on  a  placet  from  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  the  Pope  forced  him  to  relinquish  it.J  In 
January  1492  he  promulgated  a  general  constitution  in 
support  of  the  immunities  and  liberties  of  the  Church.§ 
Notwithstanding  all  this,  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  accuses 
Innocent  VIII.  of  negligence  in  defending  the  rights  of 
the  Church.  He  adduces  as  instances  of  this  negligence 
the  Pope's  acquiescence  in  the  taxation  of  the  clergy 
in  Florence  and  other  Italian  States,  and  his  toleration, 
after  the  treaty  with  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  of  things  in 
Perugia  which  were  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  the 
Church.jl 

Perhaps  he  was  really  more  to  be  blamed  for  the  con- 
cessions which,  on  purely  political  grounds,  he  made  to 
Ferdinand  of  Spain.  In  December  1484  he  bestowed  on 
him  the  patronage  of  all  the  churches  and  convents  in 
Granada   and    all    other    territories    conquered    or   to   be 

*  Hergenrother,  VIII.,  282. 

t  Cf.  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  184,  211  seq.^  287,  291  seq.^  3.ndi  supra 
Chap.  IV;  and  also  Baluze,  IV,  28  seq. 

X  Harduin,  Cone,  IX.,  151 1  seq.;  WiLKiNS,  III.,  617;  Hergen- 
rother, VIII.,  286;  Bellesheim,  Irland,  I.,  572.  In  regard  to 
Portugal,  see  Schafer,  II.,  645  seq.^  and  the  *Brief  to  the  King  of 
Portugal  of  Feb.  3,  i486.  Lib.  brev.  19,  f  162.  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican. 

§  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1491,  n.  17. 

II  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  142. 


CANONISATION   OF   LEOPOLD   OF  AUSTRIA.  339 

conquered  from  the  Moors.*  To  these  he  added  later, 
extensive  rights  of  provision  in  Sicily .f 

Only  one  canonisation,  that  of  the  Margrave  Leopold 
of  Austria,  of  the  Babenberg  family,  took  place  during  the 
reign  of  Innocent  VIII.  The  Emperor  Frederick  III.  had 
already  asked  both  Paul  II.  and  Sixtus  IV.  for  the  canon- 
isation,J  and  repeated  his  request  to  Innocent  VIII. 
immediately  after  his  election  ;  in  consequence  the  date  of 
the  ceremony  was  fixed  for  Christmas  I484.§  It  actually 
took  place  on  January  6,  1485.II 

Requests  were  made  to  Innocent  VIII.  from  Sweden  for 
the  canonisation  of  Catherine,  daughter  of  S.  Bridget,1[ 
from  the  Grand-master  of  the  Teutonic  Order ;  for  that  of 

*  Coleccion  de  los  Concordatos,  231  ;  MORONi,  68,  p.  1 12  ;  Phillips- 
Vering,  VIII.,  200. 

t  Sentis,  102  ;  ibid.^  108,  on  the  Royal  exequatur  which  was  rigidly 
enforced  in  Sicily.  In  a  "^Document  of  Ferdinand's,  dat.  in  terra 
Platiae,  1484,  Dec.  13,  it  is  decreed,  quod  facta  discussione  cum  magna 
curia  et  fisci  patrono  non  procedatur  ad  executorias  alicujus  bullae 
Apcae  praenotatae  per  fratrem  Marium  de  Patti  de  Abbatia  S.  Pantaleonis. 
(State  Archives,  Palermo  :  Regia  Monarchia,  L,  911.)  In  the  same  place 
is  a  *Bull  of  Innocent  VIII.  :  Romanum  decet  pontificem,  dat.  Romae, 
1485,  Non.  Maii,  in  qua  papa  confirmat  privilegia  facta  in  fundatione 
monasterii  S.  Salvatoris  (close  to  Messina;  ordinis  S.  Basilii)  per 
Rogerium  et  alios  successores,  ex  qua  bulla, — says  the  compiler  of  this 
collection  with  marked  emphasis  —  confirmatur  monarchia  considerata 
fundatione  dicti  monasterii. 

X  Cf.  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  IV.,  168 (Engl,  trans.);  Keiblinger,  Melk., 
I.,  637,  and  SCHLECHT,  Zamometc,  46.  Cf.  Instructio  nomine  Ces.  Maj. 
pro  ven.  dom.  Petro  Kuener,  148 1,  Kal.  Oct.  in  the  "Romana"  of  the 
House,  Court,  and  State  Archives  in  Vienna  (so  far  as  I  know  is  yet 
unprinted). 

i^  *Brief  to  the  Emperor  Frederick  III.,  dat.  Sept.  25,  1484,  Lib. 
brev.  18,  f.  14b.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

II  Bull.,  V.  299-303  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  31  seq. ;  Not.  di  Nanti- 
porto,  1093  ;  H.  Pez,  Hist.  S.  Leopold!,  125  seq.    Viennae,  1747. 

IT  Ravnaldus,  ad  an.  1485,  n.  61. 


340  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Dorothea  of  Marienwerder,*  and  from  King  Ferrante  for 
Jacopo  della  Marca;-|-  none,  however,  of  these  processes 
were  concluded  during  his  Pontificate. 

Amongst  the  ecclesiastical  acts  of  Innocent  VIII.  men- 
tion must  be  made  of  the  much-contested  privilege  which 
he  granted  to  the  Abbot,  John  IX.  of  Citeaux,  and  to  the 
Abbots  of  the  four  first  Cistercian  daughter-houses,  of 
powers  to  confer  sub-deacon  and  deacon's  orders,  the 
former  on  all  members  of  the  Order,  and  the  latter  on  the 
monks  in  their  own  monasteries.^  The  Bulls  of  Innocent 
VIII.,  granting  various  privileges  to  the  Franciscans, 
Dominicans,  and  Augustinians  are  undoubtedly  genuine.§ 
In  consequence  of  the  decrease  of  leprosy,  which,  towards 
the  close  of  the  15th  century,  had  become  very  rare,  in 
1490  Innocent  dissolved  the  Order  of  Lazarists  and  united 
them  with  the  Knights  of  St.  John.  But  this  Bull  took 
effect  in  Italy  only,  and  was  not  accepted  by  the  French. || 

*  See  Theiner,  Mon.  Pol.,  II.,  233.  Lammer  in  Kath.  Wochenblatt 
der  Diocese  Culm,  1 860,  p.  44 ;  WoLKY,  Urkundenbuch  des  Bisth. 
Culm,  I.,  574-5  ;  and  HiPLER,  Job.  von.  Marienwerder  und  Dorothea 
von  M.,  122  (Braunsberg,  1865);  and  Zeitschr.  fur  Gesch.  Ermlands,  X., 
Heft,  2. 

t  Trinchera,  II.,  IIO-II. 

J  Bull  of  April  9,  1489,  Exposuit  tuae  devotionis,  printed  in 
Henriquez,  Regula  et  Privilegia  Ord.  Cist.,  109  (Antverp.,  1630); 
Janauschek,  Grig.  Cist.,  I.,  p.  X.  (Vindob.,  1877);  and  especially  Pan- 
HOLZL,  in  the  Stud.  a.  d.  Benediktin.,  V.,441  sec/^.,  are  in  favour  of  the  gen- 
uineness of  this  Bull ;  they  do  not  seem  to  have  noticed  the  fact  that 
precisely  in  that  year,  1489,  several  Bulls  were  forged  ;   cf.  infra,  p.  351. 

§  See  in  Serdonati,  20,  the  Bull  Ord.  Praedic,  IV.,  7, 12,  29,32,  43  ; 
and  KOLDE,  Augustinercongregation,  206.  Innocent  also  frequently 
exerted  his  authority  in  favour  of  the  members  of  the  various  Third  Orders 
and  for  their  protection.  Cf.  his  ^Letters  to  the  Town  Council  and  the 
Bishop  of  Basle,  both  dated  Romae,  Non.  Maii  A°  2°.  Franciscan 
Archives  of  Hall  in  the  Tyrol. 

II  Leo  X.,  at  the  request  of  Charles  V.,  endeavoured  to  revive  the 


INNOCENT   VIII.   AND   THE   WALDENSES.  34 1 

Innocent  VIII.  shewed  great  zeal  in  the  defence  of  the 
purity  of  the  Faith  against  the  numerous  heresies  which 
cropped  up  during  his  time  in  many  different  directions.* 
The  Waldensian  and  the  Hussite  heresies  were  the  two 
which  occupied  him  most.  In  Dauphine  the  Waldenses 
not  only  preached  their  false  doctrines  openly,  but  put  to 
death  those  who  refused  to  join  themi  In  the  Spring  of 
1487,  Innocent  sent  Alberto  de  Cattaneo  to  Dauphine  who 
with  the  help  of  the  King  of  France  succeeded  in  almost 
entirely  eradicating  them  in  this  province.^  In  Bohemia 
also,  where  Innocent  recognised  King  Ladislaus'  title,  he 


Order  in  Calabria  and  Sicily  ;  and  Pius  IV.  sought  to  secure  freedom  of 
election  to  its  members,  but  unsuccessfully.  The  French  knights  of 
this  Order,  whose  Grand-master  ceased,  from  the  time  of  Innocent 
VIII.,  to  be  recognised  in  Rome,  lingered  on  till  the  reign  of  Henry 
IV.  This  king  took  possession  of  all  the  property  that  still  remained 
to  them, — estates,  priories  and  benefices, — and  handed  it  over  to  a 
congregation  which  he  founded  and  called  the  Order  of  S.  Lazarus 
of  Jerusalem  and  Our  Lady  of  Mount  Carmel,  which  perished  in 
the  Revolution.  See  Hist.-Polit.-Blatter  XXVI II.,  625  ;  Haeser,  I., 
862,  ed.  3;  III.,  87;  CiBRARlO,.  Les  ordres  religieux  de  St.  Lazaire. 
Lyon,  i860. 

*  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  i486,  n.  57  ;  1488,  n.  7.  (The  *Brief  here 
cited  is  dated  Rome,  May.  10,  1488.  -^Lib.  brev.  20,  f  34) ;  Bernino, 
212.  Arch.  St.  Lomb.,  VI.,  552  seg.;  Guettee,  VI.,  61  se^.;  Bull  Ord. 
Praedic,  IV.,  5  ;  Lea,  II.,  143,  266  seq.;  III.,  621  ;  FULGOSIUS,  De  dictis 
lib.  IX., c.  II.  Cf.  the  ^Briefs  to  the  Archbishop  of  Mayence, dat.  Rome, 
June  18,  i486,  and  to  the  Abbot  of  Weingarten,  dated  the  same  day.  Lib. 
brev.  1 8,  f.  203-4^.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

t  Besides  the  detailed  Report  of  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  I.,  302  seg.^ 
cf.  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1487,  n.  25  ;  Berthier,  Hist,  de  I'Eglise  Gallic, 
lib.  L.,  an.  1487  ;  and  especially  Chevalier's  exhaustive  work,  Mem. 
Hist,  sur  les  Heresies  en  Dauphine,  38  seq.  (Valence,  1890).  See  also 
Guettee,  VIII.,  64  seq. ;  and  Bender,  Gesch.  der  Waldenser  (Ulm, 
1850X81,  and  125  on  the  persecution  of  the  Waldenses  in  Piedmont :  as 
also  Hahn,  744  scq.\  and  Lea,  II.,  159  seq. 


342  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

was  successful  in  effecting  the  reconciliation  of  a  number  of 
Hussites  with  the  Church.* 

The  arrival  in  Rome  of  the  famous  Pico  della  Mirandola 
in  the  year  i486,  brought  to  light  the  jealous  care  with  which 
the  integrity  of  the  Faith  was  guarded  in  the  Papal  city. 
Many  of  the  opinions  put  forth  by  this  gifted  but  fanciful 
and  impulsive  philosopher  were  made  up  of  a  confused 
medley  of  Platonic  and  Cabalistic  notions.-f  Brimming 
over  with  youthful  ambition  and  conceit,  Pico  announced 
his  intention  of  holding  a  public  disputation  in  which  he 
would  produce  no  less  than  900  propositions  in  "  dialectics, 
morals,  physics,  mathematics,  metaphysics,  theology,  magic 
and  Cabalism  "  for  discussion.  Some  of  these  would  be  his 
own ;  the  rest  would  be  taken  from  the  works  of  Chaldean, 
Arabian,  Hebrew,  Greek,  Egyptian  and  Latin  sages.  In 
regard  to  those  that  were  his  own,  and  which  he  purposed 
to  defend  by  arguments  worked  out  in  his  own  mind,  he 
expressly  declared  that  he  would  "  maintain  nothing  to  be 
true  that  was  not  approved  by  the  Catholic  Church  and 
her  chief  Pastor,  Innocent  VIII."  He  invited  learned  men 
from  all  parts  of  the  world,  offered  to  pay  their  travelling 
expenses,  and  confidently  expected  to  score  a  brilliant 
triumph.  The  reverse,  unfortunately,  was  what  happened. 
Some  experienced  theologians  declared  several  of  the 
proposed  theses  to  be  tainted  with  heresy,  and  in  conse- 

*  See  Palacky,  V.,  i,  303,  cf.  381,  and  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1485, 
n.  19  ;  i486,  n.  58  ;  1487,  n.  24. 

t  TiRABOSCHi,  Bibl.  Mod.,  IV.,  96  seq.\  Meiners,  Lebensbesch- 
reibungen,  II.,  i  seq.-,  RiTTER,  IX.,  291  seq.\  StocKL,  III.,  167  seq.\ 
Berti,  in  the  Rivist.  Contemporanea,  XVI.  (Torino,  1859);  Reumont, 
Lorenzo,  VI.,  80  seq.^  460,  ed.  2.  Pfulf  in  Wetzer  und  Welte's  Kirchen- 
lexikon,  VIII.,  1549  seq.^  ed.  2;  ViLLANUEVA,  XVIII.,  43  seq.\.  Tripepi, 
in  the  periodical  II  Papato,  an.  xvi.,  Serie  5,  vol.  XXL,  p.  i  seq.^  and 
2,0  seq.;  Calori  Cesis,  Giov.  Pico  della  Mirandola  (Bologna  1872),  and 
Gabotto's  notice  in  Rassegna  d.  Lett.  Ital.  (1895)  IH-i  202  seq. 


CONDEMNATION    OF   PICO   BELLA    MIRANDOLA.      343' 

quence  the  Pope  refused  to  permit  the  disputation,  and 
appointed  a  commission  of  bishops,  theologians  and  canon- 
ists to  examine  them.  This  commission  pronounced  some 
of  Pico's  propositions  to  be  heretical,  rash,  and  likely  to  give 
scandal  to  the  faithful ;  many  contained  heathen  philo- 
sophical errors  which  had  been  already  condemned,  others 
favoured  Jewish  superstitions.  The  judgment  was  perfectly 
just,  and  was  adopted  by  Innocent,*  and  though  a  great 
number  of  the  propositions  were  acknowledged  to  be 
Catholic  and  true,  the  reading  of  the  whole  series  was  for- 
bidden on  account  of  the  admixture  of  falsehood.  Never- 
theless, since  the  character  of  the  theses  was  purely 
academic,  and  since  the  author  had  expressed  his  willing- 
ness to  submit  them  to  the  judgment  of  the  Holy  See,  and 
had  sworn  never  to  defend  any  similar  assertions,  no  blame 
of  arty  sort  was  to  attach  to  Pico's  reputation.  The  Papal 
Brief  pronouncing  this  decision  was  dated  August  4,  i486, 
but  was  not  published  till  December.f  Meanwhile  Pico — 
so  his  enemies  assert — in  great  haste  "  in  twenty  nights," 
composed  an  apology  explaining  his  propositions  in  a 
Catholic  sense,  which  he  dedicated  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici, 
and  had  printed  in  Neapolitan  territory,  antedating  it  (May 
31),  so  as  to  avoid  any  appearance  of  defending  what  the 
Pope  had  condemned,  after  having  previously  declared  his 
absolute  submission  to  the  judgment  of  the  Church.  Pico 
on  his  side  maintained  that  he  had  not  known  of  the  Papal 

*  Some  of  the  theses  are  undoubtedly  irreconcilable  with  Catholic 
dogmas.  One,  for  instance,  asserts  that  Our  Lord  descended  into  hell 
only  virtually  and  not  in  reality  ;  that  a  mortal  sin  being  limited  by  its 
relation  to  time  cannot  receive  an  eternal  punishment ;  that  the  witness 
borne  by  magic  and  Cabalism  to  the  divinity  of  Christ  was  as  valid  as 
arguments  drawn  from  legitimate  science;  Meiners,  II.,  24  seq.  Cf. 
TiRABOSCHi,  Stor.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  VI.,  i   32^ 

t  This  is  expressly  stated  by  the  Ferrarese  Envoy  in  Cappelli,  70. 
The  Brief  is  to  be  found  in  Bull,  V.,  327-9. 


344  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

Brief,  until  told  of  it  the  8th  January,  1489,  when  he  was  on 
his  way  to  France.  This  probably  was  literally  net  untrue  ; 
but  it  can  hardly  be  supposed  that  when  he  wrote  his 
apology  he  had  no  inkling  of  the  contents  of  the  Brief, 
which  had  been  written  on  August  8. 

Matters  now  became  more  complicated.  Pico  was 
charged  with  having  broken  his  oath,  and  endeavoured  to 
give  greater  publicity  to  his  views.  In  consequence  he  was 
summoned  to  Rome,  and  efforts  were  made  to  have  him 
arrested.*  Thanks  to  the  energetic  mediation  of  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici,  Pico  was  permitted  to  retire  to  a  villa  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Florence.  Meanwhile  a  complete  change 
had  been  wrought  in  the  young  scholar's  soul  by  the  unex- 
pected humiliation.  Hitherto  his  life  had  been  much  the 
same  as  that  of  other  young  men  of  his  rank  and  position. 
From  henceforth  he  renounced  all  desire  for  fame  and 
ambition,  and  gave  himself  up  entirely  to  prayer,  penance 
and  works  of  mercy,  except  in  so  far  as  he  still  continued 
to  prosecute  his  theological  and  philosophical,  studies  with 
redoubled  zeal.  These  resulted  in  the  production  of  several 
exegetical  and  philosophical  works  ;  one  of  which,  on  the 
seven  enemies  of  religion — unbelievers,  Jews,  Mahomedans, 
pagans,  heretics,  false  Christians,  and  occultists  (astrologers, 
magicians,  etc.), — was  never  finished.  By  Savonarola's  advice 
he  resolved  upon  entering  the  Dominican  Order,  but  his  life 
of  eager  and  unremitting  toil  was  cut  short  by  death,  before 
he  had  time  to  carry  out  his  purpose.  He  died  November 
17,  1494.  In  the  previous  year  the  new  Pope,  Alexander 
VI.  had,  in  an  autograph  Brief  granted  him  absolution,  in 
case  he  might  have  indirectly  violated  his  oath,  and  also  the 
assurance,  that  neither  by  his  apology  nor  in  any  other  way 

*  Cf.  the  Bishop  of  Lucca's  letter  of  Dec.  5,  1487,  in  Cappelli,  75, 
n.  3,  and  the  Papal  Letter  of  Dec.  16,  1487,  published  by  FiTA,  in  the 
Boletin  de  la  R.  Acad,  de  la  Historia,  XVI.,  315-16  (1890). 


THE  JEWS    IN    SPAIN.  345 

had  he  ever  been  guilty  of  formal  heresy.  There  is  no 
mention  in  the  Brief,  as  has  been  asserted  by  some  writers, 
of  the  theses  condemned  by  Innocent  VIII.* 

The  Jews  in  Spain  were  a  source  of  considerable  trouble 
to  Innocent  VIII.  They  had  become  a  real  danger  to  the 
population  by  their  usury  and  their  proselytising.  In  1484, 
the  Pope  took  measures  to  counteract  the  evil ;  and  in  the 
following  year  he  granted  permission  to  several  Jews  and 
heretics  to  make  their  abjuration  privately,  but  "  in  presence 
of  the  King  and  Queen."f  About  the  same  time  disturb- 
ances broke  out  in  Aragon  on  account  of  the  introduction 
into  that  province  of  the  Inquisition.  The  Jews  who  had 
submitted  to  baptism,  called  Maranos,  opposed  the  measure 
by  every  means  that  they  could.  Money  proving  of  no 
avail    they    determined    to    resort    to    assassination.     On 

*  This  disposes  of  the  attempts  of  some  Rosminians  (see  G.  Pagani, 
Giov.  Pico  della  Mirandola,  condannato  da  Innocenzo  VIII.,  and  pro- 
sciolto  da  Alessandro  VI.,  in  the  periodical  II  Rosmini,  Vol.  V.,  n.  4, 
p.  232-49,  Milano,  1889),  to  represent  the  pronouncement  of  Alexander 
VI.  as  contradicting  that  of  Innocent  VIII.  Cf.  Civilta  Cattolica  (1883), 
II.,  616  seg'.;  (1889)  II.,  262  seg.  Osservatore  Cattolico  (Milano,  1889), 
N.  91  and  93.  Scuola  Cattolica  an.  xvn..  Vol.  XXXIII.,  p.  560  seg  ; 
Tripepi,  in  the  articles  quoted  si^pra,  especially  37  seg'.  (where  the  Brief 
of  Alexander  is  printed).  See  also  Reusch,  Index,  I.,  59,  wherein  is  to 
be  found  (p.  58)  the  Constitution  of  the  Papal  Legate,  Niccolo  Franco,  of 
the  year  1491,  which  contains  the  earliest  known  prohibition  of  any 
printed  book  (amongst  others  Pico's  Theses  appear  in  it).  Reusch 
acknowledges  that  Pico  was  treated  with  the  greatest  consideration  at 
Rome. 

t  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1484,  n.  80,81  ;  1485,  n.  21.  On  Innocent  VIII. 
and  the  Spanish  Inquisition  see  Llorente,  I.,  281  seg.,  289-91,  307  j^^.; 
Gams,  Kirchengeschichte  Spaniens,  III.,  2,  22  seg.;  FiTA,  in  Bol.  de 
la  R.  Acad,  de  la  Hist.,  XVI.,  367  seg.  (shews  Llorcnte's  inaccuracy) ; 
RODRIGO,  II.,  99  seg.,  loi  seg.,  104  ;  the  Bull  printed  on  p.  loi  seg.^ 
confirms  the  account  given  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  in  Pastor,  Hist. 
Popes,  IV.,  398  seg.  (Engl,  trans.). 


346  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

September  15,  1485,  the  inquisitor,  Pedro  Arbues,  who  has 
been  quite  groundlessly  accused  of  extreme  harshness,  was 
attacked  in  the  Cathedral  of  Saragossa,  and  mortally- 
wounded  *  This  and  other  occurrences  shewed  that  it 
was  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  severe  measures.  Cruci- 
fixes were  mutilated,  consecrated  hosts  profaned  ;  in  Toledo 
a  plot  was  concocted  by  the  Jews  for  obtaining  possession 
of  the  city  on  Good  Friday,  and  massacring  all  the 
Christians.  Ferdinand  finally  determined  to  resort  to  a 
drastic  remedy;  on  March  31,  1492,  an  edict  was  published 
requiring  all  Jews  either  to  become  Christians,  or  to  leave 
the  country  by  the  31st  July.-f  Most  of  the  Spanish  Jews 
crossed  over  to  Portugal ;  a  good  many  went  to  Italy,^:  and 
to  Rome,  where  they  were  treated  with  great  toleration  by 
the  majority  of  the  fifteenth  century  Popes.§  Many 
Spanish  Jews  who  had  been  banished  in  former  years  had 

*  The  Canonisation  of  P.  Arbues  in  1 867  {cf.  G.  CozzA,  P.  de  Arbues, 
Roma,  1867)  gave  rise  to  most  violent  attacks  against  the  Holy  See; 
Reusch,  Kleine  Schriften  286  seq.^  has  shewn  that  the  bitterest  of  these 
were  written  or  instigated  by  Dollinger.  In  regard  to  Dollinger,  cf. 
Hefele,  in  the  Deutschenvolksblatt,  1867,  Nos.  121,  134,  173,  185  ; 
Civ.  Catt.,  6  Serie,  XL,  273  seq.^  385  seq.\  Hist.-Polit.-Bl,  LX.,  845 
seq. ;  GAMS,  Spanien,  III.,  2,  25  seq.^  and  Hergenrother,  Kirche  und 
Staat,  599  seq.  Cf.  also  Rohrbacher-Knopfler,  ^j-i,  seq.  At  Dollinger's 
instigation  (see  Michael,  Dollinger,  2-^6 seq.  [1892]),  Kaulbach  composed 
his  partisan  sketch  "  Arbues."  The  unhistorical  character  of  this  work 
is  acknowledged  by  Reusch,  loc.  cit.,  and  Lea  :  The  Martyrdom  of 
S.  P.  Arbues,  New  York,  1889. 

t  Hefele,  Ximenes,  290  seq. ;  Amador  de  los  Rios,  Hist,  de  los 
Judios  de  Espaha,  III.,  604  seq.,  and  FiTA,  Edicto  de  los  Reyes  Catolicos 
desterrando  de  sus  estades  i.  todos  los  Judios,  in  Bol.  de  la  R.  Acad,  de 
la  Hist,  XL,  512-28  (1887).  On  the  danger  to  Spain  from  the  Jews  see 
C.  F.  Heman,  Die  Historische  Weltstellung  der  Juden,  24  seq.  Leip- 
zig, 1882,  ed.  2. 

X  Rev.  d'Etudes  Juives,  XV.,  117. 

§  Ibid.,  VII.,  228. 


INNOCENT  VIII.   AND   WITCHCRAFT.  347 

settled  in  Rome,  and  even  contrived  to  insinuate  themselves 
into  various  ecclesiastical  offices ;  an  abuse  which  Innocent 
took  measures  to  prevent.* 

Torrents  of  abuse  have  been  poured  forth  against  Inno- 
cent VIII.  on  account  of  his  Bull  of  December  5,  1484,  on 
the  subject  of  witchcraft.  It  has  been  obstinately  main- 
tained that  the  Pope  by  this  Bull  authoritatively  imposed 
on  the  German  nation  the  current  superstitions  in  regard 
to  the  black  art,  demonology,  and  witchcraft.f  There  could 
not  be  a  greater  distortion  of  facts  than  is  involved  in  this 
assertion.  All  evidence  goes  to  shew  that  long  before  the 
Bull  of  Innocent  VIII.  the  belief  in  witchcraft  had  pre- 
vailed in  Germany.  The  ''  Formicarius  "  of  the  Dominican 
inquisitor  Johannes  Nider,  which  appeared  at  the  time  of 

*  INFESSURA-TOMMASINI,  227.  The  Oratio  passionis  dominice  habita 
coram  Innocentio  Octavo  contra  cervicosam  iudeorum  perfidiam  of  Ant. 
LoUius,  s.l.a.  et  typogr.  Panzer,  IX.,  183,  has  a  certain  connection 
with  this. 

t  K.  MiJLLER,  Bericht  iib.  d.  Gegenw.  Stand  d.  Forschung  auf  dem 
Gebiet  der  vorreformatorischen  Zeit,  56.  The  first  person  who  accused 
Innocent  of  being  the  originator  of  the  infatuation  which  gave  rise  to 
the  whole  body  of  proceedings  against  witchcraft,  was  the  Protestant 
pastor  J.  M.  Schwager  (Gesch.  d.  Hexenprocesse,  I.,  39  [Berlin,  1784]). 
SOLDAN  found  himself  unable  to  agree  with  this  statement,  as  a  large 
number  of  the  trials  for  witchcraft  had  preceded  the  publication  of  the 
Bull.  Nevertheless  he  vehemently  accuses  the  Papacy  of  having  by 
this  "  infallible  pronouncement "  raised  the  belief  in  witchcraft  which 
hitherto  had  been  condemned  by  the  Church,  into  a  dogma  (I.,  288  scq.). 
Dollinger  reiterated  this  accusation  (Janus,  269,  and  Festrede  der 
Munch.  Akad.,  1887).  Although  Sauti<:r  (Z.  Hexenbulle,  65  [Ulm, 
1884])  and  Heller  in  the  Kathol.  Schweizerbl.,  VIII.,  (1892),  216  scq.^ 
had  so  crushingly  refuted  it  that  no  serious  investigator  ought  ever  to 
have  mentioned  it  again.  Cf.  also  MICHAEL,  Dollinger,  257,  547  seq.^ 
(Innsbruck,  1894,  ed.  3),  and  Hergenrother,  Kirche  und  Staat,  609 
seq.  Against  Buchwald's  unhistorical  assertions,  cf.  Hist.-Polit.-Bl., 
XCVIIL,  312  seq.^  318  seq,;  and  Kayser,  in  the  Hist.  Jabrb.,  VII.,  326. 


348  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

the  Council  of  Basle,  shews  what  fantastic  notions  on  the 
subject  were  current  at  the  beginning  of  the  15th  Century. 
Nearly  all  the  delusions  which  appear  in  the  later  witch- 
trials  arc  to  be  found  here ;  though  there  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  so  many  executions  as  in  later  times,  it  is  plain 
that  the  process  of  trial  for  witchcraft  was  in  use  long 
before  the  Bull  of  1484.  But  the  secular  authorities  had 
been  accustomed  to  interfere  in  these  trials,  whereas  in  the 
process  by  the  Inquisition,  the  co-operation  of  the  secular 
power  was  only  invited  when  the  trial  was  ended.* 

What  then  did  Innocent  VIII.  do? 

The  Bull  of  December  5th,  1495,  begins  by  saying  that 
he  had  lately  heard  "  not  without  deep  concern,"  that  in 
various  parts  of  upper  Germany  as  also  in  the  provinces, 
cities,  territories,  districts,  and  bishoprics  of  Mayence, 
Cologne,  Treves,  Salzburg  and  Bremen,  many  persons  of 
both  sexes  falling  away  from  the  Catholic  Faith,  had  con- 
tracted carnal  unions  with  devils,  and  by  spells  and  magic 
rhymes,  with  their  incantations,  curses,  and  other  diabolical 
arts,  had  done  grievous  harm  to  both  men  and  beasts. 
'*  They  even  deny  with  perverse  lips,  the  Faith  in  which 
they  were  baptised."  Two  Dominican  professors  of  theo- 
logy, Heinrich  Institoris  in  Upper  Germany,  and  Jacob 
Sprenger,  in  many  parts  of  the  Rhine  Country,  had  been 
appointed  Papal  Inquisitors  into  all  forms  of  heresy ;  but 
as  the  localities  named  in  the  Bull  had  not  been  ex- 
pressly mentioned  in  these  inquisitors'  faculties,  several 
persons,  clerics  as  well  as  laymen,  inhabiting  these  places, 
had  presumptuously  taken  upon  themselves  to  deny  that 
they  had  power  there  to  arrest  and  punish  these  offenders. 

*  Cf.  FiNKE,  in  the  Hist.  Jahrb.,  XIV.,  341  seq.^  and  Janssen-Pastor, 
Gesch.  d.  Deutsch.  Volkes,  VIII.,  495  seq.^  507  seq.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  my  respected  colleague  H.  Finke  will  continue  and  complete  his 
work. 


CONFIRMATION    OF   THE   INQUISITORS.  349 

Hence  in  the  plenitude  of  his  Apostolical  powers  Innocent 
now  commands  that  these  persons  are  not  to  be  hindered  in 
the  exercise  of  their  office  towards  any  individual,  whatsoever 
may  be  his  rank  and  condition.  After  this,  in  accordance 
with  the  old  Catholic  custom,  the  Pope  goes  on  to  exhort 
the  inquisitors  to  quench  superstition  by  seeing  that  the 
Word  of  God  is  duly  preached  to  the  people  in  the  parish 
churches,  and  employing  whatever  means  may  seem  to 
them  best  calculated  to  secure  that  they  shall  be  well 
instructed.  He  specially  commands  the  Bishop  of  Stras- 
burg  to  protect  and  assist  them,  to  inflict  the  severest 
penalties  of  the  Church  on  all  who  resist  them  or  put 
hindrances  in  their  way,  and  if  necessary  to  call  in  the 
assistance  of  the  secular  power.* 

The  Bull  contains  no  dogmatic  decision  of  any  sort  on 
witchcraft.  It  assumes  the  possibility  of  demoniacal  influ- 
ences on  human  beings  which  the  Church  has  always 
maintained,  but  claims  no  dogmatic  authority  for  its  pro- 
nouncement on  the  particular  cases  with  which  it  was  deal- 
ing at  the  moment.  The  form  of  the  document,  which 
refers  only  to  certain  occurrences  which  had  been  brought 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  Pope,  shews  that  it  was  not 
intended  to  bind  any  one  to  believe  in  the  things  men- 
tioned in  it.  The  question  whether  the  Pope  himself 
believed  in  them  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  subject.  His 
judgment  on  this  point  has  no  greater  importance  than 
attaches  to  a  Papal  decree  in  any  other  undogmatic  question, 
e.g.,  on  a  dispute  about  a  benefice.  The  Bull  introduced  no 
new  element  into  the  current  beliefs  about  witchcraft. 
It  is  absurd  to  accuse  it  of  being  the  cause  of  the  cruel 
treatment  of  witches,  when  we  see  in  the  "  Sachsenspicgel  " 
that  burning  alive  was  already  the  legal  punishment  for  a 
witch.     All    that  Innocent   VHI.  did  was  to  confirm  the 

*  Bull.,  v.,  296  seq. 


350  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

jurisdiction  of  the  inquisitors  over  these  cases.  The  Bull 
simply  empowered  them  to  try  all  matters  concerning 
witchcraft,  without  exception,  before  their  own  tribunals,  by 
Canon-law ;  a  process  which  was  totally  different  from 
that  of  the  later  trials.  Possibly  the  Bull,  in  so  far  as  it 
admonished  the  inquisitors  to  be  on  the  alert  in  regard  to 
witchcraft  may  have  given  an  impetus  to  the  prosecution 
of  such  cases  ;  but  it  affords  no  justification  for  the  accusa- 
tion that  it  introduced  a  new  crime,  or  was  in  any  way 
responsible  for  the  iniquitous  horrors  of  the  witch-harrying 
of  later  times.* 

Unfortunately,  nothing  of  any  importance  was  done 
under  Innocent  VIII.  for  the  reform  of  ecclesiastical 
abuses.f  At  the  same  time  Infessura's  statement  that  the 
Pope  had  authorised    concubinage  in  Rome  is  absolutely 

*  Cf.  J ANSSEN- Pastor,  VIII.,  507  seq.^  where  also  details  are  to  be 
found  in  regard  to  the  witch-hammer, 

t  Besides  renewing  the  Constitution  of  Pius  II.,  against  the  abuse  of 
clerical  privileges  (Rayn ALDUS,  ad  an.  1488,  n.  21-22),  Innocent  VIII. 
gave  various  decisions  against  the  abuse  of  Commendams  (see  Collecta 
quorundam  privileg.  ordin.  Cisterciensis  opera  Johannis  Abbatis  Cistercii, 
Divione,  1491)  and  issued  a  number  of  enactments  intended  to  introduce 
reforms  in  Italy  {cf.  Bull.  Ord.  Praed.,  IV.,  1 5,  39),  Spain  and  Portugal 
(Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1485,  n.  26  ;  1487,  n.  19-22 ;  1488,  n.  7),  England 
(WILKINS,  III.,  632  seq. ;  Mansi,  Suppl,  V.,  343  seq.\  and  other 
countries  {cf.  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1490,  n.  22  ;  Christophe,  II.,  366; 
Stud,  aus  d.  Benediktinerorden,  VIII.,  532  ;  Theiner,  Mon.  Slav.,  I., 
520-21 ;  BUSCH,  England,  I.,  239  ;  Bull.  Ord.  Praedic,  IV.,  65).  The  date 
of  the  -^Brief  of  Reform  to  the  Portuguese  Episcopate  is  1488,  May  8, 
Lib.  brev.  20,  f.  25b.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.)  Two  Briefs  of 
Innocent  VIII.,  dated  Nov.  2,  1487,  and  April  3,  1492,  in  Cod.  IV.,  VI., 
I,  of  the  University  Library  at  Genoa,  refer  to  the  reform  of  the  clergy  in 
Perugia.  On  reforms  in  the  Bishopric  of  Ratisbon,  see  Janner,  III., 
596,  the  Bull  mentioned  there  is  dated  Romae,  1490,  18  Cal.  Maji  A°  6". 
The  copy  is  in  the  Diplomata  of  the  Cathedral  Chapter  of  Ratisbon, 
1, 128  in  the  Episcopal  Archives,  Ratisbon.  See  also  Sinnacher,  Beit- 
rage  zur  Gesch.  von  Brixen,  VII.,  6  seq.    Brixen,  1830. 


DISCOVERY   OF   FORGED   BULLS.  35 1 

unfounded.*  We  have  documentary  evidence  that  in 
France,  Spain,  Portugal  and  Hungary,  he  punished  this 
vice  with  severity.f  No  proof  that  he  favoured  it  in 
Rome  has  yet  been  adduced.  The  mere  assertion  of  an 
admittedly  uncritical  chronicler  with  a  strong  party  bias 
and  given  to  retailing  without  examination  whatever  gossip 
was  current  in  Rome,  could  not  be  accepted  in  any  case 
without  further  testimony.  In  this  particular  instance  it 
is  not  difficult  to  find  the  probable  origin  of  the  calumny. 
In  1489  it  was  discovered  that  a  band  of  unprincipled 
officials  were  carrying  on  a  profitable  traffic  in  forged 
Bulls.  Neither  entreaties  nor  bribes  were  of  any  avail  to 
induce  Innocent  to  abstain  from  punishing  the  crime  with 
the  utmost  severity.  Domenico  of  Viterbo  and  Francesco 
Maldente  who  were  found  guilty  were  hanged,  and  their 
bodies  burnt  in  the  Campo  di  Fiore.J 

Now  it  is  notorious  that  some  of  the  forged  Bulls  were 
to  this  efiect,§  and  the  supposed  permission  accorded  by 

*  It  is  characteristic  of  Infessura's  latest  editor  H.  Tommasini,  that 
(p.  259)  he  lets  this  preposterous  observation  pass  without  any  comment, 
whereas  all  sorts  of  trifling  remarks  are  honoured  with  critical  notes. 
He  makes  no  mention  of  what  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1490,  n.  22,  says 
against  Infessura. 

t  Cf.  page  350,  note  t.  See  in*the  '^Injunction  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Rouen  to  take  measures  against  clerical  concubinage  :  Nos  igitur  tales  et 
tantos  abusus  equo  animo  tolerare  nequeuntes.  Lib.  brev.  20,  f.  1 67. 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  37  Seg.  ;  iNFESSURA,  250.  Cf. 
Hergenrother,  Kirche  und  Staat,  357,  and  ZiNGERLE,  Beitrage, 
XXVI I.  On  the  burning  of  another  forger  of  Bulls  in  May  1489,  see 
LiCHNOWSKY,  VIII.,  Regest,  No.  125 1,  and  Mittheil.  d.  Oesterreich. 
Instituts,  II.,  615  seg^.  This  forged  Bull  is  still  preserved  in  the  Vienna 
State  Archives. 

§  One  instance  of  such  a  forged  Bull  may  be  mentioned  which  calleH 
forth  a  protest  from  the  Pope.  The  ''^Letter  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Rouen  of  June  10,  1488,  mentioned  in  notet  above  {c/.  Raynaldus,  ad 


352  *  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Innocent  VIII.  to  the  Norwegians  to  celebrate  Mass  with- 
out wine  was  also  a  forgery.* 

The  existence  of  such  a  confederacy  for  forging  Bulls, 
throws  a  lurid  light  on  the  state  of  morals  in  the  Papal 
Court,  where  Franceschetto  Cibo  set  the  worst  possible 
example.  The  increasing  prevalence  of  the  system  of  pur- 
chasing offices  greatly  facilitated  the  introduction  of  untrust- 
worthy officials.  The  practice  may  be  explained,  but  can- 
not be  excused  by  the  financial  distress  with  which 
Innocent  VIII.  had  to  contend  during  the  whole  of  his 
reign  f  and  the  almost  universal  custom  of  the  time. J 

In  the  Bull  increasing  the  number  of  the  College  of 
Secretaries  from  the  original  six  to  thirty,  want  of  money, 
which  had  obliged  the  Pope  to  pawn  even  the  Papal  mitre, 
is  openly  assigned  as  the  reason  for  this  measure. §  Be- 
tween them,  the  new  and  the  old  secretaries  (amongst  the 
later  were  Gasparo  Biondo,  Andreas  Trapezuntius,  Jacobus 
Volaterranus,  Johannes  Petrus  Arrivabenus,  and  Sigis- 
mondo  de'  Conti)  brought  in  a  sum  of  62,400  gold  florins  and 

an.  1488,  n.  7),  states  that  the  incumbent  of  St.  Albin  in  Normandy 
asserted  that  he  had  obtained  permission  from  the  Pope  to  marry  ;  the 
Archbishop  is  desired  to  institute  legal  proceedings  against  the  delin- 
quent both  for  the  Crime  and  the  libel. 

*  Against  this  assertion  made  by  Raphael  Volaterranus  (Geogr.,  1.  VII.) 
see  ASCHBACH,  Kirch enlexikon,  III.,  461  ;  and  Tripepi,  Religione  e 
storia  o  tre  pontefici  e  tre  calumnie.     Roma,  1872. 

t  Cf.  Cappelli,  52  ;  Cecconi,  Boccolino  Guzzoni,  140,  194  seq.  ; 
GOTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  206  seq.,  213,  262;  see  ibid.,  232  seq.,  for  the 
expenses  caused  by  the  contest  with  Naples.  Numberless  Briefs  de- 
plore the  terrible  dearth  of  money.  Cf.  Hist.  Jahrb.,  VI.,  455  ;  *Brief  of 
Aug.  2,  i486  to  Bologna  (State  Archives,  Bologna) ;  see  also  "^Lib. 
brev.  19,  f.  392,  406,  414.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.)  A  document 
on  the  relations  between  the  Fugger  family  and  the  Papal  Court  in  the 
year  1487,  in  Mittheil.  d.  Ver.  f.  Gesch.  v.  Niirnberg,  1890. 

X  See  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I.,  48,  ed.  3. 

§  Bull,  v.,  330  seq. 


EVILS   OF   THE   SALE  OF   OFFICES.  353 

received  in  return  certain  privileges  and  a  share  in  various 
taxes.  Innocent  VIII.  also  created  the  College  of  Piom- 
batori  with  an  entrance  fee  of  500  gold  florins.  Even  the 
office  of  Librarian  to  the  Vatican  was  now  for  sale.*  No 
one  can  fail  to  see  the  evils  to  which  such  a  state  of  things 
must  give  rise.  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  closes  his  narrative 
of  the  increase  in  the  number  of  secretaries  with  the  words  ; 
"  Henceforth  this  office  which  had  been  hitherto  bestowed  as 
a  reward  for  industry,  faithfulness,  and  eloquence,  became 
simply  a  marketable  commodity.-]-  Those  who  had  thus 
purchased  the  new  offices  endeavoured  to  indemnify  them- 
selves out  of  other  people's  pockets.  These  greedy  officials 
whose  only  aim  was  to  get  as  much  for  themselves  as 
possible  out  of  the  churches  with  which  they  had  to  do,  were 
naturally  detested  in  all  countries,  and  the  most  determined 
opponents  of  reform.;]:  The  corruptibility  of  all  the  officials 
increased  to  an  alarming  extent,  carrying  with  it  general 
insecurity  and  disorder  in  Rome,  since  any  criminal  who 

*  GoTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  248-49 ;  INFESSURA,  230 ;  Sigismondo  de' 
Conti,  II.,  39  seg. ;  Tangl,  in  Mittheil.  d.  Instituts,  XIII.,  75  ;  Arch, 
d.  Soc.  Rom,  XII.,  15  seg^.^  an^  a  ^Letter  from  Bonfrancesco  Arlotti, 
dat.  Rome,  Feb.  21,  1488  :  La  S'^  di  N.  S^e  a  questi  di  per  liberarse 
da  certi  debiti  et  interesse,  premissa  matura  consultatione,  ha  venduto 
I'intrata  del  suo  secretariato  ch'  h  in  expeditione  de  brevi  et  bolle  che 
passano  per  camera  cum  certi  altri  menicoli  adiuncti  per  62™  et  400 
ducati  partiti  fra  xxx.  secretari  novamenti  creati.  (State  Archives, 
Modena.)  In  regard  to  the  Auditors  of  the  Rota  the  number  of  whom 
had  been  fixed  by  Sixtus  IV.  in  1472  at  twelve,  Innocent  VIII.  in 
1485  decided  that  the  office  could  not  be  held  with  a  bishopric  that  was 
not  in  partibiis  infidelium.  Thus  the  whole  of  the  honorarium  for  this 
service  was  reserved  for  the  members  of  the  Roman  Court ;  see 
HiNSCHlUS,  Kirchenrecht,  I.,  398-99.  On  the  post  of  segretario  intimo 
created  by  Innocent,  see  PlEPER,  Nuntiaturen,  4. 

t  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  40  ;  Dollinger,  Beitrage,  III.,  221. 

X  Dollinger,  Kirchengesch.,  357. 

VOL.   V.  2  A 


354  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

had  money  could  secure  immunity  from  punishment* 
The  conduct  of  some  members  of  the  Pope's  immediate 
circle  even,  gave  great  scandal.  Franceschetto  Cibo  was 
mean  and  avaricious,  and  led  a  disorderly  life  "  which  was 
doubly  unbecoming  in  the  son  of  a  Pope.  He  paraded  the 
streets  at  night  with  Girolamo  Tuttavilla,  forced  his  way 
into  the  houses  of  the  citizens  for  evil  purposes,  and  was 
often  driven  out  with  shame."  In  one  night  Franceschetto 
lost  14,000  ducats  to  Cardinal  Riario  and  complained  to  the 
Pope  that  he  had  been  cheated.  Cardinal  de  La  Balue  also 
lost  8000  to  the  same  Cardinal  in  a  single  evening.f 

In  order  to  obtain  the  means  for  the  gratification  of  such 
passions  as  these,  or  worse,  the  worldly-minded  Cardinals 
were  always  on  the  watch  to  maintain  or  increase  their 
power. 

This  explains  the  stipulation  in  the  election  capitulation 
that  the  number  of  the  Sacred  College  was  not  to  exceed 
twenty-four.  Innocent  VIII.  however  did  not  consider  him- 
self bound  to  observe  this  condition,  and  already  in  1485  we 
hear  of  his  intention  of  creating  new  Cardinals.  The 
College  refused  its  consent,^  and  the  opposition  of  the  older 
Cardinals  was  so  violent  and  persistent,§  that  some  years 
passed  before  the  Pope  was  able  to  carry  out  his  purpose.|| 
In  the  interval  as  many  as  nine  of  the  old  Cardinals  had 


*  Cf.  INFESSURA,  237  seq.^  242  seq.^  256  seq.\  Gregorovius,  VII., 
283  ed.,  2.,  points  out  that  all  the  other  cities  in  Italy  were  in  the  same 
case. 

t  ReUMONT,  Rom,  III.,  I,  197  seq.;  and  LORENZO,  II.,  402,  ed.  2. 

X  "^Despatch  from  J.  P.  Arrivabene,  dat  Rome,  March  16,  1485. 
Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

§  Despatch  of  Arrivabene,  dat.  Rome,  Feb.  17,  i486,  loc.  cit. 

II  On  the  negotiations  regarding  the  creation  of  new  Cardinals  in  the 
yeai-s  1487  and  1488,  see  BUSER,  Lorenzo,  73  seq.^  and  a  "^Letter  from 
Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  Nov.  29,  1488.     State  Archives,  Modena. 


CREATION   OF   NEW  CARDINALS.  355 

died  ;  in  1484,  Philibert  Hugonet  (September  12)  *  Stefano 
Nardini  (October  22),  Juan  Moles  (November  21);  in 
1485,  Pietro  Foscari  (September)  and  Juan  de  Aragon ;  in 
i486,  Thomas  Bourchier  (June)  and  the  good  Gabriel 
Rangoni  (September  27)  ;  in  1488,  Arcimboldi  and  Charles 
de  Bourbon  (September  I3).t 

Though,  in  one  respect,  these  deaths  facilitated  the  crea- 
tion of  new  Cardinals,  on  the  other,  great  difficulties  were 
caused  by  the  urgent  demands  of  the  various  Powers  for  the 
promotion  of  their  candidates.^  In  the  beginning  of  March 
1489  the  negotiations  were  at  last  brought  to  a  conclusion, 
and  on  the  9th  of.  the  month  five  new  cardinals  were 
nominated.  Two  of  these,  the  Grand-Master  of  the  Knights 
of  St.  John,  Pierre  d'Aubusson,  and  the  Archbishop  of 
Bordeaux,  Andre  d'Espinay,  were  absent  The  three  who 
were  on  the  spot,  Lorenzo  Cibo  (son  of  the  Pope's  brother 
Maurizio),  Ardicino  della  Porta  of  Novara,  and  Antoniotto 

■^  In  a  *  Letter  from  G.  A.  Vespucci,  of  Sept.  13,  i486,  which  says 
*"Heri  da  nocte  mori  el  Revmo  Carle  di  Matiscon  (State  Archives, 
Florence,  F.  39,  f.  368),  the  date  differs  from  that  in  Burchardi 
Diarium,  I.,  90.  There  exists  a  rare  contemporaneous  impression,  Oratio 
in  funere  domini  r.  Card.  Matisconensis  (s.  L  et  a.  4°)  by  A.  LoUius. 

t  With  Burchardi  Diarium,  I.,  passim,  cf.  Panvinius,  329  seq.^ 
and  ClACONiuS,  II L,  146,  who,  however,  is  not  always  accurate;  see 
also  Bern  AYS,  P.  Martyr,  6,  and  Battaggia,  Fr.  G.  Rangoni,  21-26. 
Venezia,  1881. 

X  "^Report  of  J.  L.  Cataneo,  dat.  Rome,  Dec.  17,  1488.  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua.)  On  the  insistence  of  the  King  of  England  that  the 
Red  Hat  should  be  bestowed  on  his  Lord  Chancellor,  John  Morton,  see 
Brown,  I.,  537,  and  Gebhardt,  Adrian  von  Corneto,  6.  In  the 
beginning  of  1490,  Callimachus  made  great  efforts  to  obtain  the 
cardinalate  for  the  sixth  and  youngest  son  of  Casimir  of  Poland,  who 
had  been  elected  to  the  Bishopric  of  Cracow  by  the  Chapter  of  that 
Cathedral  in  1488,  but  he  was  unsuccessful;  Zeissberg,  Polnische 
Geschichtschreibung,  369.  A  later  request  to  the  same  effect  from 
Frederick  III.,  also  failed.     Cf.  LiCHNOWSKY,  VIII.,  Regest.  No.  1598. 


356  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Pallavicini  of  Genoa,  received  their  Red  Hats  at  once. 
Three  others,  Maffeo  Gherardo  of  Venice,  Federigo  Sanseve- 
rino  (son  of  Count  Robert),  and  Giovanni  de'  Medici  were 
reserved  i?i petto* 

Some  of  the  new  Cardinals,  as  Ardicino  della  Porta, 
were  fit  and  worthy  men,-|-  which  made  it  all  the  sadder 
that  the  natural  son  of  Innocent's  brother,  and  the  boy- 
Giovanni  de'  Medici  should  have  been  added  to  their  ranks. 
Raffaele  de  Volterra  severely  blames  this  open  violation 
of  the  prescriptions  of  the  Church,  and  the  Annalist 
Raynaldus  rightly  endorses  his  judgment. J 

Giovanni  de'  Medici,  Lorenzo's  second  son,  was  then  only 
in  his  fourteenth  year;  he  was  born  December  ii,  1475. 
His  father  had  destined  him  for  the  Church  at  an  age  at 
which  any  choice  on  his  part  was  out  of  the  question,  and 
confided  his  education  to  distinguished  scholars  such  as 
Poliziano  and  Demetrius  Chalkondylas. 

At  seven  years  old  he  received  the  tonsure,  and  the  chase 
after  rich  benefices  at  once  began.  Lorenzo  in  his  notes 
details  these  proceedings  with  appalling  candour.  In  1483, 
before  he  had  completed  his  eighth  year,  Giovanni  was 
presented  by  Louis  XI.  to  the  Abbacy  of  Font  Douce 
in  the  Bishopric  of  Saintes.      Sixtus  IV.  confirmed   this 

*  Cf.  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  332  seq.-,  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  I., 
326  seq. ;  Sanudo,  Vite,  1244  seq.  ;  Panvinius,  328-9 ;  Cardella, 
229  seq.)  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  236  seq.-,  *Ardicino  della  Porta 
writes,  ex  urbe  9  Martii  1489,  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici :  Nuntiamus  eidem 
nos  ambos  (Ardicino  and  Giovanni  de'  Medici)  hodie  ad  cardinalatus 
dignitatem  assumptos  fuisse.     State  Archives,  Florence,  F.  46,  f.  557. 

t  SiGISMONDO  de'  CONTI,  I.,  327  seq. 

X  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1489,  n.  19.  The  evil  effect  of  Giovanni's 
elevation  was  at  once  apparent  in  the  efforts  which  from  that  moment 
the  Ferrarese  Ambassador  began  to  make  to  obtain  the  purple  for  the 
youthful  Ippolito  d'Este.  -^Report  from  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  March  14, 
1489.     State  Archives,  Modena. 


GIOVANNI    DE'  MEDICI    CREATED   CARDINAL.        357 

nomination,  declared  him  capable  of  holding  benefices  and 
made  him  a  Protonotary  Apostolic.  Henceforth  "what- 
ever good  things  in  the  shape  of  a  benefice,  commendam, 
rectorship,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Medici,  was  given  to 
Lorenzo's  son."  In  1484  he  was  already  in  possession  of 
the  rich  Abbey  of  Passignano,  and  two  years  later  was 
given  the  venerable  Benedictine  Abbey  of  Monte  Cassino  in 
commendam*  But  even  this  was  not  enough  for  Lorenzo, 
who  with  indefatigable  persistency  besieged  the  Pope  and 
Cardinals  to  admit  the  boy  into  the  Senate  of  the  Church. 
He  did  not  scruple  to  represent  Giovanni's  age  as  two  years 
more  than  it  really  was.f  Innocent  VIII.  resisted  for  a 
long  time,  but  finally  gave  way  ;  and  he  was  nominated 
with  the  stipulation  that  he  was  to  wait  three  years  before 
he  assumed  the  insignia  of  the  cardinalate  or  took  his  seat 
in  the  College.  Lorenzo  found  this  condition  extremely 
irksome,  and,  in  the  beginning  of  1490,  instructed  his 
Ambassador  to  do  everything  in  his  power  to  get  the  time 
shortened.  The  Pope,  however,  who  wished  Giovanni  to 
devote  the  time  of  probation  to  the  study  of  Theology  and 
Canon-law,  was  inexorable,  and  Lorenzo  had  to  wait  till 
the  full  period  had  expired.  When,  at  last,  the  day  for  his 
son's  elevation  arrived  he  was  too  ill  to  be  able  to  assist  at 
any  of  the  ceremonial  services.^  The  moment  they  were 
concluded  the  young  Cardinal  started  for  Rome,§  where 
great  preparations  were  being  made  for  his  reception. ||  On 
March  22,  1492,  the  new  Cardinal  Deacon   of  S^^    Maria 

*  Reumont,  Lorenzo,  II.,  361  seq.^  ed.  2;  TOSTI.  Monte  Cassino,  III., 
199 ;  Cappelli,  65. 

t  ROSCOE,  Leo  X.,  App.,  iseq.;  BUSER,  Lorenzo,  73  scq. 

X  RoscOE,  Leo  X.,  I.,  37  seq.  ;  REUMONT,  Lorenzo,  II.,  400  seq.^  ed.  2. 

§  De  Rossi,  Ricordanze,  278. 

II  Cf.  ■'^Despatch  from  Boccaccio,  dat.  Rome,  March  21,  1492.  State 
Archives,  Modena. 


358  HISTORY   OF   THE   POl'ES. 

in  Dominica  entered  Rome  by  the  Porta  del  Popolo  ;  on 
the  following  day  the  Pope  admitted  him,  with  the 
customary  ceremonies,  to  the  Consistory.*  The  General  of 
the  Camaldolese,  Pietro  Delfino,  says  that  the  bearing  and 
demeanour  of  the  young  Cardinal  made  a  favourable 
impression  upon  all  present,  and  that  he  seemed  more 
mature  than  could  have  been  expected  at  his  age.f 
Lorenzo  at  once  wrote  to  his  son  an  admirable  letter  of 
advice  and  warning,  displaying  not  only  great  political 
sagacity  and  knowledge  of  human  nature,  but  the  Christian 
faith  and  sentiment  to  which  he  had  returned  at  the  close 
of  his  life.  It  is  touching  to  read  the  earnest  exhortations 
to  the  young  man  to  lead  "an  honourable,  exemplary  and 
virtuous  life  "  which  seemed  especially  needed  by  one  going 
to  reside  in  a  great  city  which  had  become  "  a  very  focus 
of  all  that  was  evil."  There  would  be  no  lack  of  "  bad 
counsellors,  seducers  and  envious  men,"  who  would 
endeavour  to  "  drag  you  down  into  the  abyss  into  which 
they  themselves  have  fallen.  Counting  upon  your  youth 
they  will  expect  to  find  this  an  easy  task.  Thus  it  behoves 
you  to  set  yourself  to  prove  that  this  hope  is  unfounded, 
and  all  the  more  because  the  College  of  Cardinals  is  at  this 
moment  so  poor  in  men  of  worth.  I  remember  the  days 
when  it  was  full  of  learned  and  virtuous  men,  and  theirs  is 
the  example  for  you  to  follow.  For  the  less  your  conduct 
resembles  that  of  those  who  now  compose  it,  the  more 
beloved  and  respected  will  you  be.  You  must  equally 
avoid  the  Scylla  of  sanctimoniousness  and  the  Charybdis  of 

*  See  in  addition  to  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  454  seq.^  the  letter  of 
Delfino,  cited  in  the  following  note  and  that  of  Giov.  de'  Medici  in 
ROSCOE,  App.,  17  seq.',  J.  L.  Cataneo's  "^^ Report,  dat.  Rome,  March  27, 
1492,  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  Letter  of  P.  Delfino,  in  RoscOE,  App.,  16,  and  in  BURCHARDi 
Diarium,  I.,  557-9. 


LORENZO'S   LETTER   TO   HIS  SON.  359 

profanity.  You  should  study  to  be  moderate  in  all  things, 
and  avoid  everything  in  your  demeanour  and  in  your  words 
that  might  annoy  or  wound  others,  and  especially  not  make 
a  parade  of  austerities  or  a  strict  life.  Your  own  judgment, 
when  matured  by  experience,  will  instruct  you  better  how 
to  carry  out  my  advice  than  any  detailed  counsels  that  I 
could  give  you  at  present. 

"  You  will  have  no  difficulty  in  understanding  how  much 
depends  on  the  personality  and  example  of  a  Cardinal. 
If  the  Cardinals  were  such  as  they  ought  to  be,  the  whole 
world  would  be  the  better  for  it ;  for  they  would  always 
elect  a  good  Pope  and  thus  secure  the  peace  of  Christen- 
dom. Endeavour,  therefore,  to  be  such  that  it  would  be 
well  for  all  if  the  rest  were  like  you.  Be  careful  in  all 
your  intercourse  with  the  Cardinals  and  other  persons  of 
high  rank,  to  be  guarded  and  reserved,  so  as  to  keep  your 
judgments  cool  and  unswayed  by  the  passions  of  others, 
for  many  act  irrationally,  because  their  aims  are  illicit. 
Keep  your  conscience  clear  by  avoiding  in  your  conversa- 
tion anything  that  could  be  injurious  to  others.  I  think 
this  is  of  the  first  importance  for  you,  for  if  any  one  from 
passion  thinks  he  has  a  grudge  against  you,  it  is  much 
easier  for  him  to  change  his  mind  if  there  is  no  real  ground 
of  offence.  It  will  be  best  for  you,  in  this  your  first  sojourn 
in  Rome,  to  make  much  more  use  of  your  ears  than  of  your 
tongue. 

"To-day  I  have  given  you  up  entirely  to  God  and  to  His 
Holy  Church.  Be  therefore  a  worthy  priest,  and  act  so  as 
to  convince  all  who  see  you  that  the  well-being  and  honour 
of  the  Church  and  the  Holy  See  are  more  to  you  than  any- 
thing else  in  the  world.  If  you  keep  this  steadfastly  before 
you,  opportunities  will  not  be  wanting  for  being  of  use  both 
to  this  city  and  to  our  family  ;  for  to  be  united  with  the 
Church  is  advantageous  to  the  city,  and  you  must  be  the 


360  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

bond  of  union  between  the  two,  and  the  welfare  of  our 
house  depends  on  that  of  Florence.  Though  the  future 
must  always  remain  impenetrable,  yet  I  am  confident  that 
if  you  are  constant  in  generously  pursuing  the  good  of  the 
Church,  we  shall  not  fail  to  find  means  to  secure  ourselves 
on  both  sides. 

"  You  are  the  youngest  member  of  the  College,  not  only 
of  the  present  College,  but  the  youngest  that  has  ever  as 
yet  been  made  a  Cardinal.  You  should,  therefore,  in  all  that 
you  have  to  do  with  your  colleagues  be  observant  and 
respectful,  and  keep  yourself  in  the  background  in  the  Papal 
Chapels  and  Consistories,  or  in  deputations.  You  will  soon 
learn  which  among  them  are  deserving  of  esteem.  You 
must  avoid  both  being  and  seeming  to  be  intimate  with 
those  whose  conduct  is  irregular.  In  conversation  keep  to 
generalities  as  far  as  you  can.  In  regard  to  festivities,  I 
think  it  will  be  prudent  for  you  to  keep  rather  under  the 
mark  than  to  run  any  risk  of  exceeding  what  is  per- 
missible. 

"  Spend  your  money  rather  on  keeping  a  well-appointed 
stable  and  servants  of  a  superior  class  than  on  pomp  and 
show.  Endeavour  to  lead  a  regular  life,  and  gradually  get 
your  household  into  strict  order, — a  thing  which  cannot  be 
done  immediately  where  both  master  and  servant  are  new. 
Silks  and  jewels  are  for  the  most  part  unsuitable  for  you, 
but  you  should  possess  some  valuable  antiques  and  hand- 
some books,  and  your  circle  should  be  rather  select  and 
learned  than  numerous.  Also,  it  is  better  for  you  to  enter- 
tain your  friends  at  home  than  to  dine  out  often  ;  but  in 
this  matter  you  should  follow  a  middle  course.  Let  your 
food  be  simple  and  take  plenty  of  exercise ;  many  in  your 
present  position  bring  great  sufferings  on  themselves  by 
imprudence.  This  position  is  one  which  is  both  secure  and 
exalted,  and  thus  it  often  happens  that  those  who  have  sue- 


WORLDLINESS   AMONGST   THE   CARDINALS.  36 1 

ceeded  in  attaining  it  become  careless  and  think  they  can 
now  do  as  they  Hke,  without  fear  of  consequences,  whereby 
both  it  and  their  heahh  are  imperilled.  In  regard  to  this 
point  I  recommend  you  to  use  all  possible  caution,  and  to 
err  rather  on  this  side  than  on  that  of  over-confidence. 

"  Let  it  be  your  rule  of  life  to  rise  early.  Setting  aside  the 
advantage  of  the  practice  to  your  health,  it  gives  you  time 
to  get  through  the  business  of  the  day  and  to  fulfil  your 
various  obligations,  the  recitation  of  the  office,  study, 
audiences,  and  whatever  else  has  to  be  done.  There  is 
another  practice  which  is  also  very  necessary  for  a  person  in 
your  position,  namely,  always,  and  especially  now  that  you 
are  just  beginning,  to  call  to  mind  in  the  evening  what  will  be 
the  work  of  the  day  following,  so  that  you  may  never  be 
unprepared  for  your  business.  If  you  speak  in  the  Consis- 
tory, it  seems  to  me,  considering  your  youth  and  inexperi- 
ence, that  it  will  be  in  all  cases  best  and  most  becoming  for 
you  to  adhere  to  the  wise  judgment  of  the  Holy  Father. 
You  will  be  often  pressed  to  speak  to  the  Pope  about  this 
thing  or  that,  and  to  make  requests.  Make  it  your  rule  in 
these  early  days  to  make  as  few  of  these  as  possible,  so  as 
not  to  be  burdensome  to  him ;  for  he  is  disposed  by  nature 
to  give  most  to  those  who  are  least  clamorous.  It  will  be 
useful  to  be  on  the  watch  to  say  nothing  that  would  annoy 
him,  but  rather  to  tell  him  things  that  will  give  him 
pleasure  ;  while  modesty  in  preferring  requests  corresponds 
best  with  his  own  disposition,  and  puts  him  in  a  better 
humour.     Take  care  of  your  health."* 

Lorenzo  de'  Medici's  low  estimate  of  the  College  of 
Cardinals  in  the  time  of  Innocent  VIII.  was  unfortunately 
only  too  well  founded.  There  still  remained,  no  doubt, 
some  good  men  in  the  Senate  of  the  Church,  but  they  were 

*  Fabronius,  II.,  308  seq.\  Reumont,  II.,  406  seq.^  ed.  2. 


362  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

quite  borne  down  by  the  worldly  majority  ;  Marco  Barbo, 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  nobler  party,  had  died  in  the 
Spring  of  149 1  ;  his  death,  says  one  of  his  contemporaries, 
was  a  great  loss  to  the  Holy  See  and  to  the  whole  of 
Christendom.* 

Of  the  worldly  Cardinals,  Ascanio  Sforza,  Riario,  Orsini, 
Sclafenatus,  Jean  de  La  Balue,  Giuliano  della  Rovere, 
Savelli,  and  Rodrigo  Borgia  were  the  most  prominent.  All 
of  these  were  deeply  infected  with  the  corruption  which  pre- 
vailed in  Italy  amongst  the  upper  classes  in  the  age  of  the 
Renaissance.  Surrounded  in  their  splendid  palaces,  with  all 
the  most  refined  luxury  of  a  highly-developed  civilisation, 
these  Cardinals  lived  the  lives  of  secular  princes,  and  seemed 
to  regard  their  ecclesiastical  garb  simply  as  one  of  the  adorn- 
ments of  their  rank.  They  hunted,  gambled,  gave  sumptu- 
ous banquets  and  entertainments,  joined  in  all  the  rollick- 
ing merriment  of  the  carnival-tide,f  and  allowed  themselves 
the  utmost  licence  in  morals  ;  this  was  specially  the  case  with 
Rodrigo  Borgia.  His  uncle,  Calixtus  HI.,  had  made  him  a 
Cardinal  and  Vice-Camerlengo  while  he  was  still  very  young, 
and  he  had  accumulated  benefices  to  an  extent  which  gave 
him  a  princely  income.  In  the  time  of  Sixtus  IV.  he  was 
already,  according  to  d'Estouteville,  the  wealthiest  member 
of  the  College  of  Cardinals|.  One  of  his  contemporaries 
describes  him  as  a  fine-looking  man  and  a  brilliant  cavalier, 
cheery  and  genial  in  manner,  and  winning  and  flluent  in 
conversation ;  irresistibly  attractive  to  women.  His  im- 
moral courses  brought  upon    him    a   severe   rebuke  from 

*   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  35. 

t  BURCKHARDT,  II.,  1 63,  ed.  3.  On  the  corruption  amongst  the 
upper  classes,  see  supra,  p.  1 14  s^Q- 

X  Jacobus  Volaterranus,  130.  After  d'Eslouteville's  death  he  wa? 
certainly  richer  than  any  other  Cardinal.  See  De  Rossi,  Ricordanze, 
279. 


CARDINAL   RODRIGO   BORGIA.  363 

Pius  II.*  But  nothing  had  any  efifect.  Even  after  he  had 
received  priest's  orders,  which  took  place  in  August  1468, 
and  when  he  was  given  the  Bishopric  of  Albano,  which 
he  afterwards  exchanged  -in  1476  for  that  of  Porto,  he  still 
would  not  give  up  his  dissolute  life ;  to  the  end  of  his  days 
he  remained  the  slave  of  the  demon  of  sensuality. 

From  the  year  1460  Vanozza  de  Cataneis,  born  of  Roman 
parents  in  1442,  was  his  acknowledged  mistress.  She  was 
married  three  times;  in  1474  to  Domenico  of  Arignano;  in 
1480  to  a  Milanese,  Giorgio  de  Croce  ;  and  in  i486  to  a 
Mantuan,  Carlo  Canale,  and  died  in  Rome  on  the  26th  of 
November,  15 18,  aged  76.  The  names  of  the  four  children 
whom  she  bore  to  the  Cardinal  are  inscribed  on  her  tomb 
in  the  following  order  : — Caesar,  Juan,  Jofre,  and  Lucrezia.f 

*  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  II.,  452  seq.  (Engl,  trans.),  where  also  will 
be  found  some  observations  on  Rodrigo's  modem  apologists.  I  have 
not  mentioned  the  name  of  Nemec  amongst  these,  because  he  himself 
acknowledges  (p.  38)  that  in  his  account  of  Rodrigo's  manner  of  life  he 
has  rehed  entirely  on  Ollivier,  who  is  now  wholly  discredited.  Douais' 
article  in  the  periodical  La  Controverse  :  Les  debats  recents  sur  la  vie 
privee  d'  Alexandre  VI.,  which  agrees  in  all  points  with  l'Epinois, 
Rev.  de  Quest.  Hist.,  XXIX.  (1881),  357  seq.^  contains  some  very  good 
remarks  on  Alexander's  apologists. 

t  This  inscription,  originally  in  S'^  Maria  del  Popolo,  has  disappeared 
from  thence,  like  many  others,  but  has  been  preserved  in  a  collection  of 
MSS.  It  is  absurd  to  doubt  its  genuineness,  as  Ollivier  does  (Reumont, 
in  Bonner  Literaturblatt,  V.,  690).     It  runs  thus  : — 

Vanotiae  Cathanae  Cesare  Valentiae  Joane  Cadiae. 
Jofrido  Scylatii  et  Lucretia  Ferrariae  ducib.  filiis  nobili 
Probitate  insigni  religione  eximia  pari  et  aetate  et 
Prudentia  optime  de  xenodochio  Lateranen.  meritae 
Hieronymus  Picus  fideicomiss.  procur.  ex  test.  pos. 
Vix.  an.  LXXVI.  m.  IV.,  d.  XllL,  obiit  anno  MDXVIII.,  XXVI.  No. 

FORCELLA,  Iscriz.,  I.,  335.  Vanozza  is  the  diminutive  of  Giovanna, 
as  Paluzzo  is  of  Paolo  ;  according  to  Jovius,  in  her  later  days  she  strove 
to  make  reparation  for  her  sins  by  her  piety.     See,  in  regard  to  her, 


3^4  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Besides  these,  Cardinal  Rodrigo  had  other  children, — a 
son,  Pedro  Luis,  certainly  born  before  1460,*  and  a  daughter, 
Girolama,  but  apparently  by  a  different  mother.|  Rodrigo 
turned  to  his  Spanish  home  for  the  careers  of  these  chil- 
dren, who  were  legitimised  one  after  another.  In  1485  he 
obtained  the  Dukedom  of  Gandia  for  Pedro  Luiz ;  in  the 
deed  of  King  Ferdinand  he  is  described  as  the  son  of  noble 
parents,  and  he  is  stated  to  have  distinguished  himself  by 
his  military  acquirements  and  to  have  rendered  valuable 
services  in  the  war  against  the  King  of  Granada.  Pedro 
was  betrothed  to  the  daughter  of  Ferdinand's  uncle  and 
major-domo,  Donna  Maria  Enriquez  ;  in  1488  he  came  to 
Rome,  and  in  August  fell  sick  there  and  died,  certainly 
before  the  year  149 1.  He  left  all  that  he  possessed  to  his 
brother  Juan,  the  best  of  Rodrlgo's  sons,  born  in  1474,  Who 
eventually  married  his  brother's  intended  bride. J 

The   Cardinal's   third    son   Caesar,   born    in    I475,§    was 

Gregorovius,  VII.,  305  seq.^  ed.  3,  and  Lucrezia,  1,0  seq.  ;  Henri 
DE  l'Epinois,  Alexandre  VI.,  in  Rev.  de  Quest.  Hist,  XXIX.  (1881), 
379  seq.  ;  Arch.  St.  Ital,  3  Serie,  IX.,  i,  80  seq.  \  XVII.,  324  seq.^  510  ; 
and  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom,  VII.,  402  seq. 

*  This  may  be  gathered  from  the  deed  of  legitimation  granted  by 
Sixtus  IV.,  Nov.  5,  i486,  in  which  Pedro  Luis  is  called  " adolescens,"  and 
described  as  the  issue  de  tunc  Diacono  Cardinal!  et  soluta,  and  also  from 
another  document  of  the  year  1483,  according  to  which  Pedro  Luis  must 
have  been  at  least  twenty  years  of  age  ;  Thuasne,  Burchardi  Diarium, 
III.;  Suppl.  k  I'App.,  p.  III.  seq. ;  OLIVER,  108,  thinks  that  R  Luis  must 
have  been  born  about  1458,  cf.  429. 

t  CiTTADELLA,  Albero,  n.  32  and  p.  49.?^^.;  Gregorovius,  Lucrezia, 
18 ;  Reumont,  in  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  3  Serie,  XVI I.,  330. 

X  Hofler,  R.  de  Borja,  50  seq.\  Oliver,  437  seq.^  439  seq. 

§  Reumont,  in  Arch.  St.  Ital,  3  Serie,  XVII.,  327,  places  the  birth 
of  Caesar  in  1473  ;  Thuasne,  Burchardi  Diarium,  I.,  420,  thinks  that 
he  was  born  in  1475  ;  while  GREGOROVIUS,  Lucrezia,  12,  and  Yriarte, 
I.,  36,  maintain  that  it  was  in  1476 ;  L'Epinois,  Alexandre  VI.,  371  seq.^ 
shews  that  none  of  these  dates  are  probable,  and  that  1475  seems  more 


THE   BORGIA   CHILDREN.  365 

from  childhood,  without  any  regard  to  his  aptitude  or 
wishes,  destined  to  the  Church.  Sixtus  IV.  on  ist  October, 
1480,  dispensed  him  from  the  canonical  impediment  for  the 
reception  of  Holy  Orders,  caused  by  his  being  born  out  of 
wedlock,  because  he  was  the  son  of  a  Cardinal  and  his 
mother  was  a  married  woman.*  At  the  age  of  seven  years 
Caesar  was  made  a  Protonotary,  and  was  appointed  to 
benefices  in  Xativa  and  other  cities  in  Spain,  and  under 
Innocent  VIII.  to  the  Bishopric  of  Pampeluna.f  Jofre  also, 
born  in  1480  or  148 1,  was  intended  for  the  ChurchJ  ;  he  is 
mentioned  as  a  Canon,  Prebendary,  and  Archdeacon  of  the 
Cathedral  of  Valencia.  Lucrezia,  born  in  I478,§  seemed, 
like  her  brothers,  destined  to  make  her  home  in  her 
father's  native  land,  for  in  149 1  she  was  betrothed  to  a 
Spaniard. 

The  mother  of  these  children,  Vanozza  de  Cataneis, 
possessed  substantial  property  in  Rome,  and  a  house  on  the 
Piazza  Branca,  close  to  the  palace  which  Rodrigo  Borgia 
had  built  for  himself.    This  mansion,  now  the  Palazzo  Sforza- 

likely  to  be  the  correct  one  ;  HOFLER,  R.  de  Borja,  53,  is  in  favour  of 
1474-5  ;  Oliver  finally  decides  on  1475.  See  409,  and  cf.  420,  427,  434, 
and  this  agrees  with  a  document  dat.  Aug.  31,  1492,  which  has  been 
discovered  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.     See  Appendix,  N.  15. 

*  De  Episcopo  Cardinali  genitus  et  conjugata ;  L']£piN0lS,  373  ; 
Oliver,  420. 

t  Oliver,  427  seq.^  and  infra^  Appendix,  N.  15. 

X  Cf.  l'Epinois,  378,  and  the  document  of  Aug.  31,  1492,  which  I 
found  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.  See  Appendix,  Nos.  17 
and  19. 

§  Gregorovius,  Lucrezia,  12  (13  in  ed.  3),  considers  it  certain  that 
Lucrezia  was  born  in  1480.  This  view,  which  is  shared  by  Reumont 
in  the  Arch.  St.  ItaL,  3  Serie,  XVII,,  331,  and  Leonetti,  seems  proved 
by  l'Epinois,  376,  to  be  incorrect.  Cittadella  also,  Albero  genea- 
logico,  e  di  memorie  sulla  famiglia  Borgia,  34,  and  the  Civ.  Catt.,  3  Serie, 
IX.,  724,  hold  to  the  year  1478. 


66  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 


Cesarini,  was  considered  the  finest,  not  only  in  Rome,  but  in 
the  whole  of  Italy.* 

In  the  reign  of  Innocent  VIII.  Jacopo  da  Volterra  writes 
of  Cardinal  Borgia :  "  He  has  good  abilities  and  great  versa- 
tility, is  fluent  in  speech,  and  though  his  literary  attain- 
ments are  not  of  the  first  order,  he  can  write  well.  He  is 
naturally  shrewd,  and  exceedingly  energetic  in  all  business 
that  he  takes  in  hand.  He  is  reputed  to  be  very  rich,  and 
his  influence  is  great  on  account  of  his  connections  with  so 
many  kings  and  princes.  He  has  built  for  himself  a 
splendid  and  commodious  palace  midway  between  the 
Bridge  of  S.  Angelo  and  the  Campo  di  Fiore.  His  reve- 
nues from  his  numerous  benefices  and  abbeys  in  Italy  and 
Spain  and  his  three  bishoprics  of  Valencia,  Porto,  and  Carta- 
gena are  enormous;  while  his  post  of  Vice-Camerlengo 
is  said  also  to  bring  him  in  8000  gold  ducats  yearly.  He 
possesses  immense  quantities  of  silver  plate,  pearls,  hang- 
ings, and  vestments  embroidered  in  gold  and  silk,  and 
learned  books  of  all  sorts,  and  all  of  such  splendid  quality  as 
would  befit  a  king  or  a  pope.  I  pass  over  the  sumptuous 
adornments  of  his  litters  and  trappings  for  his  horses,  and  all 
his  gold  and  silver  and  silks,  together  with  his  magnificent 
wardrobe  and  his  hoards  of  treasure.-f 

We  obtain  a  highly  interesting  glimpse  into  the  amaz- 
ing luxury  of  Cardinal  Borgia's  palace  from  a  hitherto 
unknown  letter  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  dated  22nd  of 


*  Gasp.  Veronen.  in  MURATORI,  III.,  2,  1036;  ROSMINI,  Storia  di 
Milano,  IV.,  32  ;  Cancellieri,  in  Effem.  Lett,  1821  ;  Ratti,  I.,  Z^seq.-, 
and  Leonetti,  I.,  151  seq.  Gregorovius  is  mistaken  in  saying  that 
the  Borgia  Palace  was  not  built  till  1482.  The  authorities  cited  above 
shew  that  it  was  completed  essentially  in  the  reign  of  Paul  II.  Cf.  the 
document  from  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  in  Appendix,  N.  13. 

t  Jacob.  VOLATERRANUS,  130;  Gregorovius,  Lucrezia,  17,  who 
both  here  and  in  his  3rd  ed.  confounds  Chartaginensis  with  Carthago. 


OSTENTATION    OF   ASCANIO   SFORZA.  367 

October,  1484.*     On  that  day  Borgia,  who,  as  a  rule,  was 
not  a  lover  of  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  gave  a  magnificent 
banquet   in    his    palace,  at    which,  besides    Ascanio,  three 
other  Cardinals  were  included  amongst  the  guests,  one  of 
these  being  Giuliano  della  Rovere.     The  whole  palace  was 
splendidly  decorated.     In  the  great  entrance-hall  the  walls 
were  covered  with  hangings  representing  various  historical 
events.     A  smaller  room  opened  into  this,  also  hung  with 
exquisite  Gobelin  tapestry.     The  carpets  on  the  floor  were 
selected  to  harmonise  with  the  rest  of  the  furniture,  of  which 
the   most    prominent    piece  was    a  sumptuous  state-couch 
upholstered  in  red  satin,  with  a  canopy  over  it.     This  room 
also  contained  the  Cardinal's  credenza,  a  chest  surmounted 
by  a  slab,  on  which  was  ranged  for  exhibition  an  immense 
quantity  of  table  plate  and  drinking   vessels  in  gold  and 
silver,  while  the   lower   part  was  a  marvel    of  exquisitely 
finished  work.     This  apartment  was  flanked  by  two  others, 
one  of  which  was  hung  with  satin  and  carpeted,  the  divan 
in  it  being  of  Alexandrian  velvet ;  while  in  the  other,  still 
more  splendid,  the  couch  was  covered  with  gold  brocade 
and    magnificently    decorated.     The   cloth   on  the   central 
table  was  of  velvet,  and  the  chairs  which  surrounded  it  were 
exquisitely  carved. f 

Ascanio  Sforza,  created  a  Cardinal  from  political  motives 
in  1484,  by  Sixtus  IV.  and  loaded  with  benefices,  came 
next  to  Rodrigo  in  wealth  and  love  of  show.  He  was  an 
ardent  sportsman,  and  "  Rome  stood  amazed  both  at  the 
splendour  of  his  Court  and  the  number  of  horses,  dogs,  and 

*  See  the  text  in  Appendix,  N.  2,  from  the  original  which  I  found  in 
the  Milanese  State  Archives. 

+  This  picture  of  the  culture  of  the  age  has  the  advantage  over 
Gregorovius'  description  in  Lucrezia,  15  seq.^  of  the  house  of  Vanozza. 
It  is  the  account  of  an  eye-witness,  and  not  the  more  or  less  fanciful 
composition  of  a  writer  living  four  hundred  years  later. 


368  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

hawks,  which  he  kept.  The  enormous  income  which  he 
drew  from  his  many  benefices  and  large  temporal  posses- 
sions, hardly  sufficed  to  meet  his  boundless  expenditure. 
The  Roman  annalist  says  he  dares  not  attempt  to  describe 
the  feast  which  Ascanio  gave  in  the  latter  days  of  Innocent 
VIII.  in  honour  of  Ferrantino  the  Prince  of  Capua,  Fer- 
rante's  grandson,  lest  he  should  be  mocked  as  a  teller  of 
fairy  tales."  His  friends  justly  praised  his  talent  for 
diplomacy  and  politics.  He  had  also  a  taste  for  literature 
and  art,  wrote  Latin  and  Italian  poems,  and  was  a 
generous  patron  of  learned  men.  It  should  also  be  men- 
tioned that  Ascanio,  in  dispensing  his  gifts,  was  not  un- 
mindful of  the  poor.*  From  a  moral  point  of  view 
Cardinal  Federigo  Sanseverinof  and  the  wealthy  Battista 
OrsinijJ  were  not  much  better  than  Rodrigo  Borgia. 

Another  of  the  worldly-minded  Cardinals  was  the  astute 
and  ambitious  La  Balue  who,  since  1485,  had  returned  to 
reside  in  Rome.  His  two  master  passions  were  politics 
and  the  accumulation  of  riches.  In  spite  of  all  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  his  tempestuous  life,  when  he  died  in  1491  he  was 
worth  100,000  ducats.  § 

Equally  worldly  was  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  undoubt- 
edly the  strongest  personality  in  the  College  of  Cardinals. 
Politics  and  war  were  the  main  interests  in  his  life.  He 
"  bore  the  stamp  of  the  15th  Century  to  which  he  belonged, 

*  Reumont,  III.,  I.,  199  seq.^  263  ;  Arch.  St.  Lomb.,  II.,  379  seq.  ; 
Ratti,  I.,  78  seq.^  gives  way  too  much  to  his  tendency  to  take  a 
favourable  view. 

t  Cf.  Costabile's  ^Despatch  dat.  Rome,  1508,  March  4.  State 
Archives,  Modena. 

X  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  264.  Cf.  Dispacci  di  A.  Giustiniani, 
I.,  309. 

§  Cf.  the  very  complete  monograph  of  FORGEOT,  125  seq..,  151  seq.., 
in  v/hich  the  Cardinal's  character  is  impartially  and  correctly  estimated. 


CARDINAL   GIULIANO   BELLA   ROVERE.  369 

and  carried  into  the  next  age  its  strength  of  will,  its  im- 
petuosity in  action,  and  its  largeness  in  aim  and  idea. 
He  was  proud,  ambitious,  self-confident  and  hot-tempered, 
but  never  small  or  mean.*  He  paid  no  more  regard  to  his 
vow  of  celibacy  than  the  majority  of  his  colleagues;  but 
through  all  his  worldliness  there  was  in  him  a  certain  seri- 
ousness, a  capacity  for  something  better,  which  was  destined 
to  shew  itself  in  later  years.f  He  was  a  noble  patron  of 
Art,  and  maintained  his  interest  in  it  through  all  the 
stormiest  episodes  of  his  life.J 

Between  the  wealth  acquired  by  the  accumulation  of 
benefices  and  foreign  bishoprics,  and  their  connections 
with  so  many  powerful  kings  and  princes,  the  influence  of 
the  Cardinals  had  become  so  great  that  there  was  manifest 
danger  of  the  subjection  of  the  Papacy  to  the  Sacred 
College.  The  power  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  during  the 
reign  of  Innocent  VHI.  and  the  high-handed  manner  in 
which  he  exercised  it,  went  quite  beyond  the  bounds  of 
what  was  permissible.  During  the  war  of  the  Neapolitan 
Barons,  he,  on  his  own  authority,  had  a  Courier  sent  by  the 
Duke  of  Milan,  arrested,  and  his  papers  taken  from  him. 
The  Milanese,  Florentine,  and  Ferrarese  Ambassadors  of 
that  day  complained  that  two  Popes  were  more  than  they 
could  do  with ;    one  was  quite  enough. § 

These  too-human    princely   Cardinals  are  likened  by  a 

*  GreGOROVIUS,  VIIL,  19  seq,  ed.  3. 

t  Giuliano  della  Rovere  had  three  daughters  (see  Luzio-Renier, 
Mantova  e  Urbino,  159),  also  Sanuto,  VII.,  32  and  a  "^Despatch  from 
the  Mantuan  Ambassador,  dat.  Rome,  Jan.  25, 1 506.  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua.)  The  other  accusations  brought  against  him  by  his  bitterest 
political  opponents  are  not  proved.  See  Sybels  Hist.  Zeitschrift, 
XXXVII.,  305,  and  our  Vol.  VI.,  Book  2  (Engl,  trans.). 

X  MUNTZ,  Raphael,  269  seq. 

§  Concerning  this  influence,  see  stipra^  p.  242.  For  the  Ambassadors' 
remonstrance,  see  Cappelli,  48. 

VOL.  V.  2  B 


3/0  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

modern  historian  to  the  old  Roman  Senators.  "  Most  of 
them,  Hkc  the  Pope,  were  surrounded  by  a  Curia  of  their  own 
and  a  circle  of  nephews.  They  went  about  in  martial  attire 
and  wore  swords  elaborately  decorated.  As  a  rule,  each 
Cardinal  had  several  hundred  servants  and  retainers  living , 
in  the  Palace,  and  their  number  might  be  on  occasion 
augmented  by  hired  bravi.  This  gave  them  a  following 
among  the  populace  who  depended  on  the  Cardinals'  Courts 
for  their  livelihood.  Most  of  these  Princes  of  the  Church 
had  their  own  factions,  and  they  vied  with  each  other  in  the 
splendour  of  their  troops  of  horsemen,  and  of  the  triumphal 
cars  filled  with  masques,  musicians,  and  actors,  which  paraded 
the  streets  during  the  Carnival,  and  on  all  festal  occasions. 
The  Cardinals  of  that  day  quite  eclipsed  the  Roman 
nobles."* 

The  encouragement  which  they  gave  to  Literature  and 
Art,  the  patronage  of  which  was  looked  upon  as  an  indis- 
pensable adornment  of  greatness  in  the  age  of  the 
Renaissance,  is  the  one  redeeming  spot  in  the  lives  of  these 
Princes  of  the  Church,  which  in  all  other  ways  were  so 
scandalously  out  of  keeping  with  their  spiritual  character. 
It  was  not  strangers  only  who  were  scandalised  by  the 
behaviour  of  these  unworthy  priests  ;  f  many  born  Italians, 
especially  the  mission  preachers,J  complain  bitterly  of  them. 
The  most  energetic  and  outspoken  of  all  was  the  Domini- 

*  Gregorovius,  VII.,  280,  ed.  3  ;  Artaud,  166.  The  passage  about 
the  Carnival  revels  is  on  p.  265,  in  the  new  edition  of  Infessura. 

t  Men  were  not  wanting  to  whom  these  shameful  courses  became  an 
occasion  for  altogether  rejecting  the  institution  of  the  Papacy.  A  Canon 
of  Bamberg,  Dr.  Theodorich  Morung,  who  had  gone  to  Rome  on  some 
affairs  of  the  Diocese  in  the  spring  of  1485,  on  his  return  home  expressed 
himself  in  this  sense,  see  Kraussold,  Th.  Morung,  II.,  76  (Bayreuth, 
1878), and  Suppl.,  VII.  ;  also  J.  ScHNEroER,  in  the  Archiv  fiir  Gesch,  v. 
Oberfranken,  XVIT.  (1888),  5  seq. 

X  Cf.  supra,  p.  175- 


THE   PROPHECIES  OF   SAVONAROLA.  37  1 

can,  Girolamo  Savonarola.  In  his  sermons,  but  more 
especially  in  his  poems,  he  paints  a  gruesome  picture  of  the 
corruptions  in  the  Church,  and  prophesies  terrible  mani- 
festations of  the  wrath  of  God  in  the  near  future.* 

Anticipations  of  impending  judgments  prevailed  widely 
during  this  period.  Many  prophets  appeared,  and  predic- 
tions of  the  complete  overthrow^  of  all  existing  institutions, 
and  the  condign  punishment  of  the  corrupt  clergy,  were 
passed  from  mouth  to  mouth.f  One  appeared  in  Rome 
in  1491. 

A  contemporary  writer  describes  the  preacher  as  poorly 
clad  and  only  carrying  in  his  hand  a  small  wooden  cross, 
but  very  eloquent  and  well  educated.  He  collected  the 
people  in  the  public  squares  and  announced  in  prophetical 
tones  that  in  the  current  year  there  would  be  much  tribula- 
tion, and  Rome  would  be  filled  with  the  sound  of  weeping. 
In  the  year  following  the  distress  would  spread  over  the 
whole  country ;  but  in  1493  the  Angel  Pope  would  appear 
(Angel icus  Pastor),  who  would  possess  no  temporal  power, 
and  would  seek  nothing  but  the  good  of  souls.J 

The  prophecies  of  Savonarola,  however,  produced  far 
more  impression  than  any  of  these,  and  the  extraordinary 
influence  of  his  sermons  and  writings  is,  for  the  most  part, 
due  to  them.  Many  of  them  had  their  origin  in  visions, 
which  he  thought  had  been  granted  to  him.  In  the  Advent 
of  1492  he  had  a  dream  which  he  firmly  held  to  be  a  Divine 
revelation.     "  He  saw  in  the   middle  of  the  sky  a  hand 

*  Savonarola's  poem  De  ruina  ecclesiae  (1475),  to  be  found  in  an 
edition  by  Guasti,  of  only  2  50  copies,  entitled  Poesie  di  FraG.  Savonarola, 
10-15  (Firenze,  1862),  is  full  of  appalling  descriptions.     Cf.  supra,  p.  1 82. 

t  Cf.  Malipiero,  372.  The  verses  here  given  are  older.  The  text 
in  a  Vatican  MS.  is  not  the  same.  See  Berger,  in  the  Bibl.  de  I'Ecole 
d'Ath^nes  et  de  Rome,  VI.,  1-2  (1879). 

:j:   INFESSURA-TOMMASINI,  264-5. 


372  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

bearing  a  sword,  on  which  these  words  were  inscribed — 
Gladius  Domini  super  terram  cite  et  velociter."  He  heard 
many  clear  and  distinct  voices  promising  mercy  to  the  good, 
threatening  chastisement  to  the  wicked,  and  proclaiming  that 
the  wrath  of  God  was  at  hand.  Then,  suddenly  the  sword 
was  turned  towards  the  earth  ;  the  sky  darkened  ;  swords, 
arrows  and  flames  rained  down  ;  terrible  thunderclaps  were 
heard  ;  and  all  the  world  was  a  prey  to  war,  famine  and 
pestilence."  * 
*  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  165-6  (Engl,  trans.). 


BOOK  11. 


ALEXANDER  VI.      1492-1503. 


CHAPTER   I. 

Election  and  Coronation  of  Alexander  VI. — Beginnings 
OF  Nepotism. — Dispute  with  Ferrante  of  Naples,  and 
Reconciliaton. — Nomination  of  Cardinals  in  September, 
1493. 

During  the  long  sickness  of  Innocent  VIII.,  there  had 
been  much  disorder  in  Rome,  and  the  approaching  vacancy 
of  the  Papal  throne  was  anticipated  with  some  apprehen- 
sion;* but  the  stringent  precautionary  measures  adopted 
by  the  Cardinals  and  the  Roman  Magistrates  proved 
sufficient,  and  all  went  off  quietly  enough.-|-  One  of  the 
Envoys  reports,  August  7,  1492,  "  It  is  true  that  a  few  were 
killed  and  others  wounded,  especially  during  the  time  that 
the  Pope  was  in  extremis,  but  afterwards  things  went 
better.";|:  Nevertheless  the  situation  was  sufficiently  critical 
to  make  the  Cardinals  anxious  to  get  the  funeral  over  as  soon 
as  possible.  During  the  interval  Raffaele  Riario,  as  Camer- 
lengo,  was  an  able  and  energetic  ruler.     Jean  Villier  de  La 

*  ■'^La  parte  Orsina  e  Colonnese  tiitta  in  arme  si  levo  secondo  I'usanza 
a  guardia  di  Roma  e  per  defender  ciascuna  se  seguiva  alcuna  occisione. 
Parenti,  Cod.  Magliabech.,  XXV.,  2,  519,  f.  133b.  (National  Library, 
Florence.)  See  Sanudo,  1249;  L.  Chieregato  in  Sigismondo  de'  Conti, 
II., 94,  and  Atti  Mod.,  I.,  429.    Against  Infessura,  see  Cipolla,  671,  n.  i. 

t  See  Florentine  Despatches  in  Thuasne,  I.,  570  seq.^  573  seq.^  575. 

X  *Vero  e  che  le  (1'^)  stato  amazato  qualche  persona  e  feriti  alcuni  altri 
maxime  in  quello  tempo  chel  papa  era  in  quello  extreme  :  poi  le  cose 
tuta  via  sono  asetate  meglio.  Despatch  of  Brognolo,  dat.  Rome,  1492, 
August  7.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 


376  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

Grolaie,  Abbot  of  St.  Denis,  for  whom  a  few  years  later, 
Michael  Angelo  carved  his  Pieta,  was  then  Governor  of 
Rome.* 

The  question  at  once  arose  whether  the  two  Cardinals, 
Sanseverino  and  Gherardo,  nominated  but  not  proclaimed 
by  Innocent  VIII.,  would  be  admitted  to  the  Conclave. 
The  first  arrived  in  Rome  on  the  24th  July  and  was  imme- 
diately received  into  the  Sacred  College. f  Gherardo,  who 
arrived  on  August  4th,  bringing  with  him  a  strong  letter 
of  recommendation  from  the  Venetian  Council  of  Ten,  was 
acknowledged  as  Cardinal  on  the  following  day.  Many 
prophesied  that  his  white  Camaldolese  habit  would  be  a 
passport  for  him  to  the  supreme  dignity.^- 

Immediately  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  obsequies  §  on 
August  6th,  the  Conclave  began ;  twenty-three  Cardinals 

*  See  supra^  Introduction,  p.  79. 

t  INFESSURA,  278,  and  ^Letter  of  Cardinal  A.  Sforza,  dat.  Rome, 
July  26,  1492.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

X  *Acta  Consist.  Alex.  VI.,  Pii  III.,  Jul.  II.,  Leon.  X.,  f.  i.  (Consis- 
torial  Archives  of  the  Vatican.)  This  unsigned  volume  will  in  future  be 
simply  cited  as  Acta  Cons.  Besides  this,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives  for 
the  reign  of  Alexander,  are  (i)  a  vol.  signed  C2  Acta  Consist,  1489-1503, 
corresponding  in  all  essentials  to  the  one  just  quoted  ;  (2)  another  simi- 
lar vol.  marked  No.  88  :  Ex  libro  relat.  Consist,  ah  initio  pontif  Alex. 
VI. ;  (3)  another  giving  much  fuller  details,  but  only  embracing  a  short 
period,  marked  C  303  :  Liber  relat.  Consistorii  tempore  pontificatus  f. 
re.  Alex.  PP.  VI.  a  die  xii.  Nov.,  1498,  usque  in  diem  v.  Julii,  1499. 
INFESSURA,  278,  erroneously  gives  Aug.  i,  as  the  day  of  Gherardo's 
arrival.  The  recommendation  from  Venice  is  in  Brosch,  Julius  II., 
312;  the  prophecy  is  mentioned  by  "^Parenti,  loc.  cit.  National  Library, 
Florence. 

§  The  expense  of  these  was  considerable.  In  the  Introitus  et  Exitus, 
vol.  524,  we  find  on  the  30th  March  1493  '■>  *L)iversis  mercatoribus 
(Medici,  Sauli,  Marcelli,  Ricasoli,  Gaddi,  Rabatti)  16,033  ducat,  de 
camera  58  Bolog.  pro  totidem  expositis  in  pannis  et  cera  et  aliis  rebus 
in  exequiis  pape  Innocentii  VIII.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


PROSPECTS  OF  THE   NEXT   ELECTION.  377 

were  present  in  the  Sistine  Chapel.*  The  usual  address 
was  spoken  by  the  Spanish  Bishop,  Bernaldino  Lopez  de 
Carvajal.  He  drew  an  impressive  picture  of  the  melan- 
choly condition  of  the  Church,  and  exhorted  the  Assembly 
to  make  a  good  choice  and  to  choose  quickly.  The  foreign 
Ambassadors  and  a  number  of  noble  Romans  undertook 
the  guardianship  of  the  Conclave. f 

In  view  of  the  failing  health  of  Innocent  VI 1 1.,  the 
Cabinets  of  the  Italian  Powers  had  for  some  time  been 
occupied  with  the  probability  of  a  Papal  election.  In  the 
Milanese  State  Archives  there  is  an  undated  memorandum 
from  an  Envoy  of  Sforza,  which  probably  belongs  to  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1491,  and  gives  much  interesting 
information.  According  to  it,  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza 
seems  to  have  believed  that  he  could  reckon  with  security 
on  seven  of  the  cardinals  and  probably  on  four  more.  His 
rival,  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  had  nine  on  his  side ;  neither, 
therefore,  possessed  the  necessary  majority  of  two-thirds. 
The  writer  of  this  account  thought  that  Cardinal  Ardicino 
della  Porta  or  the  Portuguese  Cardinal  Costa,  most  pro- 
bably the  latter,  had  the  best  chance.;]: 

On  July  25,  1492,  when   the  death  of   Innocent  VIII. 

*  HerNGEROTHER,  VIII.,  302  ;  BrOSCH,  loc.  aV.,  50,  andGREGORO- 
vius  give  respectively  20  and  25  as  the  number  of  Cardinals,  both 
wrongly.  The  number  given  in  the  text,  in  which  Pagi,  V.,  325, 
NOVAES,  VI.,  81,  Hagen,  Papstwahlen,  15  seg'.,  and  Sagmuller, 
116,  agree,  is  placed  beyond  doubt  by  the  ''^Acta  Consist,  of  the  Con- 
sistorial  Archives. 

t  Atti.  Mod.,  I.,  429,  and  ZURITA,  V.,  14b.  Speech  of  Carvajal  in 
Martene,  Thes.,  II.,  1775  seg. ;  Cf.  Rossbach,  Carvajal,  27,  9-32. 
*Regest,  867,  f.  73,  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  shews  that  J. 
Burchard  also  took  part  in  the  Conclave. 

X  See  Appendix,  N.  8,  Milanese  State  Archives.  See  Desjardins 
!•)  549>  O"  the  negotiations  concerning  the  Papal  Election  in  May 
1492. 


SyS  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

was  hourly  expected,  the  intrigues  in  regard  to  the  elec- 
tion were  at  their  height.  After  Costa  and  Ardicino  della 
Porta,  Caraffa  and  Zeno  were  most  spoken  of.  Some 
were  for  Piccolomini  and  some  again  for  Borgia.  The 
Florentine  Envoy  writes,  "In  regard  to  these  intrigues  I 
will  not  attempt  to  enter  into  details  which  would  only 
serve  to  bewilder  you  and  myself,  for  they  are  innumerable 
and  change  every  hour."*  The  same  Envoy,  on  the  28th 
July,  mentions  strenuous  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  Roman 
Barons  to  influence  the  election,-|-  and  the  foreign  Powers 
were  equally  active.  It  was  currently  reported  that  Charles 
VIII.  of  France  had  paid  200,000  ducats  into  a  bank,  and 
the  Republic  of  Genoa  100,000,  in  order  to  secure  the 
election  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere.:]:  On  the  strength  of 
this  they  fully  expected  that  their  countryman  would  be 
chosen.  § 

As  soon  as  it  became  known  that  the  Pope  was  seriously 
ill  an  eager  interchange  of  communications  at  once  com- 
menced between  the  Italian  Powers,  but  they  were  unable 
to  come  to  any  agreement.  Naples  and  Milan  were  at 
daggers  drawn. ||  The  King  of  Naples,  made  doubly  cautious 
by  defeat,  was  anxious  to  conceal  his  views  on  the  import- 
ant subject  as  far  as  possible.  On  the  24th  of  July,  the 
Milanese  Ambassador  at  Naples  reports  that  the  King  had 
declared  that  he  would  not  meddle  in  any  way  with  the 
Papal  election  ;  he  had  seen  what  came  of  that  at  the 
making  of  the  last  Pope,  and  would  let  things  take  their 

*  Thuasne,  I.,  572  seg.,  575. 

t  Idi'd.,  I.,  577. 

:j:  Report  of  Cavalieri  to  Eleonora  of  Aragon,  August  6,  1492,  in  Atti 
Mod.,  I.,  429. 

§  ^Anonymous  letter  dated  Genoa,  1492,  July  24.  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

II  Petrucelli,  I.,  343,  and  Sagmuller,  227. 


FERRANTE   AND   CARDINAL   GIULIANO.  379 

course  at  Rome,  as  far  as  he  was  concerned.*  All  the 
same,  the  Ambassador  was  convinced  that  Ferrante  was 
busily  occupied  with  the  approaching  Conclave.  In  his 
opinion  the  King  would  favour  the  election  of  Piccolomini, 
and  Camillo  Pandone  would  be  sent  to  Rome  to  win  over 
Giuliano  della  Rovere  to  his  side.  Ferrante's  letters  to  his 
Ambassador,  Joviano  Pontano,  which  however  have  not 
yet  been  fully  known,  throw  somewhat  more  light  upon 
this  subject. 

From  the  first  of  these,  dated  July  20,  it  appears  that  the 
King  favoured  the  election  of  Giuliano  della  Rovere ;  he 
commissioned  Virginio  Orsini,  who  was  in  his  pay,  to 
promote  it,  and  desired  Fabricio  and  Prospero  Colonna 
secretly  to  approach  Rome.-|-  The  second  letter  in  cypher 
to  Pontano  bears  date  July  22.  The  King  here  pronounces 
against  the  election  of  Costa  and  prefers  Pietro  Gundisalvo 
de  Mendoza  ;  Pontano  is  told  to  inform  Cardinal  Giuliano 
of  this. J  Giuliano  seems  to  have  had  the  King's  entire 
confidence,  and  the  election  of  Zeno  was  only  contemplated 
as  an  alternative  in  case  that  of  Giuliano  could  not  be 
secured.  Naples  and  France,  though  preparing  for  a  final 
and  decisive  hostile  encounter,  supported  meanwhile  the 
same  candidate  for  the  Papal  Chair.§ 

Giuliano  della  Rovere  did  not  want  for  rivals.  An 
extremely  interesting,  as  yet  unprinted  report  of  Giovanni 
Andrea  Boccaccio,  Bishop  of  Modena,  to  Eleonora,  Duchess 

*  **Report  of  A.  Stangha,  dat.  Naples,  July  24,  1492.  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

t  Trinchera,  II.,  I,  143. 

X  This  letter,  which  is  wanting  in  Trinchera,  is  found  in  NUNZIANTE, 
Lettere  da  Pontano,  26-27. 

§  Sagmuller,  116;  SiGTSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  56,  says  expressly  : 
Ferdinandus  post  Innocentii  obitum  omnibus  "machinis  est  annixus,  ut 
Alexandrum  spe  pontificatus  deiiceret ;  totus  namque  incubuit  in  Juli- 
anum  Card.  S.  Petri  ad  vincula,  etc. 


38o  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

of  Ferrara,  gives  Ardicino  della  Porta,  of  the  party  of 
Ascanio  Sforza,  and  universally  popular  on  account  of  his 
kindly  disposition,  as  the  first  of  these.  He  puts  Carafifa 
in  the  second  place,  Ascanio  Sforza  in  the  third,  Rodrigo 
Borgia  in  the  fourth.  Of  this  latter  he  says,  that  on 
account  of  his  connections  he  is  extremely  powerful,  and 
able  richly  to  reward  his  adherents.  In  the  first  place, 
the  Vice-chancellorship,  which  is  like  a  second  Papacy,  is 
in  his  gift ;  then  there  are  the  towns  of  Civita  Castellana 
and  Nepi,  an  Abbey  at  Aquila,  with  a  revenue  of  looo 
ducats,  a  similar  one  in  Albano,  two  larger  ones  in  the 
kingdom  of  Naples;  the  Bishopric  of  Porto,  worth  1200 
ducats,  the  Abbey  of  Subiaco  including  twenty-two  villages, 
and  bringing  in  2000  ducats.  In  Spain  he  possesses 
upwards  of  sixteen  bishoprics,  and  a  number  of  abbeys 
and  other  benefices.  Besides  these,  the  Bishop  mentions 
as  aspirants  to  the  Supreme  office  the  Cardinals  Savelli, 
Costa,  Piccolomini,  and  Michiel,  and  many  also,  he  adds, 
speak  of  Fregoso,  Domenico  della  Rovere  and  Zeno.  All 
these  Cardinals  had  dismantled  their  palaces,  for  on  such 
occasions  it  often  happens  that  false  reports  are  started  to 
provide  an  excuse  for  plundering  the  house,  as  is  customary 
when  any  one  is  elected  Pope.  Besides  all  these,  con- 
tinues the  Ferrarese  Envoy,  the  name  of  Cardinal  Giuliano 
is  whispered  in  secret,  and  yet  after  all,  only  one  can  be 
chosen,  unless  indeed  there  should  be  a  schism.*  A  des- 
patch dated  August  4,  from  the  Milanese  Ambassador, 
confirms  the  statement  that  Ardicino  della  Porta  had  good 
prospects.  It  says  that  Giuliano  sees  that  neither  he  nor 
Costa  are  likely  to  succeed,  and  that  he  must  therefore 
support  some  adherent  of  Ascanio,  and  among  these 
Ardicino  della  Porta  is  the  only  satisfactory  one.     He  will 

*  See  the  text  of  this  important  ^Document  (which  I  found  in  the 
State  Archives  at  Modena)  in  the  Appendix,  N.  9. 


OPENING  OF  THE   CONCLAVE.  38 1 

not  have  Borgia  at  any  price,  and  Piccolomini  is  an  enemy 
of  his;  Ferrante's  opposition  makes  Caraffa  impossible; 
there  is  a  chance,  however,  that  Cardinal  della  Rovere 
may  prefer  Zeno  to  Ardicino  della  Porta.  The  same  Am- 
bassador also  mentions  an  interview  on  the  4th  of  August 
between  della  Rovere  and  Ascanio  in  the  Sacristy  of  S. 
Peter's,  in  which  the  former  was  supposed  to  have  offered 
the  Milanese  Cardinal  his  personal  support  and  that  of  his 
friends.* 

The  situation  on  the  eve  of  the  Conclave  seemed  to  be 
that  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  who  was  hated  for  the  influence 
he  had  exerted  over  the  late  Pope  and  for  his  French 
sympathies,  had  no  chance  whatever,  while  the  Cardinals 
Ardicino  della  Porta  and  Ascanio  Sforza,  favoured  by 
Milan,  had  good  reason  to  hope  for  success.  The  chances 
were  against  Borgia  because  he  was  a  Spaniard,  and  many 
of  the  Italian  Cardinals  were  determined  not  to  elect  a 
foreigner ;  f  but  the  wealth  of  the  Spanish  Cardinal  was 
destined  to  turn  the  scales  in  the  Conclave,  as  the  shrewd- 
ness of  the  Ambassador  had  foreseen. 

The  Conclave  began  on  August  6th.  An  election  Capitu- 
lation was  drawn  up,J  and  then  the  contest  began.  For  a 
long  time  it  remained  undecided.  On  the  loth  of  August 
the  Florentine  Ambassador,  who  was  one  of  the  guards  of 
the  Conclave,  writes  that  there  had  been  three  scrutinies 
without  result ;  Caraffa  and  Costa  seemed  to  have  the  best 
chance.§     Both  were  worthy  men,  and  one,  Caraffa,  was  a 

*  **Letter  of  S.  Taberna,  dated  Rome,  August  4,  1492.  Milanese 
State  Archives. 

+  CORIO,  III.,  463.  This  passage  shews  that  Gregorovius,  VII.,  300, 
ed.  3,  is  wrong. 

X  Florentine  Despatch  of  August  6,  in  Thuasne,  I.,  577  ;  Raynaldus, 
ad  an.  1492,  n.  31,  and  Cod.  XXXI I.,  242,  in  the  Barberini  Library  in 
Rome. 

§  I  give  in  Appendix,  N.  10,  this  ^Despatch  (which  strange  to  say 


382  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

man  of  distinguished  abilities.  The  election  of  either 
would  have  been  a  great  blessing  to  the  Church.*  Unfor- 
tunately a  sudden  change  came  over  the  whole  situation. 
As  soon  as  Ascanio  Sforza  perceived  that  there  was  no 
likelihood  that  he  would  himself  be  chosen,  he  began  to 
lend  a  willing  ear  to  Borgia's  brilliant  offers.  Rodrigo  not 
only  promised  him  the  office  of  Vice-Chancellor  with  his 
own  Palace,  but  in  addition  to  this  the  Castle  of  Nepi,  the 
Bishopric  of  Erlau  with  a  revenue  of  10,000  ducats,  and 
other  benefices.^     Cardinal  Orsini  was  to  receive  the  two 

is  wanting  in  Thuasne),  from  the  original  in  the  Florentine  State 
Archives. 
*  Sagmuller,  115;  as  to  Caraffa,  see  Pastor,  Hist.  Popes,  Vol.  IV 
t  According  to  Infessura,  281,  Borgia's  Palace  was  to  be  given  to 
Orsini,  and  Nepi  to  Sclafenati ;  Hagen,  Papstwahlen,  loseq.^  has  shewn 
both  these  statements  to  be  false  ;  Tommasini,  who  upholds  Infessura 
in  all  his  misstatements,  entirely  ignores  this  ;  Valori,  in  his  important 
Despatch  of  the  12th  August  1492,  in  Thuasne,  II.,  610,  states  that  A. 
Sforza  received  what  I  have  mentioned  ;  cf.  also  Manfredi's  Despatch  of 
August  16,  in  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  26.  Valori's  statements  are 
corroborated  from  other  sources,  as  is  shewn  by  HagEN,  20  seq.  As, 
however,  the  simoniacal  character  of  Alexander's  election  has  of  late 
been  frequently  questioned  (see  Cerri,  94,  Nemec,  81  seq.  \  Leonetti, 
and  following  him,  -  Tachy,  in  the  Revue  des  Sciences  Eccles.,  XLV. 
[Amiens,  1882],  141  seq.\  or  entirely  denied  (see  R.  DE  SORAGNA  in 
the  Rass.  Naz.,  X.,  [1882]  133),' it  seems  advisable  to  draw  attention  to 
some  original  documents  hitherto  unknown.  The  first  of  these  is 
Brognolo's  "^Despatch  of  Aug.  31,  1492,  printed  in  Appendix,  N.  18,  in 
which  it  is  true  that  A.  Sforza  is  not  named.  But  in  Fraknoi  in  the 
Erlauer  Diocesanblatt,  1883,  No.  20,  the  appointment  of  Ascanio  Sforza 
to  the  Bishopric  of  that  place  appears  [Fraknoi  is  mistaken  in  regard  to 
the  date  ;  according  to  the  ^Acta  Consist,  it  took  place  on  Aug.  31,  and 
this  agrees  with  the  deed  of  nomination  in  "^Regest.  772,  f  201b  :  Rom, 
1492,  Prid.  Cal.  Sept.]  and  the  other  gifts  can  equally  be  substantiated. 
Thus  the  appointment  to  the  Vice-Ghancellorship  appears  from  '^Decret 
Eximia  tue  Circ.  industria,  dat.  Rom,  1492,  VII.  Cal.  Sept.  *Regest.  869, 
f.  I.  See  also  Cod.  XXXV.,  94,  in  the  Barberini  Library  which  reads 
(p.  269b)  Lecta  et  publicata  fuit  suprascripta  Bulla  Romae  in  cone,  apost. 


PROMISES   OF   CARDINAL   BORGIA.  383 

fortified  towns  of  Monticelli  and  Soriano,  the  legation  of  the 
Marches  and  the  Bishopric  of  Carthagena  ;  *  Cardinal 
Colonna,  the  Abbacy  of  Subiaco  with  all  the  surrounding 
villages  ;  f  Savelli,  Civita  Castellana  and  the  Bishopric  of 
Majorca ;  J    Pallavicini,   the    Bishopric    of    Pampeiuna  ;  § 

die  lunae  27,  mensis  Aug.,  1492.  As  to  the  handing  over  of  the  Palace, 
see  Appendix,  N.  13.  The  grant  of  Nepi  is  certain,  see  Leonetti, 
I.,  61  ;  Ratti,  L,  86,  whose  apology  for  Ascanio  is  quite  futile.  Besides 
this,  Ascanio  received  (  *Regest.  773,  f  1 5^  )  two  Canonries  (dat.  Laterani 
1492,  VII.  Cal.  Sept.  A"  1°);  f.  45  :  the  Priorate  of  a  Convent  in  the 
Diocese  of  Calahorra,  which  belonged  to  Alexander  VI.  (D.  ut  S.) ;  f. 
167  :  an  Abbey  (D.  ut  S.)  and  various  other  favours,  f  187,  260  and  295, 
all  dated,  VII.  Cal.,  Sept.  1492.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.     . 

■^  See  Brognolo's  "^Despatch  of  Aug.  31,  1492  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua),  in  the  Appendix,  N.  18;  Thuasne,  II.,  610,  and  *Regest. 
772,  f  88b  J  Bapt.  S.  Maria  Novae  diac.  Card,  de  Ursini  creatur  in 
provincia  Marchiae  Anconit.  ac  civit.,  terris,  castris  et  locis  Massae 
Trebariae,  etc.,  nee  non  AscuH  ap.  sedis  legatus  ac  pro  S.  P.  et  R.  E.  in 
temp,  et  spirit,  vicarius  generalis.  Dat.  Romae,  1492,  Prid.  Cal.  Sept. 
A°  1°.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.)  As  to  Monticelli  see  Hagen, 
23.  Hagen  is  mistaken  in  regard  to  Carthagena,  for  it  appears  from 
*Regest.  772  f  31,  that  Orsini  obtained  the  Bishopric  as  administrator 
in  1492,  Prid.  Cal.  Sept.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  "^Acta  Consist,  1492, 
ult.  Aug.,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives. 

t  See  Appendix,  N.  18  (^Despatch  of  Aug.  31),  and  Thuasne,  II.,  61  i. 

X  The  Florentine  Ambassador  merely  remarks :  Al  card.  Savello 
s'e  dato  Civita  Castellana  et  qualche  altra  cosa,  while  Infessura  (281) 
adds,  ecclesia  S.  Mariae  Majoris  ;  Tommasini  does  not  perceive  that  this 
cannot  be  true  ;  Hagen  explains  it  by  saying  he  was  made  Arch-priest 
of  this  church,  but  this  also  is  incorrect ;  Majoris  should  be  read, 
Majoricensis.  This  appears  from  the  ^Acta  Consist,  and  from  Regest. 
772,  f.  157,  where  we  find  that  Joh.  Bapt.  Card.  s.  Nic.  in  carcere 
received  the  ecclesia  Majoricensis  which  hitherto  had  been  retained  by 
the  Pope,  dat.  1492,  Prid.  Cal.  Sept.  ;  zdt'cl,  f.  4  ;  grant  of  a  monastery 
to  Card.  Savelli  on  the  same  day.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.)  See 
also  Appendix,  N.  18,  ^Despatch  of  Aug.  31. 

§  *Regest.  772,  f  27  (1492,  s.  d.)  and  "^Acla  Consist.  1492  ult.  Aug. 
Consistorial  Archives. 


384  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

Giovanni  Michiel  the  suburban  Bishopric  of  Porto  ;  *  the 
Cardinals  Sclafenati,  Sanseverino,  Riario  and  Domenico 
della  Rovere,  rich  abbacies  and  valuable  benefices.f  By 
these  simoniacal  means,  counting  his  own  vote  and  those 
of  the  Cardinals  Ardicino  della  Porta  and  Conti  who 
belonged  to  the  Sforza  party,  Borgia  had  thus  secured 
24  votes,  and  only  one  more  was  wanting  to  complete  the 
majority  of  two-thirds.  This  one  however  was  not  easy  to 
obtain.  The  Cardinals  Carafifa,  Costa,  Piccolomini  and 
Zeno  were  not  to  be  won  by  any  promises  however 
brilliant ;  and  the  young  Giovanni  de'  Medici  held  with 
them.J  Cardinal  Basso  followed  Giuliano  della  Rovere, 
who  would  not  hear  of  Borgia's  election.  Lorenzo  Cibo  also 
held    aloof  from    these    unhallowed    transaction s.§      Thus 

*  *Acta  Consist.,  1492,  ult.  Aug.  and  "^Regest.  772,  f.  55^:  Job. 
Michaelis  received  ecclesia  Portuen.,  which  hitherto  had  been  retained 
by  the  Pope,  dat.  Rom,  1492,  Prid.  Cal  Sept.  A°  1°.  Thus  Leonetti, 
I.,  61  and  Hagen,  27,  require  correction.  In  *Regest.  869  we  also  find 
(f-  39)  •  Joh.  Episcopo  Portuen.,  commendatur  cantoria,  dat.  Rom, 
1492,  IV.,  Non.  Sept.  A°  1° ;  ibid.^  41  ;  Joh.  etc.,  reservatur  can.  et 
praeb.  eccl.  Feltren.,  dat.  Rom,  1492  (  =  1493)  Prid.  Id.  Feb.  A°  1°. 

t  Sclafenati,  whom  Hagen,  27,  could  not  find  to  have  received  any 
reward,  was  given  the  Cistercian  Abbey  of  Ripolta  (*Regest.  772,  f.  104, 
dat.  1492,  VII.  Cal.  Sept.  See  also  Trinchera,  II.,  i,  161-162);  San- 
severino (Valori,  loc.  cit.\  was  given  "la  casa  del  Cardinale  che  fu  di 
Milano  con  qualche  altra  cosa."  I  am  able  to  add  a  supplement  to  this 
from  *Regest.  773,  f.  206  :  grant  of  an  Abbey  to  Sanseverino,  dat.  F.om, 
1492,  XIV.  Kal.  Nov.  In  the  same  document,  p.  230,  there  is  mention 
of  a  favour  bestowed  on  R.  Riario  (dat.  Rom,  1492,  tertio  Id.  Octob.),  and 
*Regest.  772,  f.  40b  and  43  :  grant  of  benefices  to  R.  Riario,  dat.  Rom, 
1492,  Prid.  Cal.  Sept.  (see  Hagen,  26).  D.  della  Rovere  received  a 
Benedictine  Abbey  in  the  Diocese  of  Turin,  dat.  1492,  tertio  Cal.  Octob. 
■'^Regest.  772,  f.  187.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  JOVIUS,  Vitae,  II.,  39,  and  Hagen,  18. 

§  Hagen,  loc.  cit. ;  Wahrmund'S  view  (p.  58)  namely  that  Rovere 
did  not  come  out  empty-handed  and  was  instrumental  in  securing  Borgia's 
election,  is  contradicted  by  all  authentic  sources. 


ELECTION    OP^   ALEXANDER  VI.  385 

Gherardo,  now  in  his  ninety-sixth  year  and  hardly  in 
possession  of  his  faculties,  alone  remained,  and  he  was 
persuaded  by  those  who  were  about  him  to  give  his 
vote  to  Borgia.*  The  election  was  decided  in  the  night 
between  the  loth  and  nth  August,  1492,  and  in  the  early 
morning  the  window  of  the  Conclave  was  opened  and 
the  Vice-Chancellor,  Rodrigo  Borgia,  was  proclaimed 
Pope  as  Alexander  Vl.f  The  result  was  unexpected  ;  J 
it  was  obtained  by  the  rankest  simony.  Such  were  the 
means,  as  the  annalist  of  the  Church  says,  by  which  in 
accordance  with  the  inscrutable  counsels  of  Divine  Pro- 
vidence, a  man  attained  to  the  highest  dignity,  who  in  the 
early  days  of  the  Church  would  not  have  been  admitted 
even  to  the  lowest  rank  of  the  clergy,  on  account  of 
his  immoral  life.  The  days  of  distress  and  confusion 
began  for  the  Roman  Church ;  §  the  prophetic  words 
of   Savonarola  were  fulfilled  ;   the  sword    of  the  wrath  of 

*  See  Sanudo,  Duchi  di  Venezia,  1250  (also  Hagen,  28)  and  the 
■^Despatches  of  Vicomercatus  of  the  i8th  Aug.  1492  (Milanese  State 
Archives),  and  of  Trotti,  28th  Aug.  1492  (State  Archives  of  Modena), 
which  are  in  Appendix,  Nos.  12  and  14. 

t  Despatch  of  A.  Sforza,  to  his  brother,  Rom,  1492,  Aug.  11  :  Me 
congratulo  cum  la  Ex.  V.  (Milanese  State  Archives,  Cart.  Gen.)  The 
notary  Pietro  Merili,  says  that  the  election  took  place :  Summo 
mane  ante  ortum  solis  (GORI,  Archivio,  IV.,  242).  The  Ricordi  di  Sacchi 
in  TUCCIA,  426,  say  "All'  Aurora."  Valori  (in  BURCHARDI  Diarium., 
ed.  Thuasne,  IL,  1-2),  mentions  the  loth  hour.  The  Acta  Consist.,  f.  ib 
say  :  De  mane  circa  horam  undecimam.     Consistorial  Archives. 

X  Letter  of  Franc.  Tranchedinus  ex  Bononia,  Aug.  12,  1492  :  In 
questa  nocte  passata  circa  le  vn.  hore  e  portata  qui  la  nova  de  la 
creation  del  moderno  pontefice  quale  h  per  sorte  venuta  in  lo  r'"o  Mon^e 
Vice-cancellero,  preter  omnium  fere  opinionem.  (Milanese  State  Archives 
Cart.  Gen.)     See  Parenti,  loc.  cit.^  National  Library,  Florence. 

§  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1456,  n.  41  ;  1492,  n.  26  ;  also  DoLLlNGER, 
353-7,  and  Hergenrother,  Kirchengeschichte,  II.,  i,  130.  In  regard 
to  Alexander  VI.'s  former  life,  see  supra,  p.  362  seq. 

VOL.  V.  2  C 


386  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

God  smote  the  earth  and  the   time  of  chastisement   had 
arrived.* 

However  just  in  itself  this  view  of  the  matter  may  be,  it 
must  not  be  supposed  that  the  general  feeling  of  the  time 
was  unfavourable  to  the  election  of  Alexander  Vlth.  On 
the  contrary  Rodrigo  Borgia  was  looked  upon  as  the  most 
capable  member  of  the  College  of  Cardinals.  He  seemed 
to  possess  all  the  qualities  of  a  distinguished  temporal  ruler  ; 
and  to  many  he  appeared  to  be  just  the  right  man  to  steer 
the  Papacy,  now  more  than  ever  the  fulcrum  on  which  all 
the  politics  of  the  time  were  balanced,  through  the  com- 
plications and  difficulties  of  the  situation.  That  this  was 
considered  enough  to  outweigh  all  objections  from  the 
ecclesiastical  point  of  view  is  significant  of  the  tendencies 
of  the  time.f  One  of  his  contemporaries  in  describing  him 
only  says,  he  is  an  ambitious  man,  fairly  well-informed  and 
ready  and  incisive  in  speech ;  of  a  secretive  temperament ; 
singularly  expert  in  the  conduct  of  affairs.J  Sigismondo 
de'  Conti  who  had  opportunities  of  getting  to  know  Borgia 
well,  characterises  him  as  an  extremely  accomplished  man, 
uniting  to  distinguished  intellectual  gifts  a  thorough  know- 
ledge of  business  and  capacity  for  it.  "  It  is  now  thirty- 
seven  years"  he  continues  "since  his  uncle  Calixtus  HI. 
made  him  a  Cardinal,  and  during  that  time  he  never  missed  a 
single  Consistory  unless  prevented  by  illness  from  attending, 

*  ViLLARi,  Savonarola,  I.,  165  seq.  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2). 

t  Cf.  similar  appreciations  in  Reumont,  HI.,  i,  201  ;  Lange,  ■^^o^  ;  and 
Gregorovius,  VII.,  303-8,  ed.  3,  and  Lucrezia  Borgia,  9,  who  all  justly 
observe  that  nothing  can  be  more  false  than  the  ordinary  conception  of 
Borgia  as  a  morose  and  inhuman  monster.  At  the  same  time  it  is  right 
to  mention  that  the  chronicler  SCHIVENOGLIA,  p.  137,  for  the  year  1459, 
says  of  him :  De  uno  aspecto  de  fare  ogni  male.  This  is,  however, 
the  only  expression  of  the  kind. 

X  Opinion  of  Jacopo  DA  VOLTERRA.  See  supra^  p.  366  seq.\  and 
Gregorovius,  VII.,  303,  ed.  3. 


PERSONAL   APPEARANCE   OF   ALEXANDER   VL        387 

which  very  seldom  happened.  Throughout  the  reigns  ot 
Pius  II.,  Paul  II.,  Sixtus  IV.  and  Innocent  VIIL,  he  was 
always  an  important  personage ;  he  had  been  Legate  in 
Spain  and  in  Italy.  Few  people  understood  etiquette  so  well 
as  he  did  ;  he  knew  how  to  make  the  most  of  himself,  and 
took  pains  to  shine  in  conversation  and  to  be  dignified  in 
his  manners.  In  the  latter  point  his  majestic  stature  gave 
him  an  advantage.  Also  he  was  just  at  the  age,  about  sixty, 
at  which  Aristotle  says  men  are  wisest ;  robust  in  body  and 
vigorous  in  mind,  he  was  admirably  equipped  for  his  new 
position."  Further  on  the  same  writer  completes  the 
picture,  adding,  "  He  was  tall  and  powerfully  built ; 
though  he  had  blinking  eyes,  they  were  penetrating  and 
lively  ;  in  conversation  he  was  extremely  affable  ;  he  under- 
stood money  matters  thoroughly."*  The  Spanish  Bishop 
Bernaldino  Lopez  de  Carvajal,  in  1493  speaks  in  enthusi- 
astic terms  of  the  physical  beauty  and  strength  of  the  newly 
elected  Pope.f     Still  greater  stress  is  laid  upon  his  imposing 

*  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  IL,  53,  270  ;  cf.  also  268.  The  age  of  the 
Pope  is  wrongly  given  by  some  of  his  contemporaries,  e.i^.^  SCHIVENOGLIA, 
137,  Porzio  (Thuasne,  IL,  425),  and  Hieronymus  Donate  in  Sanuto, 
IL,  836.  Alexander  himself  told  the  Cardinals  in  Burchard's  presence 
that  he  was  bom  Jan.  i,  1431  ;  see  Burchard-Thuasne,  IL,  425  ;  III., 
228.  HoFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  56,  says  erroneously  that  Alexander 
VI.  was  fifty  when  he  was  elected. 

t  Rossbach,  Carvajal,  35.  As  to  the  portraits  of  Alexander  VL, 
which  all  agree  in  giving  him  a  crooked  nose,  see  Yriarte,  Autour 
des  Borgia,  79  seq.  The  medal  here  reproduced  represents  coarse 
and,  to  our  taste,  far  from  beautiful  features ;  it  does  not  quite  corres- 
pond with  the  fresco  by  Pinturicchio  in  the  Appartamento  Borgia,  of 
which  he  also  gives  a  copy,  and  which  he  considers  "  presente  au  point 
de  vue  de  I'ensemble  un  aspect  de  grandeur  incontestable."  A  much 
better  example  of  this  portrait  is  to  be  found  in  the  Documenta  selecta 
e  tabulario  secreto  vaticano,  quae  Romanor.  Pontif  erga  Americae  popu- 
los  curam  ac  studia  tum  ante  tum  pauUo  post  insulas  a  Chr.  Coluinbo 
repertas  testantur  phototypia  descripta.   (Typis  Vaticanis,  1 893,  published 


388  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

presence,  a  quality  that  has  always  been  highly  valued  by 
the  Italians,  in  the  description  given  of  him  by  Hieronymus 
Fortius  in  the  year  1493  :  "  He  is  tall,  in  complexion 
neither  fair  nor  dark  ;  his  eyes  are  black,  his  mouth  some- 
what full.  His  health  is  splendid,  and  he  has  a  marvellous 
power  of  enduring  all  sorts  of  fatigue.  He  is  singularly 
eloquent  in  speech,  and  is  gifted  with  an  innate  good  breed- 
ing, which  never  forsakes  him.* 

In  all  these  descriptions  nothing  is  said  about  Borgia's 
moral  character  ;  but  it  must  not  be  inferred  from  this  that 
it  was  unknown,  but  rather  that  public  opinion  in  those 
days  not  only  in  Italy,  but  also  in  France  and  Spain,  was  in- 
credibly lenient  on  that  point.f  Among  the  upper  classes 
a  dissolute  life  was  looked  upon  as  a  matter  of  course ; 
in  Italy,  especially,  the  prevailing  state  of  things  was  deplor- 
able. The  profligacy  of  the  rulers  of  Naples,  Milan,  and 
Florence  of  that  time  was  something  almost  unheard  of  | 
The  fact  that  the  lives  of  many  princes  of  the  Church  were 
no  better  than  those  of  the  temporal  rulers  gave  little  or  no 
scandal  to  the  Italians  of  the  Renaissance.  This  was  partly 
due  to  the  general  laxity  of  opinion  in  regard  to  morals,  but 
the  habit  of  looking  upon  the  higher  clergy  mainly  as 
temporal  governors,  had  also  something  to  do  with  it. 

by  J.  C.  Hey  wood,  and  dedicated  to  Pope  Leo  XIII.,  but  unfortunately 
the  edition  consists  of  only  25  copies).  On  Caradosso's  medals  which 
give  the  head  of  Alexander,  cf.  Jahrb.  d.  Preuss.  Kunstsamml.,  III.,  38. 
On  the  busts  said  to  be  of  this  Pope  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  see  Preuss. 
Jahrb.,  LI.  (1883),  408;  BODE,  Portratsculpturen,  19,  42;  and  Grimm, 
Michel  Angelo,  I.,  547  seq.  ed.  5. 

*  Gregorovius,  L.  Borgia,  8.  Cf.  also  Christophe,  II.,  375  ;  and 
Lord  Acton's  description  of  him  in  the  "  North  British  Review,"  October, 
1870,  January,  1871. 

t  CiPOLLA,  672.  In  regard  to  Spain,  see  HoFLER,  Aera  der  Bastar- 
den,  54. 

%  Cf.  supra^  p.  114  seq. 


POPULARITY   OF   THE   ELECTION.  389 

At  the  same  time,  while  the  irregularities  of  the  Cardinal's 
earlier  life  were  apparently  easily  forgiven,  much  indignation 
was  aroused  by  the  shameless  bribery  by  means  of  which 
he  had  secured  his  election.  There  is  a  stinging  irony  in 
Infessura's  words  ;  "  Directly  he  became  Pope,  Alexander  VI. 
proceeded  to  give  away  all  his  goods  to  the  poor,"  which 
are  followed  by  the  enumeration  in  detail  of  the  rewards 
bestowed  on  each  of  the  Cardinals  who  voted  for  him.* 
In  speaking  of  this  simoniacal  election,  the  Roman 
notary  Latinus  de  Masiis  exclaims :  "  Oh,  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  it  is  in  punishment  for  our  sins  that  Thou  hast 
permitted  Thy  vicegerent  to  be  elected  in  so  unworthy  a 
manner !  "f 

Nevertheless,  it  is  a  fact  that  Borgia's  election  was  hope- 
fully welcomed  by  many  both  in  Italy  and  abroad.  On  the 
i6th  of  August,  1492,  Giovanni  Pico  della  Mirandola  des- 
patched a  letter  of  congratulation  to  Alexander  VI.  which 
IS  full  of  sanguine  anticipations. J  In  Rome  it  was  said  that 
the  election  of  so  distinguished  and  genial  a  Pope,  whose 
good  looks  and  dignified  bearing  also  won  the  hearts  of  the 
common  people,  augured  a  brilliant  Pontificate.§  As  early 
as  August  12  the  conservators  with  some  of  the  most 
notable  of  the  citizens,  800  in  all,  came  in  procession  on 
horseback  with    lighted    torches   to   the   Vatican  to  greet 

*  INFESSURA,  281. 

t  GORI,  Archivio,  IV.,  242.  On  the  other  Land,  Alexander's  simoni- 
acal election  is  mentioned  in  the  Chronicle  of  NOTAR  GlACOMO,  p.  176, 
without  a  word  of  blame. 

X  See  the  interesting  document  by  which  Pico  prepared  the  way  for 
his  reconciliation  with  the  clergy  in  the  Giorn.  d.  Lett.  Ital.,  XXV. 
360-61. 

§  Gregorovius,  VII.,  308,  ed.  3.  The  speech  of  G.  Maino  here 
quoted,  which  is  taken  from  a  MS.  in  the  Chigi  Library,  has  often  been 
printed ;  see  Hain,  n.  10,975-78  ;  and  Gabotto,  Giason  del  Maino, 
162-3. 


390  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

the  new  Pope.     Bonfires  blazed  in  all  directions  throughout 
the  city.* 

The  coronation  on  August  26  was  unusually  splendid. 
Both  the  Florentine  and  the  Mantuan  Ambassadors  agree 
in  declaring  that  they  had  never  witnessed  a  more  brilliant 
ceremony.f  Innumerable  multitudes  flocked  into  Rome  ; 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  nobility  of  the  Patrimony  was 
assembled.  The  streets  were  decorated  with  costly  hangings, 
exquisite  flowers,  garlands,  statues  and  triumphal  arches. 
All  the  grace  and  beauty  of  the  Renaissance  was  displayed, 
but  its  darker  side  was  not  absent.  The  Roman  epigraphists 
and  poetasters,  who  some  years  later  were  remorselessly  to 
load  the  name  and  memory  of  this  Pope  with  opprobrium, 
surpassed  themselves  in  the  ingenuity  and  rank  paganism 
of  their  compliments.  It  would  be  impossible  to  exceed 
the  profanity  of  some  of  their  productions,  of  which  the 
following  distich  is  a  specimen  I : — 

"  Rome  was  great  under  Caesar,  greater  far  under  Alexander, 
The  first  was  only  a  mortal,  but  the  latter  is  a  God." 

*  Cf.  the  account  in  BURCHARD,  ed.  Gennarelli,  206,  and  a  ^Letter 
from  the  senator  Ambrogio  Mirabilia  to  Barth.  Calchus,  dat.  Rom, 
1492,  Aug.  13.  (Milanese  State  Archives.)  On  the  rejoicings  in  Bologna, 
see  Ghirardacci,  lib.  36,  Cod.  768  of  the  University  Lib.  at  Bologna. 

t  See  Thuasne,  H.,  615,  in  the  Appendix,  N.  18,  *Brognolo's 
Report.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  Corio's  description  reprinted  in 
Thuasne,  II.,  615  se^.,  is  very  fascinating.  Cf.  Cancellieri,  Possessi, 
51  se^.;  Attideir  Emilia,  III.,  2,  250;  Christophe,  II.,  377  se^.;  Arch. 
St.  Ital.,  3  Serie,  VI.,  i,  187-93.  On  the  beautiful  coronation  medal, 
probably  designed  by  Caradosso,  see  Jahrb.  d.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  III.,  141. 
In  the  *Introitus  et  Exitus,  Vol.  524,  f.  147,  we  find  entered :  Nov.  24, 
1492  solvit  [thesaurarius  Camerae  Apost]  ducat.  12,000  (  =  15,087  de 
cam.  36  bol.)  pro  pannis  diversarum  sortium  datis  officialibus  urbis 
et  aliis  personis  pro  die  coronationis.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.) 
Cf.  *Divers.  Alex.  VI.,  1492-94,  I.,  Bulletar.,  29  Aug.  1492  :  Alme  urbis 
conservatoribus  due.  quinquaginta  pro  emendis  pannis  ad  coperiendas 
vias  papales.  State  Archives,  Rome.  %  Reumont,  III.,  i,  202-3. 


SATISFACTION    FELT   AT   MILAN.  39 1 

It  is  not  surprising  that  good  men  such  as  Delfini,  the 
General  of  the  Camaldolese,  were  scandalised  at  such  un- 
measured adulation.  "  An  incident  which  I  saw  with  my 
own  eyes,"  writes  Delfini  to  a  friend, "  forcibly  reminded  me 
of  the  instability  of  all  human  things.  In  the  Lateran 
Basilica  the  Pope  suddenly  fainted,  and  water  had  to  be 
dashed  on  his  face  before  he  could  recover  consciousness."  * 
Indeed,  at  the  end  of  the  great  day  the  whole  Court  was 
utterly  worn  out  with  fatigue,  aggravated  by  the  heat  and 
dust.  "  Your  Highness  can  imagine,"  writes  Brognolo  the 
Mantuan  Envoy,  "  what  it  was  to  have  to  ride  from  eight 
to  ten  miles  at  a  stretch  in  such  a  crowd."  f  Thus  the 
statement  of  Guicciardini,  a  bitter  opponent  of  Alexander, 
that  the  news  of  his  election  filled  all  men  with  dismay  is 
proved  entirely  false.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  hailed  with 
the  greatest  satisfaction  by  several  of  the  Italian  Powers, 
notably  by  Milan.  An  Envoy  reports  that  Duke  Ludovico 
il  Moro  was  in  the  highest  spirits  at  the  success  with  which 
his  brother  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza's  efforts  had  been 
crowned.J       He    had    good    reason    to    rejoice.       Senator 

*  Thuasne,  il,  4. 

t  See  Appendix,  N.  18  (  ^Report,  Aug.  31).  The  letters  in  which 
Alexander  VI.  announces  his  election  and  begs  for  prayers  for  the 
prosperity  of  his  reign,  are  all  dated  from  the  Coronation-day  (see 
CiACONius,  III.,  156-7;  Santarem,  X.,  iio-ii  ;  Leonetti,  L,  312-3; 
a  similar  letter  in  MS.  in  Cod.  1461  of  the  Library  at  Grenoble  ;  another 
to  the  Archduke  Sigismund  in  the  State  Archives  at  Vienna).  In  the 
*Divers.  Alex.  VI.,  1492-94  (cited  supra,  p.  390,  note  t)  we  find  among 
the  expenses,  f.  i,  an  entry  on  Sept.  10,  1492  {cf.  f  4),  septem  mazeriis 
euntibus  cum  litteris  assumptionis  in  Franciam,  Hispaniam,  Angliam, 
Alamaniam,  Neapolim,  Mediol.,  Venet.     State  Archives,  Rome. 

X  Trotti's  ^Despatch,  dat.  Milan,  1492,  Aug.  13  :  Lo  ill.  S.  Ludovico 
pel  il  singular  honor  chel  pretende  che  in  questa  creatione  del  pontefice 
habiahavuto  et  guadagnato  il  rev'""  Mons.  Aschanio  supra  et  ultra  modum 
ne  jubila.  (State  Archives,  Modena.)  Cf.  also  PiSTOJA'S  Sonnet,  quoted 
by  V.  Rossi  in  the  Arch.  Vencto,  XXXV.,  209.     Hence  it  is  clearly  untrue 


392  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Ambrogio  Mirabilia  writes  on  August  13,  that  Cardinal 
Ascanio  is  the  man  who  made  Alexander  VI.  Pope,  conse- 
quently it  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  power  and  influ- 
ence that  he  possesses ;  indeed,  he  is  held  to  be  as  much 
Pope  as  Alexander  himself.* 

In  Florence  as  in  Milan  the  election  was  received  with 
public  rejoicing  and  ringing  of  bells.  Before  the  coronation 
festivities  both  Sforza  and  Alexander  himself  had  written 
letters  to  Piero  de'  Medici,  assuring  him  of  their  friendly  dis- 
positions ;f  and  indeed,  the  son  of  Lorenzo  had  reason  to 
expect  kindness  from  the  new  Pope.  The  Grand-Master  of 
the  Knights  of  S.  John  was  convinced  that  the  wisdom  and 
justice  of  Alexander  VI.  would  rid  the  East  of  the  tyranny 
of  the  Turks.J  It  is  not  surprising  that  in  various  parts  of 
Italy  there  should  have  been  some  who  were  dissatisfied  with 
the  result  of  the  Conclave.  Some  such  malcontents  were  to 
be  found  even  in  Genoa,  where  grateful  memories  of  Calixtus 
III.  caused  the  majority  to  hail  the  elevation  of  his  nephew 
with  joy,§  and  when  Guicciardini  says  that  Ferrante,  King 
of  Naples,  wept  when  he  heard  that  Borgia  had  been  elected, 
we  must    not   accept  the  statement  too  literally.||     In  the 

to  say,  as  Villari  does  in  Savonarola,  I.,  164  (Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2) : 
L'Annunzia  della  sua  elezione  fu  ricevuto  in  tutta  Italia  con  rammarico 
universale. 

*  See  in  Appendix,  N.  11.,  the  "^Text  from  the  original  in  the  Milanese 
State  Archives. 

t  Landucci,  66;  Thuasne,  II.,  113;  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  27. 

X  Lamansky,  289. 

§  Senarega,  532,  and  *Report  of  C.  Stangha,  dated  Genoa,  Aug.  15, 
1492,  Milanese  State  Archives. 

II  Guicciardini,  Storia  d'ltalia,  I.,  i.  Although  Gregorovius,  VII., 
316  (310,  ed.  3),  doubts  the  correctness  of  this  statement,  ViLLARl 
(Savonarola,  I.,  164,  Engl,  trans.,  ed.  2)  holds  to  it ;  as,  nevertheless, 
in  his  work  on  Machiavelli,  I.,  207,  he  seems  to  lean  to  the  opinion  of 
Gregorovius. 


VIEWS  OF   NAPLES,  SPAIN,  AND   VENICE.  393 

King's  letters  there  is  nothing  to  support  it,  nor  was  he 
the  sort  of  man  who  would  have  been  likely  to  shed  tears 
on  such  an  occasion  ;  at  the  same  time,  Borgia's  elevation, 
which  he  had  throughout  strenuously  opposed*  could  not 
have  been  agreeable  to  him ;  but  Ferrante  had  quite  wit 
enough  to  conceal  his  sentiments.  He  immediately  des- 
patched a  letter  of  congratulation  to  Alexander, j-  couched 
in  the  most  friendly  terms;  and  on  the  15th  of  August 
desired  Virginio  Orsini  to  assure  the  Pope  of  his  devotion 
"  as  a  good  and  obedient  son."|  Ferrante  may  at  that  time 
have  thought  it  possible  to  win  Alexander  VI.,  though,  con- 
sidering the  existing  relations  between  Naples  and  Rome, 
which  were  such  that  open  war  might  be  declared  at  any 
moment,  the  task  was  not  an  easy  one.§ 

At  the  Spanish  Court  the  tension  between  Rome  and 
Naples  excited  serious  apprehensions.  In  Spain,  Alex- 
ander's enterprising  disposition  was  well-known,  and  he  was 
credited  with  an  ardent  desire  to  accomplish  something  that 
should  be  remembered.  While  only  a  Cardinal  he  had 
founded  the  Dukedom  of  Gandia  ;  and  now  that  he  was 
Pope,  what  might  he  not  attempt  for  the  aggrandisement 
of  his  family  ?  || 

The  Venetians  made  no  secret  of  their  displeasure  at 
Alexander's  elevation.  Their  Ambassador  at  Milan,  spoke 
very  plainly  to  the  Envoy  from  Ferrara  of  the  means  by 
which  the  election  had  been  carried.     It  had  been  obtained, 

*  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  56  ;   and  DESJARDINS,  I.,  439. 

t  Report  of  the  Milanese  Envoy,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  20,  1492.  Milanese 
State  Archives. 

X  Trinchera,  II.,  I,  147-8. 

§  See  Trinchera,  II.,  i,  148,  on  the  conduct  of  the  Papal  Governor 
of  Benevento  at  that  moment.  Also,  Alexander  did  not  so  easily  forget 
the  King's  opposition  to  his  election.     See  Desjardins,  I.,  439. 

II  Zurita,  v.,  15  ;  Hofler,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  58. 


394  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

he  said,  by  shameless  simony  and  fraud  ;  and  France  and 
Spain  would  certainly  withhold  their  obedience  when  they 
became  aware  of  this  abominable  crime.  Many  of  the 
Cardinals  had  been  bribed  by  the  Pope,  but  there  were  ten 
who  had  received  nothing,  and  who  were  thoroughly  dis- 
gusted ;  *  the  hope  here  insinuated  that  a  schism  would 
ensue  was  not  realised,  for  almost  all  the  Powers  hastened  to 
profess  their  obedience  to  the  new  Pope  in  the  most 
obsequious  terms.  Lodovico  il  Moro  had  proposed  that 
all  the  Envoys  of  the  League, — Milan,  Naples,  Ferrara,  and 
Florence, — should  present  themselves  in  Rome  together; 
but  the  vanity  of  Piero  de'  Medici,  who  was  bent  on  com- 
ing to  Rome  and  making  his  entry  with  great  pomp  at 
the  head  of  the  Florentine  mission,  upset  this  plan.-|-  After 
the  Florentines,  followed  the  representatives  of  Genoa, 
Milan,  and  Venice.  According  to  the  custom  of  the  time, 
these  delegates  were  chosen  from  the  ranks  of  the  most 
distinguished  Humanists  and  scholars.  Thus  Florence  was 
represented  by  Gentile  Becchi,  and  Milan  by  the  celebrated 
Giason  del  Maino.J  The  addresses  delivered  on  this 
occasion  were  admired  as  master-pieces  of  humanistic 
eloquence,  and  extensively  disseminated  through  the  press, 
They  were  crammed  with  quotations  from  the  classics  ;  but, 
"  though  the  great  qualities  of  the  newly-elected  Pope  were 
eulogised  in  borrowed  terms,  a  real  underlying  conviction 
that  his  gifts  were  of  no  common  order  can  be  plainly 
traced."! 

*  "^Letter  from  Trotti,  Aug.  28, 1 492, in  Appendix,  N.  1 4.  State  Archives, 
Modena. 

t  GUICCIARDINI,  I.,  I  ;  SiSMONDl,  XII.,  8 1  ;  BUSER,  Beziehungen, 
308  ;  Desjardins,  I.,  434. 

J  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  8  seg.,  18  seg.  ;  Gabotto,  G.  del  Maino, 
1 59  seg. 

§  Gregorovius,  VII.,  310,  ed.  3;  cf.  Lord  ACTON,  loc.  cit.  353. 
Nearly  all  the  congratulatory  addresses  delivered  before  Alexander  VI. 


GERMAN   OPINIONS  OF   THE   POPE  395 

In  foreign  countries  a  high  opinion  was  entertained  of  the 
new  Pontiff.  The  German  chronicler,  Hartmann  Schedel, 
wrote  soon  after  he  came  to  the  throne  that  the  world 
had  much  to  hope  for  from  the  virtues  of  such  a  Pope. 
The  new  Pope,  he  says,  "  is  a  large-minded  man,  gifted 
with  great  prudence,  foresight,  and  knowledge  of  the 
world.  In  his  youth  he  studied  at  the  University  of 
Bologna,  and  obtained  there  so  great  a  reputation  for  virtue, 
learning,  and  capability  that  his  mother's  brother.  Pope 
Calixtus  III.,  made  him  a  Cardinal;  and  it  is  a  further 
proof  of  his  worth  and  talents  that  he  was  called  at  such 
an  early  age  to  a  place  in  this  honourable  and  illustrious 
assembly,  and  was  also  made  Vice-Chancellor.  Such 
things  being  known  of  him,  he  was  quickly  elected  to 
govern  and  steer  the  barque  of  S.  Peter.  Besides  being  a 
man  of  a  noble  countenance  and  bearing,  he  has,  in  the  first 
place,  the  merit  of  being  a  Spaniard  ;  secondly,  he  comes 
from  Valentia  ;  thirdty,  he  is  of  an  illustrious  family.  In 
book-learning,  appreciation  of  Art,  and  probity  of  life  he 
is  a  worthy  successor  of  his  uncle,  Calixtus  of  blessed 
memory.  He  is  affable,  trustworthy,  prudent,  pious,  and 
well-versed  in  all  things  appertaining  to  his  exalted  position 
and  dignity.  Blessed  indeed  therefore  is  he  adorned  with 
so  many  virtues  and  raised  to  so  high  a  dignity.  VVe  trust 
that  he  will  prove  most  serviceable  to  all  Christendom,  and 
that  in  his  pilgrimage  he  will  pass  safely  through  the 
raging  surf  and  the  high  and  dangerous  rocks,  and  finally 

were  printed  in  Rome  by  N.  Plank,  1492-93.  The  Borg^hese  Library, 
sold  by  auction  in  1 893,  contained  a  great  number  of  contemporaneous 
works  of  this  description.  Many  printed  addresses  of  congratulation  are 
also  to  be  found  in  Clarorum  hominum  orat.  (Coloniae,  1559) ;  also  in  the 
Orationes  gratulatoriae  in  electione  pontif.  imperat,,  etc.  (Hanoviae, 
1613)  as  well  as  in  LiJNIG,  Orationes  procerum  Europac,  I.,  113  seq. 
Lipsiae,  1713. 


396  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

reach  the  steps  of  the  heavenly  throne."*  The  Swedish 
Chancellor,  Sten  Sture,  sent  a  present  of  horses  and  costly- 
furs  to  Rome  as  a  token  of  good-will.-|- 

The  new  Pope  began  his  reign  in  a  manner  which 
tended  to  confirm  these  good  opinions.  He  at  once  took 
measures  to  secure  a  strict  administration  of  the  laws. 
This  had  become  exceedingly  necessary,  as  in  the  short 
time  which  had  elapsed  between  the  commencement  of 
the  illness  of  Innocent  VIII.  and  Alexander's  coronation, 
two  hundred  and  twenty  murders  had  been  committed  in 
Rome.  Alexander  VI.  ordered  a  searching  investigation 
into  these  crimes ;  he  nominated  certain  men  to  visit  the 
prisons,  and  appointed  four  commissioners  to  hear  com- 
plaints in  Rome  ;  and  on  Tuesdays  he  himself  gave 
audiences  to  all  who  had  any  grievance  to  bring  before 
him.J  He  endeavoured  by  the  strictest  economy  to  repair 
the  disordered  state  of  the  finances,  as  is  proved  by  the 
household  accounts.  The  whole  monthly  expenditure  for 
housekeeping  was  only  700  ducats  (^140  sterling).  His 
table  was  so  plain  that  the  Cardinals,  unaccustomed  to 
such  simple  fare,  avoided  invitations  as  much  as  possible. 
The  Ferrarese  Envoy,  writing  in  1495,  says,  the  Pope  has 
only  one  course  at  dinner;  he  requires  this  to  be  of  good 
quality,  but  Ascanio  Sforza  and  others,  such  as  Cardinal 
Juan  Borgia  and  Caesar,  who,  in  former  days,  often  dined 
with  him,  by  no  means  relish  this  frugality,  and  avoid 
being  his  guests  as  much  as  they  can."§ 

*  SCHEDEL,  Chron.  Chronicar  (Niimberg,  1493),  f  257^.  Cf.  Lange, 
47  seq. 

t  These  presents  (nonnullus  equos  ac  certas  foderaturas  de  hermelinis 
et  marta)  are  mentioned  in  the  "^Littera  passus,  dat.  IV.,  Non.  Mart., 
1492,  A°  1°  Regest.  879,  f  100.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  INFESSURA,  282-3.  Cf.  Constitution  of  April  i,  1493,  ^"^  Bull,  V., 
359  seq,^  and  Dal  Re,  92  ;  see  also  Leonetti,  I.,  321  seq. 

§  Gregorovius,    L.    Borgia,    87-8 ;    and    Sybels    Histor-Zeitschr., 


GOOD    INTENTIONS   OF   THE   POPE.  397 

In  Other  points  also  the  new  Pope  made  a  favourable 
impression.  He  said  to  the  Florentine  Envoy  on  the  i6th 
of  August,  that  he  would  do  his  utmost  to  preserve  peace  and 
to  be  a  father  to  all  without  distinction.*  The  Envoy  from 
Ferrara  reports  that  Alexander  means  to  reform  the  Court ; 
there  are  to  be  changes  in  regard  to  the  secretaries  and 
officials  connected  with  the  press  ;  his  children  are  to  be 
kept  at  a  distance.^  The  Pope  told  the  Milanese  Ambas- 
sador that  he  was  resolved  to  restore  peace  to  Italy,  and  to 
unite  all  Christendom  to  withstand  the  Turks ;  his  uncle 
Calixtus  had  set  him  an  example  on  this  point  which  he 
was  determined  to  follow.^ 

It  is  probable  that  there  was  a  moment  in  which  Alex- 
ander really  entertained  the  idea  of  restraining  his  family 
ambition  and  devoting  himself  to  the  duties  of  his  office.§ 
Unfortunately  these  good  intentions  were  but  short-lived  ; 
his  inordinate  attachment  to  his  family  soon  burst  forth 
again.     To  establish  the  power  of  the  house  of  Borgia  on 

XXXVI.,  158,  cf.  161  seq.^  and  also  Chabas'  Spanish  periodical,  El 
Archivo  Revista  de  ciencias  hist,  VII.,  90  (Valencia,  1893);  Gebhart's 
description,  1 83-4  is  misleading. 

*  Thuasne,  II.,  613. 

+  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  27. 

%  ^Report  of  the  Milanese  Ambassador,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  20,  1492. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 

§  Gregorovius,  L.  Borgia,  46,  who  draws  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Alexander  did  not  permit  Caesar  to  come  to  Rome  immediately.  In 
October  1493,  he  began  to  take  measures  for  an  expedition  against  the 
Turks  who  at  that  time  were  assuming  a  very  threatening  attitude  (see 
Hammer,  II.,  305) ;  but  the  state  of  things  in  Italy  almost  immediately 
drove  these  plans  into  the  background.  Cf.  the  Briefs  of  Oct.  20,  1493, 
to  Giangaleazzo  and  L.  Moro  (in  the  Notizenblatt,  1856,  p.  421)  and  to 
Ferdinand  of  Spain  (Orig.  in  the  National  Library,  Paris:  Espag.,  318, 
f.  i);  A.  Sforza,  in  a  ^Letter  dated  Rome,  Oct.  19,  1493,  states  that  the 
result  of  the  consultation  on  the  Turkish  question  was  a  resolution  that 
a  tithe  should  be  levied.     Milanese  State  Archives. 


398  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

secure  and  lasting  foundations  becan:ie  the  one  purpose  of 
his  whole  life.  Even  in  the  Consistory  of  the  31st  August, 
in  which  the  rewards  to  the  electors  were  dispensed,  Alex- 
ander gave  the  Bishopric  of  Valencia,  which  was  worth 
16,000  ducats,  to  his  son  Caesar,  although  Innocent  VIII. 
had  already  bestowed  on  him  that  of  Pampeluna.*  In  the 
same  Consistory  he  made  his  nephew  Juan,  the  Archbishop 
of  Monreale,  Cardinal  of  S^^  Susanna.-f  Six  Legates  were 
also  either  appointed  or  confirmed  at  this  Consistory : 
Giuliano  della  Rovere  to  Avignon  ;  Fregoso  to  Campania ; 
Savelli  to  Spoleto ;  Orsini  to  the  Marches ;  Sforza  to 
Bologna  ;    and  Medici  to  the  Patrimony.^ 

Unfortunately  for  Alexander,  as  had  happened  with 
Calixtus,  all  his  relations  immediately  flocked  to  Rome, 
fully  and  recklessly  determined  to  make  the  most  of  the 
golden  opportunity.  Not  only  his  near  relations,  but  all 
who  could  in  any  way  claim  kinship  or  friendship  with  the 
new  Pope,  trooped  thither  to  seek  their  fortunes.  Gianandrea 
Boccaccio,  writing  to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  declares  that 
"  ten  Papacies  would  not  have  sufficed  to  provide  for  all  these 

*  The  date  of  this  Consistory  has  been  variously  given  ;  Frakn6i 
(see  supra\  and  Hagen,  24,  make  it  Aug.  30  ;  Gregorovius,  VII.,  312, 
ed,  3,  gives  Sept.  i  ;  in  the  *Acta  Consist.  1489- 1503,  C^,  f.  44  of  the 
Consistorial  Archives,  it  is  expressly  mentioned  as  die  Veneris  ultima, 
Aug.  1492,  and  the  "^Collation-records  of  the  Bishopric  of  Valencia 
(Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican),  printed  in  Appendix,  N.  15,  and  the 
■^* Report  of  Boccaccio,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  31,  1492  (State  Archives,  Modena), 
agree  with  this  ;  GregOROVIUS,  L.  Borgia,  45,  is  quite  wrong  in  assigning 
the  26th  of  Aug.  as  the  date  of  the  gift  of  the  Bishopric  of  Valencia. 
According  to  the  *Acta  Consist,  Csesar  also  at  the  same  time  received 
in  commendam  to  the  Monasterium  Vallisdegnae  Cist.  Ord.  Valent.  dioec; 
Regest.  772,  f.  lb,  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican  corroborates  this. 

t  Cf.  Appendix,  N.  16,  *Nomination-Brief,  August  31,  1492.  Secret 
Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  *Acta  Consist.,  Alex.  VI.,  Pii  III.,  Jul.  II.,  Leon.  X.,  f  2^  in  the 
Consistorial  Archives. 


CHARACTER   OF   LUCREZIA   BORGIA.  399 

cousins."*  The  motive  which  only  too  soon  brought  about  a 
complete  and  unfortunate  revolution  in  Alexander's  conduct, 
was  in  itself  not  an  ignoble  one,  namely,  his  affection  for 
his  family,  and  more  especially  for  his  children,  Caesar, 
Jofre,  and  Lucrezia.f  The  latter  whose  name  has  become 
historical,  was  her  father's  greatest  favoiwite.  "  Chroniclers 
and  historians  have  conspired  with  the  writers  of  epigrams, 
romances,  and  plays  to  represent  Lucrezia  Borgia  as  one  of 
the  most  abandoned  of  her  sex,  a  heroine  of  the  dagger 
and  poison-cup.  The  times  were  bad,  the  Court  was  bad, 
the  example  of  her  own  family  detestable,  but  even  if 
Lucrezia  may  not  have  been  wholly  untainted  by  the  pre- 
vailing corruption,  she  by  no  means  deserves  this  evil 
reputation.  The  most  serious  accusations  against  her,  rest 
on  stories  which,  in  their  foulness  and  extravagance,  sur- 
pass the  bounds  of  credibility  and  even  of  possibility,  or  on 
the  lampoons  of  a  society  famed  for  the  ruthlessness  of  its 
satire.  Numbers  of  well  attested  facts  prove  them  to  be 
calumnies."!  All  that  is  known  also  of  Lucrezia's  personal 
appearance  is  out  of  harmony  with  such  a  character. 

*  Gregorovius,  L.  Borgia,  47. 

t  C/.  supra,  p.  363  seg^.  MoHLER,  II.,  523,  says  with  great  justice  : 
"  The  ruin  of  this  Pope  was  his  family,  and  it  was  also  the  ruin  of  the 
Church." 

X  Reumont,  III.,  I,  204.  Cf.  p.  206:  "  Lucrezia  must  be  acquitted 
of  the  great  majority  of  the  charges  brought  against  her."  See  also 
Reumont  in  the  Bonner  Literaturblatt,  V.  (1870),  447  seg.;  GregorO- 
VIUS  omits  all  mention  of  Reumont,  but  in  his  investigation  into  the 
charges  against  Lucrezia  (p.  159  seg.),  comes  to  the  same  conckision. 
"  No  one  can  suppose  that  Lucrezia  Borgia  in  the  corrupt  atmosphere  of 
Rome  and  of  her  own  personal  surroundings,  was  likely  to  have  kept 
herself  absolutely  blameless  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  no  impartial  judge 
would  venture  to  maintain  that  she  was  guilty  of  the  horrible  crimes  of 
which  she  is  accused."  In  a  critique  in  Hildebrand's  Italia,  I.,  317, 
the  result  of  Gregorovius'  investigations  is  summed  up  in  the  words  : 


400  HISTORY  OF   THE    POPES. 

All  her  contemporaries  agree  in  describing  her  as  singu- 
larly attractive  with  a  sweet  joyousness  and  charm  quite  pe- 
culiar to  herself.  "  She  is  of  middle  height  and  graceful  in 
form,"  writes  Nicol6  Cagnolo  of  Parma,  "  her  face  is  rather 
long,  the  nose  well  cut,  hair  golden,  eyes  of  no  special  colour  ; 
her  mouth  rather  large,  the  teeth  brilliantly  white,  her  neck 
is  slender  and  fair,  the  bust  admirably  proportioned.  She 
is   always   gay   and   smiling."     Other   narrators    specially 


"There  was  nothing  to  be  discovered  against  Lucrezia.  One  would 
have  thought  that  the  learned  writer  might  have  contented  himself  with 
this  sufficiently  significant  result ;  but  instead  of  this  he  goes  on  to 
read  between  the  lines,  to  fill  up  gaps  with  hypothetical  descriptions  and 
quite  superfluous  sentimental  observations  of  the  kind  which  the  French 
call  '  rapprochements.'  and  which  are  often  m  very  questionable  taste." 
When  we  find  that  Gregorovius  can  exactly  describe  Vanozza's  Salon 
(p.  15-16),  and  even  tell  us  what  were  her  prayers  during  the  Conclave 
(p.  42),  we  perceive  that  this  criticism  is  not  unwarranted.  For  Reviews 
of  the  work  of  Gregorovius  see  also  Hist.-Pol.,  Blatter  LXXVIL,  577  seg^.; 
Blaze  de  Bury  in  Rev.  des  deux  Mondes,  XX.  (1877),  243  seq.,  and 
S.  MiJNTZ  in  the  English.  Hist.  Review,  VII.,  699.  Gregorovius,  159 
seg.,  connects  this  investigation  into  the  charges  against  Lucrezia  with 
the  statement  of  an  agent  of  the  d'Este  at  Venice  (dat.  15th  March,  1498) 
that  about  this  time  she  had  borne  an  illegitimate  child.  He  adds  here 
that  no  persons  except  Malipiero  and  P.  Capello  "  had  been  mentioned 
by  name  as  lovers  of  Lucrez.a's."  This  is  not  the  case.  An  unprinted 
letter,  from  Cristoforo  Poggio,  Bentivoglio's  secretaiy,  to  the  Count  of 
Mantua,  dat.  Bologna,  March  2,  1492,  contains  the  following  passage 
which,  coming  at  the  same  time,  confirms  the  story  of  the  agent. 
*Dopo  le  altre  mie  per  non  ci  esser  cavalcata  da  Roma  non  ho  altro  di 
novo  di  la,  se  non  che  quello  Peroto  (he  is  the  same  man  whose  death 
is  shrouded  in  mystery,  of  which  more  presently)  camariero  primo  di 
N.S.,  quale  non  se  ritrovava,  intendo  essere  in  presone  per  haver 
ingravidato  la  figliola  de  S.  Sta  M^  Lucretia.  This  rather  important 
document  is  to  be  found  in  a  bidden  corner  in  the  Bolognese  correspond- 
ence in  the  Gonzaga  Archives  at  Mantua.  It  makes  the  opinion  of  R. 
DI  SORAGNA  (Rassegna  Naz.,  X.  [1882],  124),  and  those  who  agree  with 
him  that  Lucrezia  was  entirely  blameless,  untenable. 


PERSONAL   APPEARANCE   OF   LUCREZIA.  4OI 

praise  her  long  golden  hair.*  Unfortunately  we  have  no 
trustworthy  portrait  of  this  remarkable  woman  ;  j-  at  the 
same  time  we  can  gather  from  some  medals  which  were 
struck  at  Ferrara  during  her  stay  there,  a  fair  notion  of  her 
features.  The  best  of  these  medals,  designed  apparently 
by  Filippino  Lippi,  shews  how  false  the  prevailing  con- 
ception of  this  woman's  character,  woven  out  of  partisan- 
ship and  calumny,  has  been.  The  little  head  with  its 
delicate  features  is  rather  charming  than  beautiful,  the 
expression  is  maidenly,  almost  childish,  the  abundant  hair 
flows  down  over  the  shoulders,  the  large  eyes  have  a  far-off 
look.  The  character  of  the  face  is  soft,  irresolute  and 
gentle ;  there  is  no  trace  of  strong  passions  ;  and  rather  it 
denotes  a  weak  and  passive  nature  incapable  of  self-deter- 
mination.J     Thus  Lucrezia's  fate  was  entirely  in  the  hands 

*  Antonelli,  L.  Borgia  in  Ferrara,  39  (Ferrara  1867).  C/.  Grego- 
ROVius,  226. 

t  This  is  the  opinion  of  Crowe-Cavalcaselle,  Gregorovius  and  Cam- 
pori ;  Yriarte,  Autour  des  Borgia,  1 1 5  se^.  tries  to  prove,  "  qu'k 
defaut  d'originaux  incontestables  dus  k  la  main  de  quelque  grand 
artiste  du  temps,  il  existe  au  moins  trois  copies  d'un  meme  portrait  de 
L,  Borgia  "  ;  but  he  does  not  succeed  in  establishing  his  point.. 

t  Cf.  Blaze  de  Bury  in  Revue  des  deux  Mondes,  XX.  (1877),  248, 
and  ibid.  Gebhart,  LXXXVI.  (1888),  142  ;  the  medal  is  described  in 
Friedlander,  Berl.  Blatt.  f.  Munzkunde  (1866),  No.  8  ;  Grimm,  Uebei 
Kiinsder  und  Kunstwerke,  II.,  81  seq. ;  Antonelli  {loc.  cit.\  in 
Gregorovius  and  in  Yriarte,  118;  in  this  latter  also  a  second  medal, 
p.  117.  See  also  Jahrb.  d.  Preuss.  Kunsts.,  III.,  34  seq.  On  the  character 
of  Lucrezia,  Hildebrand,  II.,  47,  remarks  :  "  History  does  not  record  a 
single  deed  or  word  of  Lucrezia's  ;  she  submits  to  everything,  never 
resists,  adapts  herself  with  marvellous  rapidity  to  each  fresh  situation 
imposed  upon  her  by  her  father  or  her  brother.  Her  letters,  which 
remain  to  us,  reveal  no  personality ;  they  are  correct,  colourless,  without 
passion,  wit  or  observation,  strangely  contrasting  in  their  utter  emptiness 
with  those  of  her  correspondent  and  sister-in-law,  the  beautiful,  clever 
and  lively  Marchesa  Isabella  Gonzaga,  who  so  well  understands  how  to 
VOL.   V.  2  ly 


402  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

of  her  relations.  At  eleven  years  old  she  was  betrothed  to 
a  Spanish  grandee,  Juan  de  Centelles,  and  later  to  Don 
Gasparo,  Count  of  Aversa.  Both  of  these  engagements 
were  broken  off.  The  all-powerful  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza, 
then  proposed  an  alliance  with  a  member  of  his  own  family, 
Giovanni  Sforza,  Count  of  Cotignola  and  Lord  of  Pesaro,  a 
brilliant  offer  which  Alexander  gladly  accepted.* 

manipulate  the  dry  formality  of  the  epistolary  style  of  the  day,  so  as  to 
let  her  fascinating  self  peep  out."  In  regard  to  her  marriage,  HlLDE- 
BRAND,  II.,  49,  says  "Naturally,  she  was  not  consulted,  any  more  than 
other  Princes'  daughters  were." 

*  Gregorovius,  39  seq.^  47  seq.  Cf.  Sitzungsberichte  der  Miinch. 
Akad.,  Hist.  Kl.  (1872)  505  seq.  As  to  G.  Sforza,  see  Ratti,  I.,  163  seq. 
In  regard  to  the  Roman  period,  the  darkest  time  in  Lucrezia's  life, 
Foucard  has  found  some  new  documents  in  the  Archives  in  Modena  and 
inserted  them  in  the  second  edition  of  Gregorovius  (published  1876). 
They  make  no  important  change  in  the  estimate  of  her  character.  The 
case  is  otherwise  in  regard  to  the  letters  mentioned  supra,  from  the  Gon- 
zaga  Archives  at  Mantua,  which  confirm  the  statement  made  by  an 
agent  of  the  d'Este  at  Venice  that  Lucrezia  had  had  an  illegitimate  child. 
Since  this  document  has  been  discovered,  I  think  it  quite  on  the  cards 
that  others  also  may  turn  up,  which  may  make  it  possible  to  arrive  at  a 
final  and  decisive  judgment  in  regard  to  Lucrezia.  The  MS.  materials 
for  Lucrezia's  biography  which  were  collected  by  Baschet  must  now  be 
in  the  hands  of  Yriarte,  and  we  may  hope  that  he  will  be  more  careful 
than  Gregorovius  in  the  editing  of  these  documents.  Luzio,  Precettori 
dTsabella,  42,  has  already  pointed  out  that  the  letter  of  Lucrezia  given  by 
Gregorovius  in  fac-simile  No.  62  is  not  addressed  to  Isabella  d'Este,  but 
to  the  Marquess  Francesco  Gonzaga,  as  is  evident  from  the  beginning, 
Illmo  Sor  mio.  Many  documents  in  Gregorovius  are  disfigured  by  glar- 
ing mistakes,  as  may  be  seen  by  comparing  them  with  the  originals  in 
the  Gonzaga  Archives  in  Mantua.  Thus  in  the  Report  of  El  Prete  of 
Jan.  2,  1502,  printed  in  Appendix,  N.  35,  "zoia"  should  be  read  instead 
of  "  zove,"  "  uno  cosino  "  instead  of  "  so  cosino,"  "  strete  de  uso  "  i?istead 
of"'  strele  "  ;  "  tanti  alle  colti "  instead  of  "  tanti  colti."  In  Troche's  letter 
(App.,  No.  42),  "cose"  should  be  read 2/«j/^«^ <?/ the  unintelligible  "ase." 
In  the  letter  of  the  Marquess  of  Mantua  of  Sept.  22,  1503  (App.,  No.  49), 
"  del  respiro  "  should  be  "  ch'el  spiri"  \  "cossi"  instead  of  "assi";  after 


CESAR   BORGIA.  403 

Caesar  Borgia  shared  with  his  sister  Lucrezia  the  smiling 
countenance  and  ready  laugh  which  both  inherited  from 
their  father,  however  little  resemblance  there  may  have 
been  in  their  characters  leither  to  him  or  to  each  other. 
"  Caesar  possesses  distinguished  talents  and  a  noble  nature," 
writes  the  Ferrarese  Envoy  in  1493,  "  his  bearing  is  that  of 
the  son  of  a  prince  ;  he  is  singularly  cheerful  and  merry, 
and  seems  always  in  high  spirits.  He  never  had  any 
inclination  for  the  priesthood  ;  but  his  benefices  yield  more 
than  16,000  ducats.*  He  was  well-versed  in  the  culture  of 
the  time,  loved  Art,  and  associated  with  poets  and  painters 
and  had  a  poet  attached  to  his  court.  Personally,  however, 
his  taste  was  rather  for  war  and  politics.  He  combined 
unusual  military  and  administrative  talents  with  an  iron 
will.  Like  most  of  the  princes  of  the  day  his  one  aim  was 
to  obtain  power,-  and  no  means  were  too  bad  for  him 
provided  they  would  serve  his  end.  When  he  had  got 
what  he  wanted  he  shewed  his  better  side.-j*  He  was  a 
first-rate  Condottiere,  excelled  in  all  knightly  arts,  and 
surpassed  the  best  "  Espadas "  in  a  bull-fight ;  with  one 
blow  he  completely  severed  the  head  of  a  powerful  bull 
from  the  trunk.  His  complexion  was  swarthy,  in  his  latter 
years  his  face  was  disfigured  with  blotches.  The  expression 
of  his  eyes  which  were  deep-set  ana  penetrating,  betrayed 
a  sinister  nature,  voluptuous,  tyrannical  and  crafty.|     All 

"in  contra"  there  should  be  a  stop,  etc.  Count  Malaguzzi-Valeri  told 
me  at  Modena  that  the  documents  in  Gregorovius,  copied  from  the 
Archives  of  that  city,  also  need  many  corrections. 

*  Gregorovius,  L.  Borgia,  54.  C/.  also  P.  Capet j-o's  description 
in  his  relation  of  1500  in  Sanuto,  III.,  846.  Sigismondo  de'  Conti, 
II.,  61,  calls  Caesar  adolescentem  spei  magnae  et  indolis  optimae. 

t  Reumont,  III.,  2,  17.  C/.  HiLDEBRAND,  II.,  45,  who  asserts  that 
Caesar  was  "not  much  worse"  than  Louis  XI.  of  France,  Ferdinand  of 
Spain,  and  Henry  VII.  of  England. 

X  JOVIUS,  Elogiavir.  illustr.,  201 -2(Hasiliae,  1575).   It  is  now  universally 


404  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

the  members  of  Caesar's  household,  his  servants,  and  latterly 
his  fighting  men  and  even  his  executioner  were  Spaniards ;"" 
he  and  his  father  usually  spoke  Spanish  to  each  other.* 

Ferrante  had  already  taken  umbrage  at  the  project  of  an 
alliance  between  Sforza  and  Caesar's  sister  ;  f  and  soon, 
other  events  occurred  which  further  disturbed  the  relations 
between  Rome  and  Naples.  King  Ladislaus  of  Hungary 
had  announced  that  he  did  not  consider  his  betrothal  to 
Ferrante's  daughter  binding,  and  there  was  reason  to 
believe  that  the  Pope  would  decide  in  his  favour.J  In  addi- 
tion to  this  family  affair,  the  ambitious  projects  of  Lodovico 
il  Mbro  were  a  still  more  serious  cause  of  apprehension 
to  the  King  of  Naples.  Lodovico  was  bent  on  dethron- 
ing his  nephew  Giangaleazzo  of  Milan,  who  was  married 
to  a  granddaughter  of  Ferrante.  France  was  already  on 
his  side  and  he  further  hoped  to  secure  the  assistance  of 

admitted  that  the  well-known  picture  lately  transferred  from  the  Bor- 
ghese  Palace  to  Paiis,  is  a  contemporary  portrait  of  Caesar,  whether 
or  not  it  be  from  the  hand  of  Raphael.  According  to  Yriarte,  Autour 
des  Borgia,  113,  the  woodcut  in  Jovius  is  taken  from  a  contem- 
poraneous portrait ;  a  copy  of  the  one  which  he  possessed  is  in  the 
Uffizi  Gallery.  YRIARTE,  1 12-13,  published  a  likeness  of  Caesar  which  is 
in  the  collection  of  Count  Codronghi  at  Imola,  and  which  he  holds  to  be 
the  most  authentic  of  all  his  portraits.  Pasolini,  1 1.,  227,  disregarding 
the  observations  of  Lermoliefif  (Zeitschr.  f  bild.  Kunst.,  X.,  102)  is  mis- 
taken in  setting  too  high  a  value  on  a  portrait  of  Caesar  ascribed  (on  no 
sufficient  grounds)  to  Giorgione  or  Palmeggiani,  in  the  Gallery  of  Forli. 
Dr.  Vischer-Merian  of  Basle  kindly  sent  me  a  hitherto  unknown  picture 
of  Caesar  which  is  in  the  Albani  gallery  at  Urbino.  Dr.  Vischer  looks 
upon  this  picture,  which  differs  from  Yriarte's,  as  the  most  genuine  like- 
ness ;  other  similar  portraits  are  also  to  be  found  elsewhere  in  Umbria, 
e.g.^  one  in  the  possession  of  Signor  Giov.  Bocchi  at  Pennabilli. 

•^  BURCKHARDT,  Cultur,  I.,  104,  ed.  3. 

t  Report  of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy  in  GregoroviUS,  L.  Borgia,  48. 

X  Cf.  Ovary's  Essay  in  Szkzadok,  XXIV.,  761  seq.  See  also  Ehses, 
Documente  z.  Gesch.  d.  Ehescheidung  Heinrichs  VIII.,  60,  n.  i. 


INTRIGUES   OF  KING   FERRANTE.  405 

the  Pope  through  his  brother  Ascanio  Sforza,  whose  influ- 
ence in  Rome  was  unbounded.  Hence  the  King  awaited 
with  feverish  anxiety  the  result  of  the  visit  of  his  second 
son,  Federigo  of  Aragon,  Prince  of  Altamura,  to  Rome. 
He  had  gone  there  on  the  nth  November,  1492,  to  profess 
obedience  in  his  father's  name,  and  to  persuade  the  Pope  to 
enter  into  an  aUiance  with  Naples.*  Cardinal  Giuliano  della 
Rovere  had  prepared  a  handsome  apartment  for  him  in  his 
palace.f  Federigo  proffered  his  obedience  on  the  2 1st 
December,  and  on  Christmas  Day  received  from  the  Pope 
a  consecrated  sword.  On  the  loth  January,  1493,  he  left 
Rome  without  obtaining  anything^  There  was  no  chance 
of  an  alliance,  and  in  the  matter  of  the  betrothal  the  Pope 
was  not  encouraging.  Nor  indeed  was  this  at  all  surprising, 
for  just  at  this  moment  Alexander  had  received  informa- 
tion of  an  intrigue  against  the  States  of  the  Church  which 
the  King  had  been  carrying  on. 

After  the  death  of  Innocent  VHI.  Franceschetto  Cibo 
had  fled  to  his  brother-in-law  Piero  de'  Medici,  and  from 
thence  endeavoured  to  sell  his  property  in  the  Romagna. 
On  the  3rd  September,  1492,  an  arrangement  was  entered 
into  through  the  mediation  of  Ferrante  and  Piero  by  which 
in  consideration  of  a  payment  of  40,000  ducats,  Virginio 
Orsini  became  lord  of  Cervetri  and  Anguillara.§  It  was 
clear  Virginio  could  never  have  produced  so  large  a  sum 
without  the  assistance  of  Ferrante.  Alexander  VI.  was 
completely  taken  by  surprise,  and  fully  determined  when 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  14  se^.     Cf.  also  NOTAR  GiACOMO,  176. 

t  See  the  ** Report  of  Brognolo,  Nov.  29,  1492.  Gonzaga  Archives 
Mantua. 

X  BURCHARDi  Diarium,  II.,  22  seq.^  26,  33  seq.^  and  "^Letter  of  a 
Milanese  agent  (Sebastianus),  dat.  Rome,  Jan.  14,  1493,  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

§  Gregorovius,  VII.,  313-14,  ed.  3  (320-21,  ed.  4) ;  GOTTLOB,  Cam. 
Ap.,  227  ;  ThuasNE,  Djem-Sultan,  309,  and  Arch,  de  Soc.  Rom,  X.,  269. 


406  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

he  heard  of  the  sale,  that  this  important  domain  should  not 
remain  in  the  hands  of  a  man  who  had  once  threatened  to 
throw  Innocent  VIII.  into  the  Tiber.  Virginio  Orsini  was 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Neapolitan  army,  and  altogether 
on  intimate  terms  with  both  Naples  and  Florence.  Thus  the 
Pope  had  good  reason  to  suspect  that  his  neighbours  had  a 
hand  in  the  transaction  by  which  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Roman  barons  obtained  an  important  accession  of  strength. 
There  was  no  need  of  those  machinations  on  the  part  of 
Lodovico  il  Moro  and  Cardinal  Ascanio  of  which  Ferrante 
complained  ;  the  danger  to  Rome  of  a  power  like  that  of  the 
Prefects  of  Vico  springing  up  in  its  near  neighbourhood 
must  be  patent  to  every  one.*  When  the  Pope  heard  that 
Virginio's  troops  had  already  occupied  these  cities,  he 
entered  a  protest  before  the  Cardinals  in  Consistory,  and  a 
formal  complaint  against  Giuliano  della  Rovere  who  had 
favoured  the  acquisition  of  this  important  territory  by  an 
enemy  of  the  Holy  See.  Giuliano  replied  that  it  would 
have  been  a  worse  evil  to  have  allowed  these  cities  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  a  relation  of  Cardinal  Ascanio. •]■  As  in 
the  Conclave,  so  now  in  the  Consistory,  Ascanio  Sforza  and 
Giuliano  della  Rovere  stood  in  bitter  opposition  to  each 
other ;  the  latter  could  count  on  the  support  of  Naples  and 
the  Orsini  and  Colonna.  Nevertheless  he  did  not  feel  him- 
self secure  in  Rome,  and  retired  towards  the  end  of  the  year 
to   the  fort  which  Sangallo  had   built  for  him   in   Ostia.J 

*  Cf.  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  57  ;  GUICCIARDINI,  I.,  I  ;  and 
Arch.  St.  Ital.,  3  Serie,  XIV.,  390.  In  his  Storia  di  Firenze,  GUICCIARDINI 
(p.  99)  says  that  these  domains  were  intended  to  be  "  un  osso  in  gola"  to 
the  Pope.     Cf.  also  Reumont  in  Sybels  Zeitschr.,  XXIX.,  322. 

t  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  55.  In  order  to  weaken  Ascanio's  influ- 
ence Card.  G.  della  Rovere  had  secretly  supported  the  nomination  of 
Juan  Borgia  to  the  Cardinalate.  See  ^Letter  of  Boccaccio,  Aug.  31,  1492 
(State  Archives,  Modena) ;  this  confirms  Brosch's  view,  Julius  II.,  53. 

X  Infessura,  284,  and  ThuasNE,  II.,  622  scq. 


RELATIONS   OF   GIULIANO   WITH   THE    POPE.        407 

Ferrante  approved  of  this  step  and  promised  his  protection 
to  the  Cardinal.*  At  Ostia,  Giuliano  received  Federigo  of 
Aragon  on  his  return  journey  from  Rome,  and  soon  after 
also  Virginio  Orsini,  who  promised  to  support  him  in 
every  way.  The  Envoy  who  relates  this  adds  that  Ostia  is 
thoroughly  defensible. f 

The  fort  of  Ostia  was  in  those  days  supposed  to  be  im- 
pregnable ;  it  commanded  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber, 
Giuliano's  action  in  entrenching  himself  there  was  a  direct 
menace  to  the  Pope.  An  incident  related  by  Infessura 
shews  how  much  alarmed  Alexander  was.  One  day  he  had 
gone  over  to  the  villa  Magliana  intending  to  spend  the  day 
there ;  on  his  arrival  a  cannon  was  fired  off  as  a  salute 
which  so  terrified  him  that  he  at  once  returned  to  the 
Vatican  ;  he  apprehended  an  attack  from  some  of  Giuliano's 
adherents  and  thought  the  shot  was  a  preconcerted  signal.J 

At  this  time  Civita  Vecchia  was  fortified  by  his  orders, 
which  is  another  proof  that  he  was  thoroughly  frightened. § 
Disturbances  also  began  to  appear  in  the  States  of  the 
Church,  in  which  Ferrante  and  Fiero  de'  Medici  seemed 
to  have  a  hand,  and  this  further  inclined  the  Pope  to  look 

*  Trinchera,  II.,  I,  252-3. 

t  SiGlSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  56  and  *Report  of  Sebastianus,  dat. 
Rome,  Jan.  19,  1493:  EI  S.  Virginio  e  stato  ad  Hostia  et  dicto  al  Carle 
che  non  dubiti  che  per  luy  vole  mettere  il  stato  et  la  vita,  cosi  dicono 
Colonesi.  Se  terranno  fermo  cosi  anche  il  Re  Ferrando  Ostia  non  ponno 
haver  li  adversarii  j  h  ben  munita  et  fornita  di  tutto.  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

X  Infessura,  284.  For  the  same  reason  when  the  Pope  went  in  Feb- 
ruary to  S'''^  Maria  Maggiore,  he  was  accompanied  by  an  armed  escort. 
Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  45. 

§  On  the  2 1  St  February,  1493,  there  is  an  entry  of  payments  pro  mu- 
nitione  arcis  Civitevetulae  in  the  *Divers.  Alex.  VI.,  1492-94,  Bullet.,  I. 
(State  Archives,  Rome.)  In  May  1493,  Alexander's  expenses  for  military 
purposes  rose  to  26,383  ducats  ;  see  Hist.  Juhrb.,  VI.,  444  (1493  should 
be  read,  instead  of  1492). 


408  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

favourably  on  a  proposal  suggested  by  Ascanio  Sforza  and 
Lodovico  il  Moro,  for  entering  into  a  defensive  alliance 
with  Venice.*  The  King  of  Naples  now  became  uneasy 
and  put  forth  all  his  diplomatic  skill  to  prevent  this.  In 
March  1493,  he  sent  the  Abbot  Rugio  to  Rome,  to  settle  the 
dispute  about  Cervetri  and  Anguillara,  and  other  Envoys 
to  Florence  and  Milan  with  the  same  object.  Overtures 
were  made  for  a  marriage  between  Caesar  Borgia,  who 
wished  to  return  to  secular  life,  and  a  daughter  of  the 
King ;  later,  negotiations  were  begun  for  a  marriage  be- 
tween Caesar's  younger  brother  Jofre  and  a  Princess  of 
the  house  of  Aragon.  This  proposal  was  eagerly  accepted 
by  Ferrante;  but  both  projects  soon  fell  through  ;-j- 
probably  Ascanio  had  a  hand  in  bringing  this  about. 
Ferrante  complained  bitterly  ;  "  the  Pope  ought  to  con- 
sider," he  wrote,  "  that  we  have  come  to  years  of  discretion, 
and  have  no  notion  of  allowing  him  to  lead  us  by  the  nose." 
At  the  same  time  he  kept  up  close  communications  with 
Giuliano  della  Rovere  and  threw  troops  into  the  Abruzzi.;}: 
The  treaty  between  Alexander,  Venice  and  Milan  was  now 
concluded.  On  the  25th  April,  1493,  the  new  League,  in 
which  Siena,  Ferrara,  and  Mantua  were  included,  was  an- 
nounced in  Rome  ;  Milan  and  Venice  engaged  at  once  to 
send  several  hundred  men  to  help  the  Pope  against  Virginio 
Orsini.§ 

*  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  IL,  57. 

t  Trinchera,  II.,  I,  317  seq.,  320  seq.,  325  seq.,  330,  338,  343,  344 
seq.^  348,  351,  355  seq.  ;  G REGOROVIUS,  VII.,  316,  ed.  3,  and  the  Flor- 
entine Reports  in  Yriarte,  Cesar  Borgia,  II.,  322-3.  Jofre  was 
originally  intended  for  the  Church  ;  this  fact,  hitherto  unknown,  is  to  be 
gathered  from  the  ^Documents  printed  in  Appendix,  N.  17,  from  the 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  Trinchera,  II.,  i,  360,  369^^^.,  382  ;  Reumont,  III.,  i,  209. 

§  INFESSURA,  284-5  ;  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  67  seq.  ;  Arch. 
Napolit,  IV.,  774,  776-7;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  312;  Sigismondo 


FERRANTE  ON  ALEXANDER  VI.         409 

Meanwhile  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere  still  remained 
at  Ostia.  A  Milanese  Envoy  reports  on  the  7th  of  March, 
1493,  that  he  never  went  out  of  the  Castle  without  a  strong 
escort* 

Later,  Giuliano  asked  Ferrante's  advice  as  to  some  other 
strong  place  to  which  he  might  retire.  All  this  time  the 
Neapolitan  King  was  doing  his  utmost  to  stir  up  the  other 
Cardinals  who  sided  with  Rovere,  and  urge  them  on  to 
resist  the  Pope's  project  of  creating  new  Cardinals.  In 
June  he  privately  informed  them  that  his  troops  were 
ready,  in  case  of  need,  to  support  them  against  the  Pope.f 
At  the  same  time,  Ferrante  despatched  a  letter  to  Antonio 
d'Alessandro,  his  Envoy  at  the  Court  of  Spain,  vehemently 
protesting  his  innocence,  and  accusing  the  Pope  of  being 
the  only  true  disturber  of  the  peace.  Alexander's  main 
object  in  all  his  policy,  he  said,  was  to  stir  up  scandals  and 
strife  in  Italy ;  his  purpose  in  his  nomination  of  new 
Cardinals,  was  merely  to  raise  money  in  order  to  attack 
Naples.  **  Alexander  VI."  he  writes,  "  has  no  respect  for 
the  holy  Chair  which  he  occupies,  and  leads  such  a  life  that 
every  one  turns  away  from  him  with  horror ;  he  cares  for 
nothing  but  the  aggrandisement  of  his  children  by  fair 
means  or  by  foul.  All  his  thoughts  and  all  his  actions  are 
directed  to  this  one  end.  What  he  wants  is  war ;  from  the 
first  moment  of  his  reign   till   now,  he  has  never  ceased 

DE'  CONTI,  II.,  58.  A  ^Brief  to  G.  Sforza,  dat.  April  22,  1493,  desires 
him  to  hold  a  solemn  Procession  in  thanksgiving  for  the  conclusion  of 
the  League.  (Florentine  State  Archives,  Urb.  Eccl.)  On  the  same  day 
Briefs  were  despatched  to  the  Governors  of  Perugia,  Todi,  etc.,  com- 
manding them  to  pubHsh  the  League.  The  pubhcation  was  notified  to 
the  Doge  on  April  25  ;  the  *Brief  begins  with  the  words:  Quod  felix 
faustumque  div.  M'^s  esse  velit,  hodie,  etc.     State  Archives,  Venice. 

*  **Report  of  Stef.  Tabema,  dat.  Rome,  March  7,  1493.  Milanese 
State  Archives. 

t  Trinchera,  IL,  I,  369  seg'.,  383  ;  2,  48  se^.,  50,  51,  68  se^. 


4IO  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

persecuting  me.  There  are  more  soldiers  than  priests  in 
Rome;  the  Pope  thinks  of  nothing  but  war  and  rapine. 
His  cousins  (the  Sforzas)  are  of  the  same  mind,  all  their 
desire  is  to  tyrannise  over  the  Papacy  so  that  when  the  pre- 
sent occupant  dies  they  may  be  able  to  do  what  they  like 
with  it.     Rome  will  become  a  Milanese  camp."* 

A  few  months  later,  Ferrante  entered  into  the  closest 
relations  with  this  same  much  abused  Pope.  Of  course 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  charges  against  Alexander's 
conduct  were  well-founded.  The  proof  is  not  far  to  seek. 
On  the  1 2th  June,  1493,  the  marriage  of  Lucrezia  Borgia 
with  Giovanni  Sforza  of  Pesaro  was  celebrated  at  the 
Vatican  with  great  pomp,  in  the  presence  of  Alexander 
VI.  At  the  wedding  feast  the  Pope  and  twelve  Cardinals 
sat  down  at  table  with  the  ladies  who  were  present,  among 
whom  was  the  notorious  Giulia  Farnese.  '*  When  the 
banquet  was  over  "  says  the  Ferrarese  Envoy,  "  the  ladies 
danced,  and  as  an  interlude,  we  had  an  excellent  play  with 
much  singing  and  music.  The  Pope  and  all  the  others 
were  there.  What  more  can  I  say  ?  my  letter  would  never 
end  were  I    to   describe  it   all ;  thus  we  spent   the  whole 

*  Trinchera,  II.,  41-48.  "This  letter,"  says  Reumont  (Hist 
Zeitschr.,  XXIX.,  337)  "is  an  act  of  accusation  against  the  Papacy, 
especially  against  Alexander  VI.  When  we  consider  how  anxious,  only 
three  months  before,  the  King  had  been  to  connect  his  own  family 
with  that  of  the  Pope,  and  how  eventually  he  actually  accomplished 
this,  we  cannot  attach  much  importance  to  it  from  a  moral  point 
of  view,  as  far  as  his  personal  motives  are  concerned.  But  as  an  his- 
torical document,  bearing  witness  to  the  decay  of  morals  in  high  places 
at  the  close  of  the  1 5th  Century,  it  possesses  a  painful  interest.  The 
King  knew  that  the  Court  was  full  of  Spaniards  who  thought  of  nothing 
but  their  own  interests  and  would  be  very  ready  to  injure  him  with  their 
Sovereign  ;  thus  he  endeavoured  to  be  beforehand  with  them  in  describ- 
ing the  state  of  things  in  Rome.  The  Datary  Juan  Lopez  undertook  the 
task  of  defending  the  Pope  against  Ferrante's  accusations  ;  "  see  Bolet.  d. 
Acad.  d.  Madrid  (1885)  p.  438  seq. 


SPANISH   REMONSTRANCES.  41 1 

night,  whether  well  or  ill,  I  will  leave  to  your  Highness  to 
determine."  * 

Directly  after  these  festivities,  Diego  Lopez  de  Haro, 
AmbiJssador  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  arrived  in  Rome 
to  tender  his  obedience.  According  to  Infessura,  Lopez 
availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  (June  19,  1493),  to 
express  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  King,  who  lived  in  inter- 
necine conflict  with  the  infidels,  at  the  breaches  of  the  peace 
in  Italy,  and  to  require  that  the  Marani  (crypto-Jews) 
who  had  been  allowed  to  establish  themselves  in  Rome, 
should  be  expelled.  According  to  the  same  authority,  the 
Ambassador  also  demanded  the  surplus  revenues,  amount- 
ing to  over  100  ducats,  from  the  Spanish  benefices,  for  the 
King,  to  assist  him  in  his  war  with  the  infidels  ;  if  this  were 
refused,  the  King  would  find  means  to  take  it  without  leave. 
He  adds,  that  Diego  Lopez  complained  of  the  simony  which 
prevailed  in  Rome,  and  warned  the  Pope  not  to  give  away 
anything  of  more  value  than  a  parish  benefice.  The  rest  of 
his  observations  in  regard  to  the  reform  of  the  Church,  says 
Infessura,  I  pass  over.  On  the  other  hand,  not  a  word  of 
all  this  is  to  be  found  in  Burchard,  who  was  present  at  the 
Ambassador's  audience.  As  it  is  in  itself  extremely  im- 
probable that  an  Ambassador  sent  to  tender  obedience 
should  have  exceeded  his  commission  in  this  way,  grave 
doubts  must  rest  upon  this  story  of  Infessura.f  The 
statement  of  the  Spanish  historian  Zurita,  who  only  says 
that    Lopez   told   the  Pope   that   the    King    looked    upon 

*  Tagebuch  Burchards,  herausgeg.  von  Pieper,  21  seq. ;  INFESSURA, 
287  (for  remarks  on  this,  see  Ratti,  I.,  166  seq.^  and  PlEPER,  9); 
Gregorovius  and  BORGiA,  57  ;  Appendix,  N.  9  and  10,  for  the  marriage 
contract  of  Feb.  2,  1493.  C/i  Allegretti,  827  ;  Arch.  St.  Lomb.  (1875) 
180.  A  *Bull  of  May  29,  1494,  confers  sundry  spiritual  privileges  on  the 
young  couple.     Florentine  State  Archives,  Urb.  Eccl. 

t  Tagebuch,  loc.  cit.^  9-10,  27-28. 


412  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

the  affairs  of  Naples  and  of  the  House  of  Aragon  as  his  own, 
is  probably  nearer  to  the  truth.* 

Ferrante  was  naturally  greatly  rejoiced  at  this  declaration 
on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  Ambassador.f  He  saw  clearly, 
however,  that  there  was  nothing  in  this  to  warrant  any 
relaxation  in  his  efforts  to  counteract  Lodovico  il  Moro's 
plans,  for  obtaining  through  the  mediation  of  his  brother 
Ascanio,  the  investiture  of  Naples  from  the  Pope  for  the 
King  of  France,^  and  continued  to  labour  with  feverish 
energy  to  avert  this  danger.  Towards  the  end  of  June  he 
again  sent  his  second  son,  Federigo  of  Altamura,  to  Rome  to 
endeavour  to  arrange  the  affairs  of  Anguillara  and  detach 
the  Pope  from  the  League.  He  now  adopted  a  menacing 
attitude.  Federigo  joined  the  party  of  the  Cardinals  of  the 
opposition,  attaching  himself  especially  to  Cardinal  della 
Rovere,  while  Alfonso  of  Calabria  with  his  troops  threatened 
the  frontier  of  the  States  of  the  Church.  The  immediate 
effect  of  these  measures,  however,  was  to  increase  the 
influence  of  Ascanio  Sforza.§  Ferrante  then  resolved  to 
try  other  tactics.  Federigo,  who  was  at  Ostia  negotiating 
with  the  Cardinals  of  the  Opposition,  della  Rovere,  Savelli 
and  Colonna,  desired  to  return  to  Rome,  at  any  price,  to 
get  the  Orsini  affair  set  to  rights,  to  promise  the  payment 
of  the  investiture  tribute  without  delay,  and  to  conclude 
a  family  alliance  with  the  Borgia  before  the  French 
Ambassador  Perron  de  Baschi  could  arrive  in  Rome. 
The  matrimonial  projects  for  Jofre  Borgia  again  came  to 
the  fore.     He  was   to    marry    Sancia    a   natural  daughter 

*  INFESSURA,  288  ;  ZURITA,  V.,  26-7  ;  HOFLER,  R.  de  Borja,  61  (in 
which  Burchard  and  Infessura  are  interchanged) ;  Rossbach,  Carvajal, 

33  ^^q- 

t  Trinchera,  n.,  2,  'J'J, 

X  ZURITA,  v.,  27. 

§  Trincheka,  II.,  2,  72,  79  seq.,  84,  86. 


RECONCILIATION    OF   THE   POPE   WITH   FERRANTE.   413 

of  Duke  Alfonso  of  Calabria,  and  to  receive  with  her  the 
principality  of  Squillace  and  the  countship  of  Coriata ; 
the  engagement  was  to  be  kept  secret  till  Christmas* 
At  the  same  time  the  Spanish  Ambassador  proposed  a 
marriage  between  Juan  Borgia,  second  Duke  of  Gandia, 
and  Maria,  daughter  of  King  Ferdinand's  uncle.f 

It  was  not  in  Alexander's  power  to  withstand  the  bait  of 
such  advantageous  offers  for  his  belongings.  At  the  same 
moment,  also  his  allies  in  the  League,  Venice  and  Milan, 
adopted  an  attitude  which  seemed  to  threaten  ultimate 
desertion,  and  this  made  him  all  the  more  ready  to  lend  a 
willing  ear  to  these  proposals.  J  The  only  remaining 
difficulty  now  was  to  come  to  a  satisfactory  arrangement 
with  Virginio  Orsini  and  Giuliano  della  Rovere.  After 
much  discussion  the  former  agreed  to  pay  35,000  ducats  to 
the  Pope,  and  in  return  received  from  him  the  investiture 
of  Cervetri  and  Anguillara.  At  the  same  time  a  recon- 
ciliation between  Giuliano  della  Rovere  and  Alexander  was 
effected.  On  the  24th  July,  Cardinal  della  Rovere  and 
Virginio  came  to  Rome,  and  both  dined  with  the  Pope. 
On  the  1st  August,  Federigo  was  able  to  announce  to  his 
father  that  Alexander  had  signed  the  articles  of  agreement.§ 
On  the  2nd  of  August  his  much-loved  son  Juan,  Duke  of 

*  Trinchera,  II.,  2,  113  seq.^  121  seq.,  129  seq.,  135  seq.,  141  seq., 
and  an  ^^ Anonymous  Report,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  13,  1493.  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

t  HoFLER,  R.  de  Borgia,  62-3. 

X   CiPOLLA,  678. 

§    INFESSURA,  292  ;  THUASNE,  II.,  64 1  seq.  ;   TRINCHERA,  II.,  2,  1 98. 

The  stipulation  that  A.  Sforza  should  leave  the  Vatican  was  finally 
dropped  by  Federigo  and  G.  della  Rovere — see  Trinchera,  II.,  2,  189 
seg. ;  Brosch,  53  ;  Arch.  St.  Ital,  3  Serie,  XVI.,  392-3.  The  second 
of  the  three  payments  of  the  Neapolitan  Investiture  Money,  10,823! 
florins  sterling,  was  paid  into  the  Apostolic  Treasury  on  Aug.  31,  1493. 
GOTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  233. 


414  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Gandia,  g^orgeously  equipped,  set  out  for  Spain  to  be 
united  to  his  Spanish  bride."  * 

A  few  days  later  Perron  de  Baschi  arrived  in  Rome  to 
demand  the  investiture  of  Naples  for  Charles  VIII.  The 
Pope  sent  an  answer  couched  in  vague  terms,  and  in  the 
subsequent  private  audience  his  language  was  equally  in- 
decisive. The  French  Envoy  had  to  depart  on  the  9th 
August  without  having  accomplished  his  mission.-f- 

Ferrante  now  flattered  himself  that  the  dreaded  storm 
had  blown  over.  He  wrote  in  high  spirits  to  his  Envoy  in 
France.  "  When  Perron  de  Baschi  gets  back  to  France, 
many  projects  will  have  to  be  given  up,  and  many  illusions 
will  be  dissipated.  Be  of  good  cheer,  for  perfect  harmony 
now  reigns  between  me  and  the  Pope."|  On  the  17th  of 
August  the  deed  of  investiture  was  ready  for  Virginio 
Orsini  ;  on  the  previous  day  Jofre  Borgia  had  been  mar- 
ried by  procuration  to  Sancia  the  daughter  of  Alfonso  of 
Calabria.§  Alexander  communicated  the  arrangement  in 
regard  to  Cervetri  and  Anguillara  to  Lodovico  il  Moro  on 

*  Cf.  m  HoFLER  (Rodrigo  de  Borja,  62  seg^.),  the  Documentos  ineditos 
de  Alejandro  VI.  in  Soluciones  Catolicas,  I.,  52  seg'.  (Valencia,  1893),  ^^^ 
Alejandro  VI.  y  el  Duque  de  Gandia.  Estudio  sobre  documentos  Va- 
lencianos  in  the  periodical  El  Archivo  :  Revista  de  ciencias  historicas, 
VII.,  85  seg.  (Valencia,  1893).  Here  the  date  of  the  Duke's  departure 
wrongly  given  in  Gregorovius  and  Hofler,  is  corrected. 

t  "^Letters  of  A.  Sforza  to  L.  Moro,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  11,  and  13,  1493. 
(Milanese  State  Archives.)  Delaborde,  283,  knows  only  the  second 
letter,  the  first,  in  a  later  copy,  is  in  the  Cart.  Gen.,  wrongly  placed  in 
August,  1492. 

J  Trinchera,  II.,  2,  205. 

§  Florentine  Report  in  Thuasne,  II.,  641  seg.  On  the  document 
from  the  Orsini  Archives  cited  by  Gregorovius  VIP.,  325  (332  ed.  4.), 
compare  "^Regest.  869,  f.  88,  and  90,  dat.  Romae,  1493,  sexto  dec.  Gal.  Sept. 
A°.  r.  On  the  same  day  (Aug.  17)  V.  Orsini  was  absolved  from  all 
censures — the  *Bull,  Consuetam  Sedis  Ap°  clementiam,  is  in  zh'd.  f.  98, 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


POLITICAL   SUCCESS   OF   ALEXANDER  VI.  415 

the  2 1  St  of  August.*'  Eight  days  before  this  a  Milanese 
Envoy  had  written  home  "  Some  people  think  that  the  Pope 
has  lost  his  head  since  his  elevation  ;  as  far  as  I  can  see, 
the  exact  contrary  is  the  case.  He  has  negotiated  a  League 
which  made  the  King  of  Naples  groan  ;  he  has  contrived 
to  marry  his  daughter  to  a  Sforza,  who,  besides  his  pension 
from  Milan,  possesses  a  yearly  income  of  1 2,000  ducats  ; 
he  has  humbled  Virginio  Orsini  and  obliged  him  to  pay  ; 
and  has  brought  King  Ferrante  to  enter  into  a  family 
connection  with  himself  Does  this  look  like  a  man  whose 
intellect  is  decaying  ?  Alexander  intends  to  enjoy  his  power 
in  peace  and  quietude."  As  to  Cardinal  Ascanio,  the 
writer  believes  that  he  will  not  lose  his  influence,  in  spite  of 
the  favour  which  Giuliano  della  Rovere  now  enjoys.-|-  He 
v/as  mistaken  in  this,  however,  for  the  immediate  result  of 
the  Pope's  reconciliation  with  Ferrante,  Giuliano  and  the 
Orsini,  was  the  temporary  disgrace  of  the  hitherto  all-power- 
ful Cardinal  Ascanio  who  was  forced  to  leave  the  Vatican. J 

*  Exemplum  brevis  ap.  Jo.  Galeacio  duci  Mediolani  et  Lud.  Moro 
duel  Bari.  Copy  in  the  Milanese  State  Archives  (has  been  placed  by 
mistake  in  1495). 

t  Molti  vogliono  dire  chel  papa  da  poi  che  le  papa  non  ha  piu  ingegno 
soleva  have  re.  A  me  pare  chel  ne  habia  anchora  piu  che  da  poi  chel 
era  papa  e  cape  llano  del  Re  ha  saputo  fare  una  liga  con  la  quale  da 
secore  da  sospirare  al  Re.  Ha  saputo  maritare  sua  figlia  in  casa  Sfor- 
zescha  in  uno  S^e  chi  ha  1 2  mila  due.  d'intrata  I'anno  senza  el  soldo  che 
li  da  il  duca  di  Milano.  Ha  saputo  tochare  dal  S.  Virginio  [35,000]  due. 
et  factolo  venire  piacevole  et  ha  saputo  cum  la  reputatione  de  questa 
liga  condurre  el  Re  ad  aparentare  cum  lui  et  darli  un  tal  stato  con  tal 
conditione  per  el  figliolo.  Non  so  se  queste  siano  cose  da  homo  chi  non 
habia  cervelo  et  ultimamente  vole  lui  vivere  et  godersi  el  papato  in  pace 
et  quiete.  Report  of  an  anonymous  writer,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  13,  1493 
(wrongly  placed  in  1495).     Milanese  State  Archives. 

X  There  are  two,  unfortunately  mutilated,  ''^Reports  by  the  anonymous 
author,  relating  to  this  subject,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  26,  1493  (wrongly 
placed  in  1492).     Milanese  State  Archives. 


4l6  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Meanwhile,  the  relations  between  Alexander  VI.  and 
Ferrante  had,  very  soon  after  their  reconciliation,  been 
again  disturbed,  had  then  improved  for  a  short  time,  but 
quickly  changed  anew  for  the  worse.  In  any  case  it  must 
have  disagreeably  affected  Ferrante  to  find  that  in  the 
nomination  of  the  new  Cardinals  on  September  20th,  1493, 
his  was  the  only  important  State  which  was  not  repre- 
sented.* 

Raimondo  Peraudi  was  recommended  by  Maximilian  of 
Austria;  Charles  VIII.  asked  for  Jean  de  la  Grolaie, 
Ferdinand  of  Spain  for  Bernaldino  Lopez  de  Carvajal. 
A  Cardinal  was  given  to  England  in  the  person  of  John 
Morton,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  ;  Venice  had  the  eminent 
theologian,  Domenico  Grimani ;  Milan,  Bernardino  Lunati; 
Rome  was  represented  by  Alessandro  Farnese  (hitherto 
head  of  the  Treasury)  and  Giuliano  Cesarini ;  Ferrara  had 
Ippolito  d'Este.  The  Archbishop  of  Cracow,  Frederick 
Casimir,  was  made  Cardinal  at  the  request  of  King 
Ladislaus  of  Hungary,  and  King  Albert  of  Poland.  Alex- 
ander added  Caesar  Borgia,  and  Giovanni  Antonio  San- 
giorgio,  Bishop  of  Alessandria,  noted  for  his  great  juridical 
learning  and  the  blamelessness  of  his  life. 

In  these  first  nominations  of  Alexander  there  is  in  the 
main,  nothing  to  find  fault  with ;  the  various  nationalities 

■^  Trinchera,  II.,  2,  208,  211,  221,  233,  235,  241,  244,  260,  271,  280, 
309  J^^.;  SiGISMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  6i ;  Senarega,  534  ;  Allegretti, 
827.  On  the  Creation  of  the  20th  Sept.  (ROSSBACH,  Carvajal,  36, 
erroneously  gives  the  date  Aug.  20;  Card  ELLA,  249,  Aug.  21)  1493. 
See  *Acta  Consist,  f.  3  (Consistorial  Archives).  According  to  the  same 
authority,  the  date  of  the  Assignatio  titulorum  was  Sept.  23.  Cf.  also 
S.  Tabema's  ^Report  of  Sept.  24,  1493.  (Milanese  State  Archives.)  A 
■^Report  of  the  Mantuan  agent  Brognolo,  dat.  Rome,  Sept.  23,  1493, 
agrees  with  this.  The  same  agent  had  written  on  June  24  that  the  nomi- 
nation of  Cardinals  had  been  put  off.  Both  '^Reports  are  in  the  Gon- 
zaga  Archives,  Mantua. 


CREATION    OF   NEW   CARDINALS.  417 

were  all  considered,  and  many  both  able  and  worthy  men 
are  to  be  found  among  the  new  Cardinals.*  /  The  elevation 
of  Ippolito  d'Este  aged  only  fifteen,  and  that  of  Caesar 
Borgia  who  was  far  more  fit  to  be  a  soldier  than  an  eccle- 
siastic, cannot  of  course  be  defended.f  Sigismondo  de' 
Conti  says  that  Alessandro  Farnese  was  nominated  at  the 
request  of  the  Romans,  while  other  writers  speak  of  an 
unlawful  connection  between  Alexander  VI.  and  Farnese's 
sister  Giulia  {la  bella).  *'  If  this  was  the  case,  Farnese's 
personal  worth  was  such  as  to  give  him  the  means  of  caus- 
ing this  questionable  beginning  to  be  soon  forgotten."J 

*  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  61-62  ;  Ratti,  II.,  258  ;  Busch,  Eng- 
land, I.,  387  ;  Gregorovius,  VII.,  3,  330  (ed.  3).  Sigismondo's  account 
of  Peraudi's  election  is  corroborated  by  the  "^Acta  Consist.,  where  in 
reference  to  Peraudi  we  read :  instante  S.  Romanor,  imperatore.  Accord- 
ing to  the  same  authority  there  is  an  error  in  Schneider,  Peraudi,  33, 
where  he  says  that  Peraudi  was  made  Cardinal  on  April  21,  1494. 
According  to  the  *Acta  Consist.,  Peraudi  came  to  Rome  on  April  22,  and 
was  received  in  Consistory  on  the  following  day.  The  reason  that  the 
Red  Hat  was  not  sent  to  him  or  to  his  Polish  colleague  is  explained  in  a 
■^Letter  of  A.  Sforza,  dat.  Orvieto,  Nov.  26,  1493,  in  which  he  says  the 
Pope's  object  was,  "che  questi  dui  cardinali  per  desiderio  di  haver  il 
capello  procurasseno  che  quelli  signori  mandasseno  la  obedientia  et  per 
honoraria  venesseno  cum  epsa  ad  pigliar  il  capello."  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

t  Caesar  received  minor  orders  and  the  sub-diaconate  on  March  26, 
1494,  at  the  same  time,  with  his  brother  Juan  (BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II., 
99).     He  never  received  priests'  orders. 

X  Reumont,  III.,  I,  267  ;  INFESSURA,  who  indeed  in  the  spirit  of  a 
partisan  represents  this  whole  Creation  of  Cardinals  of  Sept.  20,  1493,  as 
a  pecuniary  speculation,  calls  (p.  293)  Giulia,  Alexander's  concubine  ;  and 
Matarazzo  in  his  pamphlet,  p.  4,  and  Sannazar,  Epigr.,  i,  2,  both  use 
the  same  term.  A  stronger  proof  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter  of  Alexander 
to  Lucrezia  Borgia,  dated  July  24,  1494,  in  which  he  expresses  his 
annoyance  at  Giulia's  departure,  Ugolini,  II.,  521-2.  Any  further  doubt 
in  regard  to  these  relations,  which  began  while  he  was  still  a  Cardinal,  is 
dispelled  by  the  letters  of  L.  Pucci  of  the  23rd  and  24th  December,  1493, 
VOL.  V.  2  E 


4l8  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

The  creation  of  these  Cardinals  on  20th  September, 
1493,  was  a  great  addition  to  Alexander's  power  and  a 
terrible  blow  to  the  Cardinals  of  the  opposition.  They 
could  not  contain  themselves  for  rage,  while  the  crafty 
Ferrante,  with  an  eye  to  the  future,  took  pains  to  conceal 
his  annoyance.*  Giuliano  della  Rovere  especially  was 
furious,  and  now  quarrelled  again  with  the  Pope.  When 
the  news  was  brought  to  him  at  Marino,  he  uttered  a  loud 
exclamation,  and  fell  ill  with  anger.  The  Milanese 
Envoy  writes  in  great  delight,  24th  September :  "  Words 
would  fail  me  to  describe  the  honour  which  this  success  has 
brought  to  your  Highness  and  Cardinal  Ascanlo."  f  On 
the  28th  September  the  latter  informs  his  brother  :  "  The 
Cardinals  of  the  opposition  continue  their  demonstrations 
against    the    Pope.      Cardinal   Caraffa   keeps  away   from 

published  by  Gregorovius  in  his  Lucrezia  Borgia,  App.  N.  1 1.  Cf.  also 
l'Epinois,  397  seq.^  and  PiEPER,  Burchards,  Tagebuch,  16-22.  Rumours 
of  this  scandalous  connection  penetrated  into  Germany.  See  GREGO- 
ROVIUS, VII.,  328,  ed.  3  (334  in  ed.  4);  and,  later,  it  came  to  be  so 
universally  believed  that  Paul  III.  was  openly  taunted  with  the  way  in 
which  his  Cardinalate  had  come  to  him.  See  letter  in  Rivist.  Cristiana,  II., 
261  ;  and  Soranzo's  Report  in  Alberi,  VI.,  3  Serie,  314.  Alessandro 
Farnese  (bom  1468)  was  a  pupil  of  P.  Leto  and  was  made  Protonotary 
Apostolic  and  Bishop  of  Montefiascone  and  Corneto  by  Innocent  VIII. 
Shortly  after  his  election  Alexander  VI.  made  him  Treasurer-General ; 
see  GOTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  21,  87,  275.  In  regard  to  the  creation  of 
Cardinals  of  Sept.  1493,  Infessura  says  further,  in  the  place  mentioned 
above  :  In  eorum  creatione  consenserunt  tantum  septem  cardinales,  reliqui 
dissenserunt.  Mariana,  Hist,  Hisp.,  c.  xxvi.,  asserts  on  the  contrary : 
Contra  hiscere  nemo  cardinalium,  cum  quibus  rem  communicavit  ausus 
est.  On  the  Festa  at  Ferrara  in  honour  of  Ippolito's  elevation,  see 
^Caleffini,  f.  312,  in  Cod.  I.,  1-4  of  the  Chigi  Library,  Rome. 

*  Trinchera,  II.,  2,  261,  266,  319,  346  seq.  See  also  ^'^Letter  of  A. 
Sforza,  to  L.  Moro,  Sept.  24,  1493.     Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  See  Appendix,  N.  20  for  Report  of  Stef.  Taberna,  Sept.  24,  1493. 
Milanese  State  Archives     See  also  App.,  N.  22. 


THE   CARDINALS  OPPOSED   TO   THE   POPE.  41 9 

Rome.  Costa  intends  to  retire  to  Monte  Oliveto.  Giuliano 
is  as  he  was ;  Fregoso  and  Conti  follow  him.  Nothing  is 
to  be  heard  of  Piccolomini.  Such  being  the  state  of  things, 
the  Pope  fears  there  may  be  disturbances,  and  would  be 
glad  of  your  Highness's  advice."  * 

*  See  Appendix,  N.  21  for  Reports  of  A.  Sforza,  Sept.  28,  1493. 


CHAPTER    ri. 

Alliance  between  Alfonso  II.  of  Naples  and  Alexander 
VI.  —  Flight  of  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere  to 
France. — Invasion  of  Italy  by  Charles  VIII. 

As  the  year  1493  drew  to  its  close,  signs  of  a  fresh  rupture 
between  Ferrante  of  Naples  and  Alexander  VI.  began  to 
appear.  On  the  5th  December,  Ferrante  complained  of  the 
too  amicable  relations  between  the  Pope  and  the  King  of 
France  ;  and  on  the  1 8th  he  wrote  a  letter  to  his  Envoy  in 
Rome,  in  which  the  facts  of  the  case  are  somewhat  dis- 
torted. "  We  and  our  father,"  he  says,  "  have  always  been 
obedient  to  the  Popes,  and  yet,  one  and  all,  they  have 
invariably  done  us  as  much  mischief  as  they  could ;  and 
now,  although  this  Pope  is  a  countryman  of  our  own,  it  is 
impossible  to  live  with  him  a  single  day  in  peace  and  quie- 
tude. We  know  not  why  he  persists  in  quarrelling  with  us  ; 
it  must  be  the  will  of  Heaven,  for  it  seems  to  be  our  fate  to 
be  harassed  by  all  the  Popes."  *  All  the  latter  corres- 
pondence of  the  King  is  filled  with  complaints  against 
Alexander  VI.,  who,  he  says,  breaks  all  his  promises,  and 
does  nothing  to  hinder  the  designs  of  the  French  against 
Naples.  Through  all  the  bluster,  however,  we  detect  a 
secret  hope,  which  he  never  relinquishes,  of  eventually 
winning  Alexander's  friendship.f 

*  Trinchera,  II.,  2,  322  seq.^  348  seq. 

+  Trinchera,  II.,  2,  378  seq.^  380  seq.^  sgo  seq.,  393  seq.,  407  seq., 
411  seq.,  418  seq.,  421  seg. 


DEATH   OF   KING   FERRANTE.  42 1 

Ferrante  instinctively  felt  that  the  catastrophe  could  no 
longer  be  averted,  and  that  the  kingdom  which  he  had 
built  up  at  the  cost  of  so  much  bloodshed  was  doomed. 
The  marriage  of  Maximilian  of  Austria  with  Bianca  Sforza* 
was  to  him  an  additional  reason  for  being  on  his  guard 
against  Lodovico  il  Moro.  The  last  months  of  Ferrante's 
life  were  full  of  care  and  anxiety.  On  the  27th  of  January, 
1494,  the  news  of  his  death  reached  Rome.-j- 

The  question  of  the  moment  now  was,  what  line  the 
Pope  would  adopt  in  regard  to  the  new  King,  Alfonso  II. 
Charles  VIII.  at  once  despatched  an  embassy  to  Rome. 
If  Alexander  seemed  inclined  to  be  favourable  to  Alfonso, 
he  was  to  be  threatened  with  a  General  Council.  At  the 
same  time  the  French  King  entered  into  communication 
with  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  whose  friendship  with  the 
Savelli,  the  Colonna,  and  Virginio  Orsini,  made  him  one  of 
the  most  dangerous  enemies  of  the  Holy  See.| 

Meanwhile,  in  the  Pope's  cabinet  the  Neapolitan  question 
was  already  decided.  Alfonso  had  done  everything  in  his 
power  to  win  Alexander;  he  not  only  paid  the  tribute 
about  which  his  father  had  made  so  many  difficulties,  but 

*  Alexander  VI.  congratulated  Lo'dovico  on  the  15th  Nov.,  1493.  See 
Notizenblatt  (1856),  422-3.  A  consecrated  sword  was  sent  to  Maximilian  I. 
See  Jahrb.  der  Kunsthist.  Sammlung  des  GEsterreich.  Kaiserhauses, 
(1883),  S.  XXXII. ;  Lessing  in  the  Jahrb.  der  Preuss.  Kunstsamnilung 
(1895),  XVI.,  113  seq.  ;  and  ^Despatch  of  Stef.  Taberna,  dat.  Rome, 
March  14,  1494.     Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  *Qui  h  nova  della  morte  del  Re  de  Napoli,  Despatch  from  Cataneo, 
dat.  Rome,  Jan.  27,  1494.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  On  the  same 
day  A.  Sforza  wrote  to  his  brother  that  Alfonso  had  announced  his 
father's  death  to  the  Pope,  and  that  Alexander  would  send  him  a  letter 
of  condolence,  in  which  he  would  address  Alfonso  as  King.  (Milanese 
State  Archives.)  Cf.  A.  Sfoiza's  letter  of  the  29th  Jan.,  1494,  in  Arch. 
St.  Lomb.,  VI.,  695. 

X  Delaborde,  306. 


422  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

undertook  to  continue  it  in  the  future,  and  persuaded  Vir- 
ginio  Orsini  to  promise  complete  submission  to  the  Pope.* 
As  early  as  the  first  week  in  February,  Alexander  warned 
the  French  Envoys  against  any  attack  upon  Naples,  and 
at  the  same  time  wrote  a  letter  to  the  King,  in  which  he 
expressed  surprise  that  Charles  should  entertain  designs 
against  a  Christian  power  when  a  close  union  between  all 
European  States  was  indispensable  in  order  to  resist  the 
Turks.f  To  mitigate  this  rebuff,  the  Golden  Rose  was 
sent  to  him  on  the  8th  March,  1494.  On  the  14th  the 
Neapolitan  embassy,  consisting  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Naples,  Alessandro  Caraffa,  the  Marquess  of  Gerace,  the 
Count  of  Potenza,  and  Antonio  d'Alessandro  arrived  and 
made  their  obedience  privately  on  the  20th.  |  Two  days 
later  a  Consistory  was  held,  at  which  a  Bull  was  read  con- 
taining the  Pope's  formal  decision  in  favour  of  the  House 
of  Aragon.     Innocent  VIII.  had   already  granted  the  in- 

*   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  62. 

t  Balan,  v.,  305  ;  Delaborde,  306-7,  who,  however,  had  failed 
to  notice  the  statement  of  Balan.  The  Brief  to  Charles  VIII.  is  (un- 
dated) in  Mansi-Baluze,  III.,  122  seq.  I  found  a  contemporaneous 
copy  of  this  Brief  in  the  Milanese  State  Archives,  and  here  the  date,  3rd 
Feb.,  1494,  is  given.  On  the  King's  annoyance,  see  Desjardins,  I., 
280.  All  modern  historians,  from  Cherrier  (I.,  346-84)  to  Gre- 
GOROVIUS,  VII.,  332  seq.^  ed.  3  (339,  ed.  4),  have  cited  as  a  proof  of 
Alexander  VI.'s  duplicity,  a  Bull  of  Feb.  i,  1494,  in  which  he  agrees  to 
Charles  VIII.'s  invasion  of  Italy,  and  grants  a  free  passage  through  the 
States  of  the  Church  to  the  troops  he  is  sending  against  the  Turks. 
This  is  printed  in  Malipiero,  404.  DELABORDE,  in  the  Bibl.  de  I'Ecole 
des  Chartes  (1886)  512  seq.^  has  convincingly  shewn  that  this  Bull 
belongs  to  the  year  1495.  Gregorovius,  Rossbach,  Carvajal,  41,  and 
CreigHTON,  III.,  177,  prove  their  superficiality  by  taking  no  notice  of 
this  demonstration.  The  most  cursory  perusal  of  the  Bull  makes  it 
clear  that  it  could  not  belong  to  1494. 

X  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  93-7  seq.^  and  ^Letter  of  A.  Sforza, 
dat.  Rome,  March  14  and  20,  1494.     Milanese  State  Archives. 


ALFONSO   II.    RECOGNISED   BY  THE   POPE.  423 

vestiture  of  Naples  to  Alfonso  as  Duke  of  Calabria,  and 
now  this  could  not  be  revoked.*  When  Alfonso  also  com- 
plied with  Alexander's  demands  in  regard  to  the  Duke  of 
Gandia  and  Jofre  Borgia,  a  further  step  in  his  favour 
was  taken.  At  a  Consistory  on  the  i8th  of  April,  the  Pope 
commissioned  Cardinal  Juan  Borgia  to  crown  Alfonso  at 
Naples.  The  Consistory  lasted  eight  hours ;  the  Cardinals 
of  the  opposition  protested  vehemently  ;  the  French  Envoy 
threatened  a  General  Council.f  All  was  in  vain.  On  the 
same  day  the  Bull  appointing  the  Legate  for  the  Coronation 
was  drawn  up.J 

Great  was  the  astonishment  and  dismay  at  the  French 
Court  at  Alexander's  defection.  Letters  came  from  them 
announcing  that  Charles  VIII.  would  withdraw  his  obedi- 
ence, and  that  all  French  benefices  would  be  taken  away 
from  the  Cardinals  who  sided  with  the  Pope,  and  given  to 
Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza.§ 

Another  danger  for  Alexander  was  to  be  feared  from  the 
Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere.  Already,  on  March  8,  in 
a  despatch  in  cypher  of  the  Milanese  Envoy,  Taberna,  the 
possibility  is  suggested    of  detaching  this  Cardinal  from 

*  "^Letter  of  Ascanio  of  March  22,  partly  in  ROSMINI,  II.,  201,  and 
DelabORDE,  308-9.  Cf.  ^Letter  of  Alexander  VI.  to  Franc,  de  Sprats, 
March  22,  1494,  in  Appendix,  N.  24.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

f  INFESSURA,  296  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  108  ;  *Acta  Consist, 
in  the  Consistory  Archives  ;  and*Report  of  Brognolo,  April  19,  1494,  in 
the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.  Unfortunately  the  key  is  wanting  to  the 
cypher  of  A.  Sforza's  ^Letters  of  the  18th  and  23rd  April,  1494,  in  the 
Milanese  State  Archives. 

X  Rayn ALDUS,  ad  an.  1494,  n.  3-4.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Legate  in 
Naples,  and  the  Coronation,  see  Despatches  of  the  Milanese  Envoys  in 
Naples,  in  Arch.  St.  Lomb.,  VI.,  712  se^. 

§  Balan,  307-10.  Ascanio  had  wished  to  leave  Rome  at  the 
beginning  of  April,  but  the  Pope  refused  to  give  him  leave.  C/.  his 
**Letter,  dat.  Rome,  April  6,  1494,  in  the  Milanese  State  Archives. 


424  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Naples  and  winning  him  over  to  the  French  cause,  and 
thus  attacking  the  Pope  from  the  ecclesiastical  side.* 
Secret  negotiations  in  this  direction  were  begun.f  On 
the  26th  of  March  Giuliano  came  to  Rome ;  but  even  before 
the  Consistory  of  April  28  he  again  betook  himself  to 
Ostia,  whence  he  proceeded  to  enter  into  close  relations 
with  the  Colonna.j  "  If  Cardinal  Giuliano  can  be  got  to 
ally  himself  with  France,"  writes  Taberna  on  the  2nd  May, 
"  a  tremendous  weapon  will  have  been  forged  against  the 
Pope."  §     And  this  was  accomplished. 

On  the  24th  April,  1494,  the  news  was  brought  to  Alex- 
ander that  Giuliano  had  fled  on  the  preceding  night  in  a 
ship,  with  a  retinue  of  twenty  persons,  leaving  the  fort  of 
Ostia  provisioned  for  two  years,  under  the  charge  of  the 
prefect  of  the  city,  Giovanni  della  Rovere.  The  Pope 
immediately  sent  to  the  Neapolitan  Envoy  to  request  the 
King's  help  to  enable  him  to  recover  this  important  post, 
which  commanded  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber.  A  similar 
command  was  despatched  to  the  Orsini  and  the  Count  of 
Pitigliano,  who  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  25th.  "  Am- 
munition and  troops,"  says  the  Mantuan  Envoy  on  the 
following  day,  "  are  being  collected  in  all  directions  to  act 
against  Ostia."  ||    Strong  as  it  was,  the  fort  did  not  hold  out 

*  See  Appendix,  N.  23.     Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  Delaborde,  347. 

t  Brosch,  55  se^.,  proves  this  ;  but  Gregorovius,  VII.,  333,  ed.  3 
(339,  ed.  4),  takes  no  notice  of  his  statement.  Brognolo  announces 
Giuliano's  return  (yesterday  evening)  in  a  ^Despatch  of  March  27,  1494. 
Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

§  Delaborde,  346. 

\\  Cf.  a  ^Report  of  Brognolo,  April  26,  1494  (Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua),  and  a  *Letter  in  cypher  of  A.  Sforza,  dat.  Rome,  April  24, 
1494  (Milanese  State  Archives),  in  Appendix,  N.  26,  with  INFESSURA, 
296,  and  Allegretti,  829.  See  Appendix,  N.  25.  See  also  Arch.  St. 
Napol.,  XL,  546  se^.;  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  42,  announces  that  Giuliano  has 


FLIGHT   OF   CARDINAL  GIULIANO.  425 

long.  By  the  end  of  May  it  had  capitulated  through  the 
mediation  of  Fabrizio  Colonna.  "  The  conquest  of  this 
fortress  was  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  Pope.  Ostia 
was  the  key  to  the  Tiber,  and  communication  by  sea  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  the  security  of  the  alliance  with 
Naples."  * 

Alfonso  was  crowned  in  Naples  by  Cardinal  Juan  Borgia 
on  the  8th  of  May.  On  the  previous  day  the  marriage  of 
Jofre  Borgia  with  Sancia  had  been  solemnised.  Jofre 
became  Prince  of  Squillace,  with  an  income  of  40,000 
ducats ;  his  brothers  Juan  and  Caesar  were  not  forgotten. 
The  former  received  the  principality  of  Tricarico  and  the 
latter  sundry  valuable  benefices.f 

Cardinal  Giuliano  had  in  the  first  instance  fled  to  Genoa, 
from  whence  Lodovico  il  Moro  enabled  him  to  proceed  to 
France.J  He  went  first  to  his  episcopal  palace  at  Avignon, 
and  then  to  the  camp  of  Charles  VIII.,  who  had  already,  on 
the  17th  of  March,  announced  his  intention  of  starting  for 
Italy,  long  before  the  arrival  of  Giuliano,  which  did  not 
take  place  till  the  ist  of  June.  The  Cardinal's  vehement  re- 
presentations, now  added  to  the  entreaties  of  the  Neapolitan 
refugees  and  the  intrigues  of  Lodovico  il  Moro,  materially 
contributed  to  hasten  the  French  invasion.§ 

fled  to  save  his  life  from  an  attack  of  Alexander ;  Brosch,  57,  says  the 
story  does  not  sound  probable,  and  is  nowhere  else  mentioned.  See 
also  the  Ambassador's  Reports  in  Balan,  316,  and  Desjardins,  I.,  399. 

*  Gregorovius,VII.,  334,  ed.  3(340,  ed.  4);  Malipiero,  318,  andin 
Appendix,  N.  27,  the  Brief  of  May  24,  1494.     Colonna  Archives,  Rome. 

t  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II. ,  129  seq.^  151  seq.^  154  seq.\  Sanudo, 
Spediz.,  36 ;  Allegretti,  829,  who  all  give  May  8  as  the  date.  In 
Gregorovius,  VII. ,  334,  ed.  3  (341,  ed.  4);  Creighton,  III.,  178; 
and  Reumont,  III.,  i,  212,  the  date  is  wrong ;  and  also  in  Caraccioli  in 
MURATORI,  XXII.,  116. 

X  Balan,  310. 

§  CiPOLLA,  690;  Cherrier,  I.,  406;  Delaborde,  320.    Brosch,  51, 


426  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

This  alliance  between  Giuliano  and  the  French  King 
threatened  a  serious  danger  for  Alexander  VI.  From  the 
beginning  the  enemies  of  the  Pope  had  counted  upon  the 
Cardinal  to  carry  the  war  into  the  purely  ecclesiastical 
domain.  Accordingly,  the  King  at  once  informed  Rovere 
that  he  desired  to  have  him  at  his  side  at  his  meeting  with 
the  Pope,  when  the  question  of  the  reform  of  the  Church 
would  be  broached.  Giuliano  himself  openly  declared  the 
necessity  of  calling  a  Council  to  proceed  against  Alexander 
VI.*  There  could  be  no  doubt  of  the  effect  this  must  pro- 
duce upon  the  Pope.  "  His  simoniacal  election  was  the 
secret  terror  of  his  whole  life.  He  dreaded  above  all  things 
the  use  that  might  be  made  of  this  blot  in  his  title  to  the 
Papacy,  by  the  Cardinals  of  the  opposition  and  his  other 
enemies  to  bring  about  his  downfall,  in  view  of  the  universal 
feeling  of  the  crying  need  of  reform  in  the  Church."-]-  In 
addition  to  this,  the  Galilean  tendencies  in  France  threat- 
ened the  power  of  the  Church,  both  materially  and  spiritually. 
Hence,  when  Ascanio  Sforza,  in  a  letter  in  cypher  to  his 
brother  on  the  1 8th  June,  says  that  the  Pope  is  in  the 
greatest  alarm  at  the  efforts  of  Cardinal  Giuliano  to  support 
the  calling  of  a  Council  and  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  his 
statement  is  in  all  probability  perfectly  true.|  Alexander's 
dismay  could  not  be  concealed,  when  in  May  Charles's 
Envoys  arrived  in  Rome,  to  assert  the  right  of  their  master 
to  the  throne  of  Naples  and  demand  his  investiture.     By 

has  confused  the  chronological  sequence  of  events.  On  Charles  VIII.'s 
reception  of  Cardinal  Giuliano,  see  the  Report  in  DESJARDINS,  I.,  299  j^^., 
307,310,312.     Cf.  392. 

*  Cf.  supra,  p.  423  (Despatch  of  March  8)  ;  and  also  Delaborde, 
348,  and  DESJARDINS,  I.,  399,  451. 

t  Gregorovius,  VII.,  334  seq.,  ed.  3  ;  Brosch,  loc.  cit. 

X  S.  Sta-  sta  in  infinito  per  temere  supra  modo  del  card  S.  P.  in  v,  lo 
concilio  e  la  pracmatica.  "^Despatch  in  cypher  of  A.  Sforza,  dat.  June 
18,  1494.     Milanese  State  Archives. 


THE   FRENCH    ENVOYS   IN    ROME.  427 

his  orders  they  were  treated  with  all  possible  consideration. 
In  his  reply  the  Pope  spoke  of  reconsidering  the  evidence 
in  favour  of  the  rights  of  the  King.*  The  Envoys,  how- 
ever, saw  plainly  that  Alexander  meant  to  adhere  to  his 
alliance  with  Naples,  and  occupied  themselves  with  pre- 
paring the  way  in  secret  for  stirring  up  troubles  in  the 
States  of  the  Church  by  subsidising  Prospero  and  Fabrizio 
Colonna  as  well  as  other  Roman  nobles.-f  It  was  Ascanio 
Sforza  who  had  brought  about  the  defection  of  the  Colonna  ; 
on  the  28th  of  June  be  betook  himself  to  their  strongholds. 
The  Pope  had  an  enemy  in  his  own  house,  says  Sigismondo 
de'  Conti  ;  his  army  was  insignificant,  and  he  could  not 
expect  any  effectual  help  either  from  the  King  of  the  Romans 
or  from  any  other  European  power.  The  loyalty  of  the 
more  distant  parts  of  the  States  of  the  Church,  such,  for  in- 
stance, as  Bologna,  was  very  doubtful.^  It  was  not  sur- 
prising, therefore,  that  the  Pope's  alarm  almost  bordered  on 
despair,  and  the  steps  which  he  took  to  defend  himself 
betrayed  these  sentiments. 

His  ally,  Alfonso,  was  already  on  friendly  terms  with  the 

*  Delaborde,  366 ;  BuSER,  Beziehungen,  333,  where,  however, 
the  date  of  Card.  Peraudi's  letter  must  be  wrong.  C/.  also  Schneider, 
Peraudi,  37  ;  Balan,  312  ;  and  ^Letter  of  A.  Sforza,  May  25,  1494. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  Delaborde,  loc.  cit.  In  regard  to  the  disposition  of  the  Pope,  the 
Florentine  Envoy  writes  on  the  13th  June,  1494  :  *"  Mostro  un  fermo  pro- 
posito  et  una  constanta  fede  et  intentione  verso  la  M^a  del  Re  Alphonso, 
al  quale  non  era  per  manchare,  ma  volea  mettere  la  vita  et  il  sangue  per 
la  defensione  sua,"     State  Archives,  Florence. 

X  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  65;  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  180. 
Cardinal  Fregoso  also  at  this  juncture  fled  from  Rome.  See  Balan, 
314.  Ascanio  writes  on  the  6th  July  from  Frascati ;  on  the  15th  July, 
and  the  13th,  22nd,  and  25th  August  from  Genazzano ;  on  the  22nd 
September  again  from  Rome.  All  these  ^Letters  are  in  the  Milanese 
State  Archives.  In  regard  to  the  state  of  things  at  Bologna,  see  Sanudo, 
Spediz.,  55  seq.\  and  Desjardins,  I.,  489. 


428  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Sultan  Bajazet  The  Pope  made  no  objection  to  this, 
and  on  May  12th  wrote  a  letter  to  Bajazet,  bespeaking 
his  goodwill  for  Naples.*  In  June,  Alexander  requested 
Bajazet  to  send  the  accustomed  yearly  payment  (40,000 
ducats)  for  Dschem,  as  the  money  was  needed  to  enable  him 
to  defend  himself  against  Charles  VIII.  His  messenger,  the 
Genoese,  Giorgio  Bocciardo,  was  commissioned  to  inform 
the  Sultan  that  the  French  King  intended  to  get  Dschem 
into  his  hands,  in  order,  when  he  had  conquered  Naples,  to 
set  him  up  as  sovereign  at  Constantinople.  Bocciardo 
was  also  to  beg  the  Sultan  to  persuade  Venice  to  abandon 
her  attitude  of  strict  neutrality,  and  take  an  active  part  in 
withstanding   Charles.f      Later,   the    Pope   made   another 

*  The  original  minute  of  this  letter  is  to  be  found  among  the  papers 
of  the  Papal  Secretary,  L.  Podocatharo,  in  the  Library  of  S.  Mark  at 
Venice.  GrEGOROVIUS  quotes  it,  VII.,  341,  ed.  3  ;  the  whole  is  given  in 
Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  326.  From  the  beginning  of  his  reign  there 
were  friendly  relations  between  Alexander  VI.  and  the  Sultan  on 
account  of  Dschem.  Cf.  Burchard's  interesting  report  of  the  audience  of 
the  Turkish  Envoy  on  the  12th  June,  1493,  published  by  PlEPER,  19  seg. 
BURCKHARDT,  Cultur.,  I.,  88  seg'.,  ed.  3,  points  out  that  almost  all  the 
Italian  States  of  that  time  had  no  scruples  against  being  on  the  most 
cordial  terms  with  the  Turks ;  the  novelty  was  that  a  Pope  should  be 
found  following  in  the  same  track. 

t  When  Bocciardo  {cf.  PlEPER,  Tagebuch  Burchards,  19,  and 
Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  320)  was  returning  home,  in  November  1494, 
accompanied  by  a  Turkish  Envoy,  both  were  in  accordance  with  a  plan 
concocted  in  June  by  Alexander's  enemies  (see  Makuscev,  II.,  202 
seg.),  attacked  about  ten  miles  from  Ancona  and  robbed  of  their 
despatch  boxes.  The  Turkish  Envoy,  who  was  bringing  the  money  for 
Dschem  to  Alexander,  succeeded  in  making  his  escape,  by  yielding  up 
his  40,000  ducats,  but  Bocciardo  was  made  prisoner  by  the  chief  of  the 
attacking  party,  Giovanni  della  Rovere,  prefect  of  the  town  of  Sinigaglia, 
and  detained  there.  Giovanni  at  once  wrote  to  his  brother.  Cardinal 
Giuliano,  to  announce  this  important  event.  (Cf.  the  Ambassadors' 
Despatches,  in  Atti  Mod.,  IV.,  334.)  The  captured  documents  were 
forthwith  published  by  the  opponents  of  the  Pope.     Burchard  (II., 


ALEXANDER   VI.    AND   BAJAZET.  429 

attempt,  through  his  Legate  in  the  same  direction,  but  in 

202  seq.)  and  Sanudo  (Spediz.,  42  seq.\  in  their  histories,  accept  them 
all  as  genuine.  Modem  critics  consider  the  instructions  to  Bocciardo 
as  undoubtedly  authentic ;  but  reject  the  letter  of  the  Sultan  to  Alex- 
ander, of  the  1 2th  or  15th  September,  1494,  in  which  he  proposes  that 
the  Pope  should  make  away  with  Dschem,  promising  300,000  ducats  for 
the  corpse.  (In  regard  to  the  printed  copy,  see  the  collection  in  Heiden- 
HEIMER,  Con-espondenz,  519-20.  In  MS.  it  is  also  in  the  ^Informat. 
Polit,  in  the  Berlin  Library,  see  ZiNKElSEN,  491,  and  in  a  vol.  of  col- 
lections in  the  Library  at  Aix  in  Provence,  M.  No.  835,  f.  285  seq.,  and 
in  Cod,  124  [from  S.  Andrea  della  Valle]  in  the  Vittorio  Emanuale 
Library  in  Rome.  First  Du  BULAIS,  and  later,  Ranke  (Zur  Kritik  [ed.  2], 
99,  and  Rom.  und  Germ.  Volker  [ed.  2],  52),  and  Brosch  (Julius  II., 
62)  have  pronounced  this  letter  of  the  Sultan's  to  be  a  forgery.  Gregor- 
OVIUS,  VII.,  341,  ed.  3,  thinks  the  letter  appears  to  be  "unauthentic  in 
form,  but  possibly  not  in  its  contents."  Heidenheimer  (Correspondenz, 
531  seq.\  p.  524,  mistakenly  supposes  that  Raynaldus  had  Burchard  in 
the  original  before  him.  Burchard's  Diarium,  of  the  times  of  Alexander 
VI.,  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  original,  either  in  the  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican,  nor  yet  in  the  Vatican  Library.  Even  in  a  not  easily 
accessible  collection  of  MSS.  in  the  Archives  of  the  Ceremonieri  in 
the  Vatican,  which  would  be  the  most  likely  place,  there  are  only 
later  copies  to  be  found,  as  I  had  the  opportunity  of  ascertaining 
in  the  spring  of  1893.  ^  portion  of  the  original  of  Burchard's 
Diarium,  extending  from  August  1503  to  May  1506,  is,  however,  pre- 
served in  the  Vatican  Archives,  and  has  been  recently  described 
by  PlEPER  in  the  Romischen  Quartalschrift,  VII.,  392  seq.  In  this 
exhaustive  work,  the  best  that  has  as  yet  been  written  on  Bur- 
chard, the  genuineness  of  the  letter  is  strongly  maintained.  CreiGHTON, 
III.,  301  seq.y  agrees  with  Pieper,  and  produces  some  new  evidence. 
Thuasne  also,  Djem-Sultan,  338,  holds  the  same  view.  Against  Heiden- 
heimer, Hergenrother,  VIII.,  315,  observes  :  "That  Charles  VIII.,  in 
his  manifesto  of  Nov.  22,  1494,  appears  to  have  been  acquainted  with 
this  letter  proves  nothing ;  the  whole  thing  was  a  manoeuvre  of  the 
French  party."  CiPOLLA,  692,  also  is  inclined  to  agree  with  Brosch. 
He  remarks  :  "  Fosse  pur  vera  la  lettera  di  Bajazet,  essa  non  aggra- 
verebbe  punto  la  colpa  del  Borgia,  il  quale  ad  ogni  modo  non  riccvette  i 
promessi  ducati,  nh  per  qucsti  fece  morire  Gem."  Gregorovius,  in  his 
4th  ed.,  VII.,  348,  says,  in  reference  to  this  letter,  that  while  "the  form 


430  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

vain.*  Alexander  and  the  King  of  Naples  found  them- 
selves completely  isolated  in  presence  of  the  French  inva- 
sion. They  met  at  Vicovaro  on  the  14th  July,  to  arrange 
their  plan  of  operations.  It  was  agreed  that  Alfonso,  with 
a  portion  of  his  forces  should  occupy  Tagliacozzo,  while 
Virginio  Orsini  was  to  remain  in  the  Campagna,  to  hold 
the  Colonna  in  check.  The  mass  of  the  Neapolitan  and 
Papal  troops,  supported  by  the  Florentines  under  Alfonso's 
eldest  son,  Ferrantino,  Duke  of  Calabria,  were  to  march 
into  the  Romagna,  and  from  thence  threaten  Lombardy ; 

does  not  seem  genuine,  the  contents  produce  the  contrary  impression. 
Heidenheimer  has  endeavoured  to  establish  its  authenticity."  Neither 
Heidenheimer  nor  Creighton  are  acquainted  with  P.  Ferrate's  rare  work, 
II  Marchesato  di  Mantova  e  I'impero  Ottomano  alia  fine  del  secolo  XV., 
Mantova,  1876.  Here,  p.  3-5,  there  is  a  letter  of  the  Marquess  Francesco 
Gonzaga  to  the  Sultan,  dated  Jany.  9,  1495,  describing  the  attack  near 
Ancona,  and  how  the  writer  had  succeeded  in  saving  the  Turkish  Envoy, 
Cassim  Bey.  Cf.  Heidenheimer,  555.  When  Heidenheimer  (Corres- 
pondenz,  518)  remarks  "that  this  letter,  if  authentic,  is  to  a  certain 
extent  an  evidence  of  the  estimate  of  Alexander's  character  formed  by 
the  Sultan  in  his  distant  home,"  we  must  remember  that  in  those  days 
political  assassinations  were  planned  by  all  sorts  of  States.  Venice,  for 
one,  may  be  taken  as  an  instance,  as  we  see  from  Lamansky,  Secrets 
d'Etat  de  Venise,  St.  Petersbourg,  1884,  In  connection  with  this  ques- 
tion, which  possibly  may  never  be  decided  with  certainty  (Briegers 
Zeitschrift,  VII.,  \^2  seq.^  contains  an  appeal  for  further  investigation) ; 
a  ^Despatch  from  the  Mantuan  agent  in  Rome,  G.  Brognolo,  Dec.  2, 
1494,  is  interesting.  In  it  he  says  :  "*Ho  inteso  per  bona  via  come  ne  le 
robe  che  sono  state  tolte  a  lo  oratore  del  Papa  che  portava  li  44™  ducati 
sono  stati  ritrovati  certi  capituli  che  havea  sigillati  esso  oratore  col 
Turcho,  dove  el  Papa  si  obligava  a  darli  la  testa  del  fratello  dandoli  esso 
Turcho  due.  400"^  et  cussi  erano  dacordo  et  si  iudica  ch'  1  Papa  facesse 
questo  per  poder  sostenere  questa  impresa  in  favore  del  Re,  al  quale 
fin  qui  se  tochato  cum  mano  che  le  andato  sincerissimo,  etiam  che 
tutta  Roma  habia  sempre  predichato  in  contrario."  Gonzaga  Archives, 
Mantua. 
*  Desjardins,  I.,  506  seq. 


CHARLES   VIII.    ENTERS   ITALY.  43 1 

Federigo  of  Aragon,  the  King's  brother,  was  Admiral  of 
the  fleet  which  was  intended  to  conquer  Genoa. 

If  this  plan  had  been  quickly  and  resolutely  carried  out, 
it  might  have  succeeded.*  But  from  the  very  beginning 
the  reverse  was  the  case.  The  attitude  of  the  Bolognese 
caused  the  Pope  great  anxiety  ;f  and  that  of  his  own 
immediate  surroundings,  many  of  whom  had  been  tampered 
with  by  Charles  VIII.,  was  even  more  unsatisfactory.  At 
the  end  of  August  he  commanded  the  Cardinals  who  had 
fled  from  Rome  to  return  under  pain  of  losing  their  bene- 
fices, but  without  effect.  Ascanio  Sforza  remained  with 
the  Colonna,  and  Giuliano  della  Rovere  with  the  French. 
Both  said  openly  that  Alexander  had  not  been  lawfully 
elected,  and  must  be  deposed. J 

Charles  VIII.,  secure  of  the  friendship  of-Lodovico  il 
Moro  and  of  the  neutrality  of  Venice,  had  advanced,  on 
August  23,  1494,  as  far  as  Grenoble.  Shortly  before  this 
he  had  commanded  all  French  prelates  to  leave  Rome,  and 
had  strictly  forbidden  any  money  to  be  sent  thither.  On 
the  29th  August  he  took  leave  of  the  Queen,  and  on  the 
3rd  September  he  crossed  the  frontier  between  France  and 
Savoy,  with  the  avowed  object  of  making  good  by  force  of 
arms  the  old,  but  unjustifiable,  claims  of  the  House  of 
Anjou  to  the  Crown  of  Naples. § 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  IL,  180  seg.;  "^Acta  Consist,  in  the  Consis- 
torial  Archives  ;  GuiCCiARDiNi,  I.,  c.  2  ;  Arch.  St.  Napolit.,  XIV.,  180 
se^.;  Ugolini,  IL,  522  ;  Delaborde,  369  ;  Creighton,  III.,  182.  C/. 
also  the  ^Briefs  to  G.  Sforza,  July  22  and  29,  1494.  State  Archives, 
Florence,  Urb.  Eccl. 

t  The  Pope  was  actually  obliged  to  forbid  the  Bolognese  to  harbour 
Milanese  troops  and  allow  them  to  pass  through  their  territory.  C/.  the 
*Briefs  of  August  19  (Milanese  State  Archives,  Autogr.,  II L)  and  Sep- 
tember 2,  1494,  in  the  State  Archives,  Bologna. 

X  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  64  ;  Balan,  315. 

§  Delaborde,   388,   391,  397.     C/.  Thuasne,   Djem-Sultan,   328. 


432  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

The  strength  of  the  French  army,  which  included  several 
thousand  Swiss,  has  been  much  exaggerated.*  A  careful 
investigator  estimates  the  land  forces  at  31,500  men,  with 
10,400  on  board  the  ships,  and,  for  the  Italy  of  those  days, 
a  considerable  force  of  artillery .f  The  young  commander 
of  this  army  was  a  small  and  weakly  man,  with  a  large 
head  and  puny  limbs.  "  The  French  King,"  wrote  the 
Venetian  ambassador,  Zaccaria  Contarini,  "  is  insignificant 
in  appearance  ;  he  has  an  ugly  face,  large  lustreless  eyes, 
which  see  badly,  an  enormous  hooked  nose,  and  thick  lips 
which  are  always  open.  He  stutters  and  has  a  disagreeable, 
convulsive  twitching  in  his  hands,  which  are  never  still."  J 
The  hideous  head  of  this  ungainly  little  man,  whose  physi- 
cal defects  made  him  doubly  repulsive  to  the  artistic 
temperament  of  the  Italians,§  was  teeming  with  the  most 
ambitious  projects.     He  proposed  to  conquer  the  kingdom 

HaeGHEN,  in  the  Rev.  Hist.,  XXVHI.,  28  seq.  has  clearly  shewn  that 
Clement  IV.'s  Bull  in  favour  of  Charles  of  Anjou  contains  nothing  which 
could  justify  Charles  VHI.  in  this  entei-prise. 

■'^  Gregorovius,  VII.,  339,  ed.  3  (345,  ed.  4),  gives  90,000  men; 
ViLLARi,  Savonarola,  I.,  219,  ed.  2,  60,000  men. 

t  Delaborde,  324  seq.\  Mulinen,  128. 

J  Alberi,  I  Serie,  VI.,  15.  See  also  Baschet,  Dipl.  Venet.,  325. 
Cf.  Charles  VIII.'s  portrait  after  a  bust  in  terra-cotta  in  the  Florentine 
National  Museum,  in  Delaborde's  work,  and  again,  on  p.  241  of  the 
same,  a  still  more  unpleasing  representation  from  the  National  Library 
in  Paris.  The  effects  of  the  nervous  twitching  in  the  hands,  mentioned 
by  Contarini,  are  visible  in  Charles's  signature  ;  fac-simile  in  Delaborde, 
245. 

§  "Lo  R6  di  Francia,"  writes  Sebastiano  da  Branca  de'  Talini,  "era  lo 
piu  scontrofatto  homo  che  viddi  alii  di  miei,  piccolino,  ciamaruto,  lo  piu 
brutto  viso  che  havesse  mai  homo."  Creighton,  IV.,  292  ;  and  III.,  191, 
note  I  of  the  same,  contains  similar  remarks  from  other  Italians.  Charles 
VIII.,  from  a  physical  point  of  view,  was  the  complete  opposite  of 
Philip  the  Fair,  who  is  called  by  ViLLANi,  IV.,  4,  "  il  piu  bello  Christiano 
che  si  trovasse  al  suo  tempo." 


AMBITIOUS  DESIGNS   OF   CHARLES   VIII.  433 

of  Naples,  "to  possess  himself  of  the  Italian  peninsula 
between  the  new  French  state  and  the  continent ;  to  attain 
imperial  dignity,  whether  in  the  East  or  the  West,  remained 
for  the  present  undetermined ;  to  make  the  Papacy  again 
dependent  on  France,  and  himself  the  master  of  Europe." 
It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  he  could  have  entertained  any 
serious  hopes  of  conquering  Jerusalem  in  the  course  of  his 
intended  expedition  against  the  Turks ;  but  there  is  no 
doubt  that  the  attack  upon  Italy,  always  such  a  tempting 
object  to  a  conqueror,  was  entirely  his  own  doing.  Charles 
encountered  nothing  but  opposition  and  discouragement 
from  his  councillors  and  generals,  who  had  not  the  slightest 
desire  to  embark  in  a  bloody  war  of  subjugation ;  but  the 
King  carried  his  purpose,  and  commenced  an  undertaking, 
the  result  of  which  was  to  effect  a  complete  alteration  in 
the  relations  which  had  hitherto  obtained  between  the 
southern  and  south-western  states  of  Europe.* 

*  HoFLER,  Joh.  V.  Brandenburg,   7  ;  and  Markgraf,  in  Sybels  Hist. 
Zeitschr.,  LXV.,  552.     See  also  FUMI,  Alessandro  VI.,  17. 


VOL.   V.  2  F 


CHAPTER  III. 
Victorious    march   of   Charles  VIII.    on   Rome  through 

LOMBARDY     AND     TuSCANY. DiSMAY     AND     HELPLESSNESS     OF 

Alexander  VI. — Ostia  in  the  hands   of   the   Colonna. 
: — Defection  of  the  Orsini. — The  French  before  Rome. 

Presto  vedrai  sommerso  ogni  tiranno, 
E  tutta  Italia  vedrai  conquistata 
Con  sua  vergogna  e  vituperio  e  danno. 

Roma,  tu  sarai  presto  captivata  ; 
Vedo  venir  in  te  coltel  dell'  ira, 
E  tempo  ^  breve  e  vola  ogni  giornata. 

Vuol  renovar  la  Chiesa  el  mio  Signore 

E  convertir  ogni  barbara  gente, 

E  sara  un  ovile  et  un  pastore. 
Ma  prima  Italia  tutta  fia  dolente, 

E  tanto  sangue  in  essa  s'ha  a  versare, 

Che  rara  fia  per  tutto  la  sua  gente. 

These  lines  by  Fra  Benedetto  are  a  summary  of  the  pro- 
phecies of  his  master,  Savonarola.  In  his  Lent  sermons  of 
the  year  1494,  the  great  preacher  had  announced  the  com- 
ing of  a  new  Cyrus,  who  would  lead  his  army  in  triumph 
through  the  whole  of  Italy,  without  breaking  a  lance  or 
meeting  with  any  resistance.* 

This  "resuscitated  Cyrus"  made  his  entry  into  Turin 
on  September  5,  1494.  Had  he  been  the  acknowledged 
sovereign  of  Savoy,  his  welcome  could  not  have  been  more 
brilliant  or  joyous.     Throughout  the  whole  country  he  was 

*  Villari,  Savonarola,  I.,  134.     Cf.  supra^  p.  189. 


MARCH   OF   CHARLES   VIH.   ON    ROME.  435 

equally  well  received.  At  Chieri  the  children  came  out  to 
meet  him,  carrying  banners  bearing  the  French  arms;  and 
at  Asti  he  was  greeted  by  Lodovico  Sforza,  Ercole  of 
Ferrara,  and  Giuliano  della  Rovere.  The  French  King,  on 
his  side,  did  his  best  to  impress  the  lively  imagination  of 
the  Italians,  and  the  white  silken  standard  of  the  army 
bore  the  mottoes  Voluntas  Dei^  and  Missus  a  Deo  inter- 
woven with  the  Royal  arms.* 

During  his  stay  at  Asti  the  news  arrived  of  the  victory 
of  his  brother-in-law,  Louis  of  Orleans,  at  Rapallo,  over 
Federigo  of  Aragon ;  the  moral  effect  in  Italy  of  this 
success  was  immense.  At  that  moment  the  progress  of 
the  expedition  was  temporarily  checked  by  the  sudden 
illness  of  Charles.  He  soon  recovered,  however,  and  it  was 
plain  that  he  had  not  relinquished  his  plans.  On  the  14th 
October,  he  entered  Pavia  in  triumph;  on  the  i8th  he  was 
in  Piacenza,  where  an  Envoy  from  the  Pope  made  vain 
endeavours  to  come  to  an  agreement  on  the  Neapolitan 
claim.  At  Piacenza  he  heard  of  the  death  of  the  unfortu- 
nate Giangaleazzo,  Duke  of  Milan.  By  this  event  Lodovico 
il  Moro  obtained  the  Ducal  throne  of  Milan,  which  had 
been  for  so  long  the  object  of  his  desires.f  Shortly  after, 
the  news  arrived  that  Caterina  Sforza  and  her  son  Otta- 
viano  had  declared  for  France.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
troubles  for  Alexander  and  Alfonso  in  the  Romagna  itself. 
About  the  same  time  the  French  troops  crossed  the  Ap- 
ennines by  the  Col  de  la  Cisa,  and  encamped  before  the 

*  Delaborde,  397,  420  ;  Balan,  R.  Boschetti,  I.,  24. 

+  The  rumour  which  was  at  once  set  afloat  (Malipiero,  VII.,  320) 
that  Lodovico  il  Moro  (as  to  his  character,  cf.  Muntz,  Renaiss.,  216 
seq.^  273)  had  poisoned  his  nephew,  is  apparently  unfounded,  as 
Magenta,  I.,  535  seq.^  has  shewn.  Alexander  VI.  sent  his  condolences 
to  Lodovico  on  the  9th  November,  1494.  See  Notizenblatt  (1856),  444 
seq.  On  Lodovico's  investiture  with  Milan  by  Maximilian  I.,  see  Ulmann, 
I.,  225  seq. 


43^  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Florentine  fortress  of  Sarzana.*  As  the  news  spread  of 
this  irresistible  stream  of  foreign  barbarians  pouring  un- 
checked into  Italy,  it  created  indescribable  consternation 
throughout  the  country.  The  Italians  were  used  to  the 
game  of  brag  played  by  the  mercenary  troops ;  but  now 
they  found  themselves  face  to  face  with  war  in  earnest,  with 
all  its  horrors  and  bloodshed.  Rumour  magnified  the  army 
into  a  host  that  could  not  be  counted,  and  told  tales  of 
giants  and  savages,  and  invincible  weapons.-f  In  Rome  the 
alarm  was  aggravated  by  the  revolt  of  the  Colonna  and 
Savelli  instigated  by  Ascanio  Sforza.  On  the  i8th  of  Sep- 
tember Ostia  was  treacherously  handed  over  to  the  Colonna, 
who  immediately  hoisted  the  French  flag.j  French  galleys 
soon  began  to  appear  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  which 
made  the  occupation  of  Ostia  still  more  serious  for  Alex- 
ander. In  dread  lest  he  should  lose  more  cities  in  the 
States  of  the  Church,§  the  Pope,  after  a  consultation  with 
Virginio  Orsini,  determined  to  declare  war  against  the 
rebels. II  On  the  6th  October  an  ultimatum  was  sent  to 
them,  commanding  them  to  lay  down  their  arms ;  troops 

*  Delaborde,  400  seq.^  406  seq.^  420,  427,  431-432.  Cf.  Arch.  St. 
Napolit.,  IV.,  786  seq. 

t  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  I.,  203,  ed,  2  ;  Gaspary,  II.,  339  j^^.— and 
337  seq.  on  the  echoes  of  this  great  national  calamity  in  the  poetry  of 
the  time.  The  cruelty  of  the  French  after  the  conquest  of  Rapallo 
made  a  great  impression.     Cf.  F.  RICCIARDI  DA  PiSTOjA,  Ricordi,  4-5. 

X  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  Conti,  II.,  65,  who  says  of  the  fort  of  Ostia  :  a  qua 
urbs  Roma  propter  comeatum  quasi  spiritum  ducit.  Cf.  also  BuRCHARDl 
Diarium,  II.,  186;  Balan,  317;  and  Brognolo's  "^"^Report,  dat.  Rome, 
Sept.  22,  1494.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  On  Sept.  22,  1494,  Alex- 
ander VI.  wrote  to  the  Doge  complaining  of  the  perfidia  et  insolentia 
of  the  Colonna  and  Orsini,  and  begged  for  support ;  on  the  28th  he 
requested  assistance  from  Spain  to  enable  him  to  recover  Ostia.  These 
^Briefs  are  in  the  State  Archives  at  Venice. 

§  Cf.  Brief  of  Sept.  21,  1494,  to  Orvieto  in  FUMi,  Alessandro  VI.,  T}^. 

II  Brognolo's  **Report  of  Sept.  22,  1494,  loc.  cit. 


CHARLES   VIII.    ENTERS   TUSCANY.  437 

were  collected,  and  it  was  decided  that  Cardinal  Piccolo- 
mini  should  be  sent  to  Charles  VIII.  The  French  King,  in 
a  letter  to  his  Envoy  at  Rome,  announced  that  the  Colonna 
were  under  his  protection ;  and  at  the  same  time  informed  the 
Pope  that  he  had  bound  himself  by  a  vow  to  visit  the  Holy 
Places  in  Rome,  and  hoped  to  be  there  by  Christmas.* 

It  was  fortunate  for  Alexander  that  the  Colonna  had  but 
few  fighting-men ;  there  was  no  want  of  will  on  their  part 
to  do  him  as  much  mischief  as  possible.  A  conspiracy  was 
discovered  which  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  seizure  of 
Dschem,  a  revolution  in  Rome,  and  the  imprisonment  of  the 
Pope ;  simultaneously  with  this  there  was  to  be  a  rising  in 
the  southern  parts  of  the  States  of  the  Church.  Alexander 
and  Alfonso  took  measures  to  protect  themselves ;  Dschem 
was  shut  up  in  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo,  the  Colonna  were 
outlawed  and  troops  sent  against  them.  Although  they 
were  not  powerful  enough  to  carry  out  their  plans  in  their 
entirety,  their  revolt  had  the  effect  of  preventing  the  King 
of  Naples  from  employing  all  his  forces  against  the  French 
in  the  Romagna.-]- 

Meanwhile  Charles  VIII.  had  entered  Tuscany.  There 
was  so  little  attempt  at  resistance  that  the  French  were 
amazed  at  their  good  fortune.  Commines  repeatedly  ex- 
claims that  God  himself  was  with  them.  The  veil  of 
aesthetic  culture  which  had  hitherto  partially  concealed 
the  moral  and  political  corruption  of  Italy  was  rent  asunder, 
its  utter  disunion,  and  the  shortsighted  selfishness  of  the 
various  states  became  glaringly  apparent.    Piero  de'  Medici, 

*  Dfxaborde,  419-420;  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  329. 

t  Desjardins,  I.,  457-458,  463-465,  467  seq.^  475.  Ghirardacci, 
Storia  di  Bologna,  says  of  the  year  1494  :  II  Papa  promette  di  fare 
cardinale  Antonio  Galeazzo  figliolo  del  Sig.  Giovanni  con  patto  che  non 
si  dia  il  passo  al  Re  di  Francia.  Cod.  768  of  the  University  Library  at 
Bologna. 


438  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

on  the  26th  October,  presented  himself  at  the  French  camp 
and  quietly  yielded  up  all  his  fortified  cities  to  the  con- 
queror without  ever  drawing  a  sword.  This  dastardly  act, 
however,  instead  of  saving  him,  proved  his  ruin.  "  The 
sword  has  arrived,"  cried  Savonarola,  on  the  1st  November, 
from  his  pulpit  in  the  Cathedral  in  Florence ;  "  the  pro- 
phecies are  on  the  eve  of  their  fulfilment,  retribution  is 
beginning ;  God  is  the  leader  of  this  host."  To  the  elo- 
quent Dominican  it  was  due  that,  in  spite  of  the  universal 
excitement,  so  few  excesses  were  committed  in  Florence, 
and  the  inevitable  overthrow  of  the  Medici  was  so  quietly 
effected.  On  the  9th  of  November  the  Florentines  rose 
with  the  war  cry,  "  The  people  and  liberty,  down  with  the 
Balls"  (the  Medici  arms).  Piero  and  his  brother,  the  Car- 
dinal, fled,  and  their  palace,  with  all  the  art-treasures  which 
it  contained,  was  plundered  by  the  populace.* 

Charles  VIII.  entered  Lucca  on  the  8th  November,  and 
it  was  here  that  Cardinal  Piccolomini,  who  had  been  sent 
by  Alexander  VI.  to  endeavour  to  come  to  terms,  found 
him  ;-|-  but  the  French  King  refused  to  see  him,  saying  that 
he  was  coming  to  Rome  in  order  to  treat  with  the  Pope 

*  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  I.,  224  seq.^  ed.  2;  Perrens,  Hist,  de  Florence, 
n.,  69  seq.^  84  seq.  On  the  pillage  of  the  Medici  Palace,  see  Dela- 
BORDE,  445  seq.  ;  and  also  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  72. 

t  Piccolomini  had  been  nominated  Legatus  de  latere  for  the  French 
King  on  Oct.  i,  and  had  set  out  to  meet  him  on  the  17th.  (*Acta  Con- 
sist, in  the  Consistorial  Archives.)  According  to  this  Delaborde,  447, 
requires  to  be  corrected.  The  decree  for  Piccolomini  of  the  8th  Oct.  is 
to  be  found  in  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1494,  n.  16.  Alexander  sent  a 
Brief  to  Charles  VIII.  to  announce  Piccolomini's  mission  on  Oct.  14. 
(State  Archives,  Venice.)  The  *Littera  passus  for  Cardinal  Piccolomini, 
ad  car.  in  Christo  filium  nostrum  Carolum  Francor.  regem  ill.  in  presen- 
tiarum  in  partibus  Italiae  constitutum  et  ad  universam  Italiam  ad 
quecunque  ipsius  Italiae  loca,  ad  que  eum  declinere  contigeret.  Dat. 
Romae,  16  Cal.  Nov.,  1494,  is  in  Regest.  879,  f.  294.  Secret  Archives  of 
the  Vatican. 


RECEPTION   OF   CHARLES   VIII.    IN    FLORENCE.        439 

himself.*  Alexander  could  have  no  illusions  as  to  what 
this  meant.  On  the  4th  November  Piccolomini  had  written 
to  him  from  Lucca  that  the  French  proclaimed  that  their 
King  was  coming  to  Rome  "  to  reform  the  Church."f  On 
the  9th  November  Charles  was  welcomed  at  Pisa  by  the 
citizens,  as  their  liberator  from  the  tyranny  of  Florence. 
Here  he  received  Savonarola  and  the  Florentine  deputation. 
Savonarola  greeted  him  as  the  most  Christian  King,  the 
messenger  of  God  sent  to  deliver  Italy  out  of  her  distresses 
and  to  reform  the  Church.  At  the  same  time,  he  warned 
Charles  that  he  must  be  merciful,  especially  towards  Flor- 
ence, otherwise  God  would  punish  him  severely.^ 

On  the  17th  November,  the  French  army  entered  Flor- 
ence, which  was  decked  in  festal  array  to  receive  it.  The 
mob  shouted  "Viva  Francia";  at  night  the  city  was  illu- 
minated. After  the  festivities  came  the  negotiations,  which 
were  not  easy  to  arrange.  After  a  good  deal  of  discussion, 
it  was  agreed  that  Charles  should  be  given  the  title  of  pro- 
tector and  restorer  of  the  liberties  of  the  Florentines,  and 
should  receive  12,000  golden  florins.  He  was  not  to  retain 
the  fortified  places  which  Piero  had  yielded  for  more  than 
two  years,  and  was  to  deliver  them  up  before  that  time  if 
the  war  with  Naples  were  concluded  earlier.  The  Medici 
were  to  remain  in  exile. § 

*  SANUDO,  Spediz.,  no;  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  71  ;  Alle- 
GRETTI,  830. 

t  Aiunt  etiam  multo  vulgo  inter  illos  iactari,  regem  Romam  venturum 
et  statum  Romanae  ecclesiae  reformatorum.  Card.  Piccolomini  to 
Alexander  VI.,  Dat.  Lucc^,  Nov.  4,  1494;  Lord  ACTON,  loc.  cit.  354, 
n.  5.    The  *Brief  is  in  the  S.  Mark's  Library,  Venice. 

X  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  L,  239  seg.^  ed.  2  ;  Delaborde,  447,  450  ; 
PeRRENS,  Savonarola,  143  seq.^  and  Hist,  de  Florence,  IL,  81  seq.  On 
the  relations  between  Charles  VI IL  and  Pisa,  see  Fanucci,  Le 
Relazioni  di  Pisa  e  Carlo  VIII.,  Pisa,  1892. 

§  Landucci,  80  seq.  ;  Sanudo,  Spediz.,   133  seq.  ;  F.  RiCClARDi  DA 


440  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Cardinal  Giuliano's  brother 
fell  upon  Bocciardo,  who  was  on  his  way  home  accompanied 
by  a  Turkish  Envoy  bringing  the  annual  pension  for  Dschem, 
ten  miles  before  they  reached  Ancona,  and  succeeded  in 
getting  possession  of  all  his  letters  and  the  money.*  The 
manifesto  to  all  Christian  nations,  written  in  the  style  of  an 
Emperor  and  Pope  rolled  into  one,  which  Charles  VIII. 
issued  on  the  22nd  of  November,  has  been  connected  with 
this  occurrence.  In  this  document  he  declared  that  the 
object  of  his  expedition  was  not  conquest,  but  simply 
following  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessors,  the  overthrow 
of  the  Turks  and  the  liberation  of  the  Holy  Land.  He 
only  desired  to  recover  possession  of  his  Neapolitan  king- 
dom in  order  to  accomplish  this.  He  asked  nothing  from 
the  Pope  but  a  free  passage  through  the  States  of  the 
Church,  and  supplies  for  his  troops  on  their  march ;  if  this 
were  refused,  he  would  take  it  without  leave.  He  protested 
beforehand  against  being  held  responsible  for  any  ill  con- 
sequences that  might  ensue,  and,  if  necessary,  would  renew 
this  protest  before  all  the  princes  in  Christendom,  whom  he 
purposed  to  summon  to  join  him  in  his  expedition  against 
the  Turks.  This  manifesto  was  published  in  Latin  and 
French,  and  soon  after  translated  into  German,  and  dis- 
seminated through  the  press.f 

PiSTOJA,  Ricordi,  13  seq.  ;  DelaboRDE,  457  seq.  ;  Perrens,  Hist,  de 
Florence,  H.,  95  seq. ;  Arch.  St.  Ital,  i  Serie,  I.,  362-375  ;  IV.,  2,  47 
seq.\  Revue  d'Hist.  Dipl.  (1887),  I.,  593  seq.  Reumont,  in  the  Allg. 
Zeitung  (1875),  No.  103,  Supp.,  has  pronounced  against  Ranke,  who 
(Zur  Kritik,  17,  41)  throws  doubt  on  the  well-known  encounter  between 
Capponi  and  Charles's  private  secretary.  Delaborde,  loc.  ctL,  and 
Reinach,  in  the  Recueil  des  Instructions  aux  Ambassadeurs  de  France, 
X.,  XLVI.  (Paris,  1893),  think  that  Guicciardini  exaggerated  the 
incident. 

*  See  si/pra^  p.  428,  note  t. 

t  The  manifesto  begins  like  a  Bull  (sous  la  forme  d'un   href,  says 


HELPLESSNESS   OF   ALEXANDER   VL  441 

Charles's  manifesto  contained  for  Alexander  a  hardly- 
veiled  threat  of  a  Council  and  deposition.  It  was  the 
strongest  pressure  that  the  King  could  put  upon  him ;  and 
Charles,  knowing  how  apprehensive  he  was  on  this  point, 
had  good  reason  to  hope  that  it  would  prove  effectual. 

The  Pope  had  completely  broken  down  before  the  rapid 
progress  of  the  French,  and  the  extreme  improbability  of 
help  being  forthcoming,  either  from  Venice  or  from  any 
other  quarter.*  The  King  of  Naples  urged  him  to  pro- 
ceed against  Charles  and  Lodovico  il  Moro  with  spiritual 
weapons,  but  Alexander  could  not  make  up  his  mind  to 
this.  Alfonso  complained  to  the  Florentine  Envoy  of  the 
Pope's  niggardliness  and  nepotism,  and  of  his  cowardice. f 
It  is  easy  to  see  from  the  reports  of  this  Ambassador  that 
the  King  no  longer  felt  secure  of  the  Pope's  support. 
Alexander  was,  indeed,  in  great  difficulties.     The  rebellion 

PiLORGERiE,  loi.  See  Malipiero,  VIL,  325-7,  and  Sigismondo 
DE'  Conti,  IL,  73-6- -the  latter  not  quite  agreeing  with  Malipiero), 
with  the  words  :  Carolus  Dei  gratia  Francorum  rex  universis  Christi 
fidelibus  praesentes  litteras  inspecturis  zelum  catholicae  fidei  et  salutem 
in  domino  sempiternam.  Considerantes  attentius,  etc.  Cf.  Delaborde, 
480-81  (who,  however,  looks  upon  the  whole  thing  as  a  forgery),  and 
Heidenheimer,  Correspondenz,  541  seq.  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  340, 
considers  it  a  mistake  to  imagine  any  connection  between  the  manifesto 
and  the  captured  letters. 

■^  In  a  *Brief  of  the  5th  July,  1494,  Alexander  announced  the  mission 
of  the  Bishop  of  Calahorra  ;  and  on  the  22nd  September  made  a  direct 
request  for  assistance  (see  supra^  p.  436),  but  without  success.  See 
Desjardins,  L,  517.  The  documents  published  by  Ferret,  La  mission 
de  Peron  de  Baschi  a  Venise,  Bibl.  de  I'Ecole  des  Chartes,  LI  I.,  285-98, 
shew  how  careful,  even  in  1493,  the  Venetians  were  to  avoid  doing  any- 
thing against  Charles  VIII. 

+  Desjardins,  I.,  466,  472,  477,  481,  483.  Tabema  speaks  of  the 
Pope's  projects  for  getting  hold  of  the  possessions  of  the  Colonna  and 
giving  them  to  his  family,  in  a  ''^Letter  dat.  Rome,  July  5,  1494. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 


442  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

of  the  Barons  made  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome  thoroughly 
insecure;  French  ships  were  continually  bringing  reinforce- 
ments to  the  defenders  of  Ostia,  and  to  the  Colonna  and 
Savelli.  All  the  Pope's  enemies  were  unwearied  in  pro- 
claiming that  the  French  King  was  going  to  summon  a 
Council  and  have  the  Pope  deposed.  The  manifesto  of 
November  22nd  shewed  what  Charles's  dispositions  were ; 
and  at  his  side  stood  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere  to 
bear  witness,  as  no  one  better  could,  to  the  simony  by  which 
his  election  had  been  secured.  His  heart  sank  within  him 
at  the  future  that  lay  before  him.  Sanudo  expressly  men- 
tions this  terror  of  his,  lest  Charles  should  determine  to 
depose  him  and  set  up  an  anti-Pope.* 

Under  these  circumstances  it  appeared  not  impossible, 
even  at  the  last  moment,  to  win  Alexander  over  for  France. 
Two  attempts  were  made  in  this  direction.  On  the  2nd  of 
November,  Ascanio  Sforza  came  to  Rome  and  had  several 
long  conversations  with  the  Pope ;  the  first  lasted  five  hours, 
and  did  not  conclude  till  midnight.  Ascanio  enumerated 
all  the  dangers  that  were  to  be  feared  from  the  French 
King,  and  tried  to  persuade  Alexander  to  adopt  a  neutral 
attitude.  The  Pope  is  said  to  have  replied  that  he  would 
gather  sacrifice  his  crown,  his  dominions,  and  even  his  life, 
than  abandon  Alfonso.  It  is  certain  that  at  that  time  he 
thought  of  making  his  escape  from  Rome,  and  enquired  at 
Venice  whether  he  might  hope  to  find  a  refuge  there.  Some 
people  thought  they  perceived  an  air  of  satisfaction  in 
Ascanio's  demeanour  when  he  was  leaving  Rome,  which 
convinced  them  that  he  had  come  to  an  understanding  with 
the  Pope.f     This,  however,  was  not  the  case.     A  few  days 

*  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  115. 

t  Sanudo,  loc.  cit. ;  Burchardi  Diarium,  ed.  Thuasne,  194  seq.^ 
646  seq.     A  "^Brief  of  Alexander  VI.  to  L.  Moro,  dat.  Rome,  Oct.  26, 

1494,  belongs  to  this  time.     Milanese  State  Archives. 


FAILURE   OF   THE   PAPAL   POLICY.  443 

later  Pandolfo  Collenuccio,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  Duke  of 
Ferrara,  made  another  attempt  to  persuade  Alexander  to 
side  with  France ;  but  he  emphatically  declared  that  he 
would  rather  leave  Rome,  and  even  give  up  both  life  and 
crown  than  become  the  slave  of  the  French  King,  who  was 
bent  on  being  master  of  the  whole  of  Italy.*  When  the 
news  arrived,  on  November  14,  that  Charles  had  refused  to 
receive  Piccolomini,  the  French  Cardinal  Peraudi  was  imme- 
diately appointed  Legate,  and  despatched  to  the  King.-f 
He  was  commissioned  to  inform  Charles  VIII.  that  Alex- 
ander would  come  to  meet  him,  in  order  to  consult  with 
him  about  the  proposed  Crusade ;  but  the  crafty  King 
declined  this  great  honour,  saying  that  he  wished  to  do 
homage  to  the  Pope  in  the  Holy  Father's  own  palace.  At 
the  same  time,  he  succeeded  in  talking  over  Cardinal 
Peraudi,  who  was  really  eager  for  the  Crusade,  and  winning 
him  to  his  side.     Thus  Alexander  found  his  policy  defeated 

*  In  regard  to  the  mission  of  P.  Collenuccio,  see  Reports  from  the 
State  Archives  at  Modena  in  Balan,  V.,  323,  and  "  I  Papi  ed  i  vespri 
Siciliani  con  doc.  inediti "  (Terza  ediz.,  Roma,  1882),  95.  An  Ambassado- 
rial *  Report,  unfortunately  without  a  date,  apparently  belongs  to  this 
time,  in  the  postscript  of  which  we  find  :  Non  mi  pare  anche  tacere  che 
presente  lo  ambax^e  Spagnolo  la  S^a  Sua  dixe  chel  Re  de  Franza  la 
menazava  de  concilio  et  altre  cose  et  quando  se  venesse  a  questo  de- 
liberava  anche  intendere  se  la  muliere  ha  la  Christma  M^a  Sua  h  vera 
muliere  o  femina  e  che  procederia  alle  censure  etc.  Al  che  io  rispose 
(szc)  che  la  S^a  Sua  volesse  abstenirse  da  simile  parole  perche  la  doveva 
sapere  che  papa  Innocentio  provedete  a  questa  cosa  talmente  che  la 
Christma  Mta  Sua  po  tenere  sanctam^e  Ja  regina  per  sua  vera  consorte 
et  che  iterum  la  pregava  ad  non  fame  parola.     Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  *Die  Novembr.  14,  1494,  litteris  r^^i  d"^  Card''^  Senensis  ad  ponti- 
ficem  sacro  senatui  constitit,  christianiss.  regem  Franciae  se  legatum 
noluisse  admittere  ;  ea  de  causa  eo  die  Car^is  Gurcensis  (MS.  Cruc- 
censis)  regem  adivit.  Ex  manuscriptis  manu  propria  Juliani  Secundi 
diaconi  Card'is  Caeserini  temp.  Alex.  VI.  et  Julii  II.  S.  P.  Cod. 
XXXIII.,  48.     Barberini  Library,  Rome. 


444  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

on  every  side.*  As  a  last  resource  he  sent  a  third  Le^^ate, 
Cardinal  Sanseverino,  who  had  been  in  France,  and  belonged 
to  the  party  of  Ascanio,  to  arrest  if  possible  the  onward 
march  of  the  French.  But  Charles  informed  him  that  he 
had  resolved  to  keep  Christmas  with  the  Pope  in  Rome, 
and  there  to  treat  with  the  Holy  Father  in  person.  In 
great  haste  Sanseverino  hurried  back  to  Rome — he  only 
took  36  hours  to  accomplish  the  100  miles  from  Siena — 
to  bring  this  news  to  the  Pope.f  Soon  after,  came  the 
alarming  announcement  that  Viterbo  had  opened  her  gates 
to  the  enemy,  the  Papal  governor  had  fled,  and  Virginio 
Orsini  with  his  troops  had  arrived  too  late.  The  advance  ot 
the  French  was  so  rapid  and  unexpected  that  Giulia  Farnese, 
who  was  travelling,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  but 
was  soon  released  at  Alexander's  request.  The  Envoy  who 
relates  this  closes  his  report  with  the  words  :  "  The  French 
King  will  not  meet  with  the  smallest  resistance  in  Rome/'J 
The  Pope  continued  to  cast  about  on  all  sides  to  find 
some  one  who  would  deliver  him  from  this  terrible  "  Pilgrim." 
On  the  24th  November  he  sent  for  Maximilian's  Ambassador, 
the  Prince  of  Anhalt.  Charles  VIII.,  he  said,  not  only 
aimed  at  the  conquest  of  all  the  Emperor's  possessions  in 
Italy,  but  at  obtaining  the  imperial  dignity  for  himself. 
Even  with  the  knife  at  his  throat  he,  the  Pope,  would  never 
consent  to  this.     Hence  he  desired  the  Ambassador  to  urge 

*  Delaborde  ;  478,  ibid.^  403,  on  Peraudi's  zeal  for  the  Crusade.  Cf. 
also  Schneider,  Peraudi,  35  seq.^  and  Hist.  Jahrb.,  VI.,  456  seq.  As  to 
Peraudi's  itinerary,  cf.  a.  ^Letter  of  Card.  Piccolomini  to  Alex.  VI.,  dat. 
Siena,  Nov.  20,  1494.  Card.  Piccolomini  in  this  expresses  his  satisfaction 
that  Peraudi  has  been  sent,  and  remarks  :  Heri  vesperi  hanc  urbem  in- 
gressus  est  rev,  Cardlis.  Gurcens.  I  found  the  original  of  this  letter  in 
the  valuable  Cod.  X.,  1 74,  of  St.  Mark's  Library  of  Venice. 

t  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  146-7. 

t  See  Appendix,  N.  28,  "^Report  of  Brognolo,  Nov.  29,  1494.  Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua. 


EXCITEMENT   IN   ROME.  445 

the  King  of  the  Romans  to  come  forward  as  the  protector 
of  the  Church.*  He  also  implored  the  Venetian  Envoys  to 
stand  by  him.f 

The  excitement  in  Rome  increased  from  day  to  day. 
The  city  was  blockaded  on  the  sea-side  by  Ostia  and  on 
the  land  by  the  Colonna,  and  food  was  already  beginning 
to  become  scarce.|  The  gates  of  the  city  were  closed  with 
chains  and  some  were  walled  up ;  S.  Angelo  was  put  in  a 
state  of  defence.  It  was  said  that  Alexander  would  fly  to 
Venice  or  Naples,  to  escape  being  deposed  by  the  French. 
Cardinal  Sanseverino  advised  the  Pope  to  try  for  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Ascanio  Sforza,  who  was  on  the  most  intimate 
terms  with  Charles  VIII.§  This  was  attempted,  and  on  the 
2nd  December,  Ascanio  again  came  to  Rome;  Cardinals 
Sanseverino  and  Lunati  conducted  the  negotiations,  in  his 
name  with  Juan  de  Lopez, the  Pope's  confidant;  they  seemed 
to  be  on  the  point  of  coming  to  an  agreement,  in  accordance 
with  which  Sforza  and  Prospero  Colonna  were  to  march 
against  Viterbo.  When,  on  the  9th  December,  Sforza  and 
Colonna  were  preparing  to  depart,  they,  together  with  the 
two  Cardinals,  were  arrested  and  put  in  prison  by  the  Pope's 
orders  ;  and  the  French  Ambassador  was  informed  that 
passage  through  the  States  of  the  Church  could  not  be 
granted   to    Charles   VIII.||      What    could   have    induced 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  198-9. 

t  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  149. 

X  Balan,  v.,  330. 

§  In  a  ^Letter  dated  from  Marino,  Nov.  12,  1494,  A.  Sforza  expresses 
his  satisfaction  to  the  French  King  at  the  news  contained  in  a  letter 
from  the  latter  announcing  his  arrival  in  Siena.  Nothing  has  given  him 
so  much  pleasure  as  videre  et  venerari  Maj^em  Vest.  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

II  BURCHARDi  Diarium,  II.,  199  seg.  ;  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  I4g  seq.  In 
the  Notizenblatt  for  1856,  445-6,  the  Pope's  appeal  for  help  to  L.  Moro 
of  Dec.  4,  1494,  with  a  postscript  in  his  own  handwriting,  in  which  the 


44^  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Alexander  to  act  in  this  manner?  The  reason  is  not  far  to 
seek.  The  Duke  of  Calabria,  Giulio  Orsini,  and  the  Count 
of  Pitigliano  were  encamped  with  the  Neapolitan  army 
before  Rome.  On  the  loth  December  they  entered  the 
city.*  Alexander  hoped,  through  the  imprisonment  of 
Prospero  Colonna  and  the  Cardinals,  to  regain  his  power 
over  Ostia,  and  to  induce  the  inhabitants  of  the  Campagna 
to  rise  against  the  French.  Neither  of  these  hopes  were 
realised.  Charles  VIII.  steadily  advanced,  meeting  with  no 
serious  resistance  anywhere,  and  favoured  by  the  unusual 
mildness  of  the  winter.f 

The  more  the  Pope  saw  of  the  Neapolitan  army  the 
more  convinced  he  became  that  it  was  no  match  for 
the  French.  Consequently,  the  more  distinguished 
Germans  and  Spaniards  in  the  city  were  requested  to 
undertake  the  military  organisation  of  their  country- 
men ;  Burchard,  the  Prefect  of  Ceremonies  at  the  Papal 
Court,  called  the  Germans  together  at  the  Hospital  of  the 
Anima.  The  assembly  resolved  not  to  comply  with  the 
Pope's  wish,  because  the  German  corps  would  have  to 
be  under  the  orders  of  the  city  authorities.^  Alexander 
grew  more  and  more  helpless  from  hour  to  hour.  **  At 
one  moment   he  wanted  to   defend   himself,  the   next   to 

negotiations  with  A.  Sforza  are  mentioned,  Zurita,  50^  seq.  ;  Ambassa- 
dorial Reports  in  Delaborde,  495  seq.  ;  and  Balan,  V.,  330  seq. 
Cf.  also  Brognolo's  **Report,  dat.  Rome,  Dec.  11,  1494.  (Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua.)  See  further,  "^  Sommario  de  le  lettere  di  Steph. 
Taberna  et  M.  Mapheo  de  Trivilio  a  Nepe  a  di  17  Decemb.,  1494. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 

*  In  questhora  el  duca  de  Calabria  h  entrato  dentro  (di)  Roma  col.  S. 
Virginio  et  Conte  da  Pitiliano.  ^Despatch  from  Brognolo  dat.  Rome, 
Dec.  10,  1494.  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.)  Cf.  Gregorovius,  VII., 
348,  ed.  3  (354,  ed.  4). 

T  Delaborde,  500. 

X  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  201  seq. 


CHARLES  VIII.    BEFORE   ROME.  447 

come  to  terms  ;  then,  again,  he  thought  of  leaving  the  city." 
On  the  1 8th  December  Burchard  relates  that  everything 
in  the  Vatican,  down  to  the  bedding  and  table  service,  was 
packed  for  flight;  all  valuables  had  been  sent  to  S. 
Angelo ;  the  Cardinals'  horses  were  standing  ready  to 
start.*  On  the  same  day,  the  Milanese  Envoy  writes  that 
he  is  convinced  that  Alexander  intends  to  fly  from  Rome 
that  night,  taking  the  imprisoned  Cardinals  with  him.j- 
After  all  the  Pope  did  not  fly,  probably  because  now,  flight 
was  hardly  possible. 

On  the  17th  December,  Civita  Vecchia  was  taken  by  the 
French  ;  J  and  on  the  same  day  a  still  more  disastrous 
event  occurred  ;  the  Orsini  went  over  to  the  French  King  and 
admitted  him  to  their  strong  castle  of  Bracciano,  where  he 
set  up  his  head-quarters.§  It  was  on  the  19th  also  that  the 
first  French  outposts  appeared  on  Monte  Mario.  From  the 
windows  of  the  Vatican  the  Pope  could  see  the  enemy's 
cavalry  galloping  their  horses  in  the  meadows  under  S. 
Angelo.ll  Cardinal  Sanseverino  was  now  released,  in  order 
to  treat  with  Charles  VIII.  Meanwhile  the  scarcity  in  Rome 
was  becoming  intolerable.     The  Romans  sent  word  to  the 

.     *  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  211  ;  Reumont,  III.,  i,  215. 

t  *Per  duplicate  mie  V.  S.  Ill..havera  inteso  la  detentione  del  ill.  suo 
fratello.  Al  presente  quella  sera  avisata  come  h  publico  et  certo  nome 
chel  papa  [e]  el  duca  de  Calabria  partiranno  questa  nocte  et  menaranno 
cum  se  Mre  Ascanio,  S.  Severino  et  S.  Prospero  per  haver  mandato 
questa  nocte  passata  circa  doe  squadre  ad  preparar  et  assecurare  el 
camino  de  Tibuli  et  evacuato  tucte  le  robbe  de  palazo  insino  a  la  sacristia. 
F.  de  Curte  to  Lodovico  il  Moro,  dat.  Rome,  Dec.  18,  1494.  Milanese 
State  Archives. 

X  *"^ Report  of  Stef.  Taberna  and  M.  de  Trivilio,  Dec.  17,  1494. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 

§   SiGISMONDO  de'  CONTI,  II.,  84. 

II  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  211.  In  regard  to  Gothein's  (108  se^.) 
false  account  of  Peraudi's  behaviour  at  this  time,  see  SCHNEIDER,  42  se^. 


44^  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Pope  that  if  he  did  not  come  to  terms  with  Charles  within 
two  days,  they  would  themselves  admit  him  into  the  city.* 

The  Duke  of  Calabria  advised  Alexander  to  fly  to 
Naples,  and  promised  him  50,000  ducats  a  year  and  the 
fortress  of  Gaeta.  To  give  effect  to  this  proposal  a  deed 
was  drawn  up  and  was  only  awaiting  the  Pope's  signature,"!* 
when,  at  the  last  moment,  he  again  changed  his  mind. 
He  determined  to  release  Cardinal  Sforza,  to  give  up  re- 
sisting and  irritating  the  French  King,  and  permit  him  to 
enter  the  city.  On  the  morning  of  Christmas-day  he  in- 
formed the  Cardinals  and  the  Duke  of  Calabria  of  this 
decision.  Charles  VIII.  granted  to  the  latter  a  letter  of 
safe  conduct,^  with  which  the  Duke  and  his  troops  left 
Rome  the  same  day,  going  in  the  first  instance  to  Tivoli 
and  then  to  Terracina.§  During  the  night  three  French 
Envoys  had  entered  Rome ;  their  suite  coolly  took  posses- 
sion of  the  places  in  the  chapel  reserved  for  the  prelates. 
The  pedantic  Prefect  of  Ceremonies,  Burchard,  wanted 
to  turn  them  out;  but  the  terrified  Pope  prevented  him, 
angrily  exclaiming :  "  You  will  cost  me  my  head ;  let  the 
French  put  themselves  wherever  they  please."  || 

The  Pope  and  the  King  found  it  extremely  difficult  to 

*  ^Caleffini's  Chronicle,  Cod.  I.— I.  4,  f.  327b  in  the  Chigi  Library, 
Rome. 

t  This  deed  is  in  Theiner,  Cod.  DipL,  III.,  510-11. 

X  Delaborde,  505. 

§  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  214  seg^.  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  161.  *In 
questa  hora  che  sono  circa  XV.  lo  illmo  Sr  Ducha  de  Calabria  h  ito  in  palazo 
armato  per  pigliare  licentia  da  N.  S^%  poi  si  aviark  cum  tutta  la  comitiva 
sua  per  andare  nel  Reame.  Farrk  la  via  de  Tivoli  et  porta  cum  si 
victualie  per  dui  zomi ;  credo  che  hora  el  Re  de  Franza  verrk  a  Roma. 
Tutto  el  di  de  heri  se  atese  ad  altro  che  a  portare  robba  fora  de  palazo, 
dove  si  stimma  chel  pto  Re  debba  alogiare,  et  chel  Papa  debba  ridursi  in 
castello;  pur  non  do  questo  per  certo  a  la  Ex.  V.  Brognolo  to  the 
Marquess  of  Mantua,  Rome,  Dec.  25,  1494.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

II  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  215. 


ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  THE  FRENCH.       449 

come  to  an  understanding,  because  Charles  demanded  that 
Dschem  should  be  at  once  delivered  over  to  him,  while  the 
Pope  was  not  prepared  to  do  this  until  the  Crusade  had 
actually  begun.  This  point  was  left  undecided  for  the 
present.  Charles  promised  to  respect  all  the  Pope's  rights, 
both  temporal  and  spiritual  ;  the  whole  of  the  city  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Tiber  was  given  up  to  be  occup'ied  by  his 
troops.  A  Commission  was  appointed  to  arrange  for  the 
billeting  of  the  French,  who,  since  the  27th  of  December, 
had  been  arriving  in  detachments,  while  the  Pope's  army 
(consisting  only  of  1000  horsemen  and  a  few  foot  soldiers) 
occupied  the  Borgo.  Alexander  shut  himself  up  with  his 
Spanish  body-guard  in  the  Vatican.* 

*  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  162  ;  cf.   165  ;  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  85  ; 
Delaborde,  505-6;  Cherrier,  II.,  71. 


VOT..  V.  "20 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Charles  VIII.  in  Rome  and  Naples. — The  Holy  League 
OF  March  1495. — Flight  of  the  Pope. — Retreat  of 
the  French  from  Italy. 

The  French  King  decided  to  make  his  formal  entry  into 
Rome  on  S.  Silvester's  Day  which  had  been  declared  aus- 
picious by  the  Astrologers,  Early  in  the  morning  the  Pope 
sent  Burchard,  the  Prefect  of  Ceremonies,  to  meet  him  at 
the  village  of  Galera,  and  to  arrange  the  details  of  the  re- 
ception. Charles  told  him  that  he  wished  to  make  his  entry 
quietly  and  without  pomp.  To  the  address  of  the  dele- 
gates of  the  Roman  citizens  who  accompanied  Burchard, 
he  gave  a  short  and  colourless  reply.  "  The  King  made 
me  ride  by  him  "  says  Burchard,  "  and  in  the  course  of  our 
journey  of  four  miles  asked  me  so  many  questions  about 
the  customary  ceremonial,  the  Pope,  Cardinal  Csesar 
Borgia,  and  other  things,  that  it  was  all  I  could  do  to  give 
satisfactory  answers  to  them  all."  * 

At  the  Borghetto,  Cardinal  Sforza  came  to  meet  the 
King,  at  the  Ponte  Molle,  he  was  received  by  Cardinal 
Cib6.  At  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  the  keys  of  all  the  city  gates 
were  handed  over  to  the  King's  Grand-Marshal.  The  entry 
of  the  troops  lasted  from  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  till  9  in 
the  evening,  amid  cries  from  the  mob  of  Francia,  Colonna, 
Vincoli  (Giuliano  della  Rovere).     The  Via  Lata,  now  the 

*  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  216;  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  163  seq.  The 
preparations  for  the  reception  of  Charles  cost  500  flor.  auri  de  cam. 
*Exitus  527,  f.  192.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


CHARLES   VIII.   ENTERS   ROME.  45  I 

Corso,  was  lighted  with  lamps  when  darkness  came  on,  and 
crowded  with  spectators. 

A  long  file  of  mercenaries,  Swiss  and  German,  headed 
the  march,  powerful  men  and  splendid  soldiers,  keeping  line 
and  time  perfectly,  to  the  sound  of  their  trumpets.  Their 
uniforms  were  short,  many  coloured  and  close-fitting ;  some 
had  plumes  in  their  helmets.  They  were  armed  with  short 
swords,  and  spears  ten  feet  long,  made  of  oak  and  pointed 
with  iron ;  a  fourth  part  of  them,  instead  of  spears,  carried 
strong  halberds  fitted  for  striking  as  well  as  thrusting.  Five 
thousand  Gascons,  mostly  cross-bow  men,  followed  the 
Swiss  and  Germans,  forming  a  strong  contrast  to  them  by 
their  small  stature  and  sober  uniforms.  Next  came  2500 
heavy  cavalry  with  sharp  lances  and  iron  maces,  and 
amongst  them  rode  the  flower  of  the  French  nobility  in 
gorgeous  silk  mantles  and  costly  helmets  with  gilt  chains. 
Each  knight  was  followed  by  three  horsemen,  his  esquire 
and  two  grooms,  all  armed.  The  horses  were  large  and 
powerful,  with  close  cropped  ears  and  tails,  according  to  the 
fashion  of  those  days  in  France.  Attached  to  these  were 
about  5000  light  cavalry,  armed  with  English  long-bows 
and  long  arrows  which  carried  far.  Some  of  these  also 
had  daggers  with  which  to  stab  those  who  had  been  ridden 
down  by  the  dragoons.  The  arms  of  their  chiefs  were 
embroidered  in  silver  braid  on  their  cloaks.  Four  hundred 
archers,  of  whom  one  hundred  were  Scots,  came  next  to  the 
King,  whose  body-guard  was  formed  of  two  hundred  of  the 
noblest  of  the  French  knights,  on  foot.  They  carried  iron 
maces  like  heavy  axes  on  their  shoulders ;  but  when  on  horse- 
back they  were  armed  like  the  Dragoons,  and  only  distin- 
guished by  their  finer  horses  and  magnificent  accoutrements. 

The  Cardinals  Ascanio  Sforza  and  Giuliano  della  Rovere 
rode  beside  the  King,  and  behind  him  Cardinals  Colonna 
and  Savelli.     Prospero  and  Fabrizio  Colonna  and  the  other 


452  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Italian  generals  rode  amongst  the  French  nobility.  The 
men  and  horses  and  banners  of  the  French  loomed  larger 
and  more  numerous  even  than  they  were,  in  the  uncertain 
light  of  the  torches,  and  struck  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
Romans  ;  but  the  climax  of  fear  and  wonder  was  reached 
when  the  artillery  appeared  on  the  scene,  more  than  36 
bronze  cannons  rattling  over  the  pavement  at  a  rapid  trot. 
Each  of  these  guns  was  eight  feet  long,  weighed  six 
thousand  pounds,  and  had  a  bore  of  the  size  of  a  man's 
head.  In  addition  to  these  there  were  field-pieces  half  as 
long  again,  and  falconets,  the  smallest  of  which  discharged 
shot  as  large  as  a  pomegranate,* 

Besides  those  already  mentioned,  the  Cardinals  Jean  de 
la  Grolaie,  Peraudi,  Sanseverino  and  Lunati  were  also  in  the 
King's  train,  and  accompanied  him  to  his  residence,  the 
Palace  of  San  Marco.  All  the  important  points  of  the 
city  were  occupied  that  same  evening  by  detachments  of 
French  soldiers.  A  portion  of  the  artillery  was  stationed 
in  front  of  the  King's  palace.-f 

All  the  Cardinals  except  Caraffa  and  Orsini  came  to 
pay  their  respects  to  Charles,  who  received  them  haughtily 
and  without  the  usual  honours.  The  only  exception  that 
was  made  was  in  favour  of  Cardinal  Cesarini.|      Charles 

*  JOVIUS,  II.,  4lb-42b;  SaNUDO,  Spcdiz.,  162  seq.\  BURCHARDI 
Diarium,  II.,  217;  PiLORGERlE,  143  seq.\  Sebast.  de  Branca  de' 
Talini  in  CreighTON,  IV.,  291.  The  entry  is  briefly  mentioned  in  the 
■^  Acta  Consist.:  *  Die  ultimo  Decembris,  1495  (■^^'^)  ^^ra  prima  noctis, 
Ser.  D.  Carolus  Francorum  rex  per  portam  b.  Mariae  de  populo  intravit 
urbem  cum  exercitu  suo  et  hospitatus  est  in  palatio  S.  Marci.  Consis- 
torial  Archives. 

t  SiGiSMONDO  de'Conti,  II.,  86  ;  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  164  seq. ;  Dela- 
HORDE,  508  ;  Calaffini,  f.  328  (error  in  date).     Chighi  Library,  Rome. 

X  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  I.,  217-18.  "^  Ego,  2  Januarii,  1495,  post 
prandium  immediate  Suam  Mtem  conveni  et  in  S.  Marci  palatio  des- 
cendent    mihi  dominus  de  Albeny  se  obviam  dedit ;   regi  postmodum 


REFUSAL   OF   THE   FRENCH   DEMANDS-  453 

required  from  the  Pope  that  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo  and 
Prince  Dschem  should  be  delivered  over  to  him,  and  that 
Caesar  Borgia  should  accompany  him  to  Naples.  On  the 
5th  January,  a  Consistory  was  to  have  been  held  to  delibe- 
rate on  these  points,  but  had  to  be  postponed  till  the  follow- 
ing day,  the  Pope  having  had  a  fainting  fit  The  result 
was  a  resolution  that  all  three  demands  should  be  refused. 
When  the  Cardinals,  who  had  been  charged  with  the  nego- 
tiations, informed  the  King  of  this  decision  he  replied  "  My 
Barons  will  acquaint  the  Pope  with  my  will."*  Alexander 
then  expressed  his  readiness  to  give  up  Civita  Vecchia,  but 
not  S.  Angelo  at  any  price.  The  Envoys  were  greatly 
alarmed  as  to  the  possible  consequences  of  this  reply ."l- 

me  advenisse  pronuntiavit  qui  per  passus  circiter  quindecim  mihi  recurrit 
et  complexus  est  non  minus  ac  ego  capite  detecto,  quod  paucis  aliis 
efifecit.  Ego  regem  alloquutus,  cardies  S.  Petri  ad  vincula,  Gurcensem, 
Columnam,  Sabellum,  qui  regi  astabant,  amplexus  sum.  Sequenti  post 
die  card'em  S.  Petri  ad  vincula  visitavi,  quo  factum  est,  ut  mihi  pontifex 
retulerit,  dictum  sibi  fuisse  a  tribus  cardinalibus,  me  meum  votum 
ipsi  cardinali  obtulisse,  quod  non  cederet ;  Suam  Beat"em  quietavi  etc. 
Ex  manuscriptis  Juliani  Card.  Caesarini,  Cod.  XXXIII.,  48,  f.  17,  in  the 
Barberini  Library,  Rome. 

*  As  a  supplement  to  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  170  and  Burc?iardi  Diarium, 
II.,  219,  cf.  Card.  Cesarini's  *Notes  for  which  I  have  to  thank  Dr. 
Gottlob.  We  find  here  :  *Die  5  Januarii  post  vesperas  Epiphaniae 
exutus  pontificales  vestes  Papa  in  camera  pistacci  volens  se  iam  reducere, 
subito  quodam  accidenti  defecit  (Alexander  VI.  was  liable  to  frequent 
fainting  fits;  see  siipra^  Chap.  I.).quem  S.  Severini  Card'is  et  ego  ad 
cameram  audientiae  pedibus  non  subsistentem  reduximus,  ubi  maximis 
stomachi  doloribus  vexatus  est ;  postea  ad  cameram  quietis  portavimus 
.  .  .  Eo  vesperi  regis  F^ancorum  oratoribus  S.  D.  N.  responsum  daturus 
erat,  sed  praepeditus  ad  diem  sequentem  distulit  post  missam  cappellae  ; 
after  mass  the  three  demands  of  Charles  were  considered.  Omne  tria 
sacer  senatus  denegavit  atque  reiecit.  Cod.  Citat.  of  the  Barberini 
Library,  Rome. 

f  See  Appendix,  N.  29,  ^Report  of  Brognolo,  dated  4th  of  Jan.,  1495 
Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 


454  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

In  the  city  the  panic  was  so  great  that  the  inhabitants 
buried  all  their  valuables  *  "  The  discontent  of  the  people 
is  at  its  height"  says  Brognolo  the  Mantuan  Envoy  on 
January 6th,  1495,  "the  requisitions  are  fearful, the  murders 
innumerable,  one  hears  nothing  but  moaning  and  weeping. 
In  all  the  memory  of  man  the  Church  has  never  been  in 
such  evil  plight."  "It  is  impossible  "  he  writes  two  days 
later  "  for  so  large  an  army  to  remain  long  in  Rome,  both 
provisions  and  money  are  beginning  already  to  fail.  To- 
day, in  consequence  of  a  paltry  quarrel  between  the  French 
and  the  Swiss,  all  the  troops  were  called  out  and  the  streets 
swarmed  with  armed  men."f  Although  the  King  had 
gallows  erected  in  the  public  squares,  the  disorders  amongst 
the  soldiers  continued.^  On  the  7th  January  the  Pope, 
accompanied  by  six  Cardinals  (Caraffa,  Orsini,  Giovanni 
Antonio  di  S.  Giorgio,  Pallavicini,  Juan  and  Caesar  Borgia), 
fled  through  the  underground  passage  to  the  Castle  of  S. 
Angelo.§  It  was  not  only  his  personal  security  which  was 
now  in  danger,  but  his  actual  existence  as  Pope.  The  five 
Cardinals   (G.  della    Rovere,   A.    Sforza,   Peraudi,    Savelli 

*  Gregorovius,  VII.,  357,  ed.  3  (363,  ed.  4). 

t  See  Appendix  N.  30  and  31,  Brognolo's  "^Reports  of  the  6th  and 
8th  Jan.,  1495.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  2 ig  seg'. ;  Allegretti,  838;  Cappelli, 
Savonarola,  43.  Delaborde,  509,  endeavours  to  exonerate  the  French 
from  all  blame  as  much  as  possible.  It  is,  however,  quite  clear  that  their 
occupation  both  of  the  city  and  the  States  of  the  Church  was  most 
oppressive.  Cf.  with  the  Reports  of  the  Mantuan  Envoys  printed  in  the 
Appendix,  Malipiero,  330 ;  Diario  di  S.  Tommaso  di  Silvestro,  25  ; 
Trotti's  Despatch  in  Balan,  334,  n.  6,  and  also  Boccaccio's  Report  in 
Arch.  St.  Napol.,  IV.,  792,  794.  Brantome  bears  witness  to  the  evils 
connected  with  the  French  army,  which  are  also  brought  up  by  Cantu 
in  Arch.  St.  Lomb.,  XV.,  337-8  against  Delaborde.  Cf.  also  LuziO- 
Renier,  F.  Gonzaga  alia  batt.  di  Fomovo,  9-10. 

§  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  171  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  220. 


CHARLES   VIII.    AND   REFORM.  455 

and  Colonna),  who  had  constant  access  to  Charles  VIII.,* 
were  unwearied  in  urging  him  to  call  a  Council  in  order  to 
depose  the  simoniacal  Pope,  and  reform  the  Church. 
'*  Reform  "  was  only  a  pretext,  as  Commines  himself,  though 
a  Frenchman,  acknowledged.  The  accusation  of  simony  at 
the  election,  he  observes,  was  true  ;  but  the  man  who  pre- 
ferred it.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  was  the  one  who  of  all 
others  had  received  the  highest  pay  for  his  vote  at  the  Con- 
clave. In  a  later  account  he  says  that  the  draft  of  the 
decree  for  Alexander's  deposition  was  already  on  paper  at 
that  time ;  but  it  was  not  Charles's  intention,  nor  would  it 
have  been  for  his  interest,  to  proceed  to  this  extremity.*]- 

Brigonnet,  writing  about  this  time  to  the  Queen  of 
France  says,  "  the  King  desires  the  Reform  of  the  Church 
but  not  the  deposition  of  the  Pope."|  The  French  King 
has  recently  been  severely  blamed  for  not  having  followed 
up  his  victory  and  destroyed  his  opponent.  Such  a  judg- 
ment betrays  a  complete  misapprehension  of  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case. 

Only  those  who,  like  the  Germans,  knew  nothing 
personally  of  Charles  VIII.  could  have  supposed  that  the 

♦   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  86. 

t  Commines,  VII.,  15.  The  account  of  the  decree  of  deposition  is 
in  a'^^'Despatch  from  B.  Navagero,  of  May  21,  1 577  (MS.  Foscarini,  6255, 
in  the  Court  Library,  Vienna),  quoted  by  Lord  ACTON,  loc.  cit.^  355. 
The  passage  runs  as  follows  : — Sua  S^a  (Paul  IV.),  entro  a  deplorar  le 
miserie  d'ltalia  et  narro  I'historia  dal  principio  che  fii  chiamato  Re 
Carlo  in  Italia  da  Ludovico  Moro  et  Alfonso  d'Aragona  con  11  particolari 
del  parentado  fra  questi  due,  la  causa  dell'  inimicitia,  il  passar  Re  Carlo 
per  Roma,  la  paura  di  papa  Alessandro  di  esser  deposto,  come  pub- 
licamente  dicevano  li  cardinal!  che  vennero  co'l  R^  tra  quali  erano  S. 
Pietro  in  vincola,  che  fii  poi  Giulio  secundo ;  che  funio  fatti  li  capitoli 
della  privatione  da  un  Vicentino  vescovo  di  [illegible]  all'  hora  auditor 
della  Camera. 

X    FiLORGERIE,   135. 


456  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

young  and  pleasure-loving  King  could  be  seriously  anxious 
for  the  reform  of  the  Church.  Commines  remarks  that 
"  the  King  was  young,  and  his  surroundings  were  not  of  a 
nature  to  fit  him  for  so  great  a  work  as  the  reform  of  the 
Church."*  Lodovico  remarks  with  a  sneer  that  the  French 
King  would  do  well  to  begin  by  reforming  himself.f  As 
regards  the  deposition  of  Alexander,  Charles  must  have 
felt  that  the  great  powers  of  Europe,  already  jealous  of  his 
successes,  would  not  have  stood  quietly  by  had  he 
attempted  to  take  such  a  step  as  this  ;  Maximilian, 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  Venice,  would  all  have 
supported  the  Pope.  He  must  also  have  been  aware  that 
.he  w^ould  have  had  to  face  opposition  among  his  own 
subjects  whose  veneration  for  the  Head  of  the  Church 
would  have  recoiled  from  such  an  extreme  measure. J 

Apart,  however,  from  all  this,  what  would  Charles  have 
gained  by  substituting  Giuliano  della  Rovere  or  Ascanio 
Sforza  for  Alexander  ?  was  he  not  far  more  likely  to  get 
what  he  wanted  from  the  timid  and  vacillating  Borgia. § 
As  a  matter  of  fact  the  policy  which  he  pursued  was  that 

*  Commines,  VII.,  15. 

+  ROMANIN,  v.,  56.  As  to  opinion  in  Germany;  see  Chmel, 
Urkunden  zur  Gesch.  Maximilians  I.,  56  ;  Brigonnet's  asseverations  in 
Florence  in  regard  to  the  readiness  of  Charles  to  reform  the  Church, 
may  be  seen  in  Cappelli,  46-7.  Even  Delaborde  is  obliged  to  admit 
the  disorderliness  of  his  life  ;  CiPOLLA,  720,  says  :  un  animo  leggero  ed 
effeminato  quale  era  quello  di  Carlo  VIII.,  diveniva  perfino  ridicolo 
mettendosi  a  predicar  la  morale.  On  this  point  Ranke,  Studien,  223, 
needs  correction. 

X  Ulmann,  Maximilian  I.,  I.,  278  seq.  ;  Delaborde,  515,  528  seg., 
533.  As  to  the  reverence  of  the  French  for  the  Pope,  see  BURCHARDI 
Diarium,  II.,  219,  and  the  remarkable  passage — interesting  also  in  other 
respects— in  SiGlSMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  86.  See  also  Hist.  Jahrb., 
VII.,  320.  Against  the  hypotheses  of  Gregorovius,  VII.,  359  seg.,  ed.  3, 
c/.  Balan,  333  seg. 

§  Delaborde,  515. 


ACCEPTANCE   OF   THE   TERMS   OF   CHARLES  VHI.    457 

of  squeezing  as  much  as  possible  out  of  Alexander  by 
playing  upon  his  fears.  Threat  followed  upon  threat. 
Commines  relates  that  the  French  artillery  was  twice  got 
ready  for  action.*  If  Alexander  had  hitherto  believed 
that  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo  was  capable  of  standing  a 
siege  he  was  undeceived  on  the  loth  January,  1495  ;  during 
that  night  a  considerable  piece  of  the  wall  of  the  fort  fell 
down  of  its  own  accord.  There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to 
give  way.  "  Although  the  terms  were  hard  in  the 
extreme "  writes  Sigismondo  de'  Conti  "  the  Pope  agreed 
to  everything  for  fear  of  being  attacked."  f 

The  terms  of  the  agreement  of  January  15th,  1495,  were 
the  following ;  Caesar  Borgia  was  to  accompany  the  army 
as  Cardinal  Legate  (really  as  a  hostage)  for  the  next  four 
months.  Dschem  v/as  to  be  handed  over  to  Charles  during 
the  expedition  against  the  Turks  ;  the  Pope  notwithstand- 
ing, still  to  receive  the  40,000  ducats  for  his  pension.  The 
Cardinals,  Barons,  and  Cities,  with  their  Prefects,  who  had 
joined  the  French,  were  to  receive  a  complete  amnesty. 
Cardinal  Giuliano  was  to  retain  Ostia,  the  Legation  of 
Avignon,  and  all  his  other  possessions  and  benefices. 
Cardinal  Peraudi  was  to  be  confirmed  in  his  Bishopric,  and 
Cardinal  Savelli  reinstated  in  the  Legation  of  Spoleto. 
In  future  all  Cardinals  were  to  be  free  to  leave  Rome 
vA^henever  they  pleased.  The  Pope  granted  a  free  passage 
to  the  French  army  through  the  whole  of  the  States  of  the 
Church,  and  gave  up  Civita  Vecchia  to  the  King.    Governors, 

*  Commines,  VII.,  15.  Rossdach,  Carvajal,  43,  questions  this  state- 
ment in  Bernaldez,  but  without  reason.  Commines'  authority  for  what  he 
says,  was  probably  Charles  VIII.  himself.  See  Kervyn  de  Letten- 
HOVE,  Lettres  et  negociations  de  Ph.  de  Commines,  II.,  208.  Bruxelles, 
1868. 

t  Sigismondo  DE'  Conti,  II.,  92  ;  cf.  Zurita,  V.,  54.  On  the  falling 
in  of  the  wall,  see  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  220  ;  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  171, 
and  Diario  Ferrarese,  290. 


458  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

acceptable  to  the  King,  were  to  be  appoi  ited  to  the  cities 
in  the  March  of  Ancona  and  the  Patrimony,  and  a  similar 
condition  was  to  be  observed  in  regard  to  the  Legates  of 
the  Campagna  and  Maritima  during  the  expedition  against 
Naples.  The  Pope  was  to  keep  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo, 
and,  on  Charles'  departure,  the  keys  of  the  city  were  to  be 
restored  to  Alexander.  Charles  was  to  profess  obedience 
to  the  Pope,  to  impose  no  constraint  upon  him  either  in 
things  spiritual  or  temporal,  and  to  protect  him  against  all 
attacks.  In  regard  to  the  election  capitulation,  the  King 
and  the  Pope  were  to  come  to  terms.* 

The  agreement  contains  nothing  about  the  investiture 
with  Naples;  Alexander  had  been  as  firm  on  this  point 
as  on  that  of  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo.  It  was  also  an 
important  gain  for  the  Pope  to  have  managed  to  avert  the 
attack  on  his  spiritual  power.  The  vexation  of  the 
Cardinals  of  the  opposition  was  intense.  Ascanio  Sforza 
and  Lunati  left  Rome  at  once.  Peraudi  is  said  to  have 
gone  to  Alexander  and  rated  him  soundly  to  his  face ; 
but  of  all  the  irreconcilables,  Giuliano  della  Rovere  was 
the  worst.-|-  Charles  VIII.  twice  personally  endeavoured  to 
mollify  him,  but  without  success.  He  absolutely  refused  to 
trust  Alexander,  even  when  the  Pope  in  an  autograph  Brief 

*  MOLiNi,  I.,  22-28;  Thuasne,  II.,  661  seq.  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  185 
seq.  Cf.  SiGiSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  88  seq.^  the  speech  given  here  can 
hardly  be  authentic,  but  the  passage  which  follows  is  important :  Inflexit 
animum  regis  sapiens  et  vera  oratio  ;  sed  multo  magis  largitio  Alexandri 
qua  penitiores  regis  amicos  corruperat.  Cf.  Delaborde,  who  (p.  518) 
misunderstands  the  arrangement  about  the  election  capitulation  ;  see  also 
Heidenheimer,  Correspondenz,  560  seq.  ;  FOUCARD,  Carteggio  DipL, 
44  (Napoli,  1879),  a^<i  Balan,  336. 

t  BURCHARDI  Dianum,  II.,  233,  with  the  saving  clause :  si  sui 
verum  mihi  retulerunt.  Cf.  Schneider,  Peraudi,  44  seq.^  and  Heiden- 
heimer, Correspondenz,  567.  See  also  Despatch  of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy 
of  Jan.  16,  1495,  in  Arch.  St.  Napolit.,  IV.,  791. 


MEETING  OF   THE   POPE   AND  CHARLES   VHI.       459 

assured  him  that  he  should  not  be  molested  on  any  pre- 
text.    He  remained  with  the  King.* 

On  the  same  day,  i6th  January,  1495,  that  the  Cardinals 
Sforza  and  Lunati  left  Rome,  the  French  King  accepted 
the  Pope's  invitation  to  take  up  his  abode  in  the  Vatican, 
where  the  so-called  apartment,  stanze  nuove^  had  been  pre- 
pared for  him.  Alexander  VI.  came  through  the  covered 
way  from  S.  Angelo  to  receive  the  King,  who  on  his  part 
hastened  to  forestall  the  Pope.  They  met  at  the  garden 
entrance  of  the  tunnel,  and  the  moment  the  first  salutations 
were  over  Charles  asked  for  the  Red  Hat  for  his  friend  and 
favourite,  Brigonnet.  The  request  was  granted  on  the  spot, 
and  all  possible  honour  in  every  way  was  shewn  to  the 
King.f  On  the  1 8th  January  the  agreement  was  officially 
ratified,  and  on  the  following  day  Charles  presented  himself 
in  the  Consistory  to  make  his  obedience  to  the  Pope.  After 
the  three  prescribed  genuflections  he  kissed  the  Pope's  foot 
and  hand,  who  then  raised  and  embraced  him.  The 
President  of  the  French  Parliament,  de  Ganay,  then  said 
that  the  King  had  come  to  profess  his  obedience,  but  that 
first  he  had  a  favour  to  ask,  namely,  the  investiture  with 

*  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  196;  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  68.  There  is  also  a 
Papal  *Declaratio  super  benef.  obtenta  for  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  dated 
Jan.  28,  1495,  i^  Regest.  869,  f.  239 ;  ibid.^  235,  Jo.  Bapt.  S.  Nic.  in 
Carcere  et  Jo.  S.  Mariae  in  Aquiro  cardinalibus  datur  absolutio  for 
absence  without  permission  from  the  Court,  dat.  1494  [st.  fl.],  Cal.  Feb. 
A°  3°,  f.  246b.  There  is  a  similar  absolution  for  Card.  A.  Sforza,  dat. 
Rome  [st.  fl.],  prid.  Cal.  Feb.  A°  3°.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

t  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  222  seq.\  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  185  seq.\  Sena- 
REGA,  545.  *Acta  Consist,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives  and  Despatch 
of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy  of  Jan.  16,  1495,  in  Arch.  St.  Napolit.,  IV., 
791-2.  On  Bri(^onnet's  aspiration  to  the  Cardinalate,  see  Delaborde, 
274  seq.^  294,  330.  Brigonnet  left  a  memorial  in  Rome  in  the  Church 
of  SS.  Trinitk  de'  Monti  for  which  he  gave  the  marble ;  cf.  Cardella, 
268  seq. 


460  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Naples.  Alexander  answered  evasively ;  but  nevertheless 
Charles  proceeded  to  make  his  obedience,  pronouncing  in 
French  the  prescribed  fornnula.  "  Holy  Father,  I  am  come 
to  offer  obedience  and  homage  to  your  Holiness,  as  my 
predecessors  the  Kings  of  France  have  done  before  me." 
When  Charles  had  ceased  speaking,  de  Ganay  added  that 
his  master  acknowledged  Alexander  as  the  true  Vicar 
of  Christ,  and  successor  of  the  Apostles  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul.* 

Alexander  had  now  surmounted  his  greatest  danger  ;  he 
had  obtained  the  recognition  of  the  ruler  of  France  and 
conqueror  of  Italy.  He  shewed  his  gratitude  by  making 
the  King's  cousin,  Philip  of  Luxemburg,  a  Cardinal  on 
January  2ist.-t-  On  the  25th  of  January,  the  Feast  of  the 
Conversion  of  S.  Paul,  the  Pope  and  the  King  proceeded 
together  in  state,  accompanied  by  the  Cardinals  and 
Amabassadors,  from  S.  Peter's  to  S.  Paul's  as  a  public 
manifestation  of  their  friendship.^  "  Alexander  VI.,"  says 
the  Mantuan  Envoy,  "  endeavours  to  gratify  the  French  in 
every  way ;  all  possible  expectancies,  reservations  and 
favours  of  all  sorts  are  bestowed  on  them."f  The 
Ferrarese  Envoy  was  convinced  that  Charles  had  received 
the  investiture  of  Naples,  and  been  named  Emperor  of 
Constantinople.     Similar  rumours  were  circulated  through- 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  226  seq.^  and  Despatch  of  the  Ferrarese 
Envoy  of  Jan.  14,  1495,  in  Arch.  St.  Napolit,  IV.,  793. 

t  Panvinius,  334,  erroneously  places  the  nomination  in  the  year 
1497 ;  and  Cardella,  270,  in  1496.  The  date  given  above  is  the  one 
mentioned  in  BURCHARDi  Diarium,  II.,  233  ;  in  Brognolo's  ^Despatch 
of  the  22nd  Jan.,  1495  (Appendix,  N.  32),  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua, 
and  in  the  "^Acta  Consist,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives. 

X  BURCHARDi  Diarium,  II.,  234  ;  and  Brognolo's  *^ Report  of  Jan.  28, 
1495.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

§  See  Appendix,  N.  32,  ^Report  of  Brognolo,  Jan.  22,  1495.  Gonzaga 
Archives,  Mantua. 


CHARLES   VIII.    MARCHES   ON    NAPLES.  461 

out  Italy  and  Germany.  In  reality,  beyond  the  agreement 
of  January  15th,  the  King  had  obtained  nothing  except  the 
nomination  of  two  Cardinals.* 

The  commissariat  for  the  French  army  in  Rome  became 
daily  more  and  more  difficult,  and  the  disputes  between  the 
citizens  and  the  soldiery  were  incessant.  Charles  could 
have  had  no  motive  for  lingering  there  any  longer,  unless  it 
were  that  he  still  hoped  to  obtain  the  investiture  of  Naples. 
If  so,  he  was  mistaken.  When  at  last  he  took  leave  of  the 
Pope  on  January  28th,  the  only  document  that  he  received 
was  the  Bull  granting  free  passage  to  his  army  through  the 
States  of  the  Church.-|- 

In  splendid  weather,  Charles  VIII.  set  out  to  attack 
Naples,  along  the  same  Roman  road  which  had  been 
selected  by  Charles  of  Anjou,  229  years  before.  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  and  Peraudi  awaited  him  in  Marino,  and  it 
was  here  that  he  was  informed  of  Alfonso  II.'s  abdication. 
So  abject  was  the  terror  of  the  despotic  ruler  of  the  two 

*  Cf.  Malipiero,  VII.,  I,  329;.Sanudo,  Spediz.,  188;  Foucard, 
Carteggio,  46,  and  Arch.  St.  Napolit.,  IV.,  792-4 ;  Delaborde,  522-33. 
Maximilian  had  in  a  letter  apparently  written  in  December  1494,  pro- 
tested against  Charles'  supposed  intention  of  assuming  the  title  of 
Imperator  Graecorum  ;  Peraudi  was  asked  to  dissuade  him  from  doing 
this  ;  (see  Ulmann,  I.,  272).  It  was  Peraudi  who  on  the  6th  September, 
1494,  had  obtained  from  Andreas  Palasologus,  who  was  then  living  in 
Rome,  the  transference  of  his  rights  over  Byzantium  to  Charles  VIII. 
Foncomagne  has  published  the  original  draft  of  this  act  of  cession  which 
is  in  the  Library  of  Paris.  See  Mem.  de  TAcad.  d.  Inscript.,  XVII., 
539-78  (Paris,  1 751);  Delaborde,  405,  gives  a  portrait  of  Charles, 
adorned  with  Imperial  Insignia,  out  of  the  Coll.  Gaigni^res  d.  Bibl.  Nat. 

t  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  226  seq.\  Sanudo,  wSpediz.,  192  (with  a 
wrong  date  for  the  leave-taking  from  the  Pope),  and  195  ;  cf.  Dela- 
borde, 526,  who  draws  a  veil  over  the  excesses  of  the  French  ;  on  this 
point,  cf.  the  Despatch  of  Jan.  22,  in  Balan,  337,  n.  5  ;  Brognolo,  in 
his  ■'^■^Letter  of  the  28th  Jan.,  1495,  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua,  states 
that  Charles  took  leave  of  the  Pope  on  tliat  day. 


462  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Sicilies,  that  he  would  start  up  in  his  sleep  crying  that  "  he 
heard  the  French  coming,  and  all  the  trees  and  rocks 
calling  France."  He  fled  to  Sicily,  leaving  to  his  youthful 
son  Ferrantino  a  ruined  kingdom  with  the  enemy  at  the 
gate.* 

At  Velletri,  Charles  met  with  a  significant  token  of  the 
change  in  the  temper  of  the  Great  Powers  of  Europe 
which  had  been  wrought  by  his  conquests  in  Italy.  The 
Envoys  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  expressed  the  dis- 
pleasure of  their  King  at  his  disrespectful  treatment  of  the 
Pope,  his  occupation  of  the  strongholds  in  the  States  of  the 
Church,  and,  finally,  of  this  expedition  against  Naples  ;  they 
reminded  him  of  the  conditions  in  the  treaty  of  Barcelona, 
which  conferred  on  their  King  the  right  to  defend  the 
Church,  and  they  demanded  that  Ostia  should  be  restored, 
Caesar  Borgia  released,  and  the  attack  upon  Naples  re- 
linquished. Charles  refused,  and  high  words  passed  be- 
tween them.f 

Another  unpleasant  surprise  befell  Charles  at  Velletri  ; 
Caesar  Borgia  suddenly  disappeared.  The  King  com- 
plained to  the  Pope,  who  professed  utter  ignorance  of  the 
whereabouts  of  the  missing  Prince,  and  expressed  his 
regret,  but  did  not  send  any  other  Cardinal.^  Charles 
however,  still  continued  his  southward  march,  lured  on  by 
easy  victories,  for  everywhere  the  party  of  Anjou  rose  to 
meet  his  troops.  On  the  27th  January,  Ferrantino  himself 
aimounced  to  his  Envoy  "  Aquila  has  raised  the  standard 

*  Havemann,  I.,  78-9  ;  Reumont,  Carafa,  I.,  18  seq. 

t  ZURITA,  v.,  54b  ;  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  196,  204  seq. ;  Prescott,  IL, 
29  seq.\  Delaborde,  542  seq.\  HoFLER,  Don  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  65; 
BernayS,  P.  Martyr,  74,  note  2  ;  ThuasNE,  Djem-Sultan,  447. 

X  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  IL,  loi  seq.\  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  197  seq.  ; 
Diario  Ferrarese,  293  ;  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  44  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium, 
II.,  238  seq.\  Alvisi,  18-19. 


CHAR1.es  VIII.    ENTERS    NAPLES.  463 

of  France,  Sulmona  and  Popoli  have  followed  suit ;  in  the 
Abruzzi  all  is  lost  as  far  as  Celano."* 

To  please  the  Colonna,  Charles  permitted  the  storming  of 
the  fastnesses  of  the  Conti,  although  these  were  within  the 
States  of  the  Church.  The  Fort  of  Monte  S.  Giovanni,  close 
to  the  Neapolitan  border,  fell  at  the  first  onslaught,  and 
was  set  on  fire,  while  nearly  all  its  inhabitants  were  cut  to 
pieces.  The  destruction  of  this  stronghold  which  had  been 
supposed  impregnable,  and  the  barbarity  which  accom- 
panied it,  so  terrified  the  Neapolitans  that  they  retired 
without  striking  a  blow.  The  French  found  the  fortified 
cities,  the  passes,  and  even  the  important  post  of  S. 
Germano,  undefended.  Even  the  weather  seemed  to  be 
on  their  side.  The  February  of  that  year  was  unusually 
mild  ;  the  fields  were  brilliantly  green  and  studded  with 
spring  flowers.  On  the  i6th  February  Gaeta  fell.  Capua 
had  opened  her  gates  on  the  13th  to  the  French.  Ferrantino 
waited  in  vain  for  help  from  Spain  and  the  Turks.  On 
the  22nd  February  he  fled  to  Ischia,  while  Charles  VIII. 
enthusiastically  welcomed  by  the  populace,  entered  Naples 
in  triumph.  Caesar's  boast  "  I  came,  I  saw,  I  conquered," 
wrote  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  "  was  surpassed."f  "  In  the 
short  space  of  a  few  weeks,"  remarks  another  contemporary 
writer,  "the  French  conquered  as  by  a  miracle,  a  whole 
kingdom,  almost  without  striking  a  blow/'  I     '*  The  French," 

*  FUSCO,  Intomo  alle  zecche  ed  alle  monete  battute  nel  reame  di 
Napoli  da  Re  Carlo  VIII.,  132  (Napoli,  1846);  Reumont,  Carafa,  I.,  25. 

t  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  102  seg'.^  109;  Senarega,  546; 
Jovius,  II.,  ^o  seg.  Diario  di  S.  Tommaso  di  Silvestro,  37;  Sanudo, 
Spediz.,  208  seg.^  Notar  Giacomo,  187  seg. ;  Pilorgerie,  176  seg.; 
Havemann,  I.,  81  seg.;  Delaborde,  547  seg.;  CiPOLLA,  715.  The 
Diario  Ferrarese,  289,  also  alludes  to  the  extreme  mildness  of  the  whole 
winter  of  1494-95. 

X  Fr.  Ricciardi  da  PiSTOJA,  Ricordi,  23  ;  c/.  Diario  di  S.  TOMMASO 
DI  Silvestro,  39. 


464  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

said  Alexander  VI.,  "  came  in  with  wooden  spears  and 
found  they  had  nothing  to  do  but  the  quartermaster's  work 
of  marking  the  doors  with  chalk."* 

There  was  nothing  now  to  delay  the  Crusade  for  the 
conquest  of  the  Holy  Land,  which  had  been  so  solemnly 
announced  by  Charles,  and  within  his  own  immediate 
circle  voices  were  not  wanting  to  remind  him  of  the  fact. 
One  of  the  most  urgent  of  these  was  that  of  Cardinal 
Peraudi,  whose  whole  life  had  been  devoted  to  this  cause. 
There  are  clear  indications  that  Charles  VIII.  at  this  time 
was  seriously  considering  the  project  of  the  war  against 
the  Turks,  for  which  Alexander  VI.  had  promulgated  a 
Bull  in  February;-]-  but  he  never  got  so  far  as  to  take 
any  action  in  the  matter.  He  preferred  to  remain  in 
Naples  and  revel  in  the  delights  of  the  earthly  paradise 
which  had  been  so  easily  won  ;  the  prowess  of  the  zealous 
champion  of  Christendom  and  reformer  of  the  Church  ex- 
pended itself  in  enterprises  of  a  very  different  character.^: 
This,  however,  did  not  prevent  the  French  from  threatening 
Alexander  with  a  Council  which  was  to  reform  both  the 
Pope  and  the  Church.§ 

*  COMMINES,  VII.,  14. 

t  This  document,  to  be  found  in  Malipiero,  404,  was  formerly 
universally  ascribed  to  the  year  1494,  and  brought  forward  as  a  proof 
of  Alexander's  duplicity ;  Delaborde,  however,  has  proved  that  the 
Bull  belongs  to  the  year  1495,  thus  dispersing  all  accusations  founded  on 
this  supposition.     Cf.  supra^  Book  II.,  chap.  2,  p.  422. 

X  Cf.  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  261-2  ;  DELABORDE,  in  his  narrative  assumes 
far  too  readily  that  the  King  was  really  in  earnest  about  the  Turkish 
war ;  SCHNEIDER,  Peraudi,  47,  ta  es  the  opposite  view  and  doubts 
whether  the  King  had  ever  seriously  contemplated  undertaking  it. 
In  fact,  this  opinion  is  the  more  correct  one  ;  it  seems  very  doubtful 
that  Charles  took  any  real  interest  either  in  the  Crusade  or  the  reform 
of  the  Church.  Cf.  MarkGRAF  in  Sybels  Hist.-Zeitschr.,  LXV.,  552, 
and  FUMI,  Alessandro  VI.,  17. 

§  Cf.  the  Ferrarese  Despatches  in  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  45-6. 


DEATH   OF   PRINCE   DSCHEM.  465 

Dschem's  death  which  took  place  February  25,  1495,  was 
a  severe  blow  to  the  King,  but  not  more  so  than  to  the 
Pope.  In  those  days,  all  cases  of  sudden  death  were 
invariably  attributed  to  poison  ;  and  the  enemies  of  Alex- 
ander at  once  accused  him  of  the  crime,  but  without  the 
smallest  ground.  It  is  clear  that  Dschem  died  a  natural 
death  ;  probably  the  result  of  his  disorderly  life.*  Accord- 
ing to  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  it  was  in  consequence  of  his 
death  that  the  King  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  the  Crusade.f 

To  the  French  army  the  prolonged  stay  in  Naples  was 
most  disastrous.  Bacchus  and  Venus  reigned  paramount 
among  the  soldiers.J 

While  Charles  VIII.  was  thus  revelling  in  the  delights 
of  the  South,  a  storm  was  gathering  against  the  "  foreign 
barbarians "  in  the  North.  The  "  unexampled  good  for- 
tune "  of  the  French  aroused  an  alarm  in  Italy  which  was 
shared  by  the  Cabinets  of  foreign  powers.  It  seemed  as  if 
France  was  on  the  point  of  obtaining  that  imperial  power 
and  world-wide  domination  at  which  she  had  so  long  been 
aiming.  The  opposition  of  Spain  has  already  been  men- 
tioned. Upon  the  first  successes  of  Charles,  Maximilian  I. 
had  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Venice,  where  many  were 
already  beginning  to  perceive  the  consequences  of  the 
neutrality  of  the   government ;  but    the    negotiations   pro- 

*  To  the  printed  testimony  and  opinions  brought  forward  by 
l'EpinoiS,  412  (^  CiPOLLA,  7 1 9,  and  FORGEOT,  1 46),  there  is  now 
to  be  added  the  following  unprinted  documents,  which  would  no  doubt 
have  led  Thuasne,  Djem-Sultan,  375,  to  alter  his  opinion  (he  leaves  the 
question  undecided) ;  Brognolo  on  March  3,  writes  from  Rome  to  the 
Marquess  of  Mantua  :  "^Illmo  S""  mio.  Ali  25  del  passato  mori  in  Napoli 
el  fratello  del  Gran  Turcho ;  credo  di  sua  morte,  benche  molti  dicano 
che  li  sia  stato  date  da  bevere  :  questo  h^  vero  che  Tera  disordenatissimo 
de  ogni  cosa.     Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua. 

t  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II.,  11 1. 

X  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  240. 

VOL.  V.  2  H 


466  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

ceeded  but  slowly,  until  the  fall  of  the  Aragonese  kingdom 
startled  them  into  brisker  life.*  Lodovico  il  Moro,  who 
had  long  ceased  to  be  friends  with  the  French  King,  in 
telling  the  bad  news  to  the  Venetian  Envoy,  added  that  now 
there  was  not  a  moment  to  lose.  In  Venice  the  consterna- 
tion was  so  great  that  Commines  compares  it  to  that  which 
was  caused  in  Rome  by  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Cannae.f 
Secret  negotiations  were  at  once  set  on  foot.  From  the 
unsatisfactory  answer  to  the  request  made  at  the  end  of 
March  by  the  French  Envoy  for  the  investiture  with  Naples, 
Charles  could  easily  guess  that  the  Pope  was  aware  of 
what  was  going  on.  Alexander  openly  alluded  to  the 
League  which  he  had  been  requested  to  join,  and  sent 
the  golden  Rose  to  the  Doge.J  By  the  time  his  messenger 
had  got  to  Venice  the  coalition  against  France  was  well 
started. 

On  the  31st  March,  1495,  ^  Holy  League  for  25  years 
was  concluded  between  Venice,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of 
Spain,  Maximilian  I.,  Lodovico  il  Moro,  and  the  Pope,  for 

*  Cf.  Ulmann,  I,,  282  seq.^  and  the  rectifications  in  the  Gott.  Gel. 
Anz.  (1885)  I.,  336  seq. 

t  Commines,  VH.,  20;  Romanin,  V.,  66;  Delaborde,  5835-^^.; 
Balan,  v.,  340  seq.  For  a  criticism  of  the  Pope's  policy,  see  also 
Maury,  in  the  Rev.  Hist.,  VHI.,  84. 

X  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  277-80  j-^^.;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  248  seq.  ; 
Malipiero,  334-8.  "^  Brief  of  commendation  for  the  bearer  of  the 
Golden  Rose,  April  10,  1495.  (Florentine  State  Archives.)  Cipolla, 
720  ;  Delaborde,  588  seq,  Alexander  VI.,  who  was  aware  of  Giuliano 
della  Rovere's  plans  for  getting  him  deposed  (Sanudo,  267),  thought  for 
a  moment  at  this  time  of  fleeing  from  Rome  ;  but  A.  Sforza  who  since 
February  had  been  reconciled  with  him  (see  ^Letter  of  A.  Stangha, 
Feb.  23,  1495,  Milanese  State  Archives),  dissuaded  him ;  cf.  Balan, 
v.,  343.  With  regard  to  Giuliano,  Joh.  Bapt.  Brocchus  reports  from 
Rome,  Feb.  23,  1495  •  *S.  Pietro  ad  vine,  ha  scripto  alii  soi  di  Roma 
che  li  mandino  per  mare  a  Napoli  li  soi  argenti  et  sue  tapezarie  ;  bar- 
bugli  et  trame  ogni  modo  ci  saranno.     Milanese  State  Archives. 


CONCLUSION    OF  THE   HOLY   LEAGUE.  467 

the  defence  of  Christendom  against  the  Turks,  and  for  the 
preservation  of  the  dignity  of  the  Chair  of  S.  Peter  and 
the  rights  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  The  members  of 
the  League  engaged  to  defend  each  other's  dominions 
against  all  attacks  of  foreign  powers  who,  at  the  present 
time,  had  possessions  in  Italy,  and  this  was  to  hold  good 
even  though  such  powers  should  have  lost  the  territories 
that  now  belonged  to  them.  Each  member  was  to  furnish 
8000  horsemen  and  1000  foot  soldiers,  the  Pope  to  provide 
half  this  number,  but  with  the  condition  that  he  should 
use  his  spiritual  powers.* 

On  Palm  Sunday,  April  12th,  the  League  was  solemnly 
announced  in  the  various  States  which  had  joined  it.  The 
Pope  ordered  the  Vicars  and  Governors  in  the  States  of  the 
Church  to  have  the  event  solemnly  celebrated  in  their 
Vicariates  and  cities.f  On  the  5th  of  April  the  Venetian 
Envoy  officially  informed  Charles  of  the  conclusion  of  the 
League.  He  was  furious  at  the  news  ;  Cardinal  Giuliano 
endeavoured  in  vain  to  calm  him. J 

The  only  chance  of  salvation  now  lay  in  a  rapid  retreat 

*  LiJNlG,  Cod.,  L,  I,  I,  115  seq.;  Sanudo,  284,  mentions  secret 
articles,  details  of  which  are  given  by  Guicciardini,  lib.  2.  Even 
though  these  latter  may,  as  Ulmann,  L,  286  seq.  has  shewn,  be  unau- 
thentic, still  Ruber,  IIL,  342,  is  certainly  right  in  maintaining  that  "it 
stands  to  reason  that  there  must  have  been  secret  articles "  on  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  French  from  Italy.  See  also  PORTlOLi's  rare  work,  La 
Lega  contra  Carlo  VIII.,  nel  1495  (nozze  del  Vecchio-Norsa).  Mantova, 
1876.  Ranke,  Germ,  und  Roman.  Volker,  51,  erroneously  gives  March 
29,  as  the  day  on  which  the  League  was  concluded. 

t  Sanudo,  305  seq.\  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  250  seq.\  Diario 
Ferrarese,  298  ;  Malipiero,  337  ;  PORTIOLI,  loc.  cit. ;  FUMI,  Alessandro 
VI.,  27,  79;  Amiani,  II.,  74;  Bergenroth,  I,  57;  Gregorovius, 
VII.,  369,  n.  I,  ed.  3  (375,  n.  i,  ed.  4).  *Brief  to  G.  Sforza,  April  7, 
1495.     State  Archives,  Florence,  Urb.  Eccl. 

X  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  294  ;  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  316  ;  Cipolla,  721. 


468  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

before  the  allies  should  have  time  to  collect  their  forces. 
Instead  of  this,  the  French  King,  with  incomprehensible 
fatuity,  wasted  the  precious  moments  in  endeavouring  by 
alternate  entreaties  and  menaces  to  induce  the  Pope  to  grant 
him  the  investiture  of  the  kingdom.  When  he  saw  that  the 
case  was  hopeless,  he  proceeded  on  May  I2th,  to  the 
Cathedral  of  Naples,  crowned,  carrying  the  Imperial  Orb 
in  his  left  hand  and  the  Sceptre  in  his  right,  and  accom- 
panied by  a  splendid  retinue,  to  assert  his  claim  before  all 
the  world  both  to  the  Kingdom  of  Naples  and  the  Empire 
of  the  East.  The  strange  procession  elicited  no  demonstra- 
tion of  any  sort*  Not  till  May  the  20th,  did  the  King 
with  the  half  of  his  army  commence  his  retreat ;  the  rest  of 
the  troops  remained  under  the  command  of  Montpensier  to 
hold  the  conquered  kingdom. 

To  Alexander  this  meant  a  renewal  of  the  perilous 
situation  of  the  previous  December.  In  the  beginning  of 
May  he  complained  to  the  Envoys  of  Spain,  Venice,  and 
Milan,  that  Venice  was  the  only  member  of  the  League 
which  had  sent  him  any  troops  ;  could  not  the  Powers  see, 
he  said,  that  he  would  have  to  bear  the  first  brunt  of  the 
attack ;  he  did  not  wish  to  lose  his  tiara.f  On  May  3rd, 
a  consultation  was  held  in  Consistory  as  to  whether  the 
Pope  should  leave  Rome.  The  general  opinion  was  in 
favour  of  his  remaining  ;  especially  as  the  Romans  were 
confident  of  their  ability  to  defend  the  city  ;  but  on  the 
4th,  Alexander  informed  the  Cardinals  that,  as  the  presence 
of  the  French  was  likely  to  cause  disturbances  in  Rome,  he 

*  NOTAR  GlACOMO,  i()o  seq.  Arch.  St.  Napolit,  IV.,  797-8  ;  PlLOR- 
GERIE,  272  seq.  ;  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  51  ;  ThuaSNE,  291-2,  and 
*Report  of  G.  Tuttavilla  to  A.  Sforza,  dat.  Naples,  May  13,  1495.  State 
Archives,  Modena,  used  by  Balan,  346. 

+  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  326  ;  Allegretti,  844,  mentions  the  recall  of  the 
Papal  troops  to  Rome. 


PAPAL   NEGOTIATIONS  WITH   CHARLES  VIII.        469 

intended  to  retire  to  Orvieto.*  On  the  6th  of  May,  Charles 
despatched  a  tranquillising  letter  to  the  Pope ;  he  pledged 
his  Royal  honour  that  during  his  stay  in  Rome  he  would 
undertake  nothing  to  the  disadvantage  either  of  Alexander 
or  the  Romans.  The  Pope  replied  that  he  and  the  Sacred 
College  could  not  sanction  the  King's  project  of  coming  to 
Rome,  let  him  choose  some  other  meeting-place,  Orvieto 
or  Spoleto  ;  two  Legates  would  be  sent  to  conduct  him 
through  the  States  of  the  Church.f  Accordingly,  on  May 
nth,  Cardinals  Morton  and  Carvajal  were  selected  in 
Consistory  for  the  office.|  At  the  same  time,  Rome  was 
put  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  entrenchments  were  thrown 
up  before  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo.  On  the  19th  of  May, 
fresh  Envoys  arrived  from  the  King,  Cardinal  de  la 
Grolaie,  M.  de  Bresse,  and  Frangois  de  Luxemburg.  They 
offered  in  the  name  of  the  King  a  yearly  tribute  of  50,000 
ducats,  and  the  payment  of  the  100,000  ducats  still  owing 
from  Alfonso  and  Ferrante,  if  the  Pope  would  grant  him  the 
investiture  of  Naples  ;  in  regard  to  the  Turkish  war,  Charles 
would  personally  arrange  v;ith  Alexander.  The  Pope  re- 
fused, although  the  Envoys  spoke  in  a  menacing  tone.§ 

The  excitement  in  the  city  meanwhile  increased  from 
day  to  day.  "  People  are  in  terror  "  writes  an  Envoy  on 
the  20th  May  "  not  only  for  their  property,  but  for  their 
lives  also.  During  the  last  hundred  years  Rome  has  never 
been  so  entirely  cleared  of  silver  and  valuables  of  all  sorts. 
Not  one  of  the  Cardinals  has  plate  enough  to  serve  six 
persons  ;    the    houses    are   dismantled.      Every   day    fresh 

*  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  327  seq.^  and  the  "^Notes  of  Cardinal  Cesarini, 
Cod.  XXXI IL,  48,  f.  31,  in  the  Barberini  Library,  Rome,  ah'eady  referred 
to,  supra,  p.  453,  note  *. 

t  GREGOROVIUS,  VII.,  370,  n.  2,  ed.  3  (376,  n.  2,  ed.  4) ;  Balan,  347. 

X  ■'^Acta  Consist,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives. 

§  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  337,  343,  347 ;  Schneujer,  Peraudi,  47. 


470  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

troops  come  in  ;  bastions  have  been  erected  at  four  of  the 
gates."  Some  days  earlier  the  same  writer  had  announced 
that  the  Pope  meant  to  fly  without  waiting  for  any  more 
communications  with  the  King.*  This  intention  was 
carried  out.  On  the  27th,  Alexander  left  Rome  accom- 
panied by  his  body-guard,  some  Venetian  and  Milanese 
mercenaries,  and  twenty  Cardinals,  and  went  by  Civita 
Vecchia  to  Orvieto.f  In  the  Consistorial  Acts,  it  is  stated 
that  the  Pope  left  Rome  in  order  to  avoid  disturbances 
which  might  arise  during  the  passage  of  the  King's  army, 
in  consequence  of  the  different  nationalities  comprised  in 
the  Papal  and  French  troops.J 

On  the  1st  of  June  Charles  VIII.,  accompanied  by  the 
Cardinals  Giuliano,  Fregoso,  and  La  Grolaie,  arrived  at 
the   gates    of  Rome.      By    the    Pope's    orders,    Cardinal 

*  **Litterae  Zambeccarii  ad  Nestorem  Palliotum,  dat.  Rom,  Maii  19 
and  20,  1495.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

t  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  356  seq.  Brief  of  June  i,  in  Notizenblatt  (1856), 
448  ;  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  55  seq.  ;  Malipiero,  342  seq.^  344  seq.  ; 
Balan,  348,  Diario  di  S.  Tommaso  di  Silvestro,  40 ;  ^Despatch  of 
Brognolo,  May  31, 1495  (Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua) ;  CiPOLLA,  722.  In 
regard  to  Alexander's  stay  at  Orvieto,  see  Storia  del  Duomo  d'Orvieto,  76 
(Roma,  1 791);  and  FUMl's  valuable  work,  Alessandro  VI.,  ed.  il  Valen- 
tino in  Orvieto,  27,  28.     Cf.  also,  D.  Dal  Re,  123  seq. 

X  "^Causa  autem  huius  discessus  fuit  ad  evitandum  scandala  quae  verisi- 
militer  exoriri  potuissent  in  adventu  christ.  Francorum  regis  cum  exer- 
citu  e  Neapoli  redeuntis  per  urbem  transituri  attenta  hominum  et  morum 
varietate  praesertim  gentium  armigerorum  diversarum  nationum  et 
factionum  quae  pro  securitate  eius  Sanctis  et  status  ecclesiae  per  ill.  d. 
Venetos  et  Mediol.  ducem  destinata  fuerant.  ("^Acta  Consist.)  The 
names  of  the  20  Cardinals  who  accompanied  the  Pope  are  given  here  : 
I,  Neapolit.;  2,  S.  Angeli ;  3,  Ulixbon.;  4,  Recanat.  ;  5,  S.  Clementis  ;  6, 
Parmen.;  7,  Benevent.;  8,  Ursinus  ;  9,  Montisregalis  ;  10,  Alexandrin.; 
.11,  Cartagin.;  12,  Senen.;  13,  S.  Georgii ;  14,  Valent.;  15,  De  Caesaris  ; 
16,  Ascanius  ;  1 7,  S.  Severini ;  i8,Grimani;  19,  Farnesio ;  20,  Lunati. 
Consistorial  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


CHARLES   VIII.    RE-ENTERS   ROME.  47 1 

Morton,  the  Legate  who  had  been  left  behind,*  invited  him 
to  take  up  his  residence  in  the  Vatican.  The  King  declined 
this,  and  after  a  visit  to  S.  Peter's,  established  himself  in  the 
Palace  of  Cardinal  Domenico  della  Rovere  in  the  Borgo. 
The  garrisons  were  now  withdrawn  from  Terracina  and 
Civita  Vecchia,  but  that  of  Ostia  remained.  The  King, 
anxious  to  give  no  handle  of  accusation  to  his  enemies, 
enforced  the  strictest  discipline.  The  Swiss  soldiers  were 
not  allowed  to  enter  the  city.  Except  for  one  or  two 
isolated  cases  of  robbery,  the  French  occupation  this  time 
passed  off  without  disorder.  On  the  3rd  of  June  Charles 
moved  on  to  Baccano.f 

Charles  VIII.  still  hoped  that  the  Pope  and  he  might 
meet,  and  sent  an  embassy  to  Orvieto  to  endeavour  to 
bring  this  about  Even  Cardinal  Sforza  on  the  ist  of 
June  still  believed  that  Alexander  would  see  the  King  ; 
but  the  Pope  could  not  bring  himself  to  trust  the  French, 
and  on  June  5  he  hurried  away  to  Perugia  with  his  Car- 
dinals   and    the  Envoys.J       Now  at  last,  Charles   became 

*  The  Decree  nominating  Cardinal  Morton  legatus  de  latere  in  Rome, 
is  wrongly  dated  in  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1495,  n.  21  :  VIII.  Cal.  Janu- 
arii.  Mansi's  correction  is  equally  erroneous.  The  Decree  is  dated  : 
R.  1495,  octavo  Cal.  Junii,  A°  3°,  '^Regest.  869,  f  269.  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican. 

t  Gregorovius,  VII.,  371,  note  3,  ed.  3  (377,  note  3,  ed.  4),  thinks 
from  a  note  in  the  book  of  the  Confraternity  of  S'^  Spirito  that  Charles 
was  still  in  Rome  on  June  4.  All  other  authorities,  however,  name  the 
3rd  as  the  day  of  his  departure  ;  see  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  366  ;  SiGiSMONDO 
de'  Conti,  II.,  114  seq.  ;  the  Reports  in  Balan,  348  ;  the  letter  of  the 
Conservators  in  Arch.  Rom.,  XL,  692.  ''^Acta  Consist,  and  the  *Memor- 
andum  by  Card.  Cesarini ;  Barberini  Library,  Rome.  (See  infra^  p.  474, 
note  t) ;  cf.  Manfredi's  Despatch  in  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  55,  57. 

X  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  367  ;  Diario  di  S.  Tommaso  di  Silvestro,  42 ; 
Cronache  di  Perugia,  113;  FUMI,  Alessandro  VI.,  29  ;  A.  Sforza  declares 
in  a  ^Letter,  dated  Orvieto,  June  i,  1495,  ^hat  an  interview  between 
Charles  and  Alexander  would  take  place.     State  Archives,  Milan. 


472  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

convinced  that  there  was  no  chance  of  a  meeting.  When 
his  scouts  announced  that  the  Venetian  and  Milanese  troops 
were  on  their  way  to  join  each  other  at  Parma  he  hastened 
his  retreat* 

On  the  13th  June  the  French  King  reached  Siena,  and 
soon  after  arrived  at  Poggibonzi,  where  Savonarola  came  to 
meet  him.  "  Most  Christian  Prince  "  he  said  "  you  have 
incurred  the  wrath  of  God  by  neglecting  that  work  of 
reforming  the  Church  which,  by  my  mouth,  He  had  charged 
you  to  undertake,  and  to  which  He  had  called  you  by  so 
many  unmistakeable  signs.  This  time  you  will  escape 
from  the  danger  which  threatens  you ;  but  if  you  again 
disregard  the  command  which  He  now,  through  me  His 
unworthy  slave,  reiterates,  and  still  refuse  to  take  up  the 
work  which  He  commits  to  you,  I  warn  you  that  He  will 
punish  you  with  far  more  terrible  misfortunes,  and  will 
choose  another  man  in  your  place."  f 

Charles  succeeded  in  crossing  the  Apennines  in  safety 
with  all  his  artillery.J  It  was  not  till  he  reached  the  Taro  at 
Fornuovo  that  he  came  across  the  army  of  the  allies  under 
the  command  of  the  Marquess  Francesco  Gonzaga.  On 
the  6th  of  July  they  fought  ;  the  battle  was  sharp  but 
short. §     Charles  plunged  into  the  thickest  of  the  fray,  nor 

*   SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  1 1  5. 

t  ViLLARl,  Savonarola,  II.,  11  (Engl,  trans.). 

X  On  the  heroic  conduct  of  Charles'  soldiers,  especially  the  Swiss,  c/.- 
MuLlNEN,  Schweizer  Soldner,  138  seg. 

§  Scardovelli's  La  battaglia  di  Fornovo  (Mantova,  1889),  is  of  little 
value.  Luzio-Renier's  work,  Francesco  Gonzaga  alia  battaglia  di 
Fornovo,  secondo  i  document!  Mantovani  (Firenze,  1890),  is  excellent  in 
every  respect.  It  not  only  contains  an  exhaustive  summary  of  the 
numerous  authorities  and  recent  literature  on  the  subject  (Balan,  R. 
Boschetti,  I.,  28  seg. ;  and  MuLiNEN,  Schweizer  Soldner,  140  seg'.,  are 
all  that  require  to  be  added),  but  also  an  extremely  careful  resume  of  the 
notices  of  the  battle  in  the  poetry  of  the  time.     From  the  military  point 


THE  BATTLE  OF  FORNUOVO.  473 

was  the  Marquess  Gonzaga  behind-hand  in  daring  ;  he  had 
three  horses  killed  under  him.  The  King's  army  might 
have  been  practically  annihilated,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the 
undisciplined  Bohemians  who  formed  part  of  the  Italian 
force,  and  who  at  once  began  to  ransack  the  enemy's 
baggage.  This  enabled  the  French  to  cut  their  way 
through,  though  not  without  severe  loss.  The  booty  was 
large  and  valuable,  consisting  of  all  the  plunder  which  had 
been  gathered  during  the  course  of  their  victorious  progress 
through  the  unfortunate  country  which  had  been  so  easily 
mastered.  There  were  innumerable  chests  filled  with 
jewels  and  gold  and  silver-  plate,  two  banners,  Charles's 
helmet  and  sword,  and  his  golden  seal,  together  with  a  book 
containing  the  portraits  of  many  fair  ladies  whose  favours 
the  gallant  monarch  had  won  in  the  various  cities  through 
which  he  had  passed.  It  was  not  wonderful  that  the  Italians 
should  have  claimed  the  victory,  although  the  object  of  the 
battle  had  not  been  attained.  The  beautiful  Madonna 
della  Vittoria,  which  was  painted  by  Mantegna  by  order  of 
the  Marquess  of  Mantua,  remains  as  a  standing  memorial 
of  this  claim.     It  is  now  in  the  Louvre  in  Paris.* 

The  patriotism  of  the  Italian  poets  burst  into  flame  over 
the  success  of  their  arms  at  Fornuovo,  and  they  are  almost 
unanimous  in  singing  of  it  as  a  brilliant  victory .f     Antonio 

of  view  see  RiCOTTi,  Storia  delle  Compagnie  di  Ventura  in  Italia,  III., 
304  seq.  (Torino,  1845).  Foi"  the  topography  see  Symonds,  New  Italian 
Sketches,  240  seq.  Leipzig,  1884. 

■'*■  Cf.  PORTlOLl's  interesting  work,  La  chiesa  e  la  Madonna  della 
Vittoria  (Mantova,  1883)  ;  Crowe-CavalcaSELLE,  n.,432  j^^.;  MOntz, 
Renaiss.,  601  seq.  ;  Engraving  in  DelaboRDE,  650.  Cf.  also  Heiss, 
Les  Medailleurs  de  la  Renaissance  ;  Sperandio  de  Mantoue,  45  (Paris, 
1886) ;  and  LuziO-Renier,  loc.  cit.^  25,  for  notkesof  Sperandio's  medal 
which  bears  the  boastful  inscription  "Ob  restitutam  Italiae  libertatem." 

t  On  the  influence  of  the  political  and  military  events  of  that  time 
on  Italian   Poetry,   see  Luzio-Renier,  loc.  cit.,  34  seq.,  41  seq.  \  and 


474  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

Cammelli  is  the  only  one  who,  with  a  calmer  and  clearer 
insight   than    the   rest   of  his    countrymen    acknowledges 

that.* 

Passo  il  Re  franco,  Italia,  a  tuo  dispetto 
Cosa  che  non  fe  mai  '1  popul  romano. 
Col  legno  in  resta  e  con  la  spada  in  mano 
Con  nemici  a  le  spalle  e  innanti  al  petto 
Cesare  e  Scipion,  di  lui  ho  letto, 
I  nemici  domar  de  mano  in  mano : 
E  cestui,  come  un  can  che  va  lontano 
Mordendo  questo  e  quel  pass5  via  netto. 

Not  till  the  15th  July,  when  he  reached  Asti,  was 
Charles  able  at  last  to  give  a  little  well-earned  rest  to  his 
jaded  troops.  Fortune  seemed  now  to  have  entirely 
abandoned  the  French.  The  expedition  against  Genoa 
was  unsuccessful,  and  Ferrantino  drove  Charles'  troops  out 
of  Naples  and  forced  them  to  retire  to  Castelnuovo. 

The  Pope  had  returned  to  Rome  on  the  27th  June.f     A 

Gabotto,  Francesismo  e  anti  Francesismo  in  due  poeti  del  quattrocento 
in  the  Rassegna  Emiliana,  I.  Pending  the  publication  of  Marino 
Sanudo's  important  collection  of  poems  in  S.  Mark's  Library  at  Venice 
(it.  IX.,  363),  a  comprehensive  view  of  this  subject  is  not  as  yet  attainable. 
Valuable  extracts  from  this  work  are  to  be  found  in  the  Poesie  storiche 
suUa  Spedizione  de  Carlo  VIII.  in  Italia,  pubblicate  da  Vitt.  Rossi  per  le 
nozze  Renier-Campostrini  (Venezia,  1887).  The  publication  consisted  of 
only  35  copies.  Cf.  also  V.  Rossi,  in  the  Arch.  Veneto,  XXXV.,  207  seq.  ; 
H.  Ungemach,  La  guerra  de  Parma ;  an  Italian  poem  on  the  battle  of 
Fornuovo,  1495,  published  from  an  old  letter-press  copy  ;  Schweinfurt, 
Programm  des  Gymnasiums,  1892,  and  Giorn.  St.  d.  Lett.  Ital,  XX., 
468-^. 

*  Reumont,  Italienische  Sonette,  10  (Archen,  1880).  There  is  a  good 
edition  of  A.  Cammelli's  Sonnets  published  by  Renier  (Torino,  1888), 
in  which  the  one  here  quoted  is  on  p.  324.  In  Cappelli- Ferrari's 
edition  it  is  on  p.  5.     See  also  Arch.  Veneto,  XXXV.,  218. 

t  "^Cum  ingenti  pompa  et  triumpho  ivit  ad  palatium.  (*Acta  Consist, 
in  the  Consistorial  Archives.)     Cardinal  Cesarini,  in  his  notes  says  *Rex 


CHARLES   VIII.    RETURNS   TO   FRANCE.  475 

few  days  later  he  forbade  the  Swiss  mercenaries  to  take  part 
in  the  war  against  the  allies.*  Stronger  measures  soon 
followed.  At  the  request  of  the  Venetians  on  the  5th  of 
August  a  monition  was  issued  threatening  Charles  with 
excommunication  ;f  but  the  most  pressing  danger  for  the 
King  was  the  impending  double  attack  upon  France  from 
Ferdinand  of  Spain  on  one  side,  and  the  Emperor  Maxi- 
milian on  the  other.  It  was  imperatively  necessary  to  get 
home  as  soon  as  possible.  He  was  fortunate  enough  by 
the  conclusion  of  a  separate  peace  with  Ludovico  Sforza  at 
Vercelli  on  the  9th  October,  to  withdraw  that  vacillating 
Prince  from  the  League,  and  soon  after  re-entered  his  own 
dominions.  All  his  lofty  projects  had  failed  and  the  shock 
which  had  been  given  to  international  relations  in  the  South 
of  Europe  had  rendered  the  prospect  of  the  Crusade,  of 
which  the  expedition  to  Italy  was  to  have  been  the  pre- 
lude, more  gloomy  than  at  any  previous  period. 

This  disastrous  year,  which  had  twice  seen  Rome  at  the 
mercy  of  the  French,  closed  with  one  of  the  most  destructive 
inundations  that  had  ever  been  known  in  the  Eternal  City. 
Mementos  of  the  high-water  marks  of  1495  are  still  to  be 

ab  urbe  die  Junii  3a  pacifice  recessit  et  per  suos  oratores  alloqui  Ponti- 
fici  supplicavit,  quod  Pontifex  futura  scandala  praecavens  denegavit ; 
sequentique  die  Perusiam  versus  abscessit,  ubi  aliquantisper  moratus  est, 
et  post  Regis  a  patrimonio  Ecclesiae  abscessum  Papa  cum  Sacro  Collegio 
Romam  reversus  magna  populi  applausu  atque  laetitia.  Cod.  XXXIII., 
48,  f.  32,  in  the  Barberini  Library,  Rome. 

*  *Brief  of  June  30,  1495.  (State  Archives,  Milan.)  On  the  5th 
August  Alexander  VI.  repeated  the  prohibition  (Notizenblatt,  1856,  468) 
but  ineffectually  ;  see  Delaborde,  568  seg^. 

t  Malipiero,  383  seg.,  391  seg'.,  409.  ^Letter  of  A.  Sforza,  dat. 
Rome,  Aug.  14,  1495.  (State  Archives,  Milan.)  Cf.  SiGlSMONDO  DE' 
CONTI,  II.,  131  ;  ROMANIN,  v.,  82.  Charles  VIII.  answered  in  a  defiant 
tone,  see  Sanudo,  wSpediz.,  181.  On  further  steps  taken  by  the  Pope, 
see  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1495,  "•  '7?  35- 


476  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

found  in  places.*  On  November  25,  1495,  the  weather 
was  exceptionally  cold.  On  December  ist  it  snowed  a  little 
and  then  the  temperature  rose  suddenly  and  torrents  of 
rain  fell.  When  this  had  lasted  for  two  days  and  a  half, 
on  the  4th,  the  sky  cleared  and  fine  weather  set  in. 
Presently,  the  Tiber  began  to  rise  with  extraordinary 
rapidity,  and  submerged  all  the  lower  part  of  the  city.  Just 
as  the  Cardinals  were  coming  out  of  a  Consistory,  the  flood 
reached  the  streets  round  the  castle  of  S.  Angelo,  and  in  a 
moment  turned  them  into  a  swirling  sea.  They  only  just 
succeeded,  with  great  difficulty,  in  getting  across  the 
bridge.  Cardinal  Sclafenati  found  it  impossible  to  reach 
his  palace  ;  when  he  turned  his  horse  the  water  was  up  to 
the  saddle.  "  After  dinner,"  says  one  of  the  Venetians, 
"  our  Ambassador  Girolamo  Zorzi  rode  out  to  look  at  the 
inundation.  We  made  our  way  towards  the  street  by  the 
river  bank  (called  Canal  del  Ponte  because  it  was  so 
frequently  flooded),  and  found  the  whole  place  under 
water  ;  the  Ponte  Sisto  was  almost  covered  and  the  river 

*  The  chief  authorities  on  this  subject  are  the  letters  of  two  Vene- 
tians from  Rome,  between  the  4th  and  8th  Dec,  1495,  in  Malipiero, 
409-15.  Cf,  also  Allegretti,  854  ;  Senarega,  $58  ;  Diario  Ferrarese, 
316;  LANDUCCI,  120;  CARPESANUS,  1205;  SiGISMONDO  de'  Conti, 
II.,  271  ;  BOLLET.,  St.  di  Suizz,  Ital.,  VII.,  97.  For  the  notice  of  P. 
Martyr,  see  Gerigk,  45,  and  Bernays,  102,  note  3.  For  the  im- 
petratory  processions,  see  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  252  seq.  The 
high-water  marks  with  inscriptions  on  the  house  of  the  Venetian  Am- 
bassador, Via  del  Paradiso,  and  on  the  fa(^ade  of  S^a  Maria  sopra  Minerva, 
are  given  by  Reumont,  III.,  i,  538,  574;  for  others  on  the  Castle  of  S. 
Angelo  and  elsewhere,  see  BORGATI,  loi  ;  J.  Castiglione,  Trattato 
deir  inondatione  del  Tevere,  36-37  (Roma,  1599);  and  Carcano,  II 
Tevere  e  le  sue  inondazioni  (Roma,  1875).  See  also  Brioschi,  Le 
inondazioni  del  Tevere  (Roma,  1876),  and  Narducci,  Bibliografia  del 
Tevere  (Roma,  1876).  The  rivers  in  Lombardy,  and  the  Rhone  also 
overflowed  their  banks  at  the  same  time.  See  Diario  Ferrarese,  loc.  cit. ; 
Carpesanus,  loc.  cit.  ;  and  Furrer,  II.,  25. 


DISASTROUS  FLOOD  IN    ROME.  477 

was  still  rising,  roaring  fearfully  and  full  of  the  wreckage 
of  mills,  wooden  bridges,  and  cottages.  We  tried  to  go  to 
S'*  Maria  del  Popolo  but  that  was  out  of  the  question. 
The  sight  of  the  falling  houses,  and  the  wretched  fugitives 
escaping  from  them,  was  so  heart-rending  that  we  could 
bear  it  no  longer  and  resolved  to  go  home.  The  water 
was  up  to  the  saddles  of  our  horses.  At  one  in  the 
morning  the  flood  reached  our  own  street.  We  did  our 
best  to  dam  up  the  doors  and  windows  in  the  basement  so 
as  not  to  lose  the  wine  in  the  cellars,  but  in  vain,  the  water 
burst  up  through  the  floor,  and  had  not  the  servants  taken 
the  casks  on  their  shoulders  and  carried  them  up  to  the 
story  above,  we  should  have  had  none  left.  Presently  the 
rising  waves  washed  away  our  barricades,  and  in  a  moment 
the  court-yard  was  a  lake ;  the  servants  in  the  cellars  had 
to  fly  for  their  lives.  Our  neighbours  the  Flemings  were 
also  forced  to  fly,  lamenting  the  loss  of  all  their  goods, 
which  they  had  to  leave  behind.  Our  landlord  Domenico 
de'  Massimi  strove  in  vain  to  rescue  the  costly  comestibles 
with  which  his  shop  was  stocked.  The  water  came  pour- 
ing down  in  conflicting  streams  through  the  various  streets, 
and  everything  was  washed  away.  His  shopmen  could 
only  save  themselves  by  swimming,  and  he  and  his  servants 
had  to  wade  through  the  water  breast-high.  His  loss  is 
estimated  at  4000  ducats.  We  provided  him  and  all  our 
neighbours  with  wine,  while  he  supplied  us  with  bread. 
The  water  continued  to  rise  till  the  evening  of  Saturday. 
In  our  court-yard  it  was  seven  feet  deep  and  ten  feet  in 
the  street.  Nearly  all  the  city  was  in  the  same  plight. 
People  went  about  in  boats,  reminding  us  of  our  own 
lagoons,  carrying  provisions  to  the  imprisoned  inhabitants 
of  the  houses."  In  many  places  the  water  rose  so  rapidly 
that  the  people  were  drowned  in  their  beds.  Many  lost  their 
lives,  and   a  still  greater  number  all  that  they  possessed. 


478  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

All  night  long  cries  of  distress  were  to  be  heard  from  those 
who  had  been  overtaken  by  the  waters.  For  three  hours 
a  terrific  storm  raged  ;  it  seemed  as  though  we  were  at  sea. 

The  distress  in  many  quarters  of  the  city  was  extreme 
in  consequence  of  the  destruction  of  the  food  supply  and 
of  the  wells,  "  Though  we  were  surrounded  with  water  " 
writes  the  Venetian  narrator,  quoted  above,  "  many  are 
perishing  with  thirst  even  at  this  moment.  In  Trastevere 
it  is  feared  that  all  the  bridges  will  be  destroyed.  Many 
houses  and  palaces  have  fallen  and  their  inhabitants  have 
been  buried  under  the  ruins.  The  Mosaic  pavements  in 
the  churches  are  broken  up,  the  tombs  are  burst ;  all  the 
food  in  the  city  is  spoilt.  Almost  all  the  cattle  in  the 
neighbourhood  have  been  drowned ;  the  herds  took  refuge 
in  the  trees  ;  many  died  of  hunger  and  cold,  others  con- 
trived to  reach  the  city  by  swimming  with  the  help  of 
uprooted  trees  or  branches,  and  arrived  half-dead.  It  is 
feared  that  no  crops  can  be  grown  next  year  where  the 
water  has  been.  There  were  great  floods  in  the  reigns  of 
Popes  Sixtus  IV.  and  Martin  V.  but  never  one  like  this. 
Many  are  filled  with  terror,  and  think  there  is  something 
beyond  nature  in  it ;  but  it  is  not  for  me  to  say  anything 
on  this  point.  There  is  every  reason  to  fear  that  there  will 
be  great  mortality  among  the  cattle,  as  has  always  been  the 
case  after  calamities  of  this  sort.  These  parts  of  Rome 
have  suffered  so  much  that  it  makes  the  heart  ache  to  see 
it.  The  Pope  has  ordered  processions  to  implore  the 
mercy  of  God.     Rome,  December  4,  1495." 

On  the  night  of  Saturday  to  Sunday*  the  flood  slowly 

*  5th  to  6th  December.  The  flood  did  not  last  5  days  as  Lange,  16, 
supposes,  from  the  date  (Tuesday,  Dec.  8),  of  the  Venetian  account ; 
Petrus  Delphinus,  hov/ever,  says  expressly,  per  sex  et  triginta  horas 
quarta  videlicet  quintaque  huius  mensis — the  water  had  continued  to 
rise ;  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1495,  n.  38. 


SUFFERINGS    IN    ROME.  479 

began  to  subside.  "  Yesterday  morning  "  writes  a  Venetian 
to  his  friends  at  home  "  the  water  had  receded  out  of  the 
streets,  but  the  court-yards  and  cellars  are  filled  with  dead 
animals  and  filth  of  all  sorts  ;  it  will  take  more  than  three 
months  to  cleanse  them.  The  damage  done  to  the  city  is 
incalculable ;  a  quarter  of  a  century  will  hardly  suffice  to 
repair  it.  The  boats  on  the  Tiber,  the  mills  and  all  the 
old  houses  are  destroyed,  and  all  the  horses  that  were  in 
the  stables  have  been  drowned.  In  consequence  of  the 
destruction  of  the  mills  there  will  soon  be  no  bread  to  be 
had.  Thank  God  all  our  own  people  are  safe.  Many  of 
the  prisoners  in  Torre  di  Nona  were  drowned.  The  moats 
surrounding  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo  are  still  as  full  as 
they  can  hold  of  water.  Many  of  the  labourers  in  the 
vineyards  have  perished,  and  nearly  all  the  herds  of  cattle 
in  the  flooded  districts.  On  Friday  evening  a  poor  fellow 
was  fished  out  of  the  river  at  the  Ripa  Grande,  more 
dead  than  alive,  clinging  to  the  trunk  of  a  tree  ;  he  had 
been  caught  by  the  water  at  Monte  Rotondo,  eleven  miles 
from  Rome,  and  carried  down  all  that  way.  The  brothers  of 
S.  Paolo  came  to  see  our  Ambassador  yesterday  evening  ; 
they  said  the  water  in  their  church  was  up  to  the  High 
Altar  ;  you  know  how  high  that  is,  and  can  imagine  what 
it  must  have  been  in  other  places.  The  havoc  that  the 
Tiber  has  wrought  on  this  occasion  is  incredible.  I  could 
fill  a  quire  of  paper  with  marvels  and  with  the  account  of 
the  damage  the  city  has  sustained.  I  beg  your  Excellency 
to  forward  this  report  to  Marino  Sanudo  ;  in  very  truth 
since  Rome  has  been  Rome,  such  a  flood  as  this  has  never 
been  seen.  Rome,  December  8,  1495."  The  Venetian 
Annalist  who  has  preserved  this  letter  estimates  the 
damage  to  the  city  at  300,000  ducats. 

We  cannot  be  surprised  to  find  that  the  popular  imagina- 
tion was   vividly    impressed   by    such  a  calamity   as   this. 


480  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

The  fate  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  was  recalled  ;  the 
Venetian  letter  of  December  8,  already  quoted,  speaks 
of  a  belief  in  many  minds  that  "  the  judgments  of  God 
were  about  to  burst  on  the  city,  and  that  it  would  be 
entirely  destroyed."  The  prevailing  excitement  found  vent 
in  portentous  stories,  which  were  widely  circulated  and 
believed.  One  of  those  which  was  most  highly  credited 
was  told  of  a  monster  said  to  have  been  found  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber  in  January  1496.  The  Venetian 
Envoys  describe  it  as  having  "  the  body  of  a  woman  and 
a  head  with  two  faces.  The  front  face  was  that  of  an  ass 
with  long  ears,  at  the  back  was  an  old  man  with  a  beard. 
The  left  arm  was  human  ;  the  right  resembled  the  trunk  of 
an  elephant.  In  the  place  of  a  tail  it  had  a  long  neck  with 
a  gaping  snake's  head  at  the  end  ;  the  legs,  from  the  feet 
upwards  and  the  whole  body,  were  covered  with  scales  like 
a  fish."*  The  Romans  looked  upon  this  and  other  reported 
marvels  of  a  similar  character  as  omens  announcing  fresh 
disasters, — war,  famine  and  pestilence.  In  other  parts  of 
Italy  the  same  feeling  prevailed.  Thus,  the  strange  beast 
which  was  found  at  the  door  of  the  Cathedral  of  Como 
was  thought  to  portend  the  approach  of  evil  times.f  On 
all  sides  men's  minds  were  filled  with  gloomy  forebodings. 

*  Malipiero,  422  ;  Lange,  18.  Lange  appears  unacquainted  with 
Franc.  Rococioli's  work,  De  Monstro  in  Tyberi  repert.,  Mutinae  s.  a. 
(Ad  ill.  ac  eccell.  principem  divum  Herculem  Fr.  R.  Mutinensis  libellus 
de  monstro  in  Tyberi  reperto  A.D.  1495  [st.  fl.] ).  A  copy  of  this  work 
from  the  Bibl.  Manzoniana  was  sold  by  auction  in  1 893.  I  have  sought 
in  vain,  in  the  State  Library  at  Munich  and  elsewhere,  for  a  copy  of 
this  rare  book. 

t  Lange,  42-3,  see  also  p.  49  seq.^  on  a  poem  by  the  German 
Humanist,  Jacob  Locker,  on  the  inundation.  He  regards  the  flood 
as  a  Divine  warning  to  Maximilian  that  he  should  go  to  Rome ; 
Sebastian  Brant,  who  wrote  an  elegy  on  the  inundation,  takes  the 
same  view.     On  the  insanitaiy  condition  of  Rome  in  January  1496,  see 


PROPHECIES  OF  SAVONAROLA.  48 1 

The  mighty  voice  of  Savonarola  in  Florence  thundered 
prophecies  of  woe  upon  woe.  "  I  announce  to  you  '*  he 
cried  in  his  Lent  sermons  of  the  year  1496,  "  that  all  Italy 
will  be  convulsed,  and  those  who  are  most  exalted  will  be 
most  abased.  O  Italy  !  trouble  after  trouble  shall  befall 
thee ;  troubles  of  war  after  famine,  troubles  of  pestilence 
after  war,  trouble  from  this  side  and  from  that.  There 
will  be  rumours  upon  rumours — now  rumours  of  barbarians 
on  this  side,  then  rumours  of  barbarians  on  that.  Rumours 
from  the  East,  from  the  West ;  from  all  sides  rumour  after 
rumour.  Then  men  will  yearn  for  the  visions  of  the 
prophets,  and  will  have  them  not  ;  for  the  Lord  saith,  *  Now 
do  I  prophesy  in  my  turn.'  Men  will  lean  on  astrology, 
and  it  will  profit  them  nothing.  The  law  of  the  priesthood 
shall  perish,  and  priests  be  stripped  of  their  rank ;  princes 
shall  wear  hair-cloth  ;  the  people  be  crushed  by  tribulation. 
All  men  will  lose  courage,  and  as  they  have  judged,  so  shall 
they  themselves  be  judged."* 

Sanudo,  I.,  6.  Even  before  this,  from  the  autumn  of  1493  to  that  of 
1494,  Rome  had  been  visited  by  a  pestilence  ;  see  PlEPER  ;  BURCHARD's 
Tagebuch,  29  ;  and  Haeser,  III.,  235-6,  ed.  3,  Alexander  VI.  had  left 
Rome  on  the  26th  Oct.,  1493,  in  consequence  of  the  epidemic,  and  did 
not  return  till  Dec.  19.  See  PiEPER,  10,  29-30;  RiCCORDi  Dl  Casa 
Sacchi,  427,  and  "^Caleffini,  f.  312  of  Cod.  I.-I.-4,  in  the  Chigi  Library 
Rome. 

*  Villari,  II.,  60  (Engl,  trans.).     Cf.  also  P.  Delphinus'  collection  in 
Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1495,  ^'  3^- 


VOL.   V.  2  1 


CHAPTER  V. 

Expulsion  of  the  French  from  Naples. — Expedition  of 
Maximilian  I.  to  Italy.  —  Unsuccessful  Contest  of 
Alexander  VI.  with  the  Orsini.  —  Murder  of  the 
Duke  of  Gandia. — The  Pope's  Schemes  of  Reform. 

The  withdrawal  of  Charles  VIII.  from  Italy  was  far  from 
including  the  complete  liberation  of  the  Peninsula  from 
French  occupation.  His  troops  still  held  the  important 
frontier  fortress  of  Asti  and  the  Florentine  castles,  to  keep 
the  road  across  the  Apennines  open,  while  ten  thousand 
French  soldiers  yet  remained  in  the  Neapolitan  territory. 
Charles  VIII.  himself  spoke  openly  of  returning,  and  the 
Florentines  were  doing  their  best  to  enable  him  to  do  so.* 
Thus  it  was  of  the  highest  importance  that  the  French 
should  be  got  out  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  as  quickly  as 
possible;  but  although  Ferrantino  was  supported  by  a 
contingent  of  Papal  and  Spanish  troops  under  the  cele- 
brated Gran-Capitano  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  it  seemed  far 
from  certain  that  he  would  succeed  in  accomplishing  this. 
They  still  held  their  ground  in  Calabria,  a  portion  of  the 
Abruzzi,  and  in  Terra  di  Lavoro ;  Tarento,  Salerno,  Gaeta, 
and  other  strong  places  were  in  their  hands.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1496,  provisions  were  introduced  into  Gaeta 
by  P>ench  ships,  together  with  a  reinforcement  of  2000 
men  and  a  store  of  ammunition.  In  spite  of  remonstrances 
from  the  Pope,  Virginio  Orsini  gratified  his  spite  against 

*  Delaborde.  674  seq. ;  Ulmann,  I.,  408. 


THE  FRENCH  REVERSES  IN  NAPLES.       483 

the  Colonna,  who  were  fighting  on  Ferrantino's  side,  by 
taking  service  with  the  French,  who  achieved  some  successes 
in  the  Abruzzi.* 

A  change  for  the  better  in  Charles'  fortunes  was  by 
no  means  impossible.  The  Pope  shewed  his  consciousness 
of  the  danger  by  expending  a  large  sum  on  the  fortifica- 
tions of  S.  Angelo,  and  he  often  personally  inspected  the 
works  during  their  construction.  The  pecuniary  loss  to 
the  Court,  now  that  no  French  ecclesiastics  ever  came  to 
Rome  for  their  benefices,  was  very  considerable.  "  In  spite 
of  all,  however,"  says  Sanudo,  "  the  Pope  still  held  fast  by 
the  League."f  The  Briefs  of  those  days  shewed  that  he  was 
doing  his  utmost  to  uphold  Ferrantino.  It  was  about  this 
time  that  the  Papal  Nuncio,  Lioneilo  Cheregato,  begged 
Maximilian  I.  to  come  to  Italy.:|: 

The  first  reverse  sustained  by  the  French  in  Naples  was 
consequent  upon  the  arrival  of  assistance  from  Venice,  for 
which  Ferrantino  had  paid  by  handing  over  Brindisi, 
Otranto,  and  Trani  to  the  Republic.  The  French  general, 
Montpensier,  now  saw  plainly  that  all  was  lost  unless  he 
could  obtain  efficient  help  from  the  King.  By  the  month 
of  April  1496,  the  French  had  hardly  any  footing  left  in 
Calabria,  Apulia,  and  Terra  di  Lavoro.§  Duke  Guido- 
baldo  of  Urbino,  who  would  have  been  well  pleased  to  see 
the  Pope  turning  his  attention  to  the  conquest  of  Virginio 

*  Sanudo,  Diari,  I.,  8,  15,  34,  50. 

+  Ibid.,  8. 

X  Ibid.,  3,  6,  23-9  ;  and  GOTTLOB,  Cam.  Ap.,  186.  Cf.  the  -^^-^Bricfs  to 
Cardinal  Colonna,  dat.  Rome,  Nov.  17,  1495,  ^"^  J^"-  ^^  ^'^^  20,  1496. 
(Colonna  Archives.)  On  the  mission  of  L.  Cheregato,  see  Rayn ALDUS,  ad 
an.  1495,  "•  1 5  -y^^-  I"  a  *Brief,  dat.  Rome,  Oct.  26,  1495,  Alexander  VI. 
desires  Hermann,  Archbisliop  of  Colo<,me,  to  support  the  Papal  Legate. 
State  Archives,  Diisscklorf,  Geistl.  Archiv. 

^"^  Ibid.,  12,  18,  133;  Delaborde,  677. 


484  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

Orsini's  possessions,*  was  taken  into  the  pay  of  the  League 
in  May.  By  the  end  of  June,  the  rest  of  the  French  army, 
with  Montpensier  and  Orsini,  were  shut  up  in  Atella,  situated 
in  the  Basilicata,  and  a  month  later  they  were  forced  to 
capitulate.-f 

The  success  of  the  League  was  complete ;  and  when, 
on  its  renewal  on  July  18,  1496,  England  also  joined  it,  it 
became  a  European  coalition.^  Shortly  afterwards  Maxi- 
milian I.  appeared  in  Upper  Italy,  and  was  welcomed  at 
Mende,  near  Milan,  on  August  31,  by  the  Papal  Legate, 
Cardinal  CarvajaL§  The  entire  force  of  the  King  of  the 
Romans  numbered  only  4000  men  ;  not  one  of  the  German 
Princes  put  in  an  appearance.     In  the  matter  of  funds  his 

*  Sanudo,  I.,  82,  141-3. 

t  Ibid.^  253  seq.^  264  ;  and  also  Racioppi,  La  Capitulazione  di  Atella 
in  the  Arch.  St.  Napolit,  XVI.,  863  seq.  In  the  deed  of  capitulation, 
Gonsalvo  first  appears  with  the  title  of  Gran-Capitano,  under  which  the 
French  wrote  Capitan -General.  See  Quidde's  Zeitschn  fiir  Gesch.,  III., 
412  seq.  The  book  of  the  Exchequer  of  Alexander  VI.  shews  that  he 
was  still  supporting  Naples  in  the  autumn  of  1496.  See  Gottlob,  Cam. 
Ap.,  234. 

X  Lanz,  Actengesch.  zur  Gesch.  Karls  V.,  Introduction,  p.  38  ;  Ul- 
MANN,  I.,  415  ;  Brown,  Stat.  Pap.,  I.,  247;  Busch,  England,  I.,  133. 

387- 

§  Ulmann,  I.,  465  seq.  Cf.  443  seq.  on  the  energetic  action  of  L. 
Cheregato.  See  on  this  Nuncio,  LjUBiC,  Dispacci  di  L.  de  Tollentis  et 
di  L.  Cheregato,  9  seq.  Carvajal,  who  was  appointed  Legate,  July  6,  1496 
(*Acta  Consist,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives  and  Raynaldus  ad  an. 
1496,  n.  3-4),  was  commissioned  at  the  same  time  to  threaten  Charles 
VIII.  with  Papal  censures,  unless  he  desisted  from  the  war  against  Italy. 
Brief — cum  nos  hodie — partly  in  Raynaldus  ad  an.  1496,  n.  5  ;  the  whole 
in  *Regest.  873,  i.  387  seq.  ;  ibid..,  389  seq.  Faculties  for  Carvajal,  also 
dat.  Rome,  1496,  Prid.  Non.  Jul.  A°  4°.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.) 
See  Appendix,  N.  35,  Brief  of  July  24,  1496.  (State  Archives,  Milan.) 
On  Carvajal's  departure,  July  29,  see  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  291  seq.^ 
and  *Acta  Consist.  In  regard  to  the  whole  history  of  the  Legation,  cf. 
ROSSBACH,  45  seq. 


VENETIAN    OPPOSITION    TO   THE    EMPEROR.  485 

case  was  even  worse,  Venice  failing  to  produce  the  pro- 
mised subsidies.  The  Venetian  government  knew  from 
trustworthy  sources  that  Charles  had  no  real  intention  of 
resuming  the  war  in  Italy,  and  by  no  means  welcomed  the 
arrival  of  the  Emperor,  whom  they  had  invited  under  very 
different  circumstances.  His  well-chosen  plan  of  opera 
tions  added  still  more  to  their  disgust,  as  it  would  have 
effectually  barred  the  way  to  the  accomplishment  of  their 
designs  on  Milan.  He  purposed  to  force  Savoy  and  Mont- 
ferrat  to  join  the  League,  and  to  wrest  Asti  from  the  French, 
in  which  case  it  would  naturally  have  returned  to  Lodovico  il 
Moro.*  They  adhered  to  their  policy  of  tacit  opposition  in 
spite  of  stringent  remonstrances  from  the  Pope.  "  We  do 
not  consider,"  Alexander  wrote  on  the  4th  September,  1496, 
to  the  Doge,  "  that  the  French  ought  to  be  left  alone 
because  for  the  moment  they  are  not  attacking  us.  As 
long  as  they  refuse  to  evacuate  Naples  and  Ostia,  and  to 
withdraw  the  declaration  of  war  against  Italy,  and  continue 
daily  to  pour  troops  and  ammunition  into  the  country,  to 
send  war-ships  to  Gaeta,  and  to  forbid  the  customary  mis- 
sions to  Rome, — in  short,  to  do  all  the  things  that  are  done 
in  time  of  war,  so  long  must  we  look  upon  them  as  enemies. 
They  want  not  the  will  to  do  worse  things,  but  only  the 
power.  We  see  all  the  signs  of  war  and  none  of  peace.  In 
going  on  with  the  war  and  occupying  the  passes  we  are  not 
attacking  them,  but  merely  defending  ourselves."  f 

*  Ulmann,  I.,  449. 

t  Sanudo,  295-7.  Charles  VIII.,  so  far  as  French  benefices  were 
concerned,  set  himself  resolutely  to  resist  all  patronage  through  the 
Roman  Court,  and  to  prevent  any  money  payments  passing  from  France 
to  Rome.  In  June  1496,  it  was  currently  reported  in  France  that  he 
intended  to  have  Cardinal  Giuliano  elected  as  the  new  Pope.  See 
Brosch,  Julius  II.,  'j'^.  On  the  relations  of  Maximilian  I.  with  Alexander 
VI.,  see  Sanudo,  I.,  422,  448,  and  Ulmann,  I.,  468  seq.^  481.     On 


486  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

All  his  remonstrances,  however,  were  ineffectual,  and 
Maximilian  found  it  impossible  to  carry  out  his  plans 
He  therefore  now  resolved  to  endeavour  to  force  the  Floren- 
tines to  relax  their  hold  on  Pisa,  and  to  relinquish  the 
French  alliance,  by  possessing  himself  of  their  port  at 
Leghorn.  But  here,  too,  he  failed  mainly  for  want  of  the 
promised  and  indispensable  help  which  Venice  and  Milan 
still  withheld.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  he  returned  to 
the  Tyrol  thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  faithless  allies  who 
had  so  meanly  failed  to  keep  their  engagements.* 

Meanwhile,  Alexander  VI.  was  busily  occupied  in  taking 
advantage  of  the  altered  conditions  in  the  Neapolitan  king- 
dom to  carry  out  his  own  purposes.  "  By  the  expulsion 
of  the  French  from  Italy  he  was  now  relieved  from  the 
danger  which  had  hufig  over  him  for  so  long,""]-  and  he  at 
once  set  to  work  to  crush  his  disloyal  nobles.  "  The  French 
invasion  had  brought  to  light  the  utter  untrustworthiness 
of  the  Papal  feudatories.  The  great  majority  of  them,  and 
especially  those  who  were  most  powerful,  had  faithlessly 
abandoned  the  Pope  in  the  hour  of  danger.  Some,  regard- 
less of  their  oath  of  fealty,  had  simply  gone  over  to  the 
enemy;  others, had  made  separate  terms  with  him,  leaving 
their  sovereign  helpless  and  defenceless."  J 

the  anxieties  and  apprehensions  of  Alexander,  see  HoFLER,  Rodrigo 
de  Borja,  66.  Cf.  a  "^Letter  from  Card.  A.  Sforza,  Sept.  15,  1496,  which 
says  :  "^N.  S^e  sta  in  grande  suspensione  de  questi  modi  de  la  Ces.  Mta-  li 
quali  non  pareno  alia  B.  Sua  che  siino  cum  quella  prudentia  et  misura 
che  recercharia  il  bisogno  commune  et  la  qualita  de  questi  tempi  pericu- 
losi.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

*  Ulmann,  I.,  473  seq.^  500  seq.^  518-9;  HUBER,  III.,  345  seq., 
CiPOLLA,  739  seq. 

+  SiGISMONDO  de'  CONTI,  II.,    1 65. 

X  Rohrbacher-Knopfler,  278,  who  justly  observes  :  "  It  was  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  Alexander  to  take  measures  to  assert  his  authority  as 
a  temporal  prince,  if  he  meant  to  preserve  his  territory  from  a  series  of 


THE   POPE   AND   THE   ORSINI.  487 

The  most  guilty  of  all  were  the  Orsini;  it  was  their 
defection  which  had  practically  delivered  the  Pope  into  the 
hands  of  the  French  ;  it  was  right  that  the  first  blow  should 
be  aimed  at  them.  Already,  in  February  1496,  Virginio 
Orsini  had  been  proclaimed  a  rebel ;  *  as  he  and  his  family 
still  held  to  the  French,  on  the  1st  June  the  extreme  cen- 
sures of  the  Chucch  were  pronounced  against  them,  with 
confiscation  of  all  their  possessions.-|-  Alexander  VI.  no 
doubt  intended  to  bestow  their  property  on  some  of  his 
relations.^ 

The  task  of  chastising  the  Orsini  was  assigned  to  Juan 
Borgia,  Duke  of  Gandia,  Alexander's  son,  who  was  married 
to  the  first  cousin  of  King  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  and  who 
was  summoned  from  Spain  to  Rome  for  this  purpose. § 
The  Pope  had  a  mistakenly  high  opinion  of  the  military 
talents  of  this  Prince.  When  he  arrived  in  Rome,  on 
August  10,  the  French  garrison  at  Atella  had  already  been 

volcanic  explosions,  which  would  have  ended  in  the  total  annihilation  of 
his  powers,  both  temporal  and  spiritual."  Cf.  Balan,  370  ;  Maury 
in  the  Rev.  Hist.,  XIII.,  85  ;  Hergenrother,  VIII.,  374. 

*  See  *Brief  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  dat.  Rome,  Feb.  6,  1496.  State 
Archives,  Milan,  Autogr.,  III. 

t  See  *Bulle  Sacri  apostolatus  ministerio,  dat.  Romae,  1496,  Cal.  Junii, 
A°  4°,  Regest.  873,  f.  246  seq.,  341  seq.  (Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.) 
Only  a  part  of  this  Bull  is  in  RaynalDUS,  ad  an.  1496,  n.  16. 

X  See  Gregorovius,  VIII  ,  382,  ed.  3  (388,  ed.  4).  As  a  supplement 
to  what  is  here  said  of  Cardinal  Farnese,  it  seems  well  to  observe  that 
on  July  16,  1496,  a  "^Bnef  was  despatched  to  Viterbo  desiring  the  citizens 
to  accord  a  favourable  reception  to  the  Cardinal  as  Legate  for  the  Patri- 
mony. While  a  second  "^Bricf,  dated  Sept.  15,  1496,  announces  the 
appointment  of  Juan  Borgia  as  Governor  of  Viterbo,  with  Farnese's 
approval.  Both  "^Briefs  are  in  the  Neapolitan  State  Archives.  Perg. 
dell.  Arch.  Farnese  ;  Curia  Eccl,  n.  17,  18. 

§  I  found  the  first  mention  of  the  Pope's  wish  that  Gandia  should  come 
to  Rome  in  a  ^Report  in  cypher  from  Card.  A.  Sforza,  dated  March  5, 
1496.     State  Archives,  Milan. 


488  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

forced  to  capitulate.  The  effect  of  this  was  to  hand  over 
Virginio  Orsini  and  his  son  Giovanni  Giordano  to  Ferran- 
tino,  who,  by  the  Pope's  orders,  kept  them  shut  up  in 
prison.  Thus  the  Orsini  were  deprived  of  their  ablest 
leader  and  chief.* 

This  was  an  opportunity  too  precious  to  be  lost.  Exten- 
sive preparations  for  the  expedition  against  the  Orsini  were 
at  once  commenced,  and  the  Duke  of  Urbino  was  also  sum- 
moned. The  Duke  of  Gandia  had  already  in  September 
been  chosen  Legate  for  the  Patrimony,  and  was,  on  the 
26th  October,  in  S.  Peter's,  appointed  Commander-General 
of  the  Papal  troops.  Besides  the  Duke  of  Urbino,  he  was 
to  be  accompanied  by  Cardinal  Lunati  as  Legate.  On  the 
following  day  the  expedition  started  to  conquer  the  strong- 
holds of  the  Orsini.  At  first  all  went  well.  Scrofano, 
Galera,  Formello,  and  Campagnano  were  rapidly  subdued, 
one  after  the  other.  Anguillara  opened  its  gates  without 
making  any  resistance.f 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  234-5  ;  HOFLER,  -Rodrigo  de  Borja, 
67-8. 

+  Cf.  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  1 66  seq.  ;  DeSJARDINS,  I.,  696  ; 
BURCHARDi  Diarium,  II.,  336  seq. ;  and  Sanudo,  I.,  372  seq.  Cf.  also 
Baldi,  I.,  163  seq.:,  and  FUMI,  Alessandro  VI.,  88  seq.  A  *Brief  of 
Nov.  2,  1496,  commands  A.  Sforza  to  take  part  in  the  war  against  the 
Orsini.  (State  Archives,  Florence,  Urb.  Eccl.)  On  the  nth  November, 
1496,  A.  Sforza  writes  to  his  brother  from  Rome  :  *Si  h.  inteso  chel 
card.  Ursini  era  cum  alchuni  pochi  cavalli  in  quello  stato  de  Perosa  et 
poi  si  era  partito,  ne  sin  ad  hora  si  sa  quale  camino  habia  piliato.  (State 
Archives,  Milan.)  The  undated  ^Decree,  in  virtue  of  which  Joh.  de 
Borgia,  dux  Gandie  et  Suesse,  "  habita  ....  cum  venerab.  fratribus  nos- 
tris  eiusdem  S.  R.  E.  deliberatione  matura"  is  appointed  omnium 
gentium  armigerar.  nostrarum  et  S.  R.  E.  capitaneus  generalis,  is  to  be 
found  in  Regest.  ^T^,  f.  463.  Cf.  Regest.  875  (Alex.  VL,  offic),  f.  28. 
■*Die  XXVI.  Octob.  1496,  illmus  dominus  dom.  Joh.  de  Borgia  Guandiae 
Suessae,  etc.,  dux  ac  S.  R.  E.  capitaneus  generalis  constitutus  ad  presen- 
tiam  S.  D.  N"  pape  assistentibus  pluribus  r^is  dom.  S.  R.  E.  Cardinali- 


THE  SIEGE   OF   BRACCIANO.  489 

The  next  step  was  to  proceed  to  lay  siege  to  the  family 
Castle  of  Bracciano.  This  majestic  fortress,  with  its  five 
round  towers,  still  crowns  the  height  above  the  blue  lake  in 
grey  and  massive  grandeur.  Here  the  whole  clan,  with  all 
their  forces,  was  assembled.  The  youthful  Alviano,  with 
his  high-spirited  consort  Bartolomea,  Virginio's  sister,  com- 
manded the  defenders.  The  French  flag  floated  over  the 
towers,  and  the  war  cry  was  '  France.'  At  the  beginning  of 
the  siege  the  Duke  of  Urbino  was  wounded,  and  thus  the 
leadership  devolved  on  the  inexperienced  Duke  of  Gandia,* 
who  from  the  first  was  far  from  successful.  Simultaneously 
with  Bracciano,  Trevignano,  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake, 
had  also  been  invested,  but  without  result.  No  progress 
was  made  until  the  end  of  November,  when  the  guns  which 
the  Pope  had  borrowed  from  the  King  of  Naples  arrived, 
and  then  first  Isola,  and  soon  after  Trevignano,  fell ;  but 
Bracciano  still  held  out.f  The  troops  suffered  much  from 
the  bad  weather  and  rain;|  when  winter  began  in  earnest 
it  was  still  more  difficult  to  keep  the  field.  The  besieged 
made  numerous  sorties  ;  detachments  appeared  even  close 

bus  plurimisque  episcopis  et  prelatis  in  ecclesia  principis  apostolor. 
finita  missa  sollemni  S.  Spiritus  de  huiusmodi  capitanentus  officio 
fideliter  exercendo  et  administrando  in  manibus  prefati  S.  D.  N.  pape 

debitum  prestitit  in  forma  solita  iuramentum  vexillumque  S.  R.  E 

per  manus  ejusdem  S.  D.  N.  traditum  servatis  solitis  sollemnitatibus 
recepit  actualiter  et  alia  solita  insignia  ut  est  moris.  Steph.  de  Narnia, 
Cam.  Ap.  not.  rogatus.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

^  Sanudo,  L,  376. 

t  Idi'd.,  419  ;  Balan,  v.,  371. 

t  *Lo  exercito  quale  h  in  la  impresa  de  li  Ursini  si  trova  anchora  ad 
Trivigliano  non  essendo  possuto  prima  che  heri  arivare  I'artigliaria  regia 
in  campo,  la  quale  facendo  lo  effecto  si  spera  expugnara  in  brevi  quelle 
loco  et  N.  S.  fara  procedere  alia  impresa  etiam  che  fin  qui  siino  tempi 
pluviosi  et  pessimi.  A.  Sforza  to  his  brother,  dat.  Rome,  Nov.  22,  1496. 
State  Archives,  Milan. 


490  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

under  the  walls  of  Rome,  where  the  party  of  the  Orisini 
began  to  stir  in  a  very  disquieting  manner.  The  Pope  was 
beside  himself;  his  illness  on  Christmas  Day  was  attri- 
buted to  vexation  at  the  ill-success  of  his  army.  Reinforce- 
ments were  despatched  to  Bracciano,  and  it  was  hoped  that 
at  last,  either  by  force  of  arms  or  starvation,  the  garrison 
would  be  compelled  to  yield.*  It  certainly  could  not 
have  held  out  had  it  not  been  relieved  by  the  force  which 
Vitellozzo,  the  tyrant  of  Citta  di  Castello,  and  Carlo  and 
Giulio  Orsini,  with  the  help  of  French  gold,  were  able 
to  send  to  its  assistance.  The  approach  of  these  troops 
obliged  the  Papal  army  to  raise  the  siege  and  withdraw 
the  artillery  to  Anguillara  for  security,  while  the  rest 
of  the  forces  went  forth  to  encounter  the  new  enemy. 
They  met  at  Soriano  on  January  25,  1497,  and  the  battle 
ended  in  the  total  defeat  of  the  Papal  troops.  Guido- 
baldo  was  taken  prisoner,  Gandia  was  wounded,  and  their 
army  completely  routed ;  the  Orsini  were  now  masters  of 
the  Campagna.f 

Alexander  VI.  now  made  peace  as  quickly  as  possible 
(on  the  5th  of  February).    All  their  castles  were  restored  to 

*  SiGlSMONDO  de'  Conti,  II.,  1 69  ;  Sanudo,  I.,  404  seq.^  409  seq.  ; 
BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  344  seq.  The  Pope's  indisposition  is  men- 
tioned by  A.  Sforza  in  a  letter  dated  Rome,  Dec.  21,  1496.  State 
Archives,  Milan. 

t  Sanudo,  I.,  451  seq.^  462  seq.^  464  seq.^  468,  472  seq.^  484  seq.^ 
490  seq.^  491  seq.  :  SiGiSMONDO  DE'  CONTi,  II.,  171  seq.  ;  Diario  di 
S.  TOMMASO  DI  SiLVESTRO,  79  seq.  ;  and,  amongst  modern  writers, 
HOFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  71.  See  also  Baldi,  I.,  175  seq.^  180, 
and  FUMI,  Alessandro  VI.,  89,  90.  The  day  of  the  battle  is  variously 
given  by  different  writers.  Gregorovius,  VII.,  383,  ed.  3  (389,  ed.  4), 
names  Jan.  23;  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  353,  Jan.  24;  Balan,  371, 
the  26th  ;  Sanuto,  loc.  cit.,  the  25th.  In  Sigismondo  de'  Conti,  II., 
195,  the  site  of  the  battle  is  mentioned  as  'proelium  Bassanense'  instead 
of  the  name  now  in  use. 


GONSALVO   DE   CORDOVA   TAKES   OSTIA.  49 1 

the  Orsini  on  payment  of  50,000  golden  florins,  the  Pope 
only  retaining  Anguillara  and  Cervetri.  The  Duke  of 
Urbino  was  not  included  in  the  treaty,  and  remained  in 
prison  in  Soriano ;   he  had  later  to  ransom  himself* 

The  Pope's  unfortunate  attack  upon  the  Orsini  left  him 
in  an  extremely  isolated  position.  The  only  friend  whom 
he  could  now  trust  was  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  the  General 
of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  on  whom  he  had  recently  be- 
stowed the  title  of  *' Catholic."f  On  the  19th  February 
Gonsalvo  came  to  Rome,  and  after  a  brief  sojourn  of  three 
days,  proceeded  with  600  horsemen  and  1000  foot  soldiers 
to  attack  Ostia,  which,  still  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  was 
a  standing  menace  to  the  Pope.  On  the  9th  March  it  was 
forced  to  yield. j  About  the  same  time  the  Pope  decided, 
by  his  own  personal  authority,  to  deprive  Cardinal  Giuliano 
della  Rovere  of  his  benefices,  and  his  brother  Giovanni, 
who  had  sided  with  Vitellozzo,  of  the  Prefecture  of 
Rome.§ 

On  the  15th  of  March,  1497,  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  and 
the  Duke  of  Gandia,  "  the  one  an  able  general  and  states- 
man, the  other  a  mere  stage  prince  bedizened  with  orna- 
ments and  tinsel,"  returned  to  Rome.  ||  Modern  writers 
assert  that  the  Spanish  leader  seriously  remonstrated  with 

*  SiGISMONDO  DE'  CONTI,  II.,  172  ;  MALIPIERO,  484-5;  SaNUTO, 
I.,  506,  527,  547,  556,  576,  625  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  355  ;  Gre- 
GOROVius,  VII.,  384,  ed.  3  (390,  ed.  4). 

t  Sanuto,  I.,  424;  II.,  424  {cf.  TOMMASINI,  Machiavelli,  I.,  327). 
The  date  given  by  Prescott,  II.,  28,  is  wrong. 

X  How  difficult  the  French  at  Ostia  had  made  the  provisioning  of 
Rome,  may  be  seen  in  the  Diario  Ferrarese,  320.  On  the  taking  of 
Ostia,  see  Sanuto,  I.,  539,  547,  555-6  ;  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  359  ; 
Balan,  372  ;  Bernaldez  in  HoFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  72. 

§  Sanuto,  I.,  555. 

II  HoFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  -j^,;  cf.  BURCHARDi  Diarium,  II., 
358  seq. 


492  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Alexander  on  his  nepotism  and  his  misconduct ;  but  there 
is  no  mention  of  this  in  contemporaneous  authorities.* 

There  was  certainly  occasion  enough  for  such  remon- 
strances, considering  the  life  Alexander  was  then  leading 
and  his  partiality  towards  his  family.  It  was  about  this  time 
that  Cardinal  Peraudi  said  to  the  Florentine  Envoy,  "  When 
I  think  of  the  lives  of  the  Pope  and  some  of  the  Cardinals,  I 
shudder  at  the  idea  of  residing  at  the  Court ;  I  will  have 
nothing  to  say  to  it  unless  God  reforms  His  Church."  f  In 
Rome  also  Alexander  was  extremely  unpopular,  mainly 
because  he  had  surrounded  himself  almost  exclusively  with 
Spaniards.!  Since  February  1496  the  Spanish  party  in  the 
College  of  Cardinals  had  received  a  great  accession  of 
strength;  on  the  19th  Alexander  had  added  four,  namely 
— Juan  Lopez,  Bartolomeo  Martini,  Juan  de  Castro,  and 
his  sister's  son  Juan  Borgia,  to  the  five  which  it  already 
contained.!      In  May  1497  Juan  Borgia  was  made  Legate 

*  CreiGHTON,  III.,  252,  n.  2  ;  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  77,  doubts  this, 
which  Prescott,  II.,  69,  stated  as  a  fact. 

t  Thuasne,  IL,  668.  C/.  Schneider,  Peraudi,  48.  On  Alexander's 
immoral  life,  Sanuto  I.,  369,  relates  appalling  things ;  this  passage  has 
already  been  cited  in  Civ.  Catt.,  March  1873,  p.  727,  and  in  Gregoro- 
VIUS,  Lucrezia  Borgia,  88  ;  no  doubt,  in  all  such  tales  there  is  an  element 
of  scandalous  exaggeration,  still  enough  remains  that  is  unquestionably 
true.     Cf,  CiPOLLA,  746. 

J  Cf.  Report  of  A.  von  Harff  (33-34),  who  was  in  Rome  at  Easter,  1497. 

§  *Acta  Consist,  in  the  Consistorial  Archives  (with  a  wrong  date, 
Febr.  29).  Burchardi  Diarium,  II.,  264  ;  Rayn ALDUS,  ad  an.  1496, 
n.  39  se^. ;  Sanuto,  II.,  31,  52  se^. ;  Panvinius,  334  ;  Cardella,  271 
se^.  On  Card.  Colonna's  vote,  see  Brief  of  Febr.  15,  1496  (Colonna 
Archives),  in  Appendix,  N.  33  and  N.  34  (Decree  in  Secret  Archives 
of  the  Vatican).  According  to  Panvinius,  in  the  same  year,  Alexander 
published  Luigi  d'Aragona,  who  had  already  been  created  zn  petto^  as 
Cardinal  Deacon  of  St^  Maria  in  Cosmedin.  Cardella,  274,  places 
the  publication  in  the  year  1497,  and  gives  further  particulars  regarding 
this  Prelate. 


HONOURS   FOR    THE   DUKE   OF   GANDIA.  493 

of  Perugia.*  On  the  7th  June  a  secret  Consistory  was  held, 
in  which  the  Duchy  of  Benevento  and  the  cities  of  Terra- 
cina  and  Pontecorvo  were  granted  to  the  Duke  of  Gandia 
and  his  legitimate  male  descendants.  Out  of  the  27  Car- 
dinals who  were  present,  Piccolomini  was  the  only  one  who 
raised  his  voice  against  this  alienation  of  these  Church 
lands,  and  his  remonstrance  was  unavailing.  According  to 
the  Spanish  historian  Zurita,  the  Ambassador  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  had  also  endeavoured  to  prevent  it,  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  an  injury  to  the  Church  and  to  Chris- 
tendom.f 

These  distinctions,  conferred  at  the  cost  of  the  Church  on 
a  man  who  had  shewn  himself  such  an  incapable  com- 
mander in  the  field,  were  made  all  the  more  scandalous  by 
the  Duke's  notorious  immorality.  On  the  8th  of  June  the 
Pope  appointed  Cardinal  Caesar  Borgia,  Legate  for  Naples, 
where  he  was  to  crown  the  new  King  Federigo.J 

On  the  14th  June  a  banquet  was  given  in  the  vineyard  of 
Vanozza,  close  to  S.  Pietro  in  Vincoli,  at  which  the  Duke 
of  Gandia  and  his  brother  Csesar,  with  many  of  their  friends, 
and  among  them  Juan  Borgia,  were  present.  It  was  some- 
what late  in  the  evening  when  the  two  brothers,  with 
Cardinal  Juan,  mounted  their  mules  in  order  to  return  to 
the  Papal  palace.  Close  to  the  Cesarini  palace,  where 
Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  was  then  residing,  the  Duke  of 
Gandia  took  leave  of  his  companions,  saying  that  he  was 

*  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  368;  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1496,11.  39-41  ; 
and  Matarazzo,  89. 

t  Sanuto,  I.,  650;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  386  seq.  ;  ZURITA,  V., 
123  seq.\  Borgia,  Benevento,  III.,  430;  Contatore,  Hist.  Terrac, 
127. 

X  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  387  ;  RAYNALDUS,  ad  an.  1497,  n.  <^scq.  ; 
Sanuto,  I.,  650,  here  mentions  opposition  from  the  Cardinals.  See, 
on  the  other  hand,  Arch.  St.  NapoHt.,  XV.,  226. 


494  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

going  to  pay  a  visit  which  he  wished  to  make  unattended. 
The  others  endeavoured  to  persuade  him  to  take  an  ade- 
quate number  of  servants  with  him,  but  he  refused,  and 
disappeared  into  the  darkness,  accompanied  by  only  one 
groom  and  a  man  in  domino,  whom  he  had  brought  with 
him  to  the  feast,  and  who  for  the  last  month  had  visited 
him  daily.  When  he  got  to  the  Piazza  degli  Ebrei  he 
dismissed  the  groom,  also  desiring  him  to  wait  an  hour  for 
him,  and  if  he  did  not  return  by  the  end  of  that  time  to 
go  back  to  the  palace.  Then  he  took  the  domino  up  on 
the  mule  behind  him  and  rode  off,  whither  no  one 
knew. 

When,  .on  the  following  morning  (June  15),  his  con- 
fidential servants  found  that  he  did  not  return,  they  sent 
word  to  the  Pope.  Alexander  was  a  good  deal  disturbed, 
but  both  he  and  the  servants  consoled  themselves  with  the 
probability  that  the  Duke  might  be  engaged  in  some 
gallant  adventure,  and  was  afraid  of  compromising  himself 
if  he  were  seen  to  leave  the  house.  When,  however,  night 
came  on,  and  still  the  Duke  was  missing,  the  Pope's  distress 
became  acute,  and  he  commanded  that  every  possible  effort 
should  be  made  to  discover  what  had  happened  to  him. 
All  Rome  was  filled  with  dismay  and  apprehension  ;  many 
of  the  citizens  closed  their  shops  and  barricaded  their  doors  ; 
there  was  no  knowing  what  the  enemies  of  the  Borgia  might 
do.  Excited  Spaniards  went  about  the  streets  with  drawn 
swords.  The  Orsini  and  Colonna  called  their  troops  to- 
gether. At  last  the  groom  was  found  badly  wounded  and 
unable  to  give  any  information ;  and  soon  after,  the  Duke's 
mule  was  caught,  the  stirrups  bearing  traces  of  a  struggle  ; 
but  of  the  Duke  himself  nothing  could  be  heard.  At  length, 
on  the  1 6th  June,  the  searchers  were  put  on  the  right  track 
by  a  Slavonian  timber  merchant,  whose  yard  was  close  to 
the  Hospital  of  his  nation,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber.     He 


MURDER   OF   THE   DUKE   OF   GANDIA.  495 

was  in  the  habit  of  keeping  watch  at  night  over  his  property, 
and  deposed  to  having  seen  on  Thursday,  "about  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  two  men  come  out  of  the  street  to  the  left 
of  the  Hospital  and  return  again,  after  having  looked  round 
cautiously  in  all  directions,  as  though  to  see  if  the  coast 
were  clear.  Soon  after,  two  other  men  appeared  from  the 
same  place,  and  after  looking  about  in  a  similar  manner, 
and  seeing  no  one,  made  a  signal.  Upon  this  a  horseman 
issued  from  the  lane,  riding  a  white  horse,  and  carrying  a 
corpse  in  front  of  him,  the  trunk  and  legs  hanging  on  either 
side  of  the  horse,  being  supported  by  the  two  men  whom 
he  had  seen  at  first.  The  other  two  carried  dark  lanterns, 
and  when  the  ghastly  cortege  had  reached  a  place  on  the 
bank  where  rubbish  was  shot  into  the  river,  the  men  took 
the  body  and  hurled  it  into  the  water,  flinging  it  as  far  as 
they  could.  The  horseman  asked  if  they  had  thrown  it  well 
in,  to  which  they  replied,  '  Right  well,  Signor,'  and  then  the 
five  men.  disappeared  down  the  street  which  leads  to  the 
Hospital  of  S.  James."  When  the  man  was  asked  why  he 
had  not  informed  the  authorities,  his  answer  was  significant 
of  the  state  of  Rome  under  the  Borgia.  "  In  the  course  of 
my  life,"  he  said,  "  I  have  seen  more  than  a  hundred  bodies 
thrown  into  the  Tiber  at  this  spot,  and  never  heard  of  any 
one  troubling  himself  about  them." 

Men  were  immediately  set  to  work  to  drag  the  river,  and 
about  mid-day  of  the  same  day,  a  body  was  found  not  far 
from  S'^  Maria  del  Popolo,  and  close  to  a  garden  belonging 
to  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza.  It  was  that  of  the  Duke  of 
Gandia.  The  throat  had  been  cut,  and  it  bore  nine  ghastly 
wounds.  His  purse,  containing  40  ducats,  and  his  rich 
garments  were  untouched.  Robbery,  therefore,  had  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  murder.  The  corpse  was  taken  at 
once  to  S.  Angelo  and  the^e  washed  and  clothed  in  ducal 
robes,  and  then  taken  on  an  open  bier  to  lie  in  state  at 


49^  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

S*^  Maria  del  Popolo.  In  addition  to  the  Duke's  suite  and  the 
Spanish  and  Milanese  Envoys,  many  prelates  and  other  per- 
sons joined  the  procession.* 

"When  Alexander  VI.  heard  that  the  Duke  had  been 
murdered  and  his  body  thrown  like  carrion  into  the  Tiber, 
he  was  perfectly  overcome  ;  he  shut  himself  up  in  his  room, 
overwhelmed  with  grief,  and  wept  bitterly.  From  Wednes- 
day evening  until  Sunday  morning  he  neither  ate  nor 
drank,  nor  had  he  a  moment's  sleep  from  Thursday  morn- 
ing till  Sunday."  So  says  Jakob  Burchard,  though  we  seek 
in  vain  for  any  account  of  the  murder  itself  in  his  pages.f 
There  were  many  indications   that   the   crime   had  been 

*  The  above  is  taken  from  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  387-90,  which 
in  all  essential  points  agrees  with  the  Venetian  Report  in  Sanuto,  I , 
651  ;  the  Mantuan  Report  in  Arch.  St.  Rom,  XL,  309  seq. ;  the  extract 
from  the  letter  of  a  Venetian  ambassador  in  Sanuto,  I.,  651-52  (the 
date  June  1 5,  cannot  apply  to  the  whole  of  the  letter,  as  the  finding  cf 
the  body,  which  did  not  take  place  till  the  i6th,  is  mentioned) ;  the  letter 
in  Malipiero,  VII.,  I,  489-91,  and,  with  some  variations,  in  Sanuto, 
I.,  658-59 ;  Hugolinus  Mathaus'  letter  in  Sanuto,  I.,  657-58 ;  and 
a  "^Despatch  of  the  Fenarese  chronicler  Carissimi,  dated  Rome,  June  16, 
1497,  in  the  State  Archives,  Modena.  The  fisherman  who  found  the 
body  received  10  ducats  ;  cf.  the  entry  in  the  Roman  State  Archives  in 
Yriarte,  Cesar  Borgia,  I.,  121.  In  regard  to  the  discovery  of  the 
corpse,  P.  Bilia,  on  June  16, 1497,  writes  as  follows  to  the  Duke  of  Milan  : 
"  El  corpo  del  S.  duca  de  Gandia  fo  trovato  hogi  a  mezodi  nel  Tevero 
verso  S.  Maria  del  populo  et  non  molto  discosto  dal  giardino  de  Mons. 
Rmo  Haveva  ferita  nela  gola,  nel  pecto  et  in  una  cossa  assai  disconcie 
et  era  vestito  del  sayo  suo  con  il  cincto  et  il  pugnale.  Subito  fo  portato 
in  castello  dove  e  stato  tenuto  fin  passata  le  23  hore,  et  la  si  h  dicto  che 
ando  N.  S.  per  vederlo.  Al  hora  predicta  fo  levato  vestito  alia  ducale  et 
accompagnato  dali  m"  oratori  Hispano  et  de  V.  Ex.  con  molti  prelati  et 
grande  numero  de  altre  persone  et  con  molti  frati  inante.  L'hano  portato 
al  populo  a  sepellire.  Non  ho  anche  inteso  se  li  farano  altre  exequie  ; 
facendosi  faro  I'officio  debito  a  me."  This  letter  is  erroneously  placed 
in  the  year  1498  in  the  Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  Burchardi  Diarium,  IL,  390-91. 


RUMOURS   IN   ROME.  497 

planned  long  before  and  carried  out  with  great  skill.*  The 
only  person  who  could  have  told  in  which  direction  the 
Duke  had  gone  was  the  groom,  and  he  had  been  rendered 
incapable  of  saying  anything.  The  time  that  had  elapsed 
before  the  body  was  found  was  a  great  advantage  for  the 
murderers,  enabling  them  to  obliterate  all  traces  which 
might  have  led  to  their  discovery .-f  In  Rome  all  sorts  of 
wild  rumours  were  flying  about,  which  rapidly  developed 
into  still  wilder  tales.  The  consternation  and  distress  in 
the  Papal  palace  were  unexampled.^  The  complete  failure 
of  the  police  to  discover  anything  left  a  free  field  for  the 
invention  of  any  amount  of  myths.  Suspicion  fell  first 
upon  the  Orsini  and  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  who  had  a 
short  time  before  had  a  violent  quarrel  with  the  Duke.  This, 
however,  did  not  prevent  many  others  from  being  suspected, 
amongst  whom  were  Giovanni  Sforza  of  Pesaro,  brother-in- 
law  of  the  murdered  Prince,  Cardinal  Sanseverino,  the  Duke 
of  Urbino,  the  rebels  of  Viterbo,  and  Count  Antonio  Maria 
della  Mirandola.  Many  believed  that  the  Duke  had  fallen 
a  victim  to  the  jealousy  of  some  Roman  husband.§ 

On  the  17th  of  June,  the  Governor  of  the  City  received 

■^  In  ogni  modo  si  crede  sia  stato  gran  maestro,  says  the  Florentine 
Envoy  on  the  17th  June.     See  Thuasne,  II.,  669. 

t  HoFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  'j']^  rightly  lays  great  stress  on  this  point. 

X  "^La  corte  e  sottosopra,  *Letter  from  Carissimi,  June  16,  1497. 
State  Archives,  Modena. 

§  See,  in  addition  to  letter  already  referred  to  above,  the  Diario 
Ferrarese,  345  ;  the  Florentine  Report  in  Thuasne,  II.,  669  ;  and  the 
^Report  of  P.  Bilia  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  Rome,  June  16,  1497  :  *Qua 
appresso  el  vulgo  h  stato  qualche  oppinione  che  Mon^e  Rmo  non  habb 
facto  fare  questo,  che  h  fora  de  omne  rasone  et  verita ;  et  il  rispecto  che 
li  moveva  era  la  ingiuria  quale  fu  facta  proximamente  alia  R.  S.  Sua  de 
esserh  impiccati  alcuni  servitori  suoi.  {Cf.  Sanuto,  I.,  843.)  Poi  sus- 
picono  del  Rmo  s.  Severino  che  credo  sia  medesimamente  falso.  State 
Archives,  Milan. 

VOL.  V.  2  K 


498  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

orders  from  the  Pope  to  have  all  the  houses  on  the  banks 
of  the  Tiber  thoroughly  searched  up  to  S^^  Maria  del 
Popolo.  The  Palace  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  who  on 
the  previous  day  had  sent  a  confidential  account  to  his 
brother  in  Milan  of  the  event,  was  included  in  the  investi- 
gation.* The  Cardinal  commended  the  action  of  the  Pope, 
and  remarked  that  he  would  have  been  still  better  pleased 
if  the  examination  had  been  made  the  day  before;  he 
begged  that  the  Governor  would  begin  with  his  house. 
Out  of  considerations  of  personal  dignity  he  absented  him- 
self from  his  palace  for  the  time ;  he  told  the  Milanese 
Envoy  that  the  Governor  of  the  City  had  informed  him 
that  amongst  the  Duke's  papers,  letters  had  been  found 
from  Fabrizio  Colonna  earnestly  warning  him  against  a 
Roman  citizen  in  whom  Gandia  had  great  confidence.f 
On  the  20th  June,  Cardinal  Ascanio  wrote  to  his  brother : 
"  Although  all  possible  pains  have  been  taken,  as  yet 
nothing  certain  has  been  discovered  either  as  to  the  place 
of  the  murder  or  the  person  who  did  it.  The  Duke  was 
last  seen  that  night  close  to  the  cross  in  the  street  leading 
to  S^""  Maria  del  Popolo  ;  it  is  thought  that  the  crime  was 
committed  somewhere  near  this  cross,  because  both  horse- 
men and  others  on  foot  were  seen  there.  The  uncertainty 
which  prevails  has  given  rise  to  many  different  conjectures. 
(  Some  think  it  had  to  do  with  a  love  affair  ;  the  Duke  of 
Urbino,  the  Orsini,  and  Cardinal  Sanseverino  have  also 
been  suspected.     Again,  it  is  said  that  some  of  my  people 

*  This  letter  (to  be  found  in  Gregorovius,  VII.,  390,  n.  i,  ed.  3; 
396,  n.  I,  ed.  4)  gives  essentially  the  same  account  as  that  in  the  narra- 
tive in  the  text ;  though,  as  Knopfler,  Tod  des  Herzogs  von  Gandia, 
449,  justly  observes,  Ascanio  was  not  likely  to  display  any  consideration 
towards  the  Vatican,  his  relations  with  the  Papal  court  being  at  that  time 
far  from  friendly. 

+  *"^P.  Bilia  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  Rome,  June  17,  1497.  State 
Archives,  Milan. 


GRIEF   OF   ALEXANDER   VI.  499 

may  have  done  it  on  account  of  the  recent  quarrel  with  the 
Duke.  Finally,  it  has  been  asserted  that  either  Giovanni 
Sforza  of  Pesaro  or  his  brother  Galeazzo  is  the  murderer." 
At  the  end  of  his  epistle  Ascanio  refers  to  letters  from  his 
brother  saying  that  Giovanni  Sforza  had  come  to  Milan,  and  . 
that  his  brother  Galeazzo  had  never  left  Pesaro.  "  Although 
it  is  incredible,"  he  continues,  "  that  either  of  them  should 
have  been  guilty  of  such  a  cruel  act,  still  I  am  glad  that 
Giovanni  has  written  here  to  prove  that  he  and  his  brother 
are  innocent.  Now  that  it  is  known  that  he  had  gone  to 
Milan  and  that  Galeazzo  had  not  left  Pesaro,  people  here 
are  starting  fresh  hypotheses,  and  seeking  in  all  possible 
ways  to  find  out  the  truth."* 

In  corroboration  of  this,  there  is  a  letter  to  Giovanni 
Bentivoglio  of  June  20th,  1497,  which  says  "  two  days  ago 
the  brother  of  the  Lord  of  Pesaro  was  openly  spoken  of  as 
the  assassin ;  now  this  is  no  longer  believed.  All  sorts  of 
contradictory  opinions  are  held.  But  since  every  word 
and  every  judgment  connected  with  this  affair  is  beset 
with  doubt  and  danger,  I  leave  the  matter  to  those  whom 
it  concerns.  The  Pope  is  deeply  distressed  at  the  loss  he 
has  sustained,  and  is  minded  to  change  his  life  and 
become  a  different  man.  He  has  gone  to  S.  Peter's  and 
intends  to  erect  the  Tribune  for  the  High  Altar  there, 
according  to  the  design  of  Nicholas  V.,  which  will  cost 
50,000  ducats;  in  S'^  Maria  Maggiore  there  is  also  to  be  a 

■^  See  Appendix,  N.  39,  where  this  hitherto  unknown  "^Letter  is  printed. 
I  found  it  among  the  unclassified  papers  in  the  Milanese  State  Archives, 
which  Gregorovius  has  almost  completely  neglected.  Thus,  a  Venetian 
Report  of  the  17th  June  is  entirely  false,  which  states  that  Giovanni 
Sforza  was  in  Rome,  accompanied  the  Duke  into  a  vineyard,  there 
strangled  him,  and  then  threw  the  body  into  the  Tiber,  the  motive 
being  jealousy  of  Lucrezia.  Malipiero,  490.  This  story  is  further 
developed  by  Matarazzo,  71.  Cf.  Knopflkr,  Death  of  the  Duke  of 
Gandia,  44$  seq. 


500  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

new  Tribune  for  the  Papal  Benediction,  and  already  2000 
ducats  have  been  set  apart  for  this.  Moreover  yester- 
day in  the  Consistory  he  promised  a  reform  of  the  Church, 
both  in  temporal  and  spiritual  matters,  and  appointed 
a  commission  of  six  Cardinals  and  three  Prelates  for  this 
purpose.  Finally  he  announced  his  intention  of  equipping 
forty  squadrons,  but  will  have  no  Roman  Barons  among 
them.  It  is  thought  that  he  will  give  the  command  to 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  who  is  a  truly  able  and  worthy 
man.  He  has  also  promised  many  other  excellent  things; 
time  will  soon  shew  whether  he  is  in  earnest."  * 

In  regard  to  the  proceedings  at  the  Consistory  of  June 
19th,  we  have  a  detailed  report  of  the  Venetian  Ambas- 
sador and  a  letter  from  Ascanio  Sforza.  It  was  attended 
by  all  the  Cardinals  in  Rome,  excepting  Ascanio,  and, 
in  addition  to  the  representatives  of  the  League,  by 
the  Ambassadors  of  Spain,  Naples,  Venice  and  Milan. 
After  the  Cardinals  had  each  severally  offered  their  con- 
dolences, the  Pope  addressed  them  in  a  speech  in  which  he 
freely  gave  vent  to  his  grief.  "  The  blow  which  has  fallen 
upon  us  "  he  said,  "  is  the  heaviest  that  we  could  possibly 
have  sustained.  We  loved  the  Duke  of  Gandia  more  than 
any  one  else  in  the  world.  We  would  give  seven  Tiaras  to 
be  able  to  recall  him  to  life.  God  has  done  this  in  punish- 
ment for  our  sins,  for  the  Duke  had  done  nothing  to  deserve 
this  mysterious  and  terrible  death.  It  has  been  said  that 
Giovanni  Sforza  is  the  criminal.  We  are  convinced  that 
this  is  not  the  case,  and  equally  so,  that  neither  his  brothet 
nor  the  Duke  of  Urbino  are  guilty ;  may  God  forgive  the 
murderer.  We,  on  our  part,  are  resolved  to  amend  our 
own  life  and  to  reform  the  Church.  The  reform  of  the 
Church  will  be  put  into  the  hands  of  six  Cardinals  and  two 

*  See  Appendix,  N.  38.  The  levy  of  troops  was  rendered  necessary  by 
the  threatening  attitude  of  the  Orsini  and  Colonna.     Cf.  Sanuto,  I.,  663. 


THE   POPE'S   GOOD   RESOLUTIONS.  50I 

Auditors  of  the  Rota.  From  henceforth  benefices  shall 
only  be  given  to  deserving  persons,  and  in  accordance  with 
the  votes  of  the  Cardinals.  We  renounce  all  nepotism,  We 
will  begin  the  reform  with  ourselves  and  so  proceed  through 
all  ranks  of  the  Church  till  the  whole  work  is  accomplished." 
Six  Cardinals  were  appointed  on  the  spot  to  constitute  the 
Commission  of  Reform. 

When  the  Pope  had  finished  his  speech,  the  Spanish 
Ambassador  Garcilaso  della  Vega  stood  up  to  apologise 
for  the  absence  of  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza.  The  Cardinal, 
he  said,  desired  him  to  entreat  his  Holiness  to  give  no 
credence  to  the  reports  that  were  going  about  that  he  was 
the  murderer,  and  had  assumed  the  leadership  of  the  Orsini 
party.  If  the  Pope  permitted,  he  would  come  forward  and 
defend  himself.  He  had  only  kept  away  from  to-day's 
Consistory  out  of  fear  of  the  Spaniards.  The  Pope  replied 
"  God  forbid  that  I  should  harbour  any  such  horrible 
suspicions  of  the  Cardinal.  I  have  always  looked  upon  him 
as  a  brother  and  he  will  be  welcome  whenever  he  comes."* 

On  the  same  day,  19th  of  June,  the  death  of  the  Duke  of 
Gandia  was  officially  announced  to  the  Italian  and  foreign 
Powers.  "  We  do  not  know,"  the  letter  says,  "  by  whom 
the  murder  was  committed,  or  what  was  its  cause."-]-  The 
loss  of  one  whom  he  loved  only  too  dearly  was,  he  consi- 
dered, a  visitation  from  God  and  a  warning  to  him  to  amend 
his  life.  The  Powers  replied  at  once  with  letters  of  con- 
dolence. The  Emperor  Maximilian  expressed  a  hope  that 
the  Pope  would  persevere  in  his  good  resolutions  and  carry 

*  See  the  Report  of  the  Venetian  Ambassador  printed  in  Brown,  I., 
74-6,  and  in  the  new  edition  of  Sanuto,  L,  653-4  ;  also  in  the  Ap- 
pendix, N.  37,  a  ^Letter  of  Card.  A.  Sforza  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  dat. 
Rome,  June  19,  1497  ;  and  N.  40,  a  ^Letter  of  P.  Bilia  of  June  21,  both 
in  the  Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  Brief  to  Venice  in  Sanuto,  661-2,  and  also  to  Milan,  I'd/d.,  660-61. 


502  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

them  out.  Cardinal  Giuliano  della  Rovere,  between  whom 
and  the  Pope  negotiations  for  a  reconciliation  were  in 
process,*  and  Girolamo  Savonarola  also  expressed  their 
sympathy."]-  In  the  anguish  of  the  first  shock  Alexander 
had  written  to  the  King  of  Spain  that  he  was  thinking  of 
resigning  the  Tiara.  Ferdinand,  who  knew  the  Pope  well, 
advised  him  to  do  nothing  in  a  hurry  and  spoke  of  the 
healing  hand  of  time.  J 

On  the  26th  June,  1497,  the  Pope  received  the  Envoys 
of  the  League  and  of  Federigo  of  Naples  ;  he  assured 
them  that  he  was  anxious  to  do  everything  that  was  pos- 
sible in  the  cause  of  peace  and  the  well-being  of  Italy. § 
On  the  following  day,  the  Milanese  Envoy  wrote  home 
that  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  was  much  disturbed  at  the 
suspicions  of  which  he  was  the  object ;  he  declared  that 
nothing  worse  could  have  happened  to  him  than  the  death 
of  the  Duke,  which  had  put  a  stop  to  important  negotia- 
tions   which    were    just    approaching    completion.      The 

*  Brosch,  Julius  II.,  77,  doubts  the  statement  of  the  Venetian 
Ambassador,  who  says  that  the  project  of  a  reconciliation  between 
Alexander  VI.  and  Giuliano  was  already  on  foot  as  early  as  June.  The 
Ferrarese  Envoy,  however,  also  announces  in  a  "^Despatch  dat.  Rome, 
June  8,  1497  :  S.  P.  ad  vine,  rev^o  s'  e  acordato  con  il  papa ;  and  would 
return  to  Italy.  (State  Archives,  Modena.)  In  any  case  Gregorovius  is 
mistaken  (VII.,  394,  ed.  3,  or  in  400,  ed.  4),  in  supposing  that  Giuliano's 
letter  of  condolence  was  the  first  step  in  these  negotiations, 

t  The  Venetian  letter  is  in  Sanuto,  I.,  662-3  ;  *Letter  of  Maximilian, 
dat.  Imst.,  July  24,  1497,  in  the  Venetian  State  Archives  (also  in  part 
in  Gregorovius,  VII.,  394,  ed.  3,  note  i);  Savonarola's  letter  in 
Perrens,  App.,  n.  9  ;  that  of  G.  della  Rovere  in  GREGOROVIUS,  Lucrezia 
Borgia,  App.,  n.  14.  I  saw  the  draft  of  the  "^Letter  of  condolence  from 
L.  Moro,  dat.  Milan,  July  i,  1497  (In  summo  dolore)  in  the  Milanese 
State  Archives. 

t  ZURITA,  v.,  125b. 

§  **Letter  from  A.  Sforza  to  L.  Moro,  dat.  Rome,  June  20,  1497. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 


ALEXANDER   VI.   AND   ASCANIO   SFORZA.  503 

Envoy  adds  in  cypher  that  indications  had  at  last  been 
discovered  which  pointed  to  the  Orsini  as  the  authors  of  the 
murder,  these  were  being  followed  up  with  all  possible 
energy  ;  the  clearer  they  became,  the  greater  the  Pope  felt 
was  the  necessity  for  caution,  lest  anything  should  tran- 
spire prematurely.  In  the  same  letter  he  mentions  that 
Alexander  was  beginning  to  doubt  whether  it  would  not 
be  better  to  send  Cardinal  Ascanio  to  Naples  as  Legate 
for  the  Coronation,  instead  of  Caesar.*  Coupled  with  this, 
the  fact  that  on  June  21st,  he  had  a  long  conversation  with 
the  Pope,-|-  seems  to  prove  that  Alexander  really  did  not 
believe  in  his  guilt.  On  the  other  hand,  all  this  may  have 
been  merely  a  blind.  In  any  case  the  Pope  soon  changed 
his  opinion.  Venetian  reports  announce  in  July  that 
Sforza  and  Alexander  were  now  bitterly  estranged,  because 
it  became  certain  that  the  former  was  the  Duke's  murderer. 
The  Cardinal,  on  account  of  the  strong  feeling  against  him 
amongst  the  Spaniards,  thought  it  prudent  to  leave  Rome. 
He  went  first  to  Frascati  and  then  to  Grottaferrata  and 
Genazzano.  The  Venetian  Envoy  thinks  that  he  is  now 
turning  to  the  Colonna  because  the  Orsini  are  trying  to 
make  friends  with  the  Pope.  The  same  writer  reports 
that  in  August  he  came  to  Rome  to  attend  the  funeral  of 
his  friend  Cardinal  Lunati,  and  had  a  long  interview  with 
the  Pope,  and  that  every  one  believes  Ascanio  to  have  been 
the  murderer  of  the  Duke.J 

In  a  letter,  partly  in  cypher,  from  the  Cardinal  to  his 
brother,  dated  Genazzano,  July  26th,  1497,  the  former  refers 
to  a  previous  communication  of  July  6th,  in  which  he  had 

*  **Letter  of  Stef.  Taberna  to  L.  Moro,  dat.  Rome,  June  21,  1497. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  See  in  Appendix,  N.  40,  ^Report  of  P.  Bilia,  June  21,  1497.  C/. 
Florentine  Despatch  in  Thuasne,  II.,  672. 

X  Sanuto,  I.,  686,  689,  695,  710. 


504  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

told  him  of  Alexander's  expressed  suspicions  of  the 
Orsini,  on  whom  he  would  avenge  himself  if  they  proved 
to  be  well-founded.  Some  new  results  of  the  investigations 
would  be  communicated  to  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  the  Pope 
would  do  nothing  without  his  advice.*  Later,  in  August, 
the  Venetian  Ambassador  announces  that  Ascanio  is  in 
Rome  and  the  Pope  displays  no  hostile  feeling  against  him, 
although  it  is  held  for  certain  that  he  had  murdered  the 
Duke  of  Gandia.f  Alexander  VI.  could  not  have  shared 
this  opinion,  for  when  he  and  Ascanio  fell  out  in  December 
1498,  this  accusation  does  not  appear  in  the  violent  recrim- 
inations which  they  hurled  at  each  other,  and  it  was  not 
till  July  1499,  and  for  reasons  quite  unconnected  with  the 
tragedy  of  1497,  that  the  Cardinal  finally  left  the  Court.| 
In  June  1498  he  wrote  to  his  brother  that  the  new  accusa- 
tion lately  raised  against  him,  of  his  having  been  the  inter- 
mediary between  Prospero  Colonna  and  Giovanni  Sforza  in 
the  matter  of  the  Duke's  assassination,  troubled  him  very 
little  ;  which  looks  as  if  his  conscience  was  clear.§  The 
charges  made  against  the  Orsini  and  Giovanni  Sforza  of 

*  **A.  Sforza  to  L.  Moro,  July  26,  1497.     Milanese  State  Archives. 

t  Sanuto,  I.,  7-37.  This  statement  reappears  in  June  1498,  though 
with  an  ut  dicitur\  Sanuto,  I.,  994.  When  Ascanio  went  to  Loreto  in 
September,  it  was  said  that  he  would  retire  to  Milan  ;  but  in  fact  he 
returned  to  Rome  ;  Sanuto,  I.  796,  802.  From  a  "^Letter  in  cypher  of 
Ascanio,  dated  Rome,  1497,  Dec.  24  (State  Archives,  Milan),  which 
will  be  again  referred  to  shortly,  we  gather  that  he  was  in  Rome  and 
on  very  confidential  terms  with  the  Pope.  Knopfler,  loc.  cit.^  467,  is 
evidently  not  acquainted  with  these  documents,  which  shew  that  he  is 
mistaken  in  supposing  that  Ascanio  definitively  left  the  Roman  Court 
in  September  1497,  and  consequently  upset  his  inference.  "These  facts 
and  Ascanio's  voluntary  exile,  give  grounds  for  suspecting  that  his  hands 
were  not  clean  from  the  blood  of  Gandia." 

:j:  See  Vol.  VI.,  chap.  2  of  this  work. 

§  "^^Letter  from  A.  Sforza  to  L.  Moro,  Rome,  June  5,  1498.  Milanese 
State  Archives. 


GIOVANNI   SFORZA   SUSPECTED.  505 

having  been    implicated    in  the  bloody  deed    seem  much 
more  likely  to  be  true.* 

Since  the  Spring  of  the  year,  the  Tyrant  of  Pesaro  had 
become  completely  estranged  from  Alexander  on  account 
of  his  refusal  to  agree  to  the  dissolution  of  his  marriage 
with  Lucrezia,  which  the  Pope  desired.f  In  March  he  fled 
from  Rome  to  Pesaro.:|:  According  to  a  Venetian  account 
he  had  come  secretly  to  Rome  just  at  the  time  of  the 
murder,  but  a  Milanese  letter  states  that  he  was  then 
staying  with  Lodovico  il  Moro.  On  the  other  hand  he 
had  plenty  of  grievances  both  personal,  and  probably  also 
political,  and  might  very  well  have  employed  hired 
assassins;  and  "his  violent  conduct  in  Pesaro,  in  1503, 
shewed  him  to  be  quite  capable  of  such  a  deed."§  At  the 
same  time  the  fact  that  on  the  19th  June,  Alexander  VI. 
formally  dismissed  the  charge  against  him,  and  that  from 
that  time  he  was  held  to  be  clear  of  suspicion,  speaks  in 
favour  of  his  innocence.H  In  the  whole  course  of  the  long 
negotiations    about    the  dissolution  of  his  marriage,  while 

^  See  Vol.  VI.,  chap.  2  of  this  work. 

t  Gregorovius,  Lucrezia,  95  seg. 

X  Sanuto,  I.,  569,  this  had  been  already  printed  by  Brown,  I.,  65. 
A  report  of  June  14,  in  Sanuto,  I.,  656,  says  that  Lucrezia  had 
quarrelled  with  her  husband  and  retired  to  the  Convent  of  S.  Sisto  in  the 
Via  Appia.  This  shews  that  Balan,  372-3,  is  in  error  when  he  says 
that  Lucrezia  did  not  leave  the  Vatican  till  after  the  murder  of  the 
Duke  of  Gandia.  A  "^Letter  from  a  Ferrarese  Envoy,  June  8,  1497, 
shews  that  this  had  already  taken  place,  and  that  she  was  not  on  good 
terms  with  her  father.  He  says  "^Madona  Lucretia,  figlia  del  papa,  e 
moglie  del  S.  de  Pesaro  s'e  partita  di  palazo  insalutato  hospite  et  essene 
andata  in  uno  monasterio  de  moneche  chiamato  S.  Sixto  et  la  se  sta  ; 
alcuni  dicono  che  vole  esse  monacha  et  etiam  alcuni  dicono  molte  altre 
cose  que  non  sunt  credenda  litteris.     State  Archives,  Modena. 

§  Knopfler,  loc.  a'L,  464-5.  Cf.  also  IIufler,  Don  Rodrigo  dc 
Borja,  77-7^' 

1  Cf.  supra^  p.  500. 


506  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

many  other  evil  things  were  said  of  Giovanni  Sforza,  he 
was  never  accused  of  the  murder. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  charge  of  being  the  chief  instiga- 
tors and  contrivers  of  the  crime  was  openly  and  persistently 
preferred  against  the  Orsini.*  "  The  Orsini  certainly  had 
ample  cause  for  hating  the  Pope  and  the  Duke.  They  had 
been  the  first  to  be  attacked  by  Alexander  in  order  to  carve 
out  of  their  estates  a  principality  for  his  son,  and  found 
the  House  of  Borgia.  Their  reply  had  been  the  victory 
of  Soriano,  and  the  peace  in  the  end  was  a  far  from  dis- 
honourable one  for  them  ;  but  the  relations  on  both  sides 
remained  hostile,  and  the  Orsini  could  not  but  be  aware 
that  whenever  a  good  opportunity  presented  itself  the  con- 
test would  be  resumed.  If  the  Duke,  who  was  the  chief 
cause  of  the  attack  upon  them,  were  put  out  of  the  way, 
they  might  hope  to  be  secure  against  the  probability  of  its 
renewal."  What  happened  was  the  exact  contrary :  Alex- 
ander, convinced  that  they  were  responsible  for  the  murder, 
was  bent  on  revenge.  In  December  it  was  known  that  the 
destruction  of  the  Orsini  had  been  determined  on  ;  but  at 
this  point  Venice  intervened  and  compelled  the  Pope  to 
desist  from  his  purpose.  He  did  not,  however,  relinquish  it, 
and  indeed  could  not,  considering  their  attitude  towards  him. 
In  February  1498,  it  was  reported  that  they  w^ere  plotting 
against  his  life.  From  Alexander's  later  action  we  gather 
that  in  pursuing  the  Orsini  he  believed  that  he  was  execut- 
ing a  just  vengeance  on  the  murderers  of  his  son,  and  con- 
temporary accounts  from  Rome  fully  confirm  the  truth  of 
this  view.f 

*  Cf.  supra^  p.  497,  and  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  89. 

t  Knopfler,  loc.  cit,^  468-9.  In  his  edition  of  ROHRBACHER,  Kir- 
chengesch.,  Knopfler  (279)  considers  it  certain  that  the  Orsini  had 
determined  on  putting  the  Duke  of  Gandia  out  of  the  way.  "This 
plan   was  so  admirably  carried  out,  that  the  hand  that   did  the  deed 


ACCUSATIONS   AGAINST   THE   ORSINL  507 

We  do  not  possess  the  requisite  materials  for  attaining 
to  perfect  certainty  in  regard  to  the  guilt  of  the  Orsini,  and 
it  always  remains  a  possibility  that  the  assassination  had 
nothing  to  do  with  politics.  The  dissolute  life  of  the  Duke 
of  Gandia  was  notorious  in  the  city,  and  at  first,  it  was 
very  commonly  believed  that  he  had  come  by  his  death 
in  some  intrigue.  It  is  quite  probable  that  this  natural 
explanation  is  the  true  one.*  The  investigations  were  pro- 
was  never  discovered,  and  the  guilt  of  it  was  fastened  as  a  perpetual 
stain  on  the  reputation  of  the  family  of  the  hated  foe."  HOFLER, 
Rodrigo  de  Borja,  'j']^  draws  attention  to  the  mysterious  death  of 
Virginio  Orsini  in  the  prison  of  the  Castel  del  Uovo  in  Naples  and 
goes  on  to  say  :  "  His  body  was  brought  from  Naples  to  Rome  on  the 
26th  April  and  thence  taken  to  Bracciano  (Burchardi  Diarium,  II., 
365).  It  may  be  well  imagined  that  this  occurrence  revived  the  hatred 
of  the  Orsini  to  the  Borgia,  and  when  they  made  away  with  the  Duke  of 
Gandia,  their  bitterly  despised  foe,  they  well  knew  who  would  be  hardest 
hit  by  the  stroke."  In  another  place  (81-82)  he  remarks  "The  question 
as  to  who  plunged  the  dagger  of  the  assassin  that  night  into  the  heart 
of  Alexaitder  VI.'s  favourite  son  is  unmistakeably  answered  by  the 
report  of  Marino  Sanuto  in  the  following  December  (I.,  827).  Here 
he  says  distinctly  that  "the  Pope  had  acquired  the  certainty  that  the 
Orsini  had  murdered  his  son."  The  Report  of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy, 
Dec.  22,  1497,  in  Cappelli,  Savonarola,  100,  says  the  same  thing.  The 
epigram  affixed  to  the  Papal  Palace,  on  the  reconciliation  between  the 
Orsini  and  Colonna  in  1498,  which  recommends  the  drowning  of 
Alexandei-'s  offspring  in  the  Tiber,  was  evidently  a  play  upon  the  death 
of  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  and  an  encouragement  to  proceed  further 
along  the  same  path.  (See  Vol.  VI.,  chap.  2  of  this  work.)  In  a 
■^^Report  dated  Rome,  June  15,  1498,  and  written  in  cypher,  A.  Sforza 
informs  his  brother  of  the  Pope's  intended  proceedings  against  the 
Orsini :  essendo  la  S'^  Sua  tanto  accesa  ad  questa  vindicta  che  piu  non 
saria  possibile  dire.     State  Archives,  Milan. 

*  Cf.  supra,  p.  494,  and  Creighton,  HI.,  258  ;  HoFLER  (Rodrigo  de 
Borja,  78),  says  "The  detailed  account  of  the  murder  given  by  Andre 
Bernaldez  is  very  interesting,  although  the  date  May  29  is  wrong.  He 
expressly  mentions  the  quarrel  between  Sforza  and  Don  Juan,  calls  the 


508  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

longed  for  more 'than  a  year,*  but  brought  to  light  nothing 
new.  In  consequence,  the  air  was  thick  with  rumours. 
Nothing  stimulates  the  imagination  so  much  as  a  mystery, 
and  where  no  one  knows  the  truth  the  most  impossible 
things  are  believed.  Every  one  who  could  in  any  conceiv- 
able way  be  supposed  to  have  an  interest  in  the  Duke's 
death  was  suspected  ;  amongst  the  names  mentioned  were 
not  only  the  Orsini,  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza,  and  Giovanni 
of  Pesaro,  but  even  Gandia's  brother  Jofrd  In  the  Con- 
sistory of  June  19th,  the  Pope  at  once  put  aside  all  the 
other  names,  but  made  no  remark  when  the  Orsini  were 
spoken  of.  This  is  certainly  significant.-j-  Probably  the 
actual  history  of  this  ghastly  tragedy  will  never  be 
completely  unveiled,  but  the  more  we  study  the  facts, 
both  preceding  and  subsequent  to  it,  the  more  do  they 
seem  to  tend  towards  the  implication  of  this  family.  It 
may  very  well  be  that  knowing  the  Prince's  character,  they 
sought  and  found  in  some  love  adventure  the  easiest  and 
safest  means  of  putting  him  out  of  the  way ;  but  the 
evidence  against  them  is  not  strong  enough  to  justify  any- 
thing more  definite  than  a  well-grounded  suspicion. 

In  all  the  reports  written  at  the  time,  as  far  as  they  are 
known,  there  is  not  the  slightest  hint  to  be  found  of  that 
which  came  a  few  years  later  to  be  almost  universally 
believed,  namely,  that  Caesar  Borgia  was  the  assassin. 
The   earliest    accusation    against    him    was    started    nine 

mistress  of  the  latter,  Madama  Damiata,  designates  the  man  in  the 
domino  as  a  go-between,  and  thinks  that  he  endeavoured  to  dissuade  the 
Duke  from  keeping  the  tryst  which  the  latter  with  drunken  persistency 
refused  to  relinquish." 

*  This  is  plain  from  the  *  Report  in  cypher  from  A.  Sforza,  to  L. 
Moro,  dat.  Rome,  June  15,  1498,  which  shews  that  Gregorovius,  III., 
395-6,  ed.  3  (402,  ed.  4),  is  mistaken. 

t  Knopfler,  loc.  cit.^  468  ;  and  HOFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  79,  have 
rightly  noticed  this. 


SUSPICIONS  ATTACHING   TO   CESAR   BORGIA.         509 

months  later,  and  is  found  in  a  Report  ot  the  Ferrarese 
Envoy  to  Venice,  which  fact  is  noteworthy.*  Many  of  the 
Orsini,  and  Giovanni  Sforza  who  had  been  so  deeply 
injured  by  Caesar,  had  taken  refuge  in  Venice,  and  the 
news  soon  spread  from  thence.  Paolo  Capello  repeated  it 
in  his  Report  of  September  1 500,  and  Silvio  Savelli  in  his 
pamphlet  of  November  1501.  Even  at  that  time,  however, 
it  had  not  yet  acquired  a  very  wide  circulation.  The 
Neapolitan  poets,  writing  before  1500,  though  ascribing 
every  imaginable  vice  to  the  Borgia  do  not  mention 
fratricide  in  the  lists  ;  and  even  later  the  murder  is  ascribed 
to  many  other  persons  besides  Caesar ;  but  the  belief  in 
his  guilt  continued  to  strengthen  with  time,  until  at  last  it 
came  to  be  accepted  as  a  certainty.  When  we  remember 
the  intense  and  universal  hatred  which  Caesar  Borgia 
eventually  aroused  against  himself,  both  in  Rome  and  in 
the  whole  of  Italy,  we  cannot  be  surprised  that  "  one  unde- 
served accusation  should  be  added  to  the  many  which  he 
so  richly  merited  ;  and  considering  what  the  times  were, 
it  is  equally  easy  to  understand  that  it  should  be  widely 
believed.  Also,  in  those  days  court  scandals  passed  quite 
as  rapidly  from  one  court  to  another  as  they  do  in  our 
own  day,  and  thus  the  rumour  soon  reached  Spain,  and 
there  too,  found  many  to  credit  it."f     It  was  not,  however, 

*  The  passage  is  printed  in  Gregorovius,  Lucrezia,  161,  note  i  ; 
and  in  Alvisi,  44,  n.  i.  In  the  Annal.  Bonon.,  which  extend  to  Oct. 
1497,  no  mention  is  made  of  Caesar,  they  agree  with  the  Diario  of  S. 
TOMMASO  DI  SiLVESiRO,  1 03,  and  numerous  other  contemporaneous  re- 
ports, in  representing  the  murder  of  the  Duke  as  a  result  of  his  immoral 
life. 

+  Knopfler,  /oc.  cit.^  470-75;  Reumont,  III.,  I,  225;  Alvisi, 
44-5;  Brosch,  Alexander  VI.,  370-72;  NemeC,  124  seq.\  HOFLER, 
Rodrigo  de  Borja,  79,  very  justly  observes  that  probably  the  belief  in 
Caesar's  guilt  "has  its  root  in  the  fact  that,  under  quite  different  cir- 
cumstances, and  in  order  to  make  himself  master  of  the  Romagna,  he 


510  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

generally  adopted  in  Spain.  Bernaldez,  in  his  Chronicle 
narrating  the  murder  of  the  Duke,  naturally  mentions  the 
Cardinal,  but  does  not  in  any  way  connect  his  name  with 
the  crime.* 

There  does  not  seem  any  sufficient  reason  which  could 
have  induced  Caesar  to  commit  this  unnatural  crime  at  this 
particular  juncture  "  when  he  was  about  in  a  signal  manner 
to  participate  in  the  honours  and  dignities  which  the  Pope 
was  preparing  for  the  Borgia  family,  by  crowning  the  King 
of  Sicily.  In  order  to  excuse  or  account  for  the  atrocity 
which  filled  Spain  and  Portugal  with  horror,  it  has  been 
said  that  Caesar  disliked  and  wished  to  escape  from  his 
ecclesiastical  position,  and  that  Don  Juan  stood  in  his  way ; 
but  it  is  plain  that  on  the  Duke  of  Gandia's  death,  his 
son  and  not  Caesar  would  succeed  to  the  title.  It  would 
also  be  necessary  to  shew  that  Don  Juan  was  really  an 
obstacle  to  his  brother's  plans,  and  that  these  could  only  be 
realised  by  getting  rid  of  him.  No  proof  of  this,  however, 
is  forthcoming."  On  the  contrary,  it  may  be  justly  asked 
how  could  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  whose  miUtary  incapacity 
had  just  been  made  patent  in  the  campaign  against  the 
Orsini,  in  any  way  compete  with  such  a  man  as  Caesar. 
His  conduct  also  after  the  murder  seems  to  prove  his 
innocence.     "  He  remained  quietly  in  Rome  and  only  left 

contrived  to  have  several  of  the  smaller  tyrants  put  out  of  the  way," 
The  terror  inspired  by  Caesar  is  mirrored  in  a  remarkable  letter  from 
the  Marchioness  Isabella  to  her  husband  on  July  23,  1502,  in  which  the 
accusation  of  fratricide  is  mentioned.  It  is  printed  in  Luzio-Renier, 
Mantova  e  Urbino,  137.  There  is  also  an  ironical  allusion  to  it  in  some 
poems  edited  by  Renier,  see  Arch.  St.  Ital.,  5  Serie,  V.,  140  seq.  In  the 
copy  of  the  Comment,  urb.  of  Rafael  Volaterranus  in  the  Innsbruck 
Library  a  i6th  Century  hand  has  added  (f  CCXXXV^)  at  the  end  of 
the  account  of  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia  the  words  :  Fuit 
autem  Caesar  frater, 

*  HOFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  78. 


THE   SUSPICIONS   NOT   JUSTIFIED.  5  II 

it  on  the  22nd  July,  to  accomplish  his  mission  at  Naples. 
Thus  he  was  present  throughout  all  the  proceedings  there 
from  the  14th  June  to  the  22nd  July,  and  nothing  in  his 
actions  or  demeanour  could  be  adduced  to  justify  any 
suspicions  against  him.  It  is  also  incredible  that  the  Pope, 
if  he  had  believed  him  guilty,  could  have  made  him  his 
brother's  executor,  and  thus  forced  Donna  Maria,  the  King 
of  Spain's  cousin,  into  close  and  frequent  intercourse  with 
her  husband's  murderer."* 

*  HOFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  79-80,  who  adds  "Avhen  Gregorovius 
asserts  that  Roscoe's  exculpation  of  Caesar  on  such  flimsy  grounds 
does  honour  to  the  authoi-'s  heart,  but  can  only  bring  a  smile  to  the 
lips  of  a  judge,  he  seems  to  forget  that  a  proof  of  guilt  can  hardly  be 
sought  in  a  moral  impossibility,  and  that  a  judge,  even  admitting  that 
this  office  is  within  the  historian's  province,  is  not  justified  in  pronouncing 
a  verdict  of  guilty  in  regard  to  so  horrible  a  crime,  unless  the  evidence  is 
absolutely  unimpeachable.  We  have  to  ask  therefore  what  advantage 
Caesar  can  be  shewn  to  have  derived  from  the  murder  of  his  brother 
that  could  not  have  been  much  more  cheaply  obtained  ?  The  question 
simply  comes  to  this — is  it  conceivable  that  Alexander,  who  at  that  time 
depended  entirely  for  support  both  in  Spain  and  in  Naples,  on  the  House 
of  Aragon,  could  have  put  such  an  insult  on  King  Ferdinand  as  to  force 
his  cousin,  the  mother  of  the  murdered  Duke's  children,  into  the  most 
intimate  business  relations  with  her  husband's  murderer  ?  Further  can 
we  believe  that  the  Pope  who  was  then  on  the  best  possible  terms  with 
King  Frederick  of  Sicily  (Don  Fadrique  de  Aragon)  should  have  equally 
insulted  the  other  branch  of  that  House  by  sending  as  legattis  a  latere 
to  crown  him  at  Naples,  a  man  who  had  just  been  guilty  of  fratricide  ? 
We  cannot  imagine  Alexander  VI.  to  have  been  capable  of  such  effiontery 
as  this,  nor  that  the  proud  monarch  of  Spain,  at  that  time  on  very 
friendly  terms  with  the  King  of  the  Romans,  and  Don  Fadrique  would 
have  been  mean  enough  tamely  to  endure  it,  had  there  been  the  slightest 
suspicion  of  such  a  thing."  See  also  the  remarks  of  the  same  writer  on 
p.  8r-2,  and  in  Die  Katastrophe  der  Borjas  von  Gandia,  13.  Unfor- 
tunately Hofler  has  overlooked  Knopfler's  Essay,  Tod  des  Herzogs 
von  Gandia,  in  which,  especially  on  p.  455  seq.^  several  other  weighty 
arguments  against  Gregorovius'  view    are    put    forward.     Gregorovius' 


512  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

Whether  the  Duke  of  Gandia  fell  a  victim  to  the 
revenge  of  the  Orsini  and  Giovanni  Sforza,  or  to  his  own 
profligacy,  or  to  both,  it  is  certain  that  Caesar  was  not 
implicated  in  this  crime.  "  But  for  Alexander  VI. — the 
death  of  the  son,  the  one  whom  he  so  dearly  cherished, 
on  whom  all  his  hopes  were  concentrated,  torn  from  him 
in  such  a  horrible  manner — the  blow  came  as  an  unmistake- 
able  summons  to  stop  short  in  the  course  he  was  pursuing, 
and  to  change  his  life.  In  the  first  moments  of  anguish 
he  seriously  and  earnestly  resolved  to  take  measures  at 
once  for  the  reformation  of  the  Church,  and  the  amend- 
ment of  his  own  life  ;  and  in  order  to  carry  out  the  first  of 
these  intentions  he  appointed  a  Commission  of  six  Car- 
dinals, on  the  19th  of  June.  This  was  the  turning  point 
in  his  career.  If  he  meant  to  fulfil  the  resolutions  embraced 
in  the  hour  of  sorrow,  to  look  upon  himself  as  the  Steward, 

"  G  riinde  der  Wahrscheinlichkeit,"  are  also  here  convincingly  refuted. 
Even  since  the  appearance  of  the  3rd  and  amended  edition  of  Knopfler's 
Essay,  three  years  since,  Gregorovius  (396  seq.^  and  in  the  4th  ed.,  404) 
has  repeated  his  former  statements  without  taking  the  slightest  notice  of 
Knopfler's  counter  arguments.  Nor  does  he  mention  Brosch,  Alex- 
ander VI.,  37o-72,\vho  also  brings  forward  strong  reasons  against  accept- 
ing it.  Brosch,  who  was  certainly  no  apologist  of  the  Borgia,  here  says 
"  If  we  carefully  examine  all  the  arguments  for  and  against,  and  lend  an 
impartial  ear  to  all  the  witnesses,  we  are  forced  to  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  in  the* present  state  of  our  knowledge  we  can  arrive  at  no  decision." 
Long  before  this,  Reumont,  III.,  i,  225,  had  said  the  same  thing. 
Creighton,  III.,  258,  knowing  nothing  of  either  Knopfler  or  Brosch, 
arrives  at  a  similar  conclusion.  Quite  independently  of  these  German 
historians,  AlvisI,  44  seq.^  Leonetti,  II.,  234,  and  Balan,  372,  all 
agree  in  exonerating  Alexander  on  this  point;  Luzio  (see  supra, 
p.  509,  note  +) ;  as  also  the  French  historians,  Maury,  in  the  Rev.  Hist., 
XI II.,  87,  and  l'Epinois,  403,  who  express  themselves  in  a  similar 
sense.  Amongst  more  recent  historians  no  one,  with  the  exception  of 
Gebhart  (Rev.  des  Deux  Mondes,  LXXXIV.,  1887,  918),  shares 
Gregorovius'  opinion. 


THE   REFORM   COMMISSION.  513 

and  not  the  Lord  of  the  Church,  to  put  an  end  to  simony, 
and  to  no  longer  make  the  advancement  of  his  children 
the  one  aim  and  purpose  of  his  Pontificate,  if  he  in  reality 
meant,  as  he  had  declared  in  that  first  moment,  to  be  the 
Father  of  Christendom  and  live  up  to  his  exalted  vocation, 
he  had  now  received  a  stern  warning  to  make  no  further 
delay.  It  was  still  possible  for  him,  supported  by  the 
general  demand  for  reforms,  by  a  consistent  course  of 
eradicating  abuses,  above  all  that  formed  by  the  official 
sale  of  benefices  in  Rome,  to  set  the  current  flowing  in  a 
better  direction.  The  reform,  however,  would  have  to  be 
steadily  carried  out  step  by  step.  It  must  begin  with  the 
Pope  himself,  and  so  pass  on  to  the  College  of  Cardinals, 
and  gradually  embrace  the  bishops  and  prelates,  the  priests 
and  monks,  and  finally  the  whole  of  the  laity."* 

There  is  no  doubt  that  in  those  sorrowful  days  of  the 
Summer  of  1497,  Alexander  VI.  sincerely  desired  and 
intended  to  institute  searching  reforms.  "  The  Reform 
Commission  sits  every  morning  in  the  Papal  Palace,"  writes 
the  Florentine  Envoy  on  the  22nd  June.f  In  July  the 
Venetians  were  lost  in  amazement  at  the  accounts  which 
reached  them  of  the  proposed  changes  in  Rome.J  Such 
men  as  the  pious  General  of  the  Camaldolese,  Peter  Del- 
phinus,  were  full  of  joyful  hopes  that  this  terrible  event 
might  pave  the  way  for  a  real  amendment. §  In  August  it 
was  reported  that  Alexander  had  commanded  Jofre  and 
his  wife  to  leave  Rome  and  take  up   their  abode   in  the 

*  HOFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  77-82. 

t  Thuasne,  II.,  670;  Gherardi,  171. 

X  Sanuto,  I.,  655,  844.  The  account  on  p.  654  is  certainly  false  and 
obviously  a  later  interpolation  ;  that  on  p.  686  is  equally  incorrect.  C/. 
also  Malipiero,  494. 

§  See  Delphinus'  letter  in  Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1497,  n.  5,  6  ;  c/. 
Martene,  Coll.,  III.,  1 1 58. 

'/OL.  V.  2  L 


514  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

Castle  of  Squillace,  which  belonged  to  the  Prince  ;  and  on 
the  7th  of  the  month  the  order  was  obeyed.  It  was  also 
understood  that  for  the  future  the  Pope  was  resolved  not 
to  [)ermit  either  his  children  or  nephews  to  reside  in  his 
neighbourhood,  and  that  even  Lucrezia  would  be  sent  to 
Valencia.*  Other  councillors  were  added  to  the  original 
six  Cardinals,  and  those  belonging  to  the  Court  who  were 
absent  were  summoned  to  meet  in  November  in  order  to 
deliberate  on  measures  of  reform.f 

The  amount  of  preparatory  work  done  by  Costa  and 
Caraffa  shews  how  thoroughly  in  earnest  the  Cardinals  of 
the  Commission  of  Reform  were.  On  the  one  hand,  the 
decrees  and  various  schemes  of  reform  of  earlier  Popes  were 
collected,  on  the  other,  opinions  were  taken  on  the  abuses 
to  be  remedied,  especially  those  in  the  Papal  Chancery. 
Proposals  founded  on  the  data  thus  obtained  were  then 
put  forward,  carefully  worked  out,  and  finally  formulated 
into  resolutions-l  At  last  a  comprehensive  Bull  of  Reform 
was  drafted,!  which  began  with  the  following  words  : 

*  *Heri  se  partite  de  qui  il  principe  de  Squilazo  con  la  principessa  per 
andare  ad  habitare  al  loro  principato  et  se  dici  che  la  S.  del  papa  non 
vuole  piu  tenirsi  apresa  [szc]  figlioli  on  [sic]  nepoti  alcuni  et  che  in  brevi 
mandara  etiam  madona  Lucretia,  mogliere  del  Sig.  de  Pesaro  ad  habitare 
ad  Valentia.  Letter  from  Lod.  Carissimi,  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  8,  1497.  State 
Archives,  Modena. 

t  The  authority  for  this  fact,  hitherto  unknown,  is  an  original  "^Letter 
from  Cardinal  Ippolito  d'Este  to  the  Pope,  dat.  Ferrara,  Sept.  28,  1497  : 
■^Volentem  impulit  et  current!  calcar  adiecit.  S^^s  V.  superioribus  diebus 
cum  per  breve  suum  debita  a  me  reverentia  susceptum  et  osculatum 
praecepit  ut  pro  reformatione  Romanae  Curiae  Kal.  his  Novemb.  ad 
urbem  me  conferrem,  etc. — he  says  he  will  come,  but  begs  to  be  allowed 
to  wait  until  the  affair  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Gran  is  settled.  Cod.  Lat. 
CI.  X.,  177.     Library  of  St.  Mark,  Venice. 

X  Details  may  be  found  in  Tangl,  361  se^. 

§  See  in  Appendix,  N.  41,  extracts  from  the  document,  of  which  I 
found  two  copies  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 


BULL  OF  REFORM  DRAFTED.  515 

"  By  the  providence  of  God  we  have  been  raised  on  the 
Watch-tower  of  the  Apostolic  See  in  order  that  in  one 
measure  we  should  exercise  our  pastoral  office  by  remov- 
ing what  is  bad  and  promoting  what  is  good.  Therefore 
with  our  whole  soul  we  desire  an  amendment  in  morals, 
having  observed  a  gradual  deterioration  in  this  respect. 
The  ancient  and  salutary  decrees  by  which  Councils  and 
Popes  had  endeavoured  to  stem  the  tide  of  sensuality  and 
avarice  have  been  violated.  Licentiousness  has  reached 
an  intolerable  pitch  ;  for  the  nature  of  man  is  prone  to 
evil  and  will  not  always  obey  reason,  but  holds  the  spirit, 
in  the  words  of  the  Apostle,  captive  under  the  law  of 
sin.  Even  when  we  were  only  a  Cardinal  under  Pius  II., 
Paul  II.,  Sixtus  IV.,  and  Innocent  VIII.,  we  strove  to 
accomplish  something  in  this  direction,  and  also  at  the 
commencement  of  our  Pontificate  we  desired  to  attend 
to  this  matter,  but  the  very  grave  position  in  which  we 
were  placed  by  the  arrival  of  Charles  VIII.  of  France, 
obliged  us  to  lay  it  aside  until  now.  We  mean  to  begin 
with  the  reform  of  Our  own  Court,  which  is  composed 
of  members  of  all  Christian  nations,  and  should  be  an 
example  of  virtue  to  all.  For  the  inauguration  of  this  most 
necessary  and  long  desired  work,  we  have  selected  six  of 
the  best  and  most  God-fearing  of  the  Cardinals  ;  namely, 
Olivero  Caraffa,  Giorgio  Costa,  Antoniotto  Pallavicino, 
Giovanni  Antonio  di  S.  Giorgio,  Francesco  Piccolomini, 
and  Raffaele  Riario.  With  their  assistance,  after  a  careful 
review  of  the  enactments  of  our  predecessors  and  due  con- 
sideration of  the  needs  of  the  present  day,  in  the  plenitude 
of  our  Apostolic  power  we  publish  the  following  ordin- 
ances, to  be  binding  for  all  time.  We  command  that  they 
be  inviolably  observed ;  but  without  prejudice  to  the 
validity  of  the  decrees  of  our  predecessors  on  the  same 
subjects." 


5l6  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

The  Bull  begins  with  various  ordinances  relating  to  the 
Pope  himself  and  his  Court.  Regulations  on  sacred  Liturgy 
in  the  Papal  Chapel  then  follow,  which  contain  strict  injunc- 
tions in  regard  to  silence  during  the  Offices  ;  and  the  morals 
generally  of  the  singers  and  other  court  officials  are  dealt 
with. 

The  enactments  which  follow  against  simony  and  re- 
servations are  still  more  stringent.  A  special  section  is 
directed  against  the  alienation  of  any  portion  of  the  States 
of  the  Church.  The  Pope  is  also  forbidden  to  give  away 
any  Church  territories  under  the  title  of  a  Vicariate.  All 
decrees  contravening  these  enactments  in  any  way  are  null, 
unless  they  have  received  the  consent  of  the  Cardinals. 
This  section  also  includes  regulations  dealing  with 
governors  and  castellans  within  the  States  of  the  Church, 
and  in  the  same  connection  there  is  an  important  clause 
prohibiting  promises  to  Princes  of  presentations  to  Bishop- 
rics. In  regard  to  the  deposition  and  translation  of  Bishops, 
the  existing  legal  provisions  are  strengthened. 

The  Bull  then  proceeds  to  the  reform  of  the  College 
of  Cardinals.  The  most  important  points  are  that  no 
Cardinal  shall  possess  more  than  one  Bishopric  or  draw  an 
annual  revenue  from  benefices  exceeding  6000  ducats. 
Cardinals  are  not  to  retain  Legations  for  more  than  two 
years,  so  as  to  fulfil  their  obligation  of  residence  in  Rome 
with  punctuality.  Stringent  enactments  are  drawn  up 
against  simoniacal  practices  at  Papal  elections  and  against 
the  worldly  lives  of  the  Cardinals.  The  canonical  prohibi- 
tions against  gaming  and  field-sports  are  confirmed.  Visits 
to  the  Courts  of  secular  Princes  without  a  written  per- 
mission from  the  Pope  are  also  forbidden,  together  with 
any  entanglements  in  the  worldly  affairs  of  Princes,  taking 
part  in  tournaments  or  carnival  sports,  or  attending  repre- 
sentations of  the  Pagan  drama.     The  households  of  Car- 


PROVISIONS   OF   THE   BULL.  517 

dinals  are  not  to  consist  of  more  than  eighty  persons,  of 
whom  at  least  twelve  must  be  in  Sacred  Orders,  and  they  are 
not  to  keep  more  than  thirty  horses.  Conjurors,  strolling 
,  comedians  and  musicians  must  not  enter  their  palaces  ; 
nor  may  they  employ  boys  and  youths  as  body  servants. 
.Residence  at  the  Court  was  to  be  more  strictly  enforced. 
No  funeral  obsequies  were  to  cost  more  than  1500 
florins. 

These  regulations  are  in  themselves  enough  to  shew 
what  abuses  had  crept  into  the  College  of  Cardinals,  but  a 
deeper  insight  into  the  prevailing  corruption  is  furnished 
by  those  relating  to  the  papal  officials,^  more  especially 
such  as  had  been  guilty  of  extortion  in  the  collection  of 
taxes.  The  sale  of  offices  was  to  be  done  away  with. 
Detailed  instructions  are  given  in  regard  to  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  fabric  of  S.  Peter's  and  the  staff  for  archi- 
tecturail  works. 

The  provisions  dealing  with  expectancies  and  reserva- 
tions, and  those  regarding  concubinage  reveal  the  preval- 
ence of  serious  evils.  Respecting  the  latter  it  is  decreed 
that  all  priests  of  whatever  degree  must  conform  to  the 
enactments  of  the  Bull  within  ten  days  of  its  publication  ; 
failing  this,  at  the  end  of  a  month  the  culprit  will  be 
deprived  of  his  benefices  and  pronounced  incapable  of 
holding  any  others. 

The  Bull  then  goes  on  to  forbid  wharf-dues,  and  to 
regulate  the  corn  supply  of  the  city,  but  soon  returns  to 
ecclesiastical  affairs.  Amongst  other  things,  solemn  vows 
taken  by  children  are  pronounced  invalid.  Further  rules 
are  laid  down  in  regard  to  the  granting  of  tithes  to  secular 
Princes,  the  abuse  of  comniendams,  and  irregularities  in 
religious  houses  of  men  and  women.  The  reform  of  the 
Apostolic  Chancery  is  dealt  with  in  great  detail.  The  grave 
and   manifold  abuses    in  this  department  were    to  be  put 


5l8  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

down  with  a  strong  hand.  A  secretary  for  example  was 
not  to  accept  anything  beyond  the  prescribed  fee  however 
freely  it  might  be  offered.  If  he  had  done  so  he  must  either 
return  the  money  or  give  it  to  the  poor.  Anything  of  the 
nature  of  bribery  was  strictly  forbidden. 

We  see  in  all  these  prescriptions  the  result  of  Alexander's 
long  experience  in  the  vice-chancellorship.  He  knew  what 
bitter  feelings  had  been  aroused  in  all  parts  of  the  world  by 
the  corrupt  practices  of  the  secretaries  of  the  Court  with 
which  the  whole  of  Christendom  was  in  constant  communi- 
cation. The  concluding  part  of  the  document  was  devoted 
to  the  reform  of  the  Penitentiary. 

Unfortunately,  the  Bull  which  contained  all  these  excel- 
lent provisions  never  got  beyond  the  draft  stage.  The 
work  of  reform  was  put  off  at  first,  and  then  forgotten.* 
Meanwhile,  his  distress  and  compunction  had  subsided, 
and  it  became  evident  that  Alexander  "  did  not  possess 
the  moral  strength  to  give  up  his  licentious  habits.  In 
such  a  case,  where  salvation  could  only  be  found  in  set- 
ting a  noble  example  of  a  complete  transformation  of 
life,  a  passing  resolve  adopted  in  a  moment  of  anguish 
and  horror  arid  quickly  forgotten,  was  of  no  avail.  The 
only  alternative  to  the  cloister  would  have  been  to  have 
entirely  broken  with  the  past  and,  what  was  perhaps  still 
more  difficult,  with  his  whole  surroundings  in  the  present ; 
but  he  would  not  have  been  Rodrigo  Borgia,  he  would 
not  have  been  Pope  Alexanderf  had  he  had  the  courage 
to  make  such  a  change."  The  old  spirit  of  nepotism 
gradually  revived  and  grew  stronger  than  ever,  and  all 
desire  for  better  things  was  stifled  by  the  demon  of  sensu- 
ality.    The    latter   state  became  worse   than    the    former. 

*  ZURITA,  v.,  126  ;  and  SiGISMONDO  DE'  Conti,  II.,  270. 
+  HoFLER,  Rodrigo  de  Borja,  S^.     Cf.  Die  Katastrofe  der  Borjas,  15, 
and  Aera  der  Bastarden,  55. 


CiESAR   BORGIA   IN    NAPLES.  519 

The   Pope  now  fell  more  and   more   under   the  influence 
and  control  of  Caesar  Borgia.* 

On  the  22nd  July,  Caesar  had  left  Rome  for  Naples  as 
Legate  for  the  Coronation,  with  a  large  retinue.f  There, 
his  demands  for  money  and  favours  of  all  sorts  were  so 
importunate  that  the  Florentine  Ambassador  wrote  "  It 
would  not  be  surprising  if  the  poor  King  were  driven  to 
throw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  Turks  to  escape  from 
his  tormentor."!  In  the  beginning  of  September,  the 
Cardinal  returned  to  Rome.§  Jakob  Burchard  says  that  at 
his  reception  in  the  Consistory,  the  father  and  son  did  not 
speak  a  word  to  each  other.  ||  It  soon  became  known  that 
Caesar  intended  to  resign  his  cardinalate  and  to  marry  .If  It 
would  appear  that  in  December  Alexander  had  not  yet  given 

*  In  Feb.  1498,  the  Venetian  Ambassador  writes  :  El  pontefice  fa 
tutto  ne  in  altro  vigila  che  in  dar  stato  a'  soi  fioli,  zo6  a  questo  Valenza  e 
a  don  Jufredo.  A  remarkable  report  in  ZURITA,  159-60,  shews  how 
completely  the  Pope  in  1499,  was  under  Csesar's  power.  According  to 
this  author,  who  evidently  had  access  to  the  Reports  of  the  Spanish 
embassy,  the  Pope  said,  referring  to  Caesar's  journey  into  France,  "  that  he 
would  give  a  fourth  part  of  his  Papacy  to  prevent  him  from  ever  return- 
ing"— and  then  shortly  after,  when  Alexander  thought  himself  aggrieved, 
he  said  "  that  he  would  have  taken  other  measures  if  only  Caesar  had  been 
there."  C/.  Ranke,  Germ,  und  Roman.  Volker,  135  ;  and  Lord  ACTON, 
/oc.  cit.  363. 

t  Sanuto,  I.,  698,  and  a  "'^Letter  from  A.  Sforza,  dat.  Genazzano, 
July  22,  1497.  (Milanese  State  Archives.)  In  the  ''^'Exitus,  529,  f  211, 
there  is  an  entry  on  July  18,  1497  :  solvit  due.  3000  auri  de  cam. 
Rmo  dno.  Card'i  Valentino  Legato  ad  coronationem  111'"'  Regis  Frederici 
pro  suis  expensis.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican. 

X  ViLLARi,  Machiavelli,  I.,  234. 

§  Gregorovius,  VIL,  398,  ed.  3  (404  in  ed.  4),  incorrectly  names 
Sept.  4  as  the  date  of  his  return  ;  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  402,  and 
the  *Acta  Consist,  states  the  5th  or  6th.  Cf.  also  a  ^Letter  from  A. 
Sforza  to  L.  Moro,  dat.  Rome,  Sept.  9,  1497.      Milanese  State  Archives 

II  BURCHARDI  Diarium,  II.,  404. 

IT  Sanuto,  I.,  787-92.    See  Vol.  VI.,  chap.  2  of  this  work. 


520  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

his  consent  to  this  step  ;  or,  if  he  had  done  so,  it  seems  im- 
possible to  understand  his  having  in  that  month  bestowed 
on  Csesar  the  benefices,  bringing  in  a  revenue  of  12,000 
ducats  which  had  been  held  by  Cardinal  Sclafenati  who  had 
just  died.  Nevertheless,  the  Venetian  Ambassador,  writing 
at  this  time,  says  that  it  was  proposed  to  bestow  on  him 
the  lordships  of  Cesena  and  Fano.*  On  December  24, 
1497,  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  announces  to  his  brother 
in  a  report  in  cypher  "  I  and  King  Federigo  and  your 
Highness's  Envoys  had  a  conversation  with  the  Pope 
which  lasted  more  than  four  hours.  Briefly,  the  subject 
was  the  daily  increasing  efforts  which  Caesar  is  making  to 
obtain  leave  to  resign  his  seat  in  the  College  of  Cardinals. 
The  Pope  is  anxious,  if  this  is  to  be,  that  it  should  be 
carried  out  under  the  best  pretext  that  can  be  found,  and 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  as  little  scandal  as  possible."f 
In  this  conversation  another  topic  was  also  touched  upon 
which  was  equally  calculated  to  provoke  unfavourable 
comments,  and  do  no  good  to  Alexander's  reputation, 
namely,  that  of  the  annulling  of  Lucrezia's  childless  mar- 
riage with  Giovanni  Sforza. 

The  negotiations  concerning  this  disgraceful  affair  had 
been  going  on  ever  since  the  Spring  of  1497.  At  first 
Lucrezia  seems  to  have  stood  by  her  husband  ;  but  on  the 
14th  of  June  we  hear  of  a  complete  breach  between  the  pair. 
At  that  time,  the  Pope,  supported  by  Caesar  and  the  Duke 
of  Gandia,  declared  that  Lucrezia  must  not  be  permitted  to 
remain  in  the  hands  of  such  a  man  ;  the  marriage  they  said 
had  never  been  consummated  and  could  and  should  be 
annulled. J      Even    the    murder  of    the   Duke   of  Gandia 

*  Sanuto,  I.,  832-33. 

t  *^Extractus  zifre  rev.  dom.  Card.  Sfortie  ad  ill.  ducem  Mediolani, 
dat.  Rome,  Dec.  24,  1497.     Milanese  State  Archives. 

%  I  have  taken  this  hitherto  unknown  fact  from  a  "^^Letter  from  Car- 


LUCREZIA'S   MARRIAGE  DISSOLVED.  52 1 

produced  no  abatement  in  the  energy  with  which  the  case 
was  prosecuted.*  Accordingly,  in  August  a  new  marriage 
was  already  in  contemplation  for  Lucrezia;-]-  but  up  to 
the  end  of  December  Giovanni  Sforza  offered  a  most 
determined  resistance.  At  last,  however,  yielding  to  the 
strong  pressure  put  upon  him  by  his  kinsmen  Lodovico 
il  Moro  and  Cardinal  Ascanio,  he  consented  to  declare  in 
writing  that  the  marriage  with  Lucrezia  had  never  been 
consummated.  On  the  20th  of  December  the  dissolution 
of  the  marriage  was  formally  pronounced  and  Sforza  was 
required  to  return  his  wife's  dowry  to  the  amount  of  31,000 
ducats.J  The  injured  man  took  his  revenge  by  attribut- 
ing to  Alexander  the  worst  possible  motives.  The  annul- 
ling of  this  marriage  gave  so  much  scandal  that  people  were 
prepared  to  believe  anything  that  could  be  said  by  the 
enemies  of  the  Borgia,  and  credited  them  with  crimes 
"  which  the  moral  sense  shrinks  from  putting  into  words."§ 

dinal  A.  Sforza,  to  L.  Moro,  dat.  Rome,  June  14,  1497.  Milanese  State 
Archives. 

*  Cf.  Appendix,  N.  37,  "'^'Letter  from  A.  Sforza,  of  June  19,  and  a 
^Letter  from  the  same  Cardinal  of  June  26,  1497,  both  in  the  Milanese 
State  Archives. 

t  *Zifra  d,  Vice-cancellarii  (A.  Sforza),  dat.  Rome,  Aug.  20,  1497  :  *Io 
presento  tractarsi  certa  pratica  fra  N.  S.  et  il  principe  di  Salerno  per 
dare  dona  Lucretia,  fiola  de  S.  S'^^  al  fiolo  del  principe  cum  certe  con- 
ditione  le  quale  quando  fossero  vere  et  se  mittessero  in  eifecto  non 
credeva  fosseno  ad  alcuno  bono  proposito  ne  de  la  M'^a  R.  ne  de  Italia. 
Milanese  State  Archives. 

X  See  Gregorovius,  Lucrezia  Borgia,  loi. 

§  Gregorovius,  loc.  cit.^  loi.  In  regard  to  the  passage  here  quoted 
from  the  Despatch  of  the  Ferrarese  Envoy  Costabili,  Creighton,  III., 
261,  note  I,  remarks  :  It  will  be  observed  that  Giovanni  did  not  accuse 
Alexander  VI.  in  the  past,  but  imputed  a  motive  for  his  conduct  in  the 
future.  This  motive  was  shewn  to  be  false  by  the  fact  that  the  Pope 
instantly  set  to  work  to  provide  a  new  husband  for  Lucrezia.  Hille- 
brand  also,  who  was  no  friend  of  the  Borgia,  says,  "  There  is  no  proof 


522  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

At  the  same  time,  Alexander  VI.  cannot  be  acquitted  of 
the  charge  that  his  conduct  was  such  as  to  shock  the 
public  opinion  of  a  profoundly  corrupt  age,  to  a  degree 
hitherto  unexampled.  There  seemed  no  end  to  the 
accumulation  of  scandals  in  the  Borgia  family.  First 
there  was  the  flight  of  Sforza  from  Rome  ;  then  came 
the  mysterious  assassination  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia,  next 
the  dissolution  of  Lucrezia's  marriage  securing  obvious 
political  advantages,  then  Caesar's  resignation  of  the 
Cardinalate,  and  finally  the  abandonment  of  the  scheme 
of  reform,  and  the  return  of  the  Pope  to  his  old  way  of 
living.  Can  we  wonder  that  where  the  Borgia  were  con- 
cerned nothing  was  thought  too  horrible  to  be  believed.* 
"  I  will  make  no  comment  on  these  matters "  writes  the 
Venetian  Envoy  in  September  1497,  alluding  to  the 
scandalous  reports  then  current  in  Rome,  '*  but  it  is  certain 
that  this  Pope  permits  himself  things  that  are  unexampled 
and  unpardonable. "f 

Meanwhile,  the  sensational  tales  of  the  doings  of  the 
Borgia  family  which  amused  the  profligate  upper  classes, 
led  the  populace  to  believe  that  demoniacal  agencies  were 
at  work.  On  the  14th  June,  1499,  strange  noises  were  said 
to  have  been  heard  in  S.  Peter's  and  torches  carried  by  no 
human  hands  appeared  and  vanished  in  all  parts  of  the 
building ;  a  seeress  declared  the  bearers  to  be  the  prince  of 
hell  and  his  myrmidons.  On  December  of  the  year  follow- 
ing, the  ghost  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia  was  supposed  to 
have  appeared  in  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo,  moaning  fear- 
fully.|     When,  on  the  29th  of  October,  1497,  the  powder 

that  they  were  guilty  of  the  infamous  crime  of  which  they  were  accused." 
See  Vol.  VI.,  chap.  5  of  this  work. 

*  Creighton,  III.,  261. 

t  Sanuto,  I.,  792-93. 

t  Sanuto,  I.,  656-57,  842. 


EXPLOSION    IN    THE   CASTLE   OF   S.  ANGELO.         523 

magazine  in  the  Castle  was  struck  by  lightning,  the  alarm 
became  more  intense.  The  explosion  destroyed  the  upper 
portion  of  the  fortress,  shattered  the  marble  angels,  and 
hurled  large  stones  across  the  water  as  far  as  the  Church  of 
S.  Celso.  "  The  reign  of  Pope  Alexander,"  writes  the 
Venetian  chronicler  Malipiero,  "  is  full  of  startling  and  por- 
tentous events  ;  his  antechamber  was  struck  by  lightning, 
the  Tiber  overflowed  and  flooded  the  city  ;  his  son  has 
been  horribly  murdered,  and  now  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo 
has  been  blown  up."  * 

*  Malipiero,  497  ;  Sanuto,  I.,  814-15  ;  Annal.  Bononiens.,  916; 
Diario  di  S.  TOMMASr  DI  SiLVESTRO,  133  ;  Landucci,  159;  and  BUR- 
CHARDI  Diarium,  IL,  411-12.     See  also  Lange,  27,  28. 


APPENDIX 


OF 


UNPUBLISHED    DOCUMENTS 


EXTRACTS    FROM    ARCHIVES. 


APPENDIX. 


PRELIMINARY   NOTICE. 

My  purpose  in  this  Appendix  is  to  corroborate  and 
supplement  the  text  of  my  book  :  it  has  not  been  my 
intention  to  provide  an  original  collection  of  authorities. 
In  each  number  the  sources  are  indicated  with  as  much 
precision  as  possible.  In  order  to  economise  space  my 
explanatory  notes  are  necessarily  scanty.  So  far  as  the 
text  is  concerned,  I  have,  as  a  rule,  retained  the  original 
spelling  of  the  Documents  and  Letters,  which,  for  the 
greater  part,  I  have  before  me  in  the  original.  I  need  not 
apologise  for  changes  in  the  use  of  capital  letters  and 
punctuation.  Whenever  emendations  have  been  made  I 
have  always  mentioned  the  fact,  but  trivial  mistakes  and 
obvious  errors  in  spelling  have  been  corrected  without 
remark.  Whatever  I  have  added  of  my  own  is  indicated 
by  brackets ;  incomprehensible  or  doubtful  passages  by 
a  point  of  interrogation  or  a  sic.  Those  parts  which  I 
have  omitted  when  either  copying  or  preparing  for  the 
press,  as  irrelevant  to  the  matter  in  hand,  are  marked  by 
dots  (.  .  .  .). 


528  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES 

I.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  Brother,  Lodovico 
MoRO,  Regent  of  Milan.* 

1484,  wSept.  22,  Roma. 

....  Questa  matina  .  .  .  .  la  S.  de  N.  S.  ha  pronunciato  et 
solennemente  publicato  li  infrascripti  legati  videlicet  li  rev""'  sig. 
Card'-^  de  Milano,  legato  in  Avignone. 
EL  Card^^  de  Girona,  ,,        Campagna. 

EL  Card^^  Savello,    legato  in  Bologna. t 
EL  Cardie  Ursino,  ,,         la  Marcha. 

et  io  legato  nel  patrimonio. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Milanese  State  Archives,  under  the 
heading  "Roma."] 


2.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  Brother,  Lodovico 
MoRO,  Regent  of  Milan.  | 

1484,  Oct.  22,  Roma. 
Many  cardinals  have  to-day  visited  the  Duke  of  Calabria. 
Afterwards  he  remained  for  an  hour  with  the  Pope.  Io  con 
Parma  andassimo  de  la  Sua  S.  dove  era  el  card.  Ragona  et  poco 
poso  supragionse  el  vice-cancellero  §  et  S.  Petro  in  VinculajJ  et 
tutti  inseme  andassimo  ad  casa  del  vice-cancellero  che  ne  dedi 

*  See  supra,  p.  247,  note  *,  on  Burchard's  inexact  information.  This 
letter  solves  the  question  raised  by  Hagen,  Papstwahlen,  10.  Arlotti 
announces  the  nomination  a  day  earlier  in  a  *Despatch  dated  Rome,  1484, 
Sept.  21.  *Questa  matina  sono  stati  publicati  legati  el  card.  Savello  di 
Bologna,  el  card.  Ursino  de  la  Marca,  el  Vesconte  del  patrimonio,  Milano 
d'Aviniono,  Novara  de  Perusa,  Geronda  de  Campagna.  (State  Archives, 
Modena.)  According  to  the  *Acta  Consist,  of  the  Secret  Archives  of  the 
Vatican,  Arcimboldi  left  Oct.  ii  and  Orsini  on  Dec.  22  for  their  respective 
posts. 

+  Innocent  VHI.  in  a  *Brief  dated  Rome,  1484,  Sept.  25,  informed  the 
Bolognese  of  SaveUi's  nomination  as  Legate  to  their  city.  (The  original  is  in 
the  State  Archives,  Bologna,  Q.  3.)  In  the  following  year  Savelli  was  super- 
seded by  Ascanio  Sforza.  See  the  *Brief  to  Bologna  of  Aug.  19,  1485.  *Lib. 
brev.  18,  f.  252.  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican  and  State  Archives, 
Bologna,  Q.  3. 

+  See  supra,  p.  249,  367  seq. 

§  Card.  Borja. 

II  Card.  Giuliano  della  Rovere. 


APPENDIX.  529 

[sic]  cena,*  la  quale  fu  honorevole  et  ben  ordinata  et  sumptuosa. 
La  casa  era  apparata  molto  superbemente  et  haveva  la  prima  sala 
tutta  ornata  de  tapezarie  historiate  in  cercho  et  Areto.  Ad  la 
sala  uno  altro  salotto  circondato  tutto  de  altra  tapazaria  [st'c] 
molto  bella  con  tapedi  in  terra  ben  correspondenti  ali  altri  orna- 
ment! con  uno  lecto  et  cap[o]  celo  tutto  parato  de  raso  creme- 
sile  et  qui  haveva  una  credenza  tutta  plena  de  vasi  de  argento  et 
oro,  molto  ben  lavorati  ultra  li  altri  piati,  scudelle  et  altri  vaselli 
che  erano  in  grandissimo  numero  et  cosa  molto  bella  da  yedere  ; 
et  subsequente  ad  questo  li  erano  due  altre  camere,  I'una  parata 
•de  nobilissimi  razi  et  tapedi  in  terra  con  uno  altro  lecto  et  cap[o] 
celo  de  veluto  Alexandrino  et  I'altra  molto  piu  ornata  de  le  pre- 
dicte  con  uno  altro  lecto  coperto  de  brochato  d'oro  et  la  coperta 
fodrata  de  sibilline  et  franze  d'oro  tanto  ornato  quanto  fusse 
possibile  con  una  tavola  in  mezo  coperta  de  veluto  Alexandrino 
et  scrane  f  ornatissime  ben  correspondente  a  le  altre  cose. 
[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan ;  Cart.  gen.  fasc. 
1483-1490.] 

3.  Innocent  VIII.  to  C.  Bandinus.  | 

1485,  Oct.  12,  Romae. 

Cesario  Bandino  de  Castro  Plebis  commissario  nostro.  Con- 
fisi  de  prudentia  et  diligentia  et  fide  et  in  multis  rebus  probata 
industria  te  commissarium  nostrum  mittimus  ad  conducendum 
dilectum  filium  nobilem  virum  Robertum  de  Sancto  Severino  et 
eius  copias  que  per  loca  S.  R.  E.  transiture  sunt.  Dat.  Romae 
XII.  Octob.  1485,  Pontif.  nostri  anno  secundo. 

[Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  17  b.  §     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 

*  This  is  also  mentioned  by  Leostello,  43. 

t  Sedie. 

X  See  su/>ra,  p.  256. 

§  At  the  same  place  are  also  to  be  found  the  following  Briefs  referring  to 
the  same  subject: — f.  18  b.  :  Gubernatori  Cesenae,  dat.  ut.  s.  (Oct,  12)  is  to 
meet  Roberto  Sanseverino  and  provide  for  his  troops  ;  f.  20  :  Roberto  de 
Sancto  Severino,  dat.  ut  s.  (Oct.  16)  :  Nicolaus  Bucciardus  noster  sec.  cam. 
afifinis  will  tell  him  some  news — he  may  trust  him  ;  f.  32  :  Duci  Ferrarie 
dat.  ut  s.  (Oct.  28)  :  thanks  him  for  having  granted  a  free  passage  through 
his  dominions  to  Rob,  Sanseverino ;  f.  33  b.  :  Roberto  de  Sancto  Severino, 
dat,  ut  s,  (Oct.  29) :  Nerius  Acciaiolus  will  give  him  some  information, 
VOL.  V.  2  M 


530  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

4.  Innocent  VIII.  to  Roberto  Sanseverino.* 

[1485,  Oct.  30,  Rome.] 

From  Roberto's  letter  the  Pope  gathers  that  he  has  arrived  at 
Cesenaf:  de  quo  vehementer  sumus  letati.  Et  quoniam  dicis  te 
per  unum  diem  velle  ibi  commorari  et  quiescere,  deinde  raptim 
venire  ad  Nos,  hortamur  nobilitatem  tuam  quanto  possumus 
studio  ut  statim  hue  venias  quia  hoc  adeo  importat,  ut  nihil 
supra. 

[Lib.  brev.  19,  f.  34.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 


5.  Innocent  VIIL  to  Cardinal  Giuliano  della 
Rovere.J 

i486.  May  II  [Rome]. 

The  Pope  praises  the  Cardinal's  energy.  Here  in  Rome 
nothing  has  happened :  mediocriter  omnia  se  habent :  quid 
futurum  incertura  habemus.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine  has  not  yet 
arrived.     He  asks  the  Cardinal  to  persuade  the  Duke  to  come. 

[Lib.  brev.  19,  f.363.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 


6.  J.  P.  Arrivabene  to  the  IVEarquess  of  Mantua.§ 

i486,  Aug.  II,  Roma. 

In  questhora  II II  de  nocte  s'  e  conclusa  e  stipulata  la  pace  in 
presentia  de  li  r'"^  Mons.  de  Napoli,  Milano,  S.  Angelo,  e  Vesconte 
col  mandamento  solum  de  esso  Cardinale  Vesconte  quanto  sia 
per  lo  stato  de  Milano.  || 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

*  See  supra,  p.  256. 

t  See  SiGisMONDO  de'  Conti,  I,  238. 

$  See  supra,  p.  261. 

§  See  supra,  p.  264. 

II  See  The  *Despatch  of  Arlotti,  dat.  Rome,  i486,  Aug.  12  :  lo  nondico  altro 
per  questa  excepto  che  questa  nocte  passata  a  hore  quatro  fu  conclusa  la  pace. 
Deo  laus.    State  Archives,  Modena. 


APPENDIX.  531 

7.  BONFRANCESCO  ArLOTTI  TO  ErCOLE,  DuKE  OF  FeRRARA."^ 

1490,  Sept.  26,  Roma. 

Ulmo  jjiio  S''^,  In  questa  hora  xxi.  s'  h  levato  rumore  subito  et 
insperato  chel  papa  e  expirato  licet  est  in  expirando  per  cataro 
sopravenuto,  essendosse  prima  ditto  hyeri  a  questa  matina  chel 
staseva  ben  et  ami  per  bocha  del  cardinale  Beneventano,  el 
qualle  cussi  credeva,  ymo  diceva  lo  dovesse  per  parte  scrive[re] 
a  V.  Ex^  Hora  questo  accidente  ha  inganato  la  brigata  et  in 
gratia  de  V.  Illu'"^  S.  me  recomando.  Raptissime.  El  conte 
de  Pithilgiano  e  venuto  et  alogiato  ala  campagna  qui  fuora  de 
Roma.  Per  lo  simile  li  cardinali  veneno  a  fuora.  Scrivendo 
limbasiatore  Veneto  me  fa  dire  ut  supra  et  che  se  tene  non  serra 
vivo  de  matina ;  dio  ce  aiuti  quia  angustie  sunt  undique. 

26  Settembre,  1490. 

E.  V.  Illu.  D.D. 

Servulus  B.  Episcopus  Regiensis 

propria  manu. 

[A  tergo  :]  Illmo  principi  et  exmo  Dno  D.  Herculi  Estens.  duci  Ferr.  ex. 
Dno  meo  colmo. 

Orator  ducis  Ferrarie  faciet  diligentiam, 

subito,  subito.     Ferrarie. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Modena.] 

*  See  supra,  p.  281. 


[8.  Report 


532 


HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 


Report  from  Milan  on  the  balance  of  parties 
IN  THE  College  of  Cardinals."^ 
[Beginning  of  year  1491,  Rome.] 


Questi  li  metto 
1  per  certi. 


De    questi    ne 
"  credo    bene,    pur 
non  affirmo. 


Nomina  Cardmalium : 
Episcopi:     Vicecanc.^ 

Napoli.2 

S.  Marco.^ 

Balua.4 

S.  Petro  ad  vincula.^ 

S.  Maria  in  porticu.^ 
Presbyteri :  Ulixbona.^ 

S.  Angelo.^ 

S.  Clemente.^ 

Rechanate.^*^ 

Conti.^^ 

Parma.^^ 

Benevento.^^ 

Aleria.^* 

S.  Anastasia.^^ 

Zenova.^^ 
Diaconi :      Sena." 

S.  Georgio.^^ 

Savello. 

Collona. 

Ursirio. 

Aschanio. 
*  See  supra,  p.  377. 
1  R.  de  Borja. 

^  M.  Barbo  died  March  11,  1491. 
assigned  this  memorandum  to  the  beginning  of  the  year  1491,  at  which  time 
the  Pope  was  in  ill  health;  see  supra  p.  281.  It,  however,  might  equally  have 
been  written  some  time  in  the  autumn  of  1490  when  the  Pope  was  also  ill, 
or,  if  it  is  thought  necessary  to  insist  upon  the  allusion  to  Card.  G.  de 
Medici  it  may  have  been  drawn  up  at  the  beginning  of  1490. 

*  de  La  Balue.  12  Sclafenatus. 
»  Giuliano  della  Rovere.                             13  l^  qx\^^^ 

6  Batt.  Zeno.  ^^  Ardicino  della  Porta. 

^  Costa.  ^^  A.  Pallavicino. 

^  Michiel.  ^^  Fregoso. 

*  Domenico  della  Rovere.  ^^  Piccolomini. 

*®  Basso  della  Rovere.  "^  RafFaele  Riario. 

"  Joh.  de  Conti. 


Voces  qui  adherebunt  Aschanio , 

Vicecanc.^ 

Napoli.^ 

Conti." 
Parma.i2 

Aleria.^* 
Savello. 
S.   Maria   in 

porticu." 
S.  Anastasia.^^ 
Sena." 
S.  Georgio.^^ 
Ursino. 

Voces  S.  Petri  ad  Vincula: 
S.  Marco.^ 
Balua.* 
Ulixbona.^ 
S.  Clemente." 
Rechanate.^^ 
Zenova.^^ 
S.  Angelo.^ 
Benevento.^^ 
Collona. 

2  Caraffa. 
(See  CoNTELORius,  61.)     I  therefore 


APPENDIX.  533 

Lo  figliolo  de  Lorenzo  *  non  credo  habii  ad  intrare  in  conclave  : 
assay  sera  che  I'admettano  per  Cardinale.  La  sorte  per  quello 
che  io  posso  iudicare  sera  sopra  Ulixbona  t  o  vero  lo  Card'®  de 
Aleria  |  et  piu  presto  de  ambe  dui  verra  sopra  Ulixbona  per  molte 
ragione  salvo  se  il  caldo  de  q[uest]o  ill"^°  stato  non  aiutasse  Aleria. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart.  gen.  Collec- 
tion of  documents  without  a  date.  A  later  hand  of  the  1 9th 
Century  has  written  on  this  one  :   1490-1500.] 

9.  Giovanni  Andrea  Boccaccio,  Bishop  of  Modena,  to 
THE  Duchess  Eleonora  of  Ferrara.§ 

1492,  Aug.  4,  Rome, 
Illustrissima  Madama  mia  ...  A  questo  pontificato  molti 
concorrono  et  per  lo  primo  Aleria  ||  per  la  parte  de  Ascanio,  et 
certamente  etiam  per  luniuersale  et  omnium  desiderio  per  la 
summa  bonta  soa ;  TT  item  Neapolitanus  ■**  abenche  il  Re  li  obsta 
molto,  nisi  sit  fictio,  ad  cio  che  qual'  chuno  declina  in  lui  per 
indignatione  concetta  contra  sua  Maesta  che  voglia  dare  lege  in 
electione  suprema ;  quando  pur  se  intenda  esser  il  vero  chel  Re 
non  voglia  Napoli,  molti  che  haveuano  drizate  il  pensiero  in  altri 
lo  convertirano  in  lui ;  quid  dicam  nescio,  vulgo  et  scripto  dicitur 
chel  homo  e  una  mala  bestia.  Heri  publice  se  disse  che'  Ascanio 
se  voleva  fare  papa  com  pregare  ciascuno  seorsum  che  li  volesseno 
dare  la  voce  soa  morta  id  est  dopoi  la  prima,  et  il  signore  Lud- 
ouico  hauere  scritto  per  Tottavilla  al  castellano  de  Sancto  Angelo 
con  grandissime  promissione  de  capello  rosso  et  altre  buone 
conditione,  chel  volesse  fare  del  castello  la  volunta  del  dicto 
Ascanio ;  plena  est  tota  civitas  et  Romana  curia  hoc  rumore  seu 
fama,  non  se  crede  pero  per  li  gravi,  tutavia  non  se  discrede.  II 
vice-cancellero  segui  per  potentia  de  partidi,  il  pu6  contentare 
la  brigata  de  molte  digne  cose :  primo  com  la  cancellaria,  ch'e 
uno  altro  papato,  la  temporalita  chel  ha  de  doe  cita  videlicet 
cita  Castellana  et  Nepe  com  rocha  Suriana,  ch'e  una  aquila  fra  le 
terre  de  la  chiexia,  una  abbatia  a  I'Aquilla  de  valuta    de    1000 

*  Giov.  de'  Medici,  see  supra,  p.  356. 
t  Costa.  II  Ardicino  della  Porta. 

X  Ardicino  della  Porta.  H  See  Thuasne,  I.,  577. 

§  See  sicpra^  p.  380.  **  Carafia. 


534  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

ducati,  ad  Albana  appressa  a  Roma  una  altra  simile,  in  nel 
Reame  due  magiore,  il  veschovato  de  Porto  1200,  I'abbatia  de 
Sublacho  pur  in  le  porte  de  Roma  com  22  castelli  de  valuta  de 
2000.  In  Spagna  sine  fine  dicentes  XVI.  veschovati  dignissimi 
et  optimi  li  ha  senza  le  abbatie  et  molti  altri  boni  et  degni  bene 
ficij ;  primo  li  ha  il  veschovato  de  Valenza  de  valuta  de  XVI"" 
ducati,  quello  de  Cartagina  VII"™,  quello  de  Maiorcha  VI"",  labbatia 
de  Valdina  appressa  a  Valenza  com  molti  et  molti  vassalli  2000. 
Segui  etiam  la  concurrentia  il  Savello,  Ulisbona*  inter  primos, 
item  Siena,  f  et  nunc  Sancto  Angelo ;  J  aliqui  loquuntur  de 
Januense  §  chenon  cade  in  mente  a  la  brigata  et  ancha  se  parla 
molto  et  tutavia  de  San  Clemente,|I  et  cosi  de  Sancta  Maria  in 
portico ;  ^  tuti  questi  se  sono  molto  armati  in  casa  lore,  ne  vana 
voce  le  case  loro  fossono  poste  a'  saco  come  gia  e  stato  facto, 
idest  de  quello  e  facto  papa  interdum  maliciose  se  cridara  papa  il 
tale  et  non  e  il  vero  se  fa  ad  effectum  per  havere  piu  preda :  et 
demum  unus  accipiet  bravium.  Et  potria  essere  forte  Spiritu 
Sancto  chel  tocharia  al  patriarcha  de  Venetia,'^'^el  qual  entro  heri, 
et  hodie  post  missam  exequiarum  il  fu  receuto  dal  sacro  collegio 
come  cardinale;  il  Savello  et  Columna  li  andorno  obviam  in 
questa  matina  a  la  casa  soa  a  condurlo  a  San  Pedro.  In  secretis  se 
parla  anche  de  San  Pedro  in  vincula  ft  et  come  ho  dicto  solum 
unus  ex  tot  concurrentibus  accipiet  bravium,  nisi  cadat  ex 
scissura  et  per  scissma  inter  plures,  come  gia  e  stato  fatto,  et 
quasi  temporibus  nostris ;  ordinato  e  che  la  nova  del  futuro 
pontifice  debia  esser  a  Milano  fra  XL.  hore,  faro  la  diligentia  mia, 
si  aliter  erit  non  mea  culpa.  .  .  .     Romae,  4  Augusti,  1492. 

Excellentissime  dominationis  vestre  humiliter  servus 

JoANNis  Andreas  Episcopus  Mutinensis. 

[A  tergo  :]     Illustrissime   ac   excellentissime  domine   domine    Eleanore  da 
Aragonia  ducisse  Ferrarie  mihi  domine  singularissime. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Modena ;  Cancelleria 
Ducale,  Dispacci  degli  Oratori  Estensi  a  Roma.] 

*  Costa.  II  Domenico  della  Rovere. 

t  Piccolomini.  IT  Zeno. 

+  Michiel.  **  Gherardo  ;  see  supra,  p  376. 

§  Fregoso.  ft  Giuliano  della  Rovere. 


APPENDIX.  535 

lo.  Vat.ori  to  Florence.* 

1492,  Aug.  II  [R  :me]. 
Magnifici  dooini  mei  observandissimi  etc.  Le  S.  V.  per  la 
mia  de  VI.  haranno  inteso  come  e  s"  car^'  intrarono  in  conclave. 
Dipoi  non  ho  scripto  alle  S.  V.  aspectando  ad  ogni  hora  di 
havere  nuovo  pontefice ;  et  vedendo  soprastare  alia  electione 
pKi  che  il  consueto,  mi  e  parso  spacciare  la  presente  chavalcata 
benche  pocco  habbia  da  dire.  Da  poi  che  e  s"^'  car''  intrarono 
in  clausura  per  qualche  inditio  si  e  inteso  come  hanno  facto 
due  squittini  mercoledi  et  giovedi  mattina  et  stamani  hanno 
facto  il  terzo,  et  benche  sia  difficil  cosa  intenderne  il  vero,  pure 
si  ritrahe  che  tra  loro  sono  indiscordia  non  pichola ;  et  non  di 
mancho  il  car^^  di  Napoli  et  di  Lisbona  hanno  piu  voti  che 
nessun  altro.  Questo  e  quanto  partichulare  si  intende.  II  con- 
clave, come  sanno  le  S.  V.  e  secretissimo  et  con  grandissimo 
ordine  e  ghovernato.  Hoggi  si  e  cominciato  ad  extremare  loro 
il  victo  ne  si  dara  piu  che  una  sola  vivanda  et  da  lunedi  in  la, 
in  caso  non  habbino  facto  la  electione,  non  si  dara  loro  altro 
che  pane,  vino  et  acqua,  secondo  che  e  ordinato  per  i  sacri 
canoni.  Et  i  prelati,  noi  ambasciatori  et  baroni  et  cittadini 
Romani  che  siamo  alia  custodia  del  conclave  seguiremo  questo 
ordine,  ne  per  alchuna  spetie  di  discordia  sia  intra  loro  car^' 
haviamo  guirato  mai  mutare  sententia,  et  I'autorita  che  in  questo 
caso  haviamo  sopra  e  car^^  useremo  come  ci  e  concessa;  et  in 
questo  modo  saranno  constrecti  provedere  di  nuovo  pastore 
sanza  molto  indugio.  La  terra  e  quietissima,  ne  se  intende  ne 
vede  cosa  da  fare  tumulto  et  questi  s"  baroni,  maxime  il  S. 
Virginio,  sino  a  qui  non  si  potrebbono  portare  meglio,  nc 
mostrarsi  piu  uniti  alia  conservatione  di  queste  cose.  II  palazo 
et  il  borgho  di  San  Piero  sono  benissimo  guardati :  nel  borgho 
continuamente  stanno  armate  alia  guardia  due  squadre  di  gente 
d'arme,  oltre  a  I'altre  fanterie,  et  ogni  x.  hore  si  mutano.  II 
Conte  di  Pitigliano  et  li  altri  conductieri  della  Chiesa  sempre 
sono  a  cavallo;  et  per6  non  e  da  dubitare  d'alcuna  alteratione 
in  questo  tempo  del  conclave.  Due  giorni  fa  arrivorono  ad 
Hostia  cinque  ghalee  Genovesi,  le  quali  per  quanto  mi  habbi 
decto  il  mag^"  m.  Stephano  Taverna,  ha  mandate  il  S.  Lodovico 
*  See  supya^  p.  381. 


536  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES. 

a  stanza  del  r"*"  MoiT"*  Ascanio  per  potersene  servire  in  ogni  suo 
caso ;  per  non  esservi  su  molto  numero  di  fanti,  qui  ne  e  tenuto 
poco  conto.  Dicemi  ancora  il  p*°  M.  Stephano  che  per 
aventura  decte  ghalee  anderanno  ad  unirsi  con  la  armata  della 
M'^  Reg%  non  ne  essendo  di  bisognio  qui.  Non  voglio  lassare 
di  dire  alle  S.  V.  che  il  di  inanzi  che  e  car''  intrassino  in  conclave 
cavorono  della  heredita  del  papa  argenti  per  XII"^  due.  e  quali 
si  distribuirono  fra  XIII.  card''  che  dovevono  havere  dalla  Chiesa 
per  diverse  cagione.  M.  Camillo  Pandoni  mandato  dalla  M^^  del 
Re  arriv6  qui  due  giorni  sono,  ne  per  ancora  escie  di  casa  perche 
e  alquanto  indisposto  d'una  gamba.  Com  questa  sara  un  piegho 
di  lettere  di  M.  Piero  Alamanni.  Altro  non  ho  da  dire  alle 
S.  V.  alle  quali  del  continuo  mi  raccomando. 

Ex  custodia  conclavi  die  X.  Augusti,  1492,  hora  XV^^. 

servus  Phy.  Valorius  or. 
Magnificis    dominis    octoviris    practice   reipublice    Florentine, 
dominis  meis  osservand.  -p, 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Florence.     Riformagioni. 
Otto  di  Pratica.     Carteggio.     Responsive.     No.  8,  f.  428.] 

II.  Ambrosius  Mirabilia"*"  to  Bartholomaus  Calchus-I 

1492,  Aug.  13,  Rome. 
He  has  received  from  the  new  Pope  la  referma  di  questo 
officio  for  six  months  more  per  la  via  del  ....  Mons.  Ascanio, 
quale  e  stato  causa  luy  solo  de  farlo  papa  J  como  sono  certo  la 
V.  M  ne  sia  pienamente  informata  et  per  tale  cosa  la  Sua  111.  et 
R^  S"^  ne  ha  acquistato  tanto  credito  et  reputatione  ch'el  non  se 
poterebe  dire  ne  scrivere  in  modo  che  e  reputato  non  solum  il 
primo  apresso  alia  Sua  S'^,  ma  e  reputato  come  papa.  Last  night 
the  conservators  and  800  citizens  on  horseback,  carrying  torches 
went  in  procession  to  the  Pope.  Yesterday  the  whole  town  was 
plena  de  fochi  et  altri  falodi.  § 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart,  gen.] 

*  **  Eques  ac  alme  urbis  senator.*'         f  "  Ducalis  primus  secretarius. " 
X  See  su/>ra,  p.  390.  and  also  Sanudo,  Spediz.,  57,  and  Pistoja's  sonnet  in 
the  Arch.  Veneto,  XXXV.,  209. 
§  See  supra,  p.  392. 


APPENDIX.  537 

12.  Thadeus  Vicomercatus  to  Milan.* 

[1503],  Aug.  18,  Venice. 
A  messenger  has  arrived  from  Rome  :  Poi  disse  chel  se  diceva 
per  Roma  anchora  publicamente  che  la  voce  del  r™°  mons"^®  el 
patriarcha  f  di  questa  terra  era  stata  causa  chel  p*°  mons^"^  r'"^ 
vice-cancelliere  fosse  electo  in  papa  et  che  ad  dare  la  voce  sua  al 
vice-cancelliere  era  inducto  per  via  de  tributi  da  quelli  mando 
questa  S"^  seco  et  maxime  dal  secretario  di  questa  S"^  havendo 
Ihori  operati  in  questo  acto  tutto  el  contrario  de  quanto  havevano 
in  commissione  da  lei.  A  council  was  held  upon  this  yesterday. 
[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart,  gen.] 

13.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  the  Vice-Chancellor, 
Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza.| 

1492,  Aug.  26,  Rome. 

Pope  Calixtus  III.  required  money  to  carry  on  the  war  against 
the  Turks.  To  obtain  this  he  sold  to  him  (in  minoribus)  then 
Card.  Vice-Chancellor,  domum  seu  domos  positas  in  urbe  in 
regione  pontis  prope  ecclesiam  S.  Blasii,  in  qua  vel  quibus 
publica  secca  §  ab  antiquo  tempore  teneri  et  exerceri  consueverat 
et  que  manifestam  ruinam  minabantur,  cum  suis  confinibus  ac 
curia,  aula,  cameris,  terrenis,  orto,  puteis  et  cisternis.  The  price 
was  2000  flor.  auri.  Et  deinde  cum  sicut  evidentia  facti  notorie 
demonstrabat  refectione  ipsius  domus,  quam  a  fundamentis  de 
novo  quasi  per  totum  reedificaverimus,  maximum  sumptum  fecer- 
amus  et  in  apparatu  classis  maritime,  quam  Pius  II.  .  .  .  contra 
Turchos  movere  intendebat,  unam  galeam  optime  dispositam  et 
armatam  expensis  nostris  in  eadem  classe  mittendam  paravera- 
mus,||  thus  Pius  II.  ratified  Calixtus  III.'s  sale.  Paul  II.  did 
the  same  q[uia]  nos  domum  predictam  sublimi  et  egregio  opere 
reedificari  feceramus  et  in  hiis  magnam  pecunie  quantitatem  ex- 
posueramus.  Innocent  VIII.  also  confirmed  it.  He  (Alexander 
VI.)  now  gives  this  palace  to  Card.  A.  Sforza  :  attendentes  quod 
tu    in    dicta  urbe  nullam  propriam   habitationem    habes  et  con- 

*  See  supra,  p.  385.  %  See  supra,  p.  382. 

t  Card.  Gherardo.  §  Zecca,  i.e.  Mint. 

II  See  Pastor,  Gesch.  Papste,  II.,  247,  cd.  2  (Geiman). 


533  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

siderantes  quod  propter  tuam  erga  personam  nostram  precipiiam 
devotionem  ac  singularia  per  te  nobis  impensa  obsequia  plurima 
a  nobis  meruisti  volentesque  propterea  vicem  gratitudinis  impen- 
dere.     Dat.  Laterani,  1492,  Sept.  Cal.  Sept.  P.  N.  A.  1°. 
[Cone.  Regest.  869,  f.  35.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 

14.  GiACOMO  Trotti  to  the  Duke  Ercole  of  Ferrara.* 

1492,  Aug.  28,  Milan. 
I  have  seen  the  Venetian  Envoy  to-day,  who  is  dissatisfied 
with  the  Pope's  Election.  Venice  is  not  pleased  with  the  Elec- 
tion ;  at  the  same  time  it  does  not  blame  the  Venetian  Cardinal 
Gherardi,  to  whose  efforts  the  success  of  Alexander  was  due  (il 
suo  car^^  patriarcha  e  stato  quello  che  I'ha  facto  pontefice) 
asserendo  che  cum  simonia  et  mille  ribalderie  et  inhonestate  si  e 
venduto  il  pontificato,  che  e  cosa  ignominiosa  et  detestabile  f  et 
che  Sua  Magti^  se  persuade  che  quando  Franza  et  Spagna  in- 
tend! tale  exhorbitantie  recusara  darli  la  obedientia  et  che  bene 
Sua  B"^  cum  present!  ha  gratificato  multi  cardinal!  che  etiam  gli 
ne  sono  rimasti  dece  senza  gratification  alcuna  et  malcontent!. 
[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Modena.] 


15.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  gives  the  Bishopric  of 
-Valencia  to  C^sar  Borja.J 

T492,  Aug.  31,  Rome. 
Dilecto  filio  Cesari  electo  Valent.  He,  the  Pope,  had  till  then 
held  the  see  of  Valencia.  Since,  by  his  election,  it  had  become 
vacant,  he  thought  of  Caesar,  the  electus  Pampilonen.  quem  tunc 
in  decimo  septimo  vel  circa  tue  etatis  anno  constitutum  f.  rec. 
Innocentius,  papa  VIII.  predecessor  noster  ecclesie  Pampil- 
onensi  ord.  S^'  Augustini  .  .  .  administratorem  in  spiritualibus  et 
temporalibus  .  .  .  constituit  et  deputavit  ac  quam  primum  dic- 
tum vicesimum  septimum  annum  attigisses  ex  tunc  eidem 
ecclesie  Pampilonensi  de  tua  persona  providit  teque  illi  prefecit 

*  See  supra,  p.  385,  394. 

t  The  words   from    "cum"    to    "detestabile"    are   from    Gregorovius, 
Lucrezia,  43. 
+  See  supra,  p.  398. 


APPENDIX.  539 

in  episcopum  et  pastorem.  .  .  .  Having  discharged  laudabiliter, 
the  charge  of  the  above-named  Bishopric,  and  being  about 
eighteen  years  old  (et  ad  presens  in  decimo  octavo  vel  circa  *  tue 
etatis  anno  constitutus),  he  gives  to  him  the  Bishopric  of 
Valencia.     Dat.  Romae,  1492,  prid.  Cal.  Sept. 

[Cone.  Regest.  772,  f.  158.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 


16.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  nominates  Juan  Borja  to 

THE    CaRDINALATE.I 

1492,  Aug.  31,  Rome. 

Dil.  filio  Joh.  tit.  S.  Susannae  presbytero  cardinah.  He 
reminds  him  of  the  stipulation  in  the  election-capitulation  in 
regard  to  the  creation  of  new  Cardinals,  that  only  truly  virtuous 
men  were  to  be  elected  :  attendentes  quod  tu,  qui  ecclesie  Montis 
regalis  ordinis  S.  Benedicti  hactenus  laudabiliter  praefuisti  .  .  . 
habita  super  his  cum  eisdem  fratribus  nostris  deliberatione 
matura  de  illorum  unanimi  consilio  et  assensu  he  nominates  him 
to  the  Cardinalate.  Dat.  Romae,  1492,  prid.  Cal.  Septemb.| 
P.  N.  A.  P. 

Signed  by : — 

Ego  Alexander  catholicae  ecclesiae  episcopus  manu  propria. 

Ego  Oliverius  episcopus  Sabinen.  S  R.E.  card.  Neapolit§ 
manu  propria. 

Ego  Joh.  episcopus  Portuen.  card.  S.  Angeli.  |i 
,,     G.  episcopus  Alban.  card.  UUxbon.H 
„     Hier.  episcopus  Prenest.  card.  Rachanat.** 

*  This  word  "about,"  of  course,  makes  this  passage  useless  for  determining 
the  exact  date  of  Coesar's  birth  ;  but,  on  the  whole,  it  seems  to  favour  the  year 
1475 — given  suprUy  p.  364,  note  §,  rather  than  that  of  1476. 

t  See  supra,  p.  398. 

X  See  supray  p.  398.  Raynaldus,  who  made  use  of  the  same  volume  of 
Registers  as  I  do,  erroneously  gives  ad  an.  1492,  N.  30,  the  date  as  "Cal. 
Septemb."  in  quoting  a  passage  from  the  Decree.  The  original  clearly  gives 
it  as  "  Pridie  Cal.  Sept."  Not  only  the  extracts  in  Cod.  XXXII.,  242  of  the 
Barberini  Library,  Rome,  but  also  the  **Report  of  Boccaccio  of  Aug.  31, 
1492,  state  that  the  nomination  did  really  take  place  on  the  31st  of  Aug. 
State  Archives,   Modena. 

§  O.  Caraffa.  If  G.  Costa. 

11  Giov.  Michiel.  **  Girolamo  Basso  della  Rovere. 


540  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

Ego   D.  tit.  s.  Clementis.* 
„      P.    „    s.  Sixti.f 
„      Jo.  „    s.  Vitalis.l 
„      Jo.  Ja.  card.  Parmen.§ 
,,      L.  tit.  s.  Cecilie.y 
„       A.  „    s.  Prax.U 
,,      F.  Card^^^  Senen.  **  manu  propria. 
,,      R.  tit.  s.  Georgii  camerarius.ft 
„      Jo.  B.  card.  Sabellis. 
„      Jo.  card,  de  Columna. 
„      B.      „      de  Ursinis. 
„      As.  Mar.  vice-cancell. 
„      F.  card.  Sanseverinus. 

Collationata  L.  Podocatharus. 
vis.  M.  DE  Thebaldis. 

P.  Tuba. 

[Cone.  Regest.  869,  f.  51.     Secret  Archives  of  ttie  Vatican.] 


17.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  Jofr^,  Bgrja.J} 

1492,  Aug.  31,  Rome. 

Ganfrido  de  Borgia  clerico  Romano  notario.  The  Pope  gives 
to  Jofre  Borja  then  about  twelve  years  old  (in  XII.  anno  etatis 
vel  circa  constitutus)  the  parrochialis  ecclesia  de  Incha,  Maioricen. 
dioc,  quam  dil.  filius  Caesar  electus  Valentinus,  quern  hodie  ad- 
ministratorem  ecclesiae  Valentinae  per  assumptionem  nostram  .  .  . 
vacantis  in  spiritualibus  et  temporalibus  usque  ad  certum  tempus 
de  fratrum  nostrorum  consilio  constituimus  et  deputavimus  ac 
deinde  de  persona  sua  illi  providimus,  ex  concessione  et  dispensa- 
tione  apostolica  in  commendam  obtinebat.  Dat.  Romae,  1492, 
prid.  Cal.  Sept. 

[Cone.  Regest.  772,  f.  57b.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 

*  Domenico  della  Rovere.  IT  A.  Pallavicino. 

t  P.  Fregoso.  **  Fr.  Piccolomini. 

t  G.  Conti.  ft  Raffaele  Riario. 

§  Sclafenati.  JJ  See  su/>ra,  p.  365,  408. 

II  Lorenzo.  Cib6. 


APPENDIX.  541 


1 8.  Floramonte  Brognolo  to  the  Marquess  of 
Mantua.* 

1492,  Aug.  31,  Rome. 

Illmo  S"^  mio.  Domenica  passata  fu  coronate  nostro  S''^  cum 
mazor  pompa  e  cum  mazor  triumpho  che  sia  mai  stato  coronato 
pontifice  a  nostri  tempi.  Tute  le  strade  per  le  quale  and6  Sua  S^ 
erano  coperte  di  panni  et  aparate  de  panni  de  razo,  che  dur6  circa 
dua  miglia ;  per  le  strade  furono  fatti  di  molti  archi  triumphali 
molto  sumptuosi  e  belli  cum  canti  e  soni ;  fu  a  questa  coronatione 
tuti  li  baroni  de  Roma,  El  S''  de  Camerino,  li  Baglioni,  quasi  tuti 
li  principali  da  Perusa.  La  Matina  Sua  S^^  disse  la  messa  a  bona 
ora  in  Sancto  Pietro,  poi  procedette  a  la  coronatione  secondo 
usanza  e  fu  consumato  tuto  quello  di  in  canti  soni  et  altre  feste ;  e 
Sua  S^  dette  de  molti  denari  segondo  el  consueto.  La  sera  circa 
due  ore  di  notte  Sua  S'^  torn6  a  palazo  acompagnato  quasi  da  tuti 
ii  Card'^  cum  infiniti  dopieri  :  e  cosi  fu  finita  la  festa ;  ma  so  ben 
dire  a  la  Ex*i^  V.  che  tuta  la  corte  era  morte  [st'c]  di  straccha  per 
haver  havuto  tuto  quello  di  molte  incommodita  da  polvere,  sole  et 
altri  fastidii;  pensi  la  Ex^^  V.  che  cose  he  a  cavalcare  otto  o  diece 
milia  cavalli  tuto  uno  di  per  una  terra  stretti  a  quello  modo.  El 
Card'®  Ursino  a  havuto  la  possessione  de  Suriano,  forteza  de  le 
piu  importante  che  sia  in  questo  stato.  El  Card'^  Colonna  a 
havuto  la  possessione  de  la  abatia  de  Sublaco,  che  a  14  forteze  fra 
le  terre  sue  e  vicine  a  Roma.  El  Card'^  Savello  per  ancora  non 
a  havuto  la  possessione  de  Civita  Castellana,  forteza  etiam  im- 
portantissima,  che  li  era  stata  promessa,  et  quasi  ognuno  crede 
non  la  debba  piu  havere  ;  de  le  altre  cose  li  erano  state  promesse 
fin  qui  pare  non  ne  venga  alcuna  a  luce  :  una  abatia  che  li  era 
stata  promessa  nel  Reame  o  inteso  chel  Re  a  scritto  chel  non  li 
dara  mai  la  possessione ;  ne  di  quella  ne  di  altra  cosa  chel  habia 
nel  paese  suo ;  uno  episcopate  li  era  stato  promesso  in  Spagna,  e 
parmi  pure  che  li  oratori  del  re  habiano  ditto  che  la  M*^  Sua  non 
li  dark  mai  la  possessione  ;  in  summa  finqui  non  intendo  che 
Sua  S.  habia  havuta  cosa  alcuna.  lo  non  scriverk  altrimente  a 
la  Ex'*  V.  quello  habiano  havuti  il  altri  Card''  perche  seria  una 
cosa  infinita ;  molte  altre  forteze  sono  state  distribuite  fra  loro,  ma 

*  See  supra,  p.  390,  391,  and  Hagen^  Papstwahlen.  23  se^. 


542  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

non  essendo  Romani  post  mortem  suam  tornaranno  a  la  sede 
apostolica  ....  Rome  ultimo  Augusti,  1492. 

E.  Ex.  V.  sero*"  Floramontus  Brognolus. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 


19.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  Jofr^  Borja.* 

1493,  Aug.  6,  Rome. 
Dil.  filio  Janfrido  de  Borgia,  domicello  Romano :  Illegitime 
genitos.  .  .  .  Attendentes  igitur  quod  sicut  habet  fide  dignorum 
assertio  nosque  etiam  novimus  tu,  qui  defectum  natalium  pateris 
de  nobis  tunc  episcopo  Portuen.  S.  R.  E.  vice-cancellario  genitus 
et  de  muliere  vidua,  defectum  huiusmodi  honestate  morum  et 
vite  aliisque  probitatis  et  virtutum  meritis  multipliciter  recom- 
pensas,  he  legitimates  him  motu  proprio.  Dat.  Romae,  apud 
S.  Petrum,  1493,  octavo  idus  Augusti,  P.  N.  A.  I.° 

[Cone.  Regest.,  869,  f.  85b.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 

20.  Stefano  TabernaI  to  Milan.  J 

1493,  Sept.  24,  Rome. 
...  Si  intende  che  S.  P[ietro]  in  V[incula],  quale  e  a  Marino 
et  giucava  quando  hebbe  la  nova  de  la  creatione  demonstrb 
grave  commotione  di  animo  et  nondimeno  volse  fare  prova  de 
perseverare  al  giocho,  ma  la  perseverantia  fu  di  brevissimo  spatio 
et  levandosi  si  ridusse  et  recluse  solo  in  la  camera  sua  et  comincio 
ad  exclamare  et  mugire,  et  I'altri  heri  li  sopravenne  la  febre,  de  la 
quale  era  stato  libero  alchuni  giorni  et  cominciava  ad  rihaversi, 
de  la  quale  febre  non  si  e  poi  mundato.  Napoli  anche  demonstrb 
mirabile  alteratione  de  animo,  ma  la  coperse  meglio,  S.  Angelo 
sta  pur  grave  et  non  li  fu  lassato  intendere  la  creatione.  Da 
Genova  et  Conti,  quali  erano  qui  et  seguirono  la  dureza  de 
Napoli,  si  tiene  cosi  poco  conto  in  questa  corte  che  de  la  actione 

*  See  supra^  p.  365. 

t  Taberna  sprang  from  a  noble  family  in  Milan  ;  he  was  from  1495-1499 
Bishop  of  Parma;  died  1499.  See  Ughelli,  II.,  135;  Arch.  Stor.  Ital., 
XVin.,  2,  28. 

+  See  supra,  p.  418.  This  report  is  of  great  importance  in  regard  to  the 
Creation  of  Sept.  1493  ;  Brosch,  55,  has  not  realised  its  significance. 


APPENDIX.  543 

loro  non  si  e  parlato.  Non  si  sa  anche*  .  .  .  de  la  mente  cum 
la  quale  stano  li  cardinali  absenti,  quali  sono  stati  oppositi,  ma  si 
conjectura  che  li  sera  molto  doluto  la  perdita  et  maxime  ad  Ulis- 
bona  et  Siena,  qual  aspirano  al  papato,  possendo  conoscere 
assay  al  loco,  dove  si  trovano,  se  misurerano  la  perdita  loro  et  la 
victoria  che  li  oppositi  soy ;  e  veramente  cosa  da  non  possere  ben 
scrivere  la  reputatione  et  la  gloria  quale  ha  portato  in  corte  questo 
prospero  successo  alia  Cels.  V.  et  Mons""^  R'"^.  ...  Lo  Arci- 
vescovo  et  Cardinale  de  Valentia  e  ancora  fora  di  Roma  et  N.  S. 
ge  lo  lassa  ex  industria  perche  li  cardinaU  novi  lo  visitino  de  fora 
infra  li  quali  il  Farnesio  ha  facto  principio  questa  mattina  essendo 
andato  a  Caprarola  .  .  .  per  visitarlo.  The  others  will  also  visit 
him,  possibly  also  A.  Sforza. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart.  gen.     By 

mistake  the  report  has  been  placed  amongst  the  papers  of 

the  year  1495.] 

£T.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  Brother, 
LoDovico   Moro,  Regent  of  Milan.! 

1493,  Sept.  28,  Rome. 
.  .  .  Questi  cardinali  oppositi  continuano  pur  in  segni  de 
malo  animo  verso  N.  S''^  et  Napoli  non  si  reduce  benche  la  Sua 
S*^  servi  verso  lui  modi  mansueti  perche  si  reconoscha.  Ulis- 
bona  ha  licentiato  molti  de  la  famiglia  sua  et  si  dice  che  si  vole 
segregare  et  andare  ad  stare  a  Monte  Oliveto  in  Toschana.  S. 
Ppetro]  in  vinc[ula]  e  del  animo  consueto.  Genua  et  Conti  li 
seguano.  Di  Sena  non  si  ha  altra  noticia.  Queste  cose  fano 
pur  star  N.  S""^  in  qualche  suspensione  et  dubio  che  le  potesseno 
reuscire  ad  qualche  schandalo  et  pero  la  Sua  S^^  sta  in  expecta- 
tione  de  intendere  sopra  epse  el  consilio  et  iuditio  de  la  Ex.  V. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart,  gen.] 
22.  Stefano  Taberna  to  Milan.:}: 

1493,  Sept.  28,  Rome. 
Report  on  the    Cardinals  of  the   opposition.     S.    P[ietro]    in 
vinc[ula],  quale  al  nuntio  de  la  creatione  si  infirm6  de  febre,  non 

*  Obliterated.  f  See  su/>ra,  p.  419.  +  See  su/>/a,  p.  41F. 


544  HISTORY  OF  THE   POPES. 

e  ancora  libero.  Ad  Napoli  e  venuto  uno  [sic]  febre  intensa  tal- 
mente  che  .  .  .  non  e  senza  periculo.  Di  Ulisbona  si  affirmo 
ogni  hora  piu  che  andera  ad  Monte  Oliveto.  Ascriveno  la  ciausa 
de  questa  loro  secessione  a  la  promotione  de  lo  arcivescovo  di 
Valentia  et  al  essere  stati  neglecti  dal  papa. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart,  gen.] 

23.  Stefano  Taberna  to  Milan.* 

[1494],  March  8,  Rome. 
,  .  .  Quanto  alle  cose  occurente  la  Cels.  Vest,  vedera  in  le 
lettere  de  Mons'^''  Ill'^^t  il  discorso  havuto  per  la  Sua  Sig.  Rev. 
cum  N.  S.  et  la  resolutione  de  S.  S*^ ;  li  rimedii  opportuni  pareno 
I  //  stringer  la  pratica  de  S.  Petro  in  vincula  col  re  de  Franza  et 
vedere  se  e  bene  che  se  cominci  ad  parlare  de  fare  demonstratione 
sopra  il  spirituale. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart,  gen.] 

24.  Alexander  VI.  to  Franciscus  de  Sprats, 
Papal  Envoy  to  Spain.§ 

1494,  March  22,  Rome. 
Sicut  per  alia  brevia  nostra  tarn  ad.  .  .  .  Hispanic  reges 
.  .  .  quam  etiam  ad  te  .  .  .  scripsimus,  nos  accepimus  re- 
sponsum  a  car"""  .  .  .  Carolo  Francorum  rege  christianissimo 
ad  breve  nostrum  Sue  Maiestati  directum  super  negotio 
Turchorum  et  bello  Neapolitano,  cuius  etiam  responsi  copiam 
cum  instructionibus  ad  oratores  suos  destinatis  in  prefatis  brevibus 
nostris  inclusum  tibi  misimus.  Eodem  igitur  responso  in  con- 
sistorio  nostro  cum  ven.  fratribus  nostris  S.  R.  E.  cardinahbus 
communicato,  de  unanimo  ipsorum  consilio  denuo  per  aliud 
breve  nostrum  rescribimus  ipsi  christianissimo  regi,  ut  intendat 
nobiscum  institute  expedition!  in  infideles,  ommisso  bello 
Neapolitano  .  .  .  ,  suadentes  non  minus,  ut  si  quid  ius  in  eo 
.  .  .  pretendat,  illud  via  iusticie  et  non  armis  prosequatur,  sicut 
videbis  ex  tenore  ipsius  brevis  nostri,  cuius  exemplum  pre- 
sentibus  inseruimus.     Id  etiam  istis  seren^^i^  regi   et   regine  per 

*  See  supra,  p.  424.  +  Asc.  Sforza. 

X  The  words  printed  in  italics  are  in  cypher. 

§  See  supra,  p.  423.     On  Sprats,  see  also  Pieper,  Nuntiaturen,  44. 


APPENDIX.  545 

alium  [sic]  alligatum  breve  significamus  .  .  .  ,  ut  omnia,  que 
hie  aguntur  in  hoc  negotio,  suis  maiestatibus  innotescant.  Eis 
itaque  exhibit©  dicto  brevi,  quanta  poteris  instancia  et  dexteritate 
illas  nomine  nostro  rogabis,  ut  in  hoc  veHnt  pro  suo  catholico 
animo  nobis  adesse  et  apud  christianissimum  regem  prefatum 
oportunis  modis  partes  suas  interponere,  ut  idem  rex  Francie 
acquiescat  monitis  nostris.  .  .  . 

[Cone.     A  loose  sheet  in  Minute  Brevium,  Tom.  I. 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 

25.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  Brother, 
LoDOVico  MoRO,  Regent  of  Milan.^ 

1494,  April  24,  Rome. 

Extractus  zifre  vice-cancellarii.     Rome,  1494,  Aprile  24. 

La  V.  Ex.  ha  inteso  questi  giorni  la  praticha  facta  cum  S. 
Ppetro]  in  Vpncula].  In  questhora  il  S.  Prospero  Colonna  me 
e  venuto  ad  trovare  et  factome  intendere  de  S.  P.  in  v.  li  ha 
mandato  ad  dire  per  M.  Facio  suo  fidatissimo  servitore  che  heri 
sera  ad  4  hore  de  nocte  montato  in  uno  brigantino  bene  armato 
et  se  e  partito  per  andare  in  Francia  per  fare  quanto  el  Re  de 
Francia  et  V.  Ex.  vorano  et  che  lassa  Hostia  et  tutte  le  altre  sue 
cose  in  mano  del  suo  sig.  Prospero  et  sig.  Fabritio  per  dispo- 
nerne  como  io  ordinar6  cum  animo  deliberato  de  volere  fare- 
quanto  saper6  ricercare  et  molte  altre  parole  cordiale  el 
amorevole  verso  la  Ex.  V.  et  me  de  la  qual  cosa  essendo  del 
supremo  momento  et  importantia  che  a  me  e  parso  volando  con 
la  celerita  de  la  stafeta  pagata  avisarne  la  Ex.  V.  la  quale  prego 
che  senza  dilatione  voglia  respondere  che  provisione  se  harano 
ad  fare  che  Hostia  non  sii  pigliata.  .  .  .  Ultra  cio  me  pare  che 
la  Ex.  V.  volando  mandasse  ad  Genoa  o  vero  in  altro  loco  dove 
S.  P.  in  v.  potesse  desmontare  et  farli  fare  ogni  amorevole  de- 
monstratione  et  offerirli  con  quelli  boni  modi  et  termini  che  V. 
Ex.  sapera  fare.  .  .  .  All  this  has  hitherto  been  kept  most  secret ; 
it  is  to  continue  so.     Romae,  24  Aprile,  hora  22,  1494. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan,  Cart,  gen.; 
erroneously  placed  in  the  Fasc.  August,  1492.] 

*  See  supra,  p.  424. 
VOL.  V.  2  N 


546  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

26.  .Giorgio  Brognolo  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua."'*" 

1494,  April  26,  Rome. 

.  .  .  Zobia  prox^  passata  f  circa  a  le  xxii.  here  nostro  S"^^  fu 
avisato  chel  p^o  San  Pedro  in  vincula  la  nocte  precedente  era 
partite  da  Hostia  in  uno  bregantino  cum  vinti  persone,  lassata 
essa  Hostia  ben  fornita  de  homeni,  arteliarie,  victualie  et  altre 
cose  necessarie  in  modo  chel  si  intende  inter  cetera  che  li  homeni 
che  sono  drento  da  la  rocha  hanno  da  vivere  per  dui  anni.  La 
S'^  de  Nostro  S''^  inteso  questo  subito  mando  per  li  oratori  regii, 
a  li  quali  dette  comissione  che  ne  scrivessero  a  la  Mta  del  Re, 
preghandola  a  volerli  essere  favorevole  a  levare  questa  terra  de 
mano  de  questi  inimici,  alegando  quanto  disturbo  la  ge  porria 
dare.  Fu  scripto  etiam  al  Conte  da  Pitiliano  che  senza  dimora 
venisse  qua,  dove  giunse  heri  sera  al  tardo ;  tutta  via  se  mette  a 
ordine  arteliarie  et  gente  lezere  per  mandare  a  Hostia.  .  . 
Rome  xxvi.  Ap^^,   1494. 

Ex.  V.  ser^^"  Georgius  Brognolus. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 
27.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  Fabricio  Colonna.| 

1494,  May  24,  Rome. 

Alexander  PP.  VI.§  Dilecte  fili,  salutem  et  apost.  benedict. 
Quoniam  tua  cura  et  opera  arx  nostra  Ostien.  nobis  restituta  est, 
juxta  promissioriem  per  te  nobis  factam  et  conventionem  inter  nos 
initam  tenore  presentium  tibi  promittimus  nihil  innovare  contra 
te  super  Gryptaferatta,  sed  quod  possis  earn  tenere  eo  modo  quo 

*  See  supra,  p.  424,  Delaborde,  347,  n.  5,  writes  :  "  La  date  de  la  fuite 
de  La  Rovere  doit  etre  anterieure  a  celle  que  Ton  trouve  dans  Sanuto  et  dans  la 
plupart  des  historiens.  Elle  etait,  en  effet,  deja  connue  de  Ludovic  le  More 
le  23  Avril.  Ludovic  a  D'Aubigny  et  aux  autres  ambassadeurs  frangais.  Vige- 
vano,  le  23  Avril,  1494,  Arch,  de  Milan."  I  however  still  believe  the  night  of 
April  23rd  to  be  the  true  date,  this  being  the  one  given,  not  only  in  the  above 
despatch  and  elsewhere  {e.g.  Allegretti,  823),  but  also  in  the  letter  in  cypher 
of  Sforza  to  L.  Moro  cited  supra,  No.  25.  The  fact,  that  L.  Moro,  in  the 
letter  quoted  by  Delaborde,  mentions  the  flight  on  the  23rd  April,  can  be 
easily  explained  by  supposing  him  to  have  had  earlier  secret  information. 

t  24th  April. 

X  See  supra^  p,  425, 

§  On  the  left  is  the  autograph:  "Alexander  ppa.  manu  propria." 


APPENDIX.  547 

impresentiarum  tenes,  etiam  si  quod  absit  ven.  frater  noster  car''^ 
S  Petri  ad  vincula  contra  nos  malignaret  dummodo  tu  maligna- 
tionis  ipsius  particeps  non  fueris.  Dat.  Rome  apud  S.  Petrum 
sub  annulo  piscat.  die.  XXIIII.  Maii,  1494,  Pont,  nostri  anno  se- 
cundo.     Lapsu  termini  in  conventione  contenti  non  obstante. 

B.  Floridus. 
[A  tergo  :]  Dil.  filio  nob.  viro  Fabritio  de  Columiia  domicello  Romano. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Colonna  Archives,  Rome.     Collection 
of  Briefs,  N.  41.] 

28.  Giorgio  Brognolo  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua.* 

1494,  Nov.  29,  Rome. 

Ne  la  ultima  mia  de  XXIV.  presentis  scrissi  a  la  Ex.  V.  quanto 
mi  occorse  et  maxime  circa  el  progresso  de  questi  Franzosi  li 
quali  ogni  di  si  vanno  piu  aproximando  in  qua  ne  fm  qui  li  e 
stato  facto  una  resistentia  al  mondo  ;  vero  e  chel  S'^^  Virginio 
parti  de  qui  quatro  zorin  fa  cum  le  gente  sue  per  andarsene  a 
Viterbo  de  comissione  del  Pontefice,  ma  o  sia  stato  per  volunta  o 
per  impotentia  o  per  qual  si  voglia  altro  rispecto  Sua  Si.  ha 
tardato  troppo,  perche  la  nocte  inanti  che  quella  dovesse  giun- 
gere  introrono  dentro  da  Viterbo  gran  numero  de  Franzosi :  chi 
dice  11""  cavalli :  chi  piu  chi  mancho,  in  summa  el  p'°  S.  Virginio 
e  restato  a  Sutrio  insieme  col  car'^  dal  Frenese  el  quale  anche 
non  e  sta  [sic]  voluto  acceptare  dentro  da  Viterbo  cum  le  fanterie. 
El  Pontefice  havea  posto  dentro  de  la  rocha  de  Viterbo  el  s'^^ 
Jacobo  Conte,t  el  quale  intendendo  la  venuta  de  Franzosi  non  li 
ha  voluti  aspectare  et  se  ne  fugito  et  abbandonata  essa  rocha.  E 
seguito  un  altro  caso,  el  quale  benche  non  habia  quel  fondamento 
ch'io  iudicai  al  principio  nientedimeno  non  e  passato  senza  gran 
scorno  del  Pontefice :  non  heri  I'altro  venendo  M^  Hadriana  et 
M^  Julia  cum  unaltra  sua  sorella  da  uno  suo  castello  nominata 
Capo  de  Monte  per  andare  a  Viterbo  dal  car^^  suo  fratello  essendo 
vicini  a  la  circa  uno  miglio  si  incontrorono  in  una  frotta  de 
Franzosi  a  cavallo  et  da  essi  furono  prese  et  conducte  a  Montefi- 
aschone  cum  tutta  la  compagnia  loro,  che  erano  perho  da  xxv. 
a  XXX.  cavalli ;  el  papa  subito  che  hebbe  la  novella  mand6  uno 

*  See  supra,  p.  444,  and  (}rkgorovius,  VII.,  35S,  ed.  2. 
t  Thus  SiGiSMONDO  dk'  Conti,  81,  recjuires  correction. 


543  HISTORY  OF   THE   POPES. 

suo  camarero  fidato  a  Marino  per  dolersi  de  questo  caso  cum 
Aschanio,  et  quale  subito  ritorno  cum  tal  commissione  che  hozi  se 
inteso  le  p^^  m^  cum  tutta  la  comitiva  loro  esser'  state  relaxate 
senza  che  li  sta  usato  una  desonesta  al  mondo,  cussi  ne  la  robba 
come  ne  le  persone.  Questa  relaxatione  cussi  subita  arguissi  che 
questo  sia  stato  uno  caso  fortuito  et  non  pensato  come  la  brigata 
dubito  al  principio.  lo  sone  [sic]  de  parere  che  fra  pochi  di 
questa  terra  habia  ad  essere  piena  de  Franzosi ;  vero  e  che  dentro 
da  Roma  si  ritrova  fina  adesso  circa  150  homeni  darme  et  tutta 
via  ne  veneno  de  li  altri ;  dicono  fin  a  la  summa  de  xv.  squadre 
et  dua  miglia  fanti ;  nientedimeno  ogni  uno  conclude  che  aproxi- 
mandosi  la  M*^  del  Re  in  'qua  cum  la  persona  et  gente,  sue  che 
non  li  habia  ad  esser,  uno  obstaculo  al  mondo. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

29.  Giorgio  Brognolo  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua.* 

149.5,  Jan.  4,  Rome. 
...  La  M^^  Sua  come  scrissi  alhora  e  alogiata  in  San  Marcho, 
dove  e  sempre  stata  fin  a  questo  di :  ne  mai  e  andata  dal  Papa, 
el  quale  sta  pur  in  palazo  et  spesso  va  dal  palazo  al  Castello  per 
la  via  coperta  dove  attende  a  fortificarsi  piii  ch'l  po  havendo 
totalmente  deliberato  de  non  darlo  a  la  M^*  del  Re  pt°  come  fin 
qui  ge  ne  stato  facto  una  mirabile  instantia  et  tutta  via  si  fa,  credo 
bene  per  opera  de  quelli  che  vorriano  vedere  piu  focho  cha  [stc] 
legna ;  el  Papa  e  conducto  a  questo  che  le  contento  de  dare  al 
pt°  Re  per  segureza  sua  Civitavechia,  la  quale  ha  porto  et  e  loco 
important"i°,  ma  de  Castello  Sanctangelo  non  vole  sentire.  Se 
questa  dureza  et  pertinacia  persevera  da  lun  canto  et  dal  altro  io 
dubito  che  in  fine  desordine  habia  a  seguire.f 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

30.  Giorgio  Brognolo  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua.  | 

1495,  J^'^-  6;  Rome. 
.  .  ,  Tutto    questo   populo    di   Roma   e    tanto    mal    contento 
quanto  si  potesse    dire :    grandissime  extorsione  si  fanno,  homi- 

*  See  su/>ra,  p.  453. 

t  The  text  is  in  Gregorovius,  VH.,  369,  ed.  2. 

X  See  supj-a,  p.  454  ;  and  Balan,  334,  n.  6. 


APPENDIX.  549 

cidij  infiniti,  ne  si  sente  altro  che  stridi  et  lamenti :  et  quando  la 
cosa  resti  qui  la  brigata  se  ne  harria  a  contentare,  ma  certamente 
io  vedo  questa  chiesia  in  pegior  termini  che  forsi  la  fusse  mai  per 
ricordo  de  homo  vivente.  Altro  non  mi  occorre,  etc.  Roma,  6  Jan- 
uarij,  1495. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

31.  Giorgio  Brognolo  to  the  Marquess  of  Mantua.* 

1495,  ]^^'  8>  Rome. 

.  .  .  Questo  affirm o  bene  a  la  Ex.  V.  che  le  impossibile  che 
uno  exercito  cussi  grosso  possi  stare  longamente  dentro  da  Roma 
dove  cominza  a  mancare  la  robba  ne  se  ne  trova  per  denari. 
Hozi  per  uno  pocho  de  differentia  che  e  stata  fra  alcuni  Franzosi 
et  Suiceri  tutto  el  campo  del  Re  e  posto  in  arme  in  modo  che 
lera  una  cosa  stupenda  a  vedere  tanto  numero  de  persone  armate 
che  erano  per  tutte  le  strade. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 

32.    FLOxiAMONTE    BrOGNOLO    TO    THE    MaRQUESS    OF 

Mantua,  t 

1495,  Jan.  22,  Rome. 
111"™°  S""  mio.  Per  lultima  mia  di  16  di  questo  la  Ex.  V. 
haver^  inteso  lacordo  seguito  fra  N.  S.  e  la  M'^  re  del  Franza, 
e  cosi  pare  che  tuta  via  el  Pontifice  si  sforzi  di  satisfare  uni- 
versalmente  a  tuti  questi  Franzosi,  perche  expectative,  riserve, 
indulgentie  e  tute  le  gratie  sono  poste  a  mano,  in  summa  tute 
le  gratie  sono  le  loro;  non  se  intende  ancora  per  certo  la 
partita  de  la  prefata  M'^  Heri  matina  N.  S.  public6  card'«  uno 
cusino  di  Mons"^  de  Ligni,  el  quale  di  continuo  sta  apresso  a  la 
M^^  del  Re  et  ha  grandis°  credito;  poi  Sua  S'^  fornito  el  con- 
cistorio  cant6  una  messa  solenniss^  in  sancto  Pietro,  dove 
intervenne  la  M^^  del  Re  e  tuti  questi  s"  Franzosi,  poi  li  fu  mos- 
trato  la  Veronica,  el  ferro  de  la  lanza  che  feri  Cristo  et  la  testa 
di  S'°  Andrea,  preterea  il  Papa  dette  la  benedictic^ne  solenne, 
come  si  fa  a  la  pasqua  et  li  altri  di  ordinarii.  .  .  . 

[The  original  is  in  the  Gonzaga  Archives,  Mantua.] 
*  See  supra,  p.  454.  f  See  supra,  p.  460. 


550  JrllSTORV    OF   THE   POPES. 

33.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  Cardinal  Giovanni 

COLONNA."* 

1496,  Febr.  15,  Rome. 

Dilecto  fill  etc.  Quia  intendimus  Deo  concedente  inpresentiar. 
creare  cardinales  dilictum  filium  loannem  de  Borgia  electum 
Melfiensem  nepotem  et  legatum  nostrum  Neapoli  existentem  et 
aliquos  prelates  domesticos  antiquos  familiares  nostros  :  postquam 
circumspectio  tua  cuius  presentiam  valde  optaremus  est  absens, 
rogamus  illam  ut  circa  huiusmodi  creationem  cardinalium  votum 
tuum  aut  in  pectore  nostro  aut  in  aliquo  cardinale  ut  f  .  .  . 
vice-cancellario  de  quo  confidere  possis  per  tuas  litteras  remittere 
velis,  in  qua  re  circumspectio  tua  nobis  vehementer  complacebit. 
Et  hac  de  causa  mittimus  ad  te  presentem  tabellarium  quem 
statim  cum  opportune  response  ad  nos  remittas.  Dat.  Romae 
ap.  S.  Petrum  sub.  annulo  pise,  die  xv.  Februarii,  1496,  Pont, 
nostri  anno  quarto. 

B.  Floridus. 

[A  tergo  :]  Dil.  fil.  nostro  Jo.  sancte  Marie  in  Dominica  diacono  Car^^  de 
Columna. 

[The  original  is  in  the  Colonna  Archives,  Rome ; 
Collection  of  Briefs,  N.  34.] 

34.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  creates  four  new  Cardinals. | 

1496,  Febr.  19,  Rome. 

Bulle  "  Romana  ecclesia."  The  Pope  habita  super  hiis  cum 
venerab.  fratribus  deliberatione  matura  de  illo[rum]  consilio, 
peritia  et  assensu  nominates  Bartolomeo  Martini,  Bishop  of 
Segovia ;  Juan  de  Castro,  Bishop  of  Girgenti ;  Juan  Lopez,  Bishop 
of  Perugia;  and  Juan  Borja,  "electus  [episc]  Melfitensis,"  who  is 
at  present  Nuncio  at  Naples,  to  be  Cardinals.  Dat.  Romae, 
1495  [st.  fi.],  XL  cal.  Martii,  Pontif.  nostri  A°  4°. 

Ego,  Alexander,  Cath.  Ecclesiae  Episcopus.^ 

Do.  s.  dementis.^ 

lo.  la.  card.  Parmen.^ 

*  See  supra^  p.  492.       +  What  follows  is  destroyed.       %  See  supi-a,  p.  492. 
^  I  give  the  names  of  the  Cardinals  as  found  in  the  Registers,  although  there 
the  usual  order  has  not  been  observed. 

^  Domenico  della  Rovere.  ^  Sclafenati. 


APPENDIX. 


551 


L.  s.  Cecilie.* 

A.  card.  s.  Praxedis.® 
lo.    ,,      Montisregalis.^ 

lo.  s.  Sabine  card.  s.  Dionysii/ 
lo.  Ant.  card.  Alexandr.^ 

B.  card.  s.  +  in  Jerusalem.^ 

O.  episc.  Sabinen.  card.  Neapolit.^" 
lo.      „      Portuen.     „      s.  Angeli." 
G.       „     Alban.        „      Ulixb.^^ 
H.       „     Prenest.     „      Rachanat.^^ 
F.  card.  Senen.^^ 
R.  s.  Georgii  Camerarius.'^ 
As.  Ma.  card.  Sfortia. 
F.  card,  de  Aragonia. 

C.  s.  Marie  nove  diac.  card.  Valen.^^ 
lul.  s.  Sergii  et  Bachi.^^ 

D.  s.  Nicolai  inter  imag.^^ 

A.  s.  Cosme  et  Damiani.^^ 

B.  s.  Ciriaci.20 


Manu  propria  subscripsi. 


Collat.  L.    PODOCATHAR. 


[Cone.  Regest.  873,  f.  361-64.     Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 


■*  Lorenzo  Cibo. 

^  Ant.  Pallavicino. 

*  Juan  Borja. 

'  Jean  de  la  Grolaie. 

^  Giov.  Antonio  Sangiorgio. 

^  B.  Carvajal. 
10  O.  Caraffa. 
"  Giov.  Michiel. 
12  G.  Costa. 


12  Girol.  Basso  della  Rovere. 

^^  Fr.  Piccolomini. 

1^  Raffaele  Riario. 

^'  Cesare  Borja. 

^^  Giul,  Cesarini. 

^^  D.  Grimani. 

^^  A.  Farnese. 

20  B.  Lunati. 


35.  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  Lodovico  Moro, 
Duke  of  Milan.* 

1496,  July  24,  Rome. 
Ut  nihil  intermitteremiis,  quod  ad  Italicam  quietem  et  com- 
munia  pericula  propulsanda  pcrtineret  .  .  .  intclligentes  car'""'" 
in  Christo  fiHum  nostrum  Maximilianum  Romanorum  regem  in 
ItaUam  adventare,  do  vencrab.  fratruni  nostrorum  S.  R.  E.  car- 
dinalium  consiHo  dil.  filium  nostrum  B[ernardinum]  tit.  S.  Crucis 

*  See  supra,  p.  484. 


552  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

m  Hierusalem  presbyterum  cardinalem  nostrum  et  Apost.  Sedis 
legatum  de  latere  ad  prefatum  regem  destinandum  duximus  et 
nunc  proficiscenti  iniunximus,  ut  primum  nobilitatem  tuam  adeat 
sibique  quemadmodum  federis  nostri  necessitudo  requirit  per  nos 
commissa  aperiat  aliaque  nomine  nostro  eidem  nobilitati  tuae 
referat.     He  may  fully  trust  this  Legate. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan.] 

36.  Letter  from  an  unknown  person  to 
Giovanni  Bentivoglio.* 

1497,  June  17  [Rome]. 
Heri  scrips!  alia  S"^  V.  del  sinistro  caso  de  la  morte  del  Duca  de 
Gandia,  I'autore  de  la  quale  fin  qui  non  si  sa,  ma  si  conclude  luy 
esser  stato  gabato  da  uno  che  prima  parechie  volte  camufato  et 
scognosciuto  li  haveva  parlato  sotto  specie  come  se  stima  de  far  li 
haver  qualche  cosa  electa  et  che  meritasse  el  pretio  alia  quale 
bisognasse  andar  solo  et  secreto.  ...  El  papa  in  tutto  el  di  de 
heri  non  dete  audientia  a  persona,  ma  stetese  solo  et  serrato  in 
camera.  ,  .  . 

[Copy  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan.] 

37.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  Brother, 
LoDovico  Moro,  Duke  of  Milan.! 

I497»  June  19,  Rome. 
IlK^®  etc.  N.  S""^  ha  facto  questa  mattina  consistorio  in  lo  quale 
cum  sapientiss°  et  gravissimo  discorso  ha  dimonstrato  che  quan- 
tunche  il  caso  del  duca  di  Candia  li  sia  de  extremo  dolore  per 
la  perdita  facta  et  per  la  qualita  de  la  morte  et  per  lo  amore 
immense  quale  gli  portava,  il  quale  era  magiore  che  a  tucte 
le  altre  cose  sue  coniuncte  insieme,  nondimeno  era  per  tollerarlo 
cum  paciencia  et  ringratiare  N.  S.  Dio  del  tucto  existimando  che 
questo  successo  fusse  per  il  miglio  et  che  N.  S.  Dio  havesse  cum 
questo  flagello  grandissimo  voluto  casticare  la  Sua  S'^  et  advertirla 
de  la  fragilita  humana  et  attendere  cum  paterna  cura  alio  offitio  suo 
pastorale  havendoli  lev3.to  questo,  il  qual  teneva  lo  intellecto  de  la 
B'^^  Sua  offuscato   et  lo  distraheva  in   diversi  desiderii,  li  quali 

*  See  supra,  p.  409.  f  See  supra,  p,  521. 


APPENDIX.  553 

cum  questa  morte  erano  tucti  finiti  in  Sua  S**  et  confessava 
che  la  non  havea  piu  carne  ne  sangue  ne  parent!  ne  affecto 
et  che  la  non  curava  piu  cosa  alchuna  humana  et  era  proposito 
suo  firmissimo  de  recognoscere  cum  le  bone  opere  la  visitatione, 
quale  gli  havea  facto  N.  S.  Dio  et  attendere  cum  summo 
studio  et  vigilantia  al  bene  de  la  religione  Christiana  et  al  honore 
de  questa  s.  sede  et  al  offitio  de  bono  pontefice  ne  essere  per 
desiderare  o  ricerchare  piu  da  li  principi  o  dal  sacro  collegio 
cose  non  juste,  honeste  et  sancte  ordinando  et  comandando  alii 
i-mi  gri  cardinali  che  non  gli  consentessero  ne  la  obedissero  mai  se 
non  in  cose  bone  et  sancte  et  che  similm^^  non  voleva  essere 
ricerchata  ne  pregata  de  cose  se  non  licite  et  honestiss^  subgiun- 
gendo  che  per  dar  principio  cum  effecto  alia  bona  mente  sua  la 
deliberava  de  attendere  cum  summa  diligentia  alia  reformatione 
delle  chiesa  et  alio  asetto  de  lo  stato  suo  temporale  per  contenerlo 
in  quiete  et  removere  tucti  li  scandali,  alii  quali  effecti  la  B"^  Sua 
fece  ellectione  de  sei  r™  car^^  di  omne  ordine,  cioe  de  doi  episcopi 
li  quali  sono  Napoli  et  Ulisbona,  et  di  doi  preti,  quali  sono  S. 
Praxeda  et  lo  Alexo,  et  doi  diaconi,  quali  sono  Sena  et  S.  Gior- 
gio, alii  quali  impose  che  convenissero  sollicat^®  in  palatio  et 
examinassero  cum  omne  solertia  tucte  quelle  cose  che  ad  una 
sancta  reformatione  de  la  chiesa  et  alio  asetto  del  stato  temporale 
ecclesiastico  apartenesse  et  che  la  Sua  S^^  voleva  esser  la  prima 
reformata  ne  recusaria  alcuna  qualita  de  reformatione  et  cusi 
intendeva  reformar  li  altri  ne  lassare  questa  reformatione  senza 
una  perfecta  conclusione  et  effecto  como  alchuni  altri  pontefici,  li 
quali  li  haveano  dato  principio  et  Thaveano  lassata  et  che  per  lo 
asetto  et  pace  del  stato  temporale  examinassero  tucte  le  cose 
necessarie  et  qte  gente  darme  bisognava  tener  per  che  la  Sua  S'^ 
non  mancharia  in  alchuna  parte  et  expedissero  presto  il  tucto 
usando  molte  altre  sapientiss<=  et  religiosissime  parole  de  la  sub- 
stantia predicta.  Propose  poi  in  fine  S.  S*^  il  facto  del  matrimonio 
del  S.  de  Pesaro  cum  la  fiola  monstrando  che  li  dolesse  haverne 
causa  de  parlare  perche  haveria  desyderato  questo  matrimonio 
fusse  stato  perpetuo  et  tochando  la  Sua  S'^  che  non  era  consumato 
epso  matrimonio  per  im[potentia]  et  obstando  anche  il  matri- 
monio p°  de  la  fiola  ne  parendoli  che  alchu[na]  honesta  volesse 
che  la  cossa  stesse  in  questi  termini  ne  anche  parendoli  honesto 
che  la  Sua  B"^  ne  fusse  judice  ne  havea  voluto  parlare  al  sacro 


554  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES. 

collegio  et  voleva  commectere  la  causa  de  iustitia  ne  la  quale  se 
havesse  ad  procedere  sinceram*^  Alia  Ex.  V.  sempre  me  racom- 
mando.     Romae,  XIX  lunii,  1497. 

Fr[ater]  filius  et  s^"^  As.  Ma.  Car'is 
Sfor.  vicec[omes]  S.  R.  E.  vice-cancell.  etc. 
[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan ;  erroneously 
placed  under  date  1498.] 

38.  An  unknown  person  to  Giovanni  Bentivoglio."* 

1497,  June  20,  Rome. 
.  .  .  Sono  duy  giorni  che  publicamente  se  dice  Tauctor  di 
questa  cosa,t  esser  stato  el  fratello  del  S.  de  Pesaro;  hora  non 
pare  chel  si  creda  et  sono  ci  diverse  opinione,  ma  perche  ogni 
discorso  et  iuditio  in  questa  materia  e  difficile  et  periculoso  ne 
laxaro  el  pensero  a  chi  tocha.  El  papa  in  su  questo  caso 
dimonstro  essersi  molto  resentito  et  in  tuto  disposto  ad  volere 
mutare  vita  et  essere  un  altro  homo  da  quello  e  stato ;  e  andato 
in  S.  Piero  et  ha  disignato  di  volere  fare  la  tribuna  del  altare 
magiore  secondo  el  designo  de  papa  Nicola,  ove  spenderia  meglio 
de  4"^  duc*> ;  similmente  vol  fare  uno  bel  palco  a  S.  Maria  Magiore 
et  gia  ha  sbursati  2™  ducati.  Preterea  heri  in  consistorio  dixe  de 
volere  reformare  la  chiesa  nel  temporale  et  spirituale  et  ad  questo 
effecto  elesse  VI.  cardinali  che  havessero  ad  veder  le  cose  refor- 
mande  et  come  se  havessero  ad  reformare,  li  quali  furno  duy  primi 
vescovi  cardinali  cioe  el  card,  di  Napoli  et  el  card,  di  Ulixbona, 
duy  primi  preti  cioe  el  card,  de  S  Anastasia  et  el  card.  Alexandrine, 
duy  primi  diaconi  cioe  el  card,  de  Sena  et  el  card,  de  S.  Giorgio, 
duy  auditor!  de  Rota  cioe  M.  Felino  de  Ferrara  et  M.  Guglielmo 
de  Pereriis  et  lo  vescovo  de  Capazo  suo  secretario,  li  quali  questa 
matina  hano  cominciato  fare  congregatione  per  questo  ad  palazo. 
Preterea  luy  dixe  nel  dicto  consistorio  come  luy  voleva  fare 
gente  darme  infin  in  XL.  squadre  el  non  voleva  si  conducesse 
nessun  barone  Romano.  Stimasi  che  fara  capitano  Gonsalvo 
Ferrando  volenthuomo  et  veramente  da  bene  e  promette  de  fare 
molte  altre  cose  laudabile  et  virtuose ;  se  sia  simulatione  o  inspira- 
tione  lo  demonstraranno  li  effecti  et  I'opere  subsequente. 
[Copy  in  State  Archives,  Milan.] 
*  See  su^ra,  p.  500.  t  Murder  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia. 


APPENDIX.  555 

39.  Cardinal  Ascanio  Sforza  to  his  Brother, 
LoDovico  MoRO,   Duke  of  Milan."^ 

1497,  June  20,  Rome. 

Ill'"^  etc.  Essendo  stata  usata  diligentiss^  investigatione  sopra 
il  caso  del  duca  di  Candia  de  bo.  memoria  non  si  e  sino  adhora 
trovato  cosa  alcuna  ceita  ne  del  loco  dove  sia  stato  extincto  ne 
per  chi  mane  sia  facto.  Fu  veduto  lultima  volta  passati  le  3  hore 
de  notte  in  uno  loco,  dove  e  una  croce  sopra  la  via,  quale  va  ad 
S.  M^  del  populo  et  ha  .  .  .f  uno  in  croppa  col  quale  era  etiam 
stato  veduto  in  altro  loco  et  credesi  si  ...  f  sotto  qualche  fictione 
fraudolente  lo  habii  conducto  alia  morte  .  .  .  t  si  crede  sia  facta  in 
qualche  loco  salvaticho  propinquo  alia  croce  predicta,  perche 
furno  etiam  in  quelle  circumstantie  vedute  homini  a  cavallo  et  a 
pede  quali  se  tene  facessero  leffecto ;  la  incertitudine  del  caso  ha 
generato  diverse  conjecture  essendo  stato  dicto  chel  porria  esser 
proceduto  de  persone  offese  per  causa  de  femine  et  anche  [e]  stato 
parlato  delo  ill.  duca  de  Urbino  per  le  cause  successe  quando  se 
fece  lo  accordo  et  e  stato  dicto  delli  Ursini  per  le  guerre  passate ; 
ci  a  anche  stato  nominate  el  rev  ca.r'^  S.  Sanseverino  per  rispecto 
delle  cose  delli  Ursini  et  anche  e  stato  dicto  che  possevano  essere 
stati  homini  de  casa  mia  per  quello  che  successe  li  di  passati  della 
morte  de  uno  homo  del  duca  di  Candia  et  de  uno  mio  balestrero 
quale  fu  impiccato;  ultimamente  fo  dicto  con  qualche  affirmatione 
che  era  stato  lo  ill.  S.  de  Pesaro  o  vero  il  fratello  et  che  uno  depsi 
doveva  esser  stato  veduto  con  alcuni  cavalli  longo  da  qui  XX. 
miglia  et  essendo  una  consuetudine  in  Cathalonia  presertim  in 
Barzelona  et  Valentia  che  quando  e  ferito  o  morto  uno  li  parenti 
di  quello  vano  ad  ferire  et  amazare  li  parenti  di  quello  che  ha 
offeso  etiam  che  in  epsi  non  fusse  saputa  ne  colpa  alcuna  del 
delicto  et  essendo  fra  el  S.  de  Pesaro  et  casa  nostra  el  parentato 
che  e,  sono  proceduto  con  qualche  respecto  doppo  il  caso  acio 
che  li  parenti  et  servitori  del  duca  in  la  acerbita  del  dolore  non 
havesseno  commisso  qualche  sinistro  effecto.  II  perche  N.  S.  mi 
ha  facto  parlare  da  alcuni  r'"'  s"  car''  con  molte  paterne  et  affec- 
tionate parole  demonstrative  del  amorc  che  la  Sua  S^^  mi  porto  et 
de  la  cura  quale  ha  havere  del  bene  et  salute  mia  et  che  da 
nessuno  deli  soi,  quando  bene  il  caso  fusse  proceduto  dal  S""^  de 

*  See  supra,  \).  499.  t  Missing. 


55^  HISTORY   OF  THE   POPES. 

.  .  *  dal  fratello,  non  mi  havesse  pero  ad  essere  facto  se  non 
honore  .  .  *  che  venuto  ad  parlare  il  mag^o  Garcilasso  et  dicto 
che  per  provedere  in  tucti  li  modi  che  la  consuetudine  de  Cathe- 
lonia  non  mi  potesse  in  omne  evento  far  prejudicio  li  pareva  de 
dovere  essere  da  N.  S.  et  tore  la  fede  de  la  Sua  S**  et  come  am- 
basciatore  obligarmi  anchora  la  fede  deli  soi  S^^  Re  che  da 
nissuno  parente  ne  servitore  del  duca  mi  sara  facto  se  non  honore, 
il  qual  modo  e  stato  adimpito  questa  matina  et  se  li  sono  trovati 
presenti  li  amb"  della  S'"^  lega  et  del  S™°  Re  Federico,  li  quali 
erano  andati  per  visitare  N.  S.  e  questo  modo  e  stato  judicato  el 
piu  expediente  existimandose  che  quando  se  intenda  la  fede  de 
N.  S.  et  delli  S"^'  Reali  de  Hispania  mi  sia  obligata,  nissuno  sia 
si  ardito  che  facesse  desordine  dal  quale  mi  pare  anche,  dovere 
stare  con  lo  animo  piu  quieto  perche  sono  poi  venute  le  lettere 
della  Ex.  V.  et  dal  r'"**  legato,  le  quali  significano  come  il  p'°  S.  de 
Pesaro  era  venito  a  quella  et  anche  se  ha  qualche  aviso  chel 
fratello  non  debbe  esser  partito  da  Pesaro  e  benche  sia  cosa  in- 
credibile  che  ne  dal  uno  ne  da  laltro  fusse  reuscito  uno  facto 
tanto  crudele,  nondimeno  laudo  che  epso  S"^®  scrivendo  qua 
demonstri  la  sincerita  sua  et  del  fratello  et  quanto  siano  alieni 
da  cose  de  simile  natura  significando  alia  Ex.  V.  lo  esserse  intesa 
la  venuta  del  p^^  8°"^  de  la  et  che  il  fratello  non  debbe  esser  partito 
da  Pesaro  ha  facto  renovare  la  varieta  de  le  conjecture  da  unde 
possi  esser  nato  questo  [caso]  terribile  et  tutavia  se  investiga  per 
trovare  il  vero.     Apia  Ex.  V.  mi  ricomanjdo  Romae,  XX.  Junii, 

1497, 

Asc[anius]. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan.] 

40.  Paulus  Bilia  to  Lodovico  Moro,   Duke  of  Milan.! 

1497,  June  21,  Rome. 
111"^°,  etc.  Heri  J  N.S.  contra  la  opinione  de  ogniuno  hebbe 
concistorio  dove  intervenero  tutti  li  s"  car'^  excepto  el  s.  Vice- 
cancellero.  Quello  che  in  epso  fu  trattato  secundo  se  e  inteso 
e  che  la  S^^  Sua  con  certo  preambulo  del  amore  suo  cordiale 
verso  el  duca  de  Candia  et  quanto  li   havesse   passato   el  core 

*  Missing, 
t  See  supra,  p.  503. 
■%  More  accurately,  the  day  before  yesterday,  June  19. 


APPENDIX.  557 

questo  suo  accerbo  caso  dimonstro  ricognoscere  le  vicisitudine 
humane  et  ringratiando  Dio  de  tale  cognosimento  disse  che 
la  dispositione  sua  era  de  reformare  insieme  con  la  vita  sua 
etiam  le  cose  de  la  chiesia  et  attendere  in  lavenire  con  summa 
cura  a  satisfare  al  peso  qual  sustene  e  per  dare  principio  a  questo 
effecto  forno  electi  sei  de  li  s"  car^^  cioe  Napoli,  Ulisbona,  Sena, 
S.  Zorzo,  Alexandrino,  et  S.  Anastasia  et  con  loro  M.  Philino  et 
uno  altro  de  li  auditori  de  rotta  quali  insiemi  [stc]  habbino  ad 
examinare  diligentemente  tutto  quello  che  a  bono  et  optimo 
pastore  e  conveniente  et  sopra  tutto  in  le  cose  de  iusticia  ha 
dicto  volere  havere  precipua  consideratione.  El  s.  Vice-can cellero 
non  ando  a  questo  concistorio  per  le  stranee  parole  et  de  mala 
natura  quale  erano  reuscite  da  quelli  de  casa  de  N.S.,  del  duca 
et  de  Valentia  e  havendone  la  S.  Sua  R"a  facto  fare  querela  con 
N.  S.  excusando  el  non  esser  andato  sopra  questo  la  S*^  Sua 
dimonstro  sentirfie  displicentia  grand'"^  et  cossi  fece  Valentia  et 
mandorno  a  pregare  Mons.  R°  chel  non  volesse  risguardare  a 
parole  de  gente  senza  rasone  et  quali  sono  vincte  da  passione  et 
dolore.  Finito  el  concistorio  vene  el  rev'"^  S.  Severino  et  stete 
circa  una  hora  con  el  S.  V^o  fratello.  Dopoi  venero  li  m"  oratori 
Hispano  et  de  V.  Ex.  quali  fecero  intender  alia  R'"^  S.  Sua  che 
N.S.  desiderava  vederla  et  parlarli  et  cossi  per  satisfarli  se  prese 
ordine  de  andarli  hogi,  como  poi  si  e  facto  circa  le  19  bore  in 
la  quale  epso  R"^°  Mon''^  Vice-cancellero  se  transferse  a  palatio 
accompagnato  da  tutti  li  m^i  oratori  salvo  el  Venetiano  che  non 
cera ;  arrivati  alia  camera  dove  era  il  pontefice  Mons.  intro  solo 
et  noi  altri  expectassimo  in  lanticamera  ne  prima  uscite  Mons. 
che  alle  24  hore  et  con  la  S"^  Sua  uscirno  li  r"^  Valentia  et 
Perosa  et  essendo  poi  per  descender  scontro  el  Borgia  col  quale 
Mons.  stete  etiam  un  pezo  in  rasonamento.  Arrivati  a  casa  la 
R"™^  S.  Sua  me  domando  et  disse  che  li  rasonamenti  havuti  con 
N.S.  erano  stati  longhi  ma  per  la  magior  parte  in  lamenti  singulti 
et  expressione  de  excessivo  dolore  quale  sustene  N.S  per  el 
caso  del  duca  et  che  havendosi  la  S'^  Sua  firmato  ne  la  mente 
sua  de  fare  reuscire  per  qualunche  modo  el  divortio  tra  el  S. 
de  Pesaro  et  mad.  Lucretia  lo  haveva  caricato  et  pregato  chel 
volesse  scrivere  alia  Ex.  V.  acio  che  lei  sia  quello  che  trovi 
qualche  bone  expediente  a  questa  cosa  de  la  quale  separatamente 
Valentia  li  ha  etiam  parlato  instantissimamente  dimonstrando  che 


558  HISTORY   OF  THE    POPES. 

senza  questo  effecto  nisuno  de  loro  sia  per  rippossare  mai  de 
animo  con  dire  che  facto  el  divortio  el  papa  la  mandara  in 
Hispania,  como  credo  che  largamente  dovera  havere  scripto  la 
Sua  R.  S"*.  Questo  e  quanto  heri  et  hogi  e  accaduto  etc. 
Romae,  die  XXI  Junii,    1497. 

[The  original  is  in  the  State  Archives,  Milan.] 
41.  Scheme  of  Reform  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.* 

[1497,  June-July.] 
In  apostolice  sedis  specula  divina  dispositione  locati,  ut  iuxta 
pastoralis  officii  ministerium  evellenda  vellamus  et  plantanda 
plantemus,  circa  reformationem  morum  toto  mentis  versamur 
affectu.  Animadvertimus  enim  mores  ipsos  sensim  ab  ilia  veteri 
disciplina   defluxisse    et    perfractis    sacrorum    conciliorum    sum- 

*  See  supra,  p.  514  seq.  Raynaldus  seems  in  1497  to  have  been  ac- 
quainted with  the  above  document  :  he,  however,  makes  no  precise  mention 
of  it.  The  proposals  contained  in  the  scheme  for  the  Reform  of  the  Cardinals 
were  widely  circulated  in  MS,  ;  they  may  be  found  in  Cod.  Capponi, 
LXXXII,  n.  26  (National  Library,  Florence)  ;  in  Cod.  I.  41  of  the  Borghese 
Library  (now  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican);  in  Cod.  Ottob.,  2519 
(Vatic.  Library) ;  and  elsewhere,  and  they  were  published  by  Chr.  G.  Hoff- 
mann, Nova  script,  ac  monument,  collectio,  I.,  520-522  (Lipsiae,  1731).  In 
1880,  Leonei^i,  in.,  245  j^^.  {cf.  213)  gave  from  "  un  codice  della  Vaticana," 
a  more  precise  but  by  no  means  adequate  account  of  the  whole  scheme.  By 
this,  no  doubt.  Cod.  Vatic.  3884,  f.  73  seq.  is  meant,  from  which  Tangl, 
402  seq.  gives  the  preface  and  the  proposals  in  regard  to  the  Chancery. 
Leonetti  has  overlooked  Hoffmann's  publication,  and  Tangl  has  failed  to 
notice  both  Hoffmann's  and  Leonetti's.  Tangl,  402,  remarks  on  the  Cod. 
Vatic.  3884  (which  was  written  at  the  time  of  Julius  II.,  see  Tangl,  p.  Ixxiii)  : 
"The  manuscript  is  often  faulty,  and  in  parts  is  so  much  injured  as  to  be  un- 
intelligible. In  such  cases  the  constitutions  of  former  Popes  have  been  used 
to  reconstruct  the  text,  and  also  parts  of  the  Conclusa  from  Cod.  Vatic.  Lat. 
3883,  may  have  been  employed."  I  found  a  much  better,  possibly  the  oldest 
copy  of  the  Scheme  of  Reform,  in  the  Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  in  Arm. 
XI,  vol.  88,  under  the  title  :  Reformatio  officialium  Ro.  cur.  per  Alex.  VI. 
In  this  volume  the  pages  are  not  numbered,  and  it  contains  a  duplicate  copy 
vnXh  a  few  insignificant  variations.  The  concluding  formulas  and  the  date 
are  also  missing  here  as  in  Cod.  Vatic.  3884.  I  reserve  the  main  part  of  the 
paper  for  a  future  publication,  which  will  be  founded  on  the  MS.  in  the 
Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican,  and  I  only  give  here  the  interesting  intro- 
duction which  often  is  quite  incomprehensible  in  Tangl,  with  the  titles  of  the 
different  parts. 


APPENDIX.  559 

morumque*  pontificum  priscis  et  salubribus  institutis,  quibus 
libido  et  avaritia  erat  cohercita,  in  licentiam  prorupisse  non 
amplius  tolerandam ;  in  malum  enim  prona  est  natura  mortalium 
et  appetitus  non  semper  rationi  obtemperat,  sed  iuxta  apostolum 
mentem  captivam  populumque  ducit  in  legem  peccati.  Semper 
quidem  optavimus,  ut  huiusmodi  licentia  novis  constitutionibus 
restringeretur,  sepe  apud  felicis  recordationis  Pium  II.,  Paulum 
II.,  Sixtum  IIIL,  et  Innocentium  VIII.,  nostros  predecessores, 
dum  in  minoribus  essemus  et  cardinalatus  fungeremur  honore, 
operam  dedimus,  in  principio  quoque  nostri  pontificatus  banc 
curam  cunctis  aliis  voluimus  anteponere ;  sed  difficillimis  ex 
adventu  in  Italiam  carissimi  in  Christo  filii  nostri  Caroli  regis 
Francorum  Christianissimi  [cum]  exercitu  potentissimo  negotiis 
involuti  in  hunc  diem  differre  coacti  sumus.  Cepimus  autem 
reformationem  a  curia  nostra  Romana,  que  ex  omnibus  nation- 
ibus  Christiane  professionis  coadunata  benevivendi  exempla 
aliis  prebere  debet.  Rem  igitur  tam  sanctam,  tam  necessariam 
longo  tempore  a  nobis  optatam  ad  effectum  perducere  cupientes 
de  venerabilium  fratrum  nostrorum  sancte  Romane  ecclesie  cardin- 
alium  collegio  sex  delegimus  probatissimos  et  in  primis  Deum 
timentes  Oliverium  videlicet  Sabinensem  et  Georgium  Albanen- 
sem  episcopos,  Antoniottum  tituli  s.  Praxedis  et  Johannem  tituli 
ss.  Nerei  et  Achillei,  presbiteros,  Franciscum  quoque  s.  Eustachii 
et  Raphaelem  s.  Georgii  diaconos  cardinales,  quorum  ministerio 
adiuti  consilioque  et  prudentia  freti  recensitis  omnibus  temporum 
superiorum  constitutionibus  rerumque  et  temporum  qualitate  dili- 
genter  pensatis  constitutiones  et  ordinationes  infrascriptas,  quas 
constitutionis  perpetue  vigorem  obtinere  volumus  ac  decernimus, 
auctoritate  apostolica  edidimus,  quas  iubemus  inviolabiliter  obser- 
vari,  ceteris  tamen  constitutionibus  predecessorum  nostrorum 
super  his  editis  in  suo  robore  permansuris. 

De  summo  pontifice  et  eius  familiaribus. 

Sermones  in  capella. 

Cantores. 

Silentium  in  capella. 

Magistri  caeremoniarum. 

Servientes  episcopo  in  capella  celebranti. 

*  In  the  text  "  sacrorumque  "  (in  both  copies). 


56o  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES.      • 

De  honestate  cantorum. 

Contra  magistrum  capellae  negligentem. 

Censor  supra  palatines  et  monitio  ad  ipsos. 

De    relationibus    consistorialibus    pro    provisionibus    ecclesi- 
arum. 

Invocatio  Eugenianae  et  Paulinae  contra  simoniacos. 

Reservationes  non  dentur. 

Coadjutoriae  non  dentur. 

Papa  non  alienet  bona  ecclesiae. 

De  gubernatoribus  et  castellanis  terrarum  et  arcium  ecclesiae. 

Pro  ecclesiarum  provisionibus  nihil  promittatur  principibus. 

Episcopus  neque  privetur  neque  transferatur  contra  jura. 

De  cardinalibus  et  eorum  redditibus. 

Dimittant  terras  et  arces  ecclesiae. 

Invocatio  constitutionum  Egidii  in  terris  ecclesiae. 

Legati  resideant  et  sint  biennales. 

In  conclavi  nulla  corruptio. 

Cardinalis  domino  temporali  veresimiliter  affecto  non  det  pro 
eo  votum. 

Ludus  et  venatio  cessent. 

Familiares  LXXX.,  equitaturae  XXX. 

Propinae    cardinalibus    honestae    [in    the   second    copy  "pro- 
pinae  pro  Card,  honestae  "]. 

Musici,  histriones,  adolescentes  procul. 

Cardinales  stent  in  curia. 
_  Funus  cardinalis. 

De  secretariis.     Brevia  habeant  signaturam  in  gravibus. 

Secretariorum  taxa  moderata. 

Bullae  per  cameram  non  passim  expediantur. 

Datarius  non  fiat  ante  data. 

Compositiones. 

Supplicationes  simul  signatae  [in  the  second  copy  "mittantur" 
is  added]. 

Si  est  signata  alterius  supplicatio  datarius  et  referendarius  non 
petant. 

Solum  datet. 

Non  extrahantur  ex  fillia. 

Generalia  de  officialibus.     Nihil  ultra  taxam  exigatur. 

Laicis  non  dentur  officia  rem  divinam  concernentia. 


APPENDIX.  561 

Officia  rem  divinam  concernentia  [in  the  second  copy  '*non 
vendantur  "  is  added]. 

Officiales  palatii  testificentur  libere. 

Officia  inutilia. 

Gubernator. 

Auditor  camerae. 

Ordinationes  in  curia. 

Notarius  ordinantis. 

Ordinandus. 

Supplicationes  ordinandorum. 

Fabrica  basilice  principis  apost. 

Non  passim  absolvendos  violatores  ecc^^^  libertatis. 

Expectativae. 

Reservationes  superius  dictae  contra  episcopos  desertores. 

Contra  concubinarios. 

Bona  naufragii  nemo  occupet. 

Annona  urbis  copiosa. 

Contra  extractiones  frumentarias. 

Religiones. 

Contra  apostatas. 

Graduationes  de  licentia. 

Professio  infantium  nulla. 

Cardinalis  non  sit  consiliarius  principum. 

Oratores  annales. 

Officiales  non  sit  oratores. 

Decimae  principibus  non  concedendae. 

Paenae  juris  in  premissis  salvae. 

Regulae  signaturae  gratiae. 

Ad  incompatibilia  et  uniones. 

Commenda. 

Monasteria. 

Uniones  perpetuae. 

Derogatio  juris  patronatus. 

Regulae  immobiles. 

Testamenta  pia  non  mutentur. 

Stent  requisita  a  fundatoribus. 

Fructus  in  absentia. 

Cum  illegitimi.  [Cum  illegitimis  scil.  filiis  presbyterorum  et 
aliis  illegitime  natis  nunquam  dispensetur  nisi.  .  .  .] 

VOL.  V.  2  0 


562  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPKS. 

Nulli  detur  altare  portatile  nisi  sit  qualificatus  et  tunc  per 
bullam. 

Facultas  absolvendi  in  casibus  episcopis  reservatis  omnibus 
firmiter  denegetur. 

Pensiones. 

Monasteria  non  extinguantur. 

Observantia  non  sit  coacta. 

Pro  volentibus  apostatare  nihil  detur,  neque  *  monialibus  claus- 
trum  horrendbus. 

Gratificatio  nulli  neque  regressus. 

Coadjutoriae. 

Regulae  signaturae  justitiae. 

Commissiones  beneficiales  Rota  tantum. 

Commissio  rejecta  non  reproponatur. 

Extra  signaturam  non  porrigantur  papae  commissiones. 

Quatenus  tollatur  jus  quesitum. 

Proemium  cancellariae  cum  membris  suis. 

Constitutionum  innovatio. 

Exordium  ad  X.  additiones  Alexandri  VI. 

Innovatio  constitutionum  rotae. 

De  auditoribus  qui  vel  patres  sunt  vel  fratrem  seu  patrem 
habentibus. 

Per  episcopatum  desinat  esse  auditor. 

Auditores  non  sint  oratores. 

Favoribus  non  assumantur  [scil.  auditores] 

Stipendia  auditoribus. 

Non  tarda  subscriptio  neque  propinae  inhonestae. 

Registra  custodiantur. 

Registra  non  edantur,  scribant  notarii. 

Stent  auditores  domi. 

Commendationes  potentum  postergent. 

Auditores  non  litigent. 

Contra  rapinas  notariorum  et  eos  qui  causas  venantur. 

Merces  tabelliorum  moderata. 

Scribant  per  se  ipsos  notarii. 

Juramentum  paupertatis. 

Notarii  Rotae  resideant. 

Non  paciscantur  pro  quota  litis  emendo  causas. 

*  At  "neque,"  a  new  heading. 


APPENDIX.  563 


Sine  licentia  Rotae  nuUus  in  ea  procuret. 

Registrum  Supplicationum. 

Additiones  Alexandri  VI. 

De  officio  custodis  cancellariae. 

Corrector  cancellariae. 

Protonotarii  participantes. 

Abbreviatores  de  prima  visione. 

Abbreviatores  de  parco  maiori. 

Scriptores  cancellariae. 

Sollicitatores. 

Magistri  registri  bullarum. 

Magistri  plumbi. 

Barbati. 

Secretarii  cardinalium  et  vice-cancellarii. 

Conservator  constitutionum  cancellariae. 

Poenitentiaria. 

[Secret  Archives  of  the  Vatican.] 


INDEX   OF    NAMES    IN    VOL.    V. 


AcciAiuoLi,  Zanobi,  202. 
Adorno,    Caterina   Fieschi,   St., 

88. 
Aegidius  of  Viterbo,  131,   173, 

270. 
Agazzari,  Stefano,  St.,  86. 
d'Albergati,    Niccol6,    Cardinal, 
Bishop    of    Bologna,     84, 
86. 
Alberici,  Maria  degli,  St.,  87. 
Albert,  King  of  Poland,  416. 
Albert!,  Leon  Battista,   17,   72, 
73,    104,    113,    120, 
199. 
,,       Niccol6  degli,  61. 
Alberto  de  Cataneo,  341. 
,,       da  Sarteano,  175, 
d'Albret,  Alain,  298. 
Albrici,  Maddalena,  St.,  87. 
Alemannus,  Jacopo,  St.,  88. 
d'Alessandro,     Antonio,       409, 

422. 
Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  4,  42,  44, 
54,  63,  85,  90,  98, 
124,  170,  187,  212, 
23i>  235-238,  263, 
315,  335»  362,  365- 
367,  378,  383-385, 
385-398,  402,  405- 
431,  435-438,  450, 
453,  454,  457-461, 
464-471,  474,  475, 
482-487,  490-508, 
512-514,  518-522. 
„     Bishop  of  Forli,  55. 


Alfonso  of  Calabria,  King  of 
Naples,  116,  235,  249-252, 
256,  259,  261,  263,  286, 
412,     421-423,    425,    427, 

430,    435,    437,  441,    442, 

461,  462,  469. 
Alidosi,     Francesco,     Cardinal, 

171. 
AUegretti,  Allegretto,  89. 
Allosio,    Enrico    de.    Cardinal, 

84. 
d'Alviano,  Bartolomea,  489. 

,,       Bartolomeo,  149,  489. 
Amadeo,  B.,  87. 
Amideus,  Jerome,  159. 
Andrea  of  Modena,  St.,  87. 

,,         Montereale,  B.,  87. 

„         Peschiera,  B.,  87. 

„         Trebizond,  330. 
Angela  Felix,  B.,  87. 
Angelico  da  Fiesole,  B.,  81,  87, 

98. 
Angehna,  B.,  86. 

,,         di  Corbara,  St.,  58. 
Angelo  of  Chivasso,  B.,  88. 
,,      d'Orte,  Bishop,  296. 
Anhalt,  Prince  of,  444. 
Anne    of    Brittany,    Queen    of 

France,  286,  298. 
Antoniasso,  Romano,  54,  243. 
Antoninus,  St.,    Archbishop  of 

Florence,   28,    29,    34,  40, 

57,    84,   87,   98,    112,    113, 

173. 
Antonio  ab  Ecclesia,  B.,  87. 


566 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


Antonio  of  Bitonto,  175. 
„         Rimini,  175. 
„         Stronconio,  B.,  87. 
„         Vercelli,    102,     151, 

175- 
d'Aragon,  Francesco,  255. 

„        Giovanni,      Cardinal, 

236-238,  253,  355. 

„        Luigi,   285,  286,  318. 

Arbues,  Pedro,  St.,  346. 

Archangelo   of  Calatafimi,    B., 

87. 
Archimboldi,     Cardinal,      247, 

355- 
Ariosto,      120-123,     132,     139, 

Aries,      Archbishop      of,      see 

Cib6,  Niccol6. 
Arlotti,  235,  236. 
Arrivabene,   Giov.   Pietro,  330, 

352. 
Attavanti,  Paolo,  176. 
d'Aubusson,    Pierre,    Cardinal, 

297,  298,  355. 
Aversa,  Gasparo,  Count  of,  402. 

Babenberg,  St.  Leopold  of,  339. 
Baccio  da  Montelupo,  200. 
BagHone,  Giampaolo,  114,  165. 

,,         Family  of,  274,  284. 
Bajazet,  Sultan,   289,  291,  294, 

297,    303^    3ii>   2>^Z^  316, 
428. 
Baldini,  Baccio,  200. 
Balue,   Jean  de    La,    Cardinal, 
260,  263,   268,    276,    277, 
283,  298,  354,  362,  368. 
Bandello,  119,  173. 
Barbaro,  Ermolao,  335. 
„         Francesco,  30. 
Barbo,  Ludovico,  173. 

„      Marco,     Cardinal,      85, 
232,    234-238,  330, 
335.  362. 
Barletta,    Gabriele,     106,     132, 

151,  176. 
Barotti,  Odino,  B.,  86. 


Barozzi,  Pietro,  Bishop  of  Civi- 

dale,  84,  334. 
Bartolomeo  di  Spina,  159. 
Baschi,    Perron   de,    286,    412, 

414. 
Bassand,  Giovanni,  87. 
Basso,  Girolamo  della  Rovere, 

Cardinal,  384. 
Beccadelli,  119. 
Becchi,  Gentile,  394. 
Becchietta,  7. 

Belcari,  Feo,  14,  15,  47,  51,  52. 
Bellacci,  Tommaso,  86. 
Bellini,  Gentile,  37. 

„       Giovanni,  79. 
Bembo,  Pietro,  142. 
Benedetto,  Fra,  200,  434. 

„         da  Majano,  7,  73. 

,,         da  Rovezzano,  75,  76. 
Benincesa,  St.,  86. 
Benivieni,  Girolamo,  47. 
Bentivoglio,  Giovanni,  90,    no. 
Bernaldez,  Andre,  510. 
Bernardino,  Pietro,  215,  216. 

,,  of  Bustis,  175. 

„  da    Feltre,    B.,   41, 

88,  109-111,  175, 
177. 

„  of  Siena,    86,    loi, 

106,     112,     132, 

151.  175^  177- 
„  di  Mastro,  Antonio, 

54- 
Bernardo  of  Scammaca,  B.,  88. 
Berthold,  Archbishop  of  May- 

ence,  292. 
Bertini,  Antonio,  84. 
Bertoni,  Giacomo  Filippo,  B.,  87. 
Bessarion,  Cardinal,  84,  153 
Bibbiena,  Cardinal,  124,  157. 
Bisticci,  Vespasiano  da,  12,  19, 

31,  108. 
Biondo,  Gasparo,  330,  352. 
Boccaccio,  G.,  119,  134. 

„  Giov.  Andrea,  Bishop 

of  Modena,    379, 
398. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


567 


Bocciardo,  Giorgio,  428,  440. 

Bojardo,  120. 

Bolognini,    Antonio,   Bishop  of 
Foligno,  47. 

Bon,  Bartolomeo,  38. 

Bonaventura,  Fra,  224. 

Boniface  IX.,  Pope,  59. 

Bonimperto,  Matteo,  84. 

Bonvisi,  Giovanni,  B.,  13,  87. 

Borgia,    Family    of,    114,    521, 

522. 

„       Caesar,  Cardinal,  Bishop 

of   Valencia,    4,    98, 

loi,  163,    170,  363- 

365.  396,  398,  399, 
403,  404,  408,  414, 
416,  417,  425,  450, 
453,  454,  457,  462, 
493,  503^  508-512, 
.519,  520. 

„       Girolama,  364. 

,,  Jofre,  363,  365,  399, 
408,  412,  423,  425, 
508,  513- 

„       Juan,  Duke  of  Gandia, 

363,  413,  414,  425» 
487-491,  493-512, 
520,  522. 

„  Juan,  Cardinal,  Arch- 
bishop of  Monreale, 
396,  398,  423,  425, 
454. 

„       Juan,     Cardinal,     492, 

493- 
,,       Lucrezia,  91,  363,  365, 
399-402,    410,     505, 
514,  520-522. 
„       Pedro  Luis,  364. 
„       Rodrigo,    Cardinal,    see 
Alexander  VI. 
Borsiano,  Luca,  Bishop  of  Folig- 
no, 316. 
Botticelli,    Sandro,     198,     200, 

201. 
Bottuni,  Trojano  de',  267. 
Bourbon,  Charles  de,  Cardinal, 
355- 


Bourchier,    Thomas,    Cardinal, 

355- 
Bourdeilles,  Elias  de.  Cardinal, 

85- 

Bramante,  Donato,  74,  76. 
Bresse,  M.  de,  469. 
Brigonnet,  Cardinal,  455,  459. 
Brochardo,  Antonio,  157. 
Brognolus,  F.,  391,  454. 
Brunellesco,  52,  61,  62,  69-71. 
Buggiano,  71. 

Buonarotti,  see  Michael  Angelo. 
Buonfigli,  Benedetto,  39. 
Burchard,  Jakob,  129,  237,  238, 
411,446,448,450,496,519. 
Buti,  Lucrezia,  197. 

Cagnalo,  Niccol6,  400. 
Cajetani,  Francesco,  84. 
Cajetano,  Cardinal,  85. 
Calafata,  Eustochia,  88. 
Calandrini,     Filippo,    Cardinal, 

241. 
Calixtus  III.,  Pope,  64,  84,  233, 

362,  392,  395,  397- 
Cambi,  Sen,  119. 
Cammelli,  Antonio,  474. 
Canale,  Carlo,  363. 
Caoursin,  Guilleaume  de,  302. 
Capello,  Paolo,  509. 
Capistrano,    Giovanni,    St.,   87, 

'75-  ' 
Capranica,  Angelo,  Cardinal,  85. 
,,  Domenico,  Cardinal, 

84. 
Carafifa,  Alessandro,  Archbishop 
of  Naples,  84,  422. 
„        Giovanni  Pietro,  84. 
„        Oliviero,   Cardinal,   85, 
327,    378-381,     384, 
418,    452,    454,    514, 

515. 
Carpaccio,  38. 
Carrier!,  Matteo,  B.,  87. 
Carvajal,  Bernaldino  Lopez  de. 

Cardinal,  84,  328,  377,387, 

416,  469,  484. 


568 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


Castellani,  Castellano,  47. 
Castellano,  Pierozzo,  52. 
Castiglione,  Baldassaro,  32,  116, 

120. 
Castro,  Juan  de,  Cardinal,  492. 
Catanei,   Tommaso,    Bishop   of 

Cervia,  250. 
Cataneis,    Vanozza     dei,     131, 

363,  365.  493. 
Caterina  of  Pallanza,  B.,  87. 
Catherine  of  Bologna,  St.,  87. 
„         of  Siena,  St.,  59,  90, 

212. 
,,         of  Sweden,  St.,  339. 
Cattaneo,  Alberto  de,  341. 
Centelles,  Juan  de,  402. 
Cerretani,  190,  214. 
Cerveriis,  Bartolomeo  de,  B.,  87. 
Cesarini,  Giuliano,  Cardinal,  84, 

416,  452. 
Charles  VIII.,  King  of  France, 
5,  190,  212,  260,  261,  276, 
278,    286,    294,    295,    297, 
298,    310,    378,    414,    416, 
421-423,     425-428,    431- 
453i    455-472,    474,    475. 
482,  515. 
Cheregato,  Lionello, '  Bishop  of 
,  Trail,  293-295,  297,  483.  ' 
Chigi,  Agostino,  130. 
Cib6,  Family  of,  239,  270. 
„     Aran,  239.  . 
,,     Battistina,  285,  286,  318. 
„     Franceschetto,    240,    265, 
269,     270,     274,     282, 
299»     300,     352,     354, 
405- 
„     Giovanni  Battista,   Cardi- 
nal, see  Innocent  VIII. 
„     Lorenzo,    Cardinal,    323, 

355,  384,  450- 
„     Maurizio,  274. 
„     Niccolo,     Archbishop    of 

Aries,  316. 
„     Teodorina,  240,  285. 
Ciuffagni,  70. 
Civitali,  73-75. 


Clement  VII.,  see  Medici,  Car- 
dinal Giulio  de'. 
Coleta,  St.,  86. 

Coilenuccio,  Pandolfo,  442,492. 
Colomba  of  Rieti,  B.,  59,  88. 
Colonna,  Family  of,   229,  232, 
237,   246-248,  257, 
281,  406,  421,  427, 
430,  431,  436,  437, 
441,  445,  463,  483, 
494,  503- 
„         Fabrizio,     231,     379, 
425,  427,  451,  498. 
,,         Francesco  de,  256. 
„         Giovanni,       Cardinal, 
231,  236,  237,  257, 
268,  383,  412,  451, 

455- 
„         Prospero,     231,     379, 

427,  445,  451,  504- 
„         Vittoria,  33. 
Columbus,  Christopher,  57,  321. 
Commines,    Philippe    de,    116, 

437,  455-457,  466. 
Conradino,  B.,  86. 
Contarini,  Antonio,  117. 
„         Gasparo,  159. 
,,         Zaccaria,  432. 
Conti,   G.,   Cardinal,   234,   235, 
384,  419. 
,,     Giacomo,  232. 
„     Sigismondo  de',  247,  283, 
302,  305,  310,  313,  320, 

323,  33^,  33^,  352,  386, 
417,  437,.  463,  465. 

Contughi,  Cesario  de',  176. 

Corneto,  Adriano,  144-146. 

Corniola,  Giovanni  delle,  200. 

Correggio,  198. 

Cortesius,  Paul,  143. 

Corvinus,  Mathias,  King  of 
Hungary,  255,  262,  273, 
275,  289,  296,  310,  336. 

Cosmico,  Niccol6,  133,  136. 

Costa,  Giorgio,  Cardinal,  235, 
236,  316,  328,  377-381, 
384,  419,  514,  515. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


569 


Credi,  Lorenzo  di,  200. 
Cristoforo   di    Castrano    {alias 
Magrino),  303,  304. 
,,         of  Milan,  B.,  87. 
Croce,  Giorgio  de,  363. 
Cronaca,  200. 
Cusa,  Nicholas  of,  Cardinal,  84. 

Daniello  da  Venezia,  B.,  86. 
Dante,  57. 
Dati,  Agostino,  30. 
„     Antonio,  54. 
„     Giuliano,  52. 
Datini,  Francesco,  13. 
Delfino,  Pietro,  358,  391,  513. 
Demetrius  Chalkondylas,  356. 
Domenica  of  Urbino,  B.,  88. 
Domenichi,  Domenico  dei,  149. 
Domenico  of  Arignano,  363. 

of  Viterbo,  351. 
Dominic,  St.,  112. 
Dominici,  Cardinal,  47. 

„  Giovanni,      B.,      13, 

25-29,     86,     120, 
176. 
Donatello,  69-71,  197,  199. 
Donato,  Niccold,  335. 
Doria,  Lazzaro,  256. 
Dorothea     of      Marienwerder, 

340. 
Dschem,  Prince,  275,  282,  294, 

297-304,     306-313,    317, 

428,   437,    448,   453,   457, 

465. 
Duglioli,  Elena  dall'  Olio,  B.,  88. 

EcK,  John,  65. 
Erasmus,  138,  171. 
Ercolano  of  Plagario,  B.,  86. 
Eroli,  Bertrand,  Cardinal,  85. 
Espinay,   Andre   de',    Cardinal, 

355- 
d'Este,    Alfonso    I.,    Duke    of 
Ferrara,  115,  123. 
„       Ercole  I.,   Duke  of  Fer- 
rara,   115,    122,    216, 
434,  442. 


d'Este,  Ippolito,  Cardinal,  Bishop 
of   Gran,     115,    170, 

336,  337,  416,  417- 
„      Isabella,  123. 
d'Estouteville,  Cardinal,  362. 
Eugenius  IV.,  Pope,  42,  43,  58, 

62,  84,  94. 
Eustachio,  Fra,  200. 

Faber,  Felix,  174. 
Farnese,    Alessandro,    Cardinal 
(afterwards        Paul 
III.),  416,  417. 
,,         Giulia,  410,  417,  444. 
Fedele,  Cassandra,  33. 
Federigo    of   Aragon,    King    of 
Naples,  405,  407,412,  413, 

431,  435,  493,  495,  5i9- 
Ferdinand   the   Catholic,   King 
of     Spain,     260, 
263,     289,     314, 

315,     338,     346, 
411,     416,     456, 
462,     466,     475, 
502. 
„         of    Aragon,    Prince 
of    Capua,    285- 
287,     430,    446- 
448,     462,     463, 
474,     482,     483, 
488. 
Ferretti,  Gabriele,  87. 
Ferrante,    King   of   Naples,    4, 
115,    249-255,     264,    265, 
267-269,     272-286,     290, 
298,   311,   314,   315'    340, 
378,   379,   3S1,   392,    393, 
404,    405,     407-410,    412, 
414-416,    418,    420,    421, 
469. 
Ferrucci,  75,  200. 
Fiammetta,  131. 
Fiandini,  Ambrogio,  159. 
Ficino,  Marsilio,  153-155. 
Fiera,  Bartolomeo,  159. 
Fieschi,  Obbietto,  248. 
Filarete,  Antonio,  62,  199. 


570 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


Filippino,  Fra,  8i,  201. 
Filippo  d'  Aquila,  St.,  87. 
Florez,  Antonio,  293,  297. 
Foppa,  B.,  7. 

Foresta,  Bartolomeo,  B.,  88. 
Foscari,  Pietro,  Cardinal,  355. 
Francesca  of  Mantua,  B.,  8S. 

,,  Romana,  St.,  59,  86. 

Franceschi,  Piero  degli,  38. 
Francesco  of  Caldarola,  B.,  88. 

,,         da  Meleto,  221. 

„         da      Montepulciano, 
219,  220. 
di  Paolo,  St.,  88,  98. 
Francia,  Francesco,  90. 
Francois  de  Luxemburg,  469. 
Frederick    III.,   Emperor,    260, 

279,    289,    291,     296-305, 

339. 
Frederick     Casimir,     Cardinal, 

Archbishop  of  Cracow,  416. 
Fregoso,   Paolo,   Cardinal,  380, 

398,  419,  470. 
Fuchsmagen,  Johann,  329. 
Fulcheri,  Damiano,  B.,  87. 

Galateo,  Antonio,  138,  139. 
Gambacorti,  Chiara,  B.,  86. 
„  Pietro,  B.,  86. 

Gambara,  Veronica,  33. 
Ganay,  M.  de,  459,  460. 
Garibi,  Girolamo,  B.,  88. 
Gemma  of  Sulmona,  B.,  86. 
Gerace,  Marquess  of,  422. 
Geraldi,  Giglio  Gregorio,  125. 
Geremia,  Pietro,  B.,  87. 
Gherardi,  Jacopo,  269. 
Gherardo,     Maffeo,      Cardinal, 

356,  376,  385- 
Ghiberti,  Lorenzo,  69-72,  96. 

,,       Vittorio,  72. 
Ghirlandajo,  197. 
Giacomo  da  Volterra,  330. 

„       di  San  Genesio,  248. 
Giorgio,   Giovanni    Antonio  de 
S.,    Cardinal,    416, 
454,  515- 


Giorgio  de  Croce,  363. 

Giovanna,  Abbess,  198. 

Giovanni  da  Empoli,  23. 

,,         ,,   Montecatini,  136. 
„         „  Napoli,  176. 
„         „  Prato,  175. 
„        di  Bartolo,  70. 

Giraldi,  Giglio  Gregorio,  125. 

Giuliano  da  Majano,  72,  73. 

Giulio  Romano,  45. 

Giustiniani,  Lorenzo,  St.,  Patri- 
arch of  Venice,  41,  47,  84, 

87,  173- 
Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  482,  491. 
Gonzaga,  Family  of,  116. 

„        Cecilia,  33. 

„  Francesco,  Marquess 
of  Mantua,  301, 
326,  472,  473. 

,,        Sigismondo,  Cardinal, 
171. 
Gozzoli,  Benozzo,  7,  197. 
Gratiano  da  Villanova,  291. 
Griffi,  Pietro,  Bishopof  Forli,  84. 
Grimani,    Domenico,   Cardinal, 

416. 
Grolaie,    Jean    Villier     de    la. 

Cardinal,    376,    416,    452, 

^  469,  470- 
Guicciardini,  4,  392. 
Guido  de  Blanchefort,  Prior  of 

Auvergne,  298-300. 
Guidobaldi,    Duke   of   Urbino, 

483,  488-491,  497,  498. 
Guzzoni,   Boccolino,    262,   266, 

291,  294. 

Harff,  Arnold  von,  55. 
Haro,  Diego  Lopez  de,  411. 
Hermann,        Archbishop        of 

Cologne,  295. 
Hieronymus  of  Bergamo,  216. 

,,  Siena,  222-224. 

Hugonet,    Philibert,     Cardinal, 

355- 

Iloris,  Francesco,  Cardinal,  1 70. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


571 


Imperia,  130. 

Infessura,   243,   325,    350,    359, 

389,  407,  411. 
Innocent  III.,  Pope,  42,  43. 
VI.,      „      233. 
„       VII.,     „      58,  239. 
„       VIIL,  „      42-43»  54, 
55)    93,    98,    III, 
112,      123,      153, 
170,  232,236-242, 
243-254,258-270, 
272-291,293,297- 
300,       303-313, 
315-332,336-343, 
345,       347  -  350, 
352-355,357,358, 
365,      375,      376, 
387,  422. 
Institoris,  Heinrich,  348. 
Isabella  the  Catholic,  Queen  of 

Spain,  260,  456,  466. 
Ivani,  Antonio,  30. 

Jacopo  da  Bergamo,  12. 
„       da  Bitetto,  B.,  88.     ' 
„       da  Pietrasanta,  325. 
„       da  Volterra,  352,  366. 
„       della    Marca,    St.,    87, 

175,  340. 
James    of    Portugal,    Cardinal, 

84. 
John    II.,    King    of    Portugal, 

338. 
„       IX.,    Abbot   of  Citeaux, 

340. 
Jovius,  Paul,  143. 
Julius  II.,  see  Rovere,  Cardinal 
Giulano  della. 

La  Balue,  see  Balue. 
Ladislaus,  King  of  Hungary  and 

Bohemia,    310,    341,    404, 

416. 
La  Grolaie,  see  Grolaie. 
Lamberti,  Niccnlo,  69. 
Landini,  Cristoforo,  149. 
Landucci,  Luca,  19-21. 


Lapaccino,  Filippo,  Fra,  200. 

Lendinari,  73. 

Leo   X.,   see    Medici,   Cardinal 

Giovanni  de'. 
Leonardo  da  Vinci,  80. 
Leopold,  St.,  see  Babenberg. 
Licci,  Giovanni,  B.,  88. 
Lippi,  Aurelio  Brandolino,  176. 

„       Filippino,  327,  401. 

„       Filippo,  Fra,  173,  197. 
Lombardi,  Natulo,  84. 
Lopez,    Juan,    Cardinal,     445, 

492. 
Loredano,  Antonio,  133. 
Lorenzi,  Giovanni,  330. 
Lorenzo  da  Pietrasanta,  324. 
Louis  of  Orleans,  435. 
Louis  XL,  King  of  France,  94, 

.251,  356., 
Lucia  of  Narni,  B.,  59. 
Lunati,    Bernardino,    Cardinal, 

416,   445,    452,    458,   459, 

488,  503. 
Luther,  Martin,  65,  171. 

Macconi,  Agostino  dei,  200. 
Machiavelli,    4,    23,    98,     100, 

124,    125,    137,     159-169, 

221. 
Macinghi-Strozzi,      Alessandra, 

12,  105,  127. 
Maggi,  Sebastiano,  B.,  88. 
Magistri,  Johannes,  295. 
Magrino,     see     Cristoforo      di 

Castrano. 
Maino,  Giason  del,  394. 
Malatesta,  Family  of,  114. 

„  Roberto,  B.,  86. 

„         Sigismondo,  98,  10 1, 

137,  199- 
Maldente,  Francesco,  351. 
Malipiero,  523. 
Manfredi,  Family  of,  114. 

„         Galeotto,  273. 

,,         of  Riva,  Hermit,  86. 
Mansi,       Pietro,      Bishop      of 

Cesena,  305. 


572 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


Mantegna,  Marquess  of,  473. 

Andrea,  7,  198,  301, 

325-327- 
Marco  of  Modena,  B.,  88. 
Margaret  of  Burgundy,  286. 
Margherita  of  Ravenna,  B.,  88. 

„  of  Savoy,  B.,  87,. 

Mari,  Teodorina  de',  240. 
Maria  Enriquez  of  Aragon,  364, 

413,  511- 
Mariano,  Fra,  183. 
Marsciano,  Angela  di,  St.,  86. 
Marsus,  Petrus,  329. 
Martin  v., Pope,  58,  62,  84,  94, 

III. 
Martini    Bartolomeo,    Cardinal, 

492. 
Martino  di  Brozzi,  214. 

„         of  Vercelli,  B  ,  88. 
Maruffi,  Silvestro,  Fra,  193. 
MaruUus,  138. 
Masaccio,  Angelo,  B.,  87. 
Masiis,  Latimus  de,  389. 
Massimi,  Domenico  de',  477. 
Masuccio,  119. 
Matteo  da  Girgenti,  B.,  86. 
Maximilian    I.,    Emperor,    276, 

278,  279,    286,    291,    295, 

296,  305^  310.  3ii»  416, 
421,  427,  444,  456,  465, 
466,    475,    483,    484-486, 

Mazzoni,  Guido,  79. 
Medici,  Family  of,  19,116,  190, 
195,  209,  270,  438, 

439- 

„         Cosimo  de',  92,  191. 

„  Giovanni  de',  Cardinal 
(afterwards  Leo  X.), 
44,  45,  58,  63,  85, 
IJ2,  124,  149,  155, 
157,  217,  219,  222, 
225,  270,  356-358, 
.384,398,438. 

„  Giulio  de',  Cardinal 
(afterwards  Clement 
VII.),  45,  157,  222. 


Medici,  Lorenzo  de',  4,  20,  33, 
47,  51,  52,  92,  105, 
III,  116,  135,  164, 
186,  187,  255,  266, 
269,  270,  272,  273, 
275,    283,  317,    330, 

338,    343,    356-361. 
„       Maddalena     de',     265, 

270. 
„       Nannina  de',  105. 
„       Pierode',  392,  394,405, 

407,  437,  438,  439- 
Mendoza,       Pedro       Gonzales 
(Gundisalvo)  de,  Cardinal, 

,85,  379.  . 
Mari,  Teodorina  del,  240. 
Michele  da  Carcano,  175. 

„        da   Milan o,    102,    106, 
132. 
Michael     Angelo      Buonarotti, 
76,  79,  ^33^  200,  201,  221, 
376. 
Michele  di  Barga,  B.,  87. 
Michelozzo,  71,  72. 
Micheli,     Giovanni,      Cardinal, 

263,  334,  335,  380,  384. 
Mino  da  Fiesole,  73,  74. 
Mirabilia,  Ambrosius,  392. 
Mirandola,  see  Pico  della. 
Mocenigo,    Pietro,      Doge     of 

Venice,  117. 
Moles,  Cardinal,  234,  235,  237, 

247,  355- 
Montefeltre,  Family  of,  116. 
Montorio,  Count,  251. 
Montpensier,  468,  483,  484. 
Morelli,  Giovanni,  15-17. 
Moreno,  Bartolomeo,  319. 
Morton,    John,    Cardinal,    416, 

469,  471. 
Mugello,  Agostino  di  Paolo  del, 


Nanni  d'  Antonio  di  Banco, 

Nardini,   Stefano,   Cardinal,  85, 
234,   247,  355- 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


573 


Neyrot,  Antonio,  B.,  87. 
Nicholas  V.,  Pope,   19,  58,  63, 

95.  233,  499- 
Nider,  Johannes,  347. 
Nifo,  Agostino,  159. 
Nogarola,  Isotta,  33. 

Oddi,  Family  of,  274. 

Ogliati,  Girolamo,  100. 

d'Oldo,  Jacopo,  86. 

Oliva,  Alessandro,  Cardinal,  85. 

Orsi,  Checho,  272. 

Orsini,  Family  of,  230,  231, 
235-237,  246-248, 
254,  267,  406,  407, 
424,  447,  487-49i> 
494-497,  498,  503- 
512. 
,,  Bartolomeo,  149. 
„  Battista,  Cardinal,  238, 
247,  258,  290,  362, 
368,  382,  398,  452- 

454. 

,,       Carlo,  490. 

,,       Giovanni  Giordano,  488. 

„       Giulio,  446,  490. 

,,  Niccol6,  Count  of  Pitig- 
liano,  276,  283,  424, 
446. 

„      Paolo,  259. 

,,  Rinaldo,  Archbishop  of 
Florence,  255. 

„  Virginio,  230,  232,  236, 
257-259,  264,  267, 
282,  283,  379,  393, 
405-408,  413,  415, 
421,  422,  430,  436, 
444,  482,  484,  487, 
488. 
Orsolina  da  Parma,  B.,  86. 
Osanna  of  Mantua,  B.,  59,  88. 

Pacifico    da    Ceredano,    B., 

87. 

Polazzi,  Lazzaro  de',  62. 

Pallavicini,      Antoniotto,      Car- 
dinal, 356,  383,  454,  515. 


Pandolfini,  Niccolb,  84,  279. 
Pandone,  Camillo,  379. 
Panezio,  Battista,  176. 
Paolo,  Domenico  di,  200. 

,,     Romano,  72. 
Particappa,  Mariano,  54. 
Passarella,  Jacopo,  84. 
Paul  II.,  Pope,  43,  85,  94,  109, 
112,   136,    151,    170,   233, 

241,  322,   339,   387- 

Paul  III.,  149. 

Pechinolli,  Angelo,  337. 

Peraudi,  Raymond,  Cardinal, 
85,  291,  292,  295,  296- 
304,   416,   443,   452,   454, 

457,   458,   461,   492. 
Perugino,     7,     200,     201,    243, 

327- 
Petrarch,  99,  142,  148. 
Petrucci,  Antonello,  115. 

,,        Pandolfo,  114,  198. 
Philip  of  Luxemburg,  Cardinal, 

460. 
Piccolomini,     ^neas     Sylvius, 
see  Pius  II. 
„  Francesco,     Car- 

dinal, 235,  243, 
274,  378-381, 
384,  436,  438, 

493,   515- 
Pico  della  Mirandola,  Antonio 
Maria,  497. 
,,  Federigo,  216. 

„  Gian  Francesco, 

216. 
„  Giovanni,      151, 

154,342-344, 

389. 
,,  Lodovico,  216. 

Piero  di  Cosimo,  6,  198. 
Pietro  Lombardo,  74. 

„     of  MoHno,  B.,  88. 
Pinelli,  Battista,  84. 
Pinturicchio,   Bernardino,  325- 

.   328. 
Pitigliano,  Count  of,  see  Orsini, 
Niccol6.. 


574 


INDEX   OF    NAMES. 


Pitti,  Jacopo,  219. 
Pius  II.,  Pope,  43,  58,  84,  93- 
95,  109,   112,   114,   148, 

233»  323.  362,  387. 
„    III.,  Pope,  98,  149. 
„    VI.,      „      326. 
Plethon,  Gemistos,  152,  153. 
f  odio,  Auxias  de,  Cardinal,  85. 
Podocatharo,     Lodovico,    Car- 
dinal, 248. 
Poggio,  Antonio,  119,  152,  197. 
Poliziano,     Angelo,     133,    183, 

190,  329,  330,  356. 
Pollajuolo,  Antonio,  7,  321,  325. 
Pomponazzi,  Pietro,  156-159. 
Pomponius    Laetus,    122,    133, 

Pontano,     Giovanni    Gioviano, 
115,     120,    134,    138-140, 
150,  264,  284,  315,  379. 
Pontelli,  Baccio,  73,  74,  323. 
Porcaro,  Stefano,  100. 
Porta,  Ardicino  della,  Cardinal, 
355,    356,    377,    378- 
381,    384. 
„     Fra     Bartolomeo    della, 
81,  197,  200,  201. 
Portius,  Hieronymus,  388. 
Potenza,  Count  of,  422. 
Prato,  Francesco  de',  200. 
Publio,  Gregorio,  140. 
Pulci,  Antonia  de',  33. 
„     Antonio,  52. 
„     Bernardo,  52,  99. 
„     Luigi,  117,  135. 

QuERCiA,     Jacopo    della,     69, 
70,  199. 

Rangoni,    Gabriele,    Cardinal, 

85,  355- 
Rappaccioli,  Benincasa,  B.,  86. 
Raphael  Sanzio,  7,  79,  80,  96, 

151- 
Raffaele  da  Volterra,  356. 
Ravida,  Lodovico,  B.,  88. 
Renata  of  Valois,  ,123. 


Ren^,    Duke  of  Lorraine,   260, 

263. 
Riario,  Family  of,  271. 

„      Caterina,  229,  230,  231, 

271. 
„       Girolamo,  229,  230,  232, 

235,  236,  271,  272. 
„      Ottaviano,  271. 
,,      Pietro,  Cardinal,  105. 
„      Raffaele,  Cardinal,  123, 
230,    232,    237,   238, 
272,    315'    354,   362, 
375,    384,    515- 
Riccio,  Andrea,  199. 
Rienzo,  Cola  de',  100. 
Rita  di  Cascia,  B.,  87. 
Robbia,  Giovanni  della,  201. 

„        Luca  della,  62,  71,  72. 

Roberto  da  Lecce,  84,  10 1,  106, 

113,    132,    149,    151,    173, 

175,    177-179- 
Rodericus  de  Sancta  Ella,  172. 
Rosellino,  Bernardo,  71. 
Roverella,  Cardinal,  85. 
Rovere,  Domenico  della,  Cardi- 
nal,   237,    380,    384, 
471.    ^ 
„       Giovanni     della,     237, 

242,  424,  491. 
„       Giuliano  della,  Cardinal 
(afterwards  Julius  II.), 

43,  44,  45.  58,  85, 
96,  98,  112,  124, 
139,  141,  171,  200, 
225,  231,  232,  237- 
242,  250,-  252,  257, 
260-263,  266,  267, 
283,  316,  319,  326- 
328,  362,  367-369, 
377-381,  384,  398, 
405-409,  412,  413, 
415,  418,  419,  421, 
423-426,  431,  432, 
434,  442,  45I'  454, 
456-458,  461,  467, 
470,  491,  502. 
Rucellai,  Bernardo,  19,  105. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


575 


Rucellai,  Giovanni,  17-19. 
„       Pandolfo,  19,  202. 
„       Rugio,  Abbot,  408. 

Salutati,  Benedetto,  105. 
Sancia,  Daughter  of  Alfonso  of 
Calabria,    412,    414,    425, 

513. 
Sandonius,  Niccol6,  84. 
banese,  Matteo,  70. 
Sangallo,  Antonio  da,  45,  63. 
„       Giuliano  da,    74,   75, 
406. 
Sannazaro,  Jacopo,  139,  141. 
Sanseverino,  Federigo,  Cardinal, 
356,     368,     376, 
384,    444,    445, 

447,    452,    497, 
498. 
,,         'Roberto,  250, 256- 
258,  261. 
Sansovino,  Andrea,  201. 

Jacopo,  76. 
Sanuto,  133,  442,  483. 
Santa  Croce,  Family  of,  179. 
Sarto,  Andrea  del,  39. 
Savelli,    Family    of,    421,    436, 
441.^ 
„         Bernardino,  272. 
,,         Giovanni  Battista,  Car- 
dinal, 231,  236,   237, 
247,    257,    263,   268, 
282,  362,    380,    383, 
398,    412,   451,  454, 

.457.  . 
„         Piero  Giovanni  de',  256. 
„         Sylvio,  509. 
Savonarola,    Girolamo,  81,    93, 
94,  111^181-197,200-214, 

371,  434,    438,    439>    472, 

481,  502. 
Schedel,  Hartmann,  395. 
Sclafenati,  Cardinal,    362,  384, 

476,  520. 
Scopelli,  Giovanna,  B.,  88. 
Serafma  of  Pesaro,  B.,  87. 
Sermini,  Gentili,  119. 


Sforza,  Ascanio,  Cardinal,  236- 
238,  247,  260,  285, 
362,  366-368,  377, 
380-382,    391,    392, 

396,  398,  402,  405* 
406,  408-412,  415, 
418,  423,  426,  427, 
431,  436,  442,  445. 
448,  450J  45 15  454- 
456,  458,  459>  471, 
493,  497-504,  508, 
520,  521. 

„        Bianca,  421. 

Caterina,  91,  435. 

,,  Francesco,  Duke  of 
Milan,  4. 

,,        Gabriele,  84. 

,,        Galeazzo,  499. 

,,  Giovanni  of  Pesaro, 
402,  410,  497,  499, 
504-506,  508,  509, 
520-522. 

„  Giovanni  Galeazzo,  Duke 
of  Milan,   no,    404, 

435- 

„        Lodovico    il  Moro,    4, 

236,    276,  280,  391, 

394,  404,  406,  408, 

412,  414,  421,    425, 

431,  434,  435,    441, 

456,  475'  521- 
,,        Ottaviano,      Bishop     of 
Lodi,  435. 
Signorelli,  Luca,  198. 
Silvestro  da  Siena,  175. 
Sinibaldi,  Falcone  de',  323. 
Sixtus  IV.,  Pope,  42,  55,  58,  59, 
62,  63,  85,  93,    109,    112, 
i49i    152,   170,    172,   229, 
231,   232,    233,    235,   241, 
250,    268,    314,    334,  339, 

356,  365,  367,  387- 
Soranzo,  117. 
Spagnolo,  Battista,  141. 
Sprenger,  Jakob,  348. 
Strasciano  da  Siena,  130. 
Strozzi,  P.,  B.,  329. 


576 


INDEX   OF   NAMES. 


Sture,  Sten,  396. 

Taberna,  Stefano,  423. 
Tavelli,  Giovanni,  B.,  Bishop  of 

Ferrara,  86. 
Tintoretto,  38. 
Titian,  t,S. 

Tomacelli,  Family  of,  239. 
Tornabuoni,  Lorenzo,  21. 

Lucrezia,  33,  47. 
Torquemada,  Cardinal,  41,   43, 

84. 
Toscanelli,  Paolo,  149. 
Trapezuntius,  Andreas,  352. 
Trithemius,  292,  293. 
Trivulzio,  Gianjacopo,  216,  264, 

266,  268. 
Turini,  71,  72. 
Turriani,  Antonio,  B.,  88. 
Tutta villa,  Girolamo,  354. 

Urbino,  p.  Paolo,  202. 
Urceus,  Codrus,  137. 
Usodimare,  Gherardo,  285. 

Valentini,  Elena,  87. 

Valla,    Lorenzo,    98,    119,   135, 

136,  139- 
Valle,  Family  of  della,  179. 
Varano,  Giulio  Cesare,  276. 
Varchi,  61,  169. 


Vasari,  198,  325-327. 
Vecchietta,  71,  73,  74. 
Vega,  Garci lasso  de  la,  501. 
Vegio,  Mafifeo,  30. 
Veronica  da  Binasco,  St.,  88. 
Verrocchio,  73,  74,  199. 
Vespucci,  Giorgio,  202. 
Vettori,  Francesco,  119,  160. 
Vicentino,    Pietro,    Bishop    of 

Cesena,  268. 
Vincenzo  of  Aquila,  B.,  88. 
Visconti,  Cristina,  B.,  87. 
Vitale  of  Bastia,  B.,  88. 
Vitelli,  Paolo,  149. 

„       Vitellozzo,  91,  490. 
Viti,  Timoteo,  29. 
Vittorino  da  Feltre,  29. 

William  I.,  Margrave  of  Hesse, 
328. 

XiMENES,  Francis,  Cardinal,  85. 

Zacchi,  Gasparo,  84. 

Zanino  de  Solcia,  136. 

Zeno,    Battista,    Cardinal,   378, 

381,  384. 
Zerbi,  Gabrielle,  329. 
Zorgi,  Girolamo,  476. 
Zurita,  411,  493. 


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