HISTORY OF THE POPES.
VOL. IX.
THE
HISTORY OF THE POPES,
1 ROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
1>K\\\\ I ROM rill, SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES.
FROM THE GERMAN OF
DR. LUDWIG PASTOR,
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK, AND
DIRECTOR OF THE AUSTRIAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE IN ROME.
EDITED BY
RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY.
VOLUME IX.
LONDON :
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LD.,
DRYDEN HOUSE, GERRARD STREET.
fix
P35"
\8<\8
V.I
CONTENTS OF VOL. IX.1
PAGI
Table of Contents . vii
List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix . . xxix
ADRIAN VI., 1522-1523; CLEMENT VII., 1523-1527.
Situation in Rome at the death of Leo X. Election of
Adrian VI. ....... I-33
Early career of Adrian VI. His character and habits.
Journey to Rome. Neutral attitude towards the
Powers. Projects of Peace and Reform . . 34-83
Adrian VI. as a Reformer and Ecclesiastical Ruler . 84-126
The Mission of Francesco Chieregati to the Diet
of Nuremberg. Adrian's attitude towards the
German Schism . . . 127-153
Adrian's efforts to restore Peace and promote the
Crusade. The fall of Rhodes and the support
of Hungary ...... 154-183
The Intrigues of Cardinal Soderini and the rupture
with France. Adrian VI. joins the Imperial
League. His Death 184-230
Clement VII. His Election, Character, and the
beginning of his Reign. His ineffectual efforts
for Peace, and his Alliance with Francis I. of
France .231-271
Results of the battle of Pavia. Quarrels between the
Pope and the Emperor. Formation of a Coalition
against Charles V. (League of Cognac, May
22nd, 1526) ... . 272-305
1 Kor Bibliography see Volume VII.
VI
CONTENTS OF VOL. IX.
A.D. PAGE
Clement VII. and Italy at war with Charles V. The
Raid of the Colonna ...... 306-348
The Anti-Papal Policy of the Emperor. Advance of
the Imperial army on Rome .... 349~387
The Sack of Rome. Captivity of the Pope . . 388~423
The Anarchic condition of the Papal States. The
efforts of Henry VIII. and Francis I. to deliver
the Pope. The attitude of Charles V. The
flight of Clement VII. to Orvieto . . . 424-467
Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . . 469-509
Index of Names . 511
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME IX.1
CHAPTER I.
SITUATION IN ROME AT THE DEATH OF LEO X. — ELECTION
OF ADRIAN VI.
A.D. PAGE
1521 Death of Leo X. alters the political situation in Italy;
results in a complete reaction i
Italian princes rejoice; critical situation in Rome . 2
Difficulties of the Sacred College from want of money 3
Its moral condition and party divisions ; observations
of the ambassador Manuel .... 4
The party of Medici opposed by Colonna and
Soderini ........ 5
Ambition of Wolsey ....... 6
Manuel proposes Cardinal Adrian ; Roman opinion
in favour of Medici ... . . . . 8
Lampoons and pasquinades ..... 9
Importance of the election to Francis I. . . . 1 1
Opening of the Conclave on the 27th of December . 12
Close watch kept over it 13
Large number of aspirants to the Papacy ; opinion
of Castiglione 14
The Conclave begins in utter confusion . . .15
The French party and the Imperialists . . -17
Cardinal Grimani quits the Conclave . . .18
1522 Scrutinies of January the ist to the 4th are fruitless . 19
Chances of Farnese . . . . . . .19
Medici's candidature hopeless 19
He renews his efforts for Farnese . . . .20
The final crisis ; speeches of Medici . . . .22
And of Cajetan, which secure the election of the
Cardinal of Tortosa . . . . . .23
1 Unpublished documents are marked by an asterisk (*) ; documents to
be published in " Acta Pontifkum Romanorum " are designated by two
asterisks (**).
vii
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1522 Amazement at this result ; "all lament" . . .25
Opinions of Gradenigo and Cardinal Gonzaga . . 26
The Cardinals meet with contempt and mockery
from the Romans . . . . . 27
Legates appointed to approach Adrian and submit
stipulations . . . . . . .28
Anxiety in Rome— the Imperialists rejoice . . 30
Information concerning the exemplary life of the new
Pope ... -3°
Charles V. receives news of the election ; his remark 3 1
Feelings of Francis I. — his jests . . . .32
Variety of expectations attached to the new Pope . 33
CHAPTER II.
EARLY CAREER OF ADRIAN VI. — HIS CHARACTER AND HABITS.
— JOURNEY TO ROME. — NEUTRAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE
POWERS. — PROJECTS OF PEACE AND REFORM.
1459 Humble origin of Adrian VI. ; his family ... 34
Carefully trained by his mother . . . -35
Educated at Zwolle, Deventer, and Louvain . . 36
1491 Becomes professor and Doctor of Theology . . 36
Promoted to benefices — munificent in his alms . . 37
Eminent scholars attend his lectures at Louvain . 37
1501 Where he is chosen Chancellor and Rector . . 38
The repute of his unspotted life extends ; is chosen
1507 tutor for Charles, the future Emperor, and made
1515 a member of the Duchess Margaret's Council . 39
1515 Is sent on a mission to Spain ..... 39
1516 And with Ximenes administers the affairs of that
kingdom ........ 39
Made Bishop of Tortosa, and resigns most of his
benefices ........ 40
The strictness of his life ; associates in Spain . . 41
1517 On the death of Ximenes carries on the government . 42
1518 Appointed Inquisitor-General of Castille and Leon . 42
His inflexibility in matters of faith ; his kindness of
heart and unspotted integrity .... 43
1522 Announcement of his election to the Papacy . . 44
His reception of the news 45
Letters to Henry VIII., the Emperor, and the College
of Cardinals ....... 46
And to Oem van Wyngarden . . . . -47
TABLE 01 CONTEN ix
.i>.
On tin- 1 6th of February registers ! :it to the
i-lcction ........ 48
And on the 8th of March makes a solemn declaration 49
Confusion and difficulties in Italy and the States of
the Church ....... 50
I )iscord between the Cardinals ; reports about Adrian 51
The Curia await him with fear and trembling . . 53
The Cardinals urge his speedy coming to Rome . 53
Obstacles in the way of Adrian's departure from
Spain . 54
On the 1 2th of March starts on his journey; many
Spanish bishops and nobles pay him homage . 55
His attitude towards the Emperor .... 56
And insistence on the necessity of the peace of Chris-
tendom 56
Communications with Francis I., who invites the Pope
to travel through France to Rome . -57
Attitude of Francis I. owing to his failures in Upper
Italy. . . . 57
Adrian forbids the Cardinals to alienate vacant offices,
and sets to work on reform • . . . 58
Regulations about petitions 59
Hindrances to the Pope's journey ; he writes to the
Cardinals on the 26th of June .... 59
And on the 8th of July embarks .... 60
Adrian's excuses for evading a personal interview
with the Emperor, to whom he writes . . .61
Incidents of the journey to Italy .... 62
Five Cardinals meet the Pope at Leghorn ; they are
rebuked by him ...... 63
The landing at Ostia on the 2yth of August. Rapid
progress of the Pope ...... 64
Impression made by Adrian on all who see him . 65
The plague in Rome, and state of the city . . 65
The Pope receives the Sacred College. Address of
Cardinal Carvajal, and reply of Adrian . . 66
Attention aroused by his strength of character . . 68
Prevents all extravagant display. The coronation on
the 31 st of August. First edicts ... 69
Courtiers of the last pontificate murmur. Small
retinue of the new Pope ..... 70
The simplicity of his manner of living . . 71
Antagonism of nationality between Adrian and the
Italians 72
His insensibility to the beauties of antiquity . . 73
Italian art unpalatable to him 74
X TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1522 His interest in St. Peter's. Restores the tapestries of
Raphael to the Sixtine Chapel . . . -75
Adrian's dislike of the poets and humanists; but
exercises too little discrimination. Sadoleto . 76
Loud laments over the transformation of the Vatican . 77
Adrian's foreign surroundings; his three principal
advisers -79
His confidential friends ; Enkevoirt .... 80
Johann Winkler and Dirk van Heeze . . . 81
The Spaniard Ortiz, and several Italians . . .82
All meet with dislike and distrust from the courtiers . 82
Satirical verses by Berni. Repugnance to Adrian's
plans for reform of the Curia .... 83
CHAPTER III.
ADRIAN VI. AS A REFORMER AND ECCLESIASTICAL RULER.
1522 High hopes ^et upon Adrian as a reformer. Mem-
orials and offers of advice. The " Apocalypsis "
of Cornelius Aurelius ..... 84
Document issued in October by Vives ... 85
Advice of Cardinals Schinner and Campeggio ; report
of the former and his suggestions ... 86
Programme for reform of the Curia. " Promemoria "
of Campeggio ....... 87
The outspoken candour of this document ... 88
Reforms recommended in it 89
Zaccaria da Rovigo inveighs against abuses in ecclesi-
astical appointments ...... 90
Adrian's determination to remove scandals . . 91
He speaks out his mind in his first Consistory, on
the ist of September 92
His severe rebukes, especially to the Rota. Cardinals
obliged to leave the Vatican . . . • 93
Consternation in Rome ; " everyone trembles " . . 94
Enactments about benefices, and about morals . . 95
Suppression of useless offices. "Videbimus" . . 96
Complaints in Rome. A few do justice to the Pope . 97
Financial difficulties. Debts of Leo X. . . .98
Adrian censured for sternness towards his family . 99
Not deterred by the general dissatisfaction. The
plague breaks out afresh in September . .100
Adrian urged to leave Rome, but refuses . . . 101
TAP.I.I- "I CONT1 NTS.
A.l>.
1522 Redoubles his activity, but, as the plague still r.i
permits the Cardinals to quit the city . . . 102
Cardinal Schinner dies on the ist of October. At last
the Pope retires to the Belvedere . . .103
And holds audiences from a window. Almost all the
Italian officials take to flight . . . .104
Castiglione on the fearful state of Rome . . .104
In December the plague abates. The Pope orders
the Cardinals to return . . . . .105
On the 9th of December recalls indults granted to the
secular power . . . . . . .106
1523 On the 5th of January reopens the Segnatura . . 106
Further reduction in number of officials. The Con-
gregation of six Cardinals 107
Sharp contrast with the Leonine period. Johann Eck
arrives in Rome (March) 108
His thorough review of the situation in Germany . 109
Implores the Pope to take decisive measures for the
removal of abuses; his proposals for reform of
the German clergy . . . . . no
And other recommendations. Attitude of Adrian to
Eck's programme . . . . . 1 1 1
Financial distress prevents reform of the Dataria.
The Turkish peril also an obstacle . . .112
The Pope accused of greed and avarice; attempt to
stab him ; but he refuses to relent, and treats all
in the same way . . . . . .113
Ambassadors complain of Adrian's dilatoriness ; the
cause of this . . . . . . .114
Mistake in the withdrawal of Sadoleto. Remarks of
G. Negri (March). " Rome is no longer Rome." 1 15
Favours granted by the Pope, though few, are just . 1 16
Adrian not on confidential terms with any of the
Cardinals ; his treatment of Schinner. Gian
Pietro Caraffa summoned to Rome . . 1 1 7
Dissatisfaction caused by this. Insults and invective
in the " Capitolo " of Berni . . .118
The Pope and Pasquino. The Romans very ill-
disposed 119
Gabbioneta describes the Pope and the state of
Rome 120
Inaccessibility of Adrian, and his excessive confidence
in those about him. Complaints about Zisterer. 121
And Enkevoirt. Opinion of Blasio Ortiz . . .122
The Pope's devotion to duty ; he remains a stranger
in Rome . . . . . . . .123
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1523 And in an isolated position; this aggravates the
difficulties inherent in the situation . . .124
In spite of times of depression, Adrian's devotion to
his task is unflinching. Significance of his
career 125
To his undying credit, begins reform at the head . 126
CHAPTER IV.
THE MISSION OF FRANCESCO CHIEREGATI TO THE DIET OF
NUREMBERG. — ADRIAN'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE GERMAN
SCHISM.
1522 The Diet at Nuremberg in September. Chieregati
chosen for the mission; his antecedents and
character . . . . . . . .127
Enters Nuremberg on the 26th of September; his
audience with Ferdinand. The Diet opens on
the i yth of November . . . . .128
Speech of Chieregati on the loth of December; his
caution . . . . . . . .129
1523 Puts before the Diet the intention and proposals of
the Pope (January 3rd) ... .129
Who recalls his sorrow at the disturbances in his
fatherland 130
And urges the laying aside of mutual hatred, and
striving by all possible means to reclaim all
instigators of error . . . . . 131
Chieregati demands the execution of the Edict of
Worms, and communicates to the Diet the im-
portant "Instruction" . . . . .132
Principles laid down in this document . . 133
Remarkable acknowledgment of corruption, especi-
ally in prelates and clergy . . . . -134
Promise to reform before all things the Roman Curia 135
But this must not be done in a hurried manner . 135
Desires to be made acquainted with learned and pious
Germans . . . . . . . .136
Adrian often blamed for giving publicity to long-
dominant abuses ; but the charge of exaggeration
cannot be sustained 136
The "Instruction" does not surrender ecclesiastical
principles even on the smallest points. Definite
line drawn by the Pope . . . . 137
TABLE 01 CONTKNTS. xiii
A. l>.
1523 The genuine sincerity of the document is unintelligible
to tin- Komans ... ... 138
Hans vender Planit/. The four preachers. Worked
up indignation by the Lutherans. Chieregati
exposed to acts of violence. Vehemence of the
preachers . . . . . . . 139
Demands made in an aggressive form for removal of
German grievances. Unsatisfactory result of
negotiations . . . . . . .140
Adrian's earnestness displeasing to the German
prelates. Action of Planitz. Pamphlet against
the Pope by Luther and Melanchthon . .141
Luther's appeal to the religious orders to break their
vows (March 28th); he reviles Adrian, making
the canonization (on May 3ist) of St. Benno a
pretext for this 142
Adrian's disappointment in Erasmus . . . 143
His Brief (December, 1522) urging Erasmus to defend
the Church . . . . . . .144
Invites him to Rome (January 23rd). Replies of
Erasmus ........ 145
Who excuses himself from writing against Luther . 146
The Pope and Switzerland ; sends a letter to Zwingli
by Filonardi (April, 1523). .... 147
Conduct of Albert of Brandenburg and the Teutonic
Order 148
Adrian and Christian II. of Demark. Gustavus Wasa
and Sweden . . . . . . .148
Olaus Petri and Andrea spread Lutheranism in
Sweden . . . . . . . .149
The Pope sends J. Magni as legate to Sweden . .149
The King conceals his real feelings ; demands of the
royal council. Magni too trustful . . .150
G. Wasa writes to the Pope about the vacant
bishoprics. Brief from Adrian. The King
drops his mask 151
And determines to sever his countries from the
Church . . . . . . . .152
Reconciliation of the Patriarch of Alexandria, and
hopes of reunion with Russia . . . .152
Missionary activity in America 153
XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
ADRIAN'S EFFORTS TO RESTORE PEACE AND PROMOTE THE
CRUSADE. — THE FALL OF RHODES AND THE SUPPORT OF
HUNGARY.
A.D. PAGE
1522 Complicated politics of the European States. The
Ottoman power . . . . . .154
Adrian urges the Emperor to make peace with Francis
I. (March 25th). The Sultan prepares to attack
Rhodes . 155
Preparations for its defence; efforts of the Pope;
difficulty of his position as intermediary of peace 156
The Great Powers refuse to listen to Adrian, who
makes another appeal to the Emperor . -157
Mission of T. Negri. Exhortation in Consistory to
raise funds for the Turkish war . . . .158
Adrian collects a few troops, but is unable to send
them to Rhodes. Fresh outbreak of the plague 159
The Pope's action towards the Dukes of Ferrara and
Urbino. Arrest of Malatesta (December) . . 160
The Dukes give Adrian their loyal support . .161
F. M. della Rovere absolved from censures (May
nth) and reinstated in the Duchy of Urbino
(March, 1523) 162
Adrian restores order in the Papal States. Differences
with the Imperial Ambassador . . . .163
Position of Manuel ; his character and policy . .163
Resolves to create a breach between Charles and the
Pope 164
Is replaced by the Duke of Sessa (October) ; he be-
comes of the same mind as Manuel . . .165
Conduct of Francis I., who sends Cardinal de
Clermont to Rome. Patience of Adrian towards
the Emperor .165
Whose Ambassador bribes Zisterer. Tactless conduct
of the Spaniards confirms the Pope in his
neutrality 166
Manuel and the French Ambassador ; the former is
excommunicated by Adrian . . . .167
Accident in the Sixtine Chapel (December) . .168
The Pope's exhortation to the Doge of Venice . .168
The Imperialists plunder San Giovanni; extreme
excitement of the Pope, who talks of an immediate
alliance with France . . . . . .169
I^annoy comes to Rome and reports the fall of Rhodes 1 70
TABL1 OF CONTKN xv
A.I).
Consistory of the 28th of January ahout this . 170
Had news from ('.ermuny. Adrian writes to Charles V. 171
Consistories of the i ith and 23rd of February for help
against the Turks and the necessity for peace . 172
Fall of Rhodes on tlie 2ist of December, 1522 . . 173
Anguish of the Pope. "Alas for Christendom ! " . 174
Terror in Rome; the plague breaks out again . -174
Adrian refuses to leave Rome; again appeals to the
Emperor . . . . . . . 175
And to the other European sovereigns . . .176
Bertolotti sent back to England as Nuncio . 177
The Pope's measures for collecting funds for the
Crusade 177
Taxes levied on the clergy and officials in the Papal
States (March nth to 1 8th) . . . .178
Efforts on behalf of Hungary 179
Concessions to Henry VIII. and VVolsey. Attitude
of Francis I. . . . . . .180
Who demands the restoration of Milan ; this irritates
the Pope 181
The Emperor reconsiders his position ; instructions
to Sessa . . . . . . . .182
Bribery amongst those in the Pope's confidence. . 183
CHAPTER VI. %
THE INTRIGUES OF CARDINAL SODERINI AND THE RUPTURE WITH
FRANCE. ADRIAN VI. JOINS THE IMPERIAL LEAGUE. — HIS
DEATH.
1522 Adrian's attempt to reconcile Cardinals Soderini and
de' Medici 184
1523 Soderini's intrigues in favour of Francis, which he
endeavours to conceal from the Pope. Com-
promising letters found on his agent, Imperiale . 185
Medici communicates these to the Imperial Am-
bassador 185
Adrian is convinced of Soderini's treachery . .186
And summons Medici to Rome (April) . . .187
The Pope sends for Soderini to the Vatican (April
27th) and places him under arrest . . .187
He is imprisoned in St. Angelo. Medici obtains a
commanding position in the Curia . . .188
Neutrality of the Pope. Bull of the ^oth of April
proclaiming a three years' truce . . . .189
VOL. IX. b
xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1523 Legates despatched to Hungary. The Romans
object to the Turkish tax . . . . .190
This lack of self-sacrifice distresses the Pope . .191
His efforts to send help to Hungary. Suggestion of
the Franciscans . . . . . . 192
Reconciliation of Venice with the Emperor. Joy of
the Pope . . . . . . . .193
Who co-operates in the treaty between Venice, Milan,
and the Emperor (July 29th) . . . .194
The French party in Rome. Trial of Soderini . -195
Francis I. pays no heed to the representations of the
Pope. Threatens to set up an antipope . . 197
And sends an insolent communication . . .198
Accusing Adrian of favouring the enemies of France 199
Francis breaks off relations with the Nuncio, but the
Pope refuses to declare himself against France . 201
Mischievous advice of some of the Cardinals . . 202
Francis I. forbids payment of money to Rome . . 202
Adrian VI. calls Lannoy to Rome (July i8th) . . 203
Alliance .with the Emperor urged upon the Pope . 203
Who is threatened by Francis I. with the fate of
Boniface VIII. ...... 204
Adrian hesitates in taking steps against France . . 205
Result of the Consistory of the 29th of July ; the Pope
joins the league against France .... 206
High glee of the Imperialists ..... 207
Adrian VI. breaks down under an attack of illness . 208
His condition puts a stop to further negotiations . 209
Improvement in his health (August i2th) . . .210
Grants audiences and holds a Consistory (August 3 ist) 211
Has an interview with the Grand Master of the
Knights of St. John; this causes a relapse
(September 3rd) . . . . . .212
Enkevoirt created Cardinal; opposition to this . .213
The Consistory of the loth of September in the Pope's
sick-room . . . . . . . .214
His last dispositions and death (September i4th).
" In peace, piety, and holiness " . . .215
No grounds for the suspicion of poisoning . .216
The monument to Adrian VI. erected by Enkevoirt . 217
The life-work of the so often misunderstood Pontiff . 219
Who never turned aside from the path of duty . .220
His labours for reform of the Church and union of
Christendom against the Turk . . . .221
Venomous abuse of the dead Pope in Rome . .222
His whole life distorted by mendacious wit . -223
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvii
A.!'.
; 1 | rallrd a barbarian and a tyrant .... 224
(liovio's biography of Adrian VI. Judgment of
Vcttori on the dead I 'ope . . . . .225
Difficulty in forming a just appreciation is increased
by the loss of documents . . . . .226
Moring, Raynaldus, Muratori, and others defend
Adrian's memory . . . . . .227
The work of Burmann (1727) 228
Judgment of the Protestant, Benrath . . . 229
Adrian points out the principles for true reform . 230
CHAPTER VII.
fl.KMKNT VII. HIS ELECTION, CHARACTER, AND THE BEGINNING
OF HIS REIGN. HIS INEFFECTUAL EFFORTS FOR PEACE AND
HIS ALLIANCE WITH FRANCIS I. OF FRANCE.
1523 Instructions of Charles V. concerning the Con-
clave. Prospects of Cardinals Wolsey and de'
Medici . . . . . . . .231
Parties in the College of Cardinals. Report of the
Mantuan envoy (September 29th) . . . 232
Soderini admitted to the Conclave. Farnese the
rival of de' Medici. Opening of the Conclave
on the i st of October. .... 233
Arrival of the three French Cardinals (October 6th) . 234
The various competitors of Medici . . . 235
Cardinal Farnese . . . . . . -235
The first scrutinies. Demonstrations by the populace 236
Opposition of Colonna to Medici . . . .237
Restlessness of the Romans. Fear of a schism . 238
Medici's party stand firmly by him .... 239
Limitations to the activity of Francis I. . . . 240
Letter of Sessa (October 28th). Colonna renounces
his opposition . . . . . . .241
Cardinal de' Medici elected on the i8th of November,
and signs the capitulations .... 242
Assumes the name of Clement VII. .... 243
Popularity of the election ; high expectations raised . 244
Courtesy and generosity of the new Pope ; division
of his benefices ....... 244
Amnesty to Soderini. The Coronation (November
26th) 245
Favourable impression in Italy. Alfonso of Ferrara . 245
xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1523 Exuberant expressions of congratulation. Vittoria
Colonna ........ 246
Clement's weaknesses overlooked; his appearance
and manner of life 247
Comparison with Leo X. ; opinion of Loaysa . .248
His devotion to business and abstemiousness . . 249
"Full of uprightness and piety." His parsimony . 250
The shadows on character of Clement VII. . -251
His innate irresolution and timidity . . . .252
Cause him to sink into a Pope of cheap reputation.
Disappointment of the Imperialists . . 253
The two leading counsellors: Giberti and Schon
berg. Clement's negotiations with Venice and
Milan ........ 254
His desire for a general armistice with a view to the
Turkish danger . . . . . . 255
1524 Arrival of the French envoy (February ist); Sessa
beside himself ....... 256
Charles V. sends another envoy, but with no better
fortune . . . . . . . .257
Consistory (March 9th) on the pacification of Europe.
Schonberg sent on a mission to France, Spain,
and England 257
Indecision of Clement, who writes to Francis I. and
to the Emperor. Situation of the French in
Lombardy ....... 259
Sessa intrigues against the Pope. Return of
Schonberg (June i6th). The Imperial forces
enter Provence . . . . . .260
The Pope satisfies neither party, and still hopes for an
armistice (August) 261
Schonberg again sent on a mission to the Kings
(September 7th) ....... 262
The war in Provence . . . . . .262
Siege of Marseilles raised ; Francis I. invades Italy ;
retreat of the Imperial army to Lodi ; the French
before Pavia 263
Extreme caution of the Pope. Mission of Aleander . 264
And of Boschetti. The French enter Milan (October) 265
Mission of Giberti to Francis I. Lannoy refuses an
armistice 266
And Francis I. is unyielding. Vettori sent to Lannoy 267
Alliance between the Pope, Francis I., and Venice;
concessions of the French King . . . . 268
Intrigues of Carpi on behalf of France. Proposed
marriage of Catherine de' Medici . . .269
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix
A.M. PAGE
1525 Clement informs tlu- Kmpnor (January 5th) of what
has taken pb . .... 270
Mtment of ( 'harles V. ; his letters to the Pope and
to Sessu (1-ebruary 7th); his threat . . .271
CHAPTER VIII.
RESULTS OF THE BATTLE OF PAVIA. — QUARRELS BETWEEN THE
POPE AND THE EMPEROR. — FORMATION OF A COALITION
AGAINST CHARLES V. (LEAGUE OF COGNAC, MAY 22ND,
1526).
1525 Battle of Pavia ; Francis I. a prisoner . . .272
Impression produced by this catastrophe. Precarious
position of the Pope . . . . . -273
His exhortations to the French King . . .274
Terror of the Pope. Rejoicing of the Colonna and the
Imperialists. Albany returns to the neighbour-
hood of Rome (February loth) . . . -275
Fighting in Rome between the Colonna and the
Orsini. Clement's fears for Florence . . .276
The Imperialists ravage Piacenza ; threat of Lannoy.
Indecision of the Pope. Giberti and Schonberg 277
Clement gives way, and enters into a treaty with
Lannoy as Imperial Viceroy (April ist) . . 278
Publication of the treaty by Lannoy (April) and the
Pope (May) . . . . . . .279
Salviati sent as Legate into Spain .... 280
But the task is beyond his powers . . . .281
Lannoy urges Charles V. not to fulfil his part of the
treaty. Indignation of the Pope and his mistrust
of the Emperor 282
Anti-papal intrigues of Lannoy ..... 283
Strong feeling in Italy against Spanish domination . 284
Prudence of the French Regent, Louisa of Savoy,
who employs L. di Canossa to win over the Pope
and Venice ....... 285
Energy of Canossa ; his hopes and plans (June-July) 286
Is seconded by Giberti ; but Clement refuses to take
open steps ....... 287
Secrecy of the proceedings. Missions of Sanzio and
Casale (July). Venetian conditions (July i8th) . 288
The Pope's distrust of France returns. Attitude of
the Regent. Sanzio murdered and his corre-
spondence stolen ...... 289
XX TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1525 Spanish oppression of Milan ; scheme of Morone and
his overtures to Pescara . . . . .290
Who betrays all to the Emperor ; Morone seized and
imprisoned (October i4th) . . . .291
Embarrassment of Clement VII. Sessa and Mendoza
try to allay his apprehensions . . . .292
The Pope determines to act on the defensive ; he has
real grounds for fear . . . . . 293
Report of Caracciolo (November loth). The object
of Charles V. to crush the movement towards
freedom in Italy . . . . . .294
Death of Pescara (December 2nd). Pressure put on
the Pope to join the League. Guicciardini's
description of Clement ..... 295
Herrera arrives in Rome with letters from the Emperor
(December 6th) ; his offers not satisfactory . 296
Clement accepts the Spanish proposal for a suspension
of negotiations. Anger of Charles's opponents . 297
1526 The Peace of Madrid (January i4th) and liberation of
Francis I. .... .... 298
Grave mistake of Charles V. Secret protest of Francis 299
The Pope sends an embassy to the French King . 300
Capmo arrives in France and wins Francis over to the
League (April 8th) 301
Endeavours to induce Henry VIII. to accede fail.
The Pope now stands firm in spite of Castiglione's
warnings ........ 302
Italy cries out for deliverance from the Spaniards and
their exactions ....... 303
Conclusion of the League of Cognac (May 22nd)
between Clement VII., Francis L, Venice, and
Sforza ........ 304
Secret clauses concerning Florence . . . .305
CHAPTER IX.
CLEMENT VII. AND ITALY AT WAR WITH CHARLES V.
THE RAID OF THE COLONNA.
1526 Real character of the stipulations of the League;
diversity of the aims of its members . . . 306
Outburst of warlike feeling in Rome. Orders for
concentration of the Papal troops; their leaders . 307
Proposed operations. Hopes of breaking the power of
the Emperor 308
TABLE OF CON I
A. I'.
( iiu\i error of the I'ope and ( lihci ti .... 309
Charles \r. sends Moncada to Italy and kmn.
(June 1 6th) .... . 309
The Imperial Instruction of the nth of Jin
presentations of Moncada and Sessa are ineffectual 310
Their scheme for creating a revolution in Rome . 311
I'.ivach between the Pope and Cardinal Colonna,
who makes proposals to the Ambassadors of
Charles 312
Papal Brief of the 23rd of June .... 313
Recounting the relations of the Pope with the Emperor 314
Clement feels he has gone too far, and sends a letter
in gentler terms (June 25th) .... 316
He solemnly ratines the League on the 5th of July. The
war begins in Upper Italy ; plan of Guicciardini . 317
Discarded by the Duke of Urbino ; consequences of
this difference of opinion . . . . .318
The Imperialists repress a rising in Milan, but lose
Lodi 318
Obstinacy of the Duke of Urbino, who awaits arrival
of the Swiss. The citadel of Milan surrenders to
the Spaniards . . . . . . . 319
The allies attempt to recover Siena (July) . . .320
The attack fails; consternation of the Pope. Non-
arrival of promised help from France . . .321
Canossa asks for his recall. Clement sends Sanga to
the French King (July iQth); but in vain. The
Italians and the Pope isolated . . . .322
The allies capture Cremona (September 25th). De-
pression of the Pope 323
Plans of Moncada and the Colonna . . . .324
Financial difficulties of the Pope. The Colonna out-
wardly quiet. A fresh Ambassador arrives from
Francis I. 325
Vespasiano Colonna and Moncada make proposals to
the Pope, who signs a treaty on the 20th of
August 326
And reduces the garrison of Rome . . . -327
Victory of the Turks at Mohacs. Clement profoundly
shaken. The Colonna appear at Anagni . . 328
And enter Rome on the 2oth of September . -329
Terror of the Pope on hearing of the raid. Indiffer-
ence of the Romans ...... 330
The Pope takes refuge in St. Angelo. The Vatican
quarter in the hands of the marauders, who
plunder unchecked 331
xxii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1526 Description by Girolamo Negri of the havoc. Sack-
ing of the Papal palace and the sacristy of St.
Peter's 332
The Borgo Vecchio plundered . . . 333
The Pope forced to confer with Moncada . . - 333
And to accept a most unfavourable treaty (Sep-
tember 2ist) ... ... 334
The Colonna withdraw to Grottaferrata (September
22nd) -334
Self-deception of Moncada .... 334
The Pope and Vespasiano Colonna. The Cardinals
call for summary punishment . . . -335
Representations of the Venetian envoy to the Pope . 335
Clement has no intention of adhering to the treaty
extorted from him ; he appeals to France and
England . ... . 336
On the z6th of September publishes a monition against
the raiders . 337
The Pope proposes to go to Nice to make peace
between Francis and Charles, but gives up the
idea ... .337
Expedients for raising money ; 7000 troops collected
in Rome (October i3th) 338
Precautionary measures of the Pope . . . -339
At the Consistory of the 7th- of November citations
are issued against the Colonna . . . -339
Cardinal Pompeo deprived of his dignities (November
2ist). . . . . . 340
Campaign of Vitelli against the Colonna . . . 341
Frundsberg raises troops to help the Emperor, and
advances into Italy ...... 342
The allies unable to check his advance . . . 343
Alfonso of Ferrara goes over to the Emperor. Death
of Giovanni de' Medici (November 3oth) . . 343
Lannoy approaches with the Imperial fleet. The
Pope threatened by sea as well as by land . . 344
Report of the Milanese envoy 345
Desperate situation of the Pope .... 345
The Cardinals propose (November 3oth) pardon,
flight, or an armistice ..... 346
Quinones entrusted with the mission to Lannoy . 346
Panic in Florence and Rome 346
The Pope advised to come to terms with the Emperor ;
sends Schonberg to treat with Lannoy . . 347
Hard conditions offered by Lannoy (December i2th) 348
The Emperor's threat of a Council .... 348
TABLB OF CONTEN I
CHAPTER X.
Till- ANII-1'Al'AL POLICY OF Till. EMPEROR. AhVANM ' .1 'NIK
IMl'KKIAI. ARMY ON RO.MK.
A.M. PAGE
1526 The part of the Emperor in the raid of the Colonna . 349
Moncada's advice to him after the raid . . . 349
Charles's steps against the Pope; he consults canonists 350
Effect on the Emperor of the Brief of the 23rd of June 351
Who draws up a State-paper in reply to it (September
i7th) . .35'
Tenor of this document . ... 352
Its object is to prove the disloyalty of Clement and to
justify Charles V. . . . . -353
Who appeals to a General Council. The Paper
handed over to the Nuncio on the i8th of Sep-
tember . . . -354
Anger of Castiglione. The friendly words of the
Emperor are meaningless . . . . -355
As in a letter to the Cardinals on the 6th of October
he threatens a schism . . . . 356
Insulting conduct of Perez at the Consistory of the
1 2th of December ...... 356
And to the Pope 357
Lannoy increases his demands. Agitation of the
Pope . . 358
Who pushes on the recruiting of troops and issues a
monition against all invaders of Papal territories. 359
The Colonna in close alliance with Lannoy . -359
Frundsberg crosses the Po (end of November) and
ravages the states of Parma and Piacenza . . 360
1527 He effects a junction with Bourbon early in February,
and on the 2 2nd they advance . . . -361
The Duke of Urbino misses the opportunity to
attack .361
Clement addresses an admonition to Lannoy and the
Colonna ........ 362
The envoy of Francis I., Renzo da Ceri, arrives in
Rome ........ 362
The Florentines appeal to the Pope, who is in despair,
but will not hear of a sale of Cardinals' hats . 363
Measures for the defence of Rome .... 364
Fieramosca arrives (January 25th) with proposals for
an armistice from Charles V., to which Clement
consents ........ 365
I Vfeat of Lannoy at Frosinone ; joy of the Pope . 366
xxiv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1527 Treachery of Napoleone Orsini, who is arrested on the
ist of February . .' . . 367
The King of France fails to fulfil his promises . -368
And the conduct of Venice is no better . . -369
The danger from the North draws nearer . . -369
Advantages against Naples not followed up, and the
Papal troops desert 370
Du Bellay arrives in Rome (March 6th) with promises
only . . -37°
Terms of the armistice. Lannoy comes to Rome
(March 25th) 371
The treaty ratified on the agth of March. Pacific
intentions of the Pope . . . . 372
Bourbon refuses to accept the treaty. Illusions of
Clement VII. and his advisers . . . -373
Excitement of the Imperialist host, who are lashed to
fury and appeal to Bourbon and Frundsberg . 374
The latter is struck down by apoplexy (March i6th),
and Bourbon promises the troops unlimited pillage 375
He loses all power over the army : " Forward to
Rome " is the cry, and sets forward on the 3oth
of March ........ 376
Lannoy tries to persuade the forces to return . -377
Misdirected economy of the Pope, who continues to
dismiss his soldiers . . . . . -377
Uneasiness in Rome. Fanatical preachers . -378
Prophecies of Brandano and others .... 379
Brandano's penitential preachings .... 380
Especially on Easter Eve, 1527. The Pope places
him in confinement ...... 381
Bourbon continues his march, and meets Lannoy . 381
Advances on Florence ; his demands . . .382
On the 26th of April strikes the road for Rome . . 383
Clement VII. now joins the League .... 383
Greed and infatuation of the Romans . . .384
The Pope at last consents to creation of Cardinals . 384
Encourages the citizens. Boasting of Renzo da Ceri 385
Clement still sees no serious danger. Panic in Rome
(May 4th) . ... 386
Bourbon's soldiers, in a state of desperation, surround
the city 387
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAITKK XI.
Till. SACI Of K»>MK - CAPTIVITY OF Till.
A.D.
1527 The morning of the 6th of May .... 388
The Imperialists u;ct ready for the assault . . . 389
Attacks at the Porta Torrione and the Porta S. Spirito 390
Death of Bourbon ; consternation caused by this . 391
The soldiers break through the walls . . . 392
And rush the Leonine city ..... 393
Rapid flight of the Pope to the castle of St. Angelo . 394
Narrative of Raffaello da Montelupo . . -395
Attack on the Trastevere 395
No means taken to defend or blow up the bridges . 396
Bewilderment of the populace . . 397
The Imperialists rush like a torrent through the city,
and break away from all control . . . 398
Carrying ruthless devastation with them . . . 399
" Hell has nothing to compare with the present state
of Rome " ....... 400
The Venetian, Barozzi, describes the misery of the
Romans . . . . . . . .401
The landsknechts not so cruel as the Spaniards . 402
Scorn and ridicule heaped by the former upon the
Papacy ........ 403
The destruction and sacrilege wrought in the churches 404
Desecration of the Blessed Sacrament . . . 405
And of the most venerated relics .... 405
Terrible sufferings inflicted upon ecclesiastics and
nuns ........ 406
Atrocities committed in religious houses of women . 407
Wholesale robbery of even Imperialist Cardinals . 408
Their palaces looted and plundered .... 409
Heavy ransoms exacted by the landsknechts . . 409
Isabella of Mantua shelters many in her palace, but
even she has to fly from Rome (May i3th) . 411
Pompeo Colonna in Rome ; he is moved to tears . 412
G roller's description of the horrors . . . .413
Estimate of the number of deaths and the amount of
the booty 413
Destruction of books, archives, and manuscripts . 414
Havoc in the Vatican, which is the head-quarters of
Orange . . . . . . . .415
Utter absence of discipline among the pillaging
soldiery . . . . . . . .416
The account by a Roman notary . . . • 4*7
xxvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1527 Bloody quarrels between the Spaniards and lands-
knechts . . . . . . .418
Clement VII. opens communications with the
Imperialists (May yth), and Gattinara comes to
the castle. On the Qth of May a treaty proposed 418
Its terms. Attempt to rescue the Pope (May i2th) . 419
Who remains undecided, and wishes to treat with
Lannoy . . 419
The army of the League makes no attempt at relief . 420
But retreats to Viterbo (June 2nd) .... 420
Scathing satire by Ariosto . . . . .421
Pompeo Colonna has an audience with the Pope . 421
Terms of the agreement. The Papal garrison leave
St. Angelo (June 7th) 422
Clement in the custody of Alarcon ; his sad plight . 423
CHAPTER XII.
THE ANARCHIC CONDITION OF THE PAPAL STATES THE EFFORTS
OF HENRY VIII. AND FRANCIS I. TO DELIVER THE POPE. — THE
ATTITUDE OF CHARLES V. THE FLIGHT OF CLEMENT VII. TO
ORVIETO.
1527 The Pope treated as a prisoner (June 2ist). Rapacity
of the Imperialists ; conduct of Gattinara . . 424
Serious difficulties respecting the conditions of the
treaty .... ... 425
Rebellion of Florence . . . . . .425
Where Republican government is restored . . 426
Appalling condition of Rome . . . . .427
"Nemesis." Rome becomes the destruction of the
victors . . . . . . . .427
Friction and strife ; hunger and pestilence. The
account of Salazar (June nth) .... 428
Rome turned into a "stinking slaughter-pit"
(July 22nd) 429
Efforts of the Pope to collect money for his ransom . 429
He appeals to the bishops of Naples (July 3rd), and
borrows from bankers (July 6th) . . . 430
In Rome " men drop down dead in the street like
flies'' . . . . . . . .431
The landsknechts threaten to reduce the city to ashes 43 1
But at last, on the loth of July, cross to the further
side of the Tiber . . . . . . 43 1
And commence their tumultuous retreat to Umbria . 432
TABLE OF CONTEN vii
A.D. PAGE
1527 Cruel massacre at Narni (July lyth) . . . 432
The Pope divides to send Cardinal Karnese to
Charles V. ....... 432
His " Instructions" . 433
I-'arnese starts (July i2th), but goes no further than
Upper Italy. Salviati also evades the embassy
to Charles V. . . 434
And gives instructions to Giacopo Girolami ; tenor
of these . 434
Henry VIII. determines to help the Pope — his
motives are not disinterested — and sends Wolsey
on a mission to Francis I. (July 3rd) . . 435
Wolsey's interview with the King of France at Amiens
(August 4th) . . 436
Measures taken by Francis I. on behalf of the Pope . 437
Acciaiuoli's estimate of Wolsey . . 437
Who explains the aim of his mission ; his proposal
for an assemblage of Cardinals at Avignon . . 438
Wolsey in reality not so disinterested as it appears . 439
His ambitious design to become "the Pope's
substitute " encounters the greatest obstacles . 440
The free Italian Cardinals meet at Parma (September) 441
Wolsey usurps the function of a Papal Vicar-General . 441
And addresses a protest to the Pope (September 1 6th);
language of this document ... . 442
Salviati's excuses (September 28th) for signing it ; he
is not deceived by Wolsey's schemes . . . 443
Attitude of Charles V. on receiving the news of the
sack of Rome ..... . 444
His protest to the Christian princes (August) . . 444
The crimes committed give the Emperor's enemies an
opportune handle for serious accusations . . 445
Difficulty of the situation to Charles V. caused by the
sack . . . 446
Lope de Soria's advice to the Emperor ; opinions of
Bart. Gattinara and other Imperialists . -447
Representations of Lannoy and of Ferdinand I.
(May 3ist) • 447
Indecision of Charles V. ; the mutinous state of his
army in Italy ; the Duke of Ferrara refuses the
command ... .... 448
Repugnance in Spain to the policy of Charles towards
the Pope ... . 449
Reproaches by the Duke of Alba and the Archbishop
of Toledo ... . - 449
But the Emperor remains undecided . . . 45°
xxviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1527 Letter of Lannoy to him (July 6th), and remonstrances
ofQuinones . . . . 451
Charles disclaims responsibility for the sack . -452
He is informed at this time of Henry VIII. 's scheme
for a divorce . . . . . . .453
His instructions to Lannoy on this subject
(July 3 1 st) . ... 453
The Emperor's letters to the Pope (August 3rd) . . 454
The demands contained in the instructions to the
envoys (August i8th) . . . . -455
Distress of the Pope, who issues a Bull for the regula-
tion of an election in the event of his death . 456
Pestilence in Rome. The situation of the Pope more
and more unbearable ; his poverty . . . 457
The Bull " Considerantes " which Clement has not the
courage to publish (September) . . . -458
The mutinous soldiers return to Rome; a second
pillage (September 25th) ..... 459
The account-book of Paolo Montanaro . . . 460
Paralysis of the Emperor's authority over the soldiers 461
Protest by Henry VIII. against the Pope's imprison-
ment (October) 462
After proposals and counter-proposals, the terms of
agreement are settled (November 26th) . . 463
Sums to be paid by the Pope to the Imperial generals 464
The landsknechts again mutiny. Escape of the
hostages ........ 465
Further securities. End of the Pope's captivity. He
takes flight to Orvieto (December 6th and 7th) . 466
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
IN APPENDIX.
PAGE
I. G. M. Giberti to N. N 471
II. Alienation of Church ornaments from the Papal
chapel by the College of Cardinals . -471
III. Epitome of Cardinal Schinner's project of
reform 472
IV. Pope Adrian VI. to the College of Cardinals
(May 8th, 1522) 475
V. Pope Adrian VI. to the College of Cardinals
(June 3rd, 1522) 476
VI. Galeotto de' Medici to Florence . . .478
VII. „ „ „ ... 478
VIII. Giovanni Maria della Porta to Urbino . . 478
IX. „ „ „ . 479
X. Galeotto de' Medici to Florence . . . 480
XI. Giovanni Maria della Porta to the Duchess of
Urbino ....... 480
XII. L. Cati to the Duke Alfonso of Ferrara . . 480
XIII. Angelo Germanello to Federigo Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua . . . . .481
XIV. Jacopo Cortese to the Marchioness Isabella of
Mantua . . . . . . .481
XV. Angelo Germanello to Federigo Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua ..... 482
XVI. Consistory of the 1 1 th of February, 1523. . 483
XVII. Girolamo Balbi to Salamanca .... 483
XVIII. Consistory of the 23rd of February, 1523. . 483
XIX. L. Cati to Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara " . . 484
XX. Consistory of the 23rd of March, 1523 . . 485
XXI. Girolamo Balbi to Salamanca .... 486
XXII. Angelo Germanello to Federigo Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua 486
XXIII. Consistory of the 28th of April, 1523 . . 487
XXIV. „ „ 27th of May, 1523 . . 488
XXX LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS.
PAGE
XXV. Angelo Germanello to Federigo Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua ..... 488
XXVI. Pope Adrian VI. to Ch. de Lannoy, Viceroy of
Naples . . . . . 488
XXVII. Alessandro Gabbioneta to the Marchioness
Isabella of Mantua 489
XXVIII. Consistory of the 29th of July, 1523 . . 490
XXIX. Pope Adrian VI. to Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis
of Mantua and Captain-General of the
Church ....... 490
XXX. „ „ „ 491
XXXI. „ „ „ 493
XXXII. Pope Clement VII. distributes his benefices . 493
XXXIII. Consistory of the nth of January, 1524 . . 494
XXXIV. A. Piperario to Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis of
Mantua . . . . . . 495
XXXV. Consistory of the igth of September, 1526 . 495
XXXVI. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua 496
XXXVII. „ „ „ 497
XXXVIII. Nicolas Raince to Anne de Montmorency . 499
XXXIX. Landriano to M. Sforza, Duke of Milan . . 500
XL. Galeotto de' Medici to Florence . . .500
XLI. Landriano to M. Sforza, Duke of Milan . -501
XLII. „ „ „ 501
XLIII. Consistory of the igth of December, 1526 . 501
XLIV. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua . . . 502
XLV. Bull of Pope Clement VII. against the Colonna 502
XLVI. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua. .... 503
XLVII. „ „ „ 503
XLVIII. Matteo Casella to the Duke Alfonso of Ferrara 504
XLIX. Cardinal Salviati to Baldassare Castiglione . 505
L. Giovanni Battista Sanga to Uberto da Gambara 507
LI. Pope Clement VII. to the leaders of the
Imperial troops . . . 509
CHAPTER I.
SITUATION IN ROME AT THE DEATH OF LEO X. — ELECTION
OF ADRIAN VI.
THE death of Leo X. in the prime of life, coming un-
expectedly, altered the whole basis of the political situation
in Italy. So strong was the reaction, that everything
which had hitherto been accomplished became once again
an open question. The victorious career of the Imperial
and Papal forces in Lombardy came to a standstill, while
simultaneously, in the States of the Church, the enemies of
the Medici lifted up their heads. Cardinals Schinner -and
Medici had to quit the army of the League and hasten
to Rome for the Conclave, while at the same time the
funds, which had been supplied almost exclusively by
the Papal treasury, were cut off at their source. In con-
sequence Prospero Colonna was obliged to dismiss all
his German mercenaries, and his Swiss to the number
of five hundred men. A portion of the Papal forces
withdrew, under Guido Rangoni, to Modena ; the
remainder stayed in Milanese territory with the Marquis
of Mantua. All further movements depended on the
result of the election. The Florentine auxiliary troops
marched back home to the Republic. Had it not been
for the caution of Guicciardini, Parma would have fallen
into the hands of the French. To the latter, provided
that they were resolutely supported by Francis I., the
VOL. IX. I
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
opportunity lay open of recovering all their losses in
Lombardy.1
No one rejoiced more over the death of Leo than the
Duke Alfonso of Ferrara, who ordered a medal to be
struck with the circumscription : "Out of the Lion's paw"
(de manu Leonis). Making use of the favourable moment,
Alfonso at once occupied Bondeno, Finale, the Garfagnana,
Lugo and Bagnacavallo ; his successful progress was not
checked until he reached Cento. The deposed Duke of
Urbino and the sons of Giampaolo Baglioni, Orazio and
Malatesta, also rose in arms. Francesco Maria della
Rovere recovered without difficulty his entire dukedom,
with the exception of the portion in the possession of
Florence ; he also made himself master of Pesaro. Orazio
and Malatesta Baglioni entered Perugia on the 6th of
January 1522. At the same time Sigismondo da Varano
drove out his uncle Giammaria, who had been made Duke
of Camerino by Leo X., while Sigismondo Malatesta seized
Rimini. Under these circumstances the fear that the
Venetians might snatch Ravenna and Cervia from the
Papal States was not groundless.2
The situation in Rome also was critical ; but Vincenzo
Caraffa, Archbishop of Naples, who had been appointed
Governor of the city, knew how to maintain tranquillity.3
1 GUICCIARDINI, XIV., 4 ; cf. Op. ined., III., 505 seqq., and CHIESI,
99 seq. *Cuncta quidem ex morte Leonis misceri coepere atque
turbari, writes S. TIZIO, *Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 39, Chigi Library,
Rome.
2 With GUICCIARDINI, XIV., cf. ALFANI, 296 ; VETTORI, 340 seq. ;
CARPESANUS, 1338 seq. ; Bollett. p. PUmbria, V., 687 ; VI., 69 seqq. ;
UGOLINI, II., 224 ; BALAN, Storia, VI., 57-58, and BOSCHETTI, I., 180
seqq. See also Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XXVI., 427 scg.
3 C7".* Letter of B.Castiglione, of December 3, 1521 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua) ; BERGENROTH, II., n. 368, 369, and * Diary of CORNELIUS
DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
SITUATION AT DEATH OF LEO X. 3
In the meantime the government of the Church was carried
on by the Sacred College,1 whose members were un-
remitting in their endeavours to maintain peace and order
in all directions.'2 Their difficulties, however, were increased,
during this period of political tension, by the exceptional
drain on the exchequer which had been brought about by
the prodigal and random expenditure of Leo X. In
order to meet the most pressing necessities, almost all the
treasures of the Holy See, which had not already been
pawned, were gradually put into the hands of the money-
lenders ; the mitres and tiaras, the ecclesiastical ornaments
of the Papal chapel, and even the precious tapestries
designed by Raphael were pledged.3 At the time of
Leo's death a detailed inventory was taken of all the
1 Cf. the * decree of the Sacred College, dated Romae, in Palatio
Apost., December 2, 1521 Sede vacante, appended to *Acta Consist.,
1492-1 5 1 3, f. 56. Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
2 See * Letter of the Cardinals to the castellan of Assisi, dated Rome,
December 2, 1521, in Cod. 1888, f. 20-21, Bibl. Angelica, Rome ; and
to the Swiss, dated December 19, 1521, and January 12, 1522. Cf.
Archiv fiir schweiz. Ref., III., 451, by DAMARUS, in Histor. Jahrb.,
XVI., 85, and WlRZ, Filonardi, 56 seq. Also the * letter of the
Cardinals to the castellan of Spoleto of December 7. 1521, in *Acta
Consist., f. 59.
3 Together with SANUTO, XXXII., 252, 290, 4 17, and Appendix, No. 2,
see the * letter of B. Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, clat.
Rom., December 16, 1521 :* lo ho il cervello tanto pieno di confusione
e fastidio che non mi pare di poter satisfare a cosa alcuna di quelle ch'io
debbo con V. Ex. ; pare facendo quanto io posso parmi essere excusato
e piu serei, se quello potesse vedere il stento ch'io patisco ; non e
poverth. al mondo ne meschinita sopra quella che si vede in questo
collegio, che s'io la dicessi come e non si crederia. Oltra li debiti grandi
lassati da Papa Leone sae mem. sono dopo la morte sua impegnate tutte
le gioie, tutti li panni di arazzo, dico quelli bellissimi, e mitre e regni
e paci e argenti della credenza e si 6 dovuto far queste exequie tanto
povere che non so qual cosa al mondo sia povera e pagare li fanti della
guardia e far le stanze del conclave. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
precious contents of the Vatican, including the ponti-
fical mitres, tiaras, pectoral crosses, and precious stones.
This catalogue shows that the current report, that Leo's
sister Lucrezia Salviati had rifled l the Vatican of all its
most costly belongings, was, to say the least, a gross
exaggeration.2
Worse than the political confusion and the want of
money was the moral condition of the Sacred College, which
consisted for the most part of men of thoroughly worldly
character, who offered only too true a picture of that spirit
of faction and enmity which was then the disintegrating
factor in Italy and Christendom at large.3 The divisions
of party among the electors were so great that it was the
belief of many that the Church was on the verge of schism.4
Manuel, the Ambassador of Charles V., mentions as
true Imperialists the Cardinals Vich, Valle, Piccolomini,
Jacobazzi, Campeggio, Pucci, Farnese, Schinner, and Medici;
Cesarini as not having a mind of his own ; the three
Venetians, Grimani, Cornaro, and Pisani. as well as Fieschi,
Monte, Grassis, and Cajetan, as doubtful, and Accolti and
Soderini as decidedly hostile.5 The leader of the Imperial-
ists was the Cardinal Vice-Chancellor Glulio de' Medici,
1 Gradenigo in ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 71.
2 In the inventory of jewels belonging to Leo X., the missing pieces
are named. (* Inventario havuto da M. Earth, a Bibiena guardaroba
di P. Leone X., a di 6 di Decembre 1521. State Archives, Rome.)
The additions to the * Inventario delle robbe rulla foraria di P. Leone
X. mention several missing pieces and give information as to their
whereabouts (e.g. some went to Serapica, Maddalena de' Medici), but
Lucrezia is not here named. That pieces from the guardaroba of Leo
X. were stolen, Castiglione also says expressly in a * letter of February
22, 1 522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 HOFLER, Adrian VI., 72.
4 Cf. Clerk in BREWER, III., 2, n. 1895.
6 BERGENROTH, II., n. 370.
lAkTM.S IN THE COLLEGE OF CARDIN
5
\vho had already reached Rome on the nth of December
1521. On his side were by no means all, but only a
portion, of the Imperialists and those younger Cardinals
who had been nominated by Leo X.1 Among the circum-
stances which weighed strongly in favour of the candi-
dature of the Vice-Chancellor was the extraordinary
reputation which he enjoyed, grounded on the assumption
that he had had untrammelled direction of Leo's policy,
along with his connection with Florence and his wealth,
which would prove of great assistance in relieving the
financial necessities of the Papal government.2
The Imperial Ambassador, who was supported by the
representatives of Portugal and of the Florentine Republic,
did all he could to secure the election of Medjc.i, although
the candidature of the latter was opposed not only by the
Franco- Venetian party, but also by the senior Cardinals.
The latter, many of whom desired the tiara, laid great im-
portance on the fact that no one under fifty years of age was
eligible for the Papacy. From another quarter came the
objection that it would be a discredit and danger if Leo
were succeeded by a member of his own family, the heredi-
tary principle being thus introduced into a Papal election.
Many who had imperialist leanings were disinclined to
accept Medici, while Cardinal Colonna showed more and
more his decided hostility.3 To all these enemies were added
' 1 Jovius(Vita Adriani VI.) says that among the younger Cardinals
not only Colonna, but also Trivulzio, Jacobazzi, Pallavicini, and Vich were
against Medici. The latter placed his suit before the Emperor in
a * letter of December 18, 1521, Cod. Barb, lat, 2103, f. 191 seg.y
Vatican Library.
2 See BERGENROTH, II., n. 374, and SANUTO, XXXII., 262.
3 GUICCIARDINI, XIV., 4; SANUTO, XXXII., 260, 288; KRAI i i.
Hriefe, 33. * Colonna si e scoperto nemico capitalissimo di Medici,
reports Giov. Maria della Porta in a * letter, dated Rome, December
25, 1521. State Archives, Florence, Urbino, 132.
6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Cardinals who, for one reason or another, had become
dissatisfied with Leo X. Next to Colonna the most im-
portant leader of the opposition was Soderini ; 1 since the
discovery of the conspiracy of Petrucci, he had lived in
exile and discontent, and had often said openly that he
would do all in his power to prevent a return of the
Medicean tyranny.2 Medici could count on a sum total of
fifteen or sixteen votes;3 all the others were against him.
Disunited as these opponents were on other points, they
were unanimous in their determination that in no case
should a Florentine Pope again ascend the chair of Peter.4
Not less eagerly than Medici did the ambitious Wolsey,
who remained in England, strive after the tiara. He was
1 Cf. the * Report of the Nuncio Raince, January 10, 1522, Beth.,
8500, f. 91 seq., and FONTANIEU, 191, f. 9 (National Library, Paris).
G. M. della Porta writes, Jan. 9, 1523: * lo vi dico che havemo
infinite oblige al card. Colonna, che se non fosse stato esso havres-
semo giapapa Medici. State Archives, Florence, Urbino, 132.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXII., 252, 260, 288.
3 At first it was stated, on an exaggerated calculation, that Medici
could count on 20 votes (SANUTO, XXXI I., 262, 263). Manuel on
December 24 reckoned on 18 (so also SANUTO, XXXII., 275), on
January 6 only on 15 or thereabouts (BERGENROTH, II., n. 370, 372).
Clerk also (BREWER, III., 2, n. 1895), N- Raince (* Report of January
9, 1522, Beth., 8500, f. 95 ; FONTANIEU, 191, f. 6 (National Library,
Paris), and GUICCIARDINI (XIV., 4) give 15 supporters; Jovius
(Vita Adriani VI.), 16. Giov. Maria della Porta speaks in his
* report of December 25, 1521, as well as in that of January 2, 1522, of
only 13 certain votes. State Archives, Florence.
4 Giov. Maria della Porta reports on December 25 that Medici is
almost sure of 13 votes: *ma all' opposite tutti gli altri se gli sono
coniuncti contro et deliberato primo morire che di vederlo papa, pur
tra essi non sono poi concordi in la electione ; chiaro e che non vogliono
Fiorentino in alcuno modo. State Archives, Florence. Cf. also
despatches in Arch. Stor. Ital., Nuova Serie, IX., 4-5. *E1 card.
Medici sta forte per far se, writes Naselli on December 25, 1521. State
Archives, Modena.
CANDIDATURE OK WOLSEY. 7
ready, he declared, to pay 100,000 ducats in order to reach
this goal. From England, at the instance of the King
himself, the Emperor was besieged with formal entreaties
to intervene in favour of his election. The shrewd Haps-
burger gave fair promises, but took no serious steps to fulfil
them.1 It was impossible, in the existing conditions of
things, that an English Pope, and above all such a man as
Wolsey, could be acceptable to the Emperor.2 Wolsey on
his side, strange to say, placed a delusive trust in the
Emperor's assurances ; he even suggested unblushingly to
the latter that he should march his troops on Rome and
compel the Cardinals by main force to carry his election.3
Charles V. paid so little attention to this that it was not until
December the 3Oth that he specifically named Wolsey as a
candidate in a letter to his Ambassador Manuel.4 The
time for this recommendation, as for the coming of the
English envoy, Richard Pace, had passed.5 The latter, by
his stay in Rome, could only have been strengthened in
his conviction that the candidature of the English Cardinal
had never been seriously considered.6
Among the other numerous candidates for the Ponti-
ficate, Grimani, Carvajal, Soderini, Grassis, Gonzaga, and
above all Farnese, were prominent. The last named did
1 LANZ, Briefe und Aktenstiicke, I., 501 (No. 155) ; cf. BREWER, III.,
2, n. 1906 ; REUMONT, Wolsey, 17 seq.
2 BROSCH, Engl. Geschichte, VI., 154 ; cf. MARTIN, 348 seqq.
3 LANZ, I. 523 (No. 162).
4 See MIGNET, Revue d. deux Mondes, XIV. (1858), 168. SAG-
MULLER, Papstwahlen, 148.
5 Cf. BUSCH, Vermittlungspolitik, 181. Manuel certainly did nothing
towards Wolsey's election ; cf. BROSCH, op. cit. 155.
6 Cf. MARTIN, 351. LEPITRE, 148, like many other historians, takes
Wolsey's candidature too seriously. It is interesting to see how
Schinner, in a * letter dated Rome, March 6, 1522, comforts the
ambitious Wolsey. Cotton MS., Vitellius B. V , f. 45, British Museum.
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
all in his power to win Medici and Manuel.1 The Cardinal
Vice-Chancellor and the Ambassador did not shut their
eyes to the fact that a united combination of their op-
ponents would render the election of a second Medici
Pope impossible. It was therefore agreed upon between
the two that the votes of the Imperialist party should be
transferred to another candidate acceptable to Charles V.2
Under these circumstances Manuel reminded the electors,
upon whose pledges he could rely, that, in the case of their
being unable to vote unanimously for one of the Cardinals
in Conclave, they should bethink themselves of Cardinal
Adrian of Tortosa, then resident as Viceroy in Spain.3
At this juncture nothing more was done, since Medici
continued to hope that he might yet carry the day, if not
for himself, at least for one of the Cardinals present, on
/ whose devotion he could thoroughly rely.
Public opinion in Rome had been from the first almost
entirely on the side of Medici ; before his arrival he had been I
marked as the future Pope. This Cardinal, it was stated in a
report of the I4th of December 1521, or some other of his
choosing, would receive the tiara.4 Next to those of
Medici the chances of Grimani and Farnese5 were in
advance of all others ; there were also some who con-
1 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 370, 371, and * letter of Naselli of
December 25, 1521 (State Archives, Modena) ; also Jovius, Vita
Adrian! VI. * Bona openion si ha di Farnese et di Grassis ....
Alcuni propongono Aracoeli et Egidio, reports Giov. Maria della
Porta on December 25, 1521 (State Archives, Florence). For Gonzaga
see his letter in Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XIX., 83.
2 BERGENROTH, II., n. 370.
3 Manuel's despatch of December 28, 1521, in BERGENROTH, n. 371,
and DE LEVA, II., 128, n. 2, where the passages in question are given
in the original phraseology.
4 SANUTO, XXXII., 282 ; cf. 275.
6 Ibid.) 260, 284.
LAMPOONS AND I' ASQUINAI 9
sick-red that Cardinals Gonzaga and Piccolomini had a
favourable prospect.1 The elevation of Wolsey or any
other foreign candidate was wholly impossible, owing to
the highly developed consciousness of their nationality and //
civilization to which the Italian people had attained.
The strong tendency to satire which characterizes the
Italian is especially marked among the Romans, whose vo-
cabulary is uncommonly rich in humorous and mordant ex-
pressions. A vacancy in the Holy See invariably gave them
an opportunity for turning this vein of satire on the electors
and candidates. On the present occasion this mischievous
habit was carried beyond all previous limits. Like mush-
rooms after rain, lampoons and pasquinades sprang up in
which first the dead Pope and his adherents, and then the
electors of the future Pontiff were, without exception,
attacked in unheard-of ways. It was now that the statue
of Pasquino assumed its peculiar character as the rallying-
point for libellous utterances and raillery.2 The foreign
envoys were amazed at the number of these pasquinades
in prose and verse and in different languages, as well as
at the freedom of speech prevailing in Rome.3 Among
the Cardinals there were not a few whose conduct deserved
to be lashed unsparingly ; but there were also many to
whom failings and vices were attributed only for the sake
giving vent to scorn and ridicule.
The master-hand in raising this rank crop of abusive >
literature was that of Pietro Aretino, who turned the favour-
able opportunity to account without scruple. His epigrams
1 Cf. letter of B. Castiglione of December 28, 1521 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua) ; also SfcRASSi, I., 5, and KRAFFT, Briefe, 31.
2 See, Pasquinate di P. Aretino ed anonime per il conclave e 1' elez. di
Aclriano VI., publ. e ill. da V. Rossi, Palermo, 1891. Also Giorn. d.
lett. Ital., XIX., 80 seqq.) XXXIII., 78 seqq., 470.
3 Cf. Clerk's letter to Wolsey in BREWER, III., 2 n., 1895.
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sparkled with wit and intelligence ; in originality and biting
sarcasm he had no equal, but his language was foul and full
of a devilish malice.1 Only a portion of the malignant
allusions contained in these lampoons is now intelligible to
the reader; contemporaries were well aware at whom each
of the poisoned shafts was aimed. In this way, in the
eyes of the people, each of the Cardinals whose candidature
came up for discussion, was morally sentenced in advance.
As many of these pasquinades made their way into
foreign countries, a deadly blow was then given, as Giovio
remarks, to the reputation of the Sacred College.2
The longer the hindrances to the Conclave were pro-
tracted, the larger was the scope afforded for the satirists
and newsmongers. As soon as the obsequies of Leo X.
were brought to an end on the i/th of December 1521,
attention was at once directed to the Conclave, when the
news arrived that Cardinal Ferreri, who was on the side
of France, had been detained in Pavia by the Imperialists ;
hereupon it was decided to wait eight days longer for the
Cardinal, whose liberation had been urgently demanded.3
In diplomatic circles, moreover, it was confidently asserted
that as early as the beginning of December the French
envoy had formally protested against the beginning of the
Conclave prior to the arrival of the French Cardinals.4
Already in the autumn of 1520, when Leo's health
gave no grounds for anticipating his early death, Francis I.
1 The opinion of FLAMINI, 224.
2 Jovius, Vita Adrian! VI.
3 Besides SANUTO, XXXIL, 273, see BREWER, III., 2, n. 1879;
BERGENROTH, II., n. 369 ; Paris de Grassis in GATTICUS, 440.
4 Castiglione reports on December 3, 1521 : *Lo ambasciator di
Franza £ stato hoggi udito in questa congregatione stimati che abbia
protestato che non si proceda a la elettione del pontefice se non si da
tempo a li cardinal! che sono in Franza de potervi si trovare. Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
MENACES \M> THREATS OF THE FRENCH. II
had been eagerly occupied with the question of the Papal
succession ; it was then stated that the King was ready to
spend a million of gold thalers in order to secure at the
next conclave a Pope after his own mind.1 Since then the
question had become one of still greater importance for
Francis I. If the choice were now to fall on a nominee
of the Emperor, Charles V. would command not only in
Italy but in all Europe a crushing preponderance over
France ; it can therefore be well understood that Francis
should have made his influence felt in Rome. He took
steps, however, which went beyond what was just and
permissible, and threatened a direct schism if Cardinal
Medici were chosen.2 The repeated expression of such
menaces by the partisans of Francis in Rome did as little
to further the French prospects as the churlish proceedings
of Lautrec.3 An emissary of the latter demanded of the
Cardinals, who were administering the affairs of the Church,
the withdrawal of the Papal troops ; to the carefully pre-
pared answer that they must first await the issue of the
election, he replied with threats, so that the Cardinals in
anger remarked that they must take measures for the
security of Parma and Piacenza, whereupon the Frenchman,
in corresponding terms, rejoined that these cities were the
property of his sovereign.4
1 Cf. BERG ENROTH, II., n. 281, 293.
2 Cf. BREWER, III., 2, n. 1947 ; MIGNET in Rev. d. deux Mondes,
XIV. (1858), 619 ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahlen, 149.
3 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 369, 370.
4 Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, dated Rome 1521, December
26 : *Un gentilhuomo, qual si dimanda Grangies, 1' altro giorno parlo
alii deputati che sono 1' Armellino, Monte, S. Quattro e Cesis e Siena
dn parte de m. de Lautrech pregandoli a voler revocare le sue genti
d'arme : li fu resposto modestamente che bisognava aspettare il novo
pontifice ; lui replico con arrogantia e quasi minacciando di modo che
quelli signori entrarono in collcra e dissero che volevano essere sicuri
12
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Under such gloomy auspices the election began on the
2/th of December 1521. After the Mass of the Holy Ghost,
Vincenzo Pimpinella delivered the customary address to
the Sacred College, and immediately afterwards, amid a
press of people in which life was endangered, thirty-seven
Cardinals proceeded to the Vatican for the Conclave ; two
others who were ill, Grimani and Cibo, were carried there in
litters, so that at evening, when the doors were shut upon
the Conclave,1 the total number of electors amounted to
thirty-nine.2 Forty cells had been prepared which were
distributed by lot. The persons — upwards of two hundred
—who are thus confined, wrote the English envoy Clerk to
Wolsey, have within the electoral enclosure as much room at
their disposal as is contained within the great apartments of
the King and Queen, as well as the banquet-hall and chapel,
at Greenwich. According to the same informant each cell
was only sixteen feet long and twelve broad : they were
all situated in the Sixtine Chapel.3
de Parma e Piacenza e Grangies rispose che erano del re. Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
1 SANUTO, XXXII., 325, ^osegq. ; GATTICUS, 318.
2 Not 38, as given by Gradenigo in ALBERT, 2 Series, III., 73 ; and
also not 35, as VETTORI, 340, says.
3 Cf., with Blasius de Martinellis (GATTICUS, 318), and the despatches
in PETRUCELLI DELLA GATTINA, I., 520, the report of Clerk in BREWER,
III., 2, n. 1932. Differing somewhat from SANUTO, XXXII., 329,
Tizio, *Hist. Senen. (Chigi Library) gives the following detailed
description of the Conclave Hall : —
CAMERE SORTE DIVISE.
Altare.
Trivulzi, .
20
Grassis,
19
Ridolphi, .
18
Ivrea,
17
Monte,
16
Trani,
15
Cesis,
M
Siena,
'3
Colonna, .
12
Medici,
. 21
Armellino,
. 22
Ranghoni,
• 23
Grimani,
. 24
Ponzetta,
• 25
Gaietano,
. 26
Cavaglioni,
• 27
S. Quattro,
S. Croce,
. 28
. 29
THE CONCLAVI
Since the Swiss, on account of their close relationship-;
with Cardinal Medici, were distrusted by many, a levy of
1500 men was raised to keep watch over the Conclave.1
So strict was their vigilance that next to nothing of the
proceedings in Conclave reached the outer world;2 con-
sequently, there was ample room for rumours of all sorts.
In the prevalent mania for betting, wagers would often be
Egidio,
. ii
Vichi,
. 10
Ancona,
• 9
Como,
. 8
Farnese, .
• 7
Pisani,
. 6
Salviati,
• 5
Flisco,
• 4
Jacobacci, .
• 3
Hec secunda
camera
vacabat.
Colonna,
• 3°
Ursino, .
• 31
Mantua,
• 32
La Valle,
• 33
Cibo, .
• 34
Campeggio,
- 35
Araceli, .
. 36
Swiczero,
• 37
Cornaro, .
• 3»
Soderini,
• 39
Cesarini,
. 40
Porta del choro della
Cappella.
Petrucci, . . I Porta della Cappella.
Two reports of the conclavist of Cardinal S. Gonzaga, of December
13 and 14, 1521, to Isabella d'Este, have recently been published by
A. Luzio in Arch. d. Soc. Rom.
1 SeeSANUTO,XXXII.,285,29i,302. Cf. also CANCELLIERI, Notizie,
17 seq. ; BREWER, III , 2, n. 1895, 932, and the *letter of Castiglione
of December 26, 1521, in which he says : *Dimani che e venerdi alii 27
s'entra in conclavi. Nro Sig. Dio mandi el Spirito Santo che ve n'e
grandissimo bisogno. Oltre la guardia de Suizeri che sono 500 al
palazzo, il quale e benissimo fortificato de gran sbarre, porte murate,
artigliarie de sono ancor fatti mille cinquecento fanti altri e datasene
la cura al sig. Renzo et al sig. Prospero da Cavi per guardar pur il
palazzo. Roma e pienissima de genti, non se fanno pero desordini de
importanza. II card, de Ivrea intendo che questa sera e gionto.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
- SANUTO, XXXIII., 332. For the close watch kept on the doors
see also BREWER, III., 2 n. 1932 ; also for the system of signs made
use of for purposes of communication. Cf. also JOVIUS, Vita Adriani VI.
IJ. Castiglione reports on January i, 1522 : *Perche questi signori sono
anchor in conclave e fannosi le guardie strettissime non se li po dare
lettera alcuna se non fosse directiva a tutto il collegio. Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
laid in the gaming-houses on as many as twenty names in
a day.1 Outside Rome opinion was still more divided.2 At
the different Courts the most varied surmises were current,
all of which were more or less inconsistent with the actual
facts. Of the thirty-nine electors who were present on this
occasion, all were Italians save three, the two Spaniards,
Carvajal and Vich, and the Swiss, Schinner; of the
remaining nine foreigners, not one appeared in Rome.3
The disunion among the Cardinals present was extra-
ordinarily great.4 Besides the division, so frequently
observed, into junior and senior Cardinals (of the thirty-
nine electors, six had been nominated by Alexander VI.,
five by Julius II., and twenty-eight by Leo X.), another
cause of dissension was added by the sharp opposition of
the Imperialist to the Franco- Venetian party. But an
even more potent factor of disunion was the immense
X number of aspirants to the Papacy. So calm an observer
as Baldassare Castiglione was of opinion, on the 24th of
December 1521, that many, if not all, had a chance of
election ; " Medici has many friends, but also many
enemies ; I believe he will have difficulty in fulfilling his
wishes, at least so far as he is personally concerned."5
The same diplomatist wrote two days later that there
1 PETRUCELLI, I., 521-522. Cf. SANUTO, XXXII., 262, 332 seq. ;
ROSSI, Pasquinate, XV. seq. ; Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XIX., 83.
2 Cf. Tizio, *Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 39 (Chigi Library, Rome).
3 The names are in ClACONlUS, III., 425.
4 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 369,370; and TIZIO, *Hist. Senen., ut
supra.
6 **Letter of December 24, 1521, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
V. Albergati reports on December 20, 1521, to Bologna : *Oggi et ogni
giorno mancho se sa et se intende queste pratiche pontificale che non
si facea el primo di et questo procede perche vechi, gioveni, richi,
poveri, docti, practici tutti concoreno a questo disio sancto. State
Archives, Bologna.
CONFUSION IN THE CONCL 1$
had not been for two hundred years such diversity of
opinion in a Conclave ; certain of Medici's opponents were
so ill-disposed towards him that, in the view of most men,
his election was held to be impossible ; in such an event,
he had given promises to Cardinal Gonzaga.1 After the
Cardinals had entered the Conclave, Castiglione repeatedly
remarks that on no previous occasion had there been so
great a want of unanimity on the part of the electors ;
" perhaps," he adds prophetically, " God will yet bring it to N
pass that the final result shall be better than anyone has
dared to anticipate." 2
As a matter of fact, the Conclave began in utter con-
fusion. As soon as Soderini brought forward his motion
in favour of secret voting, parties came into collision.3
On the other hand, unanimity prevailed in the settlement
of the election capitulations and the subsequent distribu-
tion among the Cardinals of the cities and offices of the
States of the Church.4 In the opinion of contemporaries,
the binding force of these arrangements on the future
Pope was already discounted ; it was lost labour, thought
1 *Questi sigri cardinal! sono varii d' opinione quanto forse fossero in
al caso cardinal! mai da ducento anni in quk e monsig. de Medici ha
alcuni inimicissimi quanto dir si possa, di modo che la maggior parte
estima, che lui non possa essere papa. Sua S"3 revma ha promesso non
potendo essere, aiutare Mantua ; presto vedremo. To this is added in
cipher : *Io ho operate, che Medici ha dato la fede a Mantua, che
non potendo esser lui, aiutara Mantua. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 Letter of Castiglione's of December 27, 1521, in Lett. dipl. di B. C.
(Padova, 1875), 23-24. Cf. also the *report of N. Raince of January 9,
1522 (National Library, Paris).
3 BlasiusdeMartinellisinGATTlCUS, 318. Cf. SANUTO, XXXI I., 260.
4 HOFLER in the Denkschrift der Wiener Akademie, XXVIII., 223
seqq., gives the text of the capitula and the distributiones oppidorum,
etc. Cf. Adrian VI., 82-86, where, however, the names of places are in
part incorrect.
16 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a Venetian, since the Pontiff on election could observe or
ignore the capitulations at pleasure.1 Moreover, it is clear,
from the absence of all provision for such a contingency,
that the Cardinals had then no anticipation that their
choice would fall on an absentee.
The far-reaching divisions among the electors opened up
the prospect of a prolonged Conclave, although the condition
of Christendom, as well as that of the imperilled States of
the Church, called urgently for a speedy decision. In the
event, no less than eleven scrutinies were necessary before
a decision was reached. The reports of various conclavists
on the votes of individuals are extant, but they disagree on
important points ; without the disclosure of new and more /(
reliable sources of information, we are not likely to
succeed in establishing the full truth as regards the process
of voting in individual cases. The difficulties are less
in considering the principal phases of the Conclave, since
here there is substantial agreement on the essential points.2
1 SANUTO, XXXII., 332.
2 Among the reports of the conclavists are two of special importance
contained in versions which certainly in parts do not agree. The first
of these is that published by Struvius and Papenbroch, and repro-
duced by BURMANN, 144 seqq. (The text is that of Struvius, with
Papenbroch's variants in the notes ; cf. also LAEMMER, Beitrage, II.)
In essential agreement with this is the report taken from the papers of
J. Berzosa, from which BERGENROTH, II., n. 375, gives an extract. A
second and fuller account, with copious and interesting data, is that
of a conclavist in Cod. lat. 5288 of the National Library, Paris, of
which HOFLER was the first to make use (Denkschrift der Wiener
Akademie, XXV., 357 seqq.}. Of this I found a better version under the
title *Ordo et gesta conclavis post mortem Leonis X., in TIZIO, Hist.
Senen., Cod. G, II., 39, f. 92-98 (Chigi Library, Rome). Cf. also
Cod. Vat, 3920, f. 33 seg., Barb, lat, 2103, f. 124 seq., and Vallicella
Library, Cod. J, 39, f. 33 seq. Then to the above must be added, in
the third place, the letter in SANUTO, XXXII., 377 segq. (cf. especially
384-385, the remarks on the results of the eleven scrutinies), and 412
ACTION OF CARDINAL DE' MEDICI. I/
The Medicean party had at their disposal more than a
third of the votes. They could thus exclude any un-
desirable candidate, but were not strong enough to carry
the election of their leader Giulio de' Medici. Since not
only the French party but also a portion of the Imperialists,
led by Pompeo Colonna, declined to support the cousin
of Leo X., the latter soon recognized the hopelessness of
his candidature; he now strove to transfer the majority
of votes to one of his friends. His candidate was Cardinal
Farnese, who, in the belief of many, would also be
acceptable to the group of senior Cardinals. After the
first scrutiny on the 3<Dth of December l the junior
seqq. ; and fourthly, the *Commentaria rerum diurnalium conclavis, in
quo creatus fuit Adrianus Papa VI. Africano Severolo auctore (existing
in numerous copies. Besides Vatican copies specified by Domarus
in his well-informed essays on the sources for a history of Adrian VI.
[Hist. Jahrb., XVI., 89 seqq.], I also note : Court and State Archives,
Vienna, Cod. 971, f. 29 seqq. A second copy is in the Bibl. Capilupi,
Mantua ; a third in Cod. 6324, f. 345 seq., in the Court Library,
Vienna ; and a fourth [by O. Panvinio] in Cod. lat., 151, f. 288 seq.,
in the State Library, Munich), which are, in many places, in verbal
agreement with the version of Berzosa mentioned above. HOFLER
(ut supra, 358 seqq.) has made use of these commentaries without
noticing that many passages had already been printed by GATTICUS,
318 seqq. The author is here wrongly called Sevarolus. He must
have been a conclavist of Cardinal Cesi (cf. for him, Regest. Leon is X.,
n 16121, 18009). In GATTICUS, ut supra, is also the narrative of the
Master of Ceremonies, Blasius de Martinellis. The ambassadorial
reports take less notice of the more than usually strict isolation of the
conclave. Among moderns, cf. HOFLER, ut supra, as well as the
Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, LXXII., 147 seq., and Adrian
VI., 80 seq.
1 The reports in BURMANN, 147 seqq., and BERGENROTH, loc. tit.,
combine the first and second scrutinies ; they are therefore useless.
Differing from SANUTO, XXX II., 384, according to the *Ordo et
Gesta of the Chigi Library, in the first scrutiny Farnese received 12,
Schinner i, Accolti 5, Ponzetti i, Adrian of Utrecht 2 votes.
VOL. IX. 2
A J
\ii]
toj
1 8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals agitated so strongly for Farnese that the
conclavists looked upon his election as secured. But
the senior Cardinals stood firm, and watched through-
out the whole night.1 At the scrutiny of the following
day, Farnese had only a few votes ; 2 his own followers
had not kept their word.3 On this very 3ist of
December a circumstance occurred which has not yet
been sufficiently cleared up. Cardinal Grimani askecT^
leave, on grounds of health, to quit the close quarters
of the conclave, which were filled with smoke and foul
air ; it was only after his physician had sworn on oath
that longer confinement would endanger the Cardinal's
life that Grimani's petition was granted.4 Whether his
condition was as critical as was represented, is open to
question. Probably other motives, mortified ambition
and disappointed hopes, led the Cardinal to take this
1 remarkable step.5
The third scrutiny, held on the ist of January 1522, was
again without result ; whereupon Medici once more tried
1 Ordo et Gesta of the Chigi Library, * Opinion generale e chel papa
sia Farnese. G. M. della Porta, December 31, 1521 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. also the * Letter of the Abbate da Gonzaga, January
2, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Four according to Sanuto and * Ordo et Gesta. The latter source
differs from Sanuto in attributing in this scrutiny 5 votes to Medici
and 2 to Adrian of Utrecht.
3 According to Jovius (Vita Adriani VI.), it was Farnese's friends
among the French party who obtained information of his dealings with
the Imperial Ambassador.
4 GATTICUS, 319 j^.
5 Thus SANUTO, XXXII., 348, 414. Giov. Maria della Porta reports
the same in *his letters of the 2nd and 6th January. State Archives,
Florence, Urbino, 132. See also BURMANN, 148, and Gradenigo in
ALBKRI, 2 Series, III., 73. The Abbate da Gonzaga, on the other
hand, in his * letter of January 2, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua),
considers Grimani's illness dangerous.
CANDIDATURE OF FARNE
his fortune on the candidature of K.-irm.-sc.1 The yon
Cardinals also worked during the following days in this
direction,- but without avail; the seniors maintained a
stubborn opposition, and the fourth, fifth, and sixth
scrutinies (from the 2nd to the 4th of January) were
fruitless. The reports which continued to come in from
without, of the growing danger to the States of the Church,
and of the approach of the French Cardinals, did as little
to unite the electors as the orders, already issued on the
fourth day, to reduce the appointed rations. Many con-
clavists believed that Farnese's prospects still held good,
while others thought that the tiara would fall to Fieschi,
and a few had hopes of Schinner.3
By the beginning of the new year it was the opinion of
the majority in Rome that the candidature of Medici or
one of his adherents was hopeless ; the chances seemed all
in favour of Farnese. It was rumoured that together with
the latter Egidio Canisio and Numai had also been pro-
posed by Medici. Among the Cardinals of the opposite
party Fieschi, Grassis, and Monte were named.4
* Finite prandio card, de Medicis cum suis complicibus cepit
renovare electionem Farnesii, sed magnis viribus seniores obstiterunt.
* Ordo et Gesta. Chigi Library.
'- On January 2, after the fourth ballot: * Paulo post alii juniores
cardinales sequuti partes cardinalis de Medicis convenerunt in cappella
Nicolai ibique per horam disceptantes tandem fuit decretum, quando
seniores conatui r. cardlis de Medicis contradicebant eligeretur ex
senioribus qui maxima probitate niteret nee partes foveret, sed imprimis
priorem conatum de adjuvando Farnesio tertio non obmitterent.
*Ordo et Gesta, loc. cit.
*Ordo et Gesta. Although Jovius and Guicciardini say nothing
about Schinner's prospects, it is yet certain that the latter received no
inconsiderable number of votes in various scrutinies. The opposition
of the French party, however, was too strong for him. Cf. Anz. fur
schweiz. Gesch., 1882, No. 5, P, 89 ; see also BLOSCH, 18.
1 See * Letters of Giov. Maria della Porta of 2nd and 6th January
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ever since the 29th of December the couriers had been
in readiness to carry the news of the election to the ends
of the earth.1 The longer the result was delayed, the higher
rose the expectation and excitement, and Rome was buzz- /
ing with contradictory rumours. On the report that Farnese
had been elected, his houses were at once set upon for
plunder ; it was not only in Rome that this bad custom
prevailed — in Bologna, Cardinal Grassis fared no better.2
Masses and processions were celebrated in Rome, but
still no decision was arrived at. " Every morning," writes"!
Baldassare Castiglione, " one awaits the descent of the Holy :
Spirit, but it seems to me that He has withdrawn from
Rome. So far as one knows, Farnese's chances are the
best, but they may again easily come to nothing." 3
On the 5th of January it was reported that Medici had
made an attempt to secure the tiara for Cibo. Perhaps the
cleverly constructed plot might have succeeded had it not
been betrayed by Armellini, so that, at the last moment,
Colonna was able to make an effectual counter - move.4
Thereupon Medici, on the following day, renewed h'is efforts
on behalf of Farnese. No stone was left unturned, and at
the eighth scrutiny Farnese received twelve votes, where-
upon eight or nine Cardinals proclaimed their accession.
At this point, although the two-thirds had not been
1 522, in State Archives, Florence. Cf. the ** report of the Abbate da
Gonzaga of January 3, 1522, and that *of Castiglione of January 5,
1522, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also GATTICUS, 320.
1 SANUTO, XXXII., 333.
2 With Clerk's report in BREWER, III., 2, n. 1932, cf. PETRUCELLI,
I., 527 seqq.
3 See the **letters of Castiglione of January 7, 1522, in the Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua ; cf. RENIER, Notizia, 15.
4 See SANUTO, XXXII., 413-414 (cf. 378-379) ; * Ordo et Gesta in
Chigi Library; Severolo in HoFLER, Adrian VI., 87, and Blasius de
Martinellis in CREIGHTON, V., 188 ; cf. STAFFETTI, Cybo, 35 seq.
CANDIDATURE OK I A 21
obtained, Cardinal Pucci called out " Papam habemus."
. ishc-d in this way to create an impression so as to
;^ain over the four or five hesitating Cardinals. The result
was the reverse of his expectations : Cardinals Colonna
and Soderini, the two most irreconcilable enemies of
Farnese, insisted on the proceedings being carried out in
strict conformity with rule.1 Not only had Farnese not
received the requisite number of votes, but the older
Cardinals now formed a more compact body of resistance.2
For some time it seemed as if the Medicean party really
intended to push Farnese's election at any cost, but now
at last they practically abandoned his candidature, and at
the tenth scrutiny on the 8th of January he had only four
votes.3 Thereupon Medici consented to the putting for-
ward of Cardinal Valle, and negotiations were carried on
into the night, but without result;4 some still clung to
Farnese, while the elder members of the College refused to
hear of him, Valle, or Medici.5 The Medicean party on their
1 Cf. SANUTO, XXXII., 413; Blasius de Martinellis in GATTICUS,
320; *Ordoet Gesta ; BURMANN, 148; BERGENROTH, II., n. 376;
Clerk in BREWER, III., 2, n. 1960; Gradenigo in ALBERI, 2 Series,
III., 74; * report of the nuncio Kaince of January 9, 1522, in the
National Library, Paris ; cf. MlGNET, loc. cit., 621, and HOFLER, 88.
- * Deinde viso periculo, in quo seniores fuerant, causa fuit, ut ipsi
seniores facto consilio deliberarent, ut unanimiter se cohererent.
*Ordo et Gesta.
3 SANUTO, XXXII., 348, and *Ordo et Gesta.
1 Blasius de Martinellis in GATTICUS, 320, and report of the nuncio
Raince of January 9, 1522 (National Library, Paris).
*Demum hora prima noctis pars seniorum congregavit se in
ultima aula, in qua congregatione unanimiter deliberaverunt non velle
consentire nee Farnesio nee card1'1 de Valle nee card. Medicis praeter
cardlcm Cavallicensem qui persistebat in prestando suffragio pro
card1' de Valle, et rev"1' Senensis, Tranensis, Cornelius et Pisanus erant
in favorem Farnesii et etiam card1** de Mantua et Medicis, et deinde
iverunt ad cenam. * Ordo et Gesta, Chigi Library.
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
side emphatically rejected either Carvajal or Soderini.1 Yet
they were not wholly to blame for the delay in the election ;
Colonna and Soderini, close confederates, did all in their
power to worst every candidate put forward by Medici.2
While the factions were thus opposed more sharply than
ever, the final crisis arose. Informants whose reports could
be relied on announced that Francesco Maria della Rovere
had made a compact with the Baglioni to make an attack
on Siena. The special representations of Cardinal Petrucci
were hardly needed to convince Medici of the danger to
which Florence was thus exposed. This consideration
wrought in him a change of mind. As the electors on
the Qth of January were gathered together for the eleventh
scrutiny, Medici rose in his place : " I see," he said, " that
from among us, who are here assembled, no Pope can be
chosen. I have proposed three or four, but they have been
rejected ; candidates recommended by the other side I
cannot accept for many reasons. Therefore we must look
jr around us for one against whom nothing can be said, but
he must be a Cardinal and a man of good character." , This
met with general agreement. On being asked to name
one of the absent Cardinals, Medici, who knew that the
person whom he was indicating was one acceptable to
the Emperor;3 replied, in his characteristic way of dealing
playfully with grave concerns, " Choose the Cardinal of
1 SANUTO, XXXII., 413.
2 Ibid., 356.
3 *Ludens ut consueverat et ut videretur rem gratam facere Ces.
Mli que ilium commendaverat. Ordo et Gesta in Chigi Library. Cf.
HOFLER, 90-91, who remarks : " The proposal might have been nothing
more than a mere manoeuvre. When it is taken into consideration
that Adrian as an absentee had not given his consent to the capitula-
tions, and the disposal of the Papal towns and the benefices, and was
under no binding oath, it is inconceivable that, by the choice of an
absent member of the Conclave, the Cardinals should have reduced to
open questions all the decisions arrived at in the interests of the
Sacred College. Such an act of infatuation can hardly be attributed to
that body."
1 See the Venetian report of January 19, 1522, in SANUTO, XXXII.,
414-415; cf. 377 and 379. Cf. further *Ordoet Gesta in Chigi Library ;
I I KCTION OF ADRIAN VI. 23
Tortosa, a venerable man of sixty-three who is generally
•mol tor his piety."
The proposal may or may not have been an electioneer-
ing manoeuvre; the result of the voting gave fifteen votes
apiece to Adrian of Tortosa and Carvajal ; the Medicean
^ party voted for the nominee of their leader. At this
moment Cardinal\Cajetan, the commentator of St. Thomas
Aquinas, and a man conspicuous for learning, gave the
turning-point to the decision. In eloquent language he
described the high qualities of the Cardinal of Tortosa,
whom he had come to know personally during his legation
in Germany, and announced his accession. This proceed-
ing on the part of Cajetan made all the more impression,
as he had always shown himself an opponent of Medici.
As Colonna also now gave his adhesion to the proposed
candidate, the final decision could be no longer deferred,
and Jacobazzi, Trivulzio, and Ferreri declared their
approval.
In vain Orsini shouted to his party, " Blockheads, do you
not see that this is the ruin of France ? " — he was answered
in like terms. As if driven by some irresistible force, first
one and then another elector gave in his accession, and before
the majority had realized the importance of the proceedings
five-and-twenty votes had been given in. The six-and-
twentieth whereby the two-thirds majority was secured was
given by Cupis, a Roman, who said, " I also am for the
Cardinal of Tortosa, and I make him Pope." For the rest,
nothing remained for them but to declare their concurrence.1
this was the work of a few minutes. Hardly had the
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals become fully aware that they had helped to crown
with the tiara a sojourner in a distant land, a German,
and therefore, from the Italian standpoint, a barbarian, the
tutor of the Emperor, a personality utterly unknown to
Rome and Italy, than the windows of the Conclave were
thrown open, and Cardinal Cornaro, as senior Deacon,
announced to the expectant crowd outside the election of
BURMANN, 149; BERGENROTH, II., n. 375; BREWER, III., 2, n.
1952, 1960, and GATTICUS, 320, as well as the report of the nuncio
Raince, January 9 (National Library, Paris), already made use of by
MlGNET (Rivalite, I., 316). The accessions are variously given : I
follow the excellent account in SANUTO, XXXII., 414 seq. With regard
to the final scrutiny, there are also discrepancies in the *Diarium of
Blasius de Martinellis (Secret Archives of the Vatican, XIII., 24, and
Cod. Barb., lat. 2799, Vatican Library). The remarks of JOVIUS
(Vita Adriani VI.) on the previous negotiations between the senior
Cardinals and Medici are as much without corroboration as the
assertion of Abbatis that Colonna had proposed Adrian (MOLINI, I.,
156). The decisive action of Medici is treated as a matter of general
knowledge in the instructions for Cardinal Farnese, printed by WEISS,
Pap. de Granvelle, I., 280, and discussed hereafter under Clement VII.
Cf. H6FLER, 136. That Farnese, as GREGOROVIUS (VIII.3 381)
asserts, received 1 5 votes along with Adrian, is in contradiction to all
our sources. Medici's declaration in favour of Adrian is purposely
passed over in silence in the * report of Cardinal Gonzaga (given only
in part in the Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXI 1 1. > 83) to the Marchioness Isa-
bella d'Este of January 9, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). *This
says : " Alhora che io sperava giongere al desiato fine la maggior parte
degli cardinal! se abbatterono ad dare il voto ad questo tale per gettarlo
via come si vuol fare che 1' uno non sapeva del altro. Dappoi lecti tutti
gli voti di ciascuno si ritsovo questo tale havere 15 voti in suo favore, il
che vedendo il card, de la Minerva e facendo iudicio, che questo era
santo huomo e buono al papato ricorse col voto suo per accesso," etc.
Medici's great share in the choice of Adrian is also to be gathered from
Giberti's letter of January 9, 1522 (see Appendix, No. i). * But it is
also expressly stated in the * report of a conclavist to the Marquis of
Mantua on January io, 1522 : *Ed e proposto dal revmo de Medici.
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.)
AMAZEMENT AT THE ELECTION. 25
Cardinal Adrian of Tortosa, titular of the Church of St.
John and St. Paul. As Cornaro had a very feeble voice,
Campeggio again announced the result of the election.
Very few expected to hear the result that day. An eye-
witness, the Venetian Francesco Maredini, relates how he
suddenly heard confused cries of " Medici, Palle, Colonna,
Cortona, Valle," and then saw people singly and then in
numbers running towards the piazza of St. Peter's. As the
outcries and tumult increased, there could no longer be )<
any doubt that the Pope had been chosen, although his
name was not yet clearly grasped. But in a very short
time he must appear in person in St. Peter's. On the steps
of the basilica Maredini heard the incredible announce-
ment that the new Pope was living in Spain. Full of
astonishment, he made haste with his companions to the
cells of the Conclave, which were by this time thrown open ;
here Cardinals Campeggio and Cibo confirmed the news
which he had just heard. "When," writes Maredini, " we
were told all, we were well-nigh struck dead with amaze-
ment." On his way home the Venetian had an opportunity
of observing the despair of Leo X.'s courtiers ; one wept,
another uttered lamentations, a third took to flight ; all
were agreed upon one thing: it would be at least six
months before the new Pope arrived, and in the mean-
time they would be unprovided for; as a Fleming, Adrian
would certainly give appointments only to his own country-
men ; perhaps he would live altogether in Spain, or come
to Rome in the company of the Emperor. " In short,"
Maredini concludes, " no one rejoices ; all lament." l
Most of the electors were filled with the same emotions.
1 Letter of January 9, 1522, to G. Contarini, in SANUTO, XXXII.,
380. Adrian is called " Lo card'6 Fiamengo" in the letters of the
Bolognese Envoys (A. Pepulus and Laur. Blanchettus) of January 9,
1522 (State Archives, Bologna).
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A friend of the poet Tebaldeo, who entered the conclave
immediately after the election had been declared, writes :
" I thought that I saw ghosts from limbo, so white and
distraught were the faces I looked on. Almost all are dis-
satisfied, and repent already of having chosen a stranger, a
barbarian, and a tutor of the Emperor."1 After the election,
says the Venetian envoy, Gradenigo, the Cardinals seemed
like dead men.2 They had now begun to see clearly the
full bearings of their action. [The States of the Church
threatened to break in pieces unless energetic measures
were taken at once — but months must go by before the
new Pope could enter Rome. Leo's extravagance and
his participation in the great struggle between the French
King and the Emperor had exhausted the exchequer of
the Holy See ; no one but an entirely neutral Pope could
arrest the total ruin of the finances. Such impartiality,
however, could hardly be hoped for in the former instructor
of Charles and his present commissioner in Spain. So
intimate was the union between the two supposed to be
that Cardinal Gonzaga wrote, " One might almost say that
the Emperor is now Pope and the Pope Emperor."3 Most
of the electors had everything to fear for themselves in
the event of a thorough reform of the Curia. What was
to be expected if the newly elected Pope were really the
ascetic personality extolled by Cardinal Cajetan?4
1 SANUTO, XXXII., 415.
2 ALBERT, 2 Series, III., 74.
3 So bene egli non potrebbe essere piu imperiale di quello che e,
et quasi si puo dire che 1' imperatore sara papa et il papa lo imperatore.
Lo amore che e tra 1'uno et Paltro di coso fa una trinita et saranno piu
persone in uno solo. ^Cardinal Gonzaga to the Marchioness Isabella,
Rome, January 9, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 Cf. Cajetan's dedication of the third part of his Commentary on
St. Thomas, which BOTTEMANE has discussed in the periodical De
Katholiek (Leiden, 1882), LXXXIL, 73~93-
GIBBS 01- 'I I IK ROMANS. 27
As soon as the Cardinals, after long consultation, had
decided to send a letter to Adrian announcing his election,
the bearer of which was to be Balthasar del Rio, Bishop
of Scala, a Spaniard, and to despatch three Cardinal^
Legates to the new Pope, they quitted the conclave. The
crowds gathered before the doors received them with loud
expressions of contempt and mockery, with cries and
whistling. , The Cardinals might be glad that the hot-
blooded Romans confined themselves to such demonstra-
tions and did not do them personal injury.1 During the
next few days there was an orgy of scorn and wit.
Pasquino's statue was covered with lampoons in Italian
and Latin in which the electors and the elected were
handled in the basest terms of ridicule.2 " Robbers,
betrayers of Christ's Blood," ran one of these sonnets,
" do you feel no sorrow in that you have surrendered the
fair Vatican to German fury?"3 In many of these
lampoons the Pope was assailed as a foreign " barbarian,"
in some also as a Spaniard. Under one ran the complaint
of St. Peter that he had been delivered up out of the hands
of the usurers into those of the Jews, i.e. the Spaniards.
Another represented Adrian as a schoolmaster chastising
1 See Blasius de Martinellis in GATTICUS, 320; SANUTO, XXXII.,
380, 415-416; BREWER, III., 2, n. 1960; Jovius, Vita Adriani VI.
The election was made known at the i8th hour (11 a.m.). The
Cardinals did not leave the Conclave until 3 p.m. So writes Bartol.
Argillense to Bologna in a *letter of January 9, 1522 (State Archives,
Bologna).
- See ROSSI, Pasquinate, XXXVIII. seqq. Cf. the satires in Cx>d.
Ottob., 2480, f. 101-104. Quite unique is the Pasquillus taxans
Leonem X. in laudem novi pontificis, which runs :
" Nunc bene Roma suo mutat cum principe mores
Nunc Roma est, prius Thuscia Roma fuit."
*Cod. Ottob., 2381, Vatican Library.
3 SANUTO, XXXII., 383.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Cardinals with the birch; beneath was written,
"Through their disunion they find themselves in this
unlucky plight." l
These gibes were eagerly read by the Romans, and so"]
threatening was the position of the Cardinals, that for
many days they dared not leave their palaces.2) Hardly
anyone was acquainted with the new Pope. All that was
known of him was that he was a foreigner and therefore a
"barbarian," a dependent of the Emperor, who lived in
distant Spain, whither he would probably transfer the
Curia. In this sense a placard was posted up on the
Vatican : " This Palace to Let." 3 So strongly were the
Romans convinced that the Papal Court would be removed,
that soon hundreds of officials were making ready to
decamp to Spain, there to seek for places near the person
of Adrian. The three senior Cardinals, who were carry-
ing on the Government, endeavoured by stringent pro-
hibition to check the exodus of officials.4 Those who^
commiserated themselves most — and not without reason
—were the numerous curialists, who had bought their
appointments, or had lived solely on the extravagant
expenditure of Leo's household. Not merely all the
persons of this sort, but the largest part of the population
of Rome would be brought face to face with ruin if the
Pope's absence from the city were of long duration. Nor
were the Cardinals unmoved by like apprehensions, and
the Legates who were appointed to approach Adrian were
therefore laid under the strictest injunctions to urge him most
earnestly to begin his journey Romeward without delay, f
1 SANUTO, XXXII., 415-416; cf. BREWER, III., 2, n. 1995. See
also Luzio, P. Aretino e Pasquino, Roma, 1890, 9 seq.
2 BREWER, III., 2, n. 1995.
3 SANUTO, XXXII., 416.
4 SANUTO, XXXII., 382 383,411,417.
COMMISSION OF THE U 29
The Legates, moreover, were to submit to Adrian a con-
fession of faith ; in this the Pope was to promise to maintain
the Catholic Faith and to extirpate heresy, especially as
spread abroad in Germany ; he was also to pledge himself
not to change the seat of the Papacy without the consent
of the Sacred College. Finally, the Legates were further
commissioned to pray the Pope to confirm the existing
enactments of the Cardinals and to abstain, for the
present, from any decisive measures of Government.1
Although these stipulations were duly drawn up by the
1 9th of January i522,Uhe departure of the Legates was
put off from week to week. The want of money for the
journey and the difficulty of obtaining ships could not
have been the only reasons. Probably the Cardinals
hesitated to leave Italy, in view of the possibility of a
new Conclave ; for the news that Adrian had accepted
his election was long waited for in vain. It was re-
1 The Instruction for the three Cardinal-Legates (Colonna, Orsini,
and Cesarini), of which there are copious MSS. (Secret Archives of
the Vatican, V., Polit., VII., f. 285 seqq. ; in the Vatican Library, Ottob.
25T5> f- 334 seq., 3141 seq., 5 seqq. ; Urb., 865, f. 34 seq. ; Cod. Barb.,
lat. 2103, f. ii6b seqq.', in the Ambrosian Library, Milan, P, 196,
Sup. ; and in the Communal Library, Ancona. The Instruction in
Cod. Ottob., the incorrect date, January 29, is given), is printed by
WEISS, Pap. d'Etat, I., 241 seqq., and GACHARD, Correspond., 10 seqq.,
but often very incorrectly. This is specially the case with the Pro-
fessio of Adrian appended to the Instruction. Here, in agreement
with the above-named MSS., we ought certainly to read " reformatione
morum " instead of " ref. horum." Also the passage : " Juro etiam
atque profiteer saluberrimam sacri collegii continuare " is corrupt.
" Saluberrimam " gives no sense: probably we ought to read "salu-
berrima," with the addition of "decreta." It is important that,
throughout the above-named MSS., instead of "s. collegii" is found
"sancti concilii," which has an essentially different meaning. For the
importance of the Professio required of Adrian VI. see BUSCHBELL in
the Rom. Quartalschr., X., 446 seq.
3O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
peatedly reported in Rome that the Pope was already
dead.1 The French said openly that steps ought to be
taken for holding a new election.2
Perplexity, anxiety, alarm, and fear filled the great
majority of the inhabitants of Rome ; only the Imperialists
and the Germans rejoiced. "God be praised," wrote
Manuel, the Ambassador of Charles, " since there exists no
living person who is more likely to conduce to the peace
and prosperity of the Church and the might of the King
than this Pope, who is a man of holiness and the creature
of your Imperial Majesty."3 To a friend Manuel repeated
his opinion that the new head of the Church was un-
doubtedly the most pious of all the Cardinals within or
without Rome, and in addition to that a man of great
learning.4 The Netherlander, Cornelius de Fine, long a
resident in Rome, who evidently had private sources of in-
formation regarding his fellow-countryman, wrote in his
diary : " According to the counsels of God, the hitherto
disunited Cardinals have chosen as Pope, contrary to their
own intention, Adrian of Tortosa, who was absent from
the Conclave. He is a man of very simple life, who has
always been of a God-fearing disposition ; at Louvain he
lived only for science and learning ; he is a man of solid
education, a distinguished theologian and canonist, springs
from a very humble family, and for three years he has
governed Spain well. Truly, this distinguished man is the
choice of the Holy Ghost." 5
1 Cf. SANUTO, XXXII., 403, 417, 425; Clerk in BREWER, III., 2,
n. 2017; HOFLER, 119 seqq. *Many believe that the Pope is dead,
reports Bartol. Argillense on February 21, 1522, from Rome (State
Archives, Bologna).
2 BERGENROTH, II., n. 376.
3 GREGOROVIUS, VI 1 1.3 383.
4 BERGENROTH, II., n. 381.
6 CORNELIUS DE FINE, *Diary in the National Library, Paris.
IMPRESSION IN ITALY. 31
In Italy the first impression was one of general astonish-
ment that the thirty-nine Cardinals, although almost all
Italians, should have chosen a foreigner.1 The national
feeling was so strong that this was a matter of the greatest
reproach. " The Cardinals have incurred the deepest
shame," wrote a Roman notary, " in bestowing the tiara
on an utter stranger, a dweller in outlandish Spain."2
Most characteristic also is the verdict of the Sienese
Canon, Sigismondo Tizio, who is obliged, like other
Italians,3 to acknowledge that Adrian by his uprightness
and learning was worthy of the tiara, but cannot refrain
from blaming the " blindness of the Cardinals," which
has handed over the Church and Italy to "slavery to
barbarians" — so that the unhappy lot of Italy is to be
deplored ! 4
On the 1 8th of January 1522 the despatch announcing
the Papal election reached the Imperial Court at Brussels.
Charles V., to whom the missive was handed during Mass,
gave it to his suite with the remark, " Master Adrian has
become Pope." Many looked upon the surprising news as
false, until a letter which arrived on the 2ist set all doubt
at rest. " He felt sure," so wrote the Emperor on the same
day to his Ambassador in London, " that he could rely on
the new Pope as thoroughly as on anyone who had risen to
1 See Giornale ligustico, 1891, 229.
- r.ORi, Archivio, IV., 245. Jovius (Hist., XX.) also uses similar
expressions.
3 " S. Sta per quanto si intende e molto bene," writes Bartol. Argillense
on January 9, 1522 (State Archives, Bologna). Cf. also the letter of
V. Albergati of February 5, 1522, in FANTUZZI, Scritt. Bol., I , 137.
4 Meretur quidem vir iste pontificatum, vero caeci patres minus
prospicientes ecclesiam atque Italiam in babarorum servitatem
coiecerunt. . . . Viri isti iniquitatis in facinus tarn deplorandum ob
suas discordias inciderunt ut lugenda sit misellae Italiae conditio.
(Tod. G, II., 39, f. 91, Chigi Library, Rome.)
32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
greatness in his service." " His own election as Emperor,"
Charles assured the Pope later by the mouth of the envoy
who conveyed his homage, " had not afforded him greater
joy than this choice of Adrian." 1 The Imperial letter of
thanks to the Cardinals was couched in terms of exuberant
recognition. Charles entrusted to Adrian's friend Lope
Hurtado da Mendoza his message of congratulation. " It
is a remarkable circumstance," observed the Venetian
Gasparo Contarini, then resident at Brussels as envoy,
" that so large a number of Cardinals should have chosen
an absentee and one who was unknown to most of them.
The Pope is said to be very pious, and to be endowed with
the highest qualities. He says Mass daily, and performs
all his duties as a virtuous prelate." The same diplomatist |
thought that Adrian's devotion to the Emperor exceeded
all that the latter could wish. The Grand Chancellor
Mercurino Gattinara also was convinced that everything
would now go as Charles desired, since God's grace had
called to the Papacy one who had no rival in loyalty, zeal,
and integrity towards the Emperor.2
It is easily understood that, at the Court of France,
feelings of a quite contrary character should have prevailed.
Francis I. began by making jests on the election of the
Emperor's " schoolmaster," and seems even, for a while, to
have refused to him the title of Pope ; he saw in Adrian
1 Thus the discourse, not yet printed, in Miscell. polit., n. 75, f. 502,
in the Royal Library, Turin.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXII., 445, 479-480; DITTRICH, Contarini, 54;
HOFLER, 122 seq. ; Archief voor de geschiedenis v. h. Aartsbisdom,
Utrecht, XXVIII., 140. The instruction for Mendoza in GACHARD,
Correspond., 24 seqq. For the rejoicings in Utrecht on Adrian's
election, see ANT. MATTHAEI, Vet. aevi analecta, III., Hagae Comitum,
1738,687 seqq.\ Utrechtsche Volks-Almanak, 1848, 71 seq. ; BOSCH,
46 seq. ; WENSING, 142 seq.^ 145 ; Dodt van Flensburg, Archief v.
kerkel. geschied., III., 209 seq.
REPUTATION OF ADRIAN. 33
only the Emperor's "creature."1 Hut from Rome, on the
contrary, came other accounts; Cardinal Trivulzio wrote
to the King direct that of all who had a prospect of the
tiara Adrian was the best for him. The French envoy in
Rome, moreover, thought that if the choice must fall on an
Imperialist, the Cardinal of Tortosa was to be preferred as
good and the least likely to do harm, not only with regard
to the excellent accounts given of him personally, but also
because six or eight months would have to elapse before he
could reach the place where he or his pupil (the Emperor
Charles) would be in a position to put hindrances in the
King's way.2
While princes and diplomatists attached the most varied
expectations to the new Pope, all those who had the good
of Christendom at heart broke out into rejoicing. The
new Head of the Church, said Pietro Delfini, enjoys every-
where so great a reputation as a pious, God-fearing, and
pure-hearted priest that in his election the hand of God is
visible. " It is only thy blameless life," wrote Joannes
Ludovicus Vives to the newly elected Pontiff, " that has
raised thee to the loftiest rank on earth." Another summed
up his judgment in the words : " We have a Pope who was
neither a competitor for the office nor present in conclave ;
no better nor holier head could have been wished for
the Church."3
1 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 383; BREWER, III., 2, n. 1994;
HOFLER, 137.
2 MiGNET, Rivalite, I., 316.
3 See RAYNALDUS, 1522, n. 2 ; BURMANN, 457 ; HOFLER, 102-103 ;
HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 273. Cf. the opinion of St. Brodaric
in FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 21.
VOL. IX.
CHAPTER II.
EARLY CAREER OF ADRIAN VI. — His CHARACTER AND HABITS.
—JOURNEY TO ROME. — NEUTRAL ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE
POWERS. — PROJECTS OF PEACE AND REFORM.
THE new Pope was indeed a remarkable man, who
through untiring diligence and the faithful performance of
duty had raised himself from a very humble condition.
Adrian was born on the 2nd of March 1459, in the chief
city of the Archbishopric of Utrecht. At this date Nether-
landers, who did not belong to the nobility, had no family
names; they simply added their baptismal name to that
of their fathers. Thus Adrian was called Florisse or
Florenz (i.e. Florenssohn) of Utrecht;1 his father Florcnz
Boeyens (i.e. Boeyenssohn),2 whose occupation has been
1 Adrianus Florencii a Trajecto. Cf. for the following, along with
MORIXG-BURMANN, i seqq., especially REUSENS, Syntagma doctr.
Adrian! VI., Apparat., \.,seqq., and Biogr. nat, II., Bruxelles, 1868,
546 seyy., as well as CLAESSENS, Adrien VI., in the Rev. Cath., 1862,
596 sc(/(/. In Utrecht the Huis Brandaa in the Oude Gracht is
supposed to be Adrian's birthplace. It contains some pictures of a
later date, mostly of no historic value (Leo X. bestowing the Cardinal's
hat on Adrian). The house is itself built into the monastery of St.
Andrew. The Pauszaal indicates the site of the former house. Cf.
Tijdschrift v. geschicd. v. Utrecht, I., 7 segg., 108 scq., and WENSING,
85 scy.
- Bocycn is not a family name, but an abbreviation of the baptismal
name Bauduinus (Baldwin); see BURMANN, 512 seq. ; REUSENS,
loc. cit.
34
ANCESTRY OF ADRIAN. 35
variously stated, died early.1 His excellent mother
(intrude laid deep the foundations of piety in her gifted
son. She also took care that he received solid instruction
and training, and for this purpose she entrusted him to
1 Probably he was employed as a ship's carpenter ; BURMANN, 4 ;
cf. Contarini in SANUTO, XXXI I., 472. The Netherlander CORNELIUS
DE FINE also says in his *Diary (National Library, Paris): "Pater
ejus arte mechanica victum quaerebat" ; and later : "natus patre fabro
lignario." The statement that his father was a brewer is certainly an
invention. Notes on the family are given by HOGEMAN in Verslag v. d.
Vergadering der Vereeniging tot beoefening v. Overijsselsch Regt en
Geschiedenis, October 1892 (Zwolle, 1893). At a later date two noble
families, Rodenburch and Dedel, claimed a place for the famous Pope
among their lineage. The claims of the first-named family, however,
do not call for consideration ; those of the second appear to be better
grounded; v. STRAMBERG (Rheinisch. Antiquarius, III., Koblenz, 1852,
i, 52 seq.\ REUMONT (III., 2, 843), GREGOROVIUS (VIII., ed. 3, 383),
HOFLER, and still more recently RIETSTAP (Wapenbock v. d. Neder-
landsch. Adel I., Groningen, 1883, 86), consider the Dedel descent as
undoubted. But the suspicions already raised in BURMANN, 3, have
not been weakened up to the present day, so that LEPITRE, 8-9, leaves
the matter undecided. M. Count von Nahuys, of the house of Horst-
mar-Ahaus, in the Jahrbuch des heraldisch-genealogischen Vereins
Adler in Wien, IX. (1882), 25 sey., and Dietsche Warande, III. (1890),
589 segg.j reject the descent from the Dedel, whose arms display three
lilies and a lion. On the other hand, Adrian's original coat displays
only three caltrops, as Pope Adrian quartered his shield and added
the lion. The latter appears on his coins, his tomb, on the gable of
the college founded by him in Louvain, and on his portrait painted in
oil-colours in the museum at Amstersdam. The original coat-of-arms
is to be found in the Paushuis in Utrecht. Since the old family of the
Schrevel, originally belonging to Dordrecht, bears this coat, and
Adrian, seventy years after his death, was called for the first time
filius Florentii Schrevelii Bouens, the author of the treatise cited above
is inclined to believe in a relationship with that family. But up to the
present time no contemporary evidence is forthcoming in which Adrian
is spoken of as bearing the name Schrevel or Dedel ; he is most often
called Adriaen de Trajecto, Adrianus Florentii de Trajecto, or, after
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Brothers of the Common Life,1 whose community
had been founded in the Netherlands by Gerhard Groot.
According to some accounts, Adrian first went to school
with them at Zwolle ; according to others, at Deventer.
The impressions thus received lasted throughout his whole
life. He learned to look upon religion as the founda-
tion of all true culture, and at the same time acquired
a love for intellectual pursuits. His earnest view of life,
his high ideal of the priesthood, his horror of all profana-
tion of holy things, his preference for the study of the
Bible and the Fathers which he was to display later on —
all this was due to the powerful influence of his first
teachers.
In his seventeenth year he entered, during the summer
of 1476, the University of Louvain,2 which, hardly touched
by humanism, enjoyed a high reputation as a school of
theology. During his first two years he studied philosophy
with distinguished success and then, for other ten, theology
and canon law. After thus acquiring a thorough know-
ledge of the scholastic system, he held a professorship of
philosophy at the College at Eber, to which he had been
attached at the beginning of his student period. In the year
1490 he became a licentiate in theology, and in 1491 took
the degree of Doctor of Theology.3 Although from the
his appointment as Professor in the College of Eber, Meester Adriane
in't Vercken (cf. E. v. Even in Messag. d. scien. hist, 1856, 257, and
the essay of Dietsche Warande, 1894, 388 seq., cited below). He
signed himself Adriaen van Utrecht (as in the letter of June 26, 1514,
which G. Papenbroch gave to BURMANN [444] ; I found the original
in the Leyden Library, Cod. 945), or Adrianus de Trajecto ; see the
autograph letter to the Abbot of St. Hubert in the Ardennes, dated
Brussels, June 21, 1510 (Royal Archives, Utrecht, Dom. S. 645).
1 Cf. for this JANSSEN-PASTOR, ed. 1 8, I., 71 seqq.
2 REUSENS, Syntagma, IX.
3 I have here followed E. v. EVEN, Adriaan Florisz van Utrecht
AhKIAX AS A THKOI.<M,IAN. 37
first he had never been in total poverty, and now held two
small benefices, his means were yet so limited that his
promotion was rendered possible only through the protec-
tion of the Princess Margaret, the widow of Charles the
Bold.1 Adrian's financial position gradually improved
as the number of his benefices increased. He saw
nothing reprehensible in this abuse, which at that time
was general, and at a later date accepted still further
preferment. He made, however, the noblest use of the
income which he thus accumulated, for his alms were
munificent. It is also worthy of remark that as parish
priest of Goedereede in South Holland he took pains to
secure a substitute of sound character, and yearly, during
the University vacations, undertook the pastoral charge
of his parishioners.2
Adrian's theological lectures, which even Erasmus
attended, as well as his able disputations, steadily increased
his reputation ; he helped to form such solid scholars as
Heeze, Pighius, Tapper, Latomus, and Hasselius. One of
aan de Hooge school van Leuven (1476-1515), in Dietsche Warande,
N.S., VII. (1894), 386 seqq., who made use of unprinted sources in the
city archives, Louvain. The theological degrees are mostly assigned
to the years 1491 and 1492.
1 MORING-HURMANN, 17 ; cf. E. v. EVEN, loc. cif., 257, and HENNE,
II., 78. Also see WENSING, 92 seqq., who wishes to uphold Adrian's
poverty against Reusens. Cf. on this point also BOSCH, 9, and CRIS-
STOFFELS, 14.
2 See MORING-BURMANN, 17-19, 31. Cf. Regesta Leonis X., n.
2676, 7307 ; DE THEUX, Le Chapitre de St. Lambert, Bruxelles, 1871,
III., 45 ; Archief voor de geschiedenis v. h. Aartsbisdom Utrecht, XI.,
67; WENSING, 175; CRISSTOFFELS, 16 seqq. ; BOERS, Beschrijving
v. h. eiland Goedereede, Sommelsdyk, 1843, 100 seq.^ where there is
a letter of Adrian's of 1496. Adrian afterwards took a different view
of the exemptions, on account of the abuses they gave rise to, just as
he had done with regard to the plurality of livings. See Rev. d. hist,
eccl., I., 481.
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his pupils published in 1515 a selection of his disputa-
tions, another in 1516 his lectures on the sacraments; both
works soon went through many editions.1 Chosen in 1497
to be Dean of St. Peter's Church in Louvain, Adrian had
also to fulfil the additional duties of Chancellor of the
University; twice (in 1493 and 1501) he was appointed
Rector. In spite of all these official duties his application
to study was as keen as before ; he even found time for
preaching, and three of his sermons have been preserved,2
which show extensive learning, but are the dry compositions
of a bookworm. In his enthusiasm for study as well as in
his strong moral character he showed himself a worthy
pupil of the Brothers of the Common Life. It is related |
that he inveighed especially against the relaxation of the
1 Quaestiones quotlibeticae (10 editions, the first, Lovanii, 1515), and
Quaest. de Sacramentis sup. quarto Senteniar. (8 editions, the first, 1516).
REUSENS (Syntagma doctrinae Adriani VI., XXXI. seqq., i seqq.} has
made use not only of these writings, but also of those yet unprinted,
especially the Comment, in Prov., and in several places has corrected
the Quaest. de Sacramentis from Adrian's own manuscript In an
appendix (155-246) REUSENS gives Anecdota Adriani VI. (also
published separately, Lovanii, 1862), for the most part from Adrian's
autograph MS. in the Library of the Seminary, Mechlin : six discourses
delivered on occasions of receiving theological promotion, four dis-
courses to the clergy,oneQuaestio quodlib.,the Prologus to the Comment,
in Prov., and four Consuttationes. For his participation in the reform
of the calendar see MARZI, 174 seq. For Gallican and Jansenist mis-
representations of Adrian's attitude towards the doctrine of Papal
Infallibility see, along with FEA, Difesa del P. Adriano VI. nel punto
che riguarda la infallibilita, Roma, 1822, and REUSENS, 122-152;
also Anal, juris pontif., VI., 1560 seqq.^ XL, 267 seqq. \ FEVRE, Papaute,
VII., 267 seg.j and WENSING, 90, f. 132. Adrian, as Pope, certainly
did not deny infallibility. It has not much bearing on the subject
whether, as Professor, he had held erroneous views on this as on other
points (cf. Archiv fiir Kirchenrecht, LXXXV., 734 seq.}.
2 Published in REUbENS, ut supra, 209 seqq.
ADRIAN'S MISSION TO SPAIN. 39
'rule of celibacy, in consequence of which the mistress of a
n tried to take his life by poison.1 The repute of t he-
unspotted life, the learning, humility, and unselfishness of
the Louvain Professor continued to extend, and he became
the counsellor of persons in all ranks of life. Monks, clerics,
and laymen from all parts of the Netherlands came to him
for help. It was no wonder that the Court also coveted his
services; probably as early as 1507 the Emperor Maxi-
milian chose him as tutor for his grandson, the Archduke
Charles, the future Emperor, to whom he imparted that
deep sense of religion which he never lost amid all the
storms of life. The Duchess Margaret also employed him
in other capacities, and in 1515 she named him a member
of her Council.2
Alarmed at the growing influence of the learned
Professor, the ambitious Chievres determined to withdraw
him from the Netherlands upon some honourable pretext.
In October 1515 Adrian was entrusted with a difficult
diplomatic mission to Spain. He was there to secure for
his pupil Charles the full rights of inheritance to the
Spanish Crown, and on Ferdinand's death was to assume
the provisional Government. Ferdinand received the
diplomatist, whom Peter Martyr accompanied as secretary ,:i
with openly expressed mistrust, but Adrian found a pro-
tector in Cardinal Ximenes.
When the King died on the 23rd of January 1516 the
Cardinal and Adrian entered on a joint administration of
1 MORING-BURMANN, 20-21.
- Cf. HENNE, I., 267; REUSENS in Biog. Nat, II., 597; LEPITRE,
38 seqq. In 1515 Adrian was also appointed Commissary to Charles
V. by permission of Leo X. ; cf. Kist-Roijaards in Archief v. kerkelijke
geschiedenis, I., 183 seqq., 228 seqq. ; VIII., 447 seqq. See also
Utrechtsche Volks-Almanak, 1842, 236 seqq.
3 Cf. BERNAYS, P. Martyr, 26, 161.
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
affairs until the arrival of the new King, Charles.1 Although
within the sphere of politics differences of opinion were
not lacking between the two, yet so highly did the
Cardinal value the pious Netherlander that he used his
influence to raise the latter to places of eminence in the
Spanish Church. In June 1516 Adrian was made Bishop
of Tortosa; the revenues of the see were not great;
nevertheless, Adrian at once resigned all his benefices in
the Low Countries, with the exception of those at Utrecht.2
Neither then nor afterwards did he contemplate a perman-
ent residence in Spain. It was long before he was able to
adapt himself to the conditions of life in that country, so
entirely different from those he had known before. As early
as April 1517 he expressed his hope to a friend that the
coming of Charles might be his deliverance "from captivity,"
since he did not suit the Spaniards and Spain pleased him
still less.3 In July 1517 he wrote in jest, "Even if I were
Pope, it would be my desire to live in Utrecht." At this time
he had had a house built there,4 and made no concealment
1 Cf. GOMEZ, De reb. gest. a F. Ximenio, 148 seqq. ; P. Martyr,
Op. epist., 565 ; Doc. ined., XIV., 347 seqq. \ PRESCOTT, Geschichte
Ferdinands des Kath., Leipzig, 1842, II., 540, 588 seqq. ; GACHARD,
Corresp., 231 seq. ; LEPITRE, 45 seqq., 57 seqq. ; BAUMGARTEN, I., 26
seqq.) 36 ; HOFLER, Mon. hisp., Prag., 1882, II., 5 seqq.
2 Cf. WENSING, 136 seq.
3 Letter from Madrid, April 16, 1517, published in Archief voor
de geschied. v. h. Aartsbisdom, Utrecht, XXVIII., 130. For the
mission of Adrian to Spain see also BAUER, Die Anfange Ferdi-
nands I., Wien, 1907, 30 seqq.
4 Letter from Madrid of July 16, 1517, in BURMANN, 445. The
passage refers to the Paushuis still standing in the Niewe Gracht in
Utrecht. Cf. Utrechtsche Volks-Almanak, 1858, 84 seq. ; Archief voor
de geschied. v. h. Aartsbisdom, Utrecht, XIX., 254 seq. ; cf. also v. d.
MONDE in the Tijdschrift v. geschied. en oudheidkunde v. Utrecht,
I., 152, and GARAMPI, Viaggio in Germania, Roma, 1889, 183.
ADRIAN AND XIMI 4!
of his intention, as soon as his Sovereign's service permitted,
of returning to his native land in order to devote himself
wholly to study.
Very different from Adrian's expectations was the actual
outcome of events ; he was never to see his beloved
fatherland again. In the first instance, Spanish affairs
detained him ; Ximenes and Charles contrived that Adrian
should be appointed Inquisitor by the Pope in Aragon and
Navarre on the I4th of November 15 id1 Adrian's conduct
of affairs in Spain must have given Charles great satis-
faction, for, on the occasion of the great nomination of
Cardinals in the summer of 1517, he was recommended
by the Emperor for the purple ; Leo X. consented, and
on the ist of July Adrian received a place and voice
in the Senate of the Church ; his title was that of
St. John and St. Paul.2 He was able to write, in truth,'
that he had never sought this honour, and that he had
only accepted it under pressure from his friends.3 From
the former tenor of his life, ordered strictly by rule and
divided between prayer and study, this man of ascetic
piety and scholastic learning never for one moment
swerved. J
During his sojourn in Spain, the pupil of the Brothers of
the Common Life became closely associated with the men
who were throwing all their strength into projects for
ecclesiastical reform. In this connection the first place must
be given to the famous Ximenes, Cardinal-Archbishop of
Toledo. Although often of divergent views in politics, the
Spanish and the Netherlander Cardinal were of one heart
1 Cf. GACHARD, Corresp., 235-236. See also the *Carta de Roma
del 1516 al Card. Ximenes in Cod. Barb., lat. 2103, f. n, Vatican
Library.
- Cf, Vol. VII. of this work, p. 204.
3 Letter to Job. Dedel, dat. Madrid, July 16, 1517, in BUKMXNN, 445.
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and soul where the interest? of the Church were concerned ; l
like Ximenes, so also was Adrian (who during the contro-
versy between Reuchlin and the Dominicans of Cologne,
took the side of the latter z) of opinion that the religious
and moral renewal must follow the lines of the old
authorized Church principles within the strict limits of the
existing order.
Around Ximenes, the leader of Church reform in Spain,
grouped themselves three men of kindred spirit, with whom
the Cardinal of Tortosa was also on terms of closest
intimacy: the Dominican Juan Alvarez di Toledo, son of
the Duke of Alba ; the jurist Tommaso Gozzella of Gaeta ;
and the latter's close friend, the Nuncio Gian Pietro
Caraffa.3
On the death of Ximenes, on the 8th of November 1517,
the Cardinal of Tortosa carried on the Government alone
until the coming of the King, which took place soon after-
wards. Charles placed the greatest confidence in his former
master, and often employed him on difficult negotiations,
and repeatedly lent a willing ear to his counsels. Thus
Adrian, who since the 3rd of March 1518 had also become
Inquisitor-General of Castille and Leon, was successful in
restraining the young King from giving his assent to the
demands of the Cortes of Aragon that the existing judicial
procedure of the Inquisition should be essentially altered.4
1 The Bishop of Badajoz had written to Ximenes in high praise of
Adrian (Bull. d. 1. commiss. d'hist, X., 8), and had thus led to their
intimacy.
2 GEIGER, Reuchlin, 421 seg., 441, 451.
3 Cf. *CARACCIOLO, Vita di Paolo IV., 18-9. Casanatense Library,
Rome.
4 Cf. GACHARD, Corresp., 236; LEPITRE, 162 seqq. Heie also
Llorente's representation of Adrian as Inquisitor is corrected. Adrian
appointed the first Inquisitor in America. See I. TERILIO MEDINA,
Hist, de trib. d. S. Oficio en Chile (Santiago, 1890).
ADRIAN AS VICEROY AND INQUISITOR. 43
Against Luther's errors Adrian had pronounced from tin
first , and when the University of Louvain asked their
former Rector for his opinion of the teaching newly set
forth by the Wittenberg professor, he, in a letter intended
for publication, remarked that his heresies were so crude
that they would hardly be attributed to a theological
student. While Adrian encouraged Luther's condemna-
tion, he at the same time warned the authorities of Louvain
to take care that Luther's own words were accurately
quoted.1 During the Diet of Worms he strongly exhorted
the Emperor to protect the Church.2 Where the faith was
in question Adrian was inflexible — in other respects he
showed exceptional kindness of heart, and he gave proof
of this in repeated instances. When one of his servants
fell ill of fever on a journey, the Cardinal gave up his litter
to him, and in spite of bodily infirmity made the rest of the
toilsome way on horseback.3
Before Charles embarked for the Netherlands and
Germany, on the 2Oth of May 1520, he appointed the
Cardinal of Tortosa to be his Viceroy in Spain.4 Charles
was justified in thinking that he had chosen the right
man. Adrian's position as a Cardinal and Inquisitor-
General was a highly important one ; yet he by no
means failed to secure affection. His independent spirit, j
as compared with the intrigues of other Netherlanders
in Spain, and his unspotted integrity won for him the
1 BURMANN, 447 ; cf. KALKOFF, Forschungen, 189 seq. See also
BOTTEMANNE, De Brief v. d. Kard. v. Tortosa aan de Theol.
faculteit v. Lcuven, in the periodical De Katholiek (Leiden, 1882),
LXXXII., i seqq.
2 GACHARD, Corresp., 244 seqq. ; LEPITRE, 167.
3 MORING-BURMANN, 47-49.
4 Decree of nomination, May 17, in GACHARD, Corresp., 237 seqq.
Cf. HOFLER, Mon. Hisp., II., 42.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
respect of many.1 But he was a foreigner ; that no
Spaniard could overlook, least of all the grandees of the
' * kingdom. Charles had hardly left before the insurrection
of the Castilian Comuneros broke out, and Adrian, on
foreign soil and without money, found himself in the
greatest embarrassment. His sensitive nature was not
able to cope with a most difficult situation; moreover,
as a foreigner, he misunderstood the actual circumstances
confronting him.2 The experience was for him a real
martyrdom, for, now in his sixty-first year, his health was
shattered by the dangers and excitement of this time.
The full weight of these responsibilities was still pressing
upon Adrian when, on the 24th of January 1522, at Vittoria,
in the Basque country, he heard through Blasio Ortiz,
provisor of the Bishop of Calahorra, the wholly unexpected
announcement that a yet heavier burden had been imposed
upon him.3 The news seemed incredible, although con-
firmed by letters from other quarters. Not until the pth
of February, when Antonio de Studillo, one of Cardinal
Carvajal's chamberlains, who had been delayed by violent
snowstorms, entered Vittoria bearing the official despatch
of the Sacred College declaring the result of the election,
1 BAUMGARTEN, I., 237.
2 Cf. HOFLER, Der Aufstand der kastilianischen Stadte, Prag, 1876 ;
Mon. hispanica, I. ; Korrespondenz des Gobernadors Adrian von Utrecht
mit Karl V. im Jahre 1520, Prag, 1881 ; and Adrian VI., in seq.
Here, as in LEPITRE, 99 seqq., 1 10 seqq., 134 seqq., and BAUMGARTEN,
I., 249 seq., 358 seq., 468 seq., a much too favourable view is held of
Adrian's endeavours to cope with the revolution. On the other hand
see HOFLER, Histor. Zeitschr., XCV., 427, 434, who perhaps goes
too far on the other side. Cf. also VILLA, Juana la Loca, Madrid, 1892,
312 seq., where numerous reports from Adrian to Charles V. are printed.
3 Ortiz, Itinerarium, in BURMANN, 258. For the itinerarium cf.
FOULCHE-DELBOSC, Bibliogr. d. voyag. en Espagne, in the Revue
Hispanique, III. (1896), 21.
IMPORTANCE OF THK ELECTION. 45
could all doubt be allayed as to the truth of an event of
such world-wide importance.1
The wish, so often anxiously expressed by the best
representatives of Christendom, for a Pope in whom piety,
learning, and sanctity should be combined, was now
granted. The custom, which since 1378 had become an
unbroken precedent, of raising only an Italian to the
Papal throne, was now interrupted. A conclave, com-
posed almost exclusively of Italians, had, against their
own inclinations, for the first time after a lapse of 461
years, elected to this position of great eminence a man
of German origin, and one who was worthy, on account
of his virtues, as hardly any other, of so great an honour.
Immersed in the whirlpool of secular life and of
political affairs, the Popes of the Renaissance and, above
all, Leo X., had too often lost sight of the weightiest
of all duties, those inherent in their ecclesiastical station.
Now the call had come to one who stood entirely aloof
from Italian politics, and whose heart was set on the
defence of Christendom and the restoration of the relaxed | /
discipline of the Church. A simple, sincerely pious, and
humble man, who had fled from rather than sought out
titles and honours, had risen from the rank of a poor
student to that of University Professor, to become the
tutor of an Emperpr, a Spanish Bishop, Cardinal, Grand
Inquisitor, and Viceroy, and finally Chief Pastor of the
universal Church. /
On the first reception of the news of his election,
Adrian had displayed that immovable calm which was
one of his most prominent characteristics, and was in
1 As late as January 27, 1522, Charles was informed from Vittoria
that Adrian awaited more accurate infonnation from Charles or from
Rome before making any alterations. VILLA, Juana la Loca, 354, who
wrongly gives the year as 1521.
46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
keeping with his racial origin, as well as with his deep
piety. All accounts agree that his elevation, so far from
being a source of pleasure to him, distressed him, and
although all the letters announcing the outcome of that
crisis in his life have not been preserved, yet those known
to us are sufficient to show the emotions of his soul On the
2nd of February 1522 he wrote to Henry VIII. lhat he had
neither sought nor wished for election ; his strength was
unequal to his task ; did he not fear to injure the cause
of God and His Church, he would decline the tiara.1
In like manner, in a letter to the Emperor, he dwelt on
the sorrow which his accession caused him when he con-
sidered how weak and powerless he was ; rest, and not an
unbearable burden, was what he needed.2
Adrian also showed imperturbable gravity when, on
the Qth of February, Antonio de 3tudillo, as envoy of ^
the Sacred College, handed him the official announcement
of his election. He read the letter without remark, and
then, in his dry manner, told Studillo, who was fatigued
by the journey, to go and take some repose. On the
same day he composed his answer to the College of
Cardinals ; in this he also reiterated his sense of unfitness
for his new dignity and his willingness to have declined it ;
but, trusting in God, whose honour alone was his aim in
1 BREWER, III., 2, n. 2018. Also in like manner to Wolsey (ibid.,
2019). These letters in full in GACHARD, Corresp., 254 seqq.
2 The letter in Gachard bears date February 11, Corresp., 26
seqq., but probably we ought to read 1 1 February ; see BONNER,
theol. Literaturblatt, 1874, 55. In Cod. Barb., lat. 2103 (Vatican
Library), which contains a seventeenth-century copy, made in Madrid,
from the original, of this very letter, which Gachard published from a
MS. in the town library of Hamburg, also based on the Madrid
original, the dates, unfortunately, are written sometimes in Arabic and
sometimes in Roman numerals, so that no certain evidence can be
adduced in settlement of this question.
LETTERS WRITTEN BY ADRIAN. 47
all things, and also out of respect for the Cardinals, he
;u<]iiiesced in his election; as soon as the Legates arrived
and the fleet was ready to sail, he would make all haste
to reach Rome.1 But the letters written by him to an
intimate friend in the Netherlands reflect still more
plainly than these official documents the nobleness and
purity of his soul. "Dear friend," he wrote on the I5th
of February 1522 from Vittoria to the Syndic of Utrecht,
Florentius Oem van Wyngarden, " there can be no one
who would not have been surprised and who was not
astonished at the Cardinals' unanimous choice of one so
poor, so well-nigh unknown, and, moreover, so far removed
from them as I, to fill the position of Vicar of Christ.
To God only is it easy thus suddenly to uplift the lowly.
This honour brings me no gladness, and I dread taking
upon me such a burden. I would much rather serve God
in my provostship at Utrecht than as Bishop, Cardinal,
or Pope. But who am I, to withstand the call of the
Lord ? And I hope that He will supply in me what is
lacking, and continue to grant me strength for my burden.
Pray for me, I beseech you, and through your devout
prayers may He vouchsafe to teach me how to fulfil His
commandments, and make me worthy to serve the best
interests of His Church."2
1 SANUTO, XXXIII., 76-77; here 77 seq. are also the later letters
of the Pope to the Cardinals and Romans. Of these the two briefs of
the last day of February 1 522 were printed soon after their arrival in
Rome, by Bladus. I saw a copy of this extremely rare example of
single-sheet printing in the Borghese Library. On the last day of
February Adrian VI. also addressed a letter to the cities of the Papal
States ; see CHIESI, 106.
2 BURMANN, 398; cf. HOFLER, 129 seq. Adrian spoke out in
precisely similar terms to another confidential friend ; see PETER
MARTYR, Op. Epist., 753. Cf. also Adrian's letters of February 14, 1522,
to Jean de Vignacourt in WEISS ; Pap. de Granvelle, I., 251, and the
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Not until he had received the official notification of his
election did Adrian resign his Viceroyalty and assume
the. title of Pope-elect. Contrary to the custom observed
for five hundred years, he adhered to his baptismal name.1
He was determined, even as Pope, to be the same man as
before.2
Although Adrian was now in full possession of his
Papal prerogatives, he yet resolved, in deference to the
urgent wish of the Cardinals, to abstain from using
them until the arrival of the Legates.3 But in order
to be secure in every respect, he ordered, on the i6th of
February, a notarial deed to be executed registering his
consent to his election.4 This was done in strict secrecy ;
the public declaration was reserved until after the arrival
of the Cardinal-Legates, which was delayed in unexpected
ways. From day to day Adrian increasingly felt the
embarrassment of his position, whereby he seemed to be
reconsidering his acceptance of the Papacy. Nor, until
he had publicly given consent to his election, could he
act effectively as Pope, use his influence with the Princes
briefs addressed to Utrecht in ANT. MATTHAEI, Analecta, III., 690 seqq.
See further BOSCH, 50 seq. On February 15, 1522, Adrian VI. also
addressed a *cry for help to the Duke of Mantua. More ^letters were
sent to the latter on February 28, March 29, and April 27. The
^originals are all in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
1 As before his election (BURMANN, 444) so afterwards the Pope
always signed himself Adrianus ; cf. the Pope's own signature to the
* Briefs of March 29, 1522 (National Archives, Paris), and of April 11,
1523 (State Archives, Vienna). On his tomb there is the curious inter-
change of Adrianus and Hadrianus.
2 TiziO lays stress on this, *Hist. Senen ut sup. (Chigi Library,
Rome). Cf. also GRAADT JONCKERS in the Utrechtsche Volks-
Almanak, 1857, 175.
3 Cf. Adrian's letter to Charles V., February 15, 1522, in GACHARD,
Corresp., 34.
4 See Ortiz in BURMANN, 161.
DIFFICULTIES TO BE DEALT WITH. 49
of Europe for the restoration of peace, or for arbitration.
When, in the beginning of March, there were still no
tidings of the departure of the Cardinal-Legates, Adrian *
made up his mind to wait no longer, and on the 8th
of that month, in the presence of several bishops and
prelates, and before a notary and witnesses, he made
the solemn declaration of his acceptance of the Papacy. J
With emphasis he expressed, on this occasion, his trust
that the Divine Founder of the Primacy would endow
him, though unworthy, with the strength necessary to
protect the Church against the attacks of the Evil One,
and to bring back the erring and deceived to the unity of
the Church after the example of the Good Shepherd.1
Adrian's biographer pertinently remarks: " It must have
been a more than ordinary trust in God which led him to
bend his back to a burden the weight of which was im-
measurable, and to take over the colossal inheritance of
all the strifes and enmities which Leo had been powerless to
allay. In the background, apart from the German revolt,
lurked also a schism with France, whose King, through the
Concordat with Leo, had made himself master of the
French Church and was in no haste to acknowledge the
German Pope, the creature, as it was asserted, of the
Emperor." 2
Not less great were the difficulties presented by the '
States of the Church, and in particular by the condition
of Rome itself. The ferment among the youth of the
1 The Instrumentum acceptionis electionis in SANUTO, XXXVIII.,
204 seqq., was published in Rome, April 9 ; see ibid., 208 ; cf. Corp.
dipl. Port., II., 69. The *Mandatum for the procurators of Adrian VI.
sent to Rome (Enkevoirt, Ingenwinkel and Borell ; cf. SANUTO,
XXXIII., 209 sey.t and SCHULTE, I., 228), dat. in Civit. Calciaten, 15
Martii 14, in Cod. Barb., lat. 2428, f. 14 (Vatican Library).
2 HOFLER in Freiburger Kirchenlexicon, V., ed. 2, 1429-1430.
VOL. IX. 4
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
city and the divisions among the Cardinals, many of whom
acted quite despotically, gave rise towards the end of
January to the worst apprehensions. As time went on
the situation became more precarious from week to week.1
The circumstance that the three Cardinals at the head
of affairs changed every month added to the insecurity
and brought men into office who were altogether dis-
qualified. An unparalleled confusion prevailed;2 above
all, the want of money was pressingly felt, and the
Cardinals were reduced to the pawning of the remainder
of the Papal mitres and tiaras ; this led to the discovery
that the costly jewels in the tiara of Paul II. had been
exchanged for imitation stones. So great was their
financial necessity that on one occasion they could not
raise fifty ducats for the expenses of an envoy who was
deputed to ascertain the state of affairs in Perugia : in
order to make up the amount they were obliged to pledge
[some altar lights.3
On the r8th of February the Sacred College concluded
a temporary treaty with the Duke of Urbino; they also
hoped to come to an understanding with the Baglioni in
Perugia. But in the Romagna, especially in Bologna,
great unrest was felt ; Ravenna and Foligno showed a
readiness to throw off the authority of the Regents
1 See SANUTO, XXXI I., 433 seqq., 447 seqq., 465 seq. ; cf. besides
G iorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXI., 41 1 seq. See also the entirely one-sided and
exaggerated reports of Manuel in BERGENROTH, II., n. 384, 385, 386,
392, 394-
2 Cf. the ^reports of B. Castiglione of February, 5, 12, 22, 1522.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
3 SANUTO, XXXI I., 442, 474. Cf. BREWER, III., 2, n. 2046, and
SCHULTE, I., 228. * La difficolta de li denari e tanto grande che non
po essere maggiore, wrote Castiglione on January 12, 1522. Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
DISCORD IN ROME. 51
appointed by Leo X.1 The Marquis of Mantua asked
in vain for his pay as Captain-General of the Church.2
The plague broke out in Rome, in addition to which
great excesses were committed by the Corsican soldiery;3
assassinations took place daily with impunity. Nothing
else could be expected, since the discord between the
Cardinals of French and Imperialist sympathies showed
no abatement. When Cardinals Ridolfi and Salviati
wished to excuse the Medicean Governor of Loreto,
Cardinal Grimani remarked : " Leo X. having ruined the
Church, his relations now wish to bring all that is left to
the ground."4
At the beginning of March little was known in Rome of
Adrian's movements, the report of his death having often
been current.5 At last, on the i8th of that month, Studillo
arrived with the first authentic information concerning the
new Pope. He was described as a man of middle height,
with grey hair, an aquiline nose, and small, lively eyes ;
1 See SANUTO, XXXIII., 34, 57 seq., 70, 74. Cf. ALIPPI in Bollett.
Senese, X. (1903), 480 seqq.
VUTO, XXXII., 484, 492.
3 Cf. LANCIANI, Scavi, I., 214 seq. ; GREGOROVIUS, VIII. , 3rd edit,
388 seq.
4 SANUTO, XXXIII., 74, 76; cf. 8, 115, 131 seq. ; BREWER, III., 2,
n. 2044, and * letter of G. de' Medici of April 13, 1522, in State
Archives, Florence. A member of Cardinal Gonzaga's family (Nepos
Jac. Prot.) reported on April I, 1522, from Rome on the dissensions
among the Cardinals: *et tanta discordia non fu mai, de sorte che
per fermo non andando bene le cose de Milano siamo certi di una
cisma grandissima. Roma sta in arme (murders are committed every
day). Dio ci adiuta et simo con grandissima guardia et gorni et nocte
pervigilamo. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
6 SANUTO, XXXIII., 34. Cf. BREWER, III., 2, n. 2064, and
BERGENROTH, II., n. 386. See also Castiglione's ^account, March 5,
1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his complexion was rather pale than sanguine; he was
already a little bent, but still vigorous in body, being
especially a good walker ; he still continued to wear his
Cardinal's dress, kept only a few servants, and loved
solitude. In bearing he was extremely reserved, neither
giving way to impetuosity nor inclined to jocosity ; on
8 receiving the news of his election he had shown no signs
of joy, but had sighed deeply; he was in the habit of going
early to bed and of rising at daybreak. He said Mass
daily, and was an indefatigable worker; his speech was
slow and generally in Latin, which he spoke not exactly V
with polish, but yet not incorrectly ; he understood Spanish,
and sometimes tried to express himself in that language.
His most earnest wish was to see the Princes of Chris-
tendom united in arms against the Turk. In religious
affairs he was very firm, and was determined that no one
henceforward should receive more than one ecclesiastical
office, since he adhered to the principle that benefices
should be supplied with priests, and not priests with
benefices.1
1 Cf. with Negri's letter in Lett. d. princ., I., 98, Corp. dipl. Port., II.,
70, and Ortiz in BURMANN, 227 seqq., the letter of Fra Vincenzo di
S. Gimignano to Cardinal Fieschi, dated Vittoria, March 10, 1522, in
SANUTO, XXXIII., 203-204. He also wrote to Cardinal Cajetan in
entirely the same sense. This letter is in TIZIO, *Hist. Senen., G II.,
39 (Chigi Library, Rome). Castiglione reported on March 26, 1522,
* Circa la venuta del papa il collegio ha determinate che li legati non
vadino piu fora de Italia perche questa andata potrebbe tardare molto
S. Sta et oltre di questo non avendo il papa cardinale alcuno dal canto
di Ik estimasi chel debba accelerare la venuta sua molto piu. Qui se
hanno lettere da diverse che sono con S. Sta Italiani li quali confirmano
la bonta et il valor suo et il desiderio de la pace universale e de la
reformazione della chiesa ; confirmano ancor che S. Sta ha deliberato e
stabilito de non volere dare ne officii ne beneficii se non a persone che
meritino ; dicono che ogni matina celebra la messa devotissimamente e
molte altre cose bone fa ; tra 1' altre tutta Spagna gli e intorno e ognuno
TIIK CURIA AND ADRIAN. 53
Such reports made no pleasant impression on the worldly
members of^hfi^CiJ^ia. At first they had flattered them-
selves with the hope that, out of conscientious scruples,
the pious Netherlander would have declined election ; then
the opinion gained ground that he would certainly not
come to Rome.1 Now they realized with what a firm hand
he intended to direct affairs. A total breach with the
traditions of government as embodied not only in the
system of Leo X., but in that of all the Renaissance Popes,
was to be expected. With fear and trembling the coming
of the stranger was awaited ; everything about him was
matter of dislike, even the circumstance that he had not
changed his name.2
I Studillo handed to the Cardinals Adrian's letter of thanks
dated the 28th of February, to the effect that he only
awaited the arrival of the Legates to begin his journey
to Rome; the College of Cardinals replied forthwith that
it was unnecessary to wait for their coming, but that
he ought to hasten with all possible speed to Rome,
his true place of residence.3 Individual Cardinals, such as
Campeggio, also adjured the Pope in special letters to
expedite his journey in order to bring to an end the
confusion and incompetence there prevailing.4 How much
the Cardinals still feared that he might not permanently
li domanda e non e cosa de valuta de dieci scudi che non li sia stata
dimandata da cento persone e S. S^ rimette ognuno a Roma ne
vol fare la famiglia perfin che non e in Roma. Li legati anda-
ranno a ricevere S. Sta in Italia dove la avisava voler disimbarcare,
estimasi pero de la piu parte che sera a Napoli. Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
1 Cf. BERNI, Rime ed. Virgili, 32.
- *Cod. Barb., 2103, f. 128''. Vatican Library.
3 SANUTO, XXXIII., 74, 79-80, 103-107.
4 Cf. Campeggio's letter in the Zeitschr. f. deutsche Geschichts-
-ensdi., N.F., I. Vierteljahrshefte, 1896-97, 72 seq.
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
establish his court in Rome is shown by their original
hesitation in sending to the Pope the fisherman's ring.1
The longer the Pope's arrival was delayed, the greater
was the general dissatisfaction and the fear that Spain
might prove a second Avignon;2 this last alarm was
heightened by a forged brief summoning the Cardinals to
Spain.3
P In reality Adrian had never thought of remaining in
Spain. His repeated assurances that it was his most
urgent wish to come to Rome have been confirmed by
unimpeachable testimony;4 however, obstacles of various
kinds stood in the way of his departure. Adrian had to
transfer his functions as Viceroy, and, owing to the voyage
being insecure on account of the Turkish pirates, it was
necessary to levy troops for the protection of the flotilla ;
to secure them he was forced, owing to his poverty, to
rely on foreign, that is Spanish, support. An overland
route through France was out of the question, since the
Emperor would have seen in such a step an open bid for
the favour of his enemy.
The difficulty of the Pope's position, confronted as he
was by two great rival powers, each of whom wished to
secure the Papal influence for the attainment of his own
objects, showed itself also in other ways. The Imperialists
gave the new Pope no rest with their irksome importunity.
The Ambassador Manuel took a delight in offering un-
asked-for advice, sometimes tendered in letters which were
frankly discourteous, while Mendoza made attempts to
1 SANUTO, XXXIII., 162, 265; BERGENROTH, II., n. 408. Cf.
* letter of Castiglione, April 14, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. the * reports of Castiglione, April 19 and May 30, 1522
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 Tizio, * Hist. Senen, loc. cit. (Chigi Library, Rome).
4 Cf. supra, p. 52, n. i, the letter of Fra Vincenzo di S. Gimignano.
Till-: I'ol'K AND TIIK KM I'l.ROR. 55
bribe those in Adrian's confidence.1 Charles V. was
assiduous in approaching the Pope with a host of wishes
and business concerns, but mainly with the request that he
should, like his predecessors, join in the alliance against the
French. Adrian's dealings with his former lord and master
were marked by great shrewdness, caution, and reserve ;
where he could he acted as the father and friend, but never
at the cost of his high office as head of universal Christendom.
r After waiting long, and in vain, in Vittoria for the
arrival of La Chaulx, the Emperor's envoy, Adrian, on
the 1 2th of March, betook himself by S. Domingo and
Logrono, in the valley of the Ebro, to Saragossa, which
he reached on the 29th of March. Many Spanish bishops
and prelates, with a great number of grandees, had
assembled in the capital of Aragon to pay homage to
the new Pope,2 the first whom Spain had ever seen. As
well as La Chaulx, envoys also soon arrived from England,
Portugal, and Savoy3 whose chief task it was to induce
Adrian to enter the anti-French League. In one of the
letters in Charles's own hand which he delivered, the
Emperor had permitted himself to remark that Adrian
had been elected out of consideration for himself. In his
answer, animated by great goodwill, the Pope declared
with delicate tact that he was convinced that the Cardinals,
in making their choice, had been mindful of the Emperor's
interests ; at the same time, he felt very happy that he had
not received the tiara, the acquisition of which must be
pure and spotless, through Charles's entreaties; thus he
1 See GACHARD, 7 seqq., 47 seqq., 55 segq.y 69 seq. Cf. DE LEVA, II.,
'33-
- See Ortiz, Itinerarium in BURMANN, 162 seqq. Cf. GACHARD,
Corresp., 47 seqq.
3 Cf. with SANUTO, XXX 1 1 1., 302, also GACHARD, Corresp., 78, and
Corp. dipl. Port., II., 71 seqq.
56 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
would feel himself to be even more the Emperor's ally
than if he had owed the Papacy to his mediation.1
Adrian also showed plainly in other ways that, with all
his personal liking for the Emperor, he would not, on that
account, as Pope, follow the lead of the Imperial policy.
He declined positively to take part in the anti-French
League. With all the more insistence he called upon
Charles to forward the cause of peace by the acceptance of
moderate, reasonable, and equitable terms, and provisionally
to conclude a longer armistice. Every day made it clearer ,
that he looked upon his Pontificate as an apostolate of
peace.2 The interests he was bent on serving were not (
those of individual monarchs, but of Christendom in
general. On this account he had from the beginning
urged the necessity of restoring peace among the Christian
states and of uniting them in opposition to the oncoming ,
assaults of the Ottoman power.3 On behalf of peace it — '
was decided to send at once special envoys to the Emperor
and to the Kings of France, England, and Portugal.4
Stefano Gabriele Merino, Archbishop of Ban", was appointed
to proceed as Nuncio to France. Adrian had asked the
French King to grant the Nuncio a safe-conduct, and at
the same time exhorted Francis and the most important
personages of his Court to make for peace.5 This letter was
1 LANZ, I.,6i seq. La Chaulx's Instructions in the Denkschriften der
Wiener Akademie, XXVIII., 250^.
2 HOFLER, 159.
3 See the brief to Venice, March 13, 1522, in SANUTO, XXXI II.,
129 seq, Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 402.
4 Cf. SANUTO, XXXIII., 302.
6 Cf. PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 63. The briefs addressed to France are
wanting up to one dated March 29, 1522, which I found, in the original,
in the National Archives, Paris (L. 357); this is addressed to the
Archbishop of Sens. See also the brief to Portugal in Corp. dipl.
Port., II., 76 seq.
Till- POPE AND FRANCIS I. 57
not despatched until after the 8th of March, when Adrian
had publicly and solemnly accepted the Papal office.
Francis I. complained of this in very harsh terms, saying
that the accession of the Pope had been communicated to
him later than was customary ; it would even seem that he
went so far as to still address the duly elected Pontiff as
Cardinal of Tortosa.1 Adrian replied to this calmly in a
brief of the 2 1st of April I522.2 The apostolic gentleness
of tone disarmed the French King in such a way that in his
second letter of the 24th of June he evinced a very different
temper. Francis avowed his inclination to conclude an
armistice, and even invited the Pope to make his journey
to Rome by way of France.3
Adrian declined this invitation, as he did also that of Henry
VIII. to pass through England and Germany on his way
to Italy. He wished to avoid every appearance of sanction-
ing by a visit to the English King the latter's warlike
bearing towards France. But he was all the more
distrustful of the intentions of Francis, inasmuch as the
improved attitude of the French King was undoubtedly
connected with his military failures in upper Italy. ,
French domination in that quarter was well-nigh at an
end ; the defeat at Bicocca on the 2/th of April was
followed on the 3Oth of May by the loss of Genoa. To
the strange advice of Manuel, that he should travel through
1 See HOFLER, 163^. According to Manuel (BERGENROTH, II.,
n. 417), Francis I. was collecting canonists' opinions against Adrian VI.
- GACHARD, Corresp., 262 seqq.
3 Ibid., 262 seg., note. The National Archives, Paris, contain un-
fortunately only a few letters of Francis I. to Adrian VI. In one,
*dated Paris, December 17, 1522, the King begs the Pope to confirm
the "statuts et reformations de 1'abbaye et monast. de S. Victor de
1'ordre de St. Augustin " made by the Archbishop of Sens. Francis
here signs himself "votre devot filz le Roy de France, due de Milan,
seigneur de Gennes Francoys."
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Netherlands and Germany to Italy, Adrian also sent
a refusal.1
Towards the College of Cardinals Adrian maintained
the same position of independence with which he had en-
countered the sovereign powers. Through his intimate
friend, Johannes Winkler, he let the former understand that
they were in nowise to alienate, divide, or mortgage vacant
offices, but that all such must be reserved intact for the
Pope's disposal.2
Nor was Adrian long in coming forward as a reformer.
He set to work in earnest, since, to the amazement of the
Curia, he did not simply confine himself to bringing the
rules of the Chancery into line with established usage, but
in many instances made changes whereby the privileges
of the Cardinals3 were specifically curtailed. Jointly with
1 Cf. HOFLER, 156, 164; LEPITRE, 186.
2 HOFLER, 162.
3 The decision, "quod cardinales non comprehendantur sub regulis
cancell./' fell through entirely. Gomez (Comment in regul. Cancell.,
Paris, 1547) has called attention, under their appropriate titles, to
important alterations in the rules of Chancery, " De non tollendo jure
quaesito, de infirmis resignantibus, de subrogandis collitigentibus, de
triennali possessore, de publicandis resignationibus." The assertion, to
which Hofler still adheres, that Adrian repealed wholesale previous
reservations, is incorrect. He renewed all " reservationes generates et
speciales" named in the first Chancery regulations of his predecessor, as
well as those in the constitutions "ad regimen" of Benedict XII. and
" Exsecrabilis " of John XXI I. Even the " revocatis exspectativarum" is
to be found already in the rules of the preceding period. But it is correct
to say that Adrian VI. on this very point did make additions of intrinsic
importance by which She privileges favourable to the Sacred College
were restricted, and the "facultates nominandi, reservandi, conferendi,
commendandi " granted by his predecessors were removed along with
the nominations and reservations which were the result of this plenary
authority. The removal of the faculties for the sale of curial offices,
and of all the concessions relating to the latter which had been
rill'. POPES JOUUNKV.
the publication of these regulations, on the 24th of April
1522 the Pope appointed a special authority to deal with
the petitions which were always coming in in large
numbers.1
In the first week of May, Adrian was anxious to leave
Saragossa and to pass through Ilerda to Barcelona, but an
outbreak of the plague in both cities caused a fresh
hindrance, and another port of departure had to be found.
In the meantime the Pope wrote to the Cardinals and
the Romans on the iQth of May, and at the same time
enumerated the difficulties with which he had to contend
before he could get together a flotilla to protect him on his
voyage to Italy across the Gulf of Lyons, then infested by
Turkish pirates/2 By the 3rd of June he was at last able
to inform the Cardinals that these hindrances had been
overcome.3
On the i ith of June the Pope left Saragossa, and reached
Tortosa on the eve of Corpus Christi (June i8th). On the
26th of June he wrote from there that he intended to embark
in a few days.4 As all his vessels were not yet assembled, a
guaranteed by Leo X. and, scde vacante, by the Cardinals, was an
entirely new and decisive step, j For these details I am gratefully
indebted to the co-operation of Dr. Goller.
1 Ortiz in BURMANN, 167-168. The correct date of the first publica-
tion has been established by DOMARUS in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XVI.,
76. The second publication followed on September 25, 1522, at Rome,
as given in the concluding notice of the Roman impression of the
"Regulae," 1522. Melchior de Baldasinis took part in the redaction
of the " Regulae" ; see GOLLER in Archiv f. Kirchenrecht, LXXXVI.
(1906), 21.
2 See SANUTO, XXXIII., 303 sey., 306 seq. ; cf. 301. GACHARD,
Corresp., 82 seqq., 92 seqq. ; Corp. dipl. Port., II., 77, 79, 80.
3 See the *letter in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Appendix,
No. 5.
4 Habemus parata omnia, quae ad navigationem nostram necessaria
60 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
new delay arose^'and not until the 8th of July was the Pope
able to take ship, in spite of the excessive heat, in the
neighbouring port of Ampolla. His departure was so
unexpected that the greater part of the suite did not reach
the harbour until nightfall. Owing to unfavourable
weather it was impossible to sail for Tarragona before
the loth of July.2 Here again a stoppage took place, a
sufficient number of ships not being available. At last,
on the evening of the 5th of August, the fleet put out to
sea. The hour of departure was kept a secret. \ On board
were Cardinal Cesarini, representing the Sacred College,
Mendoza on behalf of the Emperor, and nearly two
thousand armed men, The galley which conveyed Adrian
was recognizable by its awning of crimson damask,
bearing the Papal escutcheon.3
In addition to Marino Caracciolo, who was already
resident at the court of Charles, Adrian VI. had, on the
1 5th of July,4 sent to the Emperor another intimate friend
in the person of Bernardo Pimentel. Charles, who had
landed at Santander on the i6th of July, despatched to the
Pope as his representative Herr von Zevenbergen, who,
among numerous other matters, was to express the Em-
peror's wish to see Adrian in person before he left Spain.
sunt et intra paucos dies adjuvante Domino velificaturi sumus. . Letter
to N. N. (perhaps the College of Cardinals), dated Dertusae, 1522,
June 26. Copy in the Library, Mantua, Lett, di div.
1 Cf. *the letter of Girolamo Adorno to the Archbishop of Capua of
July 10, 1522 (Library, Mantua, loc. cit.\ Adrian's exhortation to
peace addressed to Charles, July 4, in Compt. rend, de la commiss.
d'hist, 3 Series, III., 299.
2 From Tarragona Adrian VI. addressed a laudatory letter to Alb.
Pio of Carpi ; see SEMPER, Carpi, 14 scq.
3 Cf. ORTIZ, Itinerarium, 173 seqq. ; HOFLER, 178 seqq., 188.
4 See Adrian's letter of July 15, 1522, in Compt. rend, de la commiss.
d'hist., 3 Series, III., 300.
ADRIAN AVOIDS MEETING CHARLK 6l
Adrian, however, on various pleas, evaded the fulfilment
of this wish. In a letter of the 27th of July he assured
the Emperor of his great desire to effect a meeting, but
that he was reluctant to suggest a rapid journey in the
great heat, and that he himself could not wait longer, as
his departure for Rome had, in other ways, been so long
delayed.1
Since Adrian, previously, had expressed a repeated wish
to see the Emperor before he left Spain, this excuse was
hardly sufficient to explain the fact,2 which was everywhere
attracting attention, that the Pope, after a month's delay,
had embarked at the very moment of Charles's arrival on
Spanish soil. Reasons were not wanting why Adrian
should avoid a personal interview. He knew well that
Charles disapproved of his dealings with France ; he also
may have feared that Charles would remind him of other
wishes now impossible to gratify. Among the latter was
the nomination of new Cardinals, a point urgently pressed
by Charles, and refused in the letter of excuse above
mentioned. But of greater weight than all these con-
siderations was Adrian's regard for that position of im-
partiality which, as ruler of the Church, he had determined
to adopt ; he would not give the French King cause to
suppose that by such an interview he was transferring to
the side of his adversary the support of the Holy See.3
But in order that the Emperor might not be offended,
Adrian wrote again, on the 5th of August, from on board
ship, an affectionate letter, containing, together with valu-
able advice, a further apology for his departure ; letters
from Rome and Genoa had informed him how necessary
1 LANZ, I., 63.
- Cf. letter of Negri of August 15, 1522, in Lett. d. princ., I.,
1 06.
3 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, II., 218.
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his presence in Italy was. Their different ways of looking
at the relations with France were also touched upon : he
knew well that the Emperor was averse to a treaty with
France until the French King's plumage, real or borrowed,
was closely clipped, so that he could not direct his flight
wherever his fancy pleased him ; " but we also take into
consideration the dangers now threatening Christendom
from the Turk, and are of opinion that the greater dangers
should be first attacked. If we protect and defend the
interests of our faith, even at the loss of our worldly
advantage, instead of meeting the evils of Christendom
with indifference, the Lord will be our helper."1
Although the fleet on which Adrian was bound for Italy
consisted of fifty vessels, the coast-line was followed the
whole way for safety. JAt Barcelona the reception was |
cordial, but at Marseilles it was impossible to stop owing to
distrust of the French. The Pope kept the feast of the
Assumption at S. Stefano al Mare, near San Remo ; at
Savona the Archbishop Tommaso Riario showed all the
splendid hospitality of a prelate of the Renaissance. From
the i/th to the ipth of August Adrian stayed in Genoa
comforting the inhabitants, on whom the visitations of war
had fallen heavily. Here came to greet him the Duke of
Milan and the Commanders-in-Chief of the Imperialists,
Prospero Colonna, the Marquis of Pescara, and Antonio da
Leyva.2
1 GACHARD, Corresp., 103 seq. ; HOFLER, i&o segg.
2 See ORTIZ, Itinerarium, 178 segg., 182 segg., 185 segg.; further,
GACHARD, Corresp., 107 seq. Adrian's letter here published shows
the incorrectness of the account that the Pope had refused absolution
to the Imperial Commanders-in-Chief. HOFLER, 185, had already
called attention to this ; notwithstanding, LEPITRE, 209, repeats this
false statement. A brief *of Adrian to the Marquis of Mantua, " ex
triremi," August 11, 1522, relating to his journey, is to be found in the
original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
ARRIVAL IN ITALY. 63
Tlu- pivsa^e to Leghorn was hindered by stormy
uvather, and the Pope was detained for four days in the
harbour of Portofino. Amid incessant fear of attacks from
Turkish pirates, Leghorn was reached at last on the 23rrl
of August.1 Here Adrian was received in state by the
representatives of the States of the Church2 and five
Tuscan Cardinals : Medici, Petrucci, Passerini, Ridolfi, and
Piccolomini. The latter were in full lay attire, wearing
Spanish hats and carrying arms ; for this the Pope seriously
rebuked them.3 When he was offered the costly service
of silver with which the banquet table in the citadel
had been spread, he replied: ''Here, of a truth, the i
Cardinals fare like kings ; may they inherit better treasures
in heaven."4 He disregarded the entreaties of Cardinal
Medici and the Florentines that he should visit Pisa and
Florence and at first make Bologna his residence, on
account of the plague. " To Rome, to Rome," 5 he replied,
" I must needs go." The presence of the plague there
caused him no anxiety ; 6 with the first favourable wind
he made haste to embark, without informing the Cardinals,
who were sitting over their dinner.7
Late in the evening, on the 25th of August, Adrian lay
1 See ORTIZ, Itinerarium, 188 seq.t and report of M. da Silva in
Corp. dipl. Port., II., 91:
2 Cf. CHIESI, 107.
3 CAPPELLETTI, II p Adriano VI. a Livorno, in Miscell, Livorn, I.
(1894), 3-
4 TIXIO, *Hist. Senen, loc. cit. Chigi Library, Rome.
5 See SANUTO, XXXIII., 426, 431. Cf. *letter of T. Campeggio to
I'.oln-na, Rome, September II, 1522 (State Archives, Bologna).
G The Florentine envoys were enjoined to make special reference
to the danger from plague in Rome : see *Instruttione ai m. ambasc.
deputati a far reverentia alia Sta di N. S. quando sara arrivata ad
Livorno, deliberata adi 16 di Augusto, 1522. State Archives, Florence.
' Jovius, Vita Adriani VI.
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
off Civita Vecchia, and on the following morning set foot for
the first time on the soil of the Papal States. A great
concourse of persons, among whom were many members
of the Curia, awaited him on the shore ; Cardinals Colonna
and Orsini were present to represent the Sacred College.1
To the greetings of the former the Pope made a short but
suitable reply. Here, as in all other places visited on his
journey, he first made his way to the cathedral ; thence
he proceeded to the Rocca, where he took a midday collation
and held audiences. By the 27th of August the Pope was
again on board. To the beggars who pressed around him
he said : " I love poverty, and you shall see what I will do
for you.") Head-winds made the landing at Ostia on the
28th of August a matter of difficulty. Adrian, in a small
boat, with only six companions, was the first to gain the
land ; he sprang ashore without assistance, and with al-
most youthful alacrity. Here also he visited the church
without delay and prayed. The Cardinals had prepared a
repast in the Castle, but the Pope declined their invitation.
He ate alone, and, at once mounting a mule, made his way
I to the cloister of St. Paul without the Walls. The
Cardinals and the others who accompained him followed
in the greatest disorder, through mud and heat, the
rapid progress of the Pontiff, who was met on his way
1 G. de' Medici reports from Rome, August 9, 1522: *Hanno li
prefati rmi [Cardinali] ordinato una intimatione a tutti li cardinali
absentati da Roma, che si debbino trovar qua e alii rmi Orsino e
Colonna che come legati debbino inviarsi alia volta di Civitavechia
per incontrar S. Sta, dove per breve al s. collegio fa intender voler
venire a di lungo senza far posata in loco alcuno, e di li si deliberera,
se vorrk andare alia volta di Viterbo o quello vorra fare. On August
21 : ^Yesterday Cardinal Colonna departed; to-day Orsini is to
follow. August 25 : Several Cardinals and a great number of the
Court have gone to Civita Vecchia. State Archives, Florence.
ADRIAN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 65
by sightseers moved by curiosity, and by the Swiss
guard carrying a litter. Into this he got reluctantly,
but suddenly quitted it and again mounted his mule. His
vigorous bearing astonished all who saw him, for during
the voyage and even after his arrival Adrian had felt so ill f •
that many were afraid he would not recover ; having
reached his journey's end, he seemed to regain youth and
strength. He rode in front in animated conversation with
the Ambassador Manuel. " His face is long and pale,"
writes the Venetian Envoy ; " his body is lean, his hands
are snow-white. His whole demeanour impresses one with
reverence ; even his smile has a tinge of seriousness."1 All
who saw the Pope for the first time were struck by his
ascetic appearance. In a letter sent to Venice the writer
says, " I could have sworn that he had become a monk." 2
The plague being unabated in Rome, many advised the 1
Pope to be crowned in St. Paul's. Adrian refused, and
decided that the ceremony should take place in St. Peter's
with all possible simplicity; the coronation over, he
intended to remain in Rome notwithstanding the plague,3
since he desired by his presence to tranquillize his /'
sorely afflicted subjects and to restore order in the city. /
Owing to the Pope's absence and the outbreak of the ,
pestilence, a majority of the court had left Rome, so that \
1 SANUTO, XXXIII., 434-435; cf. 426 seq., 430. *Letter of A.
Taurelli of August 27 in State Archives, Modena. *Letter of G. de'
Medici of August 28, 1522, in State Archives, Florence. Ortiz, in
BUR MANN, 792. BREWER, III., 2, n. 2771. HOFLER, 188 seq.
2 SANUTO, XXXIII., 432.
3 On August 23, 1522, G. de' Medici was able to report : *It is not
yet decided whether the coronation is to take place in St. Paul's or
St. Peter's ; "nel uno luogo e altro si fa preparatione, la qual sara con
poco ceremonia e manco spesa ; ancora che la peste vadia continuando
al far danno, questi ministri di S. Sta dicono fara la incoronatione a
S. Pietro et che sua Bta si fermera in Roma." State Archives, Florence.
VOL. IX. 5
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Castiglione compared the city to a plundered abbey.1
The state of affairs was utterly chaotic ; while the faithful
had recourse to litanies and processions, a Greek named
Demetrius was allowed to go through the farce of exorcis-
ing the plague by means of an oath sworn over an ox,
whereupon the Papal Vicar at last interfered,2 for it was
understood that Adrian was rapidly approaching, and his
arrival on the following day was even looked upon as
settled.
On the 29th of August, at a very early hour, the Pope
said a low Mass — as he had never omitted to do even amid
the difficulties of the voyage — and afterwards presented
himself to the Cardinals in the noble transept of St. Paul's.
He received them all with a friendly smile, but singled out
no one for special recognition. Then followed the first
adoration of .the Sacred College in the small sacristy
adjoining.3 { On this occasion Carvajal, as Dean and
Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia, delivered an address, in which
he frankly bewailed the calamities called down upon the
1 Letter of August 16, 1522 : "Roma pare una abatia spogliata per
esserse partito un numero infinito de persone" (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). For the bad conditions prevalent in Rome owing to the
Pope's absence, see *the letter of A. Taurelli, dated Rome, June 7,
1522, in State Archives, Modena.
2 Cf., with Negri's letter (Lett. d. Princ., I., io6b), the account in
SANUTO, XXX 1 1 1., 401, 402-403. GREGOROVIUS (VIII., 3rd edit.,
389) has overlooked the latter, and therefore believes BIZARUS (Hist.
Gen., XIX., 456), who states that an ox was sacrificed to the demons
in the Coloseum by Demetrius. That Adrian VI. could not, as one of
his enemies asserts, have sanctioned such superstitions, is shown by
his, " Sanctio in magos " and his other measures against magic and devil-
worship. Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1522, n. 15, 1523, n. 87 ; Bull., V., 24 seq. ;
CANTU, Storia di Como, io5 ; LEPITRE, 318 seq. Cf. SOLDAN-HEPPE,
I., 515, and HANSEN, Quellen zur Gesrhichte den Hexenwahns,
34 seq.
3 SANUTO, XXXIII., 428, 431.
ADRIAN VI. AND THE CARDINALS. 67
Church by the election of unworthy and simoniacal Popes,
iind welcomed Adrian the more joyfully inasmuch as he had
been chosen by other means. Although in the presence of
such a Chief Pastor no special exhortations were necessary,
he would yet ask him to lay seven points to heart: first, to
remove simony, ignorance, and tyranny, and all other vices
which deform the Church, while turning to good counsellors
and keeping a firm hand on those in office ; secondly, to
reform the Church in accordance with her Councils and
Canons, so far as the times permitted ; thirdly, to honour
and exalt the good Cardinals and prelates, and have a
care for the poor; fourthly, to see to the impartial adminis-
tration of justice and to confer offices on the best men ;
fifthly, to support the faithful, especially the nobility and
the religious orders, in their necessities ; sixthly, the
speaker touched on the duty of opposing the Turks in
their threatened attacks on Hungary and Rhodes ; to do
this an armistice among the Christian princes and the
levy of money for a crusade were indispensable. In con-
clusion, Carvajal urged the reconstruction of St. Peter's,
which to his great grief had been pulled down. If the
Pope fulfilled these conditions, his glory would shine forth
]^J)efore God and men.1
In his short reply the Pope thanked the Cardinals for
his election and explained the reasons of his late arrival,
at the same time stating his agreement with the programme
of reform so comprehensively unfolded by Carvajal ; he"'
then asked the Cardinals to waive their right to give asylum
Lto criminals ; to this all consented. The second adoration
in the basilica of St. Paul then followed, and in a further
speech Adrian impressively adjured the Cardinals, prelates,
1 See HOFLER, 193 seq. He published the original text in the
Abhandl. der Munchener Akad., IV., 3, 57-62. The codex of the
Vallicelliana Library, which Hofler more closely follows, is signed J 49.
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
envoys, and Roman dignitaries present to help him with
their prayers.
The extraordinary strength of character at once exhibited
by the new Pope aroused attention. Out of the numerous
petitions presented to him he only countersigned those sub-
mitted to him by the conclavists. When Ascanio Colonna
ventured to intercede for Lelio della Valle, who had
committed a murder, Adrian replied : " Pardons for cases
of murder will not be given except for very weighty reasons,
and after hearing the case of the injured parties. We are
determined to listen to both sides, since it is our intention
to see that justice is done, though we perish in the
attempt." Then a palafreniere whom Adrian had brought
with him from Spain asked for a canonry. " Canonries," he
was told, "will be given only to those who can be residentiary,
not to palafrenieri." Even the Bishop of Pesaro, on
applying for a canonry in St. Peter's, was met with a flat
refusal ; to Cardinal Campeggio, who expressed a similar
wish, Adrian replied, " We will see." All sales of dispensa-
tions the Pope absolutely refused ; the favours which
were in his power to bestow he preferred to bestow freely.
When, finally, the palafrenieri of Leo X. thronged round
him in a body, and on their knees begged to be reinstated
in their office, he merely gave a sign with his hand that
they might arise. To the Romans, who intended to set up
a triumphal arch in his honour at the Porta Portese. he
intimated his desire that they would discontinue the works,
since such an erection was heathenish and out of keeping
with Christian piety. The deputation of the city magis-
trates was met with words of encouragement in view of the
prevailing pestilence. " The inhabitants," he remarked,
" must be of good cheer ; he personally would be satisfied
i with very little."1
1 See SANUTO, XXXIII., 428, 431, 435-436; ORTIZ, Itinerarium,
ADRIAN'S ENTRY INTO ROMK. 69
Although, at Adrian's express wish, all extravagant dis-
play was avoided on his entry into Rome, the inhabitants
would not allow themselves to be prevented from decorat-
ing their houses with tapestries. Delighted, at the end of
nine long months, to look once again upon their Pope, they
went out to meet him with acclamations of joy. Adrian
was carried as far as the Porta S. Paolo; there he mounted
a white charger. At the Church of S. Celso he was met by
a procession of children with the picture of the Madonna
del Portico, which, during thirteen days, had been carried
through Rome on account of the plague. Adrian not only
removed his hat, but also his skull-cap, and bent low before
the sacred picture, while the Cardinals only slightly un-
covered. While the cannon thundered from St. Angelo, the
procession wended its way under the burning August sun to
the basilica of the Prince of the Apostles. On the following
Sunday, the 3ist of August, the coronation took place in
St. Peter's with the customary ceremonial. On account of
the plague the concourse of people was not so great as
usual. The festivities, which were carried out with
economy, passed off quietly, but the coronation banquet,
without being lavish, was not stinted. On rising from
table the Pope passed into an adjoining room and
conversed with the Cardinals ; he then withdrew to his
own apartments.
The Pope's first edict proscribed under heavy penalties
the wearing of arms in the city and banished all disorderly
persons from Rome. A second ordinance forbade ecclesi-
I astics to grow beards, a fashion which made them look
D
i<;5 scqq.-, BREWER, III., 2, n. 2521 ; NEGRI in Lett. d. princ., I.,
107; **Letters of G. de' Medici of August 29 and 31, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence) ; Blasius de Martinellis, Diarium in CANCELLIERI,
>essi, 86 seq. Cf. HoFLER, 194 scq. ; LEPITRE. 210 scq. ; CREIGH-
TON, V.,
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
more like soldiers than priests. Such simplicity, piety, and
determination as were displayed by the new Pope had
never before been seen by the members of the Curia.1
They were in sharp contrast to the excessive display, the
brilliant secularity, and the refined culture which had
pervaded the court of Leo X.
While the Cardinals, prelates, and courtiers of the last
pontificate murmured in secret, unbiassed observers did not
refrain from expressing their approval of the new Pope.
His exemplary and holy life, his great simplicity, piety, and
love of justice made a deep impression even on those who
were disposed to -watch him with critical eyes.2 " Adrian,"
one of this class reports, " is a friend of learning, especially
theology. He cannot suffer ignorant priests. His time is
divided with strict regularity between prayer and official
work. He has only two personal attendants, Netherlanders
and homely fellows ; in other respects his retinue is com-
posed of as few persons as is possible." To the Cardinals
who begged that he would maintain a household more be-
fitting his rank, he replied that that was impossible until
he had first discharged his predecessor's debts. When he
was informed that Leo had employed a hundred pala-
frenieri, he made the sign of the cross and said that foul-
would suffice for all his needs, but as it was unseemly that
he should have fewer than a Cardinal, he would appoint
twelve. It was the general opinion that the new Pope's
1 SANUTO, XXXIII., 429, 431, 437-438 ; Blasius de Martinellis in
GATTICUS, 285 seqq. ; Ortiz in BuRMANN, 195-199 : Lett. d. princ, I.,
io;b ; German accounts in REDLICH, Niirnberg Reichstag, 6; ^Letters
of G. de' Medici of August 31, 1522, in State Archives, Florence ; *Letter
of A. Taurelli, August 31, 1522, in State Archives, Modena ; ^Report of
T. Campeggio to Bologna, September 1 1, 1522, State Archives, Bologna.
2 See especially, for what follows, Negri's letter in SANUTO, XXXIII.,
429-430 ; cf. Lett. d. princ., I., 108.
ADRIAN'S HABITS OI MM-:. ?I
outward appearance was at once dignified and agreeable;
although he was in his sixty-fourth year he did not look
more than sixty. He always spoke Latin and, as the
Italians did not fail to remark, correctly, seeing that he was
a " barbarian " ; his guttural pronunciation gave less satis- ^- [i
faction. In contrast to Leo X.'s love of recreation, it was
observed by all that Adrian did not abate, as Pope, his
strict mode of living and, as the Venetian Ambassador
remarked, set thereby a thoroughly edifying example.
The Spaniard Blasio Ortiz said that he had seen
nothing bad in the Pope, who was a mirror of all the virtues.1
A strict observer of the canonical hours, Adrian rose in
the night to say Matins, returned again to his bed, and was
up again by daybreak ready to say Mass and attend that
of his chaplain. That a Pope should offer the holy sacri-
fice daily was such an innovation that even chroniclers of
a later day call special attention to this evidence of
Adrian's piety.2 An hour in the forenoon was devoted to
audiences, which Adrian usually gave in the study, lined
with books, adjoining his bedchamber. His dinner and
supper, which he always ate alone, were of the utmost
simplicity ; a dish of veal or beef, sometimes a soup, 4 .
sufficed : on fast days he had fish only. On his personal /
wants he spent as little as possible ;3 it was even said that
he ate off small platters like a poor village priest.4 An old
woman servant, from the Netherlands, looked after the
cooking and washing. After his meal he took a siesta, then
1 BURMANN, 228.
2 Cf. LANCELLOTTI, I., 423 ; cf. supra^ p. 52.
3 Gradenigo's saying, that Adrian spent only a ducat a day on his
meals, is an exaggerated piece of gossip ; see in Appendix, No. 19,
L. Cati's report of March 21, 1523 (State Archives, Modena).
' This comparison is found in the rare narrative "Wie der hi. Vater
I*. Adrianus eingeritten ist zu Rom" (1522).
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
finished what remained to be said of his office, and again
gave audiences. Conscientious in the extreme, circumspect
and cautious in his dealings, Adrian, suddenly plunged into
an entirely new set of circumstances, appeared to be want-
ing in resolution. It was further deplored that he was dis-
inclined to relax his studious habits, not only of reading but
of writing and composing, for these, combined with his
love of solitude, made him difficult of access. Moreover, his
curt manner of speech was very displeasing to the loquacious
Italians.1 Adrian's capital offence, however, in the eyes of
the Curia, lay in his being a foreigner. All Italians of that
period prided themselves on their high culture ; they looked
down with contempt on the natives of all other countries,
and specially on the coarse " barbarians " of Germany.
And now in Rome, hitherto the centre of the Renaissance
of art and letters, one of these barbarians was ruling and
would settle the direction Italian politics should follow.
The antagonism of nationality between Adrian and the
Italians was further intensified by the circumstance that the
Pope was now too far advanced in years to adapt himself
to those things around him which were indifferent in them-
selves and of minor importance. With the speech and social
habits of those amongst whom he had come to sojourn
he never became familiar;2 there was even a touch of
pedantry in his obstinate clinging to his former way of
living. His long years of professorial duty had cut him
off completely from the charm of manner and social
address on which the Italians set so much value. Even
in Rome he remained the same quiet, dry scholar, devoted
1 See the Venetian accounts in ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 74 seq.^ and
112 ; JoviUS, Vita Adriani VI.
2 Adrian always spoke in Latin (see ^Report by Bart. Prosperi.,
September 21, 1522), as he was not sufficiently acquainted with Italian
(see *letter of Enea Pio, October 5, 1522, State Archives, Modena).
ADRIAN AND ANTIQUITY. 73
to the seclusion of his study and easily put out of humour
by the bustle of general society. The homeliness of
Adrian's person and his austere asceticism compared with
Leo X., presented a contrast a greater than which it is
impossible to conceive. This contrast, conspicuous from
every point of view, was especially noticeable in Adrian's
attitude towards the culture of the Italian Renaissance.
All persons of culture were then filled with enthusiasm
for the art of antiquity. But Adrian, whose turn of mind
was pre-eminently serious and unimpassioned, was so
absolutely insensible to such forms of beauty that he
looked upon them merely as the debris of paganism. To
his exclusively religious temperament the array of gleam-
ing marbles set up by his predecessors in the Belvedere
afforded not the slightest interest. When the group of
the Laocoon,1 then considered the most remarkable of
these works of art, was pointed out to him, he observed in
his dry manner : " After all, they are only the effigies of
heathen idols." This might be regarded as merely a bit
of gossip if the anecdote were not well authenticated.2
" I Ic will soon," said Girolamo Negri, Cardinal Cornaro's
secretary, " be doing as Gregory the Great did, and order
the antique statuary to be burned into lime for the build-
ing of St. Peter's."3 As a matter of fact, he sold some
antiques,4 and had all the entrances to the Belvedere
*Opus omnibus et picturae et statuariae artis praeponendum, says
Ti/io, *Hist. Senen., loc. cit. (Chigi Library, Rome).
>t only by JoviUS (Vita Adriani VI.), whose authority would not
be sufficient, but by G. Negri in his letter, March 17, 1523, Lett. d.
I'rinc., I., 113.
3 Lett. d. princ., 113.
4 I take this from Gabbioneta's *report. On July 27, 1523, he reports
that he had thanked the Pope "per el dono delle imagine marmoree,"
and that Adrian had replied " Fecimus libenter et libcntissime." On
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
walled up save one, the key of which he kept in his own
custody.1
The magnificent art of the Renaissance also seemed to be
a closed book to Adrian. The continuation of the paintings
in the Hall of Constantine was stopped,2 and Raphael's
pupils had to seek employment elsewhere.3 And yet
Adrian was not totally wanting in artistic culture ; 4 but to
his northern taste the Italian art of the Renaissance was
unpalatable. He ordered a Dutch painter, Jan Scorel,5
October 29 Gabbioneta writes : *Mando per doi garzioni del Furia la
tavola marmorea, la qual dono papa Adriano (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Cf. also GAVE, II., 155.
1 Cf. the Venetian narrative in ALBERT, 2 Series, III., 114.
2 A ^Letter of Castiglione's, December 21, 1521 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua), shows how certainly the completion of this work was
counted on.
3 Vasari has many hard things to say of Adrian on this account.
His statement that the latter had compared the Sixtine Chapel to a
bathing-place full of naked figures, and had expressed his intention of
tearing the pictures down, is sufficiently suspect in view of the silence
of Giovio, who was unfriendly to Adrian VI. Since CROWE-CAVAL-
CASELLE (VI., 399 seg.) and STEINMANN (Sixtinische Kapelle, II., 231-
515) give credence to Vasari, I call attention to the fact that none of
the envoys to the Papal Court mention any such circumstance. The
Mantuan agents, who showed so much interest in matters of art, would
certainly have informed their court if the Pope had a design of this sort
in mind. The whole story is either a fable of Vasari's or an invention
of Adrian's numerous enemies.
4 MUNTZ, Hist, de 1'Art, III., 37, seems to believe this. He is also
wrong in calling Adrian "ennemi des lettres et des livres" in his Bibl.
du Vatican, 64 ; cf. also Giorn. di lett. Ital., IX., 453.
6 Cf. HANN, Meister Jan Scorel und das Obervellacher Altarbild,
Klagenfurt, 1888 ; TOMAN, Studien iiber J. Scorel, Leipzig, 1889; Zeit-
schrift fur bildende Kunst, XXL, 83 seq. ; GRAVENITZ, Deutsche in
Rom., 109 ; see JACKSCH, Die Scorelsche Altartafel zu Obervellach,
Klagenfurt, 1890; JANSSEN- PASTOR, VI., i2th edit, 109^^.5 JANIT-
SCHEK, Geschichte der Malerei, 521 ; WURZBACH, Gesch. der holland.
ADRIAN AND ART. 75
to paint his portrait.1 Moreover, his interest in the
icss of the reconstruction of St. Peter's2 was sincere,
although here again his point of view was religious rather
than artistic. Another circumstance which contradicts
the notion that Adrian held uncivilized views about art
is the fact that, in spite of his monetary distress, he
redeemed the tapestries of Raphael which had been
pledged on the death of Leo X.,3 and restored them once
more to the Sixtine Chapel on the anniversary celebra-
tion of his coronation.4
Malerei (1885), 62, who, however, is hardly able to adduce proof for his
statement that Adrian had appointed Scorel "director of his art
treasures."
1 ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 205. There is at the present time a portrait
of Adrian by Scorel in the Senate Hall of the University of Louvain.
Another, attributed to Scorel, in the Museum, Utrecht. Cf. Zeitschr.
fiir bildende Kunst, XVIII., 51 seqq. ; see also MOES, Iconogr. Batava,
I., 4; Jahrb. der preuss. Kunstsamml., I., 197, and the "Adler"
periodical, 1882, 26, quoted above, p. 35, note i. In the Rijks Museum
in Amsterdam there is a life-size portrait (No. 539) of Adrian VI. in
full pontificals. This is a copy of an original portrait in the National
Museum at the Hague ; see BREDIUS, Catalog, d. Schilderijen in het
Rijks-Museum te Amsterdam, Amsterdam, 1887, 68. The portrait of
the Pope presented to the Cathedral Chapter of Utrecht is copied
in Burmann edited by Moring. That in the gallery of Naples, the
so-called Adrian, is a picture of Clement VII.; see WlCKHOFF in
the Kunstgeschichtl. Anz., 1904, 98. Adrian's noble and venerable
traits are strikingly reproduced in one of his medals. There is
a fine specimen in the Cabinet of Coins in Vienna. For coins and
medals of Adrian see ClNAGLl, 89 seq. ; K6HLER, Eine Miinze Papst
Hadrians VI., Niirnberg, 1730; and ARMAND, II., 114^., III., 144,
198 seq,
2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXIII., 438, and *letter of G. M. della Porta,
October I, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 298.
s This hitherto unknown fact has come to light through a *Report
of L. Cati, dated Rome, September 2, 1523, part of which, unfortunately,
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Adrian was not at home amidst the splendour of the
Vatican, and from the first had felt disinclined to occupy
it. He wished to have, as a dwelling, a simple house
with a garden. The Imperial Ambassador reports with
amazement this strange project of the newly elected Pope
to whom God had given the noblest palaces in Rome.1
No small astonishment was likewise caused by Adrian's
abstention from any signs of favour towards the swarm
of accomplished poets and humanists with whom Leo X.
had been so much associated. Although not indifferent
to the elegance of a fine Latin style, the practical Nether-
lander thought little of the gifts of the versifiers ; he even
sought opportunities for evincing his contempt for them.
On appointing Paolo Giovio to a benefice at Como, the
Pope remarked that he conferred this distinction upon
him because Giovio was an historian and not a poet.
What Adrian took especial exception to in the humanist
poets of his day was the lax habit of life of the majority,
and their frivolous coquetry with the spirit of heathen
mythology. Leo X., in his enthusiastic admiration of
beauty, had overlooked such excrescences; the serious-
minded Teuton rightly judged them by a standard of
much greater severity.2 Yet his reaction was carried too
far. He discriminated too little between the good and
the bad elements in humanism ; even Sadoleto, with his
excellence and piety, found no favour in his eyes. He
caused simple amazement by his depreciatory criticism of
has been destroyed by fire. The following, however, is legible : *N.
Sre cossi come ha facto de 1' altre cose recuperato da quelli mercatanti,
cossi anche ha voluto mostrar quelle cortine, che fece far papa Leone
secondo un dissegno di Raphael d' Urbino et a quella proxima capella
le ha fatto metter fuori. State Archives, Modena.
1 BERGENROTH, II., n. 392.
2 JOVIUS, Vita Adriani VI. ; Schulte, I., 230.
TRANSFORMATION IN ROME. 77
the letters, the theme of general admiration, remarking
that they were letters of a poet.1
Adrian was completely a stranger in the midst of the
intellectual culture of which Leo's reign had been the
culminating point. His entrance into Rome was followed
by an abrupt transition, all the more strongly felt since the
Medici Pope had flung himself without reserve into every
tendency of the Renaissance. Loud were the laments over
the new era and its transformation of the Vatican, once
echoing with the voices of literature and art, into a silent
cloister. All Adrian's admirable qualities were forgotten ;
he was looked upon only as a foreigner, alien to the
arts, manners, and politics of Italy, and his detachment
from the literati and artists of Italy was not merely the
outcome of a want of intelligent sympathy with the
Renaissance ; the shortness of his reign and his financial
difficulties hindered him from the exercise of any liberal
patronage.2 His contemporaries shut their eyes to this
1 Negri in Lett. d. princ., I., 113, who sees in this expression a
"beffeggiare della eloquenza." How little Adrian's earnestness was
appreciated by the orators of the day is shown by the *Oratio de
passione Domini in Cod. Vat., 8106, f. 53 seq. (Vatican Library), in
which the apostrophe "Te dive Adriane" occurs, an expression which
must certainly have been abhorrent to the Pope. Still more so were
the unmeasured praises of Balbi (Zeitschr. ftir schles. Gesch., XIX.,
169). An oration and a sermon delivered before Adrian VI. exist in
very rare copies : I. Earth. Arnolphini Oratio habita in publ. consist, ad
Adrianum VI. P. M. pro obedientia reipubl. Lucen. ; s.l. et a. 2. Ue
Christi passione oratio lo. Mariae archiepiso Sipontini habita in sacello
pontif. ad Hadrianum VI. P. M. ac ampliss. card, senatum 1523, III.
Non. April. Romae, 1597. The *Oratio Raynaldi Petruccii ad
Adrianum VI. on the occasion of the homage of the Sienese in Cod.
Vat., 3578 (Vatican Library).
- Muntz informed me in 1900 that in the accounts of Adrian VI. he
had only found one entry of expenditure on art ; but that was one highly
characteristic of this pious Pope. *In October 1522 he paid a gold-
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
impossibility ; they laid all the blame on the " barbarism "
of the foreigner.
Nor was less offence taken at his foreign surroundings.
-
smith " per fare due angeli et una corona a la nostra donna." I also
found in *Div. cam., 71, f. 226b, of the Sec. Arch, of the Vatican, a
*permit of the chamberlain's to Evangelista de Torquatis civ. Rom. D.
Romae in cam. apost., 18 Julii 1523, pontif. Adriano VI. pro abstergenda,
decoranda et siligenda via S. Spiritus de urbe. Cf. the permit of
July 24, 1523, in Div. cam., 74, f. 34. MOLL, Kerkhist. Archief, II.,
45, mentions an organ sent by Adrian VI. to the Netherlands. The
arms of Adrian VI. on the fagade of the Palazzo Pubblico at Foligno
appear to indicate that he had been a supporter of the building in
some way. Literary dedications to Adrian VI. are not numerous ;
together with the work of Cardinal Cajetan mentioned above, p. 26, n. 4,
and the writing of Guillielmus Valla Rhegiensis on the Exarchate of
Italy, which H. SAUER (Gottingen Diss., 1905) has recently discussed
(to the MSS. mentioned here, on p. 16, must be added : Ottob. 2521,
Urb., 813, f. i seq., and 864, f. 273 seqq., Barb., XXXI 1 1., 97), must
be added a composition of Hochstraten's against Luther (see LAMMER,
Vortrid. Theol., 17), as well as one of Eck's (H6FLER, 323), Thomas
Illyricus (Franciscan), Libellus de potest. s. pontificis, Taurini, 1523
(with dedication of November 12, 1552), Petri Martyris De insul. in
mari Oceano a F. Cortesio repert. (*Cod. Vatic., 5795), and loh.
Ant. Flaminii Epistola ad Adrianum VI., dat. Bononiae, 1523, xv.
Cal. Martii (original dedication copy in *Cod. Vat., 7754, Vatican
Library). In a letter *dated December 21, 1522, V. Albergati mentions
the dedication of another book by Flaminio, a defence of Christianity
against Judaism, and the payment of the author by the Pope (State
Archives, Bologna). The monk Romulus de S. Cruce (Fabrianen.)
dedicated to Adrian VI. the Liber Alberti Magni de ordine universi
(original dedication copy in *Cod. Vat., 3739, Vatican Library). Also
in Cod. Ottob., 888 : *Gregorii Mutinen monachi opusculum adversus
negantes Petrum Romae fuisse, dedicated to Adrian VI. See also
G. Cortesius, de Itinere Rom. S. Petri ad Adr. VI. (Opera Cort., I.,
213 seq.\ For the oration of George Sauermann, dedicated to the
German Pope, see Zeitschrift fur schles. Gesch., XIX., 167 seq. ; for
Ferreri's writing see infra, p. 91, note 2. For the Pope's request to
Pagnini to undertake a translation of the Bible, cf, WETZER and
ADVISERS OF ADRIAN VI. 79
Adrian at first recruited his bodyguard1 from the
Spaniards as well as the Swiss.2 The castellan of St.
Angelo was a Spaniard.3 The Pope's domestic servants,
whose numbers were reduced within the limits of strict
necessity, were also chiefly composed of non-Italians.
Thus the hopes of Leo's numerous retainers of all ranks
of continuing in busy idleness were disappointed. The
chief objects of complaint and ridicule were the Pope's
servants from the Low Countries,4 who contributed not a
little to estrange the feelings of those around them. Even
before Adrian's arrival in Rome, his court was con-
temptuously spoken of as a collection of insignificant
persons.5 In reality, the Pope's three principal advisers were
men of excellent character and no mean endowments.6
This was especially the case with Wilhelm van Enkevoirt,
a native of Mierlo in North Brabant, who, attached to
Adrian by a friendship of many years' standing, had entered
the Papal Chancery under Julius II. and subsequently
became Scriptor apostolic, Protonotary, and Procurator in
Rome for Charles V. In character Enkevoirt presented
many points of resemblance with the Pope ; like the latter
he had a warm affection for his native land, his piety was
WELTE, Kirchenlex., 1 1., 2 edit., 738. Bat. Fiera dedicated his poem *de
homine to Adrian and received a letter of thanks ; see DONESMONDi,
1st. eccl. di Mantova, II., 140 seg. ; TIRABOSCHI, VII., 2, 16, and 3, 167,
208 ; Giorn. d. lett. Ital, XXXIV., 54-55.
1 Tizio, *Hist. Senen., loc. cit. (Chigi Library, Rome).
2 Cf. Anz. f. schweiz. Gesch., 1886, 36.
3 *Letter of T. Campeggio, September 27, 1522, State Archives,
Bologna. Cf. the ** brief of September 24, 1522, to Ruffo Teodoli,
Div. cam., LXXIV., 6, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.
4 Cf. for this BERGENROTH, II., n. 490, 540.
*Con S. Sta non intendo sia huomini di molta auctorita ne intelli-
gentia. G. de' Medici on August 27, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
0 See SCHULTE, I., 230. Cf. also SCHMIDLIN, 276.
80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
genuine, and he was of studious habits and gentle dis-
position.1 One of Adrian's first acts was to bestow the
important post of Datary on this old friend,2 who was of
proved responsibility and thoroughly versed in Roman
affairs. Enkevoirt had before this been described as one
with Adrian in heart and soul,3 and with a zeal which
often overstepped due limits, took pains to assert his
position as first and foremost of the Pope's confidential
advisers.4 Besides Enkevoirt, Dietrich von Heeze, Johann
Winkler, and Johann Ingenwinkel had free access to the
Pope. The last named, from the lower Rhineland, was a
man of great ability, who knew how to retain office and
confidence under Clement VII.; he died as Datary of the
second Medici Pope.5 Johann Winkler was born in Augs-
1 The earlier literature on Enkevoirt in BURMANN, 44, notes. Cf.
also the important essay of ROIJAARDS, Kard. Willem. v. Enkevoirt,
in Archief v. kerkelijke geschied., IX. (1838), 119-231, overlooked by
HOFLER and SCHMIDLIN, 265 seq., and F. HAUPTMANN in Bonner
Archiv, IV. (1892), 37, 64 seq., 96 seq. See also Regesta Leonis X., n.
8285, 8303, 17716; Lib. confrat. de Anima, 20; PICKS Zeitschr., 7-9,
Heft, 417; GRAVENITZ, Deutsche in Rom., 130 seq.\ SCHULTE,
Yuggzr, passim-, DUMONT, Gesch. der Pfarreien der Erzd. Koln, XXIV.,
Koln, 1885,335; Zeitschr. des Aachener Geschichts-vereins, XVIII., 320
seq., XIX., 2, 116; KALKOFF, Aleander, 65, n. i ; PAQUIER, Aleandre,
285 ; DE WAAL, Campo Santo, 101 ; PETENEGG, Urk. des Deutschen
Ordens, 620; Archief v. Haarlem, XL, XIII. ; PERICOLI, S. Maria
d. Consolaz, 119.
2 "Amicus meus antiquus et precipuus" he is called by Adrian in
a brief of February 18, 1522; SANUTO, XXXIIL, 79. The above-
mentioned appointment of Enkevoirt as Datary, which Manuel had
already recommended on January u, 1522 (GACHARD, Corresp., 8),
is announced by G. de' Medici in a letter *of August 27, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence).
3 "Corculi et animae dimidium." Aleander to Enkevoirt, MAI,
Spicil., II., 235.
4 Cf. infra, pp. 87, 122.
6 SCHULTE, I., 231.
DIRK VAN IIEESE. 8 1
; he had already, under Leo X., been notary of the
Rota, and died, at the beginning of Paul III.'s pontificate,
a rich and distinguished prelate.1
If Winkler, like Ingenwinkel, showed an undue anxiety
to take care of his own interests in the matter of benefices,
Dirk (Dietrich) van Heeze, on the contrary, was a thoroughly-
unselfish and high-minded personality. Originally a friend
of Erasmus, Heeze, at a later period, did not follow the
great scholar on the path which, in some respects, was so
open to question, but took up a decided position on behalf
of reform on strong Catholic lines. Heeze, who was
extolled by his contemporaries for profound learning,
modesty, piety, and earnestness of moral character, was
placed by Adrian at the head of the Chancery as private
secretary ; it cost him some trouble to make himself at home
in the processes of preparing and sending forth the Papal
briefs.2 After his patron's early death he left the Curia
and returned to his own country, and died at Liege as
Canon of St. Lambert's.3 Apart from these fellow-country-
1 For Winkler cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 490, 502; KALKOFF,
Aleander, 202, n. i. G. M. della Porta announces in a *letter of
September 23, 1522 (State Archives, Florence) that Adrian had ap-
pointed "Giovan Vincle" a " referendario," and that the latter had
influence. Peregrino mentions the death of " Giovanni Vincleer," in
a *report to the Marquis of Mantua, dated Rome, July 22, 1 535, as
having taken place on the previous day ; Winkler held many benefices
and left 20,000 ducats. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 This is evident from the two samples given by G. M. della Porta
in a *letter of September 23, 1522 ; otherwise Heeze is also here spoken
of as "bona et santissima persona." State Archives, Florence.
3 For Van Heeze see BURMANN, 70, note ; Archief v. kerkelijke
geschied., IX. (1838), 119 seq. ; BERGENROTH, II., n. 540, 543; DE
RAM in Anmiaire de 1'Universite de Louvain, 1862, 2j^seq. ; REUSENS
in the Biogr. Nat., IX., 336 seq. ; DE RAM in Bullet, de la Commiss.
d'hist., 2 Series, XI., 61 seq., XII., 271 ; v. DOMARUS in Hist. Jahrb.
VOL. IX. 6
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
men, however, Adrian also honoured with his confidence
some Spaniards, such as Blasio Ortiz, and several Italians;
the Bishops of Feltre and Castellamare, Tommaso Cam-
peggio,1 and Pietro Fiori, and especially Giovanni RufTo
Teodoli, Archbishop of Cosenza.2 Girolamo Ghinucci3
became an Auditor of the Camera. The Italian, Cardinal
Campeggio, was also frequently selected by the Pope for
important transactions.4 All this the courtiers of Leo X.
entirely overlooked in order to vent their dislike of the
Netherlanders : 5 "Men as stupid as stones."6 Almost
all the Italians were as unfriendly to these trusted
councillors of the Pope, whose names they could never
pronounce aright, as they were to the " foreign " Pontiff
XVI., 72 seq. ; BACHA in Compte rendu de la commiss. d'hist, XVII.,
Bruxelles, 1890, 125 seq., and especially the valuable treatise, almost
unknown to Germans, of ALLARD, Dirk Adriaansz van Heeze, Utrecht,
1884. Cf. also ALLARD, Hezius en Erasmus, Utrecht, 1884; PIEPER
in Hist. Jahrb., XVI., 779 seq.
1 V. Albergati, in a ^letter of January 3, 1523, calls him a "prelate
di bonta, virtu et dottrina " (State Archives, Bologna).
2 Cf. UGHELLI, V., 377 ; VI., 622 ; IX., 259. G. Ruffo Teodoli was
summoned to the Pope by a *brief, dated Caesareaugustae, April
2, 1522 (Cod. 1888, f. 21, Angelica Library, Rome). G. de' Medici had
already announced, in a ^letter of August 27, 1522, that this prelate
would have great influence (State Archives, Florence). See also
BERGENROTH, II., n. 502. To Ruffo Teodoli the rare work of Ant.
Pontus, Rhomitypion Romae (A. Bladus), 1524, is dedicated.
3 For Ghinucci see Vol. VII. of this work, p. 363, and UGHELLI, I.,
471 ; many considered that for a long time he had the greatest influence,
next to Enkevoirt and Heeze. See ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 76.
4 Cf. BREWER, III., 2, n. 2506.
5 As early as September 26, 1522, G. M. della Porta was complain-
ing of Enkevoirt's great influence. He gives the Pope " molte mali
consigli." *Hora tutti due (Enkevoirt and Winkler) sono odiati gia da
ognuno (State Archives, Florence).
6 Lett. d. princ., I., 108.
BERNI'S SATIRE. 83
himself, whose earnestness and moderation they would not
understand. They distrusted their influence and pursued
them with their hatred.1 The poet Berni expressed the
ml opinion in his satirical lines:
*' Ecco che personaggi, ecco che corte
Che brigate galante cortegiane :
Copis, Vinci, Corizio et Trincheforte !
Nome di for isbigottir un cane." 2
The repugnance to the stranger Pope grew into bitter
hatred the further Adrian advanced his plans for a thorough
reform of the secularized Curia. Had it not been for
this project, his native origin and character would have
been as readily forgiven him as had once been the Spanish
traits and Spanish surroundings of Alexander VI. Ortiz
hit the mark exactly when he fixed on the efforts at
reform as the seed-plot of all the odium aroused against
Adrian VI.3
1 Cf. the *letter of G. M. della Porta, dated Rome, September 23,
1522 (State Archives, Florence). Already, on December 29, 1522,
Enkevoirt and Heeze had been officially honoured by receiving the
Roman citizenship. Other Netherlander also were made Roman
citizens at that time ; see Nuova Antologia, 3 Series, LI., 238.
RNI, Rime, ed. Virgili, 32. Cf. VlLLARl, Machiavelli, III., 118.
3 See HOFLER, 208.
CHAPTER III.
ADRIAN VI. AS A REFORMER AND ECCLESIASTICAL RULER.
BEFORE he reached Italy Adrian had already announced
by his words and actions his intention of encountering with
all his energy the many and grave disorders in religion.
The numerous memorials and offers of advice addressed
to him immediately after his election show what high hopes
had been set on him as a reformer, and to what an extent
his intentions in this respect had been anticipated. A
number of these documents have been preserved. They
differ much in their value and their contents; but all
recognize the existence of grievous abuses.
The " Apocalypsis " of Cornelius Aurelius, Canon of
Gouda, is unusually comprehensive and highly rhetorical.
This strange document outspokenly describes, in the form
of a dialogue, the scandalous lives of the clergy, especially of
the Cardinals, the abuses at Rome, with particular reference
to those of the Rota, and expresses the confident expecta-
tion that reform would proceed from Adrian, of all men
the most just, the chastiser of wrongdoers, the light of the
world, the hammer of tyrants, the priest of the Most High.
As the essential means of restoring discipline the writer
calls in burning words for the summoning of a general
council such as Adrian himself had already advocated when
a professor at Louvain.1
1 Apocalypsis et visio mirabilis super miserabili statu matris ecclesiae,
etc., in BURMANN, 259-316.
84
J. I.. VIVES. 85
A similar standpoint was taken in the memorial of Joannes
Ludovicus Vives, the distinguished humanist who, by birth
a Spaniard, had, through long years of residence in Louvain
and I>ru;.vs become almost a Netherlander, and was among
the number of Adrian's friends. With sound Catholic views,
I, who had distinguished himself by his writings on
educational and politico-social subjects, was not blind to
the transgressions of the clergy.1 In a document issued at
Louvain in October 1522, he takes as his text the sentence
of Sallust, that no Government can be maintained save only
by those means by which it was established. Vives re-
quires that the Pope shall, in the sphere of politics, restore
the peace of Christendom, and in that of religion institute
a radical reform of the clergy. The latter can only be
reached by a general council wherein all, even the most
hidden and therefore most dangerous evils, must come to
light. If other Popes had avoided a general council as
though it had been poison, Adrian must not shrink from
one. Even if the existing tempest had not broken loose,
the assembling of a council, at which the principal matters
to be dealt with, would not be theoretical questions but
the practical reform of morals, would have been necessary ;
the religious controversy could be relegated to profes-
1 For Vives compare NAMKCHE in Mem. couron. p. 1'Acad. Roy.,
XV.. r.ruxelles, 1841 ; FRANCKEN, L. Vives, Rotterdam, 1853; Vives'
works, translated, with treatise on his life, by WYCHGRAM, Vienna,
1883 ; ARNAUD, Quid de pueris institut. senserit L. Vives, Paris, 1888 ;
HAUSK, Die I'iidagogik des L. Vives, Erlangen, 1891 ; VADIER, J. L.
Vives, Geneve, 1892; F. KAYSER in the Bibl. fiir kathol. Padagogik,
VIII., Freiburg, 1896; KUYPERS, Vives in seiner Padagogik, Leipzig,
1897; BRORIM;, Die Dialoge des J. L. Vives, Oldenburg, 1897;
Quid de reb. polit. senserit J. L. Vives, Paris, 1898.
WIRKKKL, Die Schrift des L. Vives uber die Armenpflege (Progr.),
1'irno, 1902 ; WEISSMANN, Die soziale Bedeutung des Humanisten L.
-, Erlangen, 1905.
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sional scholars and experts.1 In giving this advice, Vives
certainly overlooked the fact that the Lutheran controversy
had long since passed from the academic to the popular
stage,2 that the denial of the most important articles of
belief would compel any council to declare its mind, and,
finally, that the new teachers themselves were demanding
a conciliar decision. The best and the most practical
advice as regards reform reached Adrian from Rome itself.
Two Cardinals, Schinner and Campeggio, there spoke
openly and, with an exhaustive knowledge of the circum-
stances, explained the conditions under which the much-
needed reforms could be effected. Schinner' s report, dated
the ist of March 1522, is, unfortunately, only preserved in
an abstract prepared for Adrian;3 this is much to be
regretted, for in the fuller document his carefully con-
sidered counsels on the political as well as the ecclesiastical
situation were imparted in the most comprehensive way.
Schinner first of all urges a speedy departure for Rome,
otherwise a Legate must be appointed ; but in no case
should the Sacred College be allowed to represent the
Pope. Other suggestions concerned the maintenance of
the States of the Church and the restoration of peace to
Christendom. As the enemy of France, Schinner advised
the conclusion of a close alliance with the Emperor and the
Kings of England and Portugal, since the French must
be kept at a distance from Italy, otherwise it would be
impossible to take any steps against the Turks. To relieve
the financial distress, Adrian should borrow from the King
of England 200,000 ducats.
"If your Holiness," he says further, " wishes to govern in
1 VlVES, Opera II., 834 seq. ; BURMANN, 456 seqg.
2 HOFLER, 29 seqq., and 360.
3 See the text in *Cod. Vatic., 3924, and Appendix, No. 3 (Vatican
Library).
PROC.KAMMI I OR REFORM. 87
n -ality, you must not attach yourself to any Cardinal in
particular, but treat all alike, and then give the preference
to the best. On this point more can be said hereafter by
uord of mouth, as there would be danger in committing
such confidential matter to paper." Trustworthy officials
are to be recommended to the Pope in Rome by Schinner
and Enkevoirt; for the present his attention is called to
Jacob Bomisius as Secretary, and to Johann Betchen of
Cologne as Subdatary. Hereupon follows the programme
for the reform of the Curia. As regards the reductions in
the famiglie of the Cardinals, the Pope is to set a good
example by keeping up as small a Court as possible. The
sale of offices, especially those of court chaplains and
Abbreviators, must be done away with; the number of
Penitentiaries and Referendaries reduced ; and both these
classes, as well as persons employed in the Rota, have
fixed salaries assigned to them. The officials of the Rota
may receive fees not exceeding, under penalty of dis-
missal, the sum of two ducats ; the same scale to apply
to the Penitentiaries ; should the latter receive more from
the faithful, the surplus shall go to the building fund of
St. Peter's. The Papal scribes are to keep themselves
strictly within the limits of the taxes as assessed. The
river tax is to be reduced by one-half, whereby an impetus
will be given to trade; under no circumstances is this
tax any longer to be farmed. The numerous purchasable
posts established by Leo X. are simply abolished.
The "Promemoria" sent by Cardinal Campeggio to
the Pope in Spain x called for not less decisive measures ;
1 Discovered and published by H6FLER in the Abhandl. der Munch.
Akad., IV., 3, 62-89 (cf- Adrian VI., 210 seq.\ but erroneously attributed
to Egidius Canisius. Friedensburg established the real authorship in
the Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Geschichtswissenschal't, N.F., I. (Viertel-
jahrshefte, 1896-7), 71 scqg. Hofler also found that the copy contained
88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
apart from recommendations concerning the States of
the Church, this document deals exclusively with the
removal of ecclesiastical abuses ; here, however, the
advice is so uncompromising that it must be dis-
tinguished as the most radical programme of reform put
forward at this critical time. With a noble candour and
a deep knowledge of his subject, he exposes, with-
out palliation, the abuses of the Roman Curia. His
position is that of a staunch Churchman ; the authority
of the Holy See is based on divine institution ; if, in virtue
of this authority, all things are possible to the Pope, all
things are not permissible. Since the source of the evil
is to be traced back to the Roman Curia, in the Roman
Curia the foundations of reform must be laid.
In the first place, Campeggio desires a reform of Church
patronage. A stop must be put to the abuse of conferring
benefices without the consent of the patrons ; to the plurality
of livings, a custom having its origin in covetousness and
ambition; to the scandalous system of "commendams,"
and finally, to the taxation known as " compositio," an
impost which had brought upon the Holy See the odium
of princes and had furnished heretical teachers with a
pointed weapon of attack. Campeggio points to the
absolute necessity of a limitation of the powers of the
Dataria, the officials of which were often as insatiable as
leeches. The reservation of benefices must be entirely
abolished, unless some case of the most exceptional kind
should occur ; those which were already sanctioned, how-
ever, were to be strictly maintained ; every opportunity
for illicit profit on the part of officials must be cut off.
He lays down sound principles with regard to the bestowal
of patronage. The personal qualifications of a candidate
in the *Cod. Vatic., 6222, f. 79 seq.^ in the Vatican Library, was better
than that in the State Library, Munich.
"PROMEMORIA" 01 < .\MN-:<,<,IO. 89
should be considered as well as the peculiar circumstances
ut a diocese; foreigners ought not to be preferred to native
candidates; appointments should in all cases be given
to men of wholly virtuous and worthy character. Special
sorrow is expressed over the many conventions, agree-
ments, and concordats with secular princes whereby the
greater part of the spiritual rights and concerns of the
Holy See have been withdrawn from its authority.
Although Campeggio in the very interests of ecclesiastical
dignity and freedom recommends the utmost possible
restriction of the concessions which earlier Popes had
made through greed or ignorance, he is yet careful to
exhort great circumspection and moderation in approach-
ing this delicate ground.
In the second place, he denounces the gross abuses
arising from the indiscriminate issue of indulgences. On
this point he suggests, without qualification, important
limitations, especially with regard to the grant of
indulgences to the Franciscan Order and the special
privileges relating to confession. The approaching year
of Jubilee offers a fitting opportunity for sweeping changes
in this matter. The rebuilding of St. Peter's, a debt
of honour for every Pontiff, need not be hindered on this
account ; Christian Princes must be called upon to pay
a yearly contribution towards its completion.
In a third section the " Promemoria " considers the
general interests of the Christian Church ; the return of the
Bohemians to unity ; the restoration of peace, especially
between Charles V. and Francis I., in order to promote a
crusade against the Turks, in which Russia also must be
induced to join ; finally, the extirpation of the Lutheran
heresy by the fulfilment of the terms of the Edict of
Worms.
Campeggio's memorial also pleads for a thorough reform
90 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the judicial courts. In future, let all causes be referred
to the ordinary courts, without any private intervention of
the Pope in this domain. The judges of the Rota, where
bad, should be replaced by good ; the auditors' salaries
should be fixed, and the charges for despatches, which had
risen to an exorbitant excess, must be cut down and settled
at a fixed scale. Similar reforms are recommended for
the tribunal of the Auditor of the Camera. Supplementary
proposals are added concerning a reform of the Senate,
of the Judges of the Capitol, of the city Governors,
Legates, and other officials of the States of the Church.
Last of all, means are suggested for alleviating the financial
distress. The Cardinal deprecates an immediate suspen-
sion of those offices which Leo X. had created in exchange
for money, since such a proceeding might shake men's
confidence in Papal promises; he advocates a gradual
suppression and their exchange for benefices. Further
recommendations have reference to the appointment of
a finance committee of Cardinals, the sequestration of
the first year's rents of all vacant benefices, and the
levy of a voluntary tax on the whole of Christendom.
Other proposals Campeggio keeps in reserve for oral
communication.
Bitter lamentations over Rome as the centre of all
evil are also contained in another letter through which
Zaccaria da Rovigo endeavoured indirectly to influence
Adrian VI. Here the principal abuse inveighed against
is the appointment of young and inexperienced men to
Church dignities, even bishoprics ; this paper, composed
at the moment of the Pope's arrival, also exhorts him
to be sparing in the distribution of privileges and indul-
gences.1 An anonymous admonition, also certainly intended
1 *Letter of Zaccaria da Rovigo to Carastosa da Agrado (cf. FEA,
Notizie, 67) in Cod. Vatic., 3588 (Vatican Library).
INTENTIONS OK ADRIAN. pi
for Adrian, singles out, as the most important and necessary
matter for reform, the episcopal duty of residence in
the diocese. Henceforth Cardinals should not receive
bishoprics as sources of revenue. Their incomes should
be fixed at a sum ranging from 4000 to 5000 ducats, and a
Cardinal-Protector should be given to each country. The
author advocates a strict process of selection in appointing
members of the Sacred College ; their number should be
diminished, for thereby unnecessary expenditure would be
avoided and the respect due to the Cardinalate increased.
The importance of appointing good bishops, intending to
reside in their sees, is justly enforced. Under pain of
eternal damnation, says the writer, the Pope is bound to
appoint shepherds, not wolves. As regards the inferior
clergy, he lays stress on the necessity for a careful choice
of priests anxious for the souls of their people, performing
their functions in person, and not by deputy, and faithful
in all their duties, especially that of preaching.1
By these and other communications2 Adrian was
accurately informed of the true state of things and of
the existing scandals, as well as of the means for their
removal. Having had experience in Spain of the success
of a legitimate Church reform, working from within, he
was determined to bring all his energies to bear in
grappling with a decisive improvement in Rome itself, on
the principle of ancient discipline, and extending this
amelioration to the whole Church. He had hardly set
foot in Rome before he removed all doubt as to his inten-
tions of reform by appointing Cardinal Campeggio to the
*Consilium dat. summo pontifici super reform, christ., in Cod.
Vatic., 3917 seq., 20 scq. (Vatican Library).
- The composition of L. Ferreri, De reformatione ecclesiae suasoria
. . . ad Hadrianum VI., which I only know from MoRSOLIN, Ferreri,
1 1 6 sey., may well belong to this period.
92 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Segnatura della Justizia, and nominating Enkevoirt as
Datary.1 He also soon addressed the Cardinals in no un-
certain language. In his first Consistory, on the 1st of
September 1522, he made a speech which caused general
astonishment. He had not sought the tiara, he declared, but
had accepted it as a heavy burden since he recognized that
God had so willed it. Two things lay at his heart before
all others : the union of Christian princes for the overthrow
of the common enemy, the Turk, and the reform of the
Roman Curia. In both these affairs he trusted that the
Cardinals would stand by him, as the relief of Hungary,
then sorely threatened by the Sultan, and of the knights
of Rhodes, admitted of as little delay as the removal of
the grievous ecclesiastical disorders in Rome. Going
more closely into the latter question, Adrian cited the
example of the Jews, who, when they refused to amend,
were constantly visited by fresh judgments. Thus was it
with Christendom at that hour. The evil had reached such
a pitch that, as St. Bernard says, those who were steeped in
sins could no longer perceive the stench of their iniquities.
Throughout the whole world the ill repute of Rome was
talked of. He did not mean to say that in their own lives
the Cardinals displayed these vices, but within their palaces
iniquity stalked unpunished; this must not so continue.
Accordingly, he implores the Cardinals to banish from
their surroundings all elements of corruption, to put away
their extravagant luxury, and to content themselves with
an income of, at the utmost, 6000 ducats. It must be their
sacred duty to give a good example to the world, to
bethink themselves of the honour and welfare of the
Church, and to rally round him in carrying out the
necessary measures of reform.
1 Cf. the ** letter of G. de' Medici of August 29, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence).
II IK POPE AND THE CURIA.
93
The Tope, according to a foreign envoy, made use of
such strong expressions that all who heard him were
astonished ; he rebuked the ways of living at the Roman
Court in terms of severity beyond which it would be
impossible to go. A lively discussion thereupon arose,
since, as the Venetian Ambassador declares, there were
a score of Cardinals who considered themselves second
to none in the whole world. The Pope's strongest com-
plaints were probably aimed at the Rota, where the
administration of justice was a venal business. On this
point it was decided, most probably on the advice of
Schinncr, to take prohibitive measures at once; any
Auditor who should in future be guilty of illegality,
especially in the matter of fees, was to be liable to
peremptory dismissal.1
The Curia realized very soon that Adrian was the man
to thoroughly carry out his projects of reform. The
Cardinals in Curia, who had taken up their residence in
the Vatican, were obliged to leave ; only Schinner, whose
name was identified with the programme of reform, was
allowed to remain.2 To Cardinal Cibo, a man of immoral
1 Along with the version of the Pope's speech in *Cod. Vatic,
3920, f. 103 seq., of the Vatican Library, see Acta Consist., printed by
LAK.MMER, Melet, 201-202 (after moribus, curiae is here omitted), and
the account in SANUTO, XXXIII., 433, 440, giving important additions
to this very summary report, as well as in Appendix, 7 and 9, the
""reports of G. de' Medici of September i, and of G. M. della Porta of
September 6, 1 522 (State Archives, Florence). See also BLASIUS DE
MARTINELLIS, * Diarium in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, and
Cod. Barb., lat. 2799, °f the Vatican Library.
2 Besides BREWER, III., 2, n. 2611, cf. the * letter of G. M. della
Porta of September 4, 1522: * II papa non ha restituito ad alcun
cardinale stanze in palazzo salvo che a Sedonense (State Archives,
Florence). G. Merino, Archbishop of Bari, writes on September 20,
1 522, ex Puysi non procul a Parisiis, to Schinner : * Gaudeo vehementer
//n
I
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
character, the Pope showed his displeasure in the most
evident manner; when he presented himself for an
audience, he was not even admitted to his presence.1
Still greater astonishment was caused when Cardinal
Medici, who had carried the Pope's election, was treated
in exactly the same way as all the others. To the
Cardinals it seemed an unheard-of proceeding that the
prohibition to carry weapons should be at once enforced
with rigour on members of their own households.2 A clerk
in Holy Orders who had given false evidence in the Rota,
was punished by the Pope with immediate arrest and the
loss of all his benefices. Unbounded consternation was
aroused by the steps taken against Bernardo Accolti, who
had been accused of participation in a murder during the
vacancy of the Holy See, and had fled from his threatened
punishment. The favourite of the court circle of Leo
X., who had given him the sobriquet of "the Unique,"
was cited to appear instantly for judgment, or, in case of
contumacy, to suffer the confiscation of all his property,
movable and immovable. " Everyone trembles," writes
the Venetian Ambassador, " Rome has again become
what it once was ; all the Cardinals, even to Egidio
Canisio, a member of the Augustinian Order, have put off
their beards." A few days later, the same narrator reports :
" The whole city is beside itself with fear and terror, owing
D. V. Rmo apud S. D. N. in s. palatio residere. Spero enim Stem suam
ex dominatione V. Ra pro illius in rebus gerendls experientia zeloque
et fide incomparabilia erga Stem Suam et Ap. Sedem maxima servitia
percepturam. Cod. 1888, f. 2ib, Angelica Library, Rome.
1 See the ** reports of G. M. della Porta of September 14, 1522, to
the Duchess Eleanora of Urbino (State Archives, Florence). For
the case in which Cibo was implicated later on, see STAFFETTI,
35 seq.
2 **See the letter of G. Staccoli of December 2, 1522, to the Duchess
Eleonora of Urbino (State Archives, Florence).
STRONG ENACTMENTS. 95
to the things clone by the Pope in the space of eight^
days." '
"^Already, in the above-mentioned Consistory, on the 1st
of September, Adrian had annulled all indults issued by the
Cardinals during the provisional government, subsequent
to the 24th of January. Soon afterwards the number of the
referendaries of the Segnatura, which had been raised by
Leo to forty, was reduced to nine;2 in this matter also
Adrian followed the advice of Schinner. At the same time,
it was reported that the Pope had commanded the Datary
Enkevoirt to appoint no one in future to more than one
benefice. When Cardinal Agostino Trivulzio asked for a
bishopric on account of his poverty, the Pope asked the
amount of his income. When Adrian was informed that
this amounted to 4000 ducats, he remarked : " I had only
3000, and yet laid by savings out of that which were of
service to me on my journey to Italy." 3 He also published
strong enactments, in the middle of September, against the
laxity of public morals in Rome.4 In Germany, Adrian
insisted on the strict observance of the decree of the last
Lateran Council that every preacher should be furnished
with a special licence by his bishop.5
1 SANUTO, XXXIII., 444-445; cf. Rossi, Pasquinate 112, and
GUARNERA, Accolti, Palermo, 1901, \\6seg. " Questopapa e homoche
non parla mai se non di la giusticia " is the *report of G. M. della Porta,
September 11, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
2 See SANUTO, XXXIII., 445; cf. Ortiz in BURMANN, 199;
RKUSENS, XXXII. According to T. Campeggio (* Letter of September
1 1, 1522, in State Archives, Bologna), Adrian VI. only appointed eight
referendaries to the Segnatura.
3 See in Appendix, No. 8, the * report of G. M. della Porta of
September 2, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
4 See the ** account of G. M. della Porta, September 15, 1522,10 the
Duchess Eleanora of Urbino (State Archives, Florence).
;' This decree, on which GUGLIA ^Studien zur Geschichte der
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The wholesome fear which had fallen on the Curia was
still further increased by the news that Adrian intended
to suppress the College of the Cavalieri di San Pietro,1 and
to recall collectively many of the offices bestowed by the
deceased Pope.2 Everyone who had received or bought
an official place under Leo X. dreaded the loss of posi-
tion and income. Numberless interests were at stake.
Thousands were threatened in their means of existence as
Adrian proceeded to divest " ecclesiastical institutions of
that financial character stamped upon them by Leo, as if
the whole machinery of Church government had been a
great banking concern."3 In addition to this, the Pope at
first held himself aloof as much as possible from the
decision of questions of prerogative, and even in matters
of pressing importance generally answered with a " Vide-
bimus " — " We shall see." 4 Not less firm were the Datary
Enkevoirt, the private secretary Heeze, and the Nether-
lander Petrus de Roma, who was responsible for the issue
Laterankonzils, N.F., 46) throws doubt, was expressly mentioned
later by Chieregati ; see Reichstagsakten, III., 446. It was also under
discussion at the Council of Trent; see MERKLE, I., 63, and *the
original Acts for the general Congregation of May 21, 1546, in De
Concilio, 62, f. 227 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 The incomes of the Cavalieri were to be spent on the fugitives
from countries taken by the Turks. * Letter of G. M. della Porta
of September 4, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Account of **G. M. della Porta of October 9, 1522, in State
Archives, Florence.
3 H6FLER, 220.
* That the "Videbimus" reported by the Venetian Ambassador
(ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 112) is not mere gossip is clear from the
* letter of G. de' Medici of August 29, and from the * report of G. M.
della Porta, October 5, 1522, in State Archives, Florence. The
expression "Videbimus et cogitabimus " became a catchword. See
VIRGILI'S edition of Berni's Rime, 36.
OPINIONS ABOUT ADRIAN. 97
of Papal dispensations.1 Rome rang with innumerable
complaints. The verdict on Adrian was that he carried
firmness to excess, and in all matters was slow to act* /
Among the few who did justice to the conscientiousness of
the Pope were Campeggio,3 Pietro Delfino,4 and the repre-
sentative of the Duchess of Urbino, Giovanni Tommaso
Manfredi. As early as the 2Qth of August the last-named
had reported : " The Holy Father appears to be a good
shepherd ; he is one of those to whom all disorder is
unpleasing ; the whole of Christendom has cause for satis-
faction." 5 On the 8th of September Manfredi repeats his
good opinion ; even if Adrian is somewhat slow in coming
to his decisions, yet, he remarks very justly, it must be
taken into consideration that, at the beginning of his reign,
a new Pope has to take his bearings.6 At the end of
December the envoy of Ferrara is emphatic in calling
attention to the Pope's love of justice. Leo is certainly
aimed at when he says expressly, at the same time, that
Adrian is a stranger to dissimulation and a double tongue.
1 Cf. Ortiz in BURMANN, 169.
2 See the * letter of G. M. della Porta of September 21, 1522, in
State Archives, Florence. The Venetian Ambassador reports on
September 7, 1522, that 10,000 petitions had been received, of which
one only, in favour of Cardinal de' Medici, had been granted ; SANUTO,
XXXIII., 446. v. DOMARTJS (Hist. Jahrb., VI., 75-76), having in view
the volumes of petitions in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, treats
this account as mythical.
3 Cf. his letter to Wolsey in BREWER, III., 2, n. 2506.
4 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1522, n. 18 seq.
5 Questo nostro beatissimo padre mi pare un bon pastore et e
persona a chi despiace le cose mai fatte e mi penso che tutta la
Christianity ne habbi ad rimanere bene satisfatta (State Archives,
Florence).
0 G. T. Manfredi to the Duchess Eleonora of Urbino, dated Rome,
September 8, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
7 *Letter of L. Cati, December 30, 1522, in State Archives, Modena.
VOL. IX. 7
98 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Also, in January 1523, Jacopo Cortese praises in the
highest terms, to the Marchioness Isabella of Mantua, the
tenacious conscientiousness, the justice, and the holy life
of the Pope.1
The above opinions, however, among which that of the
Portuguese Ambassador2 may, to a certain extent, be
included, form an exception. The general verdict was
increasingly unfavourable. This we must connect, in the
first place, with Adrian's limited expenditure, in order to
relieve the finances which, under Leo, had become so
heavily involved.3 Regardless of the fact that the Pope,
face to face with empty coffers and a mountain of debt,
had no other course open to him than that of extreme
economy,4 he was soon reviled as a niggard and a miser.
The prodigal generosity and unmeasured magnificence of
the Popes of the Renaissance had so confused the general
standard of opinion that, to an Italian of those days, a
homely and frugal Pope was a phenomenon none could
understand. Leo X. was popular because he piled up
debt on debt ; his successor was unpopular " because he
1 " Di la timorosita, rectitudine e sanctimonia di S. Bne non se ne
potrebe predicare tanto quanto e in efecto." *Letter of January 5,
1523, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; cf. also in Appendix, No. 14, the
* letter of January 12, 1523.
2 Cf. his opinion in Corp. dipl. Port., II., 121, 153.
3 Cf. the * reports of G. M. della Porta of September 6 and 9,
and October 5 and 9, 1522, in State Archives, Florence: see
Appendix, No. 9. See also the ^letters of B. Castiglione of September
14 and December 4, 1522, and *that of A. Germanello of December
21, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Manlua).
4 *N. Sre raffermo la guardia delli Suizeri e riducto la de Cavalli
leggieri a numero di 45. Capitan d'epsi Vincentio da Tigoli ; raffermo
e Pietro Chiavelluzi di nuovo e li altri cassi. Cosi per ogni verso va
diminuendo la spesa. G. de' Medici, October 3, 1522 (State Archives,
Florence).
ADRIAN AND HIS RELATIVES. 99
neither could make money nor wished to make it." ! • The
sharp break with all the traditions of the Medicean reign
disappointed the hopes and damaged the private interests
of thousands, who now bitterly hated the foreign Pope,
and looked with hostility on all his measures.2 Even in
cases where one might with certainty have expected his
actions to meet with general approval, they incurred
censure. A nephew of Adrian's, a student at Siena, had
come to him in haste ; the Pope at once made it clear to
him that he ought to return to his studies. Other relations
who had come to him on foot, full of the highest expecta-
tion, were dismissed after receiving some very slender gifts.
The same persons who could not sufficiently blame the
Pope for surrounding himself with Netherlanders, now
pointed to his sternness towards his own family as the
very acme of harshness.3
What currency was given to the most unfair criticism of
1 HOFLER, 210, 223. The conduct of Adrian VI. on the death of
Cardinal Grimani shows how far removed he was from all covetous
greed. NEGRI acknowledges this ; see Lett. d. princ. I., I I7b ; cf. also
Ortiz in BURMANN, 226-227. SCHULTE, I., 229, says appositely,
"Adrian sought nothing for himself; but still less did he wish the
Curia to be the great gold-mine from which everyone was to extract
riches. The difficulties of the political situation demanded the
strictest economy, and his- predecessor had already squandered his
share in the lavish stream of bounties. Often, to the blessing of a
family, the spendthrift is succeeded by the thrifty restorer of its
fortunes." See also V. DOMARUS in Histor. Jahrb., XVI., 74.
• A good example is given in the * report of G. de' Medici of
September 8, 1522, printed in Appendix, No. 10 (State Archives,
Florence).
3 Jovius, Vita Adriani. Adrian's freedom from nepotism, remarks
! R> 383, was "an example which few understood and still fewer
ted, a fact that his contemporaries could not realize. They
placed the Pope, who thought it necessary to abstain from nepotism,
m the same category with those who regarded it as a scandal."
100 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Adrian is shown, not only in the reports of the Imperial
Ambassador1 who, on political grounds, was bitterly
opposed to him, but in those of most of the other envoys.
Adrian was not turned aside by the general dissatisfaction ;
with that firmness which had always been one of his
characteristics, he set himself with determination to carry
out what he saw to be necessary. His programme con-
sisted in, first of all, giving help in the Turkish troubles ;
and secondly, in making headway with his Church reforms ;
his responsibilities towards the States of the Church he
placed, for the present, in the background.2
The gigantic tasks which he had thus undertaken were
made more difficult not merely by the hostility of the
Curia and the want of funds, but by a calamity for which
also the Pope was not responsible. Early in September^
1522 the;plague had broken out afresh in Rome. Isolated
cases had been reported on the 5th of that month, a season
always dreaded on account of its unhealthiness. Later on
the pestilence became epidemic, and on the nth the daily
death-rate was reckoned at thirty-six.3 Adrian did not
delay in taking the necessary measures. He took care that
the spiritual needs of the sick should be attended to under *
strict regulations ; at the same time he endeavoured to
check the spread of the disease by forbidding the sale
1 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 483, 490, 502, 509, 540.
2 *N. Sre attende sollecitamente ad ordinaire 1' armata sua per
mandarla al soccorso di Rhodi. Fatto questo attended S. Sta alle cose
de la Chiesa spiritual!, poi alle temporal! et di le gente d' arme. G. M.
della Porta, September u, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. the *report of G. de' Medici of 5, 9 (La peste al continue fa piu
danno), 1 1 (* La peste va impliando ogni giorno piu e ne more trenta
sei per giorno), 12 and 14 September, 1522. See also the ^letters of
G. M. della Porta of 9, u, 13 and 14 September 1522 (State Archives,
Florence).
I'LAGUE IN ROME. IOI
of articles belonging to those who had died l of the
disorder.
The members of the Curia wished the Pope to abandon
the city, now plague-stricken in every quarter.2 They could
remember how even a Nicholas V. had thus ensured his
safety.3 Not so the Flemish Pope : with courage and com-
posure he remained steadfast at his post, although the
plague gained ground every day. In answer to represen-
tations made on all sides that he might be attacked, his
reply was, " I have no fear for myself, and I put my trust in
God."4 Adrian kept to his resolve, although on the I3th of
September he was indisposed. It is to be noted that, not-
withstanding his ailment, he did not abstain from saying
Mass and attending to the despatch of business. The fever,
however, had so much increased on the I5th that he was
obliged to suspend his daily Mass.5 As soon as he felt
1 See in Appendix, No. 10, the report of G. de' Medici of September
8, 1522. The statement of Jovius (Vita Adriani VI.), that the Pope
neglected to take measures against the plague, is also an invention.
- < >n September 8, 1522, G. de' Medici had already stated that the
Pope would leave Rome ; but on the nth he had to report : *I1 Papa
non parla di partirsi (State Archives, Florence). On the spread of
the plague Stef. Saffa writes, on September 12, 1522 : *La peste qui
tocca malamente et hormai ha compreso ogni parte di Roma ne mai e
d\ che non si trovino due et'tre morti per stradi. A Spanish chamber-
lain of the Pope's also died. (State Archives, Modena.)
3 Cf. our remarks, Vol. II. of this work, p. 86 seq.
4 *Le papa mostra non la (sc. peste) temer et dice che si confida in
G. M. della 1'orta, September 13, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
6 Cf. the detailed ** accounts of G. M. della Porta of September 15
and 20, 1522 (cf. Appendix, No. 11), and that of G. de' Medici of
September 14. The latter says, *S. S. hieri hebbe un po di doglia di
testa e qucsta nocte passata dubitoron d' un po di febbre Hoggi ha
dato audientia. On September 15 : The Pope keeps his bed from fever.
< >n Srptember 16, 17, 18, and 19 : The fever continues. On September
;nd 21 : The Pope goes on better. (State Archives, Florence.)
102 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
better, he devoted himself again to business, although his
physicians implored him to take some rest.1 Notwith-
standing the exertions into which Adrian, in his zeal for
duty, threw himself, regardless of the claims of health, he
made such improvement that on the 22nd of September
his recovery was regarded as complete.2 He now re-
doubled his activity, and the audiences were once more
resumed. " The Cardinals," writes an envoy, " besiege the
Pope and give him more trouble than all the rest of
Christendom put together."3 Meanwhile the plague still
lasted, and once more the Pope was advised from all
quarters to secure the safety of his life by flight, but to
their counsels Adrian would not listen ; regardless of the
danger, on the 28th of September he visited S. Maria del
Popolo.4 The only concessions he at last consented to i
make were to defer the Consistories, and to permit the :
affrighted Cardinals to leave Rome.5 At the end of [
September the daily death-rate amounted to thirty-five,
and the cases of sickness to forty-one.6
1 G. M. della Porta, September 20, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
2 *Letter of G. de' Medici, September 22, 1522, in State Archives,
Florence.
3 See **the report of G. M. della Porta, September 26, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence).
4 *Letters of G. de' Medici, September 25, 27, 28,29, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence).
6 *Letter of G. M. della Porta, September 27, 1522, in State Archives,
Florence. Enea Pio ^reports previously, September 17, 1522 : " Mold
signori cardinal! si sono partiti et altri pensano partire excusandosi
sopra la peste, ma in veritate per mal contenteza" (State Archives,
Modena).
*Letter of G. de3 Medici, September 30, 1522, in State Archives,
Florence. Many of Medici's letters contain the * official lists of the
dead and sick as registered in the different quarters of the city. Cf.
also the * reports of T. Campeggio, September 27 and 30, 1522, in the
State Archives, Bologna.
THK PLAGUE. 1 03
Cardinal Schinncr died on the 1st of October of a fever v
which had attacked him on the I2th of September.1 His
death was a heavy loss to the cause of reform, of which he
had been the eager champion. It was already reported
in Germany that the Pope had succumbed to the plague.2
In the first week of October, under ordinary circumstances
the pleasantest month in Rome, the mortality made great
strides;3 on the 8th the death-roll numbered a hundred.4
All who could took to flight ; only the Pope remained^;
He attended to the Segnatura and even still continued to
give audiences; not until two inmates of the Vatican were
stricken did he shut himself up in the Belvedere.5 The
Cardinals were directed to apply to the Datary for
affairs of pressing importance.6 On the loth of October
1 * Letters of G. de' Medici, September 12 and October i, 1522, in
State Archives, Florence. Also Blasius de Martinellis (Secret Archives
of the Vatican) and T. Campeggio (*letter, October 4, 1522, in State
Archives, Bologna) report that Schinner's death took place on October i.
Accordingly, SCHMIDLIN, 294, is subject to correction.
DLICH, Niirnberger Reichstag, 33.
3 Already, on October i, 1522, *Bart Prospero reports thirty-two
deaths (State Archives, Modena). On October 2, 1522, *G. M. della
Porta writes : " Questa peste e cresciuta et cresce ogni di tanto che tutta
Roma pensa d' andarsene." On the 5th : *La peste fa grandissima
strafe. Many fly. "Gli Cardinali fanno grande instanza a N. S. che
se ne vada fori." On the loth : The plague has appeared in Marino
and Yiterbo (State Archives, Florence). Cf. also LANCIANI, I., 216 seq.
1 SANUTO, XXX1IL, 477.
6 *Letters of G. T. Manfredi, September 29, and G. de' Medici of
October 7 and 9, 1522 (State Archives, Florence), and *letter of T.
Campeggio of October 4 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. the reports of
Saffa of October 7 and 17, *La peste qui fa male et ognuno si fugge
siche Roma non ha piu quasi faccia di quella era (State Archives,
M,I), the *Literae de Roma of October 10, 1 522 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua), and BERGENROTH, II., n. 479.
6 C/"-%*Literae de Roma of October TO, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives,
tua).
104 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals Ridolfi and Salviati left Rome, followed on the
1 3th by Giulio de' Medici and on the I4th by the Imperial
Ambassador Sessa.1 The members of the Curia were of
opinion that the Pope ought to do the same at any cost,
but found Adrian as irresponsive as ever ; he remained in
the Belvedere and held audiences at a window.2 In
November even this was given up ;3 of the entire College
of Cardinals only three remained in Rome and, at last,
: one only, Armellini. The Italian officials had almost all
taken to flight ; only the faithful Flemings and some
Spaniards refused to leave the Pope.4
No diminution in the plague was observable in October,
nor yet in November. At the end of the former month
there were 1750 infected houses in Rome.5 Baldassare
Castiglione draws a fearful picture of the misery in the
city. In the streets he saw many corpses and heard the
cries of the sufferers : " Eight out of ten persons whom
one meets," he writes, "bear marks of the plague. Only a
1 * Letters of G. de' Medici of October 11, 13, and 14, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence).
2 SANUTO, XXXIII., 497. According to the registers of deaths
collected by G. de' Medici, the return on October 1 7 was 60, on the
1 8th, 59, on the igth, 63. Galeotto de' Medici about this time also
left Rome. On October 28 he writes from the Vigna del Card. de}
Medici, "more than 60 deaths are reckoned daily." On October 31
Sessa gives a still higher figure (150). BERGENROTH, II., n. 496. Cf.
also Tizio, *Hist. Senen. (Chigi Library, Rome).
3 G. de' Medici reports "della Vigna dello ill. Medici." On
^October 30 : The plague continues. On ^November 7 : Many die.
Cardinal S. Quattro (L. Pucci) has fled in consequence. ^November
10 : The Pope has ceased to give audience. ^November 13: The
plague has taken firm hold. (State Archives, Florence.)
4 See SANUTO, XXXIII., 493 seq. • Ortiz in BURMANN, 202.
*Hanno facto la descriptione delle case infecte e heri eran mille
septem cento cinquanta. G. de' Medici, October 28, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence).
MORTALITY IN ROME. 105
few men have survived. I fear lest God should annihilate
the inhabitants of this city. The greatest mortality has
•n among grave-diggers, priests, and physicians. Where
the dead have none belonging to them, it is hardly any
longer possible to give them burial."1 According to
Albergati, the confusion had reached such a pitch that the
living were sometimes interred with the dead.2 With the
arrival of cold weather in the first half of December signs
appeared that the pestilence was on the wane. On the pth
of December the daily sum of deaths was still thirty-three,
on the 1 5th thirty-seven, on the i8th only nine.3 Since
the Cardinals hesitated about returning — on the loth of
December only six had been present in Consistory — the
Pope gave orders that they must all return to their places
in the Curia.4 The cases of sickness having very greatly
lessened by the end of the year,5 the Pope resumed his
1 Letter of B. Castiglione, October 31, 1522. Castiglione on
November 6 writes : *Che la peste procede piu acerbamente che
mai, ch' e miracolo atteso la poca gente ch' era rimasta in Roma.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also *letter of V. Albergati,
November 30, 1522, in State Archives, Bologna.
- Albergati in HOFLER, 221.
3 See the *registers of deaths forwarded by G. de' Medici in State
Archives, Florence. Cf. GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 391. When
the danger of pestilence was over, the little church, S. Mariae portae
paradisi liberatricis pestilentiae, on the Ripetta, was rebuilt as a thank-
offering ; see besides MORICHINI, 145, also FORCELLA, XII., 91, 93.
The date of the inscription is here given incorrectly as 1522 instead
of 1523. The latter date is still clearly legible.
NUTO, XXXIII., 548, 559, 596. *Heri el Papa fece consistorio,
e intervennero solum li rev. card11 Jacubacci, S. Sixto, Siena, Hivrea,
Campezo et Trivulsi. *A. Germanello on December 1 1, 1522 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *I)iarium (Papal
Secret Archives), says that seven cardinals took part in the Consistory.
*Letter of G. de' Medici, December 27, 1522, in State Archives,
Florence.
106 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
audiences; the fugitive Italians, one by one, returned to
Rome and the business of the Curia was once more reopened.1
While the plague raged four precious months were lost.
It is indeed worthy of our admiration that Adrian, as
soon as the greatest danger was over, should have returned
immediately to his work of reform. As early as the Qth of
December 1522 there appeared a measure of great import-
ance and utility in this direction. All indults granted to
the secular power since the days of Innocent VIII. con-
cerning the presentation and nomination to high as well as
inferior benefices were repealed, thus leaving the Holy See
free to provide for the choice of fit persons. Even if this
general ordinance were limited to no small extent by the
concordats entered into with separate countries, still, it was
made known " that the Pope had no intention of stopping
at half measures, and that, whenever he found a bad con-
dition of things, he was determined to replace it by a
better."2 On the 5th of January 1523 Adrian reopened
the Segnatura for the first time. He took this opportunity
of expressly enjoining that only such persons should
receive benefices as were fitted for and worthy of them.3
An actual panic was caused in the first months of 1523
by the renewal, in a more circumstantial form, of the
report that the Pope was busy with his scheme for abolish-
ing all the new offices created by Leo X. and bestowed
or sold by him, and for making a great reduction of all
1 Ortiz in BURMANN, 208 ; cf. LANCELLOTTI, I., 429 ; BERNI, Rime
ed Virgili, 277. On December 4, 1522, B. Castiglione had still to
report : *N. S. sta ristretto senza dare audientia a persona del mondo
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Bull. VI., i seq. ; HOFLER, 240. See also the *letter of A.
Germanello of December 21, 1522, and *that of J. Cortese to the
Marchioness Isabella, January 5, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 *Letter of A. Germanello, January 5, 1523, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
REDUCTIONS IN THK I'AI'AI, ESTABLISHMENT, 107
officials, especially of the scribes and archivists.1 In the
•ming of February a Congregation of six Cardinals
was in fact appointed in order to draw up proposals with
(1 to the recently made Leonine appointments.2
Adrian had now brought himself into complete disfavour
with the ecclesiastical bureaucracy — of all bureaucracies
the worst. It gave rise to astonishment and displeasure
when Adrian, in the beginning of April 1523, dismissed
most of the Spaniards in his service from motives of
economy and soon afterwards made further reductions in
his establishment.3 If strong expression had before this
1 Cf. also with SANUTO, XXXIII., 620, the ^letters of G. de'
Medici, February u and 14, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Cerca el papa tuctavia reterare ad se le intrate de la chiesa et
revocar le cose alienate da papa Leone et ha incommensato con li
oficii create da lui et deputati sei card1' ad la revisione de epsi, che
sonno li rmi de Vulterra, Flisco, Monte, Ancona, Jacobasi et Campezio,
li quali ban facte piu congregation! sopra de questo et par satisfar al
papa per che inclinino ad la revocatione de dicti officii, ma li sono
molti clamori de officiali, et quando se facesse serria periculo de
qualche scandalo per esserli molti brigate intricate et maxiine non
possendolo fare el papa di rascione ; anchora non e successo altro ;
laltro di fo facto da tucti dicti card" congregatione ai casa de Vulterra
dove comparsero li officiali et allegarono suspecti alcuni di dicti
card" et protestarono che non se procedesse ad ulteriora nisi prima
discussa la causa de la suspitione et forono dicte de male parole contra
dicti card1'; la cosa resti cost suspesa. A. Germanello, February 13,
1 523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
*E1 Papa se excusa non haver el modo de posserli far le spese.
rmanello, April n, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. *the
reports of L. Cati of April 14 (If it had been possible, the Pope would
have dismissed even his Spanish secretary), and May 29, 1523. In
the latter he says : *La Sfa N. S. licentia molti de la sua famiglia che
ritornano in Spai;na, et a questo proposito gia disse a me, che volca
> vivere. Et fra gli altri licentia ccrti giovanotti soi ragazzi gentil-
huomini che havca menati di la (State Archives, Mantua). The latter
uion was carried out in order to put an end to scandalous reports.
108 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
found vent in the Curia on the subject of Adrian's
parsimony, or, as they preferred to call it, his miserliness,1
now indignation knew no bounds. According to the
Ferrarese envoy, no Pope had ever received so much abuse
as Adrian VI.2 Prelates and Cardinals accustomed to
the pomp and luxury of the Leonine period found a
continual stumbling-block in the asceticism and simplicity
of Adrian's life. The contrast was indeed sharp and un-
compromising. While Leo loved society and saw much
of it, delighted in state and ceremony, in banquets and
stage plays, his successor lived with a few servants in
the utmost possible retirement ; he never went abroad
save to visit churches, and then with a slender retinue.3
He gave his support, not to poets and jesters, but to the sickj
and poor.4
It was a moment of the greatest importance for the
Papal schemes of reform when, in March 1523, Dr. John
Eck, a staunch supporter of loyal Catholic opinion in
Germany, came to Rome. The cause of his visit was
certain matters of ecclesiastical policy in the Duchy of
Bavaria, which were happily settled through the advances
of Adrian VI.5 Amid the interests of his sovereign Eck
1 Cf. in Appendix, No. 19, *the letter of L. Cati, March 21, 1523
(State Archives, Modena).
2 "^Supplement to L. Cati's letter of May 29, 1523 (State Archives,
Modena).
3 See ^letter of G. de' Medici, April I, 1523: *I1 papa e andato
questa mattina con poca compagnia alle VII. chiese (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. *letter of A. Germanello, April 2, 1523 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
4 Cf. PERICOLI, L'osped. di S. Maria d. Consolazione, 73 ; VOLPI-
CELLA, Studi, 213.
6 Besides the taxation of the Bavarian clergy up to a fifth of their
income, the Pope agreed to the appointment of a Commission of Visita-
tion vested with plenary authority of a comprehensive kind, to the
ECK ON THE SITUATION. 109
UMS not unmindful of the welfare of Christendom ; both
tin question of the Turkish war and that of reform were
thoroughly discussed in his interviews with the Pope.
Eck's notes have been preserved ; l they form an im-
portant contribution to the history of Church reform at
this time.
Eck thoroughly reviews the situation. Not only the
rapid spread of the Lutheran teaching even in South
Germany, but also the grievous harm wrought within the
Church itself, was known to him down to the smallest
detail. In the existing political situation of Europe he
did not, in the first place, hope much from a general
council ; quite as little, he thought correctly, would be
gained by a mere condemnation of the heretical doctrines.
In agreement with the most enlightened men of the age,
above all with the Pope, he calls for comprehensive reform
in Rome itself. He unsparingly discloses the abuses
there existing, especially in the matter of indulgences ;
he points out that there is a crying necessity for a sub-
stantial reduction in the different classes of indulgence;
separation of the Bavarian Augustinians from the Saxon province, and
to means for maintaining the theological faculty of Ingolstadt ; see
Eichstatter Pastoralblatt, 1869, 176; JANSSEN- PASTOR, II., i8th edit.,
361, note ; H6FLER, 324 seq. ; SUGENHEIM, Volkszustande, 181,
note ; RIEZLER, IV., 95 seq.
1 Published by Friedensburg in KOLBE'S Beitr. zur bayr. Kirch-
engsch., II., 159 seq., 222 seq. ; cf. DlTTRlCH in Hist. Jahrb., V., 371
seq., and the excellent articles by J. B. GOTZ, Beratungen und Rath-
schlage des Dr J. Eck in Rom anno 1523, in the wissenschaftl. Beil.
di-r (iermania, 1902, No. 17-20, of which I have made special use for
the following pages. In March 1523 Bishop Johann von Meissen, who
was also in Rome, presented a memorandum to the Pope on the spread
of the new teaching and the difficulties in his diocese. (Cod. Ottob.,
2366, f. 2ii seq., Vatican Library). Cf. V. DOMARUS in Hist. Jahrb.,
XVI , 8f>, ami POSTINA in the Romischen Quartalschr., XIII., 337 seqq.
110 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he also wishes to see some limit set to the bestowal of
faculties to hear confessions.
Eck draws an equally interesting and repulsive picture
of the doings of the benefice-hunters and their count-
less tricks and artifices. He remarks with truth that,
since many of these men came from Rome, the odium
they incurred recoiled on the Holy See. On this point
he implores Adrian without reserve to take decisive
measures ; the system of pluralities had been the source
of abuses profoundly affecting the life of the Church. Eck
especially recommends the diminution of pensions and
expectancies and the entire abolition of commends and
incorporations. If Eck's proposals with regard to in-
dulgences and the system of patronage command our
entire approval, not so entirely satisfactory are his
suggestions for a reform of the Penitentiary. The
complete removal of the taxes on dispensations goes too
far ; in order to produce an effect he exaggerates in many
particulars. On the other hand, he speaks to the point
in dealing with the misuse of the so-called lesser ex-
communication, the laxity in giving dispensations to
regulars in respect of their vows and habit, and the too
great facility with which absolutions were given by the
confessors in St. Peter's. A thorough reform of the
Penitentiary officials and of the whole system of taxa-
tion was certainly necessary.
Eck made extensive proposals for a reform of the
German clergy, the need of which he attributes to the un-
fortunate neglect of the decrees of the last Lateran Council.
With a minute attention to detail, he here gives his advice
concerning the conduct of the bishops, prelates, and inferior
clergy, the system of preaching, diocesan government, and
the excessive number of festivals. For a realization of his
projects for the reform of the Curia, Eck hopes great things
ECK'S PROGRAMME OF REFORM. I I I
from the German Pope, whom he also counsels to pi-
himself to convoke a general council. Eck also recom-
mends the issue of a fresh Bull against Luther and his
chief followers, the suppression of the University of
Wittenberg, the appointment of visitors for each ecclesi-
astical province, furnished with Papal authority and that
of the ruler of the country, and lastly, the restoration of
the .indent institution of diocesan and provincial synods,
for the summoning of which and their deliberations he
makes extensive suggestions ; these synods are to form
an organizing and executive centre for the systematized
struggle with the innovators.
We have, unfortunately, no authentic information in
detail as to the attitude of Adrian towards this compre-
hensive programme of reform, nor as to the more immediate
course of the conferences on the question of indulgences.1
One thing only is certain, that although the capitulations
of his election afforded Adrian an opportunity for approach-
ing the subject directly, yet the difficulties were so great
that he did not venture on any definite step. If he did not
here anticipate the decision of the council which it was his
intention to summon, yet, in practice, he proceeded to
issue indulgences most sparingly.2
Not less serious were the obstacles to be met with when
Adrian began his attempts to reform the Dataria. It was
1 SARPI'S account (Geneva edition, 1660, 21 seq.} has been so
thoroughly and admirably refuted by PALLAVICINI, II., 4 sey., that
even MAURENBRECHER (Kathol. Ref., 401) declares this account to be
a free invention of the anti-Papal author. For the whole controversy
cf. also URISCIIAR (overlooked by Maurenbrecker), Beurteilung, I.,
56 seq., and \VENS1NG, 203 seq.
- The assertion of SCHULTE, I., 233, that Adrian issued no indulgences,
is incorrect ; cf. SANUTO, XXXIX., 123, 138, and PERICOLI, L'osped. di
S. Maria d. Consolazione, 119. PALLAVICINI also, II., 6, only says:
" fu parchissimo nelF indulgenze."
112 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
soon shown that salaries only could not take the place of
the customary fees without introducing laxity of discipline ;
besides, the abolition of fees for the despatch of Bulls and
the communication of Papal favours could not take effect,
at a time of such financial distress, without great loss to
the already exhausted exchequer, still chargeable, irrespec-
tive of these minor sources of revenue, with the remunera-
tion of the officials. Thus the Pope saw himself forced
in this department also, to leave things, provisionally, for
the most part as they were ; nevertheless, he kept close
watch over the gratuities of the Dataria in order to keep
them within the narrowest possible limits.1
Still more injurious to the cause of reform than the
difficulties referred to was the growing peril from the Turks,
which made increasing claims on Adrian's attention. " If
Adrian, in consequence of the fall of Rhodes, had not been
occupied with greater concerns, we should have seen fine
things," runs the report of a Venetian unfriendly to reform.2
Excitement in the Curia ran high when Adrian withdrew
a portion of their income from the Cavalieri di San Pietro,
the overseers of corn, and others who had bought their
1 See PALLAVICINI, II., 6, who here accepts Sarpi's account; cj.
MAURENBRECHER, Kathol. Ref., 401, who is certainly wrong in saying
that Pallavicini here appeals to papers left behind by Chieregati, for
the quotation in question refers only to the fate of Chieregati. The
details in Sarpi's account are very suspicious. He repeatedly invents
and falsifies them in his work, and mixes up truth and falsehood. (See
EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., XXVI., 299 seg., XXVII., 67 seq., and Histor.
Zeitschr., XCVII., 212.) In particular, Sarpi's assertion that the
opposition to Adrian's plans of reform proceeded from Pucci and
Soderini is without corroboration ; indeed, Egidio Canisio, a witness of
high authority, remarks: "Reformation! Anconitanus (Accolti) restitit."
This evidence, long since published by HOFLER in his Analekten, 52,
has also been overlooked by Maurenbrecker.
2 SANUTO, XXXIII. ,620.
SEVERITY OF ADRIAN VI. 113
places under Leo X. The Pope excused himself for these
hard measures on the plea that, in order to satisfy all, he
forced to a certain extent to make all suffer.1 The
charges of greed and avarice were now openly brought
against him in the harshest terms, and the total ruin of
the city was proclaimed as inevitable.2 On the 25th
of February 1523 one of these officials, whose means of
subsistence was threatened by Adrian's course of action,
tried to stab the Pope, but the vigilance of Cardinal
Campeggio baulked this attempt made by one whose
mind had become deranged.3
Neither by dangers of this kind nor by the piteous com-
plaints which assailed him from all sides could Adrian be
diverted from his path. Where it was possible he took
steps against the accumulation of livings, checked every
kind of simony, and carefully watched over the choice of
worthy men for ecclesiastical posts, obtaining the most
accurate information as to the age, moral character, and
learning of candidates; moral delinquencies he punished
with unrelenting severity. He never made any distinction
of persons, and the most powerful Cardinals, when they
were in any way blameworthy, received the same treatment
as the humblest official of the Curia.4
In the beginning of February 1523 thirteen Cardinals
complained of the small importance attached by Adrian to
the Sacred College, since he limited their prerogatives and
in all matters consulted only his confidants, Teodoli,
1 Jovius, Vita Adriani VI. ; H6FLER, 382 seq.
- See the *letters of G. de' Medici, dated Rome, February 1 1 and 14,
1523 (State Archives, Florence).
3 NEGRI in Lett. d. princ., I., 111-112; Jovius, Vita Adriani VI.,
Deutsche Stiidtechroniken, XXV., 189.
Ortiz in BURMANN, 225 ; Giovio, Lettere ed. Luzio, 28 ;
no, XXXIII., 592, XXXIV., 30, 93; H6FLER, 225.
VOL. IX. 8
114 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ghinucci, and Enkevoirt. The Pope answered that he
was far from intending any disrespect towards the
dignities and rights of the Cardinalate ; the reason
why his choice of confidential advisers had lain else-
where than with them was that he had never before
been in Rome, and that during the time of the plague
he had not been able to become acquainted with the
members of their body.1
In the despatches of Ambassadors the chief complaint is
directed against his parsimony and his dilatory method
of transacting business. As regards the first point, the
complaints were not justified, but as to the second, they
were not altogether groundless. Even when allowance
is made for exaggeration on the part of the numerous
malcontents, there can still be no doubt that unfortunate
delays arose in the despatch of business. The officials
of Leo X. who had most experience in drafting documents
were either dead or had left Rome. Since Adrian took
no- pains to make good this deficiency, intolerable delay
often occurred in the preparation of deeds and papers.
Moreover, business was often performed in a slovenly
way; it was expressly stated that the persons appointed
by the Pope were not only few in number but for the
most part ill-acquainted with affairs and naturally slow ; 2
1 *S. Sta rispose, se il s. collegio si tenea offeso dello honore o com-
modo fussino certi non era di sua volunta, e dello haver facto electione
di quelle persone, con le quali si confidava questo 1' haveva facto per
non essere stato in corte e non conoscer lor S. Rme. G. de' Medici,
dated Rome, February 3, 1523 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. also in
Appendix, No. 15, *the letter of A. Germanello, of February 9, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 See in Appendix, No. 17, the letter of Balbi's of February 23, 1523
(State Archives, Vienna) ; cf. Ortiz in BURMANN, 197, and the ^letter
of A. Germanello of February 9, 1523, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua
(see Appendix, No. 1 5). Among those who were retained in the service
MAN'S MSI. IKK OF OFFICIALS. 115
in addition, occupants of important posts, such as
Girolamo Ghinucci, the acting Auditor of the Camera,
caused delays In an exaggerated scrupulosity.1 The
D.it.iry Knkevoirt also was very dilatory; he often kept
r.mlinals waiting for two or three hours, and even then
were not sure of admission.2
Adrian's intense dislike of the motley crew of officials
belonging to his predecessor was undoubtedly connected
with the fact that many of them were persons of irregular
life. That such elements should have been expelled from
the Curia is cause for commendation, but it was a deplor-
able mistake when Adrian quietly acquiesced in the with-
drawal of such an eminent man as Sadoleto, an enthusiast
for reform and one ready to render the cause willing
service.3 " The astonishment in Rome," writes Girolamo
Negri in March 1523, "is general. I myself am not
astonished, for the Pope does not know Sadoleto." Negri
on this occasion repeats the saying then current in the
city, " Rome is no longer Rome." He adds with bitter-
ness, " Having escaped from one plague, we have run
into another and a worse. This Pope of ours knows no
one. No one receives tokens of his grace. The whole
world is in despair. We shall be driven again to Avignon
or to the furthermost ocean, Adrian's home ; if God does
not help us, then all is" over with the Church's monarchy,
in this extremity of danger." 4
of Adrian appears Evangelista (Tarrasconio), in the *Reg. brev. Lat., 8
(1521-1553), of the Secret Archives of the Vatican.
1 Albergati in H<>i I.I.K, 220.
*Literae de Roma of October 10, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 Cf. LANCELLOTTI, I., 383.
1 Lett. d. princ., I., 113; cf. TIRAHOSCHI, VII., i., 16 scq. ; JOLY,
It was reported in January 1523 that the Pope intended to
reinstate Sadnktn as private secretary. *Letter of A. Germanello of
January 5, 1523 (Conzaga Archives, Mantua).
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In a later letter Negri, like Berni, corrects his at first
wholly unfavourable impressions. He asserts that the
Pope raises extraordinary difficulties in conferring any
graces. This reluctance proceeds from his ignorance
of Roman life and from distrust of his surroundings, but
also from his great conscientiousness and fear of doing
wrong. When the Pope grants favours, though they
may be few, they are in the highest degree just : he
does nothing contrary to rule, which, to a court accus-
tomed to every gratification, is certainly displeasing.
Cicero's remark on Cato might be applied to the Pope :
" He acts as though he were living in some republic of
Plato's, and not among the dregs of Romulus."1 This
expression indicates with precision an undoubted weak-
ness in the character of Adrian. Gifted by nature with
high ideals, he only too often judged others by himself,2
set before them the most lofty vocations, and attributed
the best intentions even to the least worthy men. The
many disappointments which he was thus bound to
experience made him in consequence too distrustful,
unfriendly and even hard, in circumstances where such
feelings were misplaced.
The majority of the Sacred College were men of worldly
life, and severity towards them in general was certainly
justified. But Adrian distinguished too little between the
worst, the bad and the good elements among them.3 With
1 Lett. d. princ., I., 114. On July 8, 1523, B Albergati, who after-
wards was of an entirely different opinion, wrote to Bologna : *I1 modo
di questa corte al presente e d' andar molto in lungo ne le expeditioni,
ma al fine le cose pigliano poi tal verso che facilmente si conosce
questo tardare procedere da summa prudentia di N. S. piu che da
nessun altra cose. State Archives, Bologna.
2 BOSCH, 63, brings this out forcibly.
3 Cf. SCHULTE, I., 230.
ADRIAN AND THE CARDINALS. I I/
none of the Cardinals was he on confidential terms ; even
Schinner, Campeggio, and Egidio Canisio, who as regards
the reform question were thoroughly at one with him, were
on an intimate footing. How unnecessarily rough
tlu- Tope could be is shown by an incident at the beginning
of his Pontificate which the Venetian Ambassador has
put on record. It was then the custom to hand over the
Neapolitan tribute amid great ceremony. Cardinal Schinner
presumed to call the Pope's attention to this pageant. At
first Adrian made no reply, and when the Cardinal again
urged him to appear at the window, Adrian flatly gave
him to understand that he was not to pester him.1 If he
thus treated a fellow-countryman and a man of kindred
aspirations, it can be imagined how it fared between him
and the worldly Italians.
In course of time, however, Adrian seems to have
perceived that he must come into touch with his Italian
sympathizers if he was to carry out effectually his ever-
widening projects of reform.2 He therefore summoned
Gian Pietro Caraffa and his friend Tommaso Gazzella to
Rome with the avowed object of strengthening the cause
of reform. Both had apartments assigned to them in the
Vatican.3 Unfortunately we do not know the precise date
M 'i<>, XXXIII., 449. Campeggio was appointed Protector of
,md at Rome. Henry VIII., in thanking the Pope in a *letter of
February 22, 1523, expressed high praise of Campeggio. Archives of
Sam' Angelo, Arm., IV., c. 2.
* In May 1523 it was rumoured that he intended to dismiss all the
!<>. XXXIV., 194- 1 v5-
3 Accounts of the summons to Caraffa and Gazzella in Jovius, Vita
:,i VI. Those in Egidio Canisio (Abhandl. cler Miinchcner Akad.,
IV.. Abt. H, 52), and in the 1st. di Chiusi (TARTINIUS, I., 1024) are un-
.itely very short. Caracciolo also, *Vita di Paolo IV. (Biblioteca
Casanater >, c. 10, and BROMATO, I., 87 seq., have nothing
detailed to give. The statement that Adrian VI. also called
Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of this important invitation, nor have we any further infor-
mation as to the results of the visit; we can only infer
from Giovio that the summons was sent towards the end
of the pontificate, when Adrian's plans for the reform of
the corrupt city were taking a yet wider range ; special
measures involving the severest punishments were to be
taken against blasphemers, scoffers at religion, simonists,
usurers, the " New Christians " of Spain (Marani), and
corrupters of youth.1
That the coming of so strong and inflexible a man as
Caraffa could only add to Adrian's unpopularity in Rome
admits of no doubt.2 The general dissatisfaction found
utterance in bitter satire and invective. What insults,
what infamous and senseless accusations were permitted
is shown by the notorious "Capitolo" of Francesco Berni
which appeared in the autumn of 1^22? It combines in
itself all the contempt and rage which the strong and
upright Pontiff with his schemes of reform, his foreign
habits, and his household of foreigners provoked in the
courtiers of Leo X. The talented prince of burlesque
poets has here produced a satire which ranks as one of
Gaetano di Tiene to Rome, as given in REUMONT, III., 2, 153, GREGO-
ROVIUS, VIII., ed. 3, 396, and SCHULTE, I., 232, rests on an unfortunate
confusion of Gazzella with Gaetano, which PALLAVICINI, II., 4, and
JENSEN, Caraffa, 41, had already refuted. The combined invitation
to Rome of Pighius (BuRMANN, 138) and Nicolas von Schonberg
was also connected with Adrian's plans of reform ; see *TlziO, Hist.
Senen., loc. tit. Chigi Library, Rome.
1 Jovius, Vita Adrian! VI. ; cf. HOFLER, 534. The Jewish com-
munity in Rome was friendly towards Adrian VI. ; see VOGELSTEIN,
II.,37J*f.
2 It was even said that he was to be made a Cardinal ; see ALBERT,
2 Series, III., 378.
3 BERNI, Rime, ed. Virgili, 30-38. For the date of composition
(August 29 to December 20, 1522) see VIRGILI, Berni, 62 seq.
l> I'ASQUINO." I?9
tlu* boldest in the Italian literature of that age.1 It
masterpiece of racy mendacity breathing hatred of the
foreigner, of the savage set down amid artistic surround-
of the reformer of men and manners. But the
hatred is surpassed by the studiously displayed contempt
he "ridiculous Dutch-German barbarian."
Against such ridicule, deadly because so laughable, the
Pope was powerless. When he forbade, under the severest
penalties, the feast of Pasquino on St. Mark's day 1523 and
its pasquinades,'2 the measure was useless : for satire is like
the Lernxan hydra with its crop of heads. The public
were determined to take the Pope on his ludicrous side, and
the story ran that Adrian had only desisted from having
Pasquino's statue flung into the Tiber because he was assured
that, like frogs in water, he would make a greater noise than
before.3
Almost all contemporary accounts make it clear that
the mass of public opinion in Rome was very ill-disposed
towards the foreign Pope. Even critics who recognized
1 Resides VlRGlLl, Berni, 68 seg., cf. FLAMINI, 209 seg., and Studi
dedic. a d' Ancona (1900), 190. Berni saw afterwards that he had
treated Adrian unjustly ; see VlRGILl, 278.
2 Lett. d. princ. I., I I4b seg. ; SANUTO, XXXIV., 194. Of the carnival
A. Germanello reports on February 19, 1523 : * Son state facte mascare
in Roma solum li ultimi tre di de carnevale, ma macramente, et non e
stata facta altera festa. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
INUTO, XXXIV., 194; JOVIUS, Vita Adriani VI. ; BURCKHARDT,
Kultur I., seventh ed., 175 seg. ; BERTANI, 30 seg. I abstain from a
publication of the Satire *Confessione di M. Pasquino a Fra Mariano
martin- t-t confessore in *Cod. Ottob., 2812, f. i6« seg. (Vatican
Library), since GNOLI (Nuova Antologia, LI. [1894], 88 seg., 530 s?g.)
intends to take it in hand. For the pamphU -t, probably composed by
man courtier: Ein eleglichs Gesprech . . . wider den from-
men P.ipst Adrinnum, see CR1SSTOFFELS, 79 and 102. This pamphlet
' d in French : Dialogue et un merveilleux parlament fait
nig abbe, ung cortisan et ung diable. S. 1. et a.
I2O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his good and noble qualities thought him too much the
Emperor's friend, too penurious, too little of the man of
the world. An instructive instance of this is given in a
letter of the Mantuan agent Gabbioneta of the 28th of July
1523 in which — an exception to the Italian chroniclers
of those days — he to a certain extent does justice to
Adrian's good qualities. Gabbioneta describes the Pope's
majestic appearance ; his countenance breathes gentleness
and goodness ; the impression he gives is that of a
religious. In tones of grief Gabbioneta deplores the
change that he has seen come over the animated and
light-hearted court of Leo X. " Rome is completely
altered, the glory of the Vatican has departed ; there,
where formerly all was life and movement, one now hardly
sees a soul go in or out." l The deserted state of the Papal
palace is also accounted for in other ways, though the
change had taken place gradually. For months Adrian
had been forced, owing to the danger of the plague, to
seclude himself in the Vatican and keep entirely apart
from the life of the city. Always a great lover of solitude,
this " cloistered " existence had so delighted the serious-
minded Pope that he determined later on to adhere to
it as much as possible. In this resolve he was strengthened
by those around him, for they found it to their advantage
that Adrian should see as few people as possible.2 Another
inducement was the fear of poison, by which from the
first the Pope had been haunted.3 In January 1523 it
1 See the phraseology of the characteristic letter (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua) in Appendix, 27.
2 Ortiz in BURMANN, 207. That Enkevoirt made access to the Pope
as difficult as possible had already been reported by G. M. della Porta
on September 26, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
3 See LANZ, I., 64, and Appendix, No. 8, the * letter of G. M. della
Porta of September 2, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
ADRIAN'S CONFII>\- 121
was even believed that a conspiracy to murder him had
been detected.1 By occurrences such as these Adrian's
original distrust of most Italians was only intensified.-
Ik- therefore continued to be waited on, by preference, by
his own countrymen, whom he was satisfied that he knew
thoroughly.
The complaint of Adrian's inaccessibility was combined
with another, that of his excessive confidence in those
about him. There must have been some ground for the
imputation when it is raised by such an enthusiastic partisan
of the Pope as Ortiz. Some of those in his more immedi-
ate circle did not deserve the confidence placed in them by
Adrian. From the reports of the Imperial Ambassador
Sessa it is only too plain that many who were nearest to
the Pope's person were very open to bribes ; this was
especially true of the secretary Zisterer, a German. What
1 Lope Hurtado de Mendoza reports on this in a * letter to the
Emperor, dated Rome, February (day missing) 1523: "El Papa fue
avisado del governador que tiene en la Marca como venian aqui
ciertos criados del duque de Camarino a darle ponc.ona y con este
aviso hizo prender algunos. El que le traia hugo. Los otros non
confesado ; ahunque creo que no se averigua bien la verdad, ha seido
obra del duque y non se dize la causa, base hecho secreto lo mas que
ban podido. Son X. los presos, estan en Santangeli" (Biblioteca de la
Acad. de Historia, Madrid,-Colec. Salazar, A 27, f. 124). Cf. also Ortiz
in BURMANN, 218 seg., and Appendix, No. 14, the *letter of J. Cortese
of January 1 2, 1 523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The inquiry directed
against Giov. Maria Varano, Duke of Camerino, who had French
sympathies, came, however, to nothing, and Clement VII. spoke of the
Duke as free from suspicion of having taken part in this attempt or in
the murder of Sigismondo Varano ; see BALAN, Storia, VI., 67 ;
LE-HERGKNROTHEK, IX., 326; STAFFETTI, Cybo, 37. Further,
the authorities give no support to the notion of HoFLER, 486, that the
affairs had a connection with the intrigues of Soderini.
Corp. dipl. Port, II., 93, and report of Lope Hurtado de Men-
quoted in the preceding note.
122 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Sessa also reports concerning the Pope's confidential
friends, especially his allegation of Enkevoirt's dependence
on Cardinals Monte and Soderini, is not confirmed from
other quarters.1 There is no doubt that Enkevoirt, now as
always, had the greatest influence with Adrian,2 and that
from the beginning this was a cause of friction between the
former and Ruffo Teodoli.3 In consequence the latter lost
for a considerable time his position of confidence ; 4 as,
however, he was an excellent man of affairs, his absence
was perceptibly felt, and all the more so because Adrian
was very often unlucky in the choice of his officials. Blasio
Ortiz attributes the delays in the transaction of business
which were so generally found fault with to the slackness
and dilatoriness of the officials, since Adrian personally did
more hard work than any other Pontiff before him. That
in spite of this the despatch of affairs was very protracted,
was also owing to Adrian's extreme conscientiousness, which
1 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 490, 496, 502, 540, 544.
2 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 502; Corp. dipl. Port., II., 93, 132 seq.
*Letter of Balbi to Salamanca of April 12, 1523 (State Archives,
Vienna).
3 G. M. della Porta reports to the Duke of Urbino, on September 24,
1522, a conversation with Ruflfo Teodoli about the "mala satisfactione
che tutta la corte riceva di questo si confuso et longo negotiar di S.
Sta." Ruftb Teodoli describes how Enkevoirt takes everything into his
own hands "et ha ottenuto di sostituir dui in loco suo da datare le
supplication!, cosa che mai piu non fu concessa a persona del mondo se
non in caso di infirmita, et stimase che fra poco spatio di tempo si
habbiano di scoprir mille falsita, et il povero papa son sa di che
importanza sia il sostituir datario" (State Archives, Florence).
4 See JOVIUS, Vita Adriani VI., who unfortunately does not give the
exact date. The fall of Ruffo Teodoli must have taken place after
March 1523, for up to that time he was still described as being, along
with Enkevoirt and G. Ghinucci, the Pope's chief confidential adviser.
Corp. dip. Port, II., 132-133. Quite at the end of Adrian's reign Ruffo
regained his influence ; see Ortiz in BURMANN, 217.
ADRIAN'S I'KVOTION TO DUTY. 123
often went the length of pedantry. The Pope attempted
to attend to all kinds of business in person, especially
spiritual matters, without discriminating between what was
important and what was not; This devotion to duty,
which made him sacrifice himself to public affairs, was so
great that his early death was thought by some to have
been caused by over-exertion in one already advanced in
years and exposed to an unaccustomed climate.1
The shortness of Adrian's pontificate — it lasted one year
and eight months — was the primary cause why the move-
ment of Church reform produced such meagre positive
results. As the period of delay in Spain and of the plague
in Rome2 can hardly be taken into account, the duration of
his actual government was shorter still. Quite irrespective
of his own idiosyncrasies and his advanced age, it is therefore
not surprising that, among the new as well as arduous
conditions in which, by an almost marvellous turn of events,
he was placed, he was unable to strike any very deep roots.
He had come to Rome a total stranger, and such he remained
until his death ; therefore, for the execution of his noble
1 Ortiz in BURMANN, 207 ; cf. Corp. dipl. Port., II., 93. On Sept-
ember 3, 1523, the Florentine envoys sent to offer obedience, report:
* Le S. V. hanno a sapere che questo Papa vuol vedere et intendere
ogni cosa et non da auctorita a persona (State Archives, Florence).
- Cf. supra, p. 100 seqq. Since February 1523 the plague had again
broken out, so that the carnival fetes had to be given up ; see *a
letter of Albergati, February 14, 1523, in the State Archives, Bologna.
Cf. in Appendix, No. 16, Acta Consist, of February 11 (Consistorial
Archives of the Vatican) ; BERNI, Rime, ed. Virgili, 278 ; MAZZUCHELLI,
I., 1,396; Corp. dipl. Port., II., 139, 143, 169, and * Diary of CORNELIUS
INK (National Library, Paris). In May only a few cases of
plague were reported : see *a letter of Girol. Staccoli of May 17, 1523
(State Archives, Florence). By the beginning of August 1523 the
plague had entirely disappeared ; see the letter of Giovio in
BRAGHIROLLI, Lett, inedit, Milano, 1856, 25.
124 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
intentions and great plans he was more or less dependent
on the Italians with whom he was never able to find
genuine points of contact. The circumstance that his
knowledge of their language was always inadequate not
only led to great misunderstandings,1 but also made an
interchange of ideas impossible. A stranger, surrounded
by intimates of foreign birth, the Flemish Pope could not
make himself at home in the new world which he en-
countered in Rome.2 Just as Adrian was beginning to
recognize the disadvantages inherent in his isolated
position, and was making the attempt to ally himself
with the Italian party of reform, and also to devise some
improved and accelerated methods of business,3 he was
seized by the illness of which he died. But even if his
reign had lasted longer the Pope would with difficulty
have reached the full solution of his great tasks. The
proper machinery for the accomplishment of his measures
of reform was wanting. Moreover, the difficulties inherent
in the very nature of the case were too vast, the evils
too great, the force of deeply rooted conditions — which
in a naturally conservative atmosphere like that of Rome
had a twofold strength — too powerful, and the interests at
1 Enea Pio reports on October 5, 1523, to the Duke of Ferrara : *La
lettera di V. E. ho presentato a N. Sre, la quale ha molto gratiosa-
mente acceptato e non la sapendo legere la dete a M. Jo. Vincler, ne
lui anchor la sapea molto ben legere di modo che io fui lo interprete
(State Archives, Modena).
* Cf. REUMONT in his recension of Hofler in the Allgem. Zeitung,
1880, Beil. No. 149. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 280, thinks
that as Adrian placed more trust in his honest but inexperienced
Netherlanders than in the Italians, the tactlessness of the former
often did him more harm than the craftiness of the latter could have
done.
3 Cf. the *report of Albergati, September 6, 1523 (State Archives,
Bologna).
SIGNIFICANCE OF HIS CAREER. 125
stake too various1 to permit of the great transformation
which was necessary being accomplished within the limits
of a single Pontificate. The accumulated evils of many
generations could only be healed by a course of long and
uninterrupted labour.
Adrian, who had sometimes found himself driven by
exceptional and weighty reasons to relax the stringency
of the ecclesiastical laws,2 perceived with grief in hours
of depression that all his work would be but frag-
mentary. " How much does a man's efficiency depend,"
he often said, " upon the age in which his work is cast."3
On another occasion he said plaintively to his friend Heeze,
" Dietrich, how much better it went with us when we were
still living quietly in Louvain." 4 At such times he
was sustained only by the strong sense of duty which was
always a part of his nature. Providence, he was strongly
convinced, had called him to the most difficult post on
earth, therefore he braced himself unflinchingly for the task,
and devoted himself, heedless of his failing health,5 to all
the obligations of his office until the shadows of death
closed around him.
If Adrian is judged only by the standard of success, no
just verdict will be given. The significance of his career
lay not in his achievements, but in his aims. In this
1 A good example in SANUTO, XXXI 1 1., 540. Cf. CANTU, Eretici,
I., 359 seq.
2 Cf. MORING-BURMANN, 73 ; HOFLER, 443.
3 Cf. infra, Chapter V.
4 This expression, given in a somewhat different form by JOVIUS
(Vita Adrian! VI.), is thus reported by G. M. della Porta in his letter,
September 23, 1522, given in Appendix, No. II (State Archives,
Florence).
6 Even Adrian's enemy, Sessa, was disturbed by the extent to which
the Pope's health had suffered under the weight of his duties ; see the
Report, November 22, 1522, in BERGENROTH, II., n. 502.
126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
respect it is to his undying credit that he not only courage-
ously laid bare the scandals in the Church and showed an
honest purpose of amending them, but also with clear
understanding suggested the right means to be employed,
and with prompt determination began reform at the
head.1
1 See REUMONT, loc. cit.
CHAPTER IV.
THE MISSION OF FRANCESCO CHIEREGATI TO THE DIET OF
NUREMBERG. — ADRIAN'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE GERMAN
SCHISM.
IN taking in hand the thorough regeneration of the
Roman Curia, Adrian not only aimed at putting an end to
a condition of things which to him must have been an
abomination, but also hoped in this way to remove the
grounds for defection from Rome in the countries beyond
the Alps. But as the reform of the Curia was by no
means a matter of swift realization, no other course
remained open to the Pope than " to make a qualified
appeal to the magnanimity of his enemies."1 This ex-
plains the mission of Francesco Chieregati to the Diet
convened at Nuremberg on the 1st of September 1522.
This native of Vicenza, chosen by the Pope for this
difficult mission in Germany, where the elevation of a
fellow-countryman to the Holy See had at once been
accompanied by the highest hopes,2 was no novice in Papal
diplomacy ; already under Leo X. he had been Nuncio in
England, Spain, and Portugal. At Saragossa and Barcelona
Adrian, then Viceroy for Charles V., had come to know
him as a man of learning and earnest moral character, and
1 H6FLER, 242.
2 Cf. Hochstratani Ad. s. d. n. pontificem modernum cuius nomen
pontificate nondum innotuit. . . . Colloquia, pars prima [Coloniae],
i 522, f. 2. Cf. PAULUS, Dominikaner, 103 seq.
127
128 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
one of his first appointments as Pope was to present him
to the bishopric of Teramo in the Abruzzi.1 Almost
immediately afterwards he was nominated Nuncio in
Germany.2 Chieregati must have entered at once on his
difficult and responsible mission to the country then in the
ferment of revolt, for by the 26th of September 1522 he
had already entered Nuremberg with a retinue. Two
days later he had his first audience with the Archduke
Ferdinand. On this occasion he directed himself to
obtaining measures against the Lutheran heresy, and dwelt
upon the Pope's serious intention of carrying on the war
against the Turks and removing ecclesiastical abuses ; at
the same time he stated, in the Pope's name, that hence-
forth annates and the fees for the pallium should not be
sent to Rome, but retained in Germany and applied
exclusively to the expenses of the Turkish war.3
The Diet having at last been opened on the i/th of
November, Chieregati appeared before it for the first time
on the ipth, and appealed for the aid of the Hungarians in
a forcible speech. He wisely avoided weakening the effect
of his words by any reference to Church affairs. Not until
the loth of December, when he made a second speech on
1 For F. Chieregati cf. BARBARANO, Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza IV.
Vicenza, 1760; PORTIOLI, Quattro document! d' Inghilterra, Mantova,
1 868 ; MORSOLIN, Fr. Chieregati, Vicenza, 1 873. Cf. also BURCKHARDT,
I., ed. 7,329; GACHARD, Bibl. Nat, II., 64, and Giorn. d. lett. Ital.,
XXXVII., 240, as well as Cod. Barb., lat, 4907, of the Vatican Library.
* Stefano Saffa writes from Rome, September 12, 1522, that Chiere-
gati "in penultimo concistoro" was appointed Bishop of Teramo and
Nuncio in Germany. *Saffa calls him " homo noto al papa per atto a
ncgotiare " (State Archives, Modena). According to the *Acta Consist.,
I., f. 1 86 (Consistorial Archives), the Consistory was held on September
',22.
lanitz' account, published by WuLCKER and VlRCK, 201 seq. ;
REDLICH, 21 seq., and Reichstagsakten, III., 384.
DIET OF NUREMBERG. 129
the Turkish question, did he consider the opportune
moment to have come for introducing his errand as it
bore on Church affairs, and then, at first, only cautiously.
He was commissioned by the Pope to call the attention of
the States of the Empire to the spread of Lutheran teaching,
a peril even more threatening than that of Turkish invasion,
and to ask for the enforcement of the Edict of Worms.
The Pope also did not deny the existence of many abuses
in the Roman Curia, but had decided to take steps
against them with the utmost promptitude. The States
declared that before they could confer and come to any
final judgment on these matters they must have the Papal
proposals put before them in writing ; they had evidently
little inclination to meddle with this delicate matter. It was
not until the arrival, on the 23rd of December, of Joachim
of Brandenburg, who had already fought energetically at
the Diet of Worms on the Catholic side, that matters seem
to have come to a head.1
On the 3rd of January 1523 Chieregati read before the
Diet and the representatives of the Empire several docu-
ments which had been sent after him clearly setting forth the
intention and proposals of the Pope. The first was a Brief
of the 25th of November 1522, addressed to the Diet
assembled at Nuremberg, in which Adrian, after mention-
ing his assiduous efforts to restore peace in view of the
danger arising from the Turks, went thoroughly into the
question of the religious confusion in Germany. The
originator of the trouble was Luther, who had himself to
blame if he, Adrian, could no longer call him a son.
Regardless of the Papal Bull of condemnation and of the
Edict of Worms, he continued, in writings full of error,
heresy, calumny, and destruction, to corrupt the minds
1 See Reichstagsakten, III., 321 seq.t 385, 387 seq., 876 seq. ;
REDLICH, 42 seg., 61 seq. ; DITTRICH in Histor. Jahrbuch, X , 99 seq.
VOL. IX. 9
130 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and morals of Germany and the adjacent countries. It
was still worse that Luther should have adherents and
abettors among the princes, so that the possessions of the
clergy— this perhaps was the first inducement to the
present disorder — and the spiritual and secular authority
were attacked, and a state of civil war had been brought
about. Thus, at what was perhaps the worst moment of
the Turkish danger, division and revolt had broken out
in "our once so steadfast German nation." The Pope
recalled how, when residing in Spain as Cardinal, he had
heard with heartfelt sorrow of the disturbance in his beloved
German fatherland. He had then consoled himself with
the hope that this was only transitory, and would not long
be tolerated, especially among a people from whom in
all ages illustrious antagonists of heresy had arisen. But
now that this evil tree— perchance as a chastisement for the
people's sins or through the negligence of those who ought
to have administered punishment — was beginning to spread
its branches far and wide, the German princes and peoples
should take good heed lest through passive acquiescence
they come to be regarded as the promoters of so great a
mischief: " We cannot even think of anything so incredible
as that so great, so pious a nation should allow a petty monk,
an apostate from that Catholic faith which for years he had
preached, to seduce it from the way pointed out by the
Saviour and His Apostles, sealed by the blood of so many
martyrs, trodden by so many wise and holy men, your
forefathers, just as if Luther alone were wise, and alone had
the Holy Spirit, as if the Church, to which Christ promised
His presence to the end of all days, had been walking in
darkness and foolishness, and on the road to destruction,
until Luther's new light came to illuminate the darkness."
The Diet might well consider how the new teaching had
renounced all obedience and gave permission to every man
TI IK PAPAL BRIEF. 13!
to gratify his wishes to the full. " Are they likely," con-
tinued Adrian, " to remain obedient to the laws of the
Empire who not merely despise those of the Church, the
decrees of fathers and councils, but do not fear to tear them
in pieces and burn them to ashes ? We adjure you to lay
aside all mutual hatreds, to strive for this one thing, to
quench this fire and to bring back, by all ways in your
power, Luther and other instigators of error and unrest into
the right way ; for such a charitable undertaking would be
most pleasing and acceptable to us. If, nevertheless, which
God forbid, you will not listen, then must the rod of
severity and punishment be used according to the laws of
the Empire and the recent Edict. God knows our willing-
ness to forgive ; but if it should be proved that the evil has
penetrated so far that gentle means of healing are of no
avail, then we must have recourse to methods of severity
in order to safeguard the members as yet untainted by
disease. " 1
1 The best copy of the Brief is in Reichstagsakten, III., 399 seq. ;
cf. also REDLICH, 97 seq. This document alone is sufficient to
establish the incorrectness of the assertion of Gregorovius, VIII., edit.
3, 403, that Adrian " wished to settle the Lutheran controversy by a
compromise on matters of. doctrine." Beside this Brief intended for
the Church at large, Papal letters had also been sent, by the end of
November, to prominent princes and towns. Some of these are merely
credentials for Chieregati ; others, such as those sent to Bamberg ;
Strassburg, Spires, and Constance, prohibitions to print and sell the
writings of Luther; see WALCH, XV., 2562 seq. ; VlRCK, Korrespon-
denz Strassburgs, I., 77 ; REMLING, Speier, II., 247 seq., and specially
Reichstagsakten, III., 404 seq. In the last named see also the Brief
to the Elector Albert of Mayence, of November 28 (infra, 141, n. 2) and
also that to the Elector Frederick of Saxony, of December i, 1522, in
which Adrian exhorts him, in accordance with his promise given
beforehand to Cardinal Cajetan, to give no longer his protection to
Luther after the condemnation of the latter by the ecclesiastical and
secular authorities, but to proceed against him and his followers. This
1^2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
He-ides this Brief. Chieregati read an Instruction closely
connected with it, and then demanded the execution of
the Kdict of Worms and the punishment of four preachers
who had spread heretical teaching from the pulpits of the
churches of Nuremberg.1
This Instruction, which Chieregati communicated to the
Diet, is of exceptional importance for an understanding of
Adrian's plans of reform, and his opinion of the state of
tilings.2 The document, unique in the history of the
Papacy, develops still more fully the principles already
laid down in the foregoing Brief for the guidance of the
German nation in their opposition to Lutheran errors.
s.-aped KAI.KOKF, who gives (Forschungen, 208 seq. ; cf. 85,
• a text differing in particulars from the Cod. Vat., 3917. The
r t<> Frederick, often printed and widely disseminated in MS.
/.in a copy in the Theodosian Library at Paderborn, Lib.
X.. j>. i -o sfi/.), which begins with the words "Satis et plus quam
oked on as genuine by RAYNALDUS himself, 1522, n. 73,
!.'il it is a forgery : see KOLDE in Kirchengeschichtl. Studien, 202-227.
ular letter to the Archduke Ferdinand, see Reichstagsakten,
. .;<>4. n.. whore a reference to BALAN, Mon. Ref., 297 seq., is added.
I >crernbcr 1 8, 1522, Adrian wrote to Hildesheim about the dis-
< hapter there ; printed in LAUENSTEIN, Hist. ep.
H,Me-h.. I.. 40.
/' report. January 4, published by WuLCKER and VlRCK,
h>tagsakten, III., 385 ; RKDUCH, 103.9^. The doings
:;oned preachers gave rise to quite exceptional
<:on<< ming the advance of the heretical teaching;
Albrryati, dated Rome, January 12, 1523 (State
A:-h;-.< ,. llf)!oKna).
-jipts and printed copies of the Instruction see
391 .svy., where there is also an exact duplicate
i the plague (see infra, p. 136) points with
of November as the time of composition ; cf.
: TI/IO (Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 39, f. 179; Chigi
the Instruction to November 25, 1522, which
TIIF. "INSTRUCTION." 133
IVsulcs the glory of God and the love of their neigh-
bour, they are bidden to remember what is due to their
glorious loyalty to the faith, whereby they have won the
right to be considered the most Christian of all peoples, as
well as the dishonour done to their forefathers by Luther,
who has accused them of false belief and condemned them
to the damnation of hell. Moreover, they must consider
the danger of rebellion against all higher authority intro-
duced by this doctrine under the guise of evangelical
freedom, the scandals and disquiet already aroused, and the
encouragement to break the most sacred vows in defiance
of apostolic teaching, by which things Luther has set an
example worse than that of Mohammed. On all these
grounds Chieregati is justified in demanding the execution
of the Papal and Imperial decrees; yet at the same time
he must be ready to offer pardon to penitent sinners.
The objection, which ever gained wider acceptance, that
Luther had been condemned unheard and upon insufficient
inquiry, meets with thorough refutation in the Papal
Instruction. The basis of belief is divine authority and
not human testimony. St. Ambrose says : " Away with
the arguments by which men try to arrive at belief; we
believe in the Fisherman, not in dialecticians." Luther's
only vindication lay in the questions of fact, whether he
had or had not said, preached, and written this or that.
But the divine law itself, and the doctrine of the sacra-
ments, were to the saints and to the Church an irrefrag-
able truth.
Almost all Luther's deviations of doctrine had already
been condemned by various councils ; what the whole
Church had accepted as an axiom of belief must not again
be made a matter of doubt : " Otherwise, what guarantee
remains for permanent belief? Or what end can there be
to controversy and strife, if every conceited and puzzle-
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
headed upstart is at liberty to dissent from teaching which
puts forth its claims not as the opinion only of one man
or of a number of men, but as established and consecrated
by the unanimous consent of so many centuries and so
many of the wisest men and by the decision of the Church,
infallible in matters of faith ? Since Luther and his party
now condemn the councils of the holy fathers, annul
sacred laws and ordinances, turn all things upside down,
as their caprice dictates, and bring the whole world into
confusion, it is manifest, if they persist in such deeds, that
they must be suppressed, as enemies and destroyers of
public peace, by all who have that peace at heart."
In the last and most remarkable portion of the
Instruction, Adrian set forth with broad-minded candour
the grounds on which the religious innovators justified
their defection from the Church on account of the
corruption of the clergy, as well as that corruption
itself. " You are also to say," so run Chieregati's
express instructions, " that we frankly acknowledge that
God permits this persecution of His Church on account of
the sins of men, and especially of prelates and clergy ;
of a surety the Lord's arm is not shortened that He can-
not save us, but our sins separate us from Him, so that
He does not hear. Holy Scripture declares aloud that
the sins of the people are the outcome of the sins of the
priesthood ; therefore, as Chrysostom declares, when our
Saviour wished to cleanse the city of Jerusalem of its
sickness, He went first to the Temple to punish the sins
of the priests before those of others, like a good physician
who heals a disease at its roots. We know well that for
many years things deserving of abhorrence have gathered
round the Holy See ; sacred things have been misused,
ordinances transgressed, so that in everything there has
been a change for the worse. Thus it is not surprising
"WE ALL HAVE GONE ASTRAY." 135
that the malady has crept down from the head to the
members, from the Popes to the hierarchy.
"We all, prelates and clergy, have gone astray from
the right way, and for long there is none that has done
good ; no, not one. To God, therefore, we must give all
the glory and humble ourselves before Him ; each one of
us must consider how he has fallen and be more ready to
judge himself than to be judged by God in the day of
His wrath. Therefore, in our name, give promises that
we shall use all diligence to reform before all things
the Roman Curia, whence, perhaps, all these evils have
had their origin ; thus healing will begin at the source of
sickness. We deem this to be all the more our duty, as
the whole world is longing for such reform. The Papal
dignity was not the object of our ambition, and we would
rather have closed our days in the solitude of private life ;
willingly would we have put aside the tiara; the fear of
God alone, the validity of our election, and the dread of
schism, decided us to assume the position of Chief
Shepherd. We desire to wield our power not as seeking
dominion or means for enriching our kindred, but in order
to restore to Christ's bride, the Church, her former beauty,
to give help to the oppressed, to uplift men of virtue and
learning, above all, to do all that beseems a good shepherd
and a successor of the blessed Peter.
" Yet let no man wonder if we do not remove all abuses
at one blow ; for the malady is deeply rooted and takes
many forms. We must advance, therefore, step by step,
first applying the proper remedies to the most difficult
and dangerous evils, so as not by a hurried reform to throw
all things into greater confusion than before. Aristotle
well says: 'All sudden changes are dangerous to States.'"
In some supplementary instructions based on Chiere-
gati's reports, Adrian also undertook that in future there
136 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
should be no infringement of the concordats already agreed
upon. With regard to cases decided in the Rota, in which
a reversal of judgment was desired in Germany, he would,
as soon as the Auditors, who had fled before the plague,
were reassembled, and as far as was consistent with honour,
come to some understanding ; he anxiously awaited pro-
posals as to the best way to hinder the advance of the
new teaching, and wished to be made acquainted with the
names of learned, pious, and deserving Germans on whom
Church preferment could be bestowed, as nothing had been
more hurtful to the saving of souls than the appointment
of unworthy priests.
The unprecedented publicity which Adrian in this
Instruction gave to the abuses so long dominant in Rome,
and the communication of this document to the Diet,
certainly not in opposition to the Pope's wishes, have
often been blamed as impolitic acts ; even the Papal
admission of guilt has itself been questioned as incorrect
and exaggerated.1 The charge of exaggeration cannot be
1 The different objections to the contents of the Instruction and the
manner of its publication are summarized by PALLAVICINI, II., 7, but
with courtesy and moderation (cf. WENSING, 223). REUMONT (Allgem.
Zeitung, 1880, Beil. No. 149) remarks on this point : " Various judgments
may be formed as to the opportuneness of the Instruction imparted to
the Nuncio Chieregati at Nuremberg ; there was something lofty-
minded in the public acknowledgment of shortcomings and sins in
the very quarter from which amendment ought to have proceeded,
and Adrian was justified by the subsequent reforms carried out by the
Tridentine decrees. If the results, at least the momentary results,
did not correspond with his noble intentions ; if the opposition,
refusing to take the hand held out to them, showed themselves averse
to a real and equitable peace and only took advantage of the open
avowal of wrong-doing to suit their own interests ; if they mixed up
Church questions with matters foreign to them and proposed measures
bound to be ineffectual owing to the already altered turn in affairs and
the opposition to spiritual authority,— who, on that account, shall hold
PRINCIPLES 01 THE INSTRUCTION. 137
sustained : the corruption in Rome was undoubtedly as
great as Adrian described it to be. If there was to be any
effectual cure, it was necessary that this lofty-minded Pope,
in his enthusiasm for reform, should lay bare, with heroic
courage, the wounds that called for healing.
On looking at the Instruction as a whole, we see that the
Pope did not surrender, even on the smallest point, his firm
ecclesiastical principles. He draws a sharp and definite
line between the divine and human elements in the Church.
The authority of the latter rests on God only : in matters
of belief it is infallible. The members of the Church,
however, are subject to human corruption, and all, good as
well as bad, must not shrink from confession of guilt before
God, the confession which every priest, even the holiest,
has to lay on the steps of the altar before offering the
sacrifice of the Mass. Such a confession Adrian as High
Priest made before the whole world openly, solemnly, and
the Pope responsible ? the Pope who, from his first accession onwards,
had put the peace of Christendom in the forefront of all his pronounce-
ments, ecclesiastical as well as political, and, on the other hand, had
stood out against the pernicious violence of hostile writers and the
obvious illegality of princes in their encroachments on the constitution
of the Church ? An agreement with the reforming Papacy might have
saved Germany from the horrible disorders which broke out in the
struggle between the German nobility and their princes, and in the
peasants' war, all carried on in the name of the Gospel and the Divine
Law, — disorders of which the final result, after horrible bloodshed, has
been that worst of all forms of ecclesiastical government, a Caesaro-
Papism, from which the Evangelical Church, as the outcome of its very
origin, still suffers to-day. For even after the removal of the worst
evils of an incongruous relationship, after the most strenuous efforts
to make its constitution secure, this Church is still always face to face
with the danger of succumbing to State domination or to anarchy.
An agreement with this all-reforming Papacy had in itself ceased to be
a matter of practical consideration, and, besides assuming its possibility,
was beyond the powers of the leaders of the opposition to carry out."
138 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
explicitly in expiation of the sins of his predecessors and
as the earnest of a better future. Firmly convinced of
the divine character of the Church, he nevertheless does
not shrink one jot from speaking freely, though in
grief, of the evils and abuses that lay open as day before
the eyes of the world and brought dishonour on her
external system of government.1
What is to be said of the charge of impolicy brought
against the Instruction? Was the Pope's uncompromising
admission of the corruption of Rome a short-sighted
blunder whereby he sharpened one of the keenest weapons
of the enemy ? Many staunch partisans of the Church
have thought so ; but this is a narrow conception, without
justification. Adrian was right in rising to a much higher
idea of the Church; moreover, he was too clear-sighted
a theologian to feel alarm for the true interests of the
Church from a confession of guilt which was an actual
matter of fact. It is sin itself, not its acknowledgment,
which is dishonouring. With genuine German frankness
and sincerity, which on this very account were unintelli-
gible to the Romans, Adrian VI., in a magnanimous
and honourable spirit, had turned to the noble and well-
loved nation from which he came, with a courageous
confession of abuses, promises of thorough reform, and
exhortations to the maintenance of unity, law, and order
in the Church. " It lay with the nations to reply in the
same noble temper. But the existing tone was one of
discord, and the prospect of reconciliation vanished never
to return ; the gulf grew wider and wider, and no power
on earth was able to close it." 2
Had it depended upon the Archduke Ferdinand and the
Elector Joachim of Brandenburg, the Pope's solicitations
BUCHOLTZ, II., 17 seqq., and WENSING, 249 seq.
* HOFLER, 275.
CHIEREGATI AND TIIK 1'KKACHERS. 139
for the execution of the Edict of Worms would have been
acceded to. But neither succeeded in having his way.
Hans von der Planitz, who was devoted to the new teaching
ami an active and astute champion of the Saxon Elector,
knew how to procrastinate; the majority determined not
to commit themselves at first to any definite answer, but
to refer the whole matter to a consultative committee. In
addition to the pressure put upon them by the unsettled
condition of the Empire, they were influenced by an out-
break of indignation cleverly worked up by the Lutheran
party on account of Chieregati's demand for proceedings
against the four preachers of Nuremberg. The town
council had already, on the 5th of January 1523, decided to
prevent this, if necessary by force. As Chieregati still
remained obstinate, this matter also was referred to the
committee.1 The Papal Nuncio soon found himself ex-
posed to such insults, threats, and acts of violence that he
hardly any longer dared to show himself in the streets.2
The preachers, on the other hand, only became more
vehement ; " If the Pope," declared one of them from
the pulpit in the church of St. Lawrence, " were to add
a fourth crown to the three already on his head, he
would not on that account rob me of the word of God."3
This feeling in the city, as well as the critical condition
of the Empire, had from the first a strong influence on
the conduct of affairs. The result gave satisfaction to
neither party.4 The Lutherans certainly in no way
1 REDLICH, 106 seg. • Reichstagsakten, III., 386; JANSSEN- PASTOR,
II., ed. 1 8, 290 seq.
2 Report of Chieregati, January 10, 1523, in MORSOLIN, in seq. ;
cf. SANUTO, XXXIII., 599.
3 RANKE, Deutsche Geschichte, II., ed. 6, 38.
4 REDLICH, 114^.; Reichstagsakten, III., 387 ; JANSSEN-PASTOR,
II., ed. 1 8, 293 seq.
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
derived a complete victory, but the Catholics and the
Pope were equally unsuccessful in achieving their most
important object, the execution of the Edict of Worms.1
This was postponed as being at the time impracticable;
simultaneously demands were made on the Curia in a
more imperative and aggressive form for the removal of
German grievances2 and the convocation of a free Council
on German soil ; until then nothing else was to be preached
except " the Holy Gospel as laid down in the Scriptures
approved and received by the Christian Church, and
nothing new was to be printed or offered for sale unless
first examined and approved by learned persons especially
appointed for that purpose."3 Had the clergy, with their
decided preponderance in the Diet, fulfilled their duties
in a corporate capacity, the unsatisfactory result of the
negotiations would be inexplicable. But both courage and
good-will were wanting in too many of the prelates. The
critical condition within the Empire, threatened by an out-
break of revolution, " put them," as Planitz wrote, " in fear
of their skins." Had it not been for the determined action
of the Papal Nuncio, the affairs of the Church might well
have been entirely neglected.4
The prelates were not only weak-spirited, they were
also steeped in worldliness. Heedless of the necessities of
1 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, II., 234^?., 247 ; HOFLER, 284 seq. ; HEFELE-
HERGENROTHER, IX., 308 ; Histor. Zeitschr., LX., iio-iu.
- In order to avoid the presentation of these demands, Chieregati
left Nuremberg on February 16, 1523; see Planitz' reports, 383. Cf.
Reichstagsakten, III., 645 seq., and EHSES in Romischen Quartalschr.,
I9°4> 373> note. On Eck's advice regarding the German u grievances "
see GUTZ' article, No. 18, quoted supra, in note i, p. 109.
3 Reichstagsakten, III., 447 seq. • JANSSEN-PASTOR, II., ed. 18,
296. For the meaning of the demands of the Council, see EHSES'
excellent remarks, Cone., IV., xvi. seq.
4 REDLICH, 147.
"OUT-AND-OUT LUTHERAN.'
141
the age, they thought more of worldly enjoyments, the
banquet and the dance, than of the deliberations of the
Diet.1 The earnestness of the Nuncio was displeasing to
them, still more the frank avowal of general blame and
responsibility by a Pope who knew only too well the laxity
of the German hierarchy.2 Adrian's hope that the
German prelates would search their own hearts, and even
now smite their breasts as penitent sinners, was proved to
be futile. Far from it, these worldly-minded men felt
themselves affronted and roused to wrath at the bare idea
of paying attention to the Papal declarations. Such
small amount of zeal as there was for co-operation in
Adrian's wishes very soon sank below zero. Moreover,
among the Catholic secular princes opinion was for the
most part "out-and-out Lutheran."3
The party of the new belief, cleverly led by Planitz
and Johann von Schwarzenberg, opposed at first a
discreet silence to the Pope's magnanimous candour, in
order there and then to bring to the front the demand
for the punishment of the preachers and afterwards to
fall upon the Nuncio. Even a man of so refined a
culture as Melanchthon was not ashamed 4 to describe
the latter as no better than a weathercock ; still worse
was the license with which he and Luther inveighed
against Adrian. In the spring of 1523 they issued a
foul pamphlet aimed, under allusions to a monstrosity
discovered in Rome in the reign of Alexander VI., at
the strictest and most austere Pope ever raised to the
1 Cf. Chieregati's report, November 28, 1522, in MORSOLIN,
Chieregati, 108.
2 Cf. the Brief to the Elector Albert of Mayence, November 28, 1522,
in the Reichstagsakten, III., 406 seqq.
3 Cf. REDLICH, 104 seq., 148 ; BAUMGARTEN, II., 234, 244.
4 Cf. Corp. Ref., I., 605 seq.
142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Chair of Peter.1 Luther did not think it worth his
trouble even to take notice of Adrian's good intentions.2
He saw in him only the Antichrist : the whole " injustice
and savagery of his polemic"3 is shown in the gibes
at "the stupidity and ignorance" ascribed by him to
this great man. "The Pope," he wrote, "is a magister
noster of Louvain ; in that University such asses are
crowned; out of his mouth Satan speaks."4
Luther and his associates show thus plainly that their
object was not the removal of abuses from the Church, but
its fundamental overthrow. Regardless of the stipulation
of Nuremberg, they urged on their politico - religious
agitation. On the 28th of March 1523, Luther addressed
to the heads of the German religious orders his appeal,
calling on them to break their vows, contract marriages,
and divide amongst themselves the property of their
orders. He continued as before to revile the noble
German Pontiff as a blind tyrant, a charlatan, even as
the special minister of Satan.5
For this Luther found a pretext on the 3ist of May
1523 in Adrian's canonization of Bishop Benno of Meissen.
On the same day the Florentine Archbishop Antonino
was raised to the altars of the Church. The lavish
expenditure hitherto associated with such ceremonies
was prohibited by Adrian.6 The canonization of such
1 LANGE, Der Papstesel (Gottingen, 1891), 82 seq., 86.
2 REDLICH'S opinion, 146.
3 HARNACK uses this expression of Luther's controversial style,
Dogmengsch., III., 3rd ed., 733.
4 See WALCH, XV., 2658 seq. ; DE WETTE, II., 351 seq. ; HOFLER,
297, 299 seq. Cf. JANSSEN, An meine Kritiker (1891), 74 seq.
•• See JANSSEN-PASTOR, II., i8th ed., 298 seq. Cf. Mitteil. fur
Gesch. von Meissen, II., 130, and LEMMENS, Alfeld (Freiburg, 1899),
67 seq.
e See RAYNALDUS, 1523, n. 89-101 ; Bull V., 15 seq. Cf. *Acta
ADRIAN VI. AND ERASMUS. 143
illustrious examples of the bygone episcopate was in-
tended to appeal to their less spiritual successors.1 But
the Pope's lofty intention of thus uplifting the higher
clergy was as little understood in Italy as in Germany ; 2
he also experienced a bitter disappointment in Erasmus,3
who had written to his former teacher immediately after
his election, assuring Adrian of his orthodoxy and
dedicating to him his edition of Arnobius. In answer,
Adrian addressed Erasmus on the ist of December 1522
Consist., May 29, 1523 (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican);
SANUTO, XXXIV., 244 ; Corp. dipl. Port., II., 170 ; Lett, di princ., I.,
115 seq. ; Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris ;
Ortiz in BURMANN, 210 seq. ; * letters of V. Albergati, May 13 and 18,
1523, State Archives, Bologna; * letter of L. Cati, June 6, 1523, in
State Archives, Modena ; LANDUCCI, 366 ; Mitteil. fiir Gesch. von
Meissen, 127 seq. ; KALKOFF, Forschungen, 35 ; SCHMIDLIN, 270.
The canonization of Giustiniani (cf. SANUTO, XXXIV., 285) was not
carried out.
1 HOFLER, 302.
2 Of importance in this respect is a ^letter of Abbadino, May 18,
1523, who, after speaking of the Consistory in the case of Antonino,
adds : " Hoggi se fatto un altro consistoro pur publico, nel quale se
publicato Beato Bennone Alemano. Credo che questo papa habbi
designate de far santi li morti et cazar disperati a casa del diavolo li
vivi, maxime che havevano a negociar in questa corte, nella quale non
si sono altri che disperati e malcontenti." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
In a similar spirit of mockery writes *L. Cati, May 29, 1523. State
Archives, Modena.
3 Adrian's correspondence with Erasmus is printed by BUR-
MANN, 493 seqq.) from the: Opera Erasmi, a German translation (by
Schlosser), Frankfurt-on-Main, 1849; cf. DANZ, Anal. Crit. de Had.
VI., I., II., Jenae, 1813 seq.; WOKER, De Erasmi studiis irenicis.
Bonnae, 1872, 25 ; BAUER, Hadrian VI. (Heidelberg, 1876), 107 seq. ;
MAURENBRECHER, Kath. Ref., 211 seg., 400, where a gross mistake
of NIPPOLD, Reformbestrebungen Adrians VI. (Hist. Taschenb.,
1875, 205 seqq.} is corrected; HOFLER, 333 seq.> and HARTFELDER,
I34-M3-
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in a lengthy and paternal Brief,1 thanking him for the
dedication, setting his mind at rest with regard to certain
accusations brought against him, and at the same time
urgently entreating him to use his great literary gifts
against the new errors. This practical Netherlander, now
seated in the Papal Chair, wished to see Erasmus doing
something and not merely conveying to him graceful words
of compliment. He shrewdly remarks that Erasmus by
such activity would best put to silence those who wished
to implicate him in the Lutheran business : " Rouse thy-
self, rouse thyself to the defence of the things of God,
and go forth to employ in His honour the great gifts
of the Spirit thou hast received from Him. Consider how
it lies with you, through God's help, to bring back into the
right way very many of those whom Luther has seduced,
to give steadfastness to those who have not yet fallen, and
to preserve from falling those whose steps are tottering." He
recommends as best that Erasmus should come to Rome,
where he would find at his disposal literary resources and the
society of learned and pious men. Adrian, who was well
aware of the disinclination of Erasmus to any violent
treatment of the innovators, very adroitly seizes this
opportunity of impressing upon him that he also was much
more desirous of the voluntary return of those who had
been misled than of their compulsion under spiritual and
secular penalties ; to the attainment of this end, Erasmus
would best conduce by engaging in a literary warfare with
the friends of Luther. In the same spirit and at the
same time, Adrian also admonished the University of
Cologne.2
1 From Meander's original draft (*Cod. Vat., 3917, f. 16-17 ; cf.
PAQUIER, 290 seg.) Adrian had removed all terms of recrimination
and harshness.
2 This Brief, dated Rome, December i, 1522, is to be found in
ADRIAN VI. AND ERASMUS. 145
On the 22nd of December 1522, Erasmus himself wrote
a second letter to Adrian, in which he already makes suffi-
ciently clear the advice that he purposes to communicate
to the Pope in a more confidential manner; he only begs
that there shall be no measures of suppression, no intrusion
of personal hatreds, to the dishonour of the cause of Christ.
To this Adrian answered in the most friendly way on the
23rd of January 1523, again inviting Erasmus to Rome.
He looks forward with eager anticipation to the promised
advice, " since he has no greater desire than to find the
right means of removing from the midst of our nation
this abominable evil while it is yet curable, not because
our dignity and authority, so far as they concern us
personally, seem endangered in the stormy tempests of the
times — for not only have we never set our heart on these
things, but, seeing that they come upon us without any
connivance of ours, have greatly dreaded them, and, God be
our witness, would have declined them altogether had we not
feared thereby to offend God and injure our own conscience
— but because we see so many thousands of souls, redeemed
by the blood of Christ and committed to our pastoral care —
souls, moreover, belonging, after the flesh, to peoples of our
own race — led away on the direct path of destruction
through the hope of an evangelical freedom which, in very
truth, is a bondage to the Devil."
The answer of Erasmus to this letter is only preserved
in part. Enough remains, however, to show what his
position at this time actually was. He coldly declines
the enthusiastic summons of the Pope to devote his
learning, reputation, and influence to the cause of
the Church ; he has not the adequate knowledge, nor
a rare contemporary copy : Adrianus Papa Sextus | delectis filiis
Re | ctori et Universi \ tat. Colonien. | Five printed pages with the
Papal arms on frontispiece. Copy in the Floss Library, Berlin.
VOL. IX. IO
I46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
does he enjoy a sufficient reputation, seeing that both
parties, the Lutherans and their opponents, tear him in
pieces. Even if his frail health permitted him to make the
journey to Rome, he could get through much more work
in Basle ; besides, if he were to write against Luther in
measured and decorous terms, he would appear to be
jesting with him. " If I were to imitate his own style of
writing and make a hostile onslaught on Lutheranism, I
should raise about me a hornet's nest." To this excuse
Erasmus joins a warning against violent measures ; yet,
in contradiction to this, he expresses the wish that the
authorities " may beat back the innovations"; further, he
trusts that the Pope may lead the world to hope that
some of the things justly complained of may be altered.
He recommends that incorruptible, moderate, and dis-
passionate men should be convoked from every country in
Europe, in order to deliberate on reform. Here the letter
breaks off. We are left in uncertainty whether Erasmus
still adhered to his scheme of settling the Lutheran
question by means of the arbitration of learned men ; in
any case, the conditions were less favourable for such a
course than they had been in 1520, when Erasmus exerted
himself to carry out this favourite project.1
Adrian VI. had also made attempts to win back the man
who, in connection with the Lutheran ideas, had intro-
1 Cf. our previous remarks, English ed. of this work, Vol. VII., p. 422.
REDLICH, 65, believes Erasmus to have held fast to his original
project. This is certainly probable, but not certain as long as the
close of the letter remains undiscovered. On September 16, 1523,
Erasmus addressed a letter to Adrian's Sacristan, Petrus Barbirius,
the sound Catholic sentiment of which is strongly marked ; printed
by NOLHAC, Erasme en Italic, 112 seq. The letter reflects the
mental distress of the harassed scholar, urged from both sides by
the parties in a great national movement to take up a clear position.
THE POPE AND ZWINGLT. 147
duced into German Switzerland a movement of apostasy
from Rome. The Pope's position was one of twofold diffi-
culty in respect of Switzerland, as there remained a debt of
30,000 ducats due from Leo X. to the cantons. With
great exertions Adrian VI. succeeded, in the first instance,
in finding the money required to pay the Zurichers, and
in January 1523 he handed over to them 18,000 Rhenish
gulden.1 In April he sent Ennio Filonardi to the Swiss
in order to secure their neutrality, and, in case of a French
invasion of Italy, an alliance; he gave him a letter to
Ulrich Zwingli promising him rewards if he supported
the Nuncio.2 But in the meantime Zwingli had already
initiated his breach with Rome in his first discourse at
Zurich on religion.3 Similar designs occupied the mind
1 Cf. SCHULTE, I., 235. The reports of **A. Germanello of December
1 1 and 29, 1 522, give fresh details of the transactions with the Swiss
Envoys. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 ZWINGLI, Opera, VII., 264. The letter contains no definite
promise, and Zingg's later assertions, "that every inducement was
put before Zwingli to keep silence, even the Papal chair itself," is
wanton exaggeration. Not until Clement VII. became Pope was it
recognized how dangerous the reformer might be to the Curia, and
then the latter had recourse not to promises but to threats. Before
that his influence had not yet been rated so highly. As parish priest
of Glarus he was simply offered the prospect, in the event of his
supporting the Nuncio in his political mission, of obtaining a canonry
at Coire or Basle, and he was made a Papal acolyte — a merely
nominal position, which he accepted. How could anyone for a
moment suppose that a man who, up to a short time before, had been
content, even as senior priest of Zurich, with a pension of fifty marks
for placing his influence at the Pope's service, was so distinguished
as to be marked out for the purple? WlRZ, Filonardi, 59-60. For
Zwingli's discreditable distrust of Adrian's crusading energy see
RlFFEL, III., 43 seq.
3 Cf. RIFFEL, III., 49.^., and G. MAYER in Kathol. Schweizerbl.,
1895, 51 seq.
I48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Albert of
Brandenburg, despite his still repeated asseverations of
loyalty to the Pope and the Church. He had even
instructed the Roman procurator of the Order to obtain
from the Pope a penal edict against any of his knights who
had joined the party of Luther ! Adrian, who had ordered
Albert to accept without alteration1 the reforms of the
Order already prescribed by Leo X., was spared the
experience of seeing this German Prince, in violation of
his vows, obtain the secularization of the lands of the
Order for which he had denounced in Rome the King of
Poland.2
Next to Germany the countries of Scandinavia repeatedly
claimed Adrian's attention. The want of determination
shown by Leo X. with regard to the arbitrary govern-
ment of the tyrannical Christian II. of Denmark had
inflicted serious injury on the Church in those countries.
That under Adrian a stronger conception of duty pre-
vailed is clear from the transactions of a Consistory
held on the 29th of April 1 523.3 But before a decree
against Christian was drawn up, the King had been
compelled to leave his kingdom, where the government was
taken over by his uncle, Frederick of Gottorp.4 On the
ground of the Union of Colmar, Frederick also claimed
acknowledgment in Sweden ; but in vain. Gustavus
Wasa, the gifted leader of the Swedish national party,
1 VOIGT, Geschichte Preussens, IX., 685 seq.; JOACHIM, III., 45
seq., 63, 243 seq. ; PASTOR, Albrecht von Brandenburg in, Katholik,
1876, I., 180. Cf. Hist-polit. Blatter, CXXL, 331 seq.
* Cf. JANSSEN- PASTOR, III., ed. 18, 79 seq. ; KALKOFF, Capito, 117.
See KALKOFF, Forschungen, 84, and MARTIN, G. Vasa, 127.
4 The news reached Rome in the beginning of May ; see better of
V.Albergati, May 7, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna); cf. Corp. dipl.
Port., II., 1 68.
THE CHURCH IN SWEDEN. 149
since 1521 administrator of the kingdom, was, on the 6th
of June 1523, proclaimed in the Diet of Strengnas "King
of Sweden and of the Goths."
Luther's teaching had also made its way into Sweden
through the efforts of Olaus Petri, and during the confusion
of the war of independence had spread unhindered. As an
apt pupil of the Wittenberg Professor, at whose feet he
had sat, Olaus Petri declaimed quite openly in Strengnas
against the sacrament of penance and the veneration of the
saints ; at the same time he proclaimed the duty of the
Church to return to apostolic poverty. He soon found a
like-minded colleague in Laurentius Andrea. Their anti-
Catholic agitation was able to make unimpeded progress
as long as the see of Strengnas was vacant. The state
of disorder into which the Swedish Church had fallen, in
consequence of the turmoil of the preceding years, is best
illustrated by the fact that, with the exception of the
excellent Johann Brask in Linkoping, and the revered
Ingemar in Vexjo, there were no other bishops in the
whole country.1
Adrian did not neglect the needs of the Swedish Church ;
in order to help, he sent, in the person of Johann Magni,
a legate of Swedish extraction, with whom he had been
personally acquainted from the Louvain days.2 Magni
arrived in Strengnas when the election of Gustavus Wasa
to the throne was already accomplished. The cunning
sovereign, at heart estranged from the Church, and covetous
1 See WEIDLING, 122 seq., 131 ; GEIGER, II., 34 ; MARTIN, G. Vasa,
164 seq., 222 seq. ; cf. also SCHUCK, Svensk. Litt.-hist., Stockholm,
1890, and BERGGREN in Upsala Universitets Asrkrift, 1899.
2 See JOH. MAGNI, Hist. metr. in Script, rer. Suec, III., 2, 75 ;
WEIDLING, 132 seg.y 138; MARTIN, 172, 174. The latter calls atten-
tion, rightly, to the discreet reserve of the Brief of March n, 1523,
announcing Magni's mission (in THEINER, Schweden, II., 5).
150 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the rich possessions of the clergy,1 concealed his real
feelings and received the Pope's representative with every
token of honour. Johann Magni's mission resembled that
of Chieregati: he was to announce Adrian's readiness
to remove abuses in the Church, but at the same time to
call upon the government of the kingdom to take steps
against the Lutheran innovations. In reply, the royal
council, inspired by the King, first expressed satisfaction
at the Pope's promises of reform, but immediately went on
to insist, as indispensable preliminaries for the Swedish
Church, on the formal deposition of the Archbishop of
Upsala, Gustavus Trolle "the turbulent," who had been
sentenced to perpetual exile as a partisan of the Danish
king Christian II., and the institution of good native-born
bishops to the vacant sees, and especially of a peace-
abiding primate. Until this was done it would be a hard
task to eradicate the many errors introduced into the
Christian religion — the name of Luther being intentionally
omitted. The question of the Episcopate being settled,
the Papal Nuncio was to return and undertake the best
reform possible.2
When the Legate on a further occasion made personal
representations to the King respecting the payments of
money to the Church, and the Lutheran heresy, he received
such a very conciliatory answer that he believed his mission
to have come to a prosperous issue.3 The too trustful
Magni seems to have shut his eyes to the fact that the
King, for all his courtesy, had shirked the essential points,
1 REUTERDAHL insists that this, and not inward conviction, was the
cause of G. Wasa's apostasy (Svenska Kyrkan's Historia, IV., 179).
Cf. MARTIN, 227.
1 TH FINER, Schweden, II., 7 seg. • WEIDLING, 135.
3 Cf. Magni's letter to Brask in Handlingar rorande Skandin. Hist.,
XVII., 157 seqq.
GUSTAVUS WASA. 151
and had not forbidden Olaus Petri to preach Lutheran
doctrine in Strengnas. On the loth of September 1523
Gustavus Wasa wrote himself to the Pope that, when
the vacant bishoprics were filled by peace-abiding bishops
who would be loyal to the Crown, and the Legate returned
with newly constituted powers, he would then do all in his
power, after taking counsel with the bishops, to extirpate
the destructive heresies, and to forward the union of the
Muscovites with the Church and the conversion of the
Laplanders. A few days later the King forwarded to the
Pope the list of bishops chosen by the Swedish chapters,
with the name of the Papal Nuncio at their head as Arch-
bishop of Upsala, and asked for their confirmation and
for the remission of the customary dues.1
It was an extremely clever move thus to link the
personal interests of Magni with the formal deposition of
Trolle.2 Magni was on the point of starting for Rome,
when a Brief from Adrian arrived to the effect that Trolle
was still to be considered Archbishop of Upsala and to be
reinstated as such. The Nuncio declared that the docu-
ment was spurious, but his supposition was wrong : the Pope
had actually taken this impolitic step.3 The King now
dropped his mask. Evidently under the influence of the
events that had recently taken place at the Diet of
Nuremberg, and guided by his secretary, Laurentius
Andrea, a man of Lutheran opinions, he sent to the Holy
See in the beginning of October a threatening ultimatum ;
1 THEINER, Schweden, II., 8 seqq. ; BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 131;
MARTIN, 185 seq.\ WEIDLING, 127 seqq.
2 WEIDLING, 139. MARTIN (176 seg.) opposes this view of Magni's
character, but he admits that he \vas too credulous.
3 " Les termes d'un autre bref ;\ Frederic de Danemark confirment
que la bonne foi du nouveau pontife s'etait laisse surprendre par les
intrigues de 1'archeveque depossede." MARTIN, 189.
152 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that if the Pope did not withdraw his demands respecting
Trolle, the rebel and traitor to his country, he would, on
the strength of his royal authority, dispose of the bishops
and the Christian religion in his territories in such a manner
as would, he believed, be pleasing to God and all Christian
princes.1 To Magni, Gustavus used still plainer language :
if his patience and goodness were unavailing, he was
determined to let his prerogative have full play and free
his people from the intolerable yoke of strangers. A
royal letter of the 2nd of November 1523 informed the
Pope, the news of whose death had not yet come, that
if the confirmation of the proposed candidates for the
vacant sees was refused or any longer delayed, he, the
King, had made up his mind to care for the orphaned
Church in other ways and would enforce the confirmation
of those chosen by Christ, the highest Pontiff.2 All doubt
was removed that the King had determined to sever his
countries from that Church to which they owed their
culture and civilization.
As a consolation amid the sorrow caused to Adrian by
the dangers and losses of the Church in Germanic lands
came the reconciliation of Theophilus, the schismatic
Patriarch of Alexandria,3 the dawning hopes of a reunion
with the Russian schismatics,4 and the spread of Christianity
1 The letter to the Sacred College of October 10, and to the Pope
of October 4, 1523, in THEINER, It., 11 seq., 13 seqq., and Gustav d.
Forstes Registratur, I., 143 seg., 146 seq. ; cf. WEIDLING, 140 seg.9
and MARTIN, 187 seg.
2 Gustav d. Forstes Registratur, I., 172 seq., 181.
3 RAYNALDUb, 1523, n. 107 ; PAQUIER, Aleandre, 296.
4 G. M. della Porta announces, on May 21, 1523, the overthrow of
Sickingen, and adds : *Par pur che Dio voglia aiutar la religione
Christiana, che in questo tempo medesimo gli Moschoviti offeriscono
a N. S. voler lasciar in tutto et per tutto le loro eresie et redursi sotto
la total ubedienza de la sede Ap., dal quale non vogliono di sorte
THK NEW WORLD. 153
in the New World. To promote the missionary activity
of the Franciscans in America, the Pope conferred upon
the Order in that continent extensive privileges : they
were to elect their own superior every three years, to
possess the full powers of the Minister-General, and even
to exercise episcopal functions, except those of ordina-
tion.1 This new organization encouraged the hope that
races which, notwithstanding highly developed civilization,
were yet votaries of a blood-stained heathen worship,
would soon be delivered from the night of idolatry and
be won over to the truth of Christianity.
alcuna altro privilegio salvo chel loro prencipe sia create et nominato
re. State Archives, Florence.
1 WADDING, XVI., ed. 2, 136 seq. • HOFLER, 173 ; MEIER, Propa-
ganda, I., 301 seq. ; HERNAEZ, Colec. de bullas rel. a la Iglesia
de America, I., 332. Adrian VI. gave support to the Franciscans in
other ways also, and to the Dominicans as well ; see WADDING, XVI.,
2nd ed., 148, 561 ; Bull. ord. praed., IV., 408, 410 seq. A unique
instance there recorded is the appointment of a lay inquisitor in the
person of Franz van der Hulst. This, however, was accompanied by
strict limitations, especially in protecting the rights of the Episcopate ;
see DE HOOP-SCHEFFER, Kerkhervorming in Nederland (1873), 181
seq., and FINKE in Hist. Jahrbuch, XIV., 337 seq.
CHAPTER V.
ADRIAN'S EFFORTS TO RESTORE PEACE AND PROMOTE THE
CRUSADE. — THE FALL OF RHODES AND THE SUPPORT OF
HUNGARY.
ADRIAN'S attitude towards the complicated politics of the
European States, then involved in a dangerous crisis,
through the rivalry between Francis I. and Charles V. and
the renewed aggressiveness of the Ottoman power, was
inspired by that lofty earnestness and magnanimity which
had directed his treatment of ecclesiastical affairs. As
Vicar of the eternal Prince of Peace the lofty-minded
Pope had felt most bitterly the protracted state of war,
with its menace to the future of Christendom. Since the
greatest danger came from without,1 from the side of the
infidel, he deemed it a twofold duty, towards God and his
own conscience, to leave nothing undone to procure the
reconciliation of the two monarchs who confronted one
another in deadly enmity.
The pacification and union of the Christian powers in
presence of the onslaught of Islam, the reform of the
Church, and the restoration of ecclesiastical unity, so
especially threatened in Germany, were the three great
ideas dominating his Pontificate.
1 The, Epistola D. Marci Maruli Spalatens. ad Adrianum VI. P. M.
de calami tati bus occurrentibus et exhortatio ad communem omnium
Christianorum unionem et pacem. Romae, 1522, describes the situa-
tion in language of great emotion.
154
ATTACK ON RHODES. 155
From the first Adrian had shown a firm determination,
in contrast to his predecessors, not to attach himself to
any of the contending parties, but by all the means in his
power to bring about a peace, or at least a truce, so that
all the united forces of Europe might be turned against
the hereditary foe of Christendom. In this sense he had
already written to the Emperor on the 25th of March
1522, urging him to conclude peace or an armistice with
the French King ; 1 for identical reasons he despatched
Gabriele Merino, Archbishop of Bari, from Spain to Paris,
and Alvaro Osorio, Bishop of Astorga, to England, to
confer with the Emperor and Henry VIII.2
Immediate help was necessary, for it was no longer
doubtful that the Sultan Suleiman I., following up the
capture of Belgrade in August 1521, was preparing to deal
another deadly blow by an attack on Rhodes, the last
bulwark of Christendom in the south. Held by the
Knights of St. John, this island, on account of its situation
and exceptional strength, was as great a hindrance to the
development of the Turkish sea power as it was for
Christendom a position of incalculable value.3 Suleiman
was determined to capture it at all costs. On the ist of
June 1522 he sent his declaration of war to the Grand
Master; at the same time he moved against Rhodes a
powerful fleet conveying an armament of 10,000 men and
all the requisites for a siege. The Sultan at the head
1 GACHARD, Corresp., 50 seqq.
2 Cf. HOFLER, 169, and Bullet, de la commiss. royale d'hist., 3 Series,
III., 297 seq. On September 20, 1 522, G. Merino wrote, " ex Puysi non
procul a Parisiis " to Cardinal Schinner : *In re pacis nihil adhuc factum
est nee quid faciendum sit facile iudicari potest cum ex aliorum
principe voluntate pendeat, sed si quid per me fieri poterit, is ero
semper qui fu et esse debeo. Cod. 1888, f. 2ib (Angelica Library,
Rome).
3 See BAUMGARTEN, II., 137-138.
156 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of 100,000 men proceeded through Asia Minor along the
coast of Caria. Although the Grand Master had little
over 600 knights and 5000 soldiers, he was yet deter-
mined to resist to the last. The preparations for holding
the strongly fortified and well-provisioned fortress were
so thorough, the heroism of the defenders so great, that,
at first, all the assaults of the Osmanli were repulsed,
but in spite of serious losses the enemy held on. Every-
thing depended on the arrival of relief for the besieged,
and for this the conditions of Western Europe were as
unfavourable as possible. The spread of the religious
upheaval in the German Empire was the precursor of
a social revolution, so that men feared the overthrow of
established order. Things were no better in Hungary,
torn by party strife ; while Venice, the mistress of the seas,
seemed now, as always, occupied only in safeguarding
her own possessions.1 The great powers of central
Europe were embroiled in internecine strife ; only an
immediate cessation of their quarrels could justify the
hope that they would take part in a defensive movement
against the Turk. No one worked for this more zealously
than Adrian VI., for the danger besetting Rhodes occupied
him as a personal concern.2 Although there was little
prospect of his efforts to reconcile the contending Christian
powers being successful, he tenaciously adhered to his
purpose ; in spite of all failures he stood firm.
The Pope's position as the intermediary of peace was
from the first exceptionally difficult. He had to try and
convince Francis I. that he was not a partisan of his former
pupil, sovereign, and friend, Charles. From the latter he had,
at the same time, to remove the suspicion that he was too
favourably inclined towards Francis. A further difficulty
1 ZlNKEISEN, II., 626.
2 See BAUMGARTEN, II., 250.
APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR. I 57
arose from the decisive turn of affairs on the scene of war
in Italy, when the French, defeated at Bicocca on the 2;th
of April 1522, soon after (May 3Oth) lost Genoa also.1 The
alliance between the Emperor and Henry VIII. was drawn
even closer than before ; on his journey into Spain, Charles
paid Henry a visit, during which a joint expedition into
France was agreed upon ; both monarchs confidently hoped
to win the Pope as the third confederate against Francis.
While Adrian's proposals of mediation fell upon deaf ears
at the English as well as at the Imperial Court, Francis,
in his humiliation, assumed a conciliatory mien. This
induced Adrian to make a fresh appeal to the Emperor ;
but Charles, in a letter of the /th of September 1522,
declared himself unable to make peace without the King
of England ; he observed that the French terms of agree-
ment did not admit of acceptance.2 Adrian called the
Emperor's attention to the danger of Rhodes ; adjured him
in the most impressive terms to help the island, to put his
private interests in the background, and to consent to a
truce. If Charles were in Rome, Adrian wrote, and were
to hear the appeals from Rhodes and Hungary, he would
not be able to keep back his tears. He, the Pope, was
doing what he could ; the money he had sent he had been
forced to borrow. He did not ask Charles to conclude a
peace without the concurrence of the English King, but
thought that he might at least induce the latter to consent
to an armistice.3
The Pope sent to England Bernardo Bertolotti, who, as
1 For the history of the warfare in the Milanese up to the capture of
Genoa by the Spaniards see BARNHAGEN, Lautrecho, an Italian poem
by Francesco Mantovano, Erlangen, 1896, I.-LVI. For the battle of
Bicocca cf. JAHNS, Gesch. des Kriegswesens, 1088 seq.
2 GACHARD, Corresp., 112 seqq.
3 Letter of September 16, 1522, in GACHARD, Corresp., 115 seqq.
158 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
well as the Spanish Nuncio, was to work for peace.1
Besides this, in respect of the Turkish war, Tommaso
Negri, Bishop of Scardona, had already, in August, been
entrusted with a comprehensive mission to the Princes
of Christendom. He first of all betook himself to
Venice.2
In a letter to Charles V., written in French, on the 3Oth
of September 1522 — an admirable memorial of Adrian's
lofty and truly Christian disposition — the Pope quiets the
Emperor with regard to the report that he had a greater
partiality for Francis than for himself; he then declares that
it is utterly impossible for him to take part in the war as
a confederate of Charles, since he is totally without the
material means for so doing. Since his accession to the
Holy See — ce siege plein de misere — he has not had enough
money to meet the current expenses of government ; but
even had the means been his, let the Emperor himself say
whether it would become him to sacrifice his exertions for
the welfare of Christendom in order to hand it over to
greater turmoil and danger. In a second letter of the same
date he beseeches the Emperor to come to the help of
Rhodes ; willingly would he shed his own blood to rescue
this bulwark of Christendom.3 On the anniversary of his
coronation and on the 1st of September respectively he
had earnestly exhorted the Ambassadors and the Cardinals
in Consistory to raise funds for the support of Rhodes
and Hungary, and on the 4th of September a commission
1 Along with the authorities produced by GACHARD, Corresp., XLV.
seq., cf. BREWER, III., 2, n. 2607, and the letter *of G. M. della Porta,
dated Rome, September 13, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
2 SANUTO, XXXIII., 409^. Later (January 1523), T. Negri was
sent to Poland to work against the Lutherans and bring about a peace
with the Teutonic Order. Acta Tomic., VI., 222 seq.
3 GACHARD, Corresp., 122-124, 125-127.
DIFFICULTIES OF THE POPE.
159
of Cardinals was appointed to attend exclusively to this
matter.1
By means of rigid economy Adrian collected a sufficient
sum to provide the equipment of a few ships.2 He did
not disguise from himself how little this amounted to; but
it was impossible for him to do more.3 A thousand men,
who were landed at Naples in October, deserted because
they had received no pay. To the Imperialists the defence
of Lombardy against the French seemed a much more urgent
necessity than the relief of Rhodes. The Pope, writes the
Venetian Ambassador, is in despair, since he sees no possi-
bility of forwarding to Rhodes the troops he has collected.4
To crown all, there was a fresh outbreak of the plague in
Rome, and the solemn occupation of the Lateran, hitherto
deferred for want of money, had once more to be postponed ; 5
in the subsequent course of events it did not take place at all.6
Together with the Turkish danger, the quieting of the
States of the Church claimed the Pope's attention at the
beginning of his reign. All recognition is due to the
promptitude with which he met the difficult situation and
resolutely carried out what seemed to him the necessary
measures for saving what there was to save.7
1 Besides *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican), and
SANUTO, XXXIII., 440, 444 seq.^ see the *letter of Ant. Taurelli of
September 5, 1522 (State Archives, Modena), and the ^reports of
G. de' Medici of September 3 and 4, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Owing to adverse circumstances they never reached their destina-
tion ; see JoviUS, Vita Adriani VI., and H6FLER, 479.
3 G. M. della Porta lays stress on this in his ^report, September 23,
1522 (State Archives, Florence).
4 SANUTO, XXXIII., 523 ; cf. Jovius, Vita Adriani VI.
6 See *Acta Consist, of January 12, 1523 (Consistorial Archives of
the Vatican).
0 See CANCELLIERI, Possessi, 88.
7 BROSCH, Kirchenstaat, I., 71.
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Since grave charges were made against the governors
appointed by Leo X., a general change in every city of the
Papal States was already under consideration in September
I522.1 While Adrian was disposed to leniency towards
the Dukes of Ferrara and Urbino, and even suffered the
return of the Baglioni to Perugia,2 he had determined
from the first not to recognize the usurpation (hitherto
vainly opposed by the College of Cardinals3) of Sigismondo
Malatesta in Rimini.4 In December 1522 he ordered
Sigismondo's son to be arrested in Ancona,5 and at the
same time despatched the Spanish soldiers who had
accompanied him into Italy against Rimini.6 The under-
taking, which had at first appeared difficult,7 proved all the
easier as Malatesta had brought upon himself the bitter
hatred of those who had submitted to him.8
1 *Letter of Enea Pio, September 27, 1522 (State Archives,
Modena). *I1 papa manda novi governatori alle citta di tutto il state,
che non e altro se non un levar le legationi, says G. M. della Porta,
October 12, 1522 (State Archives, Florence). The measures do not,
however, appear to have been completely carried through.
2 Cf. Bollett. per 1'Umbria, V., 694.
3 See the *letter of the Cardinals to Rimini, dated Rome, May 29,
1522. Copy in the Library at Mantua, I., e. 3-4.
4 " N. Sre desegnia recuperar Armini," *G. de' Medici, " D. vigna dello
ill. Medici," November 30, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
6 *G. de Medici, D. vigna dello ill. Medici, December 21, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence), and * V. Albergati, from Rome the same date
(State Archives, Bologna).
6 *Letter of V. Albergati, December 6, 1522 (State Archives,
Bologna). G. de' Medici announces on December 28, 1522, the
arrival of the Papal troops before Rimini (State Archives, Florence).
7 It was believed in Rome that Malatesta had the secret assistance
of one of the Signoria, and had raised the banner of St. Mark.
*Letter of A. Germanello, dated Rome, December 16, 1522 (Library,
Mantua, I., c. 3-4).
8 Malatesta was obliged, after long negotiations, to surrender
ADRIAN VI. AND THE ITALIAN STATKS. l6l
As vassals of the Church both Alfonso of Ferrara and
Francesco Maria della Rovere of Urbino, now fully recon-
ciled to the Holy See, gave Adrian their loyal support.
As early as the i5th of September 1522 Alfonso's son had
come to Rome,1 where negotiations had at once been
opened for his father's absolution and reinvestiture.2 They
proceeded with astonishing expedition, and by the i/th of
October everything was arranged. In the investiture with
the Dukedom of Ferrara the fiefs of San Felice and Finale
were also included,3 and Adrian even showed an inclination
to reinstate the Duke in the possession of Modena and
Reggio ; but this did not take effect owing to the opposi-
tion of the Cardinals.4 According to Contarini, it was
also the Pope's fixed intention to restore Ravenna and
Cervia to the Venetians ; in favour of the credibility
of this statement is the circumstance that Adrian
detested the excessive eagerness of the clergy to
acquire wealth and property; from the standpoint of his
high ideals an overgrowth of the States of the Church
Rimini ; cf. *letter of V. Albergati, February 3, 1523 (State Archives,
Bologna) ; ^Reports of G. de' Medici of February 19 and 25 and
March i, 1523, as well as a *letter of T. Manfred!, February 23,
1523 (State Archives, Florence); JoviUS, Vita Adriani VI.; Ortiz
in BURMANN, 202 seq.\ CARPESANUS, 1340; LANCELLOTTI, I., 427-
438.
1 ^Letter of G. de' Medici, September 17, 1522 (State Archives,
Florence), and *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 ^Letter of G. de' Medici of October 5 and 12, 1522 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. BALAN, Storia, VI., 64.
3 THEINER, Cod. dipl., III., 528 seq.\ cf. v. DOMARUS in Hist
Jahrb., XVI., 73 ; see also SANUTO, XXXIII., 482 seq.
4 Cf. *letter of L. Cati, December 30, 1522 (State Archives,
Modena); *Acta Consist., January 23, 1523 (Consistorial Archives of
the Vatican) ; GUICCIARDINI, XV., i.
VOL. IX. 1 1
!62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was an evil likely to divert the Papacy from its true
vocation.1
The transactions with Francesco Maria della Rovere
lasted longer. He had already, on the I ith of May 1 522, on
the recommendation of the Sacred College,2 been absolved
from all censures,3 but not until he reached Rome in
person,4 on the i8th of March 1523, was the definite treaty
of peace concluded with him. He was reinstated in the
Dukedom of Urbino, with the exception, however, of
Montefeltro; this fief remained in the hands of the
Florentines, to whom it had been ceded in payment of
debts incurred by the Apostolic Chamber.5
1 BROSCH, Kirchenstaat, I., 72. HERGENROTHER's doubts (Kon-
ziliengeschichte, IX., 283) are hardly well grounded.
2 Cf. Adrian's *Brief of May 8, 1522, in Appendix, No. 4 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
3 SANUTO, XXXI 1 1., 333 seq. In the State Archives, Florence,
Urb. Eccl., is a *Brief of August 30, 1522, in which the Duke's
apologies for not coming to Rome, on account of illness, are accepted.
In two *Briefs of December I, 1522, Adrian had asked the Duke to
support the undertaking against Rimini. He thanked the Duke for
his help on December 23, the Duchess on December 24, 1522, and
renewed his thanks again in *Brief of January 9, 1523. All these
*Briefs are in the State Archives, Florence.
4 See *letter of G. de' Medici, March 18, 1523 (State Archives,
Florence), and another, of the same date, *from Andrea Piperario, in
the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Francesco Maria of Urbino had
audience on March 20. *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 Cf. the betters of G. de' Medici of March 16, 18, 24, and 26,
1523 (State Archives, Florence); *Acta Consist of March 26, 1523
(Consistorial Archives of the Vatican); *Abbadino's letter, March
26, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua); SANUTO, XXXIV., 54 seq. ;
GUICCIARDINI, XV, i, and HOFLER, 493 seq. ; a copy of the Bull of
Restitution of March 27 is in the Colonna Archives, Rome. The
departure of the Duke of Urbino from Rome on May 8, 1523, was
THE AMBASSADOR MANUEL. 163
Adrian's success in restoring order to the Papal States1
could not compensate him for the insurmountable obstacles
which stood between him and his efforts for the union of
the chief powers of Christendom against the Turks.
True to his original plan of undertaking the office of
peacemaker, he steadily refused to enter into the league for
offensive purposes, which was the object of the Imperial
diplomacy. This led to a difference with Charles's repre-
sentative in Rome and to strained relations with Charles
himself, between whom and Adrian in other matters (e.g.
with regard to the retention of Naples as an appanage of
the Empire) there had always been a good understanding.2
Seldom was an Ambassador placed in such an unsuitable
position as that of Manuel at the Court of Adrian VI.
This unscrupulous and masterful Spaniard was a man of
such one-sided political understanding that he was quite
incapable of comprehending a character such as Adrian's,
who approached everything from the point of view of his
religious ideals.3 In Manuel's estimation the Pope owed
everything to the Emperor, and was therefore under the
self-evident obligation to subordinate himself in all respects
to the wishes of Charles. The more he perceived that
Adrian was pursuing his own policy, the greater grew his
displeasure. Before Manuel came really to know the
Pope, he had convinced himself that he was a weak and
consequent on the arrival, on that day, of a *letter from Abbadino
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
1 The *Brief addressed to Perugia on December 15, 1522, in the
Communal Library, Perugia, was directed to maintaining peace and
order in that city. At the same time the Pope was making similar
efforts for Osimo ; see *Brieffor "Joanni Casulano, commiss. nost.,"
December 13, 1522 (Communal Archives, Osimo).
2 See RAYNALDUS, 1522, n. 17.
3 See BAUMGARTEN, II., 221.
1 64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
incompetent personality, and Adrian's part of peacemaker
filled him with anger and mistrust. In his reports he
described the Pope as miserly, ignorant of all the affairs of
the world, and weak and irresponsible as a child ; he even
denounced him, entirely without grounds, to the Emperor,
as carrying on secret intrigues with France.1
Adrian, who had at first received Manuel with friendli-
ness, and indeed with confidence,2 could not disarm his
hostile feelings. Their mutual relations, already rendered
acute by disputes concerning the appointment to bishoprics
in the Milanese,3 became in a very short time so strained
that Manuel saw how untenable his position had become
and applied for his recall. Half in despair he left Rome
on the 1 3th of October 1522, with the firm resolve to bring
about a breach between the Emperor and the Pope.4 He
at once advised Charles to pay no obedientia* hoping thus
to force the Pope to relinquish his position of neutrality.6
1 Manuel to Charles V. on October 8, 1522, in BERGENROTH, II.,
n. 485.
2 See in Appendix, No. 6, the report of G. de' Medici, August 27,
1522. The latter reports, September 9, 1522: *I1 sig. Don Giovanni
questi dl con bellissima compagnia e andato a palazo a presentar a
N. S. una achinea molto richamente ornata per il censo di Napoli, al
quale N. S. fa careze e dimonstrationi assai di confidar in lui. (State
Archives, Florence.)
3 *Letter of Manuel to Charles V., dated October 8, 1522, decifrado
del orig. in Col. Salazar, A, 26 seg., 83 seq. ; Biblioteca de la Acad. d.
Historia in Madrid.
4 See NEGRI in Litt. d. princ., I., ic»9b, ii2b; GREGOROVius, VIII.,
3rd ed., 397.
6 Manuel to Charles, October 8, 1522 (Biblioteca de la Acad. d.
Historia, Madrid, loc. tit.).
0 In a *cipher of Castiglione's which certainly belongs to this time,
although we have not, unfortunately, the exact date, it says : "IIS. Don
Giovanni va tanto malcontento del papa quanto se possa dire ne dice
assai male, pur mostra di credere chel Papa bisogni esser imperiale a
THE POPE'S LOVE OF PEACE. 165
His place was taken in October 1522 by Luis de Corduba,
Duke of Sessa,1 who, although he had no hope of success,2
nevertheless, in his very first audience, invited the Pope
to enter into alliance with the Emperor. The Pope replied
that he had neither the money nor the wish to wage war;
all his energies were directed to procuring an armistice and
later on a peace.3 As Adrian stood firm in his conviction
that, as Father of universal Christendom, it was his para-
mount duty to restore peace in Europe,4 Sessa soon became
of the same mind as Manuel.5 In addition, disputes arose
over territorial claims.6 The French in their dealings with
the Pope showed themselves cleverer diplomatists than the
Imperialists. While the latter incessantly repeated that
Adrian's love of peace only made the French more stubborn,
and that his one hope of safety lay in the league with
Charles, Francis sent the Cardinal Castelnau de Clermont
to Rome with instructions to praise the Pope's love of
peace and to assure him that the French King was ani-
mated by the same dispositions.7
Adrian, who had shown great patience towards the
Emperor's Ambassadors and the Emperor himself, was,
however, at last put upon his mettle ; this is discernible in
his two Briefs of the 2ist and 22nd of November 1522. In
suo dispetto ancorche lui dica voler esser neutrale" (Library,
Mantua).
1 *Letterof G. de' Medici, October 9, 1522 (State Archives, Florence) ;
cf. Corp. dipl. Port, II., 98.
- *Letter of Manuel to Charles V., October 8, 1522 (Biblioteca de
la Acad. d. Historia, Madrid, loc. cit.\
3 BERGENROTH, II., n. 490.
4 Ibid.) n. 496.
5 Cf. his reports in BERGENROTH, II., n. 502, 509, 540.
6 Cf. SAUER, Die Schrift des G. Valle Rhegiens. iiber das Exarchat
in Italien. Gottingen, 1905, 12 seq.
7 GACHARD, Corresp., XLVI. seq.t 140.
1 66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
these he once more urgently calls on Charles to give help
to Rhodes, and complains bitterly of the excesses of the
Imperial forces in the Papal States; the favour shown to
him by Charles consists in words and not in deeds.1
Under these circumstances he felt it strange that the Im-
perial Ambassador should continue to bring forward an in-
exhaustible series of fresh wishes and suggestions touching
ecclesiastical policy and finance ; many of these requests
Adrian was obliged to refuse from a sense of duty.2 The
Spanish Ambassador now had recourse to bribery in order
to gain the ear of the Papal entourage. He succeeeded in
learning a good many secrets from the Secretary, Zisterer,
but concerning the principal point he learned nothing, and
his surmise that Adrian was a puppet in the hands of his
confidential servants proved to be quite beside the mark.
The general opinion formed of the new Pope at the
Imperial Court was entirely erroneous. There he was
looked upon exclusively as the former subject of Charles,
to whom he owed everything, and to whom he was ex-
pected to give unconditional support in fulfilment of his
dutiful allegiance. Gattinara presumed to remind the
Head of the Church of these obligations in the arrogant
language of his Court.3
The tactless pressure of the Spaniards confirmed Adrian
more than ever in his previous policy of a firm neutrality :
not until Francis I. attacked Italy, he declared, would he
take a hostile part against him.4 About this time the
1 GACHARD, op. cit., 133 seq. ; HOFLER, 459 scq., 465. Cf.
BAUMGARTEN, II., 223.
2 LEPITRE, 298 seq. ; HOFLER, 460 seq. For Charles's numerous
requests see a characteristic *letter to Margaret of Austria, August 15,
1522 (State Archives, Brussels, Pap. d'etat, reg., n. 35, f. 26 seq.}.
3 BREWER, III., 2, n. 2718 ; cf. BAUMGARTEN, II., 257-260.
4 HOFLER, 467.
Till: I RKNCH AMBASSADOR. 167
unscrupulous Manuel intervened in a way which was sure
to touch Adrian to the quick. Cardinal Castelnau de
Clermont had provided himself, for his journey to Rome,
which he reached on the 6th of December I522,1 with a safe-
conduct from the Spanish Government as security against
the Imperial troops. In spite of this Manuel allowed the
Cardinal's servants to be made prisoners and their property
to be seized. He thus fell under the penalty of excom-
munication to which those who put hindrances in the way
of persons travelling to Rome were liable. Moreover,
Castelnau was not only the Ambassador of the French
King, but a Cardinal and Legate of Avignon. Thus a
direct challenge was offered to the Pope. As an amicable
settlement proved futile, Adrian pronounced the sentence
of excommunication against Manuel, and requested the
Emperor to repudiate the conduct of his Ambassador.
The transactions over this matter added considerably to
the Emperor's irritation.2
Notwithstanding these occurrences, Adrian persisted in
his hopes of a change of mind on the part of his former
pupil. That he might propitiate his interest in the
common cause of Christendom, the Pope had determined
to present him with the sword, consecrated on Christmas
Day, which the Popes were accustomed to send to the
1 G. de' Medici ^reports this on December 8, 1522 (State Archives,
Florence). In a *letter of A. Germanello of December 16, 1522, it
says : " El Card, de Aus e venuto ad habitare ad una vigna del com-
mendator de S. Spirito poco lontano dal palazo per haver commodita
negociar con el Papa" (Library, Mantua).
2 Cf. GACHARD, Corresp., 139 seg., 153 sey.t 160, 185; SANUTO,
XXXIII., 580 seq. ; Lett. d. princ., I., 109; LEPITRE, 301 seq. For
Charles's excitement, </. his *letter to Sessa in BERGENROTH, II., n.
521. From Manuel's *letter to Charles V., dated October 8, i;jj.
I got the interesting fact that he had advised the Emperor to give no
letter of safe-conduct to Cardinal Castelnau (Bibl. Acad. Hist., Madrid).
168 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
defenders of the Faith. This solemnity was disturbed by
an unlucky accident; the architrave of the doorway of
the Sixtine Chapel fell down and crushed one of the Swiss
guards standing close to the Pope.1 Already, on the loth
of December 1522, Adrian had once more called the atten-
tion of the Doge to the urgency of the Turkish danger
and had instructed the Nuncio Altobello to exhort him
to levy subsidies for the war.2
1 Lett. d. princ., I., no; SANUTO, XXXIII., 561 ; BREWER, III., 2,
n. 2763 ; Ortiz in BURMANN, 205 ; JOVIUS, Vita Adriani VI. (cf.
STEINMANN, Sixtina, I., 166) ; *letter of L. Cati, December 26, 1522,
State Archives, Modena ; *letter of A. Germanello of December 29,
1522, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua (see Appendix, Nos. 12 and 13). The
Florentine envoys report on June 8, 1522, from Valladolid, *Hier-
mattina nella chiesa di S. Paolo con solenne ceremonie prese questa
Mte la spada et el capello mandati della S. di N. S. (State Archives,
Florence).
2 *Brief of December 10, 1522 (original in the Secret Archives of
the Vatican), Arch. s. Angeli, Arm., IV., c. ii., n. 31. Ibid.^ n. 32, a
*Brief to Cardinal de' Medici of December 10, 1522, suggesting that
he should himself give help to Hungary. On the 2ist of December
1522 the Pope sent the following Brief to the Marquis F. Gonzaga of
Mantua :— Adrianus Papa VI. Dilecte, etc. Inter varias sollicitudines,
quae nos ad apostolatus apicem Dei dementia sublimates excipiunt, ea
praecipua est et esse debet, quae ex periculis christianae reipublicae ab
impio Turcharum tyranno imminentibus nascitur, qui occupato Belgradi
propugnaculo, ipsa nimirum ianua ad nos pro arbitrio invadendum,
nihil non timendum Christianorum capitibus reddidit ; atque ideo
omni adnitendum esse ope periculi magnitude ac necessitas persuadet,
ut a tarn formidabili iugo reipublicae christianae cervicem tutam
reddere studeamus. Implorat auxilium nostrum, qui pro salute nostra
assidue periclitatur, charissimus in Christo films noster Ludovicus
Hungariae et Bohemiae rex ill, cui si defuerimus, nobis ipsis nos
defuisse rerum exitus declarare facile posset. Quis enim defendet
Italiam, Hungaria in tarn potentis hostis ditionem redacta? Nos
quidem in summa sedis apostolicae egestate, quam gravi etiam aeris
ahem summa obstrictam invenimus, et contulimus et nunc denuo
pecuniam illi conferemus, nihilque omissuri sumus, quod ad sanctam
\IOLENCE OF THE IMPERIALISTS. 169
On the ist of January 1523 Adrian VI. informed the
Emperor that Francis I. had given his Ambassador full
powers to conclude a peace. Before this came to pass an
armistice was to be entered into for three years, and the
Pope hoped that Charles would be a consenting party ; on
account of the Turks the necessity for such a course was
greater than ever.1 The letter had hardly been despatched
before news arrived that the Imperialists had plundered
the town of San Giovanni in the Papal States and had
made prisoner the resident Papal Commissary. Adrian,
usually so mild-tempered, was now roused to an inde-
scribable pitch of excitement. He summoned at once
to his presence Lope Hurtado de Mendoza, and informed
him that nothing but his great regard for the Emperor
held him back from an immediate alliance with Francis ;
the authors of this deed of violence, Juan Manuel and
Prospero Colonna,he would lay under the ban of the Church.2
ac pernecessariam hanc expeditionem pertinere noverimus. Idemque
ut faciant principes et respublicas Christianas hortamur, imprimisque
te, quem cum nostri et sedis apostolicae observantissimum experiamur,
christianae religionis et fidei, de ea enim nunc agitur, amantissimum
non veremur. Rem vero latius explicabit dilectus filius Franciscus
Sperulus noster de numero participantium cubicularius, quem in hac
re nuntium constituimus et cui fidem a te ac caeteris cupimus adhiberi.
Quantum autem per te fuerit in hoc negocio deliberatum, litteris tuis
ipsi nuntio ad nos datis declarare non pigeat, ut quae reliqua sunt
celeriori ac certiori consilio maturare possimus. Datum Romae apud
sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die XXI decembris MDXXII,
pontificatus nostri anno primo. T. Hezius. (Original in the Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.)
1 BERGENROTH, II., n. 518.
2 Ibid.,r\. 519 : *Qua e notorio che la Sta di N. S. sta malissimo con
li ill. s. Prospero Columna et marchese di Pescara per le invasioni,
incendii et rapine de li castelli de Pallavicini de Piacentino et se la
venuta di questo s. duca oratore Cesareo non la medica et tempera
overo attramente si componga per certo si tiene ne habi a
I/O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Imperialists saw that some steps must be taken
to appease the Pope. Accordingly, Sessa invited the
Viceroy of Naples, Charles de Lannoy, who had formerly
been a friend of Adrian's in the Netherlands, to come to
Rome.1 There was meanwhile another reason for bringing
the Viceroy thither. For some time the most disquieting
reports of the fate of Rhodes had been coming in,2 and
Lannoy brought the announcement that, according to
credible information from private sources, Rhodes had
capitulated. On hearing this Adrian burst into tears.
"Still," he exclaimed, "I cannot believe it." Hence-
forward, so he informed the Cardinals, he could make
no more payments whatsoever ; his whole income must
be spent on the defence of Christendom, even if he had
to content himself with a linen mitre.3
On the 28th of January 1523 a Consistory was held which
the Pope opened with a speech about Rhodes ; he declared
himself ready to sell all his valuables for the funds of the
Turkish war. It was decided to appoint a Commission
of Cardinals to take measures for the restoration of peace
in Christendom and the collection of money for the
seguire qualche demostratione vindicativa. Jac. Cortese to the
Marchioness Isabella from Rome, January 5, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
*Letter of G. de' Medici, January 25, 1 522 (State Archives, Florence),
and BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium (Secret Archives of the
Vatican). According to the latter, Lannoy left "de improvise" on
January 31.
2 *Letters of V. Albergati of January 9 and 12, 1523 (State
Archives, Bologna).
J SANUTO, XXXIII., 505. *Rhodi certissimamente e perso a patti
zoe per deditione spontanea. . . . Hozi N. S. ha lachrimato per
pietate excusandosi non haver potuto tirar li principi christiani
al suo soccorso. L. Cati, January 27, 1523 (State Archives,
Modena).
RHODES. 171
prosecution of the war against the Turks.1 The Com-
mission met on the following day.2 The alarm caused
by Lannoy's intelligence was all the greater as it coincided
with news from Germany announcing a further advance
of the Lutheran errors.3
Subsequently different reports came in, affirming that
Rhodes still held out, and even Adrian seems for a long
time to have been loath to believe that the island had fallen.
On the 3rd of February 1523 he still wrote, in a most
affectionate letter to the Emperor, " As long as Rhodes
was in such great danger he could not under any con-
1 *Die mere. 28. Januarii 1523: S. D. N. fecit verbum de rebus
Turcarum et de periculo in quo versatur insula Rhodi, et ad hoc
deputavit nonnullos rev. dominos cardinales ad cogitandum modum
et formam in quo possit fieri concordia et pax inter principes christianos
et ad inveniendas pecunias pro manutentione belli contra praefatos
hostes fidei christianae (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican). Cf.
BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, * Diarium (Secret Archives of the Vatican) ;
*letter of V. Albergati, February i, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
It is clear from the report of G. de' Medici of January 28, 1523, that a
letter from the King of Hungary was also read in the Consistory
(State Archives, Florence).
2 *Letter of G. de' Medici, January 29, 1523 (State Archives,
Florence), and BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, * Diarium (Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
*Heri giunse la infelice et dolorosissima nova della perdita de la
isola et citta di Rodi, la quale ha fatto restare tutta questa corte et
maxime quelli che hanno intelligentia attoniti e supefati. Piaccia a
i\. S. per sua misericordia pigliare la protectione de sua santissima
fede, perche da uno lato et Turco, da 1' altro Luttero et tra li principi
tanta dissensione et rabie fanno che molti secoli sono la religione
Christiana non si trov6 a maggior pericolo. N. Sre per sua somma
bontk non manchera de fare tutte le possibile provision! per la publica
salute. V. Albergati, January 27, 1523. Cf. also the *letter of
January 12, 1523, on the hold of Lutheranism on Germany (State
Archives, Bologna).
1/2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sideration join the league, as Lannoy had requested."1
But the allocution which Adrian addressed to the Con-
sistory on the nth of February shows that he then looked
upon the bulwark of Christendom as lost. In this assembly
the Pope informed the Cardinals that he had determined
to enjoin on the Christian Princes a truce of three or four
years' duration, to levy a tithe on them, and to send
Legates, especially to Hungary.2 A few days before,
King Ferdinand's embassy to do homage had laid
before the Pope in most urgent terms the danger to which
the country was exposed and had appealed for help
against the Turks.3
On the 2jrd of February another Consistory was held.
The Pope announced that Francis had declared his readi-
ness to make peace, but that the answers of Charles V.
and Henry VIII. were not yet forthcoming; he therefore
proposed that the Sacred College should again invite both
these princes to agree to a peace or at least to a truce.
The nomination of the Legates to the Christian princes
was entrusted to the Pope,4 and on the 27th of February
the first appointment followed, that of Colonna to Hungary.5
1 BERGENROTH, II., n. 525. Many others did not even then believe
in the fall of the island ; see ^letters of V. Albergati of February 6
and 10, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 See * Acta Consist, in Appendix, No. 16. Cf. SANUTO, XXXIII.,
615 ; Ortiz in BURMANN, 200 seq,
} See *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives) and V. Albergati on
February 10, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna). The Pope had already
before this counselled the support of Hungary ; for his plans see * letter
of G. de' Medici, January 23, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
See *Acta Consist, in Appendix, No. 18 ; cf. Lett. d. princ., I., inb.
5 Besides *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives) cf. the * letter of G. de'
Medici of February 27, 1523 (State Archives, Florence), «that of A.
Germanelloof March 5, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and*that of
V. Albergati of the last day of February 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
FALL OF RHODES. 173
Adrian was justified in now concentrating his attention
on the defence of Hungary. The fall of Rhodes had long
been disbelieved in Rome ; for the most contradictory
accounts — even such as the repulse of the Turks with
great loss — had been received. Up to the last it had been
hoped that the island would hold out.1 All the more
overwhelming was the effect when the truth became known
that on the 2ist of December 1522 the Grand Master had
been forced to capitulate.2 The Knights had withstood the
enemy with exemplary valour ; twenty times they had
victoriously driven back their assailants, and only when their
last ammunition was expended were the defenders, deserted
in their extremity by the rest of Western Christendom,
driven, in spite of Adrian's most earnest exhortations,3
to consent to a capitulation, the terms of which, on the
whole, were entirely honourable.4
1 Cf. Lett. d. princ. I., inb. On March 2, 1523, *G. M. della
Porta still announced that Rhodes was holding out (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. LANCELLOTTI, I., 437.
2 The Pope had, as is evident from his letter to Queen Catherine of
England (GACHARD, Corresp., 273), received, by the 23rd February at
the latest, the certain intelligence of the loss of this great bulwark of
Christendom.
3 Nonnunquam Papa Adrianus scribebat in calce brevium ad reges
et presertim ad imperatorem hanc clausulam : Benedicat te, fili
carissime, Deus omnipotens tribuatque omne optatum ad defensionem
fidei sancte sue (Cod. 1888, f. 29, Angelica Library, Rome).
4 Very complete accounts of the fall of Rhodes in SANUTO, XXXIII.,
and TIZIO, *Hist. Senen. (Chigi Library, Rome). Cf. also Jovius,
Vita Adriani VI.; VERTOT, Hist. d. Hospitallers, III., 291-396;
CHARRIERE, L, 92 seq. • ZINKEISEN, II., 621 seq \ GUGLIELMOTTI,
Guerra, I., 217 seq. ; HERTZBERG, 674 seq. ; HOFLER, 477 seq. • HOPF,
Griechenland, 169 seq. ; Ziiricher Taschenbuch, 1888 ; Zeitschrift ftir
Geschichte des Oberrheins, 1895, 576^.; ROHRICHT, Pilgerreisen,
2nd ed., 58 seq. The complaints brought against Adrian by his
enemies in Italy and Switzerland, that he had neglected the affairs of
174 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
When the Venetian envoy was relating fuller details
of the fall of Rhodes, the Pope exclaimed, with tears in
his eyes : " Alas for Christendom ! I should have died
happy if I had united the Christian princes to withstand
our enemy."1
The Pope saw clearly the far-reaching significance
of the fall of Rhodes and its dependent islands. The
passage between Constantinople and Alexandria, hitherto
barred, was now opened to the Ottoman navy and a wedge
driven in between the islands of Cyprus and Crete, still
in the possession of Venice. As the Turks were prepar-
ing to sieze the mastery of the Eastern Mediterranean,
they had also taken one important step towards the
conquest of Italy.2 Rumours had already spread of their
intention to attempt a landing in Apulia. The Pope,
reported one of Wolsey's agents, was in mortal anguish,
and so were all men. When Hannibal stood before
the gates of ancient Rome the terror was not half
so great, for now men knew that they had to do with
the greatest ruler in the world. Many persons of note
made preparations to leave the city. It was believed
that the Pope would retire to Bologna, the plague
having again broken out in Rome,3 and the dread in-
Rhodes, are denounced as "false and senseless" by HOFLER, 395.
Cf. also Ortiz in BURMANN, 204 seq. ; RAYNALDUS, 1522, n. 20, and in
1523, n. 118, the opinion of Panvinius, as well as HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 284^.
1 SANUTO, XXXIV., 28.
2 HOFLER, 482.
3 Besides the despatches to Wolsey in BREWER, III., 2, n. 2891, and
those of Miguel da Silva in Corp. dipl. Port, II., 121 seq., cf. SANUTO,
XXXIV., 28, and * letter of G. de' Medici to the Otto di Pratica,
dated Rome, March 3, 1522 [st. fl.]. It runs : *Per lettere di Vinetia
affermono la perdita di Rodi e che in Candia havea cominciato a com-
parir de cavalieri di Rodi. N. Sre benche sempre 1' habbia creduta, ne sta
ADRIAN'S LETTER TO CHARLES v. 175
creased when several Turkish spies were arrested in the
city. '
The notable loss which had befallen Christendom formed
a heavy indictment of the negligence of the Western Powers,
and a proportionately weighty justification of Adrian's
policy. As to leaving Rome, the Pope had no such thoughts.
In spite of the dangers from the plague and the enemy, he
remained steadfast at his post, anxiously endeavouring
to save from destruction what could be saved.2 In the
first place, he took a step of which the secret was so well
kept that — as the Imperial Ambassador, with a watchful eye
on everything, reports — neither the Secretary, Zisterer nor
anyone else had the slightest knowledge of it.3 After Adrian,
in a letter of the 2nd of March 1523, had declined to enter
into the proposed special league with Charles V., and had
complained of the misdemeanours of Charles's servants and
of those of Manuel in particular, he addressed, on the follow-
ing day, another letter to his former pupil and sovereign,
not less candid in expression. In it he recalled his hitherto
fruitless efforts to bring the Emperor and the other princes
to terms of peace and to take active measures against the
Turks. There was no doubt that the Sultan, being in pos-
session of Belgrade and Rhodes, would prosecute his war
of conquest in Hungary, as well as on the Mediterranean.
di mala voglia ne si pensa habbia a tenersi sicuro qui per ogni piccola
novita facessi el Turco in Puglia o le Marche e di gik intendo si ragiona
di fuggir la peste a Bolognia seguitandoci di far danno (State Archives,
Florence). See also the *letter of V. Albergati, March 6, 1523 (State
Archives, Bologna).
1 See the *report of V. Albergati, March 6, 1523 (*Qui in Roma si
sono discoperti alcuni Greci spioni di esso Turcho), in State Archives,
Bologna, and * letter of G. de' Medici, Rome, March 11, 1522 [st. fl.]
(State Archives, Florence).
2 See HOFLER, 482 seq.
3 BERGENROTH, II., n. 534.
176 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This danger could only be averted by the conclusion of
peace among the princes. He had been deceived in his
hope that the Emperor would have been the first to do
this. If Charles and the Kings of England and France
were still unwilling at least to arrange a truce for three
years and to begin a general war against the Turks,
the Emperor was in danger of being driven out of
his hereditary dominions, and this danger was all the
greater because not a few Christian princes ruled their
subjects more oppressively than the Sultan. He, the
Pope, in virtue of his office, was compelled to call upon
the contending princes to make a peace or, at least, a
truce.1
On the same day letters of similar import were sent to
the Kings of France, England, and Portugal, and soon
afterwards to other Christian princes, such as Sigismund
of Poland. The Pope reminded Francis I. of the fate of
those Asiatic rulers who had been vanquished by the Turks
because they had lulled themselves into a false security.
In the name of that obedience due to Christ's representa-
tive on earth, he adjured him by the vengeance of God,
before whose tribunal he must one day stand, to give his
consent forthwith, on the receipt of the letter, to a truce,
and then to take his part with vigour in war against the
Turks. The letter to the King of Portugal also was couched
in most earnest language. "Woe to princes," so it ran,
" who do not employ the sovereignty conferred upon them
by God in promoting His glory and defending the people
of His election, but abuse it in internecine strife." 2 The
Sacred College was invited to exhort by special letters the
1 BERGENROTH, II., n. 532-533.
2 The letters referred to are in CHARRIERE, I., 96 seqq. • RYMER,
XIII., 790; Corp. dipl. Port., II., 116 seq. ; Acta Tomic, VI., 254 seq.
Cf. Ortiz in BURMANN, 208 seq.
TAXES FOR THE CRUSADE. 177
Christian Kings to do their duty.1 To Cardinal Wolsey
Adrian pointed out that Rome would be the most suitable
place for the truce negotiations.2 Bernardo Bertolotti
was also sent back to England as Nuncio, with instruc-
tions to sound Francis on his journey through France.3
With tears in his eyes Adrian addressed to the envoys
resident in Rome the most urgent representations.4 He
already saw the Turks in Italy,5 for they had, it was
believed, on their entrance into Rhodes and Constanti-
nople, shouted "To Rome, to Rome."6
Along with these earnest remonstrances to the Christian
powers Adrian took decisive measures for the collection of
the funds necessary for the crusade. Owing to the empti-
ness of his exchequer the Pope was forced, against his will,
to find means of supply by a levy of tithes and taxes.
Before the end of January these measures had been discussed,
and Adrian then told the Cardinals that he was ready to
sell his silver plate. Before taxing other countries for the
Turkish war he wished to make a beginning in his own
dominions.7 His measures were at once put into execu-
1 CHARRIERE, I., 103 seqq. • BREWER, III., 2, n. 2871.
2 Ibid.) n. 2849.
3 See * letter of A. Piperario, Rome, March 16, 1523, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the report of G. de' Medici, March I, 1523
(State Archives, Florence), and GACHARD, Corresp. LI 1 1.
4 Corp. dipl. Port., II., 123.
6 *N. S. sa del certo che il Turco fa una spaventissima et tremenda
armata a Costantinopoli per la impresa de Italia. V. Albergati,
March n, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
6 *In la sua intrata et uscita di Rhodi li Turchi mai fecero altro
che gridare Italia, Italia, a Roma, a Roma et altre tante hanno fatto
nel suo triomphante ingresso in Costantinopoli. " The Pope does
everything, collects money, exhorts to peace." So relates V. Albergati,
March 16, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
7 See the report of *G. de' Medici, Rome, January 29, 1522 [st. fl.],
VOL. IX. 12
178 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tion. A Bull of the nth of March 1523 laid upon the
whole body of the clergy and on all officials of the Papal
States the payment of a Turkish tithe for the next two
years, Cardinal Fieschi being entrusted with its collection.
Adrian justified this ordinance by the danger then menacing
Rome and all Christendom.1 The immediate publication
of this Bull was expected,2 but the Cardinals, it seems, still
raised objections. They did not give their consent until
the i6th of March, in a Consistory at which the Ban of
Croatia appealed to them for help.3 On the i8th of
March a second Bull was agreed to in which a hearth-tax
was levied at the rate of half a ducat throughout the Papal
States.4
By these taxes it was hoped to raise a sum sufficient to
equip a force of 50,000 men for the Turkish war; the
in which he says : * S. Sta * ' * disse quando bisogni che vuole vender
quanti argenti ha et altri che puo per tale impresa ne voler si gravassi
per ancora altri potenti, ma che li sua subditi fussino li primi a
cominciar ad aiutar (State Archives, Florence).
1 Bull "Etsi ad amplianda esclesiarum omnium commoda" in Corp.
dipl. Port., II., 104 seqq. * lo non fo altro di et notte che fare minute et
bolle per decime et impositione per tutta la Christianita, etc., writes
V. Albergati on March 11, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
*Domani si publicano le decime per tutto il dominio eccco alii preti
et qui sopra a tutti li ufitiali. G. de' Medici, March 10, 1522 [st. fl.]
(State Archives, Florence). Cf. SANUTO, XXXIV., 39.
3 Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives). Cf. also the * letter of
G. de' Medici, March 16, 1523, in State Archives, Florence, and that
of Andrea [Piperario], March 18 [1523], in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
" In Consistorio di stamatina e suto publicato la bolla di porre
mezo ducato per fuoco a tutti li subditi della chiesa." G. de' Medici,
March 18, 1523 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. Acta Consist. (Consis-
torial Archives) ; *Report of A. Germanello, March 28, 1523 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua), and letters of V. Albergati, March 20 and 31
(State Archives, Bologna).
I ! TORTS FOR A CRUSADE.
chief command was given to the Duke of Urbino.1 It was
an indication of the Pope's zeal that, contrary to his usual
principles, he accepted payments for offices and dignities ;
he pleaded the needs of Christendom, which made such
methods permissible. " Adrian," writes one, " is so beaten
down by anxiety that he almost repents having accepted
the tiara."2 But he never relaxed his efforts for the pro-
tection of Christendom and, before all, of the kingdom of
Hungary, then exposed to the greatest danger; this
formed the subject of lengthy deliberation in the Con-
sistory held on the 2yd of March. The point of chief
importance was the means of raising the money to be
supplied to the Legate appointed to Hungary. Full
power was also given him — but under secret instruc-
tion and only to be used in case of necessity — to alienate
church property for the defence of that kingdom against
the Turks.3 In a Bull of the nth of March 1523 Adrian,
having the same object in view, granted King Ferdinand I.
a third of the year's income of the whole clergy of the
Tyrol, secular and regular.4
The Portuguese Ambassador, Miguel da Silva, in a
despatch to his sovereign, advances, together with other
reasons why he should contribute ships and money for
the war, the eminently holy life of the Pope, which must
arouse in every good Christian feelings of love and the
1 Thus reports Andrea [Piperario] in a *letter, March 18 [1523]
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. also the *letter of V. Albergati, March
23> !523 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 BREWER, III., 2, n. 2893.
3 See * Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives) in Appendix, No. 20.
4 See HIRN, Gesch. der Tiroler Landtage von 1518 bis 1525
(Erlauterungen zu Janssens Gesch. herausgeg. von Pastor, IV., 5,
Freiburg, 1905), 59, where more details are given concerning the
opposition to this Bull. Cf. BAUER, Anfange Ferdinands I., 220.
180 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
wish to give him practical help.1 More impression was
made on the princes by the concessions which Adrian
determined to make. Thus he bestowed on the Portuguese
King for life the command of the Order of Christ ; to this
were afterwards added other marks of favour.2
In order to secure the English King's support of the
crusade, Adrian made exceptional use of dispensations,
thus gratifying, in various ways connected with the bestowal
of benefices, the wishes of Henry's all-powerful minister,
Cardinal Wolsey ; 3 and even at last conferred on the latter
Legatine power in England for life.4 Wolsey thereupon
succeeded in obtaining from the King the appointment of
a special envoy, Dr. Clerk, to attend to the negotiations
with regard to the peace and armistice.5 Francis I.
continued the line of action that he had hitherto employed
in his dealings with Adrian. His attitude was apparently
most conciliatory, and he gave verbal assurances of his
inclination to peace and his sympathy with the crusade,
but, at the same time, declared frankly that, as a first
step, his rightful inheritance, the Milanese, must be re-
stored to him.6 After his receipt of the urgent Brief of
the 3rd of March, it was rumoured that Francis had given
1 Corp. dipl. Port, II., 121.
2 Ibid., 131 seq., 134^., 139 seq., 140 seq. ; SCHAFER, Portugal, III.,
89, V., 151, 159.
3 Cf. CREIGHTON, V., 203 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 281.
4 Henry VIII. thanked him on February 22, 1523. I found the
* original of this letter in the archives of St. Angelo, Arm., IV., c. 2,
n. 26.
6 Cf. GACHARD, Corresp., LV.
0 Cf. the two ^letters of Francis I. to Adrian VI., dated Paris,
February 5, 1523, and St. Germain -en-Laye, February 28, 1523 (con-
temporary copies in the State Archives, Vienna). Both letters are
uncommonly interesting. In the second there is already mention of
the fall of Rhodes, which Francis I. deplores. He expresses his zeal
OBSTINACY OF FRANCIS I.
181
carte blanche for the terms of peace.1 But at the end of
that month a letter came from the King again demand-
ing, in haughty language, the aforesaid restoration of
Milan.2 This was all the more painful to Adrian since
Francis I., on the previous 5th of February, had ex-
pressed his desire in the humblest terms that the
Pope would use his authority in taking in hand the
peace negotiations.3 The Pope lost all self-control
when Cardinal Castelnau de Clermont tried to justify
the proceedings of Francis. The King, said Adrian
to the Cardinal, was the cause of the obstruction of this
indispensable peace. The Cardinal, who deplored his
master's obstinacy to the Pope, kept saying that no
tree was ever felled at one stroke; Adrian must address
him in another Brief.4 This advice the Pope followed,5
for the Turkish war in the strongest terms (* Nous qui desirons ne
porter le titre de tres chretien sans cause), but Milan must be restored
to him, since "charite bien ordonnee commence par soy."
1 This important account, which confirms, de Praet in GACHARD,
Corresp., LIV., is found in a letter of * Andrea Piperario of March
1 6, 1523: Da Franza se intende che '1 re ha mandate la carta
bianca al papa de la pace quasi per acquistare la benivolentia
del papa et irritare S. Sta contra di Cesare (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
2 Gradenigo on April I, 1523, in SANUTO, XXXIV., 93, and
BERGENROTH, II., n. 540. See our remarks supra, p. 180, note 6.
3 * Tres sainct pere nous supplions et requerons encore tres devote-
ment Vtre d. Ste qu'il luy plaise prendre en mains le faict de la paix
universelle ou treve et en usant de son auctorite mectre peinne de la
conduyre, faire treiter et concluire telle, que nul des d. princes n'ait
cause de la reffuser. ^Letter, dated Paris, February 5, 1523. Copy
in State Archives, Vienna.
4 GRADENIGO, he. cit.
5 I found this * Brief, missing in Charriere, dated Rome, April 2,
1523, and beginning with these words : " Litterae Mtlb tuae ult. februarii
(see supra, p. 180, n. 6) proxime praeteriti ad nos datae et paucis ante
1 82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
always hoping to bring about a change of mind in the
French King.
The Emperor showed more statesmanship. Adrian's
determination and the circumstance that in Picardy as
well as in the Pyrenees the war with Francis had not been
successful, had inclined Charles, before the middle of
February, somewhat to reconsider his position. He then
instructed Sessa to make known the conditions under which
he would be ready to accept an armistice or peace, but
without letting this come to the knowledge of the French
or English Ambassadors. By means of this understanding
Charles sought especially to secure the grant of the
" Cruzada " hitherto asked for in vain, and the assignment
to his own use of a fourth of the ecclesiastical revenues in
his dominions.1 The fall of Rhodes had unquestionably
made a deep impression on Charles, but his courtiers were
of a different mind, and Gattinara advised him to send no
answer to the Brief of the 3rd of March.2 Charles, however,
determined to give Sessa full powers to conclude an armis-
tice subject to the clauses agreed to by Adrian. At the
same time he sent a memorandum to Rome intended to
justify his previous conduct and to bring the Pope round
to his views. Most of the proposals in this document
were simply nothing else than a list of conditions laid
down with a view to Charles's personal advantage.
diebus exhibitae non modica animi admiratione nos affecerunt," in the
original in the National Archives, Paris, L. 357.
1 GACHARD, Corresp., LI., 174; BAUMGARTEN, II., 263-264. The
instruction for Claude de Bissy of February 14, 1523, quoted here
from the Vienna State Archives, is also found in the State Archives of
Brussels (Correspondence de Charles V. avec divers en Italic). Here
also is the * answer of Adrian VI. to the Emperor, dated Rome, April
2 BERGENROTH, II., n. 534.
BRIIiERY BY THE IMPERIALISTS.
183
Simultaneously a wholesale system of bribery was set in
motion amongst those who were in the Pope's immediate
confidence.1 Affairs having gone thus far an event
occurred to change at one blow the whole situation in
Rome.
1 GACHARD, Corresp., LVI., 175 seqq. ; BERGENROTH, II., n. 540;
H6FLER, 487 seq.
CHAPTER VI.
THE INTRIGUES OF CARDINAL SODERINI AND THE RUPTURE
WITH FRANCE.— ADRIAN VI. JOINS THE IMPERIAL LEAGUE.
—His DEATH.
ON his arrival in Italy Adrian had found the College of
Cardinals split into factions. The anti-Medicean party
brought the heaviest reproaches against him, especially
with regard to the proceedings connected with the con-
spiracy of Cardinal Petrucci. Adrian found it impossible
to have the case revised,1 a step, moreover, which could not
have led to any result. An attempt to reconcile Cardinal
Francesco Soderini, whose animosity was exceptionally
virulent, with the Vice-Chancellor Cardinal de' Medici,
failed completely ; 2 this was not surprising, for the latter
had information of Soderini's complicity in the conspiracy
contrived in Florence.3
Medici, who could not console himself for the loss of
1 Soderini was especially active in this respect ; see ^letters of
G. M. della Porta of September 13, 1522 (State Archives, Florence).
" N. S. stringe de metter bona pace et concordia fra mons. revmo et
Volterra" reports* G. T. Manfredi on September 29, 1522 ; cf. also the
report of G. de' Medici of September 29, 1522 (State Archives, Florence),
and the * letters of A. Taurelli of September 28 and October I, 1522
(State Archives, Modena).
3 See for this Giorn. stor. d. Arch. Toscani, III., 121 seq., 185 seg.,
239 seq. ; Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXIX., 328 seq.\ PERRENS, III., 89
seq., and ZANDONATI, La congiura contra il Card. G. de' Medici,
Rovereto, 1891 : cf. Arch. stor. Ital., $th Series, X., 235.
184
INTRIGUES OF SODERINI. 18$
his powerful influence in the Curia, had gone back to
Florence in October I522.1 This left full scope to his
opponent Soderini in Rome. Adrian's misunderstandings
with the Emperor and the crafty temporizing of Francis I.
proved helpful to Soderini, and the former partisan of
France gained more and more influence with the Pope.
He managed successfully to conceal from Adrian his one-
sided devotion to the interests of Francis. He appeared
to throw himself eagerly into the Pope's endeavours for
peace, and warned him against the warlike and Imperialist
leanings of Medici, whom he even accused of enriching
himself dishonestly under Leo X.2 Meanwhile Sessa and
the Vice-Chancellor were carefully watching the alliance
of their enemy with Francis I. At the end of March 1523
Medici succeeded in securing the person of a Sicilian,
Francesco Imperiale, who had been sent by Soderini on a
commisson to his nephew, then residing in Venice and
France; on this man letters of the Cardinal's were found
to the effect that, if Francis delayed longer his entrance
in person into Italy, he would alienate the Venetians and
all his other friends in the Peninsula ; when the cipher,
used in certain passages of the letters, was interpreted,
the discovery was made that a plot was on foot to raise
an insurrection in Sicily against the Emperor, which, when
it had taken shape with French connivance, was to be the
signal for the descent of Francis upon. Upper Italy. The
Pope besides was described in the letters, quite contrary to
the truth, as making common cause with the Emperor.
Medici at once made known his discovery to the Imperial
Ambassador at Rome, who made haste to lay all before the
1 His departure on October 13 is announced by G. de' Medici (see
supra, p. 104) and Castiglione in a * letter of October 13, 1522, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
'-' Jovius, Vita Adriani VI.
1 86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope.1 Medici and the representative of King Ferdinand
were overjoyed at having in their hands clear evidence of
French knavery ; they were confident that Adrian would
now be led to renounce his neutrality,2 and every effort
was made to reach this end.3
Adrian was, at first, unwilling to believe in the treachery
of his friend, but soon he had to convince himself that
Soderini had not shrunk from thwarting his ardent wishes
for peace and, at the moment when the Turkish danger
was at its worst, wantonly stirring up the fury of war in
Italy itself. He determined to unmask the guilty party
and to visit him with heavy punishment ; it was also no
longer doubtful that Soderini had deceived him as regards
Cardinal de' Medici, and before taking any other steps he
1 Together with the reports of the Portuguese envoys (Corp. dipl.
Port., II., 143 seqq., 162 seqq.} and those of Venice (SANUTO, XXXIV.,
122 seq.\ see the despatch of F. Strozzi in Arch. stor. Ital., 5th
Series, XIV., 38 ; CORNELIUS DE FINE, *Diary (National Library,
Paris); *Balbi's report, April 12, 1523 (State Archives, Vienna), in
Appendix, No. 21, and the *letter of G. de' Medici, dated Rome, 1522
[st. fl.], April 10 (State Archives, Florence). The captured messenger,
Francesco Imperiale, is here mentioned by name. Cf. also the docu-
ment in BERGENROTH, II., n. 539. See also BREWER, III., 2, n. 3002 ;
Jovius, Vita Adriani VI., and VON NEUEREN, V. Epifanio, in Atti d.
congress, internaz. di scienze storiche, III., Roma, 1906, 385 seq.
2 Many in Rome believed that the whole case against Soderini was
a cleverly devised Spanish *pratica, per fari saltare questo christianazo
del papa a pedi gionti in la parte imperiale con questo mezo che non
potra dire piu de volere essere neutrale. See a cipher "^despatch from
L. Cati to the Duke of Ferrara, Rome, April 29, 1523 (State Archives,
Modena).
3 BERGENROTH, II., n. 544. G. de' Medici writes already, April 10,
1 523 : *Non so quel che fara il papa per la sua bonta, pure questi
Imperial! intendo li caricheranno li panni adosso quanto porranno
(State Archives, Florence). See also Balbi's report in Appendix, No. 21
(State Archives, Vienna).
AKRI ST OF SODERINI. 187
summoned the latter, the head of the Imperial party in
the Sacred College, to Rome. Medici, who till now had
been living in Florence, expectant and discontented,
obeyed the call with great delight. With an almost royal
retinue of more than a thousand horsemen he made his
entry into Rome on the 23rd of April 1523; the most
notable personages, many Cardinals, and even deadly
enemies of long standing such as Francesco Maria della
Rovere, met him at the Ponte Molle. He was present in
Consistory on the 25th and 26th of April; on the latter
day the Pope received him after dinner in private audience,
and it was said that they both withdrew to the Belvedere
and then to a country-house, spending the whole after-
noon in one another's company.
On the next day, the 27th of April, about seven o'clock
in the evening, Adrian sent for Cardinal Soderini, who
hastened on horseback to the Vatican accompanied by
his retainers. As he passed through the streets astonish-
ment was roused that a Cardinal should go to an audience
at such an unusual hour. Half an hour later his suite
returned without him, and it was soon understood that he
had been arrested ; such, in fact, was the case.
When Soderini came into the Pope's presence in the
Borgia tower he found there Cardinal de' Medici and
Sessa. To Adrian's inquiry whether he had written to
the French King, he answered in the negative ; then the
Pope at once placed before him the intercepted letters.
As he even then tried to persist in a denial, Adrian broke
out into great excitement and pronounced him under
arrest. Soderini begged in vain to be detained in the
Vatican, but he was conveyed to St. Angelo, whither none
of his household were allowed to follow him, and that
same evening all his papers and valuables were seized.
At a Consistory held on the following morning the Pope
1 88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
explained his action, and entrusted to Cardinals Carvajal
Accolti, and Cesi the superintendence of Soderini's trial.
In prison the Cardinal refused food until the castellan, in
pity, first tasted the dishes in his presence. Even the Pope
felt compassion for the aged man, and subsequently allowed
three of his servants to wait upon him and restored to him
his property. He pushed on the judicial process with all
the more expedition because it had become known that,
during Adrian's absence from Italy, Soderini had, with the
help of France,1 worked for a schism.
The fall of Soderini gave at once a commanding
position in the Curia to the Vice-Chancellor Cardinal de'
Medici. His palace became a more active centre of life
than the Vatican, and his antechambers were crowded
with visitors waiting for an audience. Not a day passed
without four, or even five, Cardinals coming to see him,
and before long he was spoken of as the coming Pope.2
Henceforward Adrian himself was greatly influenced by
Medici, and the Imperialists saw with satisfaction a change
1 Together with SANUTO, XXXIV., 122-123, 137, 149, 221-222 ;
STROZZI in Arch. stor. Ital., 5th Series, XIV., 39 ; Ortiz in BURMANN,
209; *letter of A. Germanello, April 27, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua ; see Appendix, No. 22) ; ^letters of V. Albergati, April 27
and 30, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna); Sessa in BERGENROTH, n.
545 ; BREWER, III., 2, n. 3002, and especially the very important but
hitherto insufficiently appreciated despatch of Miguel da Silva in Corp.
dipl, Port., III., 63 seg., see also P. MARTYR, Op. Epist., 778, and
Jovius, Vita Adriani VI. HOFLER, 489, is wrong in stating that Sauli
was on the Commission of Cardinals, for the latter had been long dead
(see English ed. of this work, VII. p. 200). Later, E. de Cardona and
G. Ghinucci were associated with the three Cardinals ; see Epifanio,
he. cit., 401. For the Consistory of April 28, 1523, see Appendix, No.
23 (Consistorial Archives).
2 SANUTO, XXXIV, 221 ; cf. 123, and ALBERT, 2nd Series, III.,
no, 125.
ADRIAN ENJOINS A TRUCE.
189
for the better in the Pope's feelings towards Charles.
But they were deceiving themselves if they believed that
Adrian had any intention of identifying himself with the
Spanish party. Even if, in giving his sanction on the 4th
of May to the permanent incorporation of the three grand-
masterships of Santiago, Calatrava, and Alcantara in the
Spanish Crown, he made a remarkable concession,1 yet in
the great questions of European politics he continued
steadfast to the neutrality becoming the Father of
Christendom, and to his efforts on behalf of peace.2 With
this aim in view he issued on the 3<Dth of April a Bull
enjoining, in the name of his supreme authority, a truce
of three years' duration for the whole of Christendom,
compliance with which was demanded from the princes
under pain of the heaviest penalties of the Church,
immediate interdict and excommunication. There had
been enough fraternal bloodshed he said, the sovereigns
had already indulged too much in mutual enmity ; they
had every reason for behaving in such a way as not to
forfeit that power which had been lent to them by God.3
For Hungary,4 now in extreme danger, Adrian did all he
could.5 The despatch of the Legates had been delayed,
1 Bull. V., 13 seq. ; HbFLER, 491.
*N. Sigre al presente non attende ad altro che a procurare la pace
trail principi Christian!. V. Albergati, April 18, 1523 (State Archives,
Bologna).
3 Bull Monet nos in Acta Tomic., VI., 271 seq. ; Bull. V., 10 seq. ; and
in Corp. dipl. Port., II., 145 seqq. ; in the latter place, 149 seq., see the
Brief of May I accompanying the former. The Bull of April 26
(*letter of A. Germanello, April 27, 1523, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua)
is also in SANUTO, XXXIV., 180 seqq. Cf. RYMER, XIII., 780.
4 Cf. V. Albergati's *letters of April 24 and May 5, 1523 (State
Archives, Bologna).
r> Cf. Panvinius in RAYNALDUS, 1523, n. 119. See also BURMANN,
67, 125,212,338.
IQO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the nominees, first Colonna1 and then Campeggio,
had declined the post ; 2 the greatest difficulties had
accompanied the collection of the funds intended for the
support of that kingdom, and in view of the vivid descrip-
tions brought to him of the perilous situation there,3
the Pope was deeply grieved that he could not give
immediate help.
Fear was already felt in Rome that the King of Hungary
might make peace with the Turk.4 When at last, in the
person of Cajetan, a suitable Legate had been found, it
cost a great amount of trouble to raise the 50,000 ducats
of which he was to be the bearer, In a Consistory on
the 8th of May Cajetan's appointment as Legate to
Hungary, Poland, and Bohemia was announced ; 5 but
on the 27th of the same month the arrangements for
getting in the money were still under consideration.6
The Romans objected strongly to the payment of the
Turkish tax.7 Many were bold enough to say, in their
1 Cf. *Letter of A. Germanello, April 14, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
2 To the many errors in MAURENBRECHER'S Geschichte der
katholischen Reformation, belongs also the statement that Campeggio
was, at that time, actually sent to Hungary (232).
3 Acta Consist., April 24, 1523 (Consistorial Archives).
4 *Qui sono lettere d' Ungheria e dubitasi forte chel re non s' accordi
col Turco visto le poche provisione che si sono facte e disengnono da
farsi per la cristianita. ^Letter of the envoys from Florence to tender
obedience, dated Rome, April 28, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
6 *Acta Consist. (May 8, 1523, Consistorial Archives). Cf. SANUTO,
XXXIV., 149, and *letter of G. M. della Porta, May 10, 1523 (State
Archives, Florence).
*Acta Consist. (May 27, Consistorial Archives) ; see in Appendix,
No. 24, *letter of V. Albergati, May 30, 1523 (State Archives,
Bologna).
*Letter of Abbadino, May 24, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
Cf. Lett. d. princ., I., 114 seq.
"THE TURKISH TROUBLK." IQI
ill humour with the new imposts, that the Pope's project
of a crusade was a chimera.1 This lack of self-sacrifice
distressed the Pope not less than the continuance of the
plague in Rome.2 About the igth of May he had himself
been suffering from fever; by the 27th he had recovered.3
On the same day he heard that the ruler of Wallachia
had already come to terms of peace with the Turks.4
"The Turkish trouble," reported the Portuguese Ambas-
sador, "is the Pope's daily subject of talk."5 The Con-
1 Andrea [Piperario] reports in cipher on March i8[i523]: *Qui
ognuno se trova mal contento per il pessimo governo del papa e se
dubita che la cosa de queste decime non sia una chimera e che non si
faccia nulla che vaglia Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also TIZIO,
*H5st. Senen., Chigi Library, Rome.
2 C£. SANUTO, XXXIV., 188; *letter of the Florentine envoys to
tender obedience, dated Rome, May 22, 1523 (State Archives, Florence),
and Acta Consist. (May 15, 1523, Consistorial Archives).
3 The special envoys from Florence who had tendered obedience
on April 27 (*Acta consist, in Consistorial Archives), report on May 20,
1523 : *N. Sre hebbe hyeri uno poco di scesa e con epsa alquanto id
febre. Sta nocte passata poso. . . . Questo giorno e stato assai quie-
tamente in modo si spera che non habbia haver altro e cosi a Dio
piaccia che sarebbe troppa gran perdita. May 22 : The Pope is better,
but not yet free from fever. May 27 : *E1 papa questa mattina
cavalcho a S. Maria del Popolo (State Archives, Florence). Cf,
*letter of Abbadino, May 24, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The
Imperial envoy was already asking for instructions in case of a
conclave. BERGENROTH, II., n. 553. HOFLER'S assumption (521)
that Adrian's illness was the result of poison, is not supported by
any contemporaneous authorities. See infra, p. 216.
4 *D'Ungheria heyeri ci furon lettere come il Valacho Transalpino
sera accordato col Turcho, la quale cosa non e di picolo momento e da
dispiacere assai a tucti quelli che sono fauctori dalla fede Christiana.
*Letter of the Florentine envoys to tender obedience, Rome, May 28,
1523. Cf. *letter of G. M. della Porta, May 29, 1523 (State Archives,
Florence).
5 Corp. dipl. Port., II., 161.
192 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sistory was repeatedly occupied with appeals for help
from Hungary and Croatia.1 A well-meant suggestion,
emanating from the Franciscans, that troops should be
raised from each religious order, had to be dismissed
by the Pope as fantastic.2 Adrian was in the extremest
perplexity, for he could not send out the Legate empty-
handed.3 At last, on the 1st of July, everything was in
order; on that day Cajetan took leave in Consistory, and
on the following morning set out post-haste.4 On the Qth
of July the Pope sent his chamberlain Pietro with fresh
sums of money to the markets to buy grain for the
Hungarian levies.5 For some time longer fear prevailed in
1 *Acta Consist., June i and 17, 1523 (Consistorial Archives). Cf.
the ^letters of G. M. della Porta of June 6, 10, and 21, 1523 (State
Archives, Florence), also SANUTO, XXXIV., 194-195, and the *letter
of V. Albergati, June 3, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 Ortiz in BURMANN, 213; ^letter of V. Albergati, April 30, 1523
(State Archives, Bologna); CHARRIERE, I., 102 ; ZINKEISEN, II., 638
seq. ; Histor. Taschenb., 3, Folge, VII., 575 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 285.
3 Cf. *letter of A. Germanello, June 25, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
4 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 134; *V. Albergati,
July i, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna). Cf. Corp. dipl. Port., II., 168 ;
SANUTO, XXXIV., 193, 292, cf. XXXV., 114 seq. ; Ortiz in BURMANN,
212 seq. ; FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 22 seq. ; ^letters of A. Germanello of
July i and 3, 1 523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
5 *N. S. oltre le bone provisone ha fatte et mandate col revmo
legato hiersera mando m. Pietro da Roma suo cameriere in la Marca
per la posta con bona summa de denari a comprare frumenti et altre
vituaglie necessarie da mandare in Ungheria et Croatia per sussidio
di quelli paesi. V. Albergati, July 10, 1523 (State Archives Bologna).
For the support given to Hungary by Adrian VI., detailed information
is given in a *Brief of Clement VII. to J. A. Pullio, baro Burgii, Rome,
March 30, 1534. Thus : *Cum sicut accepimus fe. re. Hadrianus VI.
praed. nost. triginta tria millia et 700 ac 50 ducat, monetae novae
VENICE AND THE EMPEROR. 193
Ragusa, as well as in Rome, that the Turks, by sending a
fleet against Italy, might attempt to separate the Christian
forces and cut off support from Hungary. " The Pope,"
wrote Vianesio Albergati, " has done all that he could
possibly do to restore peace, but the hearts of Christians
are hardened. Francis I. will make any sacrifice to get
Milan, Charles V. Fuenterrabia, and Henry VIII. Brittany.
Help now can come from God alone."1
An event that brought joy to Adrian was the final recon-
ciliation of Venice with the Emperor. For this, though
for long without success, he had been labouring directly
for many months by means of the Nuncio.2 On the
1 2th of June he was informed that the reconciliation
was at hand ; 3 but this report was premature. As late
as the I4th of July the Papal Legate Tommaso Cam-
peggio had to use sharp words to the Doge4 on account
of the little love of peace shown by the Republic. The
Pope himself addressed most pressing representations to
the Venetian Ambassador in Rome and even threatened
him with a monitorium ; 5 but not until considerable
ad rationem centum denarior. pro quolibet ducato in Ungariam miserit,
etc. Min. brev., 1 534, vol. xlviii., n. 140 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 Letter of V. Albergati, May 5, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 For this see together with accounts in SANUTO, XXXIV., and
H6FLER, 512 seg.t the **Briefs to T. Campeggio of January 15, 20,
31, and February 12 ; that to Ferdinand I. of February 4, and to H.
Adorno of February 1 2, 1 523 (this Brief is in Spanish), in State Archives,
Venice, under "Milan." Cf. Libri commem., VI., 172.
3 *Letter of the Florentine envoys to tender obedience, June 12,
1523 (State Archives, Florence).
4 SANUTO, XXXIV., 298 ; cf. 263 seq.
5 G. M. della Porta reports on June 30, 1523: *N. S. con molta
instanza sollecita Venetiani alia pace con Cesare ; and on July 3 : *I1
papa ha parlato all' ambasciatore Venetiano sopra 1' accordo tanto
gagliardamente che quasi ghi ha chiarito dever esser sforzat di
VOL. IX. 13
194 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
concessions had been made by the Imperial envoy did
the situation change. At the last hour, though in vain,
French diplomacy did all it could to keep the Republic
firm. It was of great importance in this respect that
Lodovico di Canossa, who had been sent into Italy as
early as May, fell ill in Geneva and could not reach
Venice until the beginning of July.1 Thence he wrote
to the French Queen, on the loth of July, that Venice
was of so much importance that Francis I. should con-
sent to everything rather than lose such an ally.2 The
diplomatic Canossa came too late, for on the 29th
of July a treaty was made between the Emperor,
his brother Ferdinand, the Duke Francesco Sforza of
Milan, and Venice to defend Italy against attack
from any European power. For this end the Pope
had co-operated without giving up his neutrality;3
publicar contro quel stato il monitorio quando recusi 1' accordo, et
S. S. si more sanctissimamente per la pace d' Italia. (State Archives,
Florence.) Cf. also SANUTO, XXXIV., 307.
1 The accounts in ORTI-MANARA (Lodovico di Canossa, Verona,
1845), 1 8, of the mission of the Bishop of Bayeux in the year 1523 are
very unsatisfactory. The above statements are based on Canossa's
still unpublished correspondence, which I found in the Capitoline
Library and the Communal Library at Verona, and which will be dealt
with in another place when considering information very kindly placed
at my disposal by R. Holland. Cf. especially the ^letters to Francis I.
of May 1 6, to F. Robertet (cf. BOURRILLY DE VAISSIERE, 34 seq.) of
May 1 8, 21 (from Lyons), 28 (from Geneva), and of July 2, 1523 (from
Grezzano). Cf. also the *Brief to the Queen of France, July i, 1523.
*Solo gli voglio dire che importando li sigri Venetian! per le cose
de Italia quanto importano che la Mta del re deve dare ogni cosa per
non li perdere. *Canossa a Madama la regina di Francia. Venice,
July 10, 1523 (Communal Library, Verona).
3 SANUTO, XXXIV., 316 seqq.\ cf. Libri commem., VI., 171 seg.t
173; BERGENROTH, II., n. 566, 568, 570, 572, 576-577; see BAUM-
GARTEN, II., 278 ; SlSMONDI, XV., 54 seq.
TRIAL OF SODERINI. 195
this only gave way owing to the violent behaviour of
the French.
The French party in Rome, like Francis himself, looked
upon the arrest of Soderini as an overt act of hostility
on the part of Adrian, who had unjustly yielded to the
wishes of Medici and the Emperor's party. Cardinal
Trivulzio took the liberty of saying to the Pope's face
that they had not elected him in order that he might
imprison Cardinals in St. Angelo without cause.1 Other
members of the Sacred College also complained of the
Pope's action, as showing little respect for the dignity of
their office.2 These complaints had as little effect on Adrian
as the menaces of Francis I. ; the trial went on its way. The
Pope was determined that it should be conducted in strict
accordance with order.3 As Soderini at first denied every-
thing, fell ill in June, and no advocate could be found to
plead for him, the affair was long protracted. The general
opinion was that it would end in the deposition of Soderini,
whose high treason was proved, but that Adrian would not
permit the death sentence to be carried out.4
Although, on his return from his mission, in the
middle of May, Bernardo Bertolotti brought back very
unfavourable accounts of the disposition of the Christian
1 SANUTO, XXXIV. 149.
2 *Letter of Abaddino, Rome, May 6, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
3 ^Reported by V. Albergati, May 21, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
4 Besides SANUTO, XXXIV., 194, 237, 244, 257, 262, 285, 292, 302,
359; BERGENROTH, II., n 555; State Papers, VI.: Henry VIII.,
V., 122 ; Luzio, Lett, di Giovio, 25, 29, cf. the letters of the Florentine
envoys to render obedience : May 28 (*Questo giorno sono stati
incontanente a examinare mons. di Volterra e tre Cardinali deputati),
June 4 (L' examina del Card, di Volterra si va continuando. As he
was ill, he asked leave to see a physician, which was granted), June
14 (*La examina del Card, di Volterra e di Bernardo d' Averragano
196 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
princes towards union, Adrian persisted in his pursuit
of peace.1 The French were willing to suspend hostilities
for two months at the utmost, while the Imperialists
wished a truce of at least half a year. The Pope was
of opinion that it was of the greatest importance that
non se potuto finire rispecto che 1' uno di loro e 1' altro hanno facto
ammalato et N. S. non mostra di curarsene molto forse parendoli che
quello che ha confessato et confirmato sino aqui sia abastanza per
poterne pigliare ogni deliberatione), July 17 (*La examina di Volterra
e finita). G. M. della Porta reports very thoroughly, May 16 : *I1
processo di Volterra si fa et trovase che ha errato gravamente contra
N. S., la cui Sta par che gli usi troppo clemenza a lasciarlo tanto vivere.
May 29 : *Gli tre rermi deputati giudici ne la causa di Vulterra havendo
prima renuntiati di esser hanno ubediti a N. S., che ha voluto cosi et
sono stato allo examine, del quale intendo che non ne hanno per ancora
cavato altro se queste due parole : non so, non mi ricordo. June 3 :
*Mi vien detto che havendo minacciato la giustizia di dar la tortura
a Vulterra ha confessato tutto quello che prima havea negate. June
10 : *Dicesi chel processo contra Vulterra e finito et che dimani gli
giudici hanno da fare la relatione in consistoro. June 17 : Soderini
will be condemned (Lett. d. Princ., I., 116). June 24: *I1 processo
contra Vulterra non si solecita piu con diligenza ; The Pope has given
him an advocate. June 30 : *N. S. rinova la diligenza nel processo di
Vulterra. July 4 : Soderini is lying, but still admits some things. July
1 1 : *Le cose di Vulterra si sollecitano assai ; ello sta di la persona
peggio assai del solito e N. S. ha commesso agli physici soi che lo
visitino. July 17: The views taken of Soderini differ greatly (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. also *letter of A. Germanello, July u, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Soderini's trial goes on, writes Sessa
on July 28, 1523, to the Duchess of Savoy, "y creo sin duda que Su Bd
le castigara conforme a sus demeritos que no- son pequenios " (State
Archives, Vienna). On July 8, 1523, V. Albergati reports : The Pope
wished, but in vain, to bring the case to an end before the Cardinals
left Rome for the summer change of air (State Archives, Bologna).
On August 8, 1523, Jovius writes: Volterra sta per esser scappellato.
BRAGHIROLLI, Lett. Ined. Milano, 1856, 25.
*Letter of the Florentine envoys to tender obedience, May 15,
1523 (State Archives, Florence).
ANGER OF FRANCIS I. IQ7
at least a beginning should be made ; from the mission,
already mentioned, of Canossa to Rome he had hoped
favourable things.1 But that diplomatist did not come,
while the negotiations of the Imperialists with Cardinal
Clermont proved more and more hopeless. The latter,
in complete despair, went back to Avignon on the 23rd
of June.'2 On the I5th of June Adrian had asked the
French King to open fresh negotiations with the Nuncio;
he might, urged the Pope, in conformity with his high
station and with his name of most Christian King, at
last take the step which was so necessary for the
protection of Christendom.3
The " most Christian " had not the slightest intention
of giving ear to such representations. The turn in favour
of Charles which had shown itself in the Curia in conse-
quence of Soderini's treachery had thrown Francis into
uncontrollable fury. When Adrian ordered a truce for
the sake of the Turkish war, Francis exclaimed that the
real Turk was the clergy.4 To the Venetian Ambassador
he remarked in the latter half of June that the Pope
was forbidden by Canon Law to impose a truce under
penalty of excommunication. If Adrian persisted in so
doing, he, Francis, would set up an antipope.5
1 *La tregua per dui mesi si pratica ancorche gF Imperial! dicono
volerla almeno per sei, pur N. Sre mclina a darvi in ogni modoqualche
principio et tanto piu venendo Bayosa, come dicono che vene col man-
date di prorogarla bisognando et che 1' arivata sua sara al piu alto a
S. Giovanni. G. M. della Porta from Rome, May 15, 1523 ; cf. also his
letter, *May 13, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
2 SANUTO, XXXIV., 149, 156, 193, 262; * Letter of G. M. della
Porta, May 17 and June 24, 1523 (* Mons. d' Aus parti hieri), State
Archives, Florence.
3 CHARRIERE, I., \o6seqq.
4 Mantuan report from Rome in SANUTO, XXXIV., 193.
•"' Letter of Badoer, June 24, 1523, in SANUTO, XXXIV., 289.
198 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
To this period must also belong the quite unprecedented
letter in which Francis threatened the Pope with the
same fate that had befallen Boniface VIII. in Anagni,
i.e. the loss of freedom and even of life through violent
French intervention in the Vatican.1 At the beginning
of this threatening letter Francis first recounts the services
rendered by his kingdom to the Holy See from the days
of King Pepin down to his own time. The very persons
who ought to acknowledge those services have denied
the rights of the French Crown and used their power
to prevent the restoration of Milan to France. He
further goes on to remind the Pope in incisive language
that the Roman Pontiffs had always feared the Imperial
1 Original draft in the National Library, Paris. MS. Franc., 30x32,
f. 1-6. Copy (used by LEPITRE, 315) in MS. Franc., 8527, f. i
seq. The letter, with the wrong address, "to Clement VII.," is
published with a good many mistakes in Arch. Stor. Ital., App. I.,
396 seq. There is a better, but not quite accurate, copy in the Cabinet
hist., XIII. (1867), I., 62 seq. : the letter is here antedated to May 1523.
HOFLER (507 seqq.\ who gives a very good account of the contents of
the letter of which I have made use in the text, only remarks : " This
cannot possibly be the same letter of which BERGENROTH says (Intro-
duct, CLXXIV.) that Adrian received it on March 28, 1523," and then
subsequently (524) suggests that the right date might be July 4.
LEPITRE (315) believes that Adrian replied in the friendly letter of
June 15 to this insolent communication. But this is to attribute too
much to the Pope's love of peace. But Hofler's surmise is also in-
adequate. Two * despatches of G. M. della Porta show this and also
afford evidence that the letter was actually sent. The former says on
June 25, *Dicesi chel re di Franzia ha scritto al papa mirabilmente
sopra la liberation di Vulterra. On June 26 : E stato vero chel re di
Franza ha scritto al papa ferventemente sopra la liberation di Vulterra
licentiando da la corte sua il nunzio d. S. Sta et revocando Bayosa, il
quale deve esser a questhora in Venetia et 1' altri che veneano in sua
compagnia se ne sono ritornati di longo al suo re et parlase del impresa
de Italia (State Archives, Florence).
LETTKR OF FRANCIS I. 199
power in Italy and had found protection from it on the
part of France. The champions of the Papal States
now suffer loss, and the enemies reap the advantage.
Even if, at first, he had had fears that Pope Adrian
would allow himself to be drawn into the policy of
Leo X., yet he had become more and more convinced
that the Pope's sense of honour and goodness, as well
as considerations for the safety of his soul and for his
dignity and age, would never allow him to lose sight, as
the common father of Christendom, of impartial justice
and equity. Unfortunately his former fears had not
proved groundless, since the arrest of Soderini had only
taken place because the Pope relied on Medici's in-
formation that the Cardinal was favourable to France;
if equal justice prevailed, the enemies of France ought
to receive the same treatment. Francis I. characterized
as strange the Pope's proclamation, under ecclesiastical
censures, of a three years' peace as if he, the King, were
averse to peace. Yet for this very reason he had had
an envoy at Calais, he had sent his secretary to the
Pope at Nice, and then Cardinal Clermont to Rome, and
when Adrian had called upon him to conclude a truce,
for the defence of Christendom, he had declared his readi-
ness to comply provided that Milan, his lawful possession,
was restored to him. When the Pope found this condition
excessive, he had sent Ambassadors to Rome to conclude
a peace or a truce for two months or longer. More he
could not do. When he became aware that the Pope was
determined to proclaim an unconditional truce, he had for-
bidden his representatives to enter into it, and had explained
to the Pope why he considered one lasting for three years
useless.
If Adrian ordered a truce under ecclesiastical censures,
without consulting the Christian princes, without making
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
any stipulation where the crusading contingents were to
be sent, the French army would be attacked on its
arrival in Italy. Adrian had given Bulls to raise money
to the enemies of Francis ; but Francis himself had been
forgotten. When it was such an easy matter for Popes
to excommunicate princes, evil results always followed,
and this could be no cause of satisfaction. The privi-
leges of the French Kings would be defended by their
subjects with the last drop of their blood; moreover, no
censure could be pronounced against him except with
the observance of the accompanying forms and cere-
monies. Adrian's predecessors had always observed this.
Pope Boniface, to be sure, had taken certain steps against
Philip the Fair which had miscarried. " You, in your
prudence, will certainly not forget this." A three years'
truce would tie his, the King's, hands and hinder him
from protecting his dominions, while Charles, during this
time, could enter Italy on the pretext of his coronation
as Emperor. It was astonishing that the Cardinals, who
were now recommending such a truce, did not recom-
mend to the Emperor the course which Leo X. had
intended, namely, to take Milan from the French, although
at that moment the Turks were beleaguering Belgrade.
Adrian's present intentions had certainly the appearance
of being directed against the Turks, but were really aimed
at him, the King. May the Pope be preserved from bring-
ing about, instead of peace, still greater confusion, which
would ill become the part of a good and wise pastor.
Ever since the report of the truce had got abroad his
enemies had done nothing but increase their strength,
which he would yet humble. On the other hand he
was ready, if the Turks invaded Hungary or Naples,
to take the field against them in person ; if, therefore,
his Holiness were willing to grant him Bulls to raise
TH1 POPE AND FRANCE. 2OI
money similar to those granted to his enemies, the
Pope would only be acting in faithful accordance with
his duty.
Simultaneously with this letter of menace the news
reached Rome that Francis I. had broken off diplomatic
relations with the Papal Nuncio.1 What Adrian had
endeavoured to prevent by his strictly neutral attitude —
he stood, wrote the Ambassador of Henry VIII., as im-
movable as a rock in the sea— now came to pass, an
incurable rupture with France.
Nothing could have been more gratifying to the enemies
of Francis than his brusque treatment of the Pope. The
Ambassadors of the Emperor and Henry became more
urgent than ever in pressing upon Adrian the conclusion
of an offensive and defensive alliance to protect Italy
against France, the common enemy, and to render Francis
incapable of continuing the war. Cardinal de' Medici,
whose influence over Adrian was becoming increasingly
great, took their side ; the Pope, nevertheless, still refused
to enter into party combinations of this sort.2 His convic-
tion that he was thus doing his duty was strengthened
by the knowledge that a final breach with France would
be followed by consequences of incalculable gravity.
" I shall not declare myself against France," he wrote to
Charles de Lannoy, the Viceroy of Naples, " because such
a step would be immediately followed by the stoppage
of all supplies of money from that kingdom, on which
I chiefly depend for the maintenance of my Court, and
because I know on good authority that the French
King would become a protector of the Lutheran heresy,
1 Cf. supra, p. 198, n. i, the * letter of G. M. della Porta of June 28,
1523-
2 See Clerk's despatch of June 11 in BREWER, III., 2, n. 3093; cf.
DELEVA, II., 172.
202 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and make a resettlement of ecclesiastical order in his
dominions."1
Some of the Cardinals, moreover, who were inter-
ceding on behalf of Soderini, emphatically pointed out
to Adrian the danger of some violent display of French
power, prompted by the youthful energy of Francis and
his advisers, unfriendly to the Court of Rome.2 If
counsels such as these were kept within the bounds of
a wise moderation, there were not wanting others who
spoke as open partisans of France. These mischieviously
represented to the Pope that he could confer no greater
advantage on his countrymen and those who had helped
to raise him to the tiara than by the strictest observance
of his neutrality, otherwise he would make himself con-
temptible in the sight of the other sovereigns of Europe.
These same advisers laid it down as an axiom that
Lombardy must be a French possession.3
Although it was known by the beginning of July that
Francis I. had forbidden all payment of money to
Rome,4 Adrian still put off a final decision. He wished
1 *Lannoyto Charles V., dated Naples, July 15, 1523. Biblioteca
de la Acad. de Historia, Madrid, A 28. Cf. DE LEVA, II., 172.
2 We know from SANUTO (XXXIV., 359) that the Cardinals were
asked to give opinions on the case of Soderini. * Three such opinions,
addressed to Adrian VI., I found in the Vatican Library in Cod. *Vat.,
3920, f. 60-6 1, i37-i37b> and I4o-i4ob. I intend to publish them in the
Actapontif. It is worth noting that these opinions treat the letters in
which Soderini urged on Francis I. to war as undoubtedly genuine.
3 Cf. the *Oratio ad S. D. N. Adrianum VI. in Cod. Vat, 3890,
f. 35-40, and 6559, f. 8 1 -83b, Vatican Library, v. DOMARUS (Hist. Jahrb.,
XVI., 85) mistakes this document for a speech of the Hungarian envoy.
*E1 re di Francia ha levate tucte le expeditioni de Francia ad la
corte di Roma et non vole li ne venga alcuna. Dara gran danno ad
li officii. A. Germanello to the Mantuan Chancellor, dated Rome,
July 3, 1 523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
LANNOY IN ROME. 203
to hear first the opinion of his friend of early days,
Lannoy, and in a Brief of the i8th of July he begged him
to pay a secret visit to Rome without delay.1
Lannoy came at once. He, Sessa and Medici, as well
as the English Ambassadors,2 urged an alliance with the
Emperor in the strongest terms.3 Medici especially, who
visited the Pope at least once a day, was untiring.4 The
Ambassadors were able to show that Francis I. had vast
forces assembled at the foot of the Pyrenees, in Switzer-
land, and on the immediate frontiers of Italy, ready to give
effect to his long-standing and repeated threats and to
begin the war for the reconquest of Milan. At an oppor-
tune moment for the Imperialists, a fresh letter from the
1 *Brief of July 18, 1523 (State Archives, Vienna), in Appendix,
No. 26.
2 Hannibal and J. Clerk, who had arrived on June 3 with a repeated
tender of obedience. See *letter of G. M. della Porta, June 3, 1523
(State Archives, Florence). Cf. HOFLER, 502 seqq.
3 Besides the report in BERGENROTH, II., n. 573, cf. the * letter of
the Florentine envoys to tender obedience, of July 24, 1523. Accord-
ing to this Lannoy arrived on the evening of the 23rd, " et questo
giorno decte desinare a mons. illmo. Dipoi se ne andorno insieme a
palazzo e con loro el duca di Sessa e li oratori Inglesi, dove sono stati
infino ad nocte e vedesi che da ognuno e sollecitato forte questa lega."
On July 25 G. M. della Porta reports that Lannoy leaves by the
evening : " Dicesi che N. S. fark concistoro lunedi o martedi." See
also *G. M. della Porta's *letter of July 26, 1523 (State Archives,
Florence). According to V. Albergati's *letter of July 27, 1523,
Lannoy did not leave till July 26 (State Archives, Bologna).
4 *E1 Card, de Medici ogni di una volta almeno e col papa: "They
discuss what is to be done, if the French invade Italy," report the
Florentine envoys on July 17, 1523. According to the *letter of the
Archdeacon Gabbioneta, Rome, July 25, 1523, Medici was then already
saying that the league of Pope, Emperor, and England would certainly
be published by Wednesday (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). In a *letter
to Francis I., July 22, 1523, Adrian refused to confirm the election of
the Bishop of Sitten. MS. Beth., 8535, f, 65, Natio/ial Library, Paris.
204 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
French King arrived on the i8th of July. This left no
room for any further doubt as to his utter want of
conscience in respect of the ever-increasing Turkish
danger.1 The Pope now saw that he must give up as
hopeless the part of peacemaker to which he had hither-
to clung with such tenacity.2 In so doing he did not
believe himself to be untrue to his previous policy, for
he had already made it plainly known that, in the event
of an invasion of Italy by Francis, he would be compelled
to take part against him.3
The letter of Francis I. threatening Adrian with the
fate of Boniface VIII. was present all the more persistently
to the Pope's mind because the King, in a letter to the
Cardinals written in June, had expressed himself in
similar terms.4 On the i6th of July Adrian appealed for
1 Cf. the Nuncio's * letter from Hungary, June 25, 1523, transmitted
by G. M. della Porta on July 16. See also the latter^ ^report, July 22
(State Archives, Florence).
2 See M. Foscari's report in SANUTO, XXXI V., 350. G. M. della
Porta writes on July 13, 1523 : * II papa ha detto have per certa la
deliberatione della passata de Frances! in Italia, et hieri mando per
1' homo del s. Alberti di Carpi usandogli queste parole : Gli Francesi
vengono et tuo padrone e Francese. Noi vogliamo la roccha nostra
di Reggio. Scrive che subito ne la restituisca, et cosi appresso
S. Sta gli ne scrisse breve. Hor in tutta Roma non si parla d' altro che
di questa callata. On July 15 : *S. Sta non ha nova alcuna del suo
nuncio in Franza, anzi teme, chel non sia in sua liberta. . . . Qua
dicono bisognando di far duo millia fanti Spagnoli. . . . Al papa era
stato proposto dal Colonna che in tanta necessitk di denari S. Sta facesse
la restitution di Modena e Reggio con ducento millia due. et far il duca
confalloner de la chiesa, la quale non monstra de volervi attendere
(State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. supra, p. 1 66.
4 SANUTO, XXXIV., 340 seqq. In Cod. *Vat, 6198, f. I seg., the Brief
is not, as in Sanuto and Cod. Vat., 3890, f. 18, dated the 4th, but $th
July 1523.
ATTITUDE OF ADRIAN VI. 2O5
help to Henry VIII.1 How much he feared an attack
from the French is shown by the fact that he took pre-
cautions for the security of the gates of Rome.2 He
openly took measures to ensure his own life and freedom,
and not until matters had reached an extremity and he
was compelled to bend before the force of circumstances
did he quit the neutral attitude he had hitherto observed.3
In spite of the hostile conduct of Francis, he was even
now indisposed to make an offensive treaty such as the
Imperialists wished. He declared that he was not ready
to go beyond a treaty of defence ; this attitude he con-
sidered due to his position as the common Father of
Christendom. The general well-being of Europe, the
peace of Italy, and the repulse of the Ottoman power were
now as heretofore the ruling principles of his policy.4
A Consistory was held on the 29th of July; Adrian
opened it with a speech on the Turkish danger and pointed
out that the Christian princes, instead of destroying the
peace of Europe, should take united action against the
infidels. In proof of the warlike intentions of Francis I.,
1 BREWER, III., 2, n. 3185.
2 This interesting fact is reported by A. Germanello to the Mantuan
Chancellor in a *letter of July 22, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
There was also a suspicion that the outbreak of fire in the Vatican, on
the night of the nth July 1523, was not accidental ; see in Appendix,
No. 25, *letter of A. Germanello, July 12, 1523.
3 HOFLER, 511.
4 Cf. Ortiz in BURMANN, 214, and the *letter of G. M. della Porta,
Rome, July 27, 1523, who, discussing Adrian's hesitation in taking
steps against France, adds : *Dio faccia che N. S. sia degli soi
desiderii tutti pienamente satisfatto essendo la mente de S. Su dirizata
al ben de la religion Christiana tanto sanctamente quanto fosse inai
animo d' altro pontefice (State Archives, Florence). On July 28
Sessa announces to the Duchess of Savoy the Pope's entrance into the
League. ^Letter in the State Archives, Vienna.
206 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the letter, full of threats and complaints, addressed by
him to Adrian, was read as well as the other in the same
tone sent to the Cardinals. Opinions were exchanged as
to the conclusion of an alliance for the protection of Italy
in view of the threatened French invasion. When the
final vote was taken only four, out of eight-and-twenty
present, said " No." They were Monte, Fieschi, Orsini,
and Trivulzio.1
By the terms of the League,2 signed by Adrian on the
3rd of August, the Pope, the Emperor, Henry VIII. of
England, the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, Francesco
Sforza, Duke of Milan, and Cardinal de' Medici, on
behalf of Florence, Genoa, Siena, and Lucca, undertook
jointly to raise an army to prevent the French from
1 Cf. *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives) in Appendix, No. 28 ;
Sessa in BERGENROTH, II., n. 594; the ^letter of the Florentine
envoys, July 29, 1523 (*N. S. questa mattina publico nel consistoro la
lega da farsi. ... Li rermi da pochissimi infuora aprovarno unitamente
la lega da farsi, e crediamo si publicherk sollenemente in S. Maria del
Popolo el di di S. Maria della neve. A Dio piaccia che e sia la salute
e quieta de la christianita come si desidera), and the ^report of G. M.
della Porta, Rome, July 30, 1523. Here it is expressly stated that the
letter of Francis I. to the Pope, as well as that to the Cardinals, was
read in Consistory. The report goes on to say : *Tra gli Cardinali nel
votare questa deliberation quatro ve ne sono stati contrarii : Monte,
Fiesco, Ursino, et Trivulzi ; gli dui Venetiani Grimani et Cornaro non
vi si sono trovati (State Archives, Florence). That only one Cardinal
opposed (BAUMGARTEN, II., 280) is incorrect. Cf. also the ^report of
V. Albergati, July 31, 1523, in State Archives, Bologna, and *that of
L. Cati, July 31, 1523, in State Archives, Modena, in which Fieschi,
Trivulzio, and Orsini are named as in opposition.
2 Cf. *Letter of the Florentine envoys, August 3, 1523 (State
Archives, Florence), and that of Gabbioneta on the same day (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). See also RAYNALDUS, 1524, n. in, and Ortiz in
BURMANN, 214 seq. LEPITRE, 317, incorrectly dates the League as
far back as April 3.
ADRIAN JOINS THE LEAGUE. 207
entering Lombard/; Adrian made himself responsible for
a monthly contribution of 15,000 ducats and appointed
Lannoy Commander-in-Chief, Charles V. signifying his
approval.1
The Imperialists were in high glee. The League and the
agreement between Venice and Charles V. have, wrote
Sessa, entirely altered European politics. Medici's influ-
ence, it seemed, was now firmly established.2 In Rome, as
well as throughout Italy, the new turn of affairs met with
almost unanimous approval ; even those who had formerly
been Adrian's enemies now praised the Pope for the
excellence of his dispositions and his conspicuous piety.
His behaviour in the trial of Soderini had also remarkably
enhanced his reputation, and many now realized that the
charges of indecision were not justified.3 It was widely
believed that the danger of a French invasion was over, and
that the possibility of a campaign against the Turks was
secured.4 On the 5th of August, the Feast of Our Lady of
1 The text of the treaty is not published, the substance only is known ;
see especially GuiCCiARDlNl, XV., 2, who produces a clause, among
others, according to which the stipulations were to be binding during
the lives of the contracting parties and for one year after the death of
any one of them ; the contributions in money and troops were to be
guaranteed at first for three months only. Cf. SlSMONDl, XV., 56 seg.,
and EHSES, Politik Clemens VII., 561. The latter has already
remarked that Vettori gives the Pope's subsidy at 15,000, and Guicci-
ardini at 20,000 ducats. The Imperialists wished the appointment of
the Commander-in-Chief to be entrusted to Charles V. ; see *Responsio
data per oratores Cesaris duci Albaniae in urbe (Royal Library, Turin,
Miscell. polit., N 75, p. 242 seqq.\
2 *See BERGENROTH, II., n. 502 ; BAUMGARTEN, II., 280.
3 JOVIUS, Vita Adrian! VI. Tizio belonged naturally to the party
which viewed Medici's influence with much dissatisfaction ; cf. his
*Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 39 (Chigi Library, Rome).
4 Cf. the characteristic ^letters of V. Albergati, July 24 and August
5, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna); that of L. Cati, August 3, 1523
208 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Snow, the League was solemnly published in S. Maria
Maggiore. For this purpose the Pope went very early to
the Basilica ; he seems to have feared some attempts by
the French party ; for, contrary to the custom of Julius II.
and Leo X., he rode thither surrounded by his Swiss guard.
It was the first time he had ridden through Rome in ponti-
fical attire; on his return to the Vatican he was greatly
fatigued.1 The ride in the blazing August sun, followed by
a chill, and still more, the mental excitement, brought on
an attack of illness, and the Pope, whose health for some
time had not been of the best,2 had to take to his bed
immediately after the ceremony. The contest between
the French and Imperial parties had kept him in a state
of constant agitation, and, now that a decision had been
reached, he broke down.3 It was a heavy burden on his
soul that, for all his love of peace, he should have been
forced, even as a measure of necessity, to take part in a
war against the disturber of the peace of Christendom.4
Great as was the rejoicing of the Emperor5 and his
(State Archives, Modena) ; and that of G. M. della Porta, August 20,
1523 (State Archives, Florence). See also JANSSEN-PASTOR, II.18,
332 seq.
1 The above remarks are founded on an exhaustive ^report of
Gabbioneta, August 5, 1523, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also
the *letter of the Florentine envoys, August 5, 1523, in State Archives,
Florence, and NEGRI in Lett. d. princ., I., 116.
2 He had been unwell already in the middle of July in consequence
of the great heat ; see ^letters of L. Cati, July 13 and 19, 1523 (State
Archives, Modena).
3 With BERGENROTH, II., n. 594, cf. the *letter of Gabbioneta,
August 7, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and JoviUS, Vita
Adriani VI.
4 See HOFLER, 526.
6 With Charles's letter, quoted in GACHARD, LXVI., cf. also his
*letter to Lannoy, dated Burgos, September i, 1523 (State Archives,
Brussels, Corresp. de Charles V.).
ILLNESS OF ADRIAN. 209
adherents, they do not appear to have been satisfied
with a merely defensive alliance. They hoped to have
been able to bring Adrian to decide in favour of an
offensive treaty against Francis I., but for the moment
the Pope's condition made all negotiations impossible ;
all audiences were deferred,1 and when the Datary Enke-
voirt also became unwell, business was for some time at
a complete standstill. An intolerable heat prevailed,
causing much sickness; Cardinal Grimani,2 among others,
was seriously ill.
The Pope's condition was said to be the result of a chill
which had first settled on his neck and then gone down to
the kidneys.3 When an abscess in his neck broke, Adrian
1 "Tutti li aditi sono preclusi," writes Gabbioneta on August 10, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). See also the report of the Florentine
envoys, August II, quoted below in note 3.
2 *E1 card. Grimani ha la febre e se dubita asai di lui, as he was
weak, and owing to the extreme "caldo et quodamodo insuportabile
che fa adesso in Roma, quale e tanto che non gli e memoria che mai
el fosse simile et per questo infiniti caschano amalati. La peste va
pur picigando ma non fa molto danno." Gabbioneta, August 10, 1523.
Cf. also his *letter of August 12 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) and
SANUTO, XXXIV., 363, 371, 378, 385. *Molti se amalano et moreno
et gli caldi sono excessivi da pochi di in qua, writes G. M. della Porta
on August 10, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. Ortiz in BURMANN, 2 1 6. The Florentine envoys report on
August 10, 1523 : *N. S. e stato indisposto 4 giorni d' un poco di scesa
che ha facto capo, secundo intendiamo, sotto 1' orechio, e questa mattina
ha rocto di dentro : sperasi che in brevissimi dl sark libero a ogni
modo. On August 1 1 : *E1 papa va guarendo e domatina ha decto di
voler dare audientia al m. di Pescara ; e stato 506 giorni che non ha
dato audientia a persona ne voluto fare faccende di nessuna sorte
(State Archives, Florence). Gabbioneta also speaks in his report of
August 10 of the "descesa asai gagliarda nella maxilla destra" from
which Adrian VI. suffers (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). V. Albergati
mentions expressly the disease of the kidneys in his reports of August
5, 9, and 12, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
VOL. IX. 14
210 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
felt relieved, and on the I2th of August he was so much
better that he was able to receive the Marquis of Pescara,
who had come with all speed to Rome on behalf of the
Emperor.1 Although the heat continued,2 the Pope went
on improving ; he left his bed, said Mass, and did a
certain amount of business ; although he had become
very thin and still felt very weak, his complete recovery
was believed to be at hand.3 An unexpected legacy
enabled him at this time to contribute his quota to the
funds of the League.4
Cardinal Grimani died in the night of the 27th of
1 " Pescara visits the Pope to-day, who is feeling better, as the apostema
has burst." Gabbioneta, August 4, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Gabbioneta also fell ill of fever; see his ^letter of August 20, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. the *letter of G. M. della Porta,
August 23, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Besides the ** letters of the Florentine envoys of the lyth, iQth,
22nd, 23rd, 25th, 26th, and 3Oth August 1523, cf. the ^reports of V.
Albergati of the I2th, i6th, and 2ist of August (State Archives,
Bologna) and the * letters of G. M. della Porta of August 14 : * N. S.
stabene et promette fra dui di dar undienza ; August 19 : * N. S. sta pur
ancora un poco indisposto di dolore di renelle, et la discesa che comenzo
all' orecchia e callata nel braccio, ma del uno et 1' altro S. Sta sta in
miglioramento ; August 20 : * N. S. sta pur rinchiuso come di molti di
in qua. Hoggi intendo, che si ha fatto cavar sangue, ma di certo nulla
si po intendere, chel palazzo sta abondanato et gli medici non escano
mai de le camare, dove habita S. Sta ; pur credesi chel mal sia poco ;
August 27 : * N. S. ha cominciato ad negociare qualche poco et puossi
dir guarito del tutto (State Archives, Florence). Cf. also the letter *of
A. Germanello of August 20, 1 523. He reports on the 28th : * El papa
sta meglio, ma e anchora debile e ha quasi perso lo appetito (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
4 G. M. della Porta reports on August 23, 1523 : *N. S. va meglior-
ando, ma fa adagio come fanno e vechii ; e morto un chiericho di
camera chiamato mons. d' Illermet, chi gli ha lasciato meglio di XXm
due. d} ufitii, che e cosa da farlo guarire afacto (State Archives, Florence).
For the amount see VETTORI, 347.
HIS PARTIAL RECOVERY. 211
August1 Adrian, on the other hand, seemed entirely
recovered, although he still suffered from loss of appetite.-
On the 27th of August he granted an audience to the
Ambassador of Venice;3 peace and the League had
been proclaimed there on the Feast of the Assumption.
Greatly rejoiced, he bestowed on the Signoria two-tenths
of the clerical revenues of the Republic;4 at the same
time he asked the Doge to send troops to places
threatened by the French. The Marquis Federigo
Gonzaga of Mantua was ordered to join the Imperial
army at Piacenza and to undertake the defence of
Alessandria.5 On the 3ist, the anniversary of his
coronation, the Pope held a Consistory in his own
chamber ; he was still too weak to take part in the
public function.6
On the ist of September, de Lisle Adam, the Grand
1 G. M. della Porta, who on *August 23 reports Grimani's condition
to be hopeless, writes on the 27th that the Cardinal is dead (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. SANUTO, XXXIV., 387, *letter of V.
Albergati, August 28, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna), and *Diary of
BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. reports of V. Albergati of August 21, 24, 28, and 29, 1523
(State Archives, Bologna).
3 * El papa . . . non da anchora audientia ; heri solo la decte a lo
orator Veneto. A. Germanello, August 28, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
4 The original of the Brief to the Doge, with the " facultas imponendi
cleroduas decimas," is dated September 5, 1 523 (State Archives, Venice).
Cf. SANUTO, XXXIV., 394 seg., 400, 413 seqq., and Libri comm., VI.,
175. The ist September in HOFLER, 528, is a mistake.
6 GACHARD, Corresp., 227 seg., 279 seq., and in Appendix, Nos. 29-31,
the Briefs of August 26 and September 8, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
8 Cf. Lett. d. princ., I., 118 ; *letter of V. Albergati of September 2,
1523 (State Archives, Bologna), and *letter of L. Cati, same date (State
Archives, Modena).
212 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Master of the Knights of St. John, arrived in Rome.
Adrian gave him a residence in the Vatican, and showed
him every kind of honour ; l he took steps to find a new
home for the exiled Order. From the Grand Master's
lips Adrian heard all the details of the deplorable fall
of Rhodes.2 The narrative could not fail to tell un-
favourably on the aged and weakly man. Not less
depressing were the accounts of the war now beginning
in Lombardy, which threw into the background all his
noble designs for the peace of Europe, the Crusade, and
the reforming Council.3 Feelings of sorrow undoubtedly
contributed to the fresh attack of illness which declared
itself on the 3rd of September.
The report of his death was soon spread through Rome,
and the Cardinals began to be busy with the prospects
of a Papal election.4 Adrian's strong constitution seemed
1 See the * letter of the Florentine envoys of September i, 1523, and
*that of G. M. della Porta of same date (State Archives, Florence), as
well as L. Cati, September 2, 1523 (State Archives, Modena) ; SANUTO,
XXXIV., 395 ; * Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris) ; Lett. d. Princ., L, 118 ; * Diary of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). "The Grand Master lived in the
stantie di Innocentio [VIII.]," says V. Albergati on September 2, 1523
(State Archives, Bologna). Cf. CHARRIERE, L, 1 10. Already, on June
30, 1523, Adrian VI. had become acquainted with the views of the
King of Portugal as to a new residence for the Knights of Rhodes,
Corp. dipl. Port, II., 171 seq.
2 It is clear, from Luzio in the Lett, di P. Giovio, 29, that Giovio also
had heard from the mouths of the defenders of Rhodes the interesting
details of the siege related in his Vita Adriani VI.
3 SANUTO, XXXIV., 378, 385; GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 411.
G. M. della Porta reports, September 6, 1523 : *fe gionto un cavallaro
hoggi, che testifica la venuta del Christianissimo con potentissimo
exercito (State Archives, Florence).
4 See Foscari in SANUTO, XXXIV., 398, as well as the ^reports of
the Florentine envoys of September 3 and 5, 1523; the two * letters
I \KEVOIRT AND THE CARDINALATE. 213
once more to get the better of his malady ; on the 6th
and 7th of September he felt decidedly better.1 He
then signed the Bull conferring on Charles V. and his
successors the right to appoint prelates of their own choice
to the bishoprics and consistorial abbacies of the Spanish
Crown, excepting only when a vacancy in Curia occurred.2
Adrian's improvement was deceptive; in the night of the
8th of September he became so much worse that he had no
longer any doubt as to the fatal nature of his illness. The
next morning he summoned the Cardinals to him and
asked them to agree to the nomination of Enkevoirt, con-
secrated on the nth of March 1523 Bishop of Tortosa,3 to
the Cardinalate. This request, made by a dying man on
behalf of a most deserving friend, met with opposition, for
the Datary was greatly disliked on account of his rough
and downright ways. In the evening the Pope was so weak
that he could hardly speak. On the following morning
(the Qth of September) he was no better, and therefore
of G. M. della Porta of September 6, 1523 (State Archives, Florence),
and *that of V. Albergati of September 5, 1523 (State Archives,
Bologna).
1 The Pope, state the Florentine envoys, is much better : * passeggia
senza affanno, non ha febre e ha la voce gagliarda et parli sentirsi meglio.
G. M. della Porta states on September 7 : *N. S. ha continuato, Dio
gratia, il miglioramento. He has heard with dissatisfaction of the
negotiations set on foot with regard to the election of his successor
(State Archives, Florence). Cf. * letter of L. Cati, September 7
(State Archives, Modena).
2 Rigant. in reg., I cancell., I., n., 284, 285 ; MARIANA, De reb.
Hisp., XXVI., 2; HOFLER, 533; LA FUENTE, V., 139; Archiv fur
Kirchenrecht, X., 16 ; GAMS, III., 2, 155.
3 *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial Archives of
the Vatican). To Enkevoirt and his successors in the see of Tortosa
Adrian granted the privilege of wearing a red biretta ; see BARBIER
DE MONTAULT, Le Costume, I., Paris, 1898, 230, and The Burlington
Magazine, 1905, 287.
214 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
allowed Heeze to make representations to the Cardinals,
in consequence of which some of them promised to vote for
Enkevoirt's promotion. On the loth, Adrian once more
assembled a Consistory in his sick-room. Referring to
the ancient custom whereby a Pope bestowed his own
Cardinalitial title on a confidential friend, he asked the
members of the Sacred College to consent that he should
confer this grace on a person of goodness and learning.
When all had given their assent, he named the Datary
Enkevoirt, who at once, to the vexation of the Court, was
received into the ranks of the purple.1
After the Consistory the Pope took some food ; this was
followed by a sharp access of fever. On the next day at noon,
the fever having abated, the invalid could not be prevented
from again turning his attention, with a touching devotion
to duty, to the despatch of business. He sent off some
Bulls and Briefs, attached his signature to petitions, and
even gave audiences, although speaking was very trying
to him.2 This improvement only lasted till the I2th of
September ; notwithstanding their efforts, the physicians,
who had been assiduous in their attention, held out no
hope, since they could do nothing to check the fever and
rapid decline of strength. Worn out with sorrow and care,
age and sickness, a life was running swiftly to its end, the
1 See the important ** reports of A. Germanello, September 12, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. also the letter **of Salamanca,
September 12, 1523 (State Archives, Vienna), and the *letter of the
Florentine envoys, September 10, 1523 (State Archives, Florence), and
*those of V. Albergati, September 8 and 10, 1523 (State Archives,
Bologna). BERGENROTH, II., n., 597; SANUTO, XXXIV., 402, 409-
410 ; Ortiz in BURMANN, 217 ; Blasius de Martinellis in HOFLER, 532.
2 See the ** report of A. Germanello, September 12, 1523, the ^letter
V. Albergati, September 12, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna), the ^letter
of L. Cati, September 12, 1523 (State Archives, Modena), and SANUTO,
XXXIV., 4 10.
DEATH OF ADRIAN VI. 21$
preservation of which was of the utmost importance to
Christendom.1 With the consent of the Cardinals the
dying Tope now made his last dispositions, in which he
once more clearly showed his horror of nepotism. His
household got only the property which he had brought
with him from Spain to Rome, but nothing that had
belonged to him as Pope. His possessions in the Nether-
lands, particularly in Louvain and Utrecht, Enkevoirt was
to dispose of for the poor, and for pious purposes for the
good of his soul ; his house in Louvain he set apart as
a college for poor students, giving it a rich endowment.
Being asked about his burial, he forbade any funeral
pomp; he did not wish more than twenty-five ducats
to be spent on his obsequies. He received Extreme
Unction with the greatest devotion ; so long as he could
speak he comforted his friends. " He died," wrote one
of them, "even as he had lived — in peace, piety, and
holiness."2
1 HOLLER, 534. L. Cati had written on September 11, 1523 : *In
summa le cose di N. S. vanno peggiorando — his condition is hopeless
per esser extenuato et fiaco et ridotto ad extrema magreza ; piu si
parla del novo papato che di altro (State Archives, Modena). The
Florentine envoys report on September 13, 1523: *N. S. ha passato
questa nocte sanza accidenti e cosi questa mattina, nondimeno e
molto debole, e si questa febre glia a durare al caso suo non si vede
rimedio (State Archives, Florence).
2 See the letter of Wilhelm von Lochorst in BURMANN, 218 seq.,
507 ; cf. also Blasius de Martinellis in GATTICUS, 440 ; Ortiz in
BURMANN, 218 seq. ; SANUTO, XXXIV., 410, 439, and Corp. dipl.
Port., II., 174 seq. According to SANUTO, XXXIV., 438, Adrian
expressed a wish that the case of Soderini should be settled by the
future Council. For the testamentary dispositions entrusted to
Enkevoirt and their execution see, Archief v. kerkelijke geschiedenis,
IX. (1838), 152 seq., 185 ; Kerkelyk Nederlandsch Jaarbock (1848),
171, and Archief v. h. Aartsbisdom Utrecht, XXVIII. (1902), 141
seq. For the still existing college in Louvain see BURMANN, 22 seq.,
2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the I4th of September, at the nineteenth hour, this
noble spirit passed away, the last German and last non-
Italian Pope.1 The greedy Romans suspected him of
having hoarded great treasures in his carefully guarded
study in the Borgia tower.2 But they found there,
together with a few rings and jewels of Leo X., nothing
but briefs and other papers. He left behind him, at the
highest estimate, not more than 2000 ducats.3
As the corpse was disfigured and much swollen, the
rumour was at once spread that Adrian had been
poisoned, and the Spaniards accused the Netherlanders of
carelessness in allowing Frenchmen to come into the
Pope's kitchen. The autopsy of the body afforded no
ground for supposing that Adrian had fallen a victim to
foul play ; nevertheless the suspicion gained ground
with many, especially as Prospero Colonna had died from
poisoning.4 The diagnosis of Adrian's illness affords
no proof of other than natural death. In all probability
he succumbed to a disease of the kidneys5 consequent
31 seq. ; Annuaire de 1'univ. de Louvain, 1879, and Anal. p. s. a 1'hist.
eccl. de la Belgique, XVII. (1882), 87 seq.
1 CORNELIUS DE FINE, *Diary (National Library, Paris), says he
died at 6 P.M., the Florentine envoys (State Archives, Florence) say
6.30 P.M. ; Germanello, agreeing with Blasius de Martinellis, says
Adrian died at 7 P.M. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 JoviUS, Vita Adriani VI.
3 SANUTO, XXXIV., 410, 430, 439. HOFLER, 536, has already pointed
out that neither the Venetian despatches nor the diary of Blasius de
Martinellis know anything of the scene described by Sessa (BERGEN-
ROTH, II., n. 601). Nor can I find any confirmation thereof in the
numerous diplomatic papers of which I have made use from other
sources.
4 Ortiz in BURMANN, 219 seqq.
5 Cf. supra, p. 209 ; SANUTO, XXXIV., 439 ; and the ^reports of the
Florentine envoys of September 3 and 5, 1523 (State Archives,
Florence).
TOMB OF ADRIAN VI.
217
on the exhaustion of a naturally delicate body through
exposure to a strange climate,1 and under the pressure of
care and excitement. The reports of poisoning admit of
explanation, since the French party and the opponents of
reform pursued Adrian, even in the grave, with their fierce
hatred, and since, during his lifetime, there had been talk
of assassination.2
Adrian was laid, provisionally, in the chapel of St.
Andrew in St. Peter's, between Pius II. and Pius III.,
who had been so closely connected with German affairs.
The temporary epitaph ran, " Here lies Adrian VI., who
looked upon it as his greatest misfortune that he was
called upon to rule." 3
It was due to the gratitude of Cardinal Enkevoirt that a
monument worthy of his master was erected. This was
finished ten years after Adrian's death; on the nth of
August 1533 the body was taken from St. Peter's and
transferred to Santa Maria dell' Anima, the church of the
German nation.4 The monument was raised on the right
hand of the choir. Baldassare Peruzzi had prepared the
plan ; the execution in marble was carried out by Tribolo,
a pupil of Sansovino, and Michelangelo of Siena. The
1 Adrian, like a thoroughly unpractical man of learning, never
thought of adapting himself to the climatic conditions in which he
lived.
2 As late as June 12, 1524, Castiglione wrote to the Marquis of
Mantua from Rome : *Qui e preggione un fornaro, il quale da certi
indicii assai manifest! che papa Adriano fosse avenenato (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI., 368.
3 Cf. Acta caerem. in GATTICUS, 479 scq. ; BREWER, .III., 2, n.
3464; SCHMIDLIN, 271. See also the inscriptions in MuLLER, Het
oudste cartularium v. het sticht Utrecht, 's Gravenhage, 1892, 182
seqq. The funeral sermon of Conradus Vegerius (see GlORDANl, App.
67) was soon printed ; cf. Serapeum, XXIV., 363.
4 Cf. GATTICUS, 479 seq. ; SCHMIDLIN, 288 seq.
2i8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
architecture of this somewhat clumsy construction is copied
from the tombs of prelates and Cardinals with which pre-
vious generations had adorned so many Roman churches,
especially that of Santa Maria del Popolo. In the central
niche is seen the over-richly decorated sarcophagus with
Adrian's coat of arms and the plain inscription, " Adrianus
VI. P. M."; the supporters are two boys with reversed
torches. Above the sarcophagus lies the life-size statue
of the Pope on a bed of state; he is represented in full
pontifical vesture; as if taking his sleep after exhausting
labour, with his left hand he holds on his head the tiara
which had been so heavy a burden. On his noble counte-
nance, with its expression of reverential awe, are deep traces
of earnestness and sorrow. In the lunette above appears,
in accordance with ancient custom, the figure of Our Blessed
Lady, the mighty intercessor in the hour of death, with the
Apostles Peter and Paul by her side. On the architrave
hover two angels carrying branches of palm, and the
tiara and keys.
In the side niches, between massive Corinthian columns,
are the imposing figures of the four cardinal virtues.
Below the sarcophagus a fine relief represents Adrian's
entry into Rome, where a helmeted figure symbolizing the
city hastens to meet him at the gates. A broad marble
slab on brackets contains the obituary inscription composed
by Tranquillus Molossus ; on each side, under the niches,
boys hold the Cardinal's hat and armorial bearings of the
founder, Enkevoirt. Between the sarcophagus and the relief
of the entry into Rome a prominent place is given to the
pathetic inscription, " Alas ! how much do the efforts, even
of the best of men, depend upon time and opportunity."1
1 Proh dolor, quantum refert in quae tempora vel optimi cuiusque
virtus incidat. Cf. FORCELLA, III., 447. Concerning the tomb and
its founder, full details are given in SCHONFELD, Sansovino, 19, 54
APPRECIATION OF ADRIAN. 21$
Few more appropriate epitaphs have been written than
these words of resignation and regret to which the dead
Pope had once given utterance respecting himself. In
large letters they set forth the life-work of the last German
Pontiff, one so often misunderstood and despised, who saw
with his dying eyes the unity of the Church and of his
beloved Fatherland simultaneously rent asunder. They
form the best commentary on the destiny of his life, and
on that short span of government in which misfortune and
failure followed each other in one unbroken chain. With-
out ever having sought high place, this humble and devout
Netherlander rose, step by step, from the lowliest circum-
stances, until it was his lot to attain the tiara ; he was
never dazzled by its splendour. The dignity of the Papacy
came to him at a highly critical moment, and he looked
upon it as an intolerable burden. Wherever he turned
his glance his eye met some threatening evil ; in the North
a dangerous heresy, in the East the onward advance of the
Turk, in the heart of Christendom confusion and war.
After an exhausting journey he at last reached his capital,
there to find an empty exchequer, a Court composed of
officials animated by national pride, personal ambition, and
the most unfriendly spirit, and a city ravaged by plague.
Moreover, as a thorough northerner, he was neither by
seq. ; GRAVENITZ, Deutsche in Rom, 1 18 seq., and SCHMIDLIN, 281 seq.
To the copious literary references of the last-named may be added :
DOLLMAYR in the, Zeitschr. fur bildende Kunst, N.F., I. 295 seq. ;
L'Arte, 1 1 1. (i 900), 255 seq., and FRASCHETTI in, Emporium (1902), 124.
Schmidlin is right in pointing out that the early pictures of the tomb
(in BURMANN, 80, and CIACONIUS, III., 440) show that the ornamenta-
tion was originally much richer than now ; but he makes a mistake in
supposing that " the four coins of Adrian were introduced above the
tomb in order to form a row of medallions." They were introduced
here and elsewhere by Ciaconius as additions of his own, as he has
shown in his notes.
220 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
bodily nor mental constitution fitted for the position in
which Providence had suddenly placed him. Heedless of
all these difficulties, he did not flinch, but concentrated all
his powers on coping with the almost superhuman tasks
set before him. He entered on his work with the purest
intentions, and never for a moment turned from the path
of duty, which he followed with conscientious fidelity
until his wearied eyes were closed in death.
But not one of the objects which he so honestly pursued
was he permitted to achieve. Personally an exemplary
priest, genuinely pious and firmly attached to the ancient
principles of the Church, he threw himself with courage
and determination into the titanic struggle with the host
of abuses then disfiguring the Roman Curia and well-
nigh the universal Church. Strong and inflexible as he
was, the difficulties confronting him were so many and
so great that at no time was he able to carry out all
the reforms he had decreed, as, for example, the rules
concerning benefices.1 His best endeavours were un-
availing against the insuperable force of circumstances,
and the upshot of his short-lived efforts was that the
evils remained as they were before. The generous
appeal to his own people to make open confession of
their guilt, which he had addressed by his Nuncio to the
Diet of the German Empire, was met by the reforming
party with scorn and ridicule. So far from checking the
schism brought about at Luther's evil instigation, Adrian
1 Cf. SANUTO, XXXIII., 481, and TIZIO, *Hist. Senen. The latter
relates as follows— and it is weighty evidence that Adrian was no
pedantic rigorist, but was open to the lessons of experience : *coepitque
Italico more atque curialium . . . beneficia confer re, ad tria incom-
patibilia dispensationem concedere . . . dicebat quidem in hujusmodi
dispensationibus se exhibuisse difficilem quando putabat Italica bene-
ficia sicut Hispanica esse pinguiora.
ESTIMATE OF ADRIAN'S WORK.
221
had, perforce, to realize that the breach was daily growing
wider.
As he laboured in vain for the unity and reform of
the Church, so did he also for the protection of Christen-
dom, threatened by the Ottoman power. Although the
exchequer was empty and the Holy See burdened with
debt, he was called upon to give help on every side. If
he saved and taxed in order to help the Knights of
Rhodes and the Hungarians, he was called a miser ; if
he spent money on the Turkish war instead of pension-
ing artists and men of letters, he was called a barbarian.
In vain he grieved over Rhodes and Hungary; in vain he
begged, entreated, and threatened the Christian princes
who, instead of uniting against their common enemy and
that of Western civilization, were tearing each other to
pieces in unceasing warfare. The young Emperor, with
whom he had so many and such close ties, was unable
to understand the neutral position enforced upon his
fatherly friend as Head of the Church, if the duties of
that great office were to be rightly fulfilled. The
Ambassadors of Charles felt nothing but contempt and
ridicule for Adrian's actions ; their short-sighted policy
was exclusively confined to their master's immediate
advantage. The crafty French King rewarded Adrian's
advances with treachery, threats, and deeds of violence.
It was the invasion of Italy by Francis which forced the
Pope, true to the last to his principle of neutrality, to join
the Emperor in a league which, although intended by
Adrian to be solely defensive, at length involved him in
the war. His death, on the very day on which the French
crossed the Ticino, freed the most peace-loving of all the
Popes from participation in a sanguinary campaign. He
was thus spared from experiencing the shameful ingratitude
of those for whose true welfare he had been working.
222 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Few were the Italians who did justice to the stranger
Pope; by far the greater number hailed his death as a
deliverance,1 and looked back on his Pontificate as a time
of trouble2 In Rome the detestation of "barbarians"
went hand in hand with the hatred felt by all those
whose habits of life were threatened by Adrian's moral
earnestness and efforts for reform. To these motives
were added the dissatisfaction caused by the introduc-
tion of direct taxation and the withdrawal of the outward
splendour to which the Romans, especially since the
accession of Leo X., had become accustomed. That
Adrian's physician 3 should have been hailed as a liberator
was not by any means the worst insult. The neglected
literati took atrocious- vengeance in countless attacks
on the dead Pope. The most venomous abuse was
written up in all the public places. The dead man
was assailed as ass, wolf, and harpy, and compared to
Caracalla and Nero ; Pasquino's statue was decorated with
ribald verses.4
1 Cf. GORI, Archivio, IV., 246 ; ALFANI, 301, and ibid., note 2,
Bontempi's opinion : " Nihil boni fecit in ejus papata et in ejus morte
fuit infamatus de haeresi, prout audivi." Guicciardini wrote on
September 16, 1523, to Modena : "Con piu dispiacere ho inteso li
Franzesi avera passato il Tesino, che la morte di N. Sre, perche di questa
nuova potria uscire qualche buon frutto, di quella non si vede altro che
disfavore e danno." Disp. 217. One of the few favourable verdicts of
his Italian contemporaries is in SANUTO, XXXIV., 410. Some elegiac
verses in the Coryciana, Rome, 1 524, JJ, 2b seq.
2 Tempus Aerumnarum, CARPESANUS, 1353.
3 Giov. Antracino (see Jovius, Vita Adriani VI.). Among other
physicians of Adrian's were Garzia Carastosa, a Spaniard, and the
Italian, Franc. Fusconi ; see MARINI, I., 320 seqq.
1 See the report of the English envoys in BREWER, III., 2, n. 3464 ;
cf. LUZIO, Aretino e Pasquino, 12 seq.\ Giorn. d. Lett. Ital., XVII.,
298 ; CREIGHTON, v., 323, and BERTANI, 36. A series of these pas-
quinades in Tizio, *Hist. Senen., he. cit. (Chigi Library, Rome). V.
CALUMNY AND SLANDER. 223
The death of the hated Adrian was acclaimed with
frantic joy ; every conceivable vice, drunkenness, and even
the grossest immorality were attributed to one of the
purest occupants of the Roman See.1 Every act of the
great Pope, the whole tenor of his life and all his sur-
roundings, were distorted by a stinging and mendacious
wit, and turned into ridicule with all the refinement of
malice. An impudent spirit of calumny, one of the
greatest evils of the Renaissance, pervaded all classes ;
slander and vilification were incessant. A month after
Adrian's death a Mantuan envoy reported on the mad
excesses of this plague of wits ; he sent his master one of
the worst sonnets then in circulation, " not in order to
defame Adrian, for I dislike those who do so, but in order
that your Excellency may know how many wicked tongues
there are in this city where everyone indulges in the worst
backbiting."2 — J
Adrian with his piety and moral earnestness had become,
Albergati mentions others ; see infra, 224, n. 2. Cf. also BESSO,
Roma e il Papa nei proverbi, 2nd ed., Roma, 1904, 276.
1 See the letter of C. Batti to Parma in BURMANN, 436-440, and
WOLF, Lect. II., 191 seq. C/., on the other hand, SCHROCKH, Allgem.
Biographic, V., 1 14 seq.
2 *Non per dime male, che mi dispiacquon quelli, che cio fano, ma
per far che V. Ex. lo veda et comprenda quante malissime lingue sono
dal canto di qua, dove non e che dicha se non male. G. B. Quaran-
tine, Rome, October 13, 1523. The sonnet there mentioned begins
thus :—
*Perfido come il mare Adriano,
Ipocrito, crudel, invido, avaro,
Odiosa ad ciascun, a nesun charo,
Incantator, mago, idolatra, vano
Rustico, inexorabil, inhumane,
Falsario, traditor, ladro, beccaro,
Solitario, bestial e fatuchiaro, etc.
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.)
224 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in the fullest sense of the words, "the burnt-offering of
Roman scorn."1 It was long before the cavillers ceased to
talk. There were some, especially in the literary world,
whose hatred was unappeasable. To what extent it was
carried may be seen from the report of Vianesio Albergati
on the Conclave of Clement VII. While Leo X. is there
belauded as the chief mainstay of Italy and the wonder of
his century, the writer cannot find words enough to depict
the greed, the harshness, the stupidity of Adrian. There
was no misfortune, not even the fall of Rhodes, for which
this barbarian and tyrant was not responsible.2 Even
after the visitation of God on Rome, in the sack of the city,
Pierio Valeriano still reviled the "deadly enemy of the
Muses, of eloquence, and of all things beautiful, the
prolongation of whose life would have meant the sure
return of the days of Gothic barbarism."3 How deep-
1 BiiRCKHARDT, Kultur, I., ;th ed., 75.
2 The report of V. Albergati exists under various titles : — Clementis
VII. P. M. conclave et creatio ; Commentaria conclavis Clementis
VII. ; Commentarii rerum sui temporis ; Obitus Adriani VI. et con-
clave Clementis VII.; Historia Adriani VI.; Gesta Romae et Italiae
abexcessu Adriani VI. ad elect. Clementis VII. I noted the follow-
ing MSS. : (i) Florence, National Library, Cod. Magliab., XXXVII.,
204, f. 6 seq. (2) Naples, National Library, VI II., B 37. (3) Mantua,
Capilupi Library. (4) Rome, Secret Archives of the Vatican : Varia
polit., 8, f. 403, n. 174; Vatican Library: Ottob., 986, Cod. Barb.,
XXXII., 85, and 260, XXXIIL, 45, 92, 163, XXXIV., 13 (cf. RANKE,
III., 14* seq.}-, Corsini Library, 34, G 13. (5) Vienna, Domestic,
Court, and State Archives. BACHA in the Comptes rendus de la corn-
miss, d'hist, 5 Series, I., Bruxelles, 1891, 109-166, gives a by no means
accurate copy, based on the Roman versions. For Albergati cf. ibid., 4
Series, XVII., 129 seq., and FANTUZZI, I., 136 seq. Fantuzzi's remark
on the Bishopric of Cajazzo is incorrect, for Albergati, in his ^letter,
October 29, 1 522, seq. (State Archives, Bologna), signs himself " electus
Caiacen."
3 De infelicit. lit ed. Menken, III., 382.
ITALIAN OPINION OF ADRIAN. 225
rooted was the abhorrence of the foreigner, how habitual
it had become to make him matter of burlesque, is best
seen in Paolo Giovio's biography of Adrian. Written at
the command of Cardinal Enkevoirt, it ought to be
essentially a panegyric; but only a superficial reader can
receive this impression. We have scarcely to read between
the lines to see that the ungrateful Giovio introduces, when
he has the chance, piquant and humorous remarks, and
tries in a very coarse way to draw a ludicrous picture of
the German Pope, in nervous anxiety for his health,
interrupting the weightiest business when a meal draws
near, and at last dying from too copious potations of
beer.1 Even those Italians who refrained from the
general mockery and abuse of Adrian were not sym-
pathetic. A characteristic instance is the judgment of
Francesco Vettori, who remarks, " Adrian was undoubtedly
a pious and good man, but he was better fitted for the
cloister ; moreover, his reign was too short to enable
one to form a correct estimate of his government and
character." -
At the beginning of Adrian's pontificate the catchword
1 BURCKHARDT, I., ;th ftd., 176 ; VIRGILI, Berni, 71. For the origin
of the Vita cf. Denkschriften der Miinchener Akad. Hist. Kl., 1891,
532. In his writing " De piscibus" Giovio also talks contemptuously
of the Pope ; see ClAN in. Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XVIII., 298.
2 VETTORI, 347. See also GUICCIARDINI, XV., 2, and CHIESI, 118.
With a few exceptions (Foscari in ALBERI, i Series, III., 125 ; PARUTA,
I., 218 seq.) all Italians, not merely Sannazzaro (cf. BURMANN, 428,
and GOTHEIN, Kultur-entwicklung, 460), but also ALBERINI (325 sey.)
and Bembo (cf. ClAN, 19), were thoroughly unjust to Adrian VI.
Justinian! (Hist. rer. Venet, 1611, 256) certainly recognizes the Pope's
simplicity of character, but immediately relates a very trivial anecdote.
How unfair and absolutely inept opinion in Rome concerning him was,
even in the latter half of the sixteenth century, may be seen from the
*Vita in Cod. 38, A, 6 (Corsini Library, Rome).
VOL. IX. IS
226 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in political circles was that the Pope was no statesman ; l
this was now repeated.2 This kind of criticism was un-
commonly characteristic of the Renaissance; the men of
that period had become so accustomed to look upon
the Popes3 as secular princes, politicians, and patrons of
art and letters only, that they had lost the faculty of under-
standing a Pontiff who placed his ecclesiastical duties
before everything, and aimed at being, above all, the shep-
herd of souls. This saintly man from the Netherlands,
with his serious purposes, his indifference to classical and
humanist culture, his strict avoidance of Machiavellian
statecraft and his single-hearted anxiety to live exclusively
for duty, was to the Italians of that age like an apparition
from another world, beyond the grasp of their com-
prehension.
The difficulty of forming a just and thorough apprecia-
tion of Adrian was increased to an extraordinary degree
by the removal from Rome, by his secretary Heeze, of the
most important documents relating to his reign, his
correspondence with other princes and with the Nuncios,
thus withdrawing sources of the greatest value for historical
research.4 In this way even Pallavicini, adhering to the
1 See * letter of G. M. della Porta, September 22, 1522 (State
Archives, Florence), who brings forward as evidence an instance of
forgetfulness on Adrian's part. Cf. also the *letter of Castiglione's,
September 14, 1522 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Tizio also wrote
at that time : * De pontifice vero multi judicabant, litteras atque
bonitatem non sufficere ad regnum ecclesiae, Aristoteles namque in libris
de regimine " non decet," inquit " bene principari, qui non sub principe
fuit," Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 39, f. 139 (Chigi Library, Rome).
2 SANUTO, XXXIV., 439, and * letter of V. Albergati, September 14,
1 523 (State Archives, Bologna).
3 See Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 460.
cgoryXIII. tried in vain in 1575 to recover these important
"scripturae"; cf. THEINER, Annal. eccl., II., 130; DE RAM in Bullet.
ITALIAN OPINION OF ADRIAN. 22?
commonly accepted view of the Italians, sums up Adrian
as an admirable priest, bishop, and cardinal, but only a
mediocre Pope.1
As early as 1536 a fellow-countryman and contem-
porary of Adrian, Gerhard Moring, had passed a sounder
judgment in a biography which found, however, little
circulation. Nor did much success attend the attempts of
impartial historians in Italy, such as Panvinio, Raynaldus,
Mansi, and Muratori, to defend the memory of their noble
de la commiss. royale d'hist., 2 Series, XL, 59 seq., and BACHA in the
Comptes rendus de la commiss. d'hist., 1890, 125 seq. All the writings
of Adrian VI. cannot here be meant for, as v. DOMARUS proves in his
excellent and often quoted article in the, Histor. Jahrbuch., XVL, 75 seq.,
the Secret Archives of the Vatican contain numerous volumes of
registers, cameral papers, and petitions of Adrian's reign. To these
must be added the volume of petitions in the Vatican Library (Cod.
Vat., 8655) and some volumes in the State Archives, Rome, as well as
the eighth volume of the Regest. brev. Lateran., which did not find its
way into the Vatican Library until after the appearance of v. Domarus'
article. In spite of the existence of this important stock of manu-
scripts, PlEPER (Histor. Jahrb., XVL, 777 seq.) adheres firmly and
rightly to the statement of Gregory XIII. that Heeze took away with
him to Liege " ornnes scripturae" of Adrian VI. ; meaning only by this
expression the foreign correspondence of that Pope. This would
include the letters of Princes and Nuncios and the Pope's own Briefs,
thus forming sources of information of the most important kind ; for
the Regesta in the Vatican are, as v. Domarus, who had gone through
them thoroughly in regard to German affairs, informed me on January
20, 1900, "Very important for local research." I can only give this
opinion for what it is worth. Considering the important character of
the writings removed by Heeze, I undertook a long journey in Belgium
and Holland in the autumn of 1896 with the object of their discovery ;
but all my efforts to trace out these valuable papers in those countries
were fruitless.
1 I'ALLAVICINI, II., 9. A protest against this estimate was at once
raised by J. Launoy (see BURMANN, 360 seq.). It is certainly quite
incorrect, as HEFELE-HERGENROTHER also points out, IX., 326.
228 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope. In Germany the effects of Luther's contemptuous
depreciation lasted for a long time. Catholic opinions, such
as that of Kilian Leib, that the saintly Pope was too good
for his age,1 gained no hearing.2 It was not until 1727,
when the jurist Kaspar Burmann, of Utrecht, dedicated
to the Flemish Pope a collection of materials, compiled
with much industry, and full of valuable matter, that an
impulse was given to the formation of a new opinion.
This Protestant scholar, whose work is of permanent
value, deserves the credit of having initiated a change
in Adrian's favour.3 Subsequently, in the nineteenth
century, the labours of Dutch,4 Belgian,5 German,6 French,7
1 ARETIN, Beitrage, IX., 1030 ; cf. also the, Chronik in Archiv fur
altere deutsche Geschicte, N.F., VI I. , 182.
2 Cf. the unfair judgment of SPITTLER, Werke, IX., 270.
3 Burmann's influence is seen especially in SCHROCKH, Allgem.
Biographic, V., Berlin, 1778, 1-133.
4 BOSCH, Jets over Paus Adrian VI., Utrecht, 1835 5 WENSING, Het
leven van Adriaan VI., Utrecht, 1870; CHRISSTOFFELS, Paus Adriaan
VI., Amsterdam, 1871.
5 GACHARD(i859); REUSENS (1861), as quoted supra,^> 34, "• i,
and CLAESSENS in the Rev. Cath. de Louvain, 1862, 543 seqq., $g6seqg.,
725 seqq.
fi HOFLER'S work (Vienna, 1880) combines all the excellences as well
as the defects of this writer (see my reference in Histor. Jahrb., III.,
121 seqq.}. His book must always be unsatisfactory, as it contains
hardly any documentary material, although access was then free to the
archivial sources in Bologna, Mantua, Modena, and Florence of which
I was the first to make use. NlPPOLD (Reformbestrebungen Hadrians
VI., in Hist. Taschenb., 1875) and GSELL(Der Pontificat Adrians VI.,
in the Theol. Zeitschr. aus der Schweiz, 1894) are of no value. Some-
what better, but very far from satisfactory, is BAUER (Hadrian VI.,
Heidelberg, 1876: cf. Lit. Rundschau, 1876, 161). The best Protes-
tant view is that of BENRATH, whose work is as free from party
spirit as it is full of matter (Herzog, Realencyklopadie, VII., 3rd ed.,
3" seq).
7 LEPITRE, Adrien VI., Paris, 1880.
A PROTESTANT VIEW OF ADRIAN.
English,1 and also Italian2 students helped to remove the
long-standing misconception.
It is matter for rejoicing that on this point difference
of creed has imposed no limitations. A distinguished
scholar, of strong Protestant convictions, has recently
expressed his view of Adrian in the following terms: —
" To a judgment unaffected either by his scanty successes
or his overt concessions, Adrian VI. will appear as one
of the noblest occupants of the chair of Peter. He will
be recognized as a man of the purest motives, who wished
only to promote the welfare of the Church, and, in the
selection of means to serve that sacred end, conscientiously
chose those that he believed to be truly the most fitting.
He will have claims on our pity as a victim sacrificed to
men around him immeasurably inferior to himself, tainted
by greed and venality, and to the two monarchs who,
caring exclusively for their own advantage, and thinking
nothing of that of the Church, wove around him the net-
work of their schemes and intrigues."3
The history of Adrian VI. is full of tragic material.
Yet it confirms the maxim of experience that, in the long
run, no honest endeavour, however unsuccessful, remains
unrecognized and barren of result. The figure of this
great Pope, who had written on his banner the peace of
Christendom, the repulse of Islam, and the reform of the
Church, so long belittled, is once more emerging into the
1 CASARTELLI, The Dutch Pope, Dublin Review, CXXXV., London,
1904, 1-45. Creighton, unfortunately, moves in the old groove.
2 Cf. DE LEVA, II., 192 seq. ; CIPOLLA, 875 seq. ; CAPPONI, St. di
Firenze, III.2 158 seq. ; MARCHESI, Papa Adriano VI., Padova, 1882.
The first Italian in the nineteenth century who did justice to Adrian
Cantu : see P. CAMPELLO BELLA SPINA, Nel centenario di C.
Cantu, Firenze, 1906, 13.
3 BENRATH in Herzog, Realencyklopadie, VII., 3rd ed., 135.
230 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
light in full loftiness of stature. He is numbered to-day by
men of all parties among the Popes who have the highest
claim on our reverence. No one will again deny him his
place among those who serve their cause with a single
heart, who seek nothing for themselves, and set themselves
valiantly against the flowing stream of corruption. If
within the limits of his short term of sovereignty he
achieved no positive results, he yet fulfilled the first condi-
tion of a healer in laying bare the evils that called for cure.
He left behind him suggestions of the highest importance,
and pointed out beforehand the principles on which, at a
later date, the internal reform of the Church was carried
out. In the history of the Papacy his work will always
entitle him to a permanent place of honour.
CHAPTER VII.
CLEMENT VII. — His ELECTION, CHARACTER, AND THE BEGINNING
OF HIS REIGN. — His INEFFECTUAL EFFORTS FOR PEACE AND
HIS ALLIANCE WITH FRANCIS I. OF FRANCE.
IN consequence of Adrian's delicate state of health,
Imperial diplomacy was already busying itself, in the
summer of 1523, with the prospects of a Papal election.
Charles V. knew how much would depend, in his struggle
with France, on the policy of the new Pope. On the I3th of
July he sent to his Ambassador at Rome, the Duke of Sessa,
special instructions concerning the Conclave; their gist
was that everything was to be done to secure the election
of the Vice-Chancellor, Cardinal Giulio de' Medici. To the
candidature of this Prince of the Church, who during two
pontificates had been his staunch adherent, Charles con-
tinuously remained steadfast.1
This attitude of the Emperor was sure to lessen con-
siderably the prospects of Cardinal Wolsey, whose position
and reputation were almost on a level with those of Medici.
All the lofty expectations of the English Cardinal who, in
conjunction with Henry VIII., was eagerly canvassing for
his own election,2 were nullified by the circumstance that
the great majority in the Sacred College were more than
1 GACHARD, Corresp. de Charles-Quint, n. 17, 23 ; cf. BERGENROTH,
II., n. 562, 604.
2 REUMONT, Wolsey, 24 seqq. ; SAGMULLER, Papstwahlen, 155 seq.\
BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 295 seq. ; MARTIN, 352 seqq.
231
232 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ever unwilling to hear of a foreigner and absentee as
the Pope's successor. But, in spite of the most zealous
exertions,1 even Cardinal de' Medici was far from certain of
his own success, as the entire French party was in decided
opposition to this loyal champion of Imperial interests.
Further, the group of older Cardinals were all unfriendly
to him as leader of the juniors nominated by Leo X.
The parties in the College of Cardinals were formed on
the same lines as those in the Conclave of Adrian VI. The
Mantuan envoy, in a despatch of the 29th of September
1523, reports that Medici can count certainly on about
seventeen votes, although he cannot affirm the same of any
other Cardinal. The chances of Cardinal Gonzaga are very
seriously considered.2 This opinion corresponded more
closely with the actual position of things than the more
sanguine surmises of the Florentine representative who, on
the same day, writes of the rising prospects of Cardinal de'
Medici.3 It was particularly prejudicial to the latter that, as
in the last Conclave, Cardinal Colonna, otherwise strongly
affected towards the Emperor, and in spite of his promise
given to Sessa, was coming forward as Medici's strongest
1 Cf. **Lettera del card. Medici al padre del card. M. Cornaro,
dat. Rome, September 19, 1523, in Cod. Urb., 538, f. 64 seq.
(Vatican Library).
*Solum li significo che tra questi rmi card11 succedono quasi le
medeseme secte che eramo ad le morte de Leone. El rmo de Medicis
ha de hi voti circa XVII li quali concurrono in la sua persona, ma
non li po voltar dove vole come posseva li XV ad lo altro conclave
per la morte de Leone. II rmo cardle de Mantua e anchora lui in
gran predicamento de papatu, spero che Dio ne adiutara. Angelo
Germanello to the Marquis of Mantua, dated Rome, September 29,
1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 605
and 606.
3 Despatch of Galeotto de' Medici, Rome, September 29, 1523
(State Archives, Florence).
TIIK CONCL.V. i . 233
opponent. He sided with the older Cardinals and even
with the party of France.1 It was not less embarrassing
that Medici's mortal enemy, Soderini, had been freed from
his imprisonment and admitted to the Conclave through
the efforts of the older Cardinals, who were threatening
to cause a schism.2 In addition to this, Farnese, since the
27th of September, had come to the front as a dangerous
rival of Medici.3 The latter, while making every exertion
to secure the support of the foreign powers,4 was resolutely
determined either to become Pope himself at any cost, or,
if this was impossible, to assist in the election of one of his
own party.5
Such being the state of things, a long and stormy con-
clave was looked for when, on the 1st of October 1523, the
five-and-thirty electors assembled in the Sixtine Chapel,
while without a heavy thunderstorm was raging.6 This,
as well as the circumstance that Medici's cell had been
erected under the fresco, by Perugino, of " St. Peter's
elevation to the Primacy," was looked upon as an augury of
the future. Nor were prognostications in favour of Medici
wanting in other ways,7 for the Duke of Sessa worked
1 Jovius, Vita Pomp. Columnae, 151-152; cf. DE LEVA, II., 196,
n. 5.
2 Cf, the reports of V. Albergati, Rome, September 18 and 21, 1523
(State Archives, Bologna).
3 SANUTO, XXXIV., 438, 452 seg., 461, XXXV., 35 ; cf. BERGEN-
Knin, nej n. 606, and *letter of A. Germanello, September 28, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 Cf. the *letter to the Doge in GREGOROVIUS, VIII., ed. 3,414, n. i.
1 .UICCIARDINI, XV., 3, and LANCELLOTTI, Cron. Mod., I., .176.
6 SANUTO, XXXV., 55. ^Despatch of Galeotto de' Medici, October
!i J523 (Questa sera a hora 24, the Cardinals entered into conclave.
Our Cardinal's hopes are good). Cf. *the diary of CORNELIUS DE
FINE (National Library, Paris).
UTOTO, XXXV., 67 seq., and*Conclave dementis VII., "Medici
234 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for him at fever heat.1 His opponents were no less
indefatigable ; they first of all tried to put off any
decision until the arrival of the French Cardinals ; 2 con-
sequently, in the meantime only the Bull of Julius II.
against simony was read. The first scrutiny should have
taken place on the morning of the 6th of October. But
this intention was abandoned when suddenly, on that
very day, to the no small annoyance of the Imperialists,
the French Cardinals, Louis de Bourbon, Frangois de
Clermont, and Jean de Lorraine appeared in conclave •
in order to travel with greater speed they had put on short
laymen's clothes, and entered, booted and spurred, into the
midst of their colleagues;3 all business now came to a
cella obtigit sub pictura quae est Christi tradentis claves Petro, quae
Julio 2° obvenisse aiunt." Cod. XXXIII., 142, f. 161 (Barberini Library,
Rome).
1 Sessa made special efforts to win over the party of Soderini.
*Lope Hurtado al Emperador, Rome, October 5, 1523. Colec. Salazar,
A 29, f. 170 seq. (Biblioteca de la Acad. de Historia, Madrid). In
a *letter to Charles V., April 14, 1524, Clement VII. acknowledged
Sessa's services in securing his election. Miss, brev., Arm., 40, vol. 8,
n. 162 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 In this sense G. de' Medici reported on October 5, but without
losing hope of Medici's election : " et ancora che la venuta loro habbi a
far delle difficulta e ne bisogni dua vocie piu che prima non dubitamo
ne perdiamo di speranza, ma sol ne dispiacie che la cosa andra piu
lunga non saria andata " (State Archives, Florence).
3 BERGENROTH, II., n. 606; BREWER, III., 2, 3464; *Diary of
CORNELIUS DE FINE (Library National, Paris) ; **Report of
Gabbioneta, October 7, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). G. de'
Medici wrote, October 6 : *Questa mattina si doveva far lo squittino.
Non era finito ancora la messa che le 3 Cardinal! Francesi in poste
arrivarono ; montarono in palazzo e stivalati e fangosi entrarono in
conclavi sollecitati dalli loro respecto dubitavano per lo scrutino si
dovea far questa mattina non venissi facto el papa come facilmente
posseva lor riuscir. La venuta lor intorbido tutto e sanza si facessi
scrutino si misono a mangiare (State Archives, Florence).
PARTIES IN THE CONCLAVE. 235
standstill.1 The wooden cells set apart for the electors
were separated from each other by small spaces and dis-
tinguished by letters of the alphabet. The cells prepared
for the Cardinals appointed by Leo X. were decorated in
red, those of the others in green. The Swiss guards were
appointed to watch over the Vatican. Fifteen Cardinals
stood firm for Medici, the Emperor's candidate ; four others,
also Imperialists, at whose head was the powerful Colonna,
it had been impossible to win over. Twelve Cardinals
formed the French party ; six were neutral.2 Each of these
three parties had no thought of giving in. On the first
day of the Conclave were named as Medici's competitors :
Fieschi, the French candidate; Jacobazzi, who was sup-
ported by Colonna ; last, and most important of all,
Farnese ; in Rome it was repeatedly said that he was
already elected.3
Farnese was, in fact, the only one among the electors
who could measure himself with Medici. He was his
senior, and a Roman by birth, and he was unquestionably
superior to his rival in political penetration, in the large-
ness of his conceptions, and in his understanding of ecclesi-
astical affairs.4 It was also to his advantage that he was
1 See the *report of V. Albergati, October 6, 1 523 (State Archives,
Bologna).
2 See SANUTO, XXXV., 223-224. The vacillation of some of the
Cardinals at the beginning of the Conclave is shown by two **lists
contained in reports of the Mantuan envoys. The first belongs to
September, the second is in a *report dated October 10, 1523 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
3 SANUTO, XXXV., 66, 77, 88, 90 ; ^Letters of V. Albergati of
October 5, 6, 8, and 9, 1 523 (State Archives, Bologna) ; *Despatch of
G. de' Medici, Rome, October 8, 1523 (State Archives, Florence);
*Report of Giovanni Batt. Quarantine, Rome, October 10, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 Opinion of REUMONT, Wolsey, 42.
236 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
neutral, although his leanings were more towards the
Emperor than otherwise.
In the first scrutiny, on the 8th of October, the different
parties measured their strength: the French candidate,
Cardinal Fieschi, had eleven votes, and the same number
were given to Carvajal, an Imperialist.1 The next scrutinies
were also without result. All hoped for a speedy end of
the war in Lombardy, and, on that account, tried to prolong
the election.2 Under these circumstances it was great
good fortune that no serious disturbances took place in
Rome, which remained as quiet as before the beginning of
the Conclave.3 The populace could not be blamed when,
on the roth of October, they began to complain of the long
delay. In consequence of these demonstrations, an attempt
was made on the I2th, by Colonna and the French, to
obtain the tiara for Cardinal Antonio del Monte, but
without success.4 " Our Cardinal," the Florentine envoy
1 SANUTO, XXXV., 88, and ^despatch of G. de' Medici, October 8,
1523: *Li rermi di conclavi hanno facto questa mattina il primo
scruttino senza accesso e ciascun di lor sig. rme e stato lontano al
papato (State Archives, Florence).
2 ^Despatch of G. de' Medici, October 9, 1523, with the postscript:
" Stamattina li revmi deputati solid di venir allo sportello non volsono
si mettesi dentro che una sola vivanda."
3 See the ^despatches of G. de' Medici, Rome, September 1 5 and 23,
1 523 : " Le cose qui vanno quietissime e non pare che sia sedia vacante" ;
October 4 and 8 : "La terra sta pacifica sanza rumor alcuno ; le bottege
stanno aperte come se non fossi sede vacante" (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. the ^letters of V. Albergati, September 20 and 23,
1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
4 SANUTO, XXXV., 118 ; cf. BERGENROTH, IL, n. 611 ; *Report of
Giov. Batt. Quarantine, October 13, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua),
and G. de' Medici, who writes on October 13, 1523 : *In lo squittino
di hier mattina il rev. Monte and6 avanti a tutti che hebbe sedeci voti
e tre d' accesso ne per questo si crede il papato habbia di venir in lui
che ha facto 1' ultimo suo sforzo e evi concorso tutta la faction francese
PARTIES IN THE CONCLAVK. 237
reports on the I3th, "is in close alliance with his friends
and stands firm." Colonna also, in spite of Sessa's repre-
sentations, relaxed nothing of his opposition to the hated
Medici.1 The situation was unchanged. Once more, but
in vain, the Romans begged that the election might be
settled quickly. Armellini sent them answer : " Since you
can put up with a foreign Pope, we are almost on the point
of giving you one; he lives in England." This gave rise
to a great tumult The Romans shouted, "Choose us one
of those present, even if he be a log of wood." 2
Even in the days that followed, Medici, with his sixteen
to eighteen followers, stood out obstinately against the
opposition, now increased from twenty to two-and-twenty
Cardinals. The closure had become a dead letter. Un-
interrupted communication was kept up with the outer
world.3 On the iQth of October a Venetian reports :
" Things are just where they were on the first day." " The
Cardinals," exclaims a Mantuan envoy in despair, " seem
e Colonna. Vannosi a questo modo berteggiando 1' un 1' altro ne si
vede segnio si deliberino o convenghino in alcuno (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. PETRUCELLi BELLA GATTINA, I., 542 seq.
1 G. de' Medici, October 13, 1523 : *Di conclavi ritrago mor nostro
ill. si mantiene ben unito con li amici suoi e sta forte (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. PETRUCELLI BELLA GATTINA, I., 543.
2 Despatch of the English envoys in State Papers: Henry VIII.,
Foreign, VI., n. 64 ; cf. BREWER, III., 2, n. 3464 ; SANUTO, XXXV.,
135 ; ^despatch of G. de' Medici, October 15, 1523 (State Archives,
Florence).
3 SANUTO, XXXV., 1 19 ; BERGENROTH, II., n. 606. *G. de' Medici,
October 19, 1523 : "In conclavi non si fa ancora resolutione per stare
obstinati li adversarii cli non voler dar li voti ad alcuno della parte
nostra. ... La confusione e grande piu che mai perche li adversarii
non s'accordono a chi di loro voglino voltare il favore. ... Li
nostri stanno uniti (hopes for the breakdown of the opposition) " ; and
October 20 : " Li amici di mons. ill. stanno unitissimi " (State Archives,
Florence).
238 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
determined to spend the winter in conclave."1 Each
party watched with anxiety for some turn of events in
Lombardy.2 The Romans grew more and more restless,
and Farnese tried to calm them.3 Several new candidates
besides Farnese appeared at this time, such as the Franciscan
Cristoforo Numai, Achille de Grassis, and, above all,
Sigismondo Gonzaga.4 On the 28th of October the Romans
again made remonstrances, but the Conclave went on as
before, Medici and Farnese holding the scales between them.
November came, and, notwithstanding fresh popular im-
patience, the end of the proceedings was not yet in sight.
The Court was in despair; fear of a schism was already
occupying men's minds.5 Once more a pause in the
transactions of the Conclave was caused by the arrival, on
1 SANUTO, XXXV., 135. **Report of Giov. Batt. Quarantine,
October 21, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 *Reports of G. de' Medici, October 22, 23 : " In conclavi sono stati
dua o tre d\ sanza far scrutino tractando modo d' accordarsi. ... II
Cardinale nostro con li amici suoi stanno unitissimi e gagliardi e
vanno acquistando continuamente " ; and 24 : " Credo staranno ancora
qualche d\ venendo a proposito la dilation a ciascuna della parte per
veder il successo delle cose di Lombardia" (State Archives, Florence).
Cf. *report of Giov. Batt. Quarantine, October 25, 1523 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
3 **Galeotto de' Medici, October 25, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
4 SANUTO, XXXV., 148; *Galeotto di Medici, October 26, 1523
(State Archives, Florence). For Gonzaga's prospects see in detail the
**reports of Gabbioneta of October 17, 21, 28, and November 15, 1523
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
6 Cf. despatch of the English envoys, November 7, in BREWER, III.,
2, n. 3514; Jovius, Pomp. Columna, 152, where there is also a con-
temporary poem; SANUTO, XXXV., 149, 150, 167, 168; Ortiz in
BURMANN, 223; *G. de' Medici, November 4, 5, 1523 (State
Archives, Florence) ; *Report of Gabbioneta, November 7 : " Tutta
questa corte sta desperata e mal contenta per questa tardita de fare el
papa "(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; *Letters of V. Albergati, November
2, 6, 8, 10, and n, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
POSITION OF MEDICI. 239
the 1 2th of November, of Cardinal Bonifacio Ferreri, whose
sympathies were French. He brought up the number of
Medici's opponents to three-and-twenty, and that of the
electors to thirty-nine.1 If the Venetian Ambassador is
to be believed, Cardinal Farnese now succeeded, by large
promises, in detaching the Duke of Sessa from the party
of Medici and bringing him over to his own.2
Medici, nevertheless, had not the slightest intention of
giving in ; in fact, he had good grounds for raising his
hopes even higher than before, since his party stood by
him firm as a rock.3 The position of his adversaries was
very different ; they had only one point of union, the
determination to prevent Medici from becoming Pope ;
in other respects they were divided from the first, for
1 SANUTO, XXXV., 198. *G. de' Medici, November 9, 1523: "La
venuta del rev. Ivrea dopoi se intesa ha facto fermar in conclavi ogni
practica e vi stanno le cose nel medesmo modo che il primo d\
v' entrarono" (State Archives, Florence). *Diary of CORNELIUS DE
FINE (National Library, Paris). The number 39 given also in
a notarial communication in GORI, Archivio, IV., 246, in the *Diarium
of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS (Cod. Barb., lat. 2799), and in the French
*diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552 (Vatican Library), is undoubtedly correct,
although 38 is given by the *Acta Consist, (both in the digest in the
Secret Archives of the Vatican and in that of the Consistorial Archives).
VETTORI, 347, gives 33 + 3+1, and REUMONT, III., 2, 161, follows him
in part. GUICCIARDINI, XV., 3, puts, incorrectly, the number of
members at the opening of the Conclave at 36. The difficulty raised
by GRETHEN, 21, note i, that Clement on December 23 distributed
his benefices among his thirty-seven electors, is solved, as he had
already conjectured, by the fact that Grassis had died on November 22.
2 BAUMGARTEN, Charles V., II., 284; cf. also O. R. REDLICH in
Hist. Zeitschr., LXIII., 128.
3 SANUTO, XXXV., 197-198; *G. de' Medici, October 7 and
November 3, 7, u, and 13, 1523 : "Ogni giorno li rev"" fanno scrutino
e danno li voti in modo compartiti che nessuno d' epsi passa 10 voti "
(State Archives, Florence).
240 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
most of them had pretensions to the tiara themselves.1
" But," as Guicciardini remarks, "it is difficult to keep up
a partnership when its chief supports are discord and
ambition." Medici, for some time past, had built his
hopes on this state of things, and used all the means in
his power to produce dissension among his adversaries.2
It is especially remarkable that help came to him from,
of all people, the French Ambassador.
On the death of Adrian VI., Francis I. wished im-
mediately to enter Italy in person,3 but the difficulties
arising from the desertion of the Constable de Bourbon
to the Emperor had forced him to give up the idea. He
was thus obliged to limit his activities to using the influence
of the French Cardinals, to whom he had named Fieschi,
Soderini, and Scaramuccia Trivulzio as his candidates,
and that of the envoys he had delegated. Lodovico di
Canossa, who was such an active agent on behalf of French
interests, received the royal commands to go to Italy too
late,4 so that only Count Carpi reached the Conclave in
1 SANUTO, XXXV., 199; BERGENROTH, II., n. 606; *G. de' Medici,
November i, 3 and 14, 1523 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. the
**report of Gabbioneta, October 28, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
2 Cf. the important "^despatch of G. de' Medici, October 15, 1523 :
" Mons. nostro ill. per tutte le vie e modi puo va ghodendo il tempo
judicando li habbia ad esser molto a proposito per andar al continue
guadagniendo delli adversarii e rompendoli la unione facto non sara
punto stabile per non esser d' acordo infra epsi che di loro habbi ad
esser papa per voler ciascuno di loro essere" (State Archives,
Florence).
3 RAWDON-BROWN, III., n. 756; SAGMULLER, Papstwahlen,
159.
4 Cf. the **letters of L. di Canossa to Francis I., dated Gargnano,
September 29, 1523,10 Bonnivet, the French Admiral, dated Verona,
September 30, and to Cardinal Trivulzio, dated Verona, October 4
(Capitular Library, Verona).
THE FINAL DECISION. 24!
time.1 " Our enemies," wrote Sessa on the 28th of October,
" had a triumph at first, since Carpi is openly on the side
of France, and came, moreover, as the representative of
King Francis ; but his old friendship with Medici is
stronger than his party spirit. He has succeeded in
splitting up our opponents." It was not, however, old
friendship only which induced Carpi to take up this
surprising position, but in all probability a promise of
neutrality from Medici, the hitherto stout Imperialist.2
The final decision was reached by Cardinal Colonna at
last renouncing his opposition to Medici. This change of
mind was the result of a quarrel between Colonna and his
French friends, because the latter refused to vote for
Jacobazzi,-the Imperialist. One of the French Cardinals,
Francois de Clermont, seeing that confinement in the
vitiated atmosphere of the Conclave was becoming daily
more trying to the older Cardinals, now went the length
of proposing Cardinal Orsini, who was hostile to Colonna as
well as to the Emperor. Medici pretended to be in favour
of this old friend of his family. Then Colonna, in great
alarm, saw that he must give in, a course which he was
1 GRETHEN, 21, puts the arrival of Carpi too early. He had over-
looked the Florentine report in PETRUCELLI, I., 543, which gives the
date as the evening of October 17.
2 BERGENROTH, II., n. 606; cf. n. 612. According to Venetian
reports of October 18 and 31, in SANUTO, XXXV., 136, 169, Medici
made such lavish promises to Francis that they seem in themselves
incredible ; besides, these promises are absolutely irreconcilable with
the subsequent attempts of Francis I. to obtain the Papal recognition
of his lordship over Milan. There is more probability in GRETHEN's
(p. 22) conjecture, that Medici bound himself to neutrality. Immediately
after the death of Adrian VI., L. di Canossa tried to enter into negotia-
tions with Cardinal de' Medici ; but the latter was not drawn into them.
See Canossa's *letter to Francis I., October 20, 1523 (Capitular
Library, Verona).
VOL. IX. 16
242 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
advised to take by his brother, then in the service of the
Emperor. He joined sides with Medici, who promised him
the pardon of Soderini l and personal advantages as well.
This reconciliation of the two enemies, who had so long
been at strife, took place on the evening of the I7th of
November.
Colonna immediately drew with him a number of
Cardinals, first his friend Jacobazzi, followed by Cornaro
and Pisani, then Grassis, Ferreri, and others. Medici could
now count on twenty-seven votes, and his election was
certain. On the same day, the i8th of November, two
years before, he had entered Milan. The proclamation of
the new Pope was deferred until the pardon of Soderini
should be settled and the capitulations signed ; the latter
guaranteed that the benefices held by the Pope as Cardinal
should be divided among his electors. The twelve Cardinals
forming the French party now gave up further resistance
as useless, and on the morning of the ipth of November,
the votes having been once more taken for the sake of
security,2 Giulio de' Medici was proclaimed as unanimously
1 Cf. EPIFANIO in Atti d. Congresso internaz. di scienze storiche, III.,
Rome, 1906, 419 seqq.
2 The best sources are in such thorough agreement, in essentials, as
to the circumstances that led decisively to the election of Medici, that
the differing account of Blasius de Martinellis (in CREIGHTON, V., 325
seq.\ who is otherwise so trustworthy, must here be rejected. Besides
GUICCIARDINI, XV., 3, and Jovius, Pomp. Columna, 151 seq., cf.
especially the Florentine reports in Giorn. d. Archivi Toscani, II., 117
seq., 122 seq., and in PETRUCELLI, I., 550, the Venetian in SANUTO,
XXXV., 207, 225, the Portuguese in Corp. dipl. Port., II., 178 seq., 180
seq., 198 seq., the ^letters of V. Albergati, November 18 and 19, 1523
(State Archives, Bologna), the letter of the English envoys in State
Papers: Henry VIII., Foreign, VI., 195 seqq., and in BREWER, III.,
2, n. 3592, Sessa's letter in Colec. d. doc. inedit., XXIV., 333, and
Negri's letter (November 19, not 18) in Lettere di principi (Venetian
ELECTION OF CLEMENT VII. 243
chosen Pope.1 The victor, on emerging from this hard
contest of fifty days, assumed the name of Clement VII.
His first act of government was to confirm the capitula-
tions, but with the additional clause that they might, if
necessary, be altered in Consistory.2
The respect which Clement VII. had won for himself as
Cardinal under Leo X. by his statesmanlike efficiency and
admirable administration in Florence, as well as by his
edition of 1570, f., the one which is always used in the following notes).
I., ioob. To these published accounts two others, confirmatory and
hitherto unknown, may be added, viz. a **despatch of G. B.
Quarantine, November 23, 1523 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and a
*letter of Andrea Piperario to B. Castiglione, dated Rome, November
19, 1523, in transcript in the Town Library, Mantua. With regard to
the promises said to have been made by Medici to Colonna, there is in
Giovio only a general statement, while Guicciardini mentions a written
engagement concerning the Vice-Chancery and the Riario Palace.
The diplomatic authorities named above say nothing of this.
1 Blasius de Martinellis in CREIGHTON, V., 326. Gabbioneta, like
other reporters of news, announced at first that the new Pope had
taken the name of Julius III. (despatch of November 18, 1523). How
this mistake, current throughout Rome, arose is explained by Quarantine
in a **report of November 19 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The
official proclamation of the election on the part of the Cardinals (Giorn.
d. Arch. Tosc., II., 123 seq.\ as well as on that of the Pope himself (in
a letter beginning : Salvator, etc.), took place on November 26, the
coronation day. Announcements drawn up in a different form had
previously been despatched on November 22 to individuals such as
the city of Florence (see Giorn. d. Arch. Tosc, II., 121 seq.) and the
Marquis Federigo of Mantua. See the original of the announcement
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Francis I. also was informed prior to
the coronation, cf. RAYNALDUS, 1523, n. 128.
2 The election capitulations published in Giorn. d. Arch. Tosc., II.,
107 seq. ; the conditions in CREIGHTON, V., 326. A comparison with
the capitulation of Adrian shows a sharper precision in details and a
number of new provisions (Art. 6, 7, 20-25) in favour of the Cardinals
and the Knights of Rhodes.
244 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
seriousness, moderation, and avoidance of all frivolous
pleasures, threw a lustre over the beginning of his pontifi-
cate. Seldom had a new Pope been welcomed with such
general rejoicing and such high-pitched expectation. In
place of an Adrian VI., simple-minded and exclusively
devoted to ecclesiastical interests, a Pope had arisen who
satisfied the wishes of the majority in the Curia. He was
a great noble and an expert politician. The Romans were
delighted ; a Medici Pope encouraged their hopes of a
renewal of the happy days of Leo X., and of a long
and brilliant reign fruitful of results in art and science.
Their expectations were strengthened when Clement at
once drew into his service classical scholars like Giberti
and Sadoleto,1 showed his care for the maintenance of
justice, gave audiences with the utmost freedom of access,2
was marked in his courtesy to persons of all classes,3 and
bestowed graces with great generosity. " He granted
more favours," wrote the Bolognese envoy, "on the first
day of his reign than Adrian did in his whole lifetime." 4
The satisfaction of the electors was not less, among whom
the Pope distributed the whole of his benefices, representing
a yearly income of upwards of 60,000 ducats. Cardinal
Colonna got, in addition, the Riario palace, the Cancelleria,
1 Cf. along with Lettere di principi, I., ioob seq., the *Diary of
CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris), the ^despatch of G.
de' Medici, November 21, 1523 (State Archives, Florence), and two
*letters of Piperario to B. Castiglione, Rome, November 19 and 23,
1523 (Library, Mantua).
* Despatches of G. de' Medici, November 24 (S. Ste sta sana, lieta
e attende ad ordinar tutte le cose necessarie e maxime della justitia)
and December 8, 1523 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Cardinal Gonzaga dwells on this in a * letter to the Marchioness
Isabella, Rome, November 19, 1523 (Library, Mantua).
4 Letter of V. Albergati, November 19, 1523 (State Archives,
Bologna).
I . \YOUKABLi; IMI'KKSSION. 245
and office of Vice-Chancellor, and Cornaro the palace of San
Marco ; the amnesty granted to Soderini was full and
complete.1 The coronation took place on the 26th of
November with great pomp, and in presence of an in-
credible concourse of people. On the tribune could be
read the inscription, "To Clement VII., the restorer of
peace to the world and perpetual defender of the Christian
name." "It seems," wrote Baldassare Castiglione, "that
here everyone expects the very best of the new Pope." 2
In upper Italy also, especially in the States of the
Church, the election made a very favourable impression.3
Alfonso of Ferrara had taken advantage of the vacancy
in the Holy See to seize on Reggio and Rubbiera ; he was
even preparing to advance on Modena, when he heard of
Clement's election. He at once gave up this design and
sent a messenger to the Pope, and somewhat later his
1 Cf. *letter of Piperario to B. Castiglione, November 23 (Library,
Mantua), and ^"despatch of G. de' Medici, November 29 (State
Archives, Florence). The division of the benefices is here already
reported ; the *Bull concerning it (Clem. VII., Secret, IV. [1440], f.
44, Secret Archives of the Vatican) is dated December 23 ; cf. EHSES,
Politik Clemens VII., 562, and Appendix, Nos. 32 and 33.
2 *B. Castiglione to the Marquis of Mantua, dated Ravenna,
November 30, 1523 (Library, Mantua); SANUTO, XXXV., 235, 243.
Cf. also BREWER, III., 2, n. 3594 ; Lettere volgari, I., 6b-7, and *letter
of V. Albergati of November 26, 1 523 (State Archives, Bologna). On
December 13, 1523, Giberti received "due. 945 pro expensis factis pro
coronatione S. D. N." (*Intr. et Exit., 561, in Secret Archives of the
Vatican). See further *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives), *G. de
Medici, November 27, 1523 (State Archives, Florence), and *Diary of
CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris). On the coronation
day Cardinal L. Pucci received the " gubernium " of Bagnorea,
Cardinal Cesi that of Sutri, Cardinal Pallavicini that of Montefiascone
(*Regest., 1239, f. 36, 38, 127), Cardinal Jacobazzi that of Pontecorvo
(* Regest., 1243, f- 85> Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 *Report of December I, 1523 (State Archives, Bologna).
246 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
eldest son, to tender his homage and prepare the way for
an understanding ; this was not arrived at, but a truce for
one year was agreed to. The disturbances in the Romagna,
promoted by Giovanni da Sassatello in the name of
the Guelph party, but at the secret instigation of France,
came to an end at once with the appearance of the name
of Medici from the electoral urn.1 In Florence the advan-
tages of another Medicean pontificate were calculated
with true commercial shrewdness, and there were many
who started for Rome in quest of fortune.2 In Venice the
expressions of congratulation were exuberant ; the Doge
wrote that he would send the most illustrious citizens of
the Republic to honour Clement as a deity on earth.
" Praised be the Lord for ever," exclaimed Vittoria Colonna
when she received the news of Clement's election ; " may
He further this beginning to such ends, that men may see
that there was never wrought a greater blessing, nor one
which was so grounded on reason." The thoughts and
hopes of this noble woman were then shared by many.
A canon of Piacenza declared that Medici by his skill
and sagacity would bring the endangered barque of Peter
safely into harbour.3 The Marquis of Pescara considered
1 GUICCIARDINI, XV., 3. The safe-conduct for Ercole, Alfonso's
son, is dated *Rome, December n, 1523. To the same date belongs
a *Brief of Clement VII. to Alfonso in which it says : " Nunc autem
nobilitatem tuam si, ut ipse nobis Franciscus [Cantelmus bearer of a
letter from Alfonso to the Pope] affirmavit, officium suum debitamque
observantiam huic S. Sedi praestiterit, omnia a nobis sibi proponere
atque expectare volumus quae sunt ab optimo pastore amantissimoque
patre requirenda." (Both of these documents are in the State Archives,
Modena.)
*Tutta Firenze concorre quk, writes V. Albergati from Rome,
December 7, 1 523 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Callisti Placentini [can. regal.] Dialogus ad Clementum VII. de
rectc regendo pontificate Cod. Vat., 3709 (Vatican Library).
PORTRAIT 01 < LKMF.XT VII. 247
fe
th;it by the result of the election the wishes of the general
majority had been met in a measure which was, perhaps,
unprecedented. "Clement VII.," said Bembo, "will be
the greatest and wisest, as well as the most respected
Pope whom the Church has seen for centuries." l Almost
everyone overlooked the great weaknesses which were
combined with undeniable good qualities in the character
of the new Pontiff.
Unlike most members of his house, Clement VII.2 was
a good-looking man. He was tall and had a graceful
figure ; his features were regular and refined, and only a
close observer would have remarked that he had a slight
squint in his right eye. At this time his face was beard-
less, as Raphael had depicted it in his portrait of Leo X.3
Clement's health left nothing to be desired ; being
extremely temperate and of strictly moral life, there was
reason to expect that his reign, on which he entered in
1 SANUTO, XXV., 216 seqq. ; TOLOMEI, 5 ; REUMONT, V. Colonna,
42 seq. ; BEMBO, Op., III., 54 (letter of December 11, 1523).
2 For the early life of Clement VII., see Vol. VII. of this work,
p. 8 1 seq.
3 The outward appearance and the character of Clement VII. are
described minutely in the reports of the Venetian ambassadors Foscari
(1526), Contarini (1530), and Soriano (1531), first printed by ALBERT,
2 Series, III., in parts more correctly by SANUTO; cf. also the
notices in GORI'S Archivio, IV., 269, and GuicciARDiNi. Fine
portraits of Clement VII. were taken by Sebastiano del Piombo
(Parma gallery ; see HOFMANN, Villa Madama, Dresden, 1900,
plate i.), Bronzino (from a phot. Alinari in HEYCK, Mediceer, 119),
and Vasari (cf. GlORDANl, Doc. 129). For these and other portraits
cf. GOTTI, I., 162, 268; GRUYER, Raphael peint. d. portr., 348 seq. ;
CROWE and CAVALCASELLE, VI., 401 seq. ; GASPARONI, Arte e lett.,
II., 164 ; NOLHAC in Gaz. d. Beaux Arts, 1884, I., 428 ; KENNER, 145,
and Giorn. d. lett. Ital, XXXVIII., 178, note. The best busts of
the Pope are those of A. Lombardi and Montorsoli ; see MuNTZ,
III., 210, 432.
248 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his forty-sixth year, would be a long one.1 Although, as
a genuine Medici, he was a patron of literature, art, and
music, Clement was yet by nature essentially prosaic.2
Without approaching Leo X. in versatility and intellectual
resources, he had, on the other hand, none of the frivolity
and pleasure-seeking, the extravagance and ostentation
of the latter. It was noticed with satisfaction by sober-
minded observers that his coronation banquet was arranged
without the superfluous luxury and the presence of pro-
fessional jesters which had marked that of Leo X.3 With
such empty recreations Clement, who for years had been
a man of great industry, did not concern himself. Nor
had he any taste for noisy hunting parties and expensive
excursions, in which he saw only a waste of time. He
very rarely visited Magliana, and only saw at intervals his
beautiful villa on Monte Mario.4 As a Medici and as
a statesman of the Renaissance, Clement VII. was far
superior to Leo X. in caution and acumen. " This Pope,"
Loaysa reported to the Emperor, "is the most secretive
1 " fc continentissimo ne si sa di alcuna sorte di luxuria che usi," says
Foscari, SANUTO, XLL, 283. Likewise VETTORI, 381, and Guic-
CIARDINI, XVI., 5. See also the testimony of Campeggio and Eck in
EHSES (Concil., IV., cix.). The contrary reports (see GAUTHIEZ, 66)
are not supported by evidence. Although Clement as Pope led a
moral life, his youth had not been free from excesses. Soriano's
remarks (ALBERT, 2 Series, III., 277) are quite clear on this point ; cf.
also HEINE, Briefe, 378. That Alessandro de' Medici, born in 1510,
was a bastard of the Cardinal's, as GAUTHIEZ, 62 seg., on the authority
of Varchi, supposes, is by no means certain. Well-informed contem-
poraries, such as Contarini in his report of 1530, say expressly that
Alessandro was an illegitimate son of Lorenzo de' Medici, Duke of
Urbino. REUMONT, one of the best authorities on Medicean history,
holds the same view (Toscana, I., 20) strongly.
3 Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 432.
S'VUTO, XXXV., 243 ; XXXVII., 10.
4 Foscari in SANUTO, XLL, 283.
HABITS OF THE NEW POPE. 249
man in the world, and I have never spoken with one whose
sayings were so hard to decipher." l
In the discharge of his duties the new Pope was in-
defatigable; he devoted himself to affairs with the
greatest punctuality, earnest attention, and an assiduity
that never flagged.2 Only at meal-times did he allow
himself some recreation ; a good musician himself,3 he
then took pleasure in listening to motets,4 and
engaged in serious conversation with artists and men
of learning. At his table, which was very frugal, two
physicians were always present ; save at the chief meal
of the day, the Pope ate very little, and kept fast days
rigorously ; but he only said Mass on great festivals.
His bearing during all religious ceremonies was full of
1 HEINE, Briefe, 86, 401 ; cf. 195.
2 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 5.
3 SANUTO, LI I., 648 ; cf. ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 278.
4 See CELLINI, Vita, L, 4 ; cf. PLON, 10 ; see also SANUTO, LVIII.,
6 10. Eleazar Genet dedicated his celebrated Lamentations to Clement ;
cf. AMBROS, III., 276, and HABERL, Musikkatalog der papstlichen
Kapelle, Leipzig, 1888, 22, 43. For the singers of the Papal Chapel,
which Clement had already reorganized in April 1528 at Orvieto
(SANUTO, XLVIL, 270), cf. SCHELLE, 258 seq. Singers were engaged
at that time in France and Flanders (cf. * Nunziat. di Francia, I.,
3°3> 337> Secret Archives of the Vatican). A musician from Cambrai
also appears in the* accounts for 1524 (S. Maria Novella, 327, State
Archives, Florence). See also BERTOLOTTI, Artisti Urbinati a Roma,
Urbino, 1881, where a Cristoforo da Urbino is mentioned as cantorc
in the year 1529. In December 1524 a Petrus Maler (probably a
German) et socii musici appear (* Intr. et Exit., 561, Secret Archives of
the Vatican). The names of twenty-four singers of the chapel are entered
in the * Mandati, IV. (1529-1530), f. 68, for April 1530; ibid.^ *VI.
(I53°-I534)> twenty-three singers are entered, also the magister and
sacrista (State Archives, Rome). In a *Brief, dated Marseilles,
November 9, 1533, Clement VII. thanks F. Sforza for sending him
the " tibicen" Moscatellus. Original in the State Archives, Milan.
250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
reverence and dignity. " There is no one," wrote
Soriano, " who celebrates Mass with so much beauty and
piety of demeanour."1 If Clement VII. had none of
his predecessor's strength as an ecclesiastical ruler, and
showed generally more knowledge and experience in
political than in spiritual affairs,2 yet, contrasted with
the levity of Leo X., he marked a beneficial change in the
pontifical character.
The Venetian Ambassador, Marco Foscari, who, during
his three years' embassy, was able to observe Clement
VII. closely, considered that "he was full of uprightness
and piety. In the Segnatura he would do nothing to the
prejudice of others, and when he confirmed a petition, he
would not, as Leo did, withdraw his word. He neither
sold benefices nor bestowed them simoniacally. In con-
trast to Leo and other Popes, when he conferred graces
he asked no services in return, but wished that everything
should proceed in equity."3
Clement VII.'s great parsimony gave rise to many
unmeasured accusations.4 The extremes to which he
went in this respect explain, but do not in every instance
justify, the charge of miserliness brought against him.
This is clearly shown from the fact that in his almsgiving
he was as open-handed as Leo X.5 He deserves praise
1 ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 278. SANUTO, XXXV., 241 ; XLIL, 27.
Even during his imprisonment in St. Angelo, Clement kept the fasts ;
see Histor. Zeitschr., XXXVI. , 168.
2 Cf. EHSES, Concil., IV., xvii.
3 SANUTO, XLI., 283.
4 This charge was raised by Ziegler with great vehemence in his
Vita in SCHELHORN, Amoenitat, II., 300^., a work which has more
resemblance to a passionate invective than to a study in history. For
Ziegler see Vol. VII. of this work, p. 198 n. ; HOFLER, Adrian VI., 408,
and RIESLER, VI., 410, 521.
6 Foscari's accounts of Clement's benevolence are fully confirmed
CHARACTER OF CLEMENT VII. 251
rather than blame in avoiding the extravagance of
his cousin, whose debts he was obliged to pay.1 The
shadows on Clement's character lay in other spheres ;
they were closely connected with idiosyncrasies which
the Venetian envoy, Antonio Soriano, has minutely
described. Soriano disputes the current opinion that
the Pope was of a melancholy disposition ; his physicians,
he observes, thought him rather of a sanguine tempera-
ment, which would also account for his fluency of
speech.2 Contarini also insists on the good reputation
enjoyed by Clement VII.; great ideas he certainly
had not, but he spoke very well on any subject brought
before him. Contarini accounts for Clement's slow-
ness of decision and lack of courage by the coldness
of his nature, wonderfully characterized by Raphael in his
by CIACONIUS, III., 474, and especially by the Papal account-books.
Certain conventual houses received regular alms ; thus, e.g.^ the nuns of
S. Cosimato, the abbeys of the Monast. Murat. de urbe, and the Fratres
S. Crisogoni at Rome (see *Intr. et Exit., 561, Secret Archives of the
Vatican), as well as the nuns of S. Maria Annunziata at Florence (see
*Mandati, III., 1527, State Archives, Rome) ; also sums of money for
the Lateran Hospital. In the *account-books of Clement VII. in the
State Archives, Florence, there are entries of alms for the years 1524-
1527 to the principe di Cipri and his daughter, to the frati d' Araceli,
to Filippo Cipriota, to the frati della Minerva, to the Compagnia della
Carita, to Madonna Franceschina (figliuola del gran Turcho), for the
ransom of captives in Turkish slavery, to converted Turks, and to the
Compagnia della Nunziata per maritar zitelle. In 1525 and 1526
respectively 300 ducats are booked as Easter alms (S. Maria, Nov. 327).
In 1528 and 1529, besides gifts to the nuns of S. Maria in Campo
Marzo, S. Cosimato, Tor de' Specchi and Monastero dell' Isola, others
appear to the frati of San Giovanni e Paolo, S. Pietro in Montorio, and
S. Onofrio, as well as to the poveri di San Lazaro (S. Mar., Nov. 329).
1 See SCHULTE, I., 236.
2 ALBERT, 2 Series, III., 278. For Clement VII.'s eloquence see
BALAN, VI., Supplement XIX.
252 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
likeness of the Cardinal in the portrait of Leo X. Soriano
also speaks strongly of the Pope as very cold-hearted.1
Always a procrastinator, Clement belonged to that
unfortunate class of characters in whom the powers of
reflection, instead of giving clearness to the thoughts and
strength to the will, perpetually call forth fresh doubts
and suspicions. Consequently, he had no sooner come to
a decision than he as quickly regretted it ; he wavered
almost constantly hither and thither between contending
resolves, and generally let the fitting opportunity for
action escape his grasp. The Pope's indecision and
instability were bound to do him all the more harm
since they were accompanied by great timidity. From
this excessive want of courage, as well as from his
innate irresolution and a parsimony often most mis-
chievously employed, Guicciardini explains Clement's
incapacity to act when the time came to put into
execution decisions reached after long reflection.2
These fatal characteristics had almost escaped notice
while Giulio de' Medici was Leo's adviser, and had not
then reached their later stage of development. All men
then knew that the Cardinal served the reigning Pope
with untiring industry and the greatest fidelity. Of
restless energy and the highest reputation, his political
influence was appraised in those days at a higher value
than it in reality deserved, and most, indeed, of the
political successes of Leo X. were ascribed not to himself,
but to his minister. When at last the latter rose to the
head of affairs, he showed that he could neither come to
a decision at the right moment nor, having done so, put •
1 ALBfcRi, 2 Series, III., 265, 278.
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 5. L. di Canossa, in a * letter to Alb. di
Carpi, October 6, 1526, also speaks severely of Clement's irresolution
and timidity (Communal Library, Verona).
DISAPPOINTMENT OF THE IMPERIALISTS. 253
it resolutely into execution ; for, in consequence of his
over-subtle statecraft, he could never shake himself free
from suspicion, and a constant dread of real and, still
oftener, imaginary dangers impeded all his transactions
and put a stop to any decided and consecutive course of
action. A letter, a word was enough to upset a resolution
formed after long balancing and calculation, and to throw
the Pope back on the previous state of resourceless
indecision.1 At first Clement's contemporaries almost
entirely overlooked these ominous characteristics. All the
more painful was their surprise when they saw the great
Cardinal, once held so high in men's esteem, sink into
a Pope of petty and cheap reputation.2
The Imperialists were more disappointed than any, for
they had indulged in the most sanguine and extravagant
hopes. At the close of the Conclave, Sessa had written
to Charles : " The Pope is entirely your Majesty's creature.
So great is your Majesty's power, that you can change
stones into obedient children."3 Sessa, in saying this, had
failed to see that the election had not been altogether his
work, and that even during the Conclave, Medici had taken
up a more neutral attitude than before. Further, he over-
looked the difference that must arise between the policy
of Clement as Pope and his policy as Cardinal. The ideal
evidently present to Clement's mind at the beginning of
his reign 4 was one of impartiality and independence towards
the Emperor and Francis alike, in order that he might
be of service in restoring peace, thereby securing the
freedom of Italy and the Papacy, for which there was a
double necessity owing to the Turkish danger and the
1 GUICCIARDINI,XVI.,5 ;<:/j«/ni, Vol. VIII. ofthiswork,p.87J^^.
2 VETTORI, 348.
3 BERGENROTH, II., n. 610, 615, 622.
4 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, II., 287.
254 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
spread of heresy in Germany. Unfortunately, although
he was fully aware of the grave condition of affairs
throughout the world,1 he was entirely wanting in the
determination, firmness, and fearlessness of a Julius II.
From the first suspicious signs of weakness were dis-
cernible. How could it be otherwise when — a significant
circumstance — the two leading advisers of the Pope were
each respectively champions of the two great opposing
parties ? The one, Gian Matteo Giberti, an excellent and
blameless man, who became Datary, drew closer to France
the more he realized the danger to the freedom of Italy
and the Papacy arising from the world-wide power of
Spain; the other, Nicolas von Schonberg, was, on the
contrary, a thorough Imperialist. To the conflicting
influence of these two counsellors Guicciardini principally
ascribes the instability of character which Clement, to
the general astonishment, began so soon to display.2
Immediately after his election the Pope entered into
secret negotiations with the Venetian Ambassador Foscari.
He opened to him his scheme of joining himself with
Venice and the Duke of Milan, so as to separate Switzerland
from France and bring the former at the same time into
alliance with himself. By these manoeuvres he expected to
cut off from France all hopes of predominance in Italy, and
also, in the same way, to thwart the plans of the Emperor,
showing himself to be a Pope in reality, and not, like
Adrian, merely Charles's servant. Yet he did not wish to
1 Cf. the *Brief to Canossa, Rome, December u, 1523 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican, Arm., 39, vol. 43, n. 36). Tizio, * Hist. Senen.
(Cod. G, II., 39, Chigi Library, Rome), depicts the state of the world
in the gloomiest colours.
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 5. That Giberti was " il cuor del Papa " was
said already in the autumn of 1524 ; see SANUTO, XXXVI., 619 ; cf.
EngL Hist. Rev., XVIII.,
POLICY OF CLEMENT VII. 255
push his undertakings against the Emperor further, but
rather to keep at peace with him. He was not thinking of
war, but how to arrange an armistice, the Curia at that
moment being not only without money, but also burdened
with Leo's debts. As he was beset on the one hand by
the Emperor's party, and, on the other, by that of France,
through Count Carpi, he was anxious to know the intentions
of Venice before he committed himself to any declaration.1
Sessa, who saw in Clement VII. only the former adherent
of Imperial policy, was bitterly disappointed. The Pope
flatly refused to turn the alliance made with Adrian from
the defensive into the offensive. He would continue to
pay the stipulated subsidy to the Emperor's forces, but as
Father of Christendom his first duty was the restora-
tion of peace. " Everything I have urged to the contrary,"
wrote another Imperialist diplomatist, the protonotary
Caracciolo, on the 3Oth of November, " has failed." The
Pope remarked that he could not declare himself in favour
of an open league against France, he would much rather do
all he could to bring about a general armistice among
all Christian States;2 to this object all his endeavours
were now at first directed. This policy of peace, with
special reference to the Turkish danger, he had already
emphasized in the letters despatched to Francis before his
coronation, announcing his election.3
Clement hoped to satisfy the Imperialists without taking
any steps openly hostile to France,4 since each of those
implacable enemies, Charles and Francis, wished him to
1 Foscari to the Council of Ten on November 23, 1523, in BAUM-
GARTEN, Karl V., II., 287.
2 BERGENROTH, II., n. 613, 615 ; GRETHEN, 25 seq.
3 RAYNALDUS, 1523, n. 128.
4 Despatch of Foscari, December 7, 1 523, in BAUMGARTEN, Karl V.,
11,299-
256 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
become his partisan. Not only were the Ambassadors and
Cardinals on both sides busy in support of this object, but
also special envoys from the French King and the Emperor.
The representative of the former, Saint-Marceau, arrived in
Rome on the ist of February 1524. Great as his offers
were, Clement refused to acknowledge the claims of Francis
to Milan, and was at the greatest pains to avoid even the
appearance of showing favour to France.1 But he was just
as little disposed to add to the concessions already contained
in the treaty made by his predecessor with Charles V., which
would not expire until September 1524. In spite of his
financial distress, he paid the monies agreed upon, but
secretly, on account of France.2 Sessa was beside himself
at the indecision of the Pope, who was the Emperor's ally,
but was constantly coquetting with France. The more
Sessa insisted, the more Clement drew back. 3
1 BROWN, III., n. 800, 804; BERGENROTH, II., n. 617, 619;
SANUTO, XXXV., 394; BUCHOLTZ, II., 254; GRETHEN, 27 seq.
G. de' Medici reported on February 10, 1524 : *Mons. di San Marseo
da buone parole a N. S. chel suo re fara quanto vorra. S. S4i non
viene a ristretto. Volentieri fariano una tregua con tener quello hanno
acquistato in Lombardia. Li Imperial! non la vogliono ascoltare e
sperono recuperare quello hanno perso (State Archives, Florence).
The good services of Saint-Marceau are praised by Clement in *a
letter to Francis I., April 10, 1524, Arm., 40, vol. 8 (Min.), n. 155
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 MlGNET, Rivalite, I., 457', note. EHSES, Politik Clemens VII., 563
In * Intr. et Exit., 561 (Secret Archives of the Vatican), on January 30,
1524, there is an entry of" due. 24,000 Paulo Victori capit. pro subvent.
belli in Lombardia." For the financial distress of Clement VII. see
also the report of Castiglione, March 7, 1524 (Delle Esenzioni, 57), and
the letter of May 4, 1524, in [P. Rajna] Tre lettere di Alessandro de'
Pazzi (Per Nozze), Firenze, 1898, 14. On December 26, 1524, Fr.
Gonzaga reported in the strongest terms of the Pope's urgent needs
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 BERGENROTH, II., n. 619.
EFFORTS FOR PEACE. 257
Another emissary of Charles, Adrian de Croy, had no
better fortune. The Pope explained that he could work
best for peace by being completely neutral,1 and in this
he was confirmed, as early as the spring of 1524, by the
threatening reports of the progress of Lutheranism in
Germany and the growing danger from the Turk.2 That
the Christian powers should be tearing each other to
pieces in presence of such perils seemed to him intolerable;
he hoped that his envoys might succeed in securing at least
an armistice. Clement had already, on the 8th of December
1523, sent his chamberlain, Bernardino della Barba, to the
Emperor in Spain with offers of mediation in the cause of
peace.3 A discussion on the means of achieving the much-
needed pacification of Europe, held in Consistory on the 9th
of March 1524,* resulted in the decision that Nicolas von
Schonberg should visit the Courts of France, Spain, and
England. By the nth of March he had started, not over-
glad of his mission,5 the difficulties of which he fully under-
stood, and knowing well that Giberti would now have a
monopoly of influence.6 Schonberg's instructions left no
1 BERGENROTH, IL, n. 617, 624; SANUTO, XXXVI., 19, 27, 42;
GRETHEN, 30 seq.
2 Cf. the * despatches of G. de' Medici of February 15, 1524, and
March 20 (State Archives, Florence) ; SANUTO, XXXV., 435, and
Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 87.
3 Cf. EHSES, Politik Klemens VII., 571. The date of Barba's
departure as given in the * letter of the Viceroy of Naples to the
Emperor, dated Pavia, December 20, 1523 (State Archives, Brussels,
Corresp. de Charles V. avec Italic, I.).
4 Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican).
6 Cf. the report in, Notizenblatt zum Archiv fiir osterr. Gesch., 1 858, 1 8 1 .
6 The date of departure, hitherto uncertain, is ascertained from a
* letter from B. Castiglione to Maria Equicola, Rome, March 12, 1524 :
" L' arcivescovo e andato mal volontieri. M. Giov. Matteo resta pur
patrone d' ogni cosa " (Library, Mantua).
VOL. IX. 17
258 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
doubt as to Clement's sincere wish to prepare a way for
peace; he travelled very quickly, and at the end of March
was in Blois, where he stayed until the I ith of April ; after
conferring with Charles at Burgos, he returned again to
Blois, and thence, on the I ith of May, set out for London.1
In Rome, where, soon after the arrival of the Florentine
embassy of homage2 the plague broke out with fury,3
Sessa, Lope Hurtado de Mendoza, and the English envoys
1 All details concerning Schonberg's mission are in the excellent
review of, EHSES' Politik Klemens VII., in the Hist. Jahrb., VI., 571
seq., 575 seg.t which also includes his instructions as given in Cod.
Vatic., 3924, f. 196-201. Cf. also Rev. d. quest, hist, 1900, II.,
6 1 seq. (I take this opportunity to express my grateful thanks to
Mgr. Ehses for his kind permission to allow me to make use of his
numerous excerpts on the history of Clement VII.) In his **letter of
credence to the Emperor, dated March 10, 1524, Schonberg is thus
recommended : " fidemque in omnibus adhibere velis perinde ac si
nos ipsi tecum colloqueremur" (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The
statement that Schonberg left Blois again on May 1 1 is confirmed by
a * despatch of G. de' Medici, Rome, May 25, 1524 (State Archives,
Florence).
2 The Florentine envoys to tender obedience (see Giorn. degli
Arch., II., 125) arrived in Rome on February 7, 1524, and were received
in public audience on the I5th ; see G. de' Medici, February 7 and 15,
1524 (State Archives, Florence), and *Acta Consist. (Consistorial
Archives of the Vatican).
3 Of the outbreak and ravages of the plague, G. de' Medici gives full
information on February 20, 1524 ; March 18, 19, 21, 28, 31 ; April i, 6,
8, 1 1, 17, 20 ; May 7, 9, 1 1, 14, 16, 21, 25, 27 ; June i, 3, 9, 12, 14, 17.
20,22, 25, 28. Not until July 13 was he able to say: "La pesta fa
pocho danno o niente." All these reports are in the Florentine Archives.
Cf. also Sanuto, passim ; * letters of M. Salamanca to G. Salamanca,
dated Rome, June 6 and 16 (State Archives, Vienna); SERASSI, I.,
113 seqq. ; CELLINI, Vita, I., 5 ; Luzio, Mantova, 255 ; the *Diary of
CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris) ; the despatches
of Alvarotti from Rome, May 14, 20, 31, and July 10, 1524 (State
Archives, Modena).
TIMIDITY OF CLEMENT VII.
were actively working on behalf of the Emperor, while
Saint-Marceau and Carpi, supported by the powerful
Giberti, worked for Francis. The timid Pope, meanwhile,
still continued to shirk the decided avowal of partisanship
desired by the Imperialists; under the influence of reports
from Lombardy, where Bonnivet, the general of Francis,
had had reverses, he leant, on the whole, more to Charles,1
but without having any intention of openly taking his
side. On the loth of April Clement wrote strongly to the
French King saying that, in spite of his great obligations to
the Emperor, he had honestly tried to carry out his duties
towards them both impartially. Four days later he laid
before Charles, in detail, his reasons for being neutral,
and consequently for declining to renew the league entered
into by Adrian. The Pope, so ran the strongly worded
letter, was as much as ever attached to the Emperor, but
his position as the Father of all Christians demanded from
him the utmost possible neutrality, so that in mediating
for the much-needed peace, he should not appear to any to
be led by party spirit. He would thus find all the readier
obedience when he should summon his sons to take arms
against the Turk.2
In May the situation of the French in Lombardy had
gone from bad to worse. The Imperialists in Rome cele-
brated their successes with festive demonstrations.3 On
1 Cf. especially, besides the Spanish and English reports in BERGEN-
ROTH, II., n. 619, 621, 635, 636, 638, 642, 651, 654, the hitherto un-
known, and, in parts, very important * reports of B. Castiglione to
Calandra of April 9, 12, 19, 23, and 26, 1524 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). See also the * report of A. Germanello, Rome, April 9,
1 524 : " lo extimo che sia piu inclinato a li Imperial! cha Franzes!."
2 RAYNALDUS, 1524, n. 78-80. Cf. EHSES, Politik Klemens VII.,
566 ; see also ibid.^ 574, for the instructions of the English Nuncio,
Melchior Lang.
3 *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
260 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the i;th of May the anti-Imperialist Cardinal Soderini died,
and at the same time Carpi fell into disgrace with the Pope.
Clement was still more angry with the Duke of Ferrara,
who was trying to make discord between him and Charles
V., and was threatening Modena. But the Pope was also
in the highest degree dissatisfied with Sessa, who was
still intriguing against him in Siena.1 In the beginning
of June Clement addressed an exhortation to peace
to Francis, pointing out to him how necessary it was
to yield under the changed condition of things.2 By the
1 6th of June Schonberg was back in Rome. In Sessa's
opinion, what he brought back with him from France was
not worth the cost of the journey.3
In the meantime Charles V. had determined to enforce
peace and to pursue the French, now beaten in Italy, into
their own country, and in July his forces entered Provence.
At this very critical moment Francis did not lose heart ;
in the same month Bernardino della Barba brought the
news to Rome that the King intended, at the head of his
army, to invade upper Italy in person.4 Even then the
Pope kept neutral arid persevered in his efforts for peace.
On the 1 2th of August the Emperor's new Ambassador, de
la Roche, arrived in Rome ; 5 supported by Sessa, he tried
1 **Report in cipher of B. Castiglione to Calandra, of May 25, 1524
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 23-24 ; cf. EHSES, loc. «'/., 570.
3 SERASSI, I., 122 ; BERGENROTH, II., n. 663 ; cf. 655, 656. See also
the *reportof G. de' Medici, Rome, June 17, 1524 : " II rev. arcivescovo
di Capua ariv6 heri sera di notte. . . . Ritragho e tomato senza con-
clusione ; causa ne e il re de Inghilterra piu che alchuno altro" (State
Archives, Florence).
4 SERASSI, I., 126, 138 ; EHSES, loc. cit.> 580.
6 On August 4, 1524, Castiglione reported to the Marquis; *Fra
quattro d\ se aspetta mons. della Rocchia e per il camino se li fanno
le spese et onor grandissimo (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. the
EMBASSY OF DE LA ROCHE. 26l
to induce the Pope to enter into an alliance, and to grant
supplies of money. Clement would not give in, although
he gave his assurances that he would not desert the
Emperor.1 He thus gave satisfaction to neither party and
put himself in an equivocal position. De la Roche, who
was exceedingly dispirited 2 by the failure of his attempts,
fell ill on the 25th of August, so that the negotiations with
him had to be put off. Clement did not, on that account, give
up his pacific efforts ; he hoped that at least an armistice
for six months might be arranged, and that another
mission under Schonberg might carry this through.3 The
Imperialists, however, would not then hear anything of
an armistice.4 De la Roche died on the 3 1st of August ;
Bartolomeo Gattinara, a nephew of the Chancellor, who
was attached to the Embassy, and several of Sessa's
servants, also fell ill; Sessa himself had to hasten from
Rome to attend on his dying wife.5 The Spanish
printed letters, SERASSI, I., 137. Sessa announces the arrival on the
1 2th (GRETHEN, 42 ; SANUTO, XXXVI., 535) ; * letter of Schonberg's
to G. Salamanca, dated Rome, ex palat. Apost., August 1 5, 1 524 (State
Archives, Vienna), and G. de' Medici in a * despatch of August 12, 1524
(State Archives, Florence). See also the *Diary of CORNELIUS DE
FINE (National Library, Paris).
1 Cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 675, 677, 679, and the ^reports of G. de'
Medici of August 15, 17, and 18, 1524 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. the * report of de la Roche to Charles V., dated Rome, August
20, 1524 (State Archives, Brussels, Correspondance de Charles V.
avec Italic, I.).
3 Besides the ** report of G. de' Medici of August 25, 1524, see
especially the * letter of Schonberg, August 15, 1524 (State Archives,
Vienna), quoted supra, p. 260, n. 5.
4 *Li oratori Imperial! e Inglesi stanno molto alti e sul tirato ad non
voler alcuno accordo. G. de' Medici, Rome, August 29, 1524 (State
Archives, Florence).
I'.ERGENROTH, II., n. 68l, 683; SERASSI, loc. «/., I., 140 seg. ;
SANUTO, XXXVI., 584; *Diarium of Blasius de Martinellis in Cod.
262 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Embassy being thus deserted, it was impossible to proceed
with the negotiations. Clement therefore decided to send
a Nuncio to promote the peace, now especially desirable
on account of the Ottoman aggression.1 On the 7th of
September Nicolas von Schonberg crossed the Alps a
second time to visit the Kings of France, England,
and Spain.2 In itself the Pope's diplomacy gave small
ground for hope;3 on this occasion failure was com-
plete ; amid the wild turmoil of war, his voice was lifted
in vain.
The invasion of Provence had miscarried owing to in-
sufficient forces, and before the walls of Marseilles the Im-
perialist fortune changed. In France the feeling for King
and country was running high; all that Francis had
asked for had been given him. Soon the alarming tidings
overtook the Imperialists that the French King with a great
army was at Avignon. Thus the besiegers of Marseilles
and the invaders of upper Italy were equally threatened. In
order to save Milan for the Emperor, Pescara, on the 2pth of
Barb., lat. 2799 (Vatican Library) ; ^reports of G. de' Medici, August
31 and September i, 1524 (State Archives, Florence). It was said, but
certainly without grounds, that de la Roche had been poisoned ; see
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
1 Cf. Castiglione in SERASSI, I., 135.
2 Schonberg did not visit England ; he had previously been recalled
from Lyons, January 5, 1525. SERASSI, I., 143 ; RAYNALDTJS, 1524, n.
88 ; EHSES, Politik Klemens VII., 582 ; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 66; Rev.
d. quest, hist., 1900, II., 65. Schonberg's letter of credence, dated
September 6, 1524, to the Duke of Savoy, Francis I., Louisa of Savoy,
Henry VIII., Wolsey, and Charles V., in Arm. 40, vol. 8 (Min.), n.
35I-35° (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The brief to Charles in
RAYNALDUS, loc. cit.
3 Cf. the remarkable letter in SANUTO, XXXVI., 626. In a *Brief,
October u, 1524, Clement VII. exhorts Schonberg, notwithstanding
the hopeless condition of affairs, to persevere in his efforts after peace
(Arm., 40, vol. 8 (Min.), n. 442, Secret Archives of the. Vatican).
I KSCARA ENTERS ITALY. 263
September, raised the siege of Marseilles. He crossed the
maritime Alps by forced marches into upper Italy. At
the same time Francis, with a splendid army, pressed
forward through the Cottine chain. It was a race for the
most blood-stained spot on earth, the plain of the river
Po. Milan could no longer be held, for the plague was
raging there. Pescara, by the end of October, had to fall
back on Lodi before the superior strength of the French
army, with his men dispirited and in the worst condition ;
the star of Charles V. seemed to be on the wane. It was
a jest of Pasquino in Rome that an Imperial army had
been lost on the Alps ; any honest person finding it was
asked to restore it for a handsome reward. Indeed, such
was the state of things that if Francis had pursued his
operations with equal swiftness and precaution, upper
Italy would have been lost to Charles. But instead of
taking advantage of the sorry plight of the Imperialists
and falling upon them, the ill-advised King turned aside
to besiege Pavia, strongly fortified and defended by
Antonio de Leyva. The historian Giovio relates that
when Pescara heard of this momentous resolve he cried
out : " We were vanquished ; in a short time we shall be
victors." l The fate of Italy hung on the fight around Pavia.
Francis I. did not understand this sufficiently, otherwise
he would hardly have determined to detach 10,000 men
from his army to be sent under the command of John
Stuart, Duke of Albany, against Naples.
While the Imperialists and the French were entering
the lists in upper Italy, the diplomatists on each side
were competing at Rome for the favour of the Pope.
Clement had seen Francis enter Italy with the greatest dis-
pleasure, for together with his disapproval of the King's
conduct was associated the fear of the victorious arms
1 Jovius, F. Davalus Pise., 377.
264 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of France. The Pope seems still to have clung to the
possibility of a reconciliation between the two deadly
enemies. Since the issue of the conflict was totally un-
known, he proceeded with extreme caution. On the 7th
of October 1524 Baldassare Castiglione, whose appoint-
ment as Nuncio dated a month before, left Rome. He
was a true adherent of Charles, and a very experienced
diplomatist.1 In order to meet the French King also in
a friendly spirit, Aleander, recently raised to the Arch-
bishopric of Brindisi, was appointed as Nuncio to Francis.2
1 Already, on July 19, 1524, the Pope had disclosed for the first time
to Castiglione his intention of sending him to Charles V. (see SERASSI,
I., 133, and MARTINATI, 43) ; on July 20 the Pope wrote to the Marquis
of Mantua on the same subject (Brief of July 20, printed in : Delle
Esenzioni, V., 32-33 ; cf. Luzio, Mantua, 254-255, where there is
fuller information on Castiglione's embassy from Mantua to Rome),
who at once gave his consent (^letter of Isabella d' Este to F.
Gonzaga, August I, 1524, in the Gonzaga Archives). His departure,
however, was delayed until October 7 ("^despatch of A. Germanello,
October 7, 1524, loc. tit.}. The letters of safe-conduct for Castiglione
were ready on September 28 ; see the ^original to the Marquis of
Mantua in the Gonzaga Archives, and the Concepts in the Min. brev.,
1524, III., n. 412 seqq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican); ibid.^ *Regest.,
1441, f. 8oa-84b. Castiglione's full powers and faculties are dated
Rome, 1524, Prid. Cal., Sept., A i°. For Castiglione's journey and
transactions see MARTINATI, 45 seqq.
2 Cf. matter published for the first time in the work of J. PAQUIER,
Nonciature d'Aleandre aupres de Frangois Premier (August 8, 1524,
to February 24, 1525), Paris, 1897, and, Aleandre, 310 seq. GRETHEN
(45) believes EHSES (Politik Klemens VII., 582, 594) to be mistaken
in supposing that Aleander's mission was delayed because Francis
had no settled headquarters, and thinks that it was only a little less
than accidental that the mission should have coincided with the French
invasion. It seems more probable that the Curia waited to see what
turn things would take. As soon as they had definite intelligence
from Schonberg, over and above what was known in the Consistory
of October 12, the Nuncio's instructions were at once imparted to him,
THE FRENCH ENTER MILAN. 265
Another extraordinary mission to that King was further
given on the I3th of October to Count Roberto Boschetti,
with instructions to seek out Lannoy, the commander-
in-chief of the Imperial troops in Italy, on his return.
He was also to do what he could on behalf of peace;
but owing to illness he was unable to start on his
journey.1
The suspense with which all eyes in Rome were turned,
in those days, on Lombardy, is clearly seen from the
diplomatic reports of the time.2 In Bologna, where calm
had hitherto prevailed, signs of ferment began to appear ;
there was bitter jealousy of Ferrara.3 The news of the
entry of the French into Milan, which reached Rome on the
28th of October, made the deepest impression.4 To the
Pope this turn of affairs seemed but small compared with
what was yet to come ; his dread of France now reached
on the 1 4th. Against this, however, we have in the *Acta Consist,
of the Vice-Chancellor, about the Consistory : *S. D. N. fecit verbum
de litteris rev. dom. Capuani d. d. 5 Oct., which report, that Francis I.
was coming to Italy with his army — the Pope's dissatisfaction thereat
— nihil conclusum (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
1 Cf. besides EHSES, Politik Klemens VII., 594 ; also BALAN,
Boschetti, II., 12-13.
2 Cf. the "^despatches of G. de' Medici for the month of October,
1524 (State Archives, Florence).
3 As reported by the Bishop of Pola, Vice- Legate of Bologna,
to Giberti in a *letter, Bologna, October 23, 1524. On October 20
the Bishop had already written : " *Questi Pepoli non mi piaccino molto
perche io li veggho tanto allegri di queste nuove francesche quanto
se la vittoria toccasse a loro." Lit. divers, ad Clem. VII., vol. i.
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 "La nova del entrata de Frances! in Milano e parso strano con-
siderata la celerita del caso et il modo che havevan gli Imperial! de
poter gagliardamente diffender esso Milano.'1 *Despatch of Fr.
Gonzaga, Rome, October 28, 1524 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
266 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
its highest pitch.1 Under these circumstances the mission
of Giberti to Francis I. was decided on ; by the 3Oth of
October he had left Rome.2 On the same day Cardinal
Salviati took his departure, as it was stated, for his new
legation, Modena and Reggio; it was at once surmised
that he also was charged with a special communication for
Francis I. The Venetian Ambassador had long interviews
every day with Clement, and it was already rumoured in
Rome that the Pope and Venice had entered into alliance
with France ; 3 this report was premature, but things were
tending in that direction.
Giberti, who appeared, on account of his French sym-
pathies, to be the most suitable man for the business,
received instructions drawn up under the impression that
Francis, by the capture of Milan, having become absolute
master of the situation, the duty of self-preservation
called for an agreement with the conqueror. When later
information announced a pause in the French successes,
directions were sent after Giberti, telling him to find out
Lannoy and Pescara first, and, then, on learning their con-
ditions, to lay them before the King.4 On the 5th of
November Giberti proposed an armistice to Lannoy at
Soncino. The answer was an unqualified refusal ; Pescara
1 As reported on November i, 1524, by Sessa, who was unwearied
in trying to draw Clement from his neutrality and to attach him openly
to the Imperial side. BERGENROTH, II., 692; cf. ibid., n. 693, the
report of the Abbot of Najera of November 4.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 147 ; GRETHEN, 46, note i.
3 SANUTO, XXXVII., 127 ; cf. 147. Salviati's departure on the
morning of October 30 is also mentioned by Fr. Gonzaga in a ^despatch
of the same date (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The appointment of
Salviati as Legatus de latere to Francis I. was finally settled in the
Consistory of November 7, 1524. *Acta Consist of the Vice-Chan-
cellor's (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 EHSES, Politik Klemens VII., 595 seq. ; GRETHEN, 46 seq.
THE POPE AND FRANCIS I. 267
replied in the same sense. When Giberti met Francis before
Pavia on the Qth of November, he found him in an even less
yielding disposition.1 That Giberti had already, at that
time, disclosed the terms of a secret treaty between Francis
and Clement, is not supported by any convincing evidence.2
It was not until the peace-mission of Paolo Vettori to
Lannoy had failed that the Pope held the moment to have
come when he ought to take this step in order to secure his
interests. On the 1 2th of December, but still in total secrecy,
peace and alliance were concluded between Francis I., the
Pope, and Venice ; 3 this was followed on the 5th of January
1525 4 by an official agreement between the French King
1 DESJARDINS, II., 788 seqq. Cf. BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 307,
and EHSES, loc. cit.
2 Cf, EHSES, Politik Klemens VII., 594, note i, 597, and 554 scg.t
where there is also a refutation of the absurd assertion of Ziegler (SCHEL-
HORN, Amoenit., II., 371) that Clement had asked Francis to undertake
the expedition against Naples and had promised him that kingdom and
Sicily. BUSCH (Wolsey und die englisch-kaiserliche Allianz, Bonn,
1886, 62) tries to find in a letter of Lautrec's (in CHAMPOLLlON-FlGEAC,
Captivite de Francois I., 22 seq.\ dated from the camp of Pavia, October
10, 1524, an argument against Ehses ; but he forgot to notice that
this document belongs to the year 1527 ; see EHSES in Hist. Jahrbuch,
VII., 725, and BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 367 note. GRETHEN, who
still tries to defend the earlier view that the Papal-French treaty was
concluded in November, has to admit (49, note 3) that it is dificult to
bring forward conclusive evidence in support of this. BAUMGARTEN
(Karl V., II., 369) also thinks "it is impossible to gauge accurately
the nature of Giberti's negotiations with the French, owing to the
conflict of contemporary statements."
3 Cf. Libri commem., VI., 181 ; ROMANIN, V., 406 ; and JACQUETON,
67 seq.
4 EHSES' view (Politik Klemens VII., 572), that the treaty was pre-
pared on the 4th and received the Pope's signature on the 5th, is
confirmed by a **rcport of Piperario, dated Rome, January 4, 1525,
and a *despatch of Fr. Gonzaga, Rome, January 5, 1525 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
268 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Clement In the preamble the necessity of a decided
step on the part of the Pope was grounded on the French
successes in Milan and the great dangers to which the
States of the Church were exposed by the expedition to
Naples. The Pope bound himself, in his own name and
that of the Florentines, neither secretly nor openly to sup-
port the King's enemies ; he assured to the Duke of Albany
free right of passage and provision in the territories of the
Church, and indirectly gave his consent to the acquisition
of Milan. Francis promised the Pope the possession of
Parma and Piacenza, the Papal salt monopoly in the Duchy
of Milan, the maintenance of the Medicean rule in Florence,
and protection against insubordinate vassals (Ferrara).
Lastly, he made concessions of a political and ecclesi-
astical nature within French and Milanese territory and
promised aid against the Turks.1 Fully half a year before,
Girolamo Campeggio had foretold to the representative of
Ferrara that all this would come to pass. " Campeggio,"
wrote that diplomatist on the 2ist of June 1524, "de-
clares it to be a certainty that, if the Pope and Venice
can come to terms, we shall soon see a league between
Rome and France."2 Nevertheless, it is certain that
Clement took this most important step " more from com-
pulsion than from his own free will." It was the influence
of Giberti and Carpi, who made adroit use of the position
1 See DESJARDINS, II., 812 seg. • SANUTO, XXXVII., 418 seq.\
cf. 424 and MENCKEN, 650 seg. ; EHSES (Politik Klemens VII., 572
seg., 579 seg.) suggests with probability that the treaty of January,
known hitherto only through the so-called Summariitm published at
the time, contained other important stipulations in favour of the
French.
1 See the report of Alvarotti, June 21, 1524, in BALAN, Boschetti,
II., 12. The passage in question, omitted in Balan, appears in cipher
in the original (State Archives, Modena).
INTRIGUES OF CARPI. 269
of affairs, that gave the impetus to the anxious Pope.1 The
promises and expectations opened out by Carpi were
extremely enticing, but they certainly affected Clement less
as a Pope than as a secular prince.2 Mendoza had once
given as his judgment : " Carpi is a devil ; he knows every-
thing and is mixed up in everything ; the Emperor must
either win him over or destroy him."3 How much to the
point this remark was, was now seen. There was no intrigue,
there were no means which the Ambassador of France was
ashamed to use in order to draw and force into the net of
French diplomacy the Pope, trembling for the safety of his
States.4 Carpi intrigued with the Orsini and, as the
Mantuan envoy relates in a cipher letter of the 28th of
November 1 524, offered the Pope the free disposal of Ferrara,
although Alfonso was supporting the French with all his
might.5 Knowing Clement's tendency to nepotism, Carpi
also about this time proposed a marriage between Catherine
de' Medici, the Pope's niece, and the second son of the
French King.6 In support of Carpi, Francis twice sent
1 GRETHEN, 54 ; EHSES, Politik Klemens VII., 553 ; BAUMGARTEN,
Karl V., II., 367.
2 Cf. EHSES. Politik Klemens VII., 587 seqq.
3 BERGENROTH, II., n. 612.
4 The *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor report on December 19,
1524, that the Pope set forth the dangers which would arise from the
march of the French and Imperialist troops on Lombardy, and called
upon the Cardinals to consult as to the defensive measures to be taken
(Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 See in Appendix, No. 34, the *report of A. Piperario of November
28, 1524 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
0 Besides Foscari's reports of December 4, 12, and 15 in BAUM-
GARTEN, Karl, II., 367-368, cf. BERGENROTH, II., n. 699, and the
**report of Castiglione of November 29, 1524 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). SANUTO, XXXVII., 136, and Castiglione, in REUMONT-
BASCHKT, 274, mention a marriage treaty made with the Pope through
Carpi as early as March.
2/0 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
special couriers to Rome bearing the most comprehensive
concessions.1
Sessa was all the less likely to prove a match for his
opponents, as he could do nothing before the arrival of fresh
instructions from the Emperor, and, it is to be noted,
believed that the English envoys were cajoling Clement,
who was almost entirely surrounded by French influences,
when they told him that Henry VIII. had no intention of
helping Charles in any way against the French.2 At that
time the belief was almost general in Rome that the
victory of the French was assured.3 Above all, there was
the serious danger into which the States of the Church
were thrown by the expedition against Naples under John
Stuart, Duke of Albany. It now seemed that the speedy
safeguarding of the Papal interests was demanded for the
sake of self-preservation, and thus, that which had for so
long been feared came to pass at last. On the 5th of
January 1525 Clement informed the Emperor of what had
taken place in the most conciliatory and the least
definite way possible ; his affection for Charles was not
lessened, but the movement against Naples, undertaken
by Albany contrary to his (Clement's) will, had forced him
into an agreement with Francis for the security of his own
interests.4 Clement VII. evidently still hoped to keep up
a tolerable understanding with Charles ; in this he was
completely deceived.
This step of the Pope's threw the usually cautious and
moderate Emperor into a bitterness of resentment unknown
before. He could hardly conceive that this same Medici
1 WEISS, Pap. d'etat, I., 290; BERGENROTH, II., n. 676; EHSES,
Politik Klemens VII., 590.
2 BERGENROTH, II., n. 708, cf. 693 ; GRETHEN, 53.
3 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 193, 349.
4 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 48-49.
THREATS OF THE EMPEROR. 271
who as Cardinal had always been on his side, should as
Pope have turned over to the French. " I shall go," so he
expressed himself, " into Italy, and revenge myself on those
who have injured me, especially on that poltroon, the Pope.
Some day, perhaps, Martin Luther will become a man of
weight." In the Imperial Court the election of Clement
was attacked on the grounds of his illegitimate birth.1 In
the council of the Archduke Ferdinand a proposal was
made that all diplomatic relations with the Holy See
should be broken off.2 On the 7th of February 1525
Charles answered the Papal letter ; nothing in his reply
betrayed his inward agitation. The Emperor, such was
its tenor, reverenced the Pope as a father, and was well
aware that he had been deceived by the French party.3
But two days later he wrote a letter to Sessa, in which his
wrath against Clement, for whose election he had " poured
out streams of gold," broke out afresh. The Ambassador
was distinctly told to inform Clement that the Emperor
would carry his plans through, even if it cost him crown
and life. The letter closed with the threat, " The present
situation is not the best in which to discuss the affairs of
Martin Luther."4 Thus to the internal confusion and
warfare of Christendom was added a dangerous strain in
the relations between Pope and Emperor, and this exactly
at the opening of the year in which the social revolution
broke out in Germany.
1 BROWN, III, 400-402; DE LEVA, II., 233; DITTRICH, Contarini,
29. EHSES (Politik Klemens VII., 578) doubts the authenticity of the
sayings attributed to Charles V.
- *Report of H. Rorarius to Sadoleto, Innsbruck, January 28, 1525.
Lit. divers, ad Clem. VII., vol. i. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
! liERGENROTH, II., n. 716.
4 " En la materia de Luter no es tiempo ahora de hablar," BERGEN -
ROTH, II., n. 717 ; GACHARD, Corresp., 212-213.
CHAPTER VIII.
RESULTS OF THE BATTLE OF PAVIA. — QUARRELS BETWEEN
THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. — FORMATION OF A COALITION
AGAINST CHARLES V. (LEAGUE OF COGNAC, MAY 22, 1526).
ON the 24th of January 1525 the Imperialists broke out of
Lodi ; in the first days of February they appeared before
the French army, still besieging the stronghold of Pavia,
with the intention of forcing a battle.1 Peals of bells and
beacon-fires from the towers of the old Lombard city
welcomed the relief in this hour of need. For three weeks
the hostile forces faced one another. The French camp
was admirably protected by nature and art ; on the right
it was covered by the Ticino, on the left by a large park
surrounded by a high wall, within which lay the famous
Certosa.
On the 24th of February, the Emperor's birthday, his
army, composed of Spaniards, Italians, and the dreaded
German landsknechts, opened the attack. At daybreak
the battle, which was to decide the " Italian imperium,"
began. In a few hours the murderous fight was over ; the
gallant troops of Francis were laid low before the onset
of the German landsknechts and Spanish veterans ; the
King himself was a prisoner.2
1 SANDOVAL, I., 551 sea.
2 Cf. H ABLER, Die Schlacht bei Pavia, in the Forschungen zur
Deutsche Gesch., XXV., 513 seq. To the literature of the subject here
made use of, some important contributions have since been added ; cf.
272
BATTLE OF PAVIA.
273
The victory of Pavia made the Empire of Charles the
ruling power in Europe. It is impossible to describe the
impression everywhere produced by this historical cata-
strophe. The bloodshed and strife in which France and
the houses of Spain and Hapsburg had engaged for the
mastery in Europe, seemed to be brought to an end by
this unexpected blow. France lay at the Emperor's feet,
while Italy, and with her the Papacy, were surrendered
defenceless to his power. In Rome men were dumbfounded
by the news of the great event. Clement, whose diplo-
matists were seeking up to the last hour for accommoda-
tions that might lead to peace, looked to Lombardy with
indescribable anxiety.1 His position was in the highest
degree precarious. The loss of the independence of Italy
meant also that of the Holy See.2 With Milan and Naples
in the Emperor's hands, the Papacy was threatened with
enclosure in a circle of iron. But Clement, in his anxiety
and his statecraft, was as incapable of a great resolution,
i. a. Bolet. d. 1. Acad. de Madrid, 1889 ; Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, VI.,
248 seqq. ; Deutsche Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswissensch., VI., 366 seq. ;
Anz. f. schweiz. Gesch., N.F., XXIII., No. 2 ; Studi storici, X., 347;
JAHNS, Gesch. des Kriegswesens, 1091 seq. ; Easier Zeitschr. fur Gesch.,
1903 ; Bollet. d. st. pavese, IV., 3 (1904) ; LEBEY, 282 seqq. ; A. BONARDI,
L' assedio e la battaglia di Pavia, in Mem. p. 1. storia di Pavia, I. (1894-
95) ; PRATO, II parco vecchio e la battaglia di Pavia, Pavia, 1897. For
pictorial representations see, Zeitschr. fiir Gesch. von Freiburg i. Br.
VI. (1857), and the sumptuous publication of BELTRAMI, La battaglia di
Pavia illustr. negli arazzi del Marchese del Vasto (now in the Museum,
Naples), Milano, 1896 ; MORELLI, Gli arazzi illustr. la battaglia di
Pavia, Napoli, 1899.
1 Cf. Giberti's letter to Aleander, February 19, 1525, in Lett. d.
princ., II., 66 seq. Aleander was made prisoner at Pavia (Lett. d.
princ., I., 103), and was not, as Guicciardini relates, at once set at
liberty ; on the contrary, his ransom was a matter of protracted negotia-
tion ; see, Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, IV., 189.
2 The opinion of GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 424.
VOL. IX. 1 8
274 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
such as a Julius II. would have taken, as he was of any
definite action.
Persuaded by Giberti and Carpi, Clement had departed
from his strict neutrality and linked his fortunes, for the
worse rather than the better, with those of the French
King,1 whose superiority at the moment had seemed to
promise him a lasting triumph. But the fortune of war is
fickle ; what would happen if Francis were defeated ? At
the last moment Giberti and Clement seem to have perceived
their mistake. Hence the exhortations to Francis I. not
to put his fortune to the proof, to refuse the wager of battle,
and to have recourse to negotiations instead. As late as
the i Qth of February Giberti asked Aleander, the Nuncio,
to represent matters in this way to the French King. He
added, " As no sailor ever risks the storm of the open sea
with one anchor only, so the Pope, confident though he be
in the strength of Francis I., will not stake all upon the
single throw of his success before Pavia."2 In saying this,
Giberti condemned his own policy, and a week later the
news reached Rome that the cast of war had been thrown
— not in favour of Francis I. and his ally the Pope.
On the evening of the 26th of February Clement received,
in a letter from Cardinal Salviati, the first intelligence of
the Emperor's victory. To him, as well as to all around
him, the news seemed incredible;3 but later accounts, in-
cluding one by an eye-witness, put all doubt at an end.4
1 EHSES, Politik Klemens VII., 587.
2 Lett. d. princ., II., 67. EHSES, loc. cit. On January 15, 1525,
Fr. Gonzaga reported in a cipher ^despatch : " A me par che S. Sta
faci poco bon judicio per essi Franzesi."
3 Cf. the *letter of V. Albergati, February 27, 1525 (State Archives,
Bologna).
4 SANUTO, XXXVIII., 16; Diarium Blasii de Martinellis in
CREIGHTON, V., 325 ; Arch. stor. Hal., 5 Series, VI., 255 ; *report of
Fr. Gonzaga, Rome, February 27, 1525 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
TERROR OF I FM I' 275
The Pope was as one dead ; 1 his terror was increased by
the reaction produced in his household by this event. All
the Imperialists, the Spaniards, as well as the Colonna, gave
way to the wildest rejoicing. Such a change of fortune
surpassed their boldest hopes. Cardinal Pompeo Colonna
held a brilliant festival in his palace ; throughout the city
rang the echos of salvoes of congratulation, and the cries
of rejoicing of " Empire, Spain, Colonna." z The Orsini, who
were of the French party, had the very worst to fear ; their
leaders were absent ; they and their levies were with the
Duke of Albany, who had returned from his march to
Naples, to the immediate neighbourhood of Rome, and
there had pitched his camp about the loth of February.3
All thought of pursuing his expedition was given up,
and Albany decided to return. On the 2nd of March two
1 Rimase morto ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl, II., 419. Cf. SANUTO
XXXVIII., 48, and Carte Strozz., I., 2, 36 seq.
2 SANUTO, XXXVIII., 17, 30. *Venit Romae rumor tails, quod non
humanum videretur sed divinum, quod 26 februarii nuntiatum fuit s.
pontifici prima hora noctis qualiter rex Franciscus Gallorum esset
captus et exercitus ejus penitus dissipatus et qualiter multi ceciderunt
gladio. Ab Imperialibus clamantibus Imperio, Spagna, Colonna
habitae fuere maximae laetitiae tormentis bellicis et ignibus ; fere ab
urlpe condita talis rumor auditus non fuerat atque partialium laetitia,
rumor ad astra tendis. *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National
Library, Paris). Lett. d. princ., I., 103. *Letter of V. Albergati,
February 27, 1525 (State Archives, Bologna).
3 The Duke of Albany came on February 13 to Rome (DESJARDINS,
II., 827), and visited the Pope the next day ("^despatches of G. de'
Medici, February 13 and 14, 1525, State Archives, Florence). The
Pope received him with great friendliness (cf. *letter of V. Albergati,
February 17, 1525, State Archives, Bologna), because he was a
brother-in-law of the deceased Lorenzo de' Medici. Clement VII. was
against the expedition ; the plan, moreover, had originated with the
French King. Cf. also GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 426 se</., and
supra, p. 263.
2/6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
thousand five hundred men, consisting of Frenchmen and
the Orsini, began their homeward march. Acting on a
swift resolution, Colonna, supported by some of Sessa's
retainers, fell upon them suddenly at the monastery of
Tre Fontane, and drove them in hasty flight within the
city. Wherever the Orsini sought refuge, the Colonna were
at their heels; fighting took place in the Ghetto and on
Monte Giordano. The whole city was in an uproar; the
streets rang with the war-cries "Orsini — Colonna." The
terrified inhabitants bolted their doors ; artillery was placed
to protect the Vatican, and the Swiss stood under arms
all night.1 The terror-stricken Pope did all he could to
restore quiet, and was successful in inducing Albany to
disband his forces. The Italians were left behind ; the
foreigners, under the Duke, fell back on Civita Vecchia,
and at the end of March they were conveyed in French
galleys to Marseilles. In the meanwhile Schonberg, who
had returned to Rome on the 5th of March, succeeded in
pacifying the Colonna.2
All these occurrences had made the deepest impression
on the Pope. The fights, especially between the Orsini
and the Colonna, engaged in under his very eyes, raised his
alarm to the highest pitch.3 While in Rome the ground
was trembling under his feet, his fears for Florence were
also aroused, where the ideas of Savonarola were again
1 Besides Lett. d. princ., I., 107, SANUTO, XXXVIII., 48, and
ALBERINI, 329, cf. for this first raid of the Colonna the *report of
J. Recordato, March 2, 1525 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and the
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris), who in part
narrates as an eye-witness.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVIIL, 97, 155 Seg., and ^despatch of G. de'
Medici, Rome, March 29, 1525 (State Archives, Florence). For
Schonberg's return see Giberti's letter in Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, VI.,
257 seq.
3 SANUTO, XXXVIIL, 67, 83, 85, 104.
CLEMENT VII. AND THE IMPERIALISTS. 277
springing into life. Still more precarious was the Papal
rule in the Romagna, where the Ghibellines were rejoicing
over the victory of Pavia.1 The Imperialists lost no time
in taking advantage of Clement's necessity. They held
the trembling Pope, who in vain urged moderation,2 in a
vice of iron.3 Their troops carried fire and sword ruthlessly
through the territory of Piacenza ; Lannoy even uttered
the threat that he would lead his soldiers on Rome.4 By
such means Clement was forced first to pay 25,000 ducats,
and then to make a treaty of alliance.5
The most zealous opponent of an alliance between the
Pope and the Emperor was Giberti, who, supported by
Lodovico di Canossa, who was in the service of France,
and by the Venetian Ambassador, was doing all he could
at this time to unite the whole of Italy, under Papal leader-
ship, in a league against the Spanish domination, and was
also trying to bring England, the jealous rival of Charles V.,
into the combination. There were moments when the
Pope, in torments of indecision, lent such a ready ear to
his proposals that Giberti believed the desired end to have
been reached;6 but at the last moment the Imperialist
Schonberg upset his plans.7 The most immediate danger
1 Cf. PROFESSIONS, Dalla battaglia di Pavia, 6 seq.
- Cf. the *letter of M. Salamanca to G. Salamanca, February 27, 1525
(State Archives, Vienna).
3 Opinion of REUMONT, III., 2, 170.
4 PROFESSIONE, loc. cit., 10.
6 For the 25,000 ducats see GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 57. For the
coercion on the part of the Imperialists see also REUMONT, III., 2,
170 ; GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 439 ; and GRETHEN, 68.
6 Cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 74 seg. ; GUICCIARDINI, XV., I ; SISMONDI,
XVI., 162^.
~ For the negotiations cf. the *report of Fr. Gonzaga, March 18, 1525
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and the *despatches of G. de' Medici,
Rome, March 27 and 30 (State Archives, Florence).
2/8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
undoubtedly came from Charles V., who had it in
his power to wrest Florence from the Medici.1 At
the same time Piacenza was sending pressing appeals
for help against the unbridled licence of the soldiery.
Lastly, the news concerning the social revolution in
Germany and the advances of the Turk was of an ex-
ceptionally disturbing kind. Clement VII. saw that,
cost what it might, he must come to terms with the
Emperor.
On the ist of April 1525 a treaty, defensive and
offensive, was concluded between the Pope and Lannoy as
Imperial Viceroy in Italy.2 The terms of the agreement
were that both should recognize Francesco Sforza as Duke
of Milan, and that the Emperor should take the States
of the Church, Florence, and the house of Medici under
his protection, Florence paying in return 100,000 ducats.
Lannoy, moreover, undertook to withdraw his forces
from the Papal States and to place no garrisons therein
in future without the Pope's permission. In the event
of Charles not having ratified these conditions within
four months, the 100,000 ducats were to be refunded
by Lannoy. There were besides three other separate
articles, to the following effect : —
1. The Pope was to hold, in the kingdom of Naples, the
rights connected with benefices as settled in the Bull of
investiture.
2. Milan was in the future to have the salt from the
Papal salt-pits in Cervia.
3. Lannoy was to insist on the restoration of Reggio
1 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI I L, 172.
2 See ^despatch of G. de' Medici, Rome, April i, 1525. He states,
on April 4, that Bartolomeo Gattinara, who had carried on the negotia-
tions with Sessa and Clerk, would leave on the day following (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. VILLA, Italia, 33 seqq.
PUBLICATION Ol Till-: TREATY. 2/9
and Rubbiera to the Church by the Duke of Ferrara ;
on this restoration being made the Pope was to pay
100,000 ducats to the Emperor and absolve the Duke
from all censures.1
Without waiting for the Imperial ratification, Lannoy
had already, in April, published the treaty in Milan.
The Pope, who on receipt of favourable letters from the
Emperor's court and from Lannoy had the best hopes
of Charles's conduct, did the same in Rome in May.
He combined with this solemnity his official Possesso of
the Lateran.2 From the Spanish Nuncio Castiglione
1 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVI., i ; SANUTO, XXXVIII., 157 seq., 160
seq. ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 421 seq. ; HELLWIG, 21, note i.
Clement wished to include Venice also in the League. At Rome it was
looked upon at first as certain that this would be brought about (see
•^despatches of G. de' Medici, Rome, April 14 and 21, 1525), but the
Signoria was alarmed at the amount of money asked for by Lannoy.
In the Consistory of April 3 the Pope communicated to the Cardinals
the terms of the League. *Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives and
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See Lannoy's letter of April 15, 1525, in BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI.,
339-340, and Blasius de Martinellis, Diarium, in Cod. Barb., lat. 2799,
Vatican Library. The favourable reports from the Imperial Court are
mentioned by G. de' Medici in a ^despatch, Rome, April 22, 1525, in
which he adds : " Domane si publichera qui la legha novamento facta "
(Florentine State Archives). The delay, which G. de' Medici had
already mentioned in a ^despatch of April 25, was caused, no doubt,
by the combination of the Possesso with the publication of the League.
For the Possesso and the publication, see, as supplementary to CANCEL-
LIERI'S scanty information (88 seq.\ the reports in GAYANGOS, III., i, n.
87, 91 ; VILLA, Italia, 54 ; SANUTO, XXXVIII., 265, 268 ; the Diary of
CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris), and the detailed
description in the *letter of G. de' Medici of May i. The latter had
written previously, on April 27 : " S. Sta andera domenica a S. Janni a
pigliare la possessione per 1' ordinario sanza far spesa che ne & da
ciascuno commendata et tanto piu visto con che modestia Ccsare si e
governato della vittoria havuta" (State Archives, Florence).
280 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
came very reassuring accounts l of the moderation of the
victorious Emperor, so that on the 5th of May Clement
resolved to send Cardinal Salviati to Spain as Legate
in order to work for the restoration of peace, the execu-
tion of the treaty, the prosecution of the Turkish war,
and the suppression of Lutheranism.2 Salviati at this
moment was still in Parma ; in order to accelerate his
journey, it was determined on the I2th of June that he
should proceed by sea instead of going through France,
as at first intended ;3 he was also instructed to discuss the
1 In the Consistory of April 29 the letter which Charles V. had, on
April 6, addressed to Clement VII. on the subject of the Turkish war
(printed in BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 338-339; ibid.) 337-338, the letter
of Charles, April 4, and 133-135, the Pope's answer, May 2) was first
read ; extracts from Castiglione's report of his friendly reception by the
Emperor (cf. SERASSI, I., 146) and of the moderation shown by the
latter after his victory, and a letter of Charles's to Germany on the
affairs of Luther, were then communicated. It was determined to
give thanks to God for the good disposition of the Emperor. *Acta
Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial Archives and Secret
Archives of the Vatican). Cf. KALKOFF, Forschungen, 90 seq.
1 *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor for May 5, 1525 (Consistorial
Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. MOLINI, I., 194.
The publication of the appointment was deferred. G. de' Medici
reports on May 12, 1525 : *Questa matina in consistorio e stato
publicato legato di la dalli monti il rev. Salviati, la quale legatione
principalmente 6 facta per andare ad Cesare et bisognando il venira
in Francia, in Inghilterra e dove sara di bisogno per la quiete e pace
di Cristianitk. On May 16 G. de' Medici writes : *N. S. molto sollecita
il rev. legato ad partire per esser in Francia alia madre del re, dipoi
a Cesare (State Archives, Florence).
" Consistorium die lunae 12. Junii, 1525 : S. D. N. fecit verbum de
itinere rev. dom. legati ad Caesarem destinati, et fuit conclusum quod
legatus, ut celerius applicare possit ad Caesarem, per mare iter arripiat
cum triremibus S. R. E. et si opus fuerit uti illis quae sunt religionis
Rodianae." *Acta Consist, of the Vice- Chancellor (Consistorial Archives
and Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. ^despatches of G. de' Medici,
LEGATION OF SALVIATI. 28 1
Kmpcror's coronation and the question of a council.1
Accordingly, the Legate left Parma on the 2nd of July
and embarked at Genoa;2 on the 23rd of August the
Pope was able to give very favourable accounts of him
in Consistory.3 But in reality the Cardinal's task was
beyond his powers ; he fell under the fascination of Charles
and saw everything in the rosiest light.4 The official
correspondence also between the Pope and Emperor was
carried on in the friendliest terms for some time longer;
the points of controversy were slurred over as much as
possible, and those of common interest emphasized.5
It was impossible, however, that each party should go
on deceiving the other for ever. In spite of all assurances
June 14 and July 18, 1525 : Dissatisfaction of the French at the Legate
for travelling by sea (State Archives, Florence). See also the letter
of Cardinal Salviati, June 17, 1525, published in, Due Lettere inedite
del Card. G. Salviati, Vicenza, 1878 (per Nozze).
1 SANUTO, XXXIX., 101. The *full legatine powers for Cardinal
Salviati, dated Rome, 1525, III. Non. Maii A° 2°, in Regest, 1439,
f. 1-13 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 69. G. de' Medici reports on July 26,
1525, that Salviati had reached Marseilles without having met with
any hindrance from the French (State Archives, Florence).
3 Salviati reported, as Clement informed the Consistory on August
23, that the Emperor had received him as Legate in a friendly way,
that everything tended towards a general peace, and that Charles held
Clement in esteem : " itaque ex omnibus locis bene sperandum est."
*Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial Archives and
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 Cf. his two optimistic reports from Alcala, September 22, and from
Toledo, October 3, 1525, in MOLINI, I., 191-199. For the scheme
that Machiavelli should accompany the Cardinal, see DESJARDINS,
II., 840-841.
6 See the Pope's letters dated May 7, June 15, 19, 22, July 4, and
November 13, 1525, in BALAN, Mem. Saec., XVI., 137 seg., 154 seg.,
156 seg., 157 seg., 159 seg., 162 seg., 179 seg., and Charles's letters, /£/</.,
345 ^Y-j 347 seq.t 350 seq. Cf. EHSES, Concil. IV., XXIII., n. 2.
282 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of friendship, a breach was bound to come soon, since the
Pope was becoming more and more convinced that the
arrogant commanders of Charles's army had no intention
of carrying out the terms of the treaty of April, and were,
indeed, often acting in direct contradiction to them.
Instead of the withdrawal of their troops from the Papal
States, fresh occupations took place in the territory of
Piacenza, whereby the country was exhausted and laid
waste. Lannoy certainly made daily promises to Clement
that, as soon as the 100,000 ducats were paid in full, the
restoration of Reggio and Rubbiera would take place ; but
in secret he had already secured the possession of these
places to Duke Alfonso of Ferrara. He also urgently
advised the Emperor not to confirm the additional clauses
of the treaty. Charles took his advice ; the restoration of
Reggio and Rubbiera, in which towns Clement saw the
keys of Parma and Piacenza,1 the Papal salt monopoly in
Milan, and the arrangements for Church patronage in
the kingdom of Naples, were consequently discarded and
remained a dead letter. Nevertheless, the Imperialists
refused to repay to the Pope the sums disbursed by him
for the promised surrender of the towns. The more
Clement saw that this behaviour had the Emperor's appro-
bation, the greater became his mistrust and indignation.
When the Imperial ratification of the principal treaty
arrived, he declined to accept it, since it had not been
executed within the stipulated four months, and proceeded
to demand back the 100,000 ducats paid by Florence.
This the Imperialists declined, under empty pretexts, to
refund.2 Clement, who was suffering from gout, was fully
1 " Si non havemo Rezo, e perso Parma e Piasenza," said the Pope
to the Venetian Envoy. SANUTO, XL, 345.
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 3 ; HELLWIG, 21 ; BREWER, IV., I, n. 1336,
1418. Cf. GRETHEN, 70 seg.t 72 seq., who acknowledges the justice of
INTRIGUES OF LANNOY. 283
justified in saying that he had been cheated,1 injured, and
insulted. In addition to these grievances came Charles's
heavy claims on the church patronage of Aragon. " If
the affairs of the Church are treated in this way," said
Clement to Sessa, " it were best that I should betake
myself back to Soracte."2
The rumours concerning the intentions of Charles's
advisers and of his commander-in-chief in Italy were of
the kind most likely to throw the Pope into fear and
despair. The proposal which came from this quarter,
with a view to trampling under foot the independence
of the whole Apennine Peninsula, aimed at nothing less
than the total confiscation of the Papal States. Not
merely were Florence, Siena, and Lucca to come under
the Emperor's rule, but Modena also was to fall to the
Duke of Ferrara, and the Bentivogli were to be re-
established in Bologna. Lannoy, the soul of the anti-
Papal intrigues, demanded also that Parma and Piacenza,
Ravenna and Cervia, should be separated from the States
of the Church ; the first two were destined for the Duke
of Milan, the two last for the Republic of Venice.3
The Pope was aware of these intrigues, but, being
powerless, had to play a losing game with a cheerful
countenance;4 for if the Emperor was able to come to
terms with Francis at the expense of Italy, then Clement
the Pope's complaints. The damage done in the Papal territory by the
Imperialist soldiery was reckoned at 200,000 ducats ; see CREIGHTON,
V, 259.
1 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 118.
-' Ibid., III., i,n. 134.
3 Besides GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 3, and DE LEVA, II., 273, cf. an
account in SANUTO, XXXVIII., 121, of which the value has not
hitherto been appreciated,
1 GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 3.
284 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was lost.1 This eventuality seemed to be very close at
hand when the captive King of France was removed to
Spain2 (loth of June 1525).
In Rome, in Venice, indeed throughout the whole of
Italy, the impression prevailed that the Emperor in-
tended to become reconciled to his prisoner at the cost
of Italian independence, and the freedom of Italy would
be destroyed for ever. The decisive moment seemed to
have come to run the last risk and throw off the yoke
of those whom they called "barbarians." In the sphere
of literature and art the Italian of those days was un-
questionably entitled to consider himself superior to the
Spaniard, and indeed to all the other nations in Europe.
This self-consciousness gave powerful nourishment to the
revival of the national idea. " All Italy," declared Antonio
de Leyva, the loyal general of the Emperor, " is at one in
combining to defend the common interests and to resist
any further increase of the power of Spain. There is not
a single Prince among them who thinks any longer of the
favours received from Charles." 3
In other respects also affairs were tending more and
more to the Emperor's disadvantage. After the defeat at
Pavia, it had at first seemed as if the French kingdom must
fall in pieces. But afterwards a complete change came
over affairs. It was the Regent, Louisa of Savoy, the
King's mother, who held the nation together and became
1 Cf. the ^despatches of Fr. Gonzaga, May 13, 1525 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. MlGNET, II., 104 seq. ; DECRUE, Anne de Montmorency, 54
seq. ; GACHARD, Captivite de Frangois I., in Etudes cone. 1'hist. des
Pays-Bas, I., 1890.
3 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 3; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 427-
428 ; VILLA, Italia, 68 seqq. ; PROFESSIONS, Dalla battaglia di
Pavia, 26.
LODOVICO DI CANOSSA. 285
its leader. She soothed the disaffected among the nobles
and generals, reconciled factions, organized the defences
of the country, and disclosed in all directions a capacity
for rule which was as determined as it was prudent. She
it was, also, who succeeded in detaching Henry VIII.,
envious of the good fortune of Charles, frcm the Emperor,
and in concluding at the end of August a treaty of
peace and alliance between France and England.1
Some considerable time before this, the Regent had
also entered into communications with the States of Italy.
Her primary object was to win over the two most powerful
— the Pope and Venice. For this purpose Louisa of Savoy
employed the services of a man who, although by birth an
Italian, was yet one of the most fervent adherents of her son.
This was Lodovico di Canossa, Bishop of Bayeux. He was
an intimate friend of Giberti, and was also held in great
esteem at Venice. At the end of 1524 and in the spring
of the following year he was in Rome, making himself
personally active, and at that time he believed that he had
already fully secured the anxious-minded Pope.2 At the
beginning of June 1525 Canossa gave out that he had to
visit his family in Verona ; he really went in haste to
Venice, which he reached on the I5th of June.3 Thither
on the 23rd came the French envoy, Lorenzo Toscano,
with instructions from the Regent. On the following day
1 The news reached Rome on September 25, 1525 ; see the ^despatch
of G. de' Medici of that date (State Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 76. For the period of Canossa's journey to
Rome see the rare monograph of ORTI MANARA, Canossa, 37.
3 In confirmation of GRETHEN'S (73) and JACQUETON'S (203) state-
ments about Canossa's journey, I refer to the following **letters of
the latter to F. Robertet : (i) dated Rome, June 2, 1525; (2) dated
Urbino, June 11 ; (3) dated Venice, June 20: "Zobia passata io giunsi
in questa terra dove aspecto che mi sia comandato quanto io habia a
fare " (Communal Library, Verona).
286 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Canossa laid his proposals before the Signoria, but the
cautious Venetians declined to give a definite answer before
the Pope had declared himself.1 Canossa now worked
with might and main, and his letters were despatched in all
directions; while urging the French Government to come
as quickly as possible to an understanding, he stirred up in
Italy, wherever he could, the fires of national hatred against
the Spaniard.2 But his principal object was to move the
Pope, who still clung to his old policy of " I will and I
won't,"3 to declare himself openly.
The confidant of Canossa's plans and his best ally was
Giberti, who, with Carpi's support, and with even greater
perseverance than his friend, was working against the
Emperor4 behind Schonberg's back, in France, Switzerland,
and England, and, above all, trying to induce the Pope to
come over finally to the side of Francis. On the 25th of
June 1525 5 Canossa wrote encouragingly: " All points to a
swift and satisfactory conclusion." But it was precisely at
this juncture that the two friends met with the greatest diffi-
culties. "Although the Pope," wrote Giberti to Canossa
on the ist of July, " is a good friend to the emancipation
of Italy, yet he will not fling himself headlong into an
1 Besides Canossa's letter of June 21, which is printed for the most
part in PROFESSIONE'S Dalla battaglia di Pavia, 10, see also his ^letter
to Giberti of June 25, that to Louisa of Savoy of June 28, 1525, and
that to Giberti of July 5 (Communal Library, Verona).
2 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 428; Miscell. d. stor. Ital., III.,
351 seq., and ClPOLLA, 891.
3 This expression is used by Giov. Maria del Monte in a letter of
March 3, 1525. Lett. d. princ, I., 107.
4 BAUMGARTEN, he. tit. For Giberti's concealment of his activity
from Schonberg, cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 84. See also GAYANGOS, III.,
if n. 135-
6 Letter to Giberti, dated Venice, June 25 (not 23), 1525, as given
in PROFESSIONS, Dalla battaglia di Pavia, 28.
<;ir.ERTI AND CANC
287
affair of such weighty responsibility, and is, in the first
place, determined to await the arrival of Lorenzo Toscano."
At the same time, Giberti urged the closest secrecy with
regard to all their transactions, as success would be easy if
they succeeded in taking the Spaniards by surprise.1 In a
letter addressed on the same day to the Swiss Nuncio,
Ennio Filonardi, Giberti confirms his account of Clement's
indecision. In consequence of the misconduct of the
Imperialists, Giberti here insists, especially with regard to
their infringements of the April treaty, war might easily
arise; therefore the Nuncio ought to take secret measures
to have from eight to ten thousand Swiss in readiness, in
case of necessity, to fight, not only in Lombardy, but also in
Naples.2 Giberti was not less active in other ways as well.
He told the Pope, in the most emphatic language, that, if
he let this opportunity go by, he would bitterly repent it,
and sink into a mere tool of the Emperor's. Still Clement
was not to be moved to take any open steps, and
Giberti, in desperation, threatened that he would quit
Rome.3
Canossa did not commit himself as long as the Pope and
Venice refused to declare themselves openly against Charges.
On the 25th of June he explained to the Regent that
both the Pope and Venice were afraid lest France, think-
ing exclusively of her own interests, should sacrifice Italy;4
even Giberti had his misgivings of France in this respect.5
It was certainly strange that the agents of France had
never yet received full powers to conclude an alliance.
1 Lett. d. princ., II., 83.
2 Ibid., II., 81.
3 SANUTO, XXXIX., 174, 176.
4 *Canossa a Madama la rcgina di Francia, dated Venice, June 25,
1525 (Communal Library, Verona).
6 Cf. his letter to Canossa, July 8, 1525, in Lett. d. princ., II., 85.
288 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Consequently, at Rome as well as at Venice, matters were
taken in hand with the greatest caution and reticence.
Under cover of the closest secrecy, Giberti employed
Sigismondo Sanzio, one of Carpi's secretaries, to treat with
the Regent, and Gregorio Casale to treat with Henry VIII.
One object was to ascertain the truth of a report emanating
from Spain, that the Emperor would probably visit Italy
in person ; at the same time, clear information was to be
procured as to the help which "poor Italy" might expect
to receive. Sanzio and Casale left Rome almost simul-
taneously (Qth and loth of July).1 In spite of all precautions,
Sessa was informed of these movements. But Clement VII.
managed, by the ambiguity of his language, entirely to
deceive the Spanish diplomatist.2
The shrewd Venetians proceeded with similar secrecy.
They also put no trust in France.3 Already, on the loth
of July, Canossa had described to his friend Giberti the
hesitation of the Signoria, who awaited the decision of the
Pope.4 On the i8th he was able to report that Venice was
prepared to enter into a league with France on the condi-
tions put forward by the Pope through Sigismondo Sanzio.
For the present, however, this determination was to be
kept absolutely secret The conditions were : Francesco
Sforza to keep Milan and marry a French Princess ; the
Pope to receive Naples and Sicily, and France to pay
monthly 50,000 ducats and supply 6600 land forces and
10 galleys; the Italians in return to make an alliance,
1 Lett. d. princ., II., 85, 86; GRETHEN, 76 seq. ; PROFESSIONS,
Dalla battaglia di Pavia, 35 ; JACQUETON, 211 seq.
2 GRETHEN, 78 seqq.
**Canossa a Madama la regina di Francia, dated Venice, July 7,
1525 (Communal Library, Verona).
**Canossa al datario. Venice, July 10, 1525 (Communal Library,
Verona).
DISTRUST OF FRANCE. 289
offensive and defensive, with France, and to raise an army
of 13,000 men for the liberation of the King.1
By the month of August the negotiations were at a stand-
still. Giberti's and the Pope's distrust of France had re-
vived with increased strength. The attitude of the Regent
was, in fact, so suspicious that the fear that she might
treacherously surrender Italy to the Emperor was forced
on men's minds. She prolonged the negotiations in such a
way that it became more and more clear that she was only
making use of Italy in order to obtain the release of Francis
on more favourable terms. Not merely in Rome but also
in Venice, where Canossa was long kept waiting with-
out any tidings from France being received, the worst
suspicions were aroused.2 Moreover, there came the news
that Sigismondo Sanzio had been murdered in the neigh-
bourhood of Brescia, and all his correspondence stolen.3
Among the papers of this Ambassador were some highly
compromising documents relating to a plot to deprive the
Emperor of his ablest general.
The iron hand of the haughty Spaniard lay with all its
1 **Canossa a mons. datario, and, a Madamala regina di Francia, two
letters, dated Venice, July 18, 1525 (Communal Library, Verona).
2 BREWER, IV., i, n. 1563, 1589 ; GRETHEN, 80. Canossa wrote on
August 5, 1525, from Venice to the Queen Regent : *Qua et a Roma
per quanto mi e scritto aspettano con gran desiderio di havere qualche
risoluta risposta di V. M. circa quello che Sigismondo li ha portato, et
senza la dita risposta non sono per passare piu avanti per cosa che se li
possa dire. In a *letter of August 18, 1525, Canossa puts plainly
before the Regent the Venetian distrust of France. He returns to
the subject again on August 22. Cf. also Canossa's letters to Robertet,
**August 11, 18, and 22 (Communal Library, Verona). For the
Pope's anxiety and depression cf. SANUTO, XXXIX., 341, 377, 425,
459-
3 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 3 ; SANUTO, XXXIX., 282, 326, 341, 342,
343 ; PROFESSIONS, Dalla battaglia di Pavia, 37.
VOL. IX. 19
290 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
might on young Francesco Sforza. The Duchy of Milan
had been reconquered in his name, but he now saw himself
given over to the arbitrary rule of the Imperial governor
and treated with the most offensive insolence by the very
men to whom, in their extreme danger, he had been a firm
support. Milan was under greater oppression than had
ever been known under French domination. The complete
subjection of Sforza and the incorporation of the Duchy
into the Spanish Monarchy seemed now only a question of
time. To free his native land from the foreigner, the
Duke's Chancellor, Girolamo Morone, devised a plan as
clever as it was daring.1 Pescara, the Emperor's ablest
general, felt himself ill-used and pushed into the back-
ground by his master. Morone thus hoped to secure him.
In deep secrecy, after the most cautious overtures, he
disclosed to Pescara his plan for delivering Italy from the
Imperial sway, and, in the event of success, promised him
nothing less than the kingdom of Naples, which the Pope
would confer upon him. Although Pescara did not
commit himself to any definite assent, Morone was under
the impression that the Emperor's general would yield
to these brilliant promises. The impetuous Italian believed
that the game was in his hands, and put himself into
communication with Venice, Rome, and France. Soon all
who were initiated into the adventure were filled with the
most overweening hopes. " I see the world transformed,"
wrote Giberti, " and Italy arising from the depths of misery
1 For Morone and his conspiracy see DANDOLO, Ricordi inediti d.
G. Morone, Milano, 1855 ; G. MULLER, Docum. p. la vita di G.
Morone, in Miscell. d. stor. Ital., III., Torino, 1865; DE LEVA, II.,
281 seqq. ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 449 seqq. ; ClPOLLA, 891 seqq. ;
REUMONT, V. Colonna, 75 seq. ; GIODA, G. Morone e i suoi tempi,
Milano, 1887; JACQUETON, 215 ; cf. SALTINI, G. Morone, Firenze,
1868.
ACTION OF PKSCA1 2QI
to the summit of prosperity."1 Clement VII., who, at this
time, saw everything through the eyes of his present
adviser, was of the same mind.2 But Pescara was at heart
a thorough Spaniard ; he despised the Italians, and only
wished to become privy to their plots and to delay the
crisis of the conspiracy. In secret he betrayed all to the
Emperor and promised to send him money and troops so
as to enable him with all possible speed to make peace
with France. For never had the danger been greater.
Not only the Pope, Venice, and Milan, but also Genoa and
Ferrara were united in one common hatred of the Spaniard
and fear of the Imperial supremacy.3
Pescara, being in possession of conclusive evidence, threw
off the mask. On the I4th of October 1525 Morone, who
had been lulled into security, was suddenly seized, and all
important places in the Duchy put under military occupa-
tion. Against Francesco Sforza, who had taken refuge in
the citadel of Milan, a charge of felony was laid ; the
Milanese authorities were bidden henceforward to execute
their functions in the Emperor's name.4
The news of these proceedings reached Rome on the
1 8th of October. They caused as much perplexity, terror,
and despondency as the victory of Pavia had done,
especially among those who were implicated in the
intrigues.5 The Spaniards and their partisans at once
1 Lettera a Ghinucci, in, Lettere di principi (ed. princeps), I., 170.
RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., II., 2nd ed., 343.
2 Report of Fr. de Quinones, Rome, August 26, 1525. GAYANGOS,
III., i, n. 1 88 ; cf. n. 221. 3 BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 455.
4 ROMANIN, V., 415. On November 14 orders were given to pay
in all the revenues of the State to the Abbot of Najera. MULLER,
Docum., n. 243.
5 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 224, 240; SANUTO, XL., 133, 137 seq.\
*despatch of G. de' Medici, Rome, October 19, 1525 (State Archives,
Florence).
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
took up an aggressive attitude. To Cardinal Colonna,
who had left Rome a few days earlier, the remark was
attributed that "with 100,000 ducats he would pledge
himself to drive the Pope from his capital."1 By the 2Oth of
October Mendoza had come upon the scene commissioned
by Pescara to explain the reasons for Morone's arrest and
the necessity, arising therefrom, of occupying the Duchy.
Clement was unable, at first, to conceal his embarrassment ;
but afterwards he controlled himself, and tried to justify his
recent conduct : the restitution of Reggio and Rubbiera
had not taken place, but had been indefinitely deferred;
in like manner the article concerning the salt monopoly
had not been complied with ; further, the Imperial forces
continued to occupy the Papal States, to the ruin of the
population. To crown all came the removal of the French
King into Spain and the suspicious visit of the Duke of
Ferrara to the Emperor. In view of the generally received
opinion that Charles intended to come to terms with his
prisoner to the detriment of the Papacy and of the whole
of Italy, Clement had been filled with the greatest distrust,
and had taken a share in the movements against the
Emperor, so as not to be left in total isolation. Since
the occupation of Milan by the Emperor's troops he was
fully under the impression that Charles was aiming at
the complete conquest and subjugation of Italy. Mendoza
and Sessa laboured in vain, during the following days, to
convince the Pope that such apprehensions were ground-
less.2 Clement was emphatic in declaring that every-
1 SANUTO, XL., 138.
2 GAYANGOS, III., n. 224, 235, 239, 240. * Despatch of G. de'
Medici, Rome, October 21, 1525 : "II Signer Lopez Hurtado arrive
hier sera, et questa matina e stato lungamente con N. S."; there follows
a summary of the substance of the conversation. According to a
*despatch of the same envoy on October 25, Mendoza wished to leave
ALARM OF CLEMENT VII. 293
thing hung on the possession of Milan, and that he should
never reconcile himself to Lombardy being ruled by Charles
or Ferdinand. This possession of Milan clashed with the
conditions of the investiture of the kingdom of Naples ; it
gave the Emperor unlimited power in Italy, and rather
than yield on this point, he would prefer to share the
downfall of all the princes of Italy. The Pope made no
concealment of his determination to act on the defensive
with Venice, France, and England.1
The extent of Clement's alarm at this moment is shown
from the fact that he at once gave orders to provide Parma
and Piacenza with troops, and that he saw to the fortifica-
tion of Rome and to the enlistment of additional troops.2
There were real grounds for the fears of Clement and
the Italians. "The only remedy," wrote Mendoza to
Charles on the 5th of November, " lies in this : to make
peace with France, to take possession of Milan, and — to
wrest both Parma and Piacenza from our Holy Mother the
Church."3 Thus wrote the man who had just been impart-
on the following day (State Archives, Florence). The Pope viewed
the journey of Alfonso from Ferrara with displeasure but, owing to the
occupation of the territory of the Church, maintained the suspension
of relations for six months. Alfonso, however, never reached the
Emperor, for, in understanding with Clement, he was not allowed
to pass through France, Cf. SANUTO, XXXIX., 430, 450, 481 ;
XL., 201-202, 245. The * Brief of Suspension here referred to, dated
Rome, September 23, 1525, was found by me in the original, in the
State Archives, Modena. The discussion in Consistory upon this
circumstance took place on September 15. *Acta Consist, of the
Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
1 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 253, 256, 258; SANUTO, XL., 174:
BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 494.
2 SANUTO, XL., 220 ; GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 253, 271.
3 GAYANGOS, III., i,n. 253. Cf, also the letter of Leyva, in Mi LLER,
Docum., n. 244, and DE LEVA, II., 301 seq.
294 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ing to the Pope the most pacifying assurances. Can Clement
and the other Italian powers be blamed if they sought to
make their own position secure ? " Intrigues are more rife
than ever," Caracciolo reported to the Emperor on the loth
of November from Venice. "All depends on separating
Venice and the Pope : it would be a very easy thing to win
the latter." 1 Charles V. seems also to have taken this view ;
hence the distinguished reception given, at the beginning
of October, to Cardinal Salviati at Toledo. The Emperor
spoke so convincingly of his peaceful intentions, of his
plans against Turks and heretics, of his filial reverence for
the Holy Father, that not the least doubt of his sincerity
occurred to Salviati. The Emperor also gave tranquillizing
assurances with respect to Milan, Reggio, and Rubbiera ;
in reality he meant very differently.2 But for the moment
his one object was, while keeping his hold on Clement and
winning him over by fair words and promises, to crush the
dangerous movement towards freedom in Italy. For this
purpose he sent a special envoy to Rome in the person of
Miguel de Herrera.
In the meantime the opposite party pressed their suit
on Clement not less zealously. The Spanish envoys saw
with special anxiety the strenuous efforts of the Venetians
to bring the Pope to a final decision. Their fears increased
as the couriers came and went incessantly between Rome
and Venice.3 Clement was as far as ever from any fixed
determination. The alarm caused by the arrest of Morone
influenced him powerfully. This procrastination caused
dissatisfaction not only to the anti- Imperialists but to the
1 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 256.
2 MOLINI, I., 191 seqq. ; GAYANGOS, III., I, n. 246; SANUTO, XL.,
296 ; DE LEVA, 1 1., 302 seq. ; GRETHEN, 88 seq. ; PROFESSIONE, Dalla
battaglia di Pavia, 57 seq.
3 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 260, 271.
TIMIDITY OF THE POPE. 295
Roman public,1 who attributed all their misfortunes to the
Pope's indecision and stinginess.2 Just at this time a
powerful impulse was given to the hopes and spirits of the
Italians; Pescara, the special object of their hatred and
the Emperor's ablest general, was removed by death in the
night between the 2nd and 3rd of December, while France
had made fresh promises. Incessant pressure was now put
on the Pope to give his adhesion to the League for good
and all.3
The position in the meantime was such that armed inter-
vention in support of Italy by France and England could
not be expected with any certainty. To strike single-
handed would have been foolhardiness.4 Under such
circumstances even a man of strong determination would
have hesitated ; much more Clement VII., whose leading
characteristics were timidity and indecision. No one has de-
scribed his strange character so strikingly as Guicciardini.5
Always slow in forming his plans as well as in their exe-
cution, Clement was easily frightened by the smallest
difficulty. Hardly had he come, by good luck, to a decision,
than the reasons which had led him fell entirely into the back-
ground, and it seemed to him that he had not sufficiently
weighed those on the other side. He often gave way to
1 *Canossa al conte Alberto di Carpi, dated Venice, November 15,
1525: "Mi spaventa alquanto la tropo circumspettione di N. Sre."
The Venetians "benissimo disposti," but as yet have given no definite
answer. To the same from Venice, November 25 : Venice is ready to
join the League, when the Pope does so. " Dapoi io hebbi la lettera
di V. S. per la quale mi scrive che a Roma si trovano de la difficult^ "
(Communal Library, Verona).
2 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 279.
3 Cf. Canossa's * letters to Giberti, November 25 and December 2,
1525 (Capitular Library, Verona).
4 GRETHEN, 90. Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 495.
6 GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 5.
296 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the representations of his advisers without being thoroughly
convinced by them. If only his ministers had been at
least of one mind ! But Giberti had always been a strong
adherent of France, and Schonberg an equally strong
Imperialist; this made the confusion complete. The
Pope's attitude depended on which of these two alternating
counsellors was in the ascendant.
Giberti's influence was now once more to be thwarted. If
we may believe Guicciardini, the day for the conclusion of
the League against Charles V. had been already fixed when
the news was brought that Herrera had landed at Genoa.
This was enough to reopen the whole question from the
beginning. The Pope announced that he must first hear the
proposals which Herrera was bringing from the Emperor.1
Herrera reached Rome at last on the 6th of December,
bringing with him very friendly letters from Charles and
drafts of a treaty which had been discussed with Salviati ;
Schonberg was now at once in the ascendant. Giberti, who,
on the 5th, still had strong hopes of securing the Pope's
adhesion on the following day, was now in such despair that
he threatened to leave Rome.2 Perhaps, as the opponents of
Charles feared, an alliance between the Pope and Emperor
might then have been made, if Herrera's offers had been
satisfactory. This, however, was not the case, and the
1 GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 5, whose account is confirmed by the
Venetian reports in SANUTO, XL, 307, 344 seq., 365, 410-11, 431-432.
Cf. also GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 284, 286. G. de' Medici states on
December 3, 1525: *Quk non manchano di continuare le practiche
da Francia et Inghilterra et Venetian! per tirar N. S. dicono alia
defensione della libertk d' I talia. S. Sta pare resoluta aspectare 1' huomo
viene et vedere quello porta et secondo portera governarsi et se
necessitk non la stringiera non vede che S. Sta sia per mectersi in
periculo et spesa senza suo proficto per bonificare et assicurare quelli
d' altri (State Archives, Florence).
2 SANUTO, XL., 433, 473 seq.
NK.C.oTIATIoNS \V I I H CHARLES V.
negotiations took shape with difficulty. The Pope was
determined that with respect to Reggio and Rubbiera
something more concrete and tangible than mere promises
should be forthcoming. Over the Milanese question, the
turning-point of all, agreement was impossible. Matters
having reached this point, Sessa and Herrera proposed that
the negotiations should be suspended for two months, with
the secret intention of gaining time in which to make fresh
preparations for war and arouse suspicion among Clement's
previous friends. Schonberg and Salviati managed to raise
Clement's distrust of the French and other anti-Imperial-
ists to such a pitch that he accepted the Spanish proposal.1
The Pope, however, expressly declared at the time that if
the Emperor did not surrender Milan within the appointed
term of adjournment he would enter the League with France
and Venice.2
The opponents of Charles in Rome, Giberti, Carpi, and
Foscari, as well as the ministers of the Queen Regent, were
highly exasperated 3 by this decision ; not less so
Guicciardini 4 and Canossa.5 In this respect their com-
1 For the mission of Herrera cf. GAYANGOS, III., n. I, 299, 300;
VILLA, Italia, 107 seqq. ; SANUTO, XL., 506 seq. ; BALAN, Mon. saec.,
XVI., 196 seqq. ; DE LEVA, II., 305 seq. ; GRETHEN, 92 scq. ; BAUM-
GARTEN, Karl V., II., 495 seq. ; JACQUETON, 234 seq. ; HELLWIG, 18
seg., 22 ; CREIGHTON, V., 267, and PROFESSIONE'S rare monograph, in
which use has been made of unpublished material, La politica di
Carlo V. nelle due legazioni del Caracciolo e dell' Herrera a Venezia
e a Roma, Asti, 1889. The statement that Schonberg and Salviati
brought about the Pope's decision is in SANUTO, XL., 624.
2 SANUTO, XL., 507 ; cf. 624, and RAYNALDUS, 1525, n. 90.
3 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 299; cf. BREWER, IV., i., n. 1814, 1902;
BROWN, III., n. 1191, 1201 : SANUTO, XL., 507, 532 seq. ; GRETHEN,
93-94 ; HELLWIG, 12.
4 Lett. d. princ., II., 102 ; cf. GUICCIARDINI, Op. ined., VIII., 363 seq.
6 " Per il tacere suo," wrote Canossa on December 1 5, 1525, to Giberti,
" ct per altra via ne ho inteso quanto basta. a farmi stare mal contcnto et
2Q8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
plaints of the Pope were hardly justified. The time gained
by the adjournment was certainly of advantage to the
Emperor, but also to the Pope. Clement might well hope
that in two months' time the state of things, especially the
attitude of France and England, would have become so
much clearer that he might more easily make the decision
charged with such weighty issues.1
Before the two months were out, on the I4th of January
1526, the Peace of Madrid was settled between Charles
and Francis. By this agreement the captive King of France
consented to almost all the demands of the victor. He
surrendered the Duchy of Burgundy, the countship of
Charolais, and the suzerainty over Flanders and Artois ;
Bourbon and the other rebels were amnestied ; all claims
to Naples, Milan, Genoa, and Asti were renounced ; and
lastly, he promised to supply forces on land and sea to
accompany Charles on his expedition to Rome, or in
warfare against the Turk.2 After inexplicable delays the
quasi a desperare in tutto la salute d' Italia parendomi assai piu ragione-
vole il credere." The following is given in PROFESSIONS, Dalla battaglia
di Pavia, 61. On December 22, 1525, Canossa * wrote to Robertet :
" Vista la irresolutione del papa et non sperando che S. Sta intri in questa
liga se non vede forze tale in Italia che lo possi securare del timore che
ha de lo imperatore mi son sforzato di persuadere a questa Signoria
che essa si voglia risolvere senza il papa." Cf. also the * letter to
Louisa of Savoy, December 22, 1525 (Communal Library, Verona).
1 BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 497.
2 DUMONT, IV., i, 399 seqq. Capino da Capo, who came to Rome
on February 20, 1 526, brought a draft of the treaty ; see SALVIOLT,
XVI., 278. On March 5, Cardinal Cibo, in Consistory, read a letter
from Charles announcing the conclusion of peace, and on the loth
Clement VII. congratulated the Emperor, and informed him of the
peace celebrations in Rome (*Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor,
Consistorial Archives ; BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 223 seg.). These
celebrations are also described by CORNELIUS DE FINE in his * Diary
(National Library, Paris).
Till TREATY OF MADRID. 299
Emperor ratified the treaty at last on the I ith of February.
On the i /th of March Francis was exchanged for his
two sons, who were to remain with Charles as hostages.
With the cry : " Me voici roi derechef," — " Now I am once
again a King ! " — he set foot on French soil.1
The Treaty of Madrid was perhaps the gravest political
mistake which Charles V. had made. Not without reason
did his Chancellor Gattinara refuse to declare his agree-
ment with demands which he knew to be excessive and
impracticable. The treaty in fact laid upon the van-
quished obligations of such vast extent that their fulfilment
from a man like Francis I. could never be expected. Still
less was it to be supposed that such a nation as France
would degrade itself to become a power of the second
rank and own vassalage to the Emperor. Public opinion
on the whole, so far as such a thing could then be spoken
of, was now steadily inclining towards Francis, In view
of the almost brutal way in which Charles was seizing the
spoils of victory, hardly anyone believed that the King
would observe the peace. In Italy especially this opinion
had wide acceptance.
Although no one had any inkling of the secret protest
made by Francis before the conclusion of the treaty, he
was counselled on all sides to break the oath he had just
sworn.2 Even Clement VII. , the practical politician,3 was
1 BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 474^^,484 seq. ; MIGNET, II., 198^?.
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 6 ; GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 358 ; PROFESSIONS,
Dalla battaglia di Pavia, 68. Cf. the ** letters of Canossa to Giberti
on February 3, to the Regent on February 5 and March I, to Carpi
on February 19, and to Robertet on February 21, 1526 (Communal
Library, Verona).
3 According to the report sent to Wolsey by the Bishop of Worcester,
Clement VII., on seeing the draft of the Treaty of Madrid, said he
thought it good, provided that Francis, on regaining his liberty, did
not observe its conditions. RAUMER, Briefe I., 247.
300 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in this instance no exception;1 he considered that treaty
and oath, if extorted, were not binding.2 The Pope wished
in the first place to obtain clear information of the inten-
tions of Francis. He therefore sent, as Venice had done,
an embassy to the King, ostensibly to congratulate him on
his release from captivity, but really to discover his true
intention and, in the event of his not keeping the treaty
with Charles, to form an alliance with him. On the 22nd
of February 1526 Paolo Vettori was entrusted on the part
of the Pope with this mission. Vettori having fallen ill on
the journey, Capino da Capo, who was in the confidence of
Francis, was ordered to go to France on the ist of March
I526.3 Yet a further appointment was made on the 2Oth
1 See SANUTO, XL., 849 seqq.
2 Francis I. broke his word on the advice of an assembly of notables
of the three estates; see Rev. d. quest, hist, 1903, I., 114^. That
Clement VII. dispensed Francis formally from his oath, as Sandoval
and Sepulveda assert, appears doubtful, and rightly so, to GRETHEN,
98. The fact that Charles V., in his vehement letter of complaint
against Clement VII., introduces the subject only with an "it is said,"
is deserving of notice. This, certainly, is not conclusive proof, but the
formal dispensation still remains open to grave doubt, all the more so
as Francis I. never appealed to it in his own defence (cf. MARTIN, 73).
Still less satisfactory is the evidence afforded by remarks of Clement,
made, according to reports of Mais, in 1529, under very different
circumstances, to another agent of the Emperor's (BAUMGARTEN, II.,
519). I have sought in vain in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, and
in the National Archives in Paris, for a document containing the
absolution from the oath. It is impossible to draw any certain con-
clusion from this, as the mass of Roman documents is great and they
have not all come down to us in a perfect state. Cf. also EHSES,
Concil. IV, XXIV, note 2, and FRAIKIN, XLI.
3 Cf. SANUTO, XL., 873 seqq.\ GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 6 ; JACQUETON,
262 seq. ; FRAIKIN, 7 ; RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 27 ; BALAN, Mon. saec.,
XVI., 220-222. The original of the Pope's letter to the French
Chancellor in the National Archives, Paris, L 357. Fr. Gonzaga
speaks of the Pope's grief at the death of Vettori in a * despatch,
CAPINO AT THE FRENCH COURT. 30!
of April, when the Florentine Roberto Acciaiuoli was
nominated Nuncio-in-ordinary at the French court.1
Capino could hardly travel quick enough to please the
Pope ; for safety his letters were addressed to a merchant
in Rome.2 By the end of March he arrived at the French
court, where at the same time Andrea Rosso, the represen-
tative of Venice, made his appearance. The King received
Capino most graciously, and assured him that he would
willingly do all in his power to prevent Charles from
putting his yoke on Italy ; he would give a full and
definite answer as soon as the solemnities of Easter
were over.3 On Easter Monday, the 2nd of April, the
formal negotiations began.4 By the 8th Capino was able
to announce that France was won for the League ; Venice
and the Pope had only now to send the full powers to
conclude the alliance.5 The news that Francis was
prepared to support the work of " the liberation of Italy"
and to come to the help of Francesco Sforza, still
beleaguered by the Spaniards in the citadel of Milan,
caused the greatest excitement in all who were privy
to the scheme.
The great coalition against the Emperor was now only
a question of time. I fit did not become an accomplished
fact until the 22nd of May, this was on account of the gravity
March 9, 1526. He also reported on April 19 that the Pope had
received letters from Capino during the night ; Capino reports on
Francis' friendly disposition, but nothing special (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
1 Cf. PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 82 seq., and FRAIKIN, 12 seq.
2 SANUTO, XLL, 68, 133, 157, 178.
3 Capino's report in FRAIKIN, 7 seq. It differs from the original
draft (Lett. del. 1526 al 27) in the Ricci Archives in Rome, dated
March 29, 1526.
4 SANUTO, XLL, 190 seqq. ; cf. JACQUETON, 269.
6 Report of Capino's, April 8, 1 526, in Fraikin, 8 seq.
302 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the transaction and the mutual distrust of the contract-
ing parties.1 However great was the desire of all the
Emperor's enemies that he should be vanquished, no one
wished to take the first and principal part in his overthrow.
The Italians were still, not without reason, filled with
jealousy of France ; they wished, therefore, that England
should enter the League in order to secure them from any
defection on the part of Francis I. Henry VIII., however,
wished the League to be ratified in England, a proceed-
ing which would have meant the loss of much precious
time. But bold action was called for under any circum-
stances, for just at that particular moment the Emperor's
forces were in a critical state owing to the want of money
and provisions. Since Henry held firm to his demand,
the accession of England to the League had to be
renounced.2
In Venice decisive measures were pushed on. At a
very early date movements of troops began, the object
of which admitted of no doubt.3 Even the Pope now
stood firm, although his Spanish Nuncio, Castiglione,
repeatedly besought him in eloquent language to withdraw
from an undertaking certain to bring ruin in its train.4
" These clever persons," wrote Canossa on the I9th of
February to Giberti from Venice, " who would persuade
his Holiness that the league with France involves his own
ruin and that of Italy, and that no one is bound to sacrifice
himself in order to give freedom to others, ought simply
1 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 500 : PROFESSIONE, Dal trattato di
Madrid, 12.
2 HELLWIG, 14-15 ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 482.
3 PROFESSIONE, Dal trattato di Madrid, 11.
4 Cf. the letter to Schonberg, and especially the long and candid
letter to the Pope himself from Toledo, December 28, 1525, both in
SERASSI, II., n seg.t 19 seq.
"ALAS! POOR ITALY." 303
to tell us what ruin can ensue greater than that which
we have to fear at this present time."1 The direct
sovereignty of the Emperor over Milan, in the opinion of
a Sienese diplomatist, meant for the Pope and Venice the
total loss of independence.2
Thus Castiglione's warnings were unheeded. However
favourably he and Salviati might represent the Emperor's
intentions, facts in Italy told another story. The whole
country cried out for deliverance from the galling yoke of
the Spaniards, whose soldiery were driving the people of
Lombardy to despair. " Hunt down these wild beasts
who have only the faces and voices of men," exclaimed
Macchiavelli. " Alas ! poor Italy," sighed a poet, " whither
hast thou fallen ? Thy glory, thy fame, thy strength
have perished."3 Guicciardini expressed the opinion of
all patriotic men when he spoke of the war of deliverance
as a holy and necessary national event.4 Clement con-
curred all the more willingly in the general voice since,
duped by the Imperialists, he saw the most important
stipulations of the April treaty still left unfulfilled.
Parma and Piacenza were still overrun by the troops of
Charles and their inhabitants subjected to the heaviest
exactions. If this was a cause of resentment to the Pope,
not less so were the Emperor's encroachments, not only in
1 *Vorrei che quelli tanti savi che hanno persuaso a N. S., che
1' unirsi con Franza fosse la rovina di S. Sta e d' Italia e che non era da
mettere in preda se per liberare altrui, mi dicessero quale rovina potea
sequire maggiore di quella che ora si puo e si deve temere. Canossa
to Giberti, Venice, February 19, 1526 (Capitular Library, Verona).
2 Report of Carolus Massainus, March 26, 1526 (State Archives,
Siena), in PROFESSIONE, Dal trattato di Madrid, 5. Cf. also SALVIOLJ,
XVL, 276, and GUICCIARDINI, XVI L, i.
3 Cf. DE LEVA, II., 329; FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Clemente VII., 9-10;
REUMONT, III., 2, 172 seq. ; SALVIOLI, XV I.. 284.
4 Opere inedite, L, 393.
304 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Naples but also in Spain, on the Papal prerogatives regard-
ing presentation to ecclesiastical posts. What turned the
scale, however, was Charles's unmistakable endeavour to
secure for himself the sovereignty of Milan and, with it, of
all Italy.1 The idea of European dominion was more
and more inseparably bound up with the possession of
this noble land. "Let the Emperor," said a Roman
diplomatist, " rule Italy, and he will rule the world. Vae
miserae Italiae et nobis viventibus ! " 2
Thus on the 22nd of May 1526 was brought about
between Clement VII., Francis I., Venice and Sforza, the
so-called Holy League of Cognac. By this compact, which
was for the greater part the work of Giberti,3 it was settled
that the Duchy of Milan belonged to Francesco Sforza,
who, thenceforward, was to pay 50,000 ducats yearly to
France; all Italian states were to receive back the
possessions which they held before the war; Asti and
the suzerainty of Genoa were to fall to France ; Venice
and the Pope were to decide on the number of the
retinue of the Emperor on his journey to Rome for the
coronation, and the sons of Francis I. were to be ransomed
for a reasonable sum. If these terms were refused by the
Emperor, the members of the League were to declare war
against him and also wrest from him the kingdom of
Naples, to be bestowed by the Pope on an Italian prince,
who should then pay to the King of France a yearly tribute
of 75,000 ducats. In the event of the hoped-for inclusion
of England taking place, further special stipulations were
1 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVI., 6, XVII. 7; SANUTO, XLL, 286;
GRETHEN, 95 seq. For the Pope's protests against the Emperor's en-
croachments on the ecclesiastical sphere in Naples, see GAYANGOS,
III., i, n. 484.
2 R. Acciaiuoli in DESJARDINS, II., 861.
3 Cf. Giberti's testimony in PlGHl, Giberti, 23, and App. VI I L
LEAGUE OF COGNAC. 305
agreed upon. Two secret clauses were added by which
Florence was also to enjoy the protection of the League, and
Clement, in the event of the Emperor complying and retain-
ing the Neapolitan kingdom, was to receive from the revenues
of that crown a yearly tribute of 40,000 ducats.1 " We have
succeeded," Capino reported on the 24th of May to Umberto
da Gambara ; " the treaty was concluded the day before
yesterday ; for God's sake keep all as secret as possible." 2
1 DUMONT, IV., i, 451 seq.\ SANUTO, XLL, 348 seqq., 383 seqq.,
392 seqq., 400 seqq., 440 seqq., 451 seqq.\ Libri commem., VI., 183 seq.\
GRETHEN, 99 seq.\ HELWIG, 15 seq. Cf. also Capino's report in
FRAIKIN, 16 seqq.
2 Capino to Gambara, Cognac, May 24, 1526 (Ricci Archives,
Rome), now published in FRAIKIN, 26 seq. See also the fuller de-
spatches of Capino and R. Acciaiuoli from copies in the Vatican. A better
transcript in the Ricci Archives, in Rome, which I was allowed to see
through the kindness of the late Marchese Giovanni Ricci in 1891, was
not known to Fraikin, as these archives are no longer accessible.
VOL. IX. 20
CHAPTER IX.
CLEMENT VII. AND ITALY AT WAR WITH CHARLES V.
—THE RAID OF THE COLONNA.
THE exorbitant demands made by the victor of Pavia
were followed by a natural reaction ; this took the shape
of the great coalition known as the League of Cognac.
To the Italians, in whom thoughts of nationality were
stirring, the long-wished-for moment seemed to have
come to grasp their freedom and independence. In the
opinion of Giberti the war was not undertaken on behalf
of affronted honour, nor for revenge, nor to establish the
supremacy of this or that city — the stake was the freedom
or the perpetual slavery of Italy ; never had a more favour-
able opportunity been given than now to clip the wings
of the ever-threatening eagle.1
The Pope's confidant had deceived himself in a matter
of the gravest consequence. In the first place, the stipula-
tions agreed to at Cognac were of such a character that,
even in case of success, far more influence would accrue
to France in the affairs of Italy than would be compatible
with the real independence of that sorely tried country.
Still more prejudicial was the diversity of personal aims
among the members of the League. The Italians hoped,
with the help of France, to shake off the Spanish yoke,
while Francis I. really only wished to make use of the
1 Lettere de' principi, II., no, 113.
306
WAR \\ITII TIIK EMPEROR. 307
Italians in order to set at naught the Peace of Madrid.1
Lastly, as regards Francesco Sforza, hard pressed by the
Spaniards and in extreme danger in the citadel of Milan,
the conclusion of the League was premature, since the
forces necessary for his relief were anything but ready;2
in Rome these circumstances were completely overlooked.
As soon as it was known for a certainty that the League
was settled there was an outburst of strong warlike feeling
throughout the city.3
Orders were given without delay that the Papal troops
should concentrate at Piacenza, and everything was
done to hasten the advance of the Venetians and Swiss
against Lombardy. Arrangements were made as if
war against Charles had already been declared. In
the first week of June, Guido Rangoni, Vittello Vitelli,
and Giovanni de' Medici were enlisted in the service
of Florence and of the Pope. Francesco Guicciardini,
who had distinguished himself, under very difficult cir-
cumstances, as Governor of the ever-restless Romagna,
undertook the post of Commissary-General with almost
unlimited powers over the army.4 In Papal circles the
most comprehensive plans were proposed for the expulsion
of the Imperialists from Italy. The first necessity was
to guarantee the safety of Rome and the Papal States ;
prisoners were to be confined in the city itself; it was
1 Cf. GRETHEN, 101 ; BROSCH, I., 91.
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVII., i.
3 " Tutta Roma grida guerra," reports G. Cesano to Giov. de' Medici,
June 2, 1526; Arch. stor. Ital., N. S., IX., 2, 132. Cf. VILLA, Italia,
125 seq., and GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 440, 447.
4 See GUICCIARDINI, Storia, XVII., 2, and Op. ined., IV., 26 seq.
Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 204, and CIPOLLA, 901. About Guicci-
ardini as Governor of the Romagna and the disorder there prevailing,
see the reports in Vol. VIII., Op. ined. ; also BROSCH, I., 77 set/., and
GIODA, Guicciardini, Bologna, 1880, 232.
308 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
forbidden to carry arms; the Spaniards were closely
watched ; no one could travel through the Papal States or
Florentine territory without special permission ; no one
was allowed to raise troops for the enemy. As a safe-
guard against the Colonna there was a scheme for seizing
Paliano and cutting it off from Naples by the help of the
Conti and Gaetani. It was taken for granted that actual
war would begin with the capture of the citadel of Milan
by Papal and Venetian troops ; this having been successful,
the Milanese territory would be occupied as thoroughly
as possible, and there the arrival of the French and Swiss
would be awaited. But at the same time combined attack
was to be made on the Imperialists from many other
quarters: in Genoa by Andrea Doria; in Siena with
the help of the exiles; in Naples by co-operation with
the Orsini, and in Apulia by means of a Venetian fleet.
There were further projects of obtaining aid from Savoy
and the enemies of Charles in Germany. Moreover,
to the Venetians was given the task of blockading
the passes of the Alps so as to prevent the Imperialists
being reinforced from Germany.1 By these united efforts
it was hoped to break down the Emperor's power, and
to replace Italy in the position which she held prior to
1494.
The Pope, who on other occasions was so extraordinarily
i cf. **Provisioni per la guerra che disegno papa Clemente VII.
contra 1' imperatore Carlo V. in Inf. polit., XII., 473-480, of the Royal
Library, Berlin (cf. RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., II., 2nd ed., 357), in
Cod. CXXIII. (National Library, Florence), and in Cod. Ottob., 2514,
f. 96-102 (Vatican Library). A. Doria reached Rome on May 21,
1526 ; see Arch. stor. Ital., N. S., IX., 2, 130. *N. Raince reported on
June 12, 1526, that the Pope had prepared a Bull forbidding all vassals
of the Church to form confederacies among themselves. Fonds frang.,
2984, f. 6b (National Library, Paris). For Clement's compact with
Bavaria see SUGENHEIM, 9-10.
MISSION OF MONCAI-A. 309
nervous and apprehensive, shared Giberti's warlike spirit
and his certainty of victory.1 Both, however, were gravely
in error concerning friends and foes alike. They rated
the strength of the former too high and that of the latter
too low ; neither of them weighed the fact that the
last thing for which the Papal finances were adequate
was the cost of a war ; both believed too easily that their
hopes would be realized, and allowed themselves to be
drawn into an undertaking the execution of which would
have taxed to the utmost even the capacities of a
Julius II.2
As soon as Charles V. became aware of the danger
threatening him he determined to break through the
enemy's circle. Ugo de Moncada, already distinguished
in the Spanish service by his craft and boldness, and
hated for his cruelty towards his foes, was appointed to
carry out the enterprise. The choice seemed unfortunate
even to so sympathetic an Imperialist as Castiglione,
for Moncada belonged to the " Exaltados," whose policy
aimed at the subjection of all Italy to Spanish military
despotism.3
Moncada first turned to Francesco Sforza in order
to induce him to desert the League.4 On the failure
of this mission he betook himself to Rome, which he
reached on the i6th of June. He came, "with a barrel-
1 Cf. the letter of N. Raincc, June 9, 1526, in the Rev. d. deux
Mondes, LXII. (1866), 17, n. I, and SANUTO, XL I., 466, 483.
Macchiavelli's statement, that Clement hoped to bring the war to an
end in two weeks, sounds incredible. On the contrary, the Pope in-
formed the Duke of Bavaria that the allies hoped to be victors in Italy
within a year ; SUGENHEIM, 10, n. 14.
2 Cf. the opinion of GUICCIARDINI, XVII., 3, and VETTORI, 363, 365,
as well as GRETHEN, 105.
3 SERASSI, II., 37.
4 HELLWIG, 32 seq.
310 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ful of promises," 1 too late, for three days before, the
College of Cardinals had approved the League of
Cognac.2
Charles had instructed Moncada to try to bring the Pope
to terms in a friendly way, or else, following the suggestion
of Cardinal Colonna, to compel him by raising insurrection
in Rome, Siena, and Florence, and driving him from the
city. The Imperial instruction, dated the I ith of June 1526,
closed with the words : " If you are unsuccessful in gaining
Clement, speak secretly to Cardinal Colonna, so that he
may set in hand, as if on his own initiative, the matter
recommended by his agents, and give him privily every
support."3 The representations and offers of Moncada
and Sessa were quite ineffectual, as might have been
foreseen from the explicit declaration made to the latter
by Clement on the Qth of June.4 The Pope, prompted by
Giberti, insisted on his treaty obligations. Without the
consent of his allies, he could not come to terms with the
Emperor. The proud Spaniards had not believed this to
be possible, and, enraged at the blunt rejection of the
ample inducements offered by them, they left the Vatican.
1 Expression of the Secretary of the French Embassy, N. Raince.
See GRETHEN, no, and Bullet. Ital., Bordeaux, 1901, I., 225.
2 See Acta Consist, in FRAIKIN, LIV., n. 3, and the report, already
made use of by GRETHEN, 114-115, of N. Raince to Francis I., dated
Rome, June 17, 1526 (National Library, Paris, Fonds franc.., 2984, f.
41). In Rome the first news of the League became current on June 6.
On the yth (1526) Fr. Gonzaga wrote : *Per Roma si e sparso da heri
in qua essere fatta la liga fra il papa, Venetiani et Francia et parlasi
molto affermativamente. Tuttavia N. S. non la afferma. (But he was
already acquainted with the fact on June 5 ; see GRETHEN, 115.)
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
3 Charles V. to Moncada, dated Granada, June 11, 1526. LANZ,
Correspondenz, I., 216.
4 Cf. the report of N. Raince in GRETHEN, 108.
CONDUCT OF SI sSA. 31 I
On this occasion Sessa mounted a buffoon behind him
whose grimaces gave expression to the Ambassador's
feelings.1 In accordance with the Emperor's instructions,
the Spanish envoys began at once to lay the train for a
revolution in Rome.
The circumstances were exceptionally favourable to such
a scheme. The Romans were exceedingly incensed by the
many taxes necessitated by the preparations for war.2
When, in the last week of June, the butchers were laid
under a fresh impost, they refused to pay and — a sufficiently
significant circumstance — took refuge from the threatened
arrests with the Imperial Ambassador. Sessa, in fact, forced
the Papal police to withdraw without having attained their
object. Meanwhile Rome was full of excitement, and two
hundred Spaniards gathered round Sessa's palace. The
Government, in consequence, was weak enough to remove
the tax, but the levy of troops for the protection of Rome
1 For the mission of Moncada cf. Lettere di principi, II., I2gb seg.,
130'' seq., 135 seq., 136 seq., 137, 138 ; BREWER, IV., I, n. 2262, 2273,
2274 5 SANUTO, XLI., 664 scqq. ; Carpi's letter in MOLINI, I., 204 seq. ;
the reports of Raince in GRETHEN, 108 seq., and Bullet. Ital., loc. cit. ;
letter of G. du Bellay in BAUMGARTEN, Charles V., II., 710 seq. Cf.
also MIGNET, II., 234^*7. ; BUCHOLTZ, III., 31 seq. ; HELLWIG, J&seqq. ;
BOURRILLY, 25. The following *despatch of Fr. Gonzaga is in favour
of Hellwig's view that the rupture of negotiations took place on June
20. ... Questi dui di passati il sr don Ugo e il sr duca di Sessa sono
stati al longo con S. Sta la qual per partiti grand! che habbino proposto
non ha voluto attendere a cosa alcuna, essendose risoluta de non
puotere ne volere fare altro senza la participatione et buona satisfatione
de li suoi confederati, et sempre che essi hanno havuto parlamento
cum lei ha mandato per li oratori de essi confederati, et halli comunicato
tutti li ragionamenti che li hanno fatto esso don Ugo et duca, come si
convicne alia adherentia et unione che hanno insieme. Credo che d.
Ugo partirk de qui in breve. . . . Roma alii 21 di giugno MDXXVI.
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.)
2 Cf. the *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
312 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
continued.1 The Pope also called to his assistance the house
of the Orsini,2 for he had not only the Roman populace to
fear but the great Imperialist family of Colonna. To all
appearances the latter had hitherto behaved peaceably;3
but the ashes were smouldering, and it only needed a puff
of wind to rekindle them into flame. Cardinal Colonna,
Clement's old enemy, could not forget that the latter had
taken from him the tiara. Although this ambitious man
had received the Vice-Chancellorship and numerous marks of
favour from Clement,4 yet he thought himself insufficiently
rewarded and, indeed, even placed in the background.
Since the autumn of 1525 the breach between him and the
Pope had become notorious. The Cardinal, in wrath and
muttering threats of vengeance, had withdrawn to the
strongholds of his family and there remained in spite of a
Papal monition. The anti-Imperial policy of the Pope had
raised his anger to the uttermost, and he repeatedly pro-
posed to the Ambassadors of Charles to let loose a revolu-
tion against Clement in Rome, Siena, and Florence.5 The
Emperor had yielded,6 and his representatives, Moncada
and Sessa, protected by the right of nations, were now
proceeding to enter more closely into the arrangements.
On the 27th of June Moncada went to Gennezzano; Sessa,
1 This episode is fully described in CORNELIUS DE FINE, *Diary
(National Library, Paris).
'2 Report of N. Raince, June n, 1526, in GRETHEN, 121. Cf.
SANUTO, XLII., 26 ; SALVIOLI, XVI., 288, and CIPOLLA, 901.
*Li Colonesi non fanno per anchora dismostratione alcuna anchora
che si dicha di motte zancie. G. de} Medici, Rome, June 28, 1526
(State Archives, Florence).
4 Cf. *Regest. Vatic., 1238, f. 98 seg., 1240, f. 35 seg., 1242, f. 239
seq., 1269, f. 162, 1275, f. 138 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 Cf. SANUTO, XL., 98, 346, 366, 431 ; GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 221,
253, 333, 363, 364-
6 See supra, p. 310.
BRIEF OK JUNK TNK 23KD. 313
who had already, on the feast of SS. Peter and Paul, pre-
sented the palfrey, but without the usual tribute, went
immediately afterwards to Naples to collect money and
troops ; both travelled with Papal passports.1
While the Imperialists were thus acting secretly against
the Pope, the latter had entered openly on his contest
with Charles. His Brief of the 23rd of June 1526 brought
this about.2 This document contained a complete account
of the relations which had existed between the Emperor and
Clement since the election of the latter. While endeavour-
1 Lett. d. princ., II., 150, i5ib seq.^ 153 ; SANUTO, XLIL, 27 ; VILLA,
Italia, 136; ^despatch of G. de' Medici, July 2, 1526 (State Archives,
Florence); MOLINI, I., 205 seq. ; GAYANGOS, III., I, n. 475, 476;
*letter of N. Raince, July 5, 1526 (National Library, Paris, Fonds
franqais, 2984, f. iob) ; SALVIOLI, XVI., 289 ; cf. 291 for the rejection,
on SS. Peter and Paul's day, of the tribute of the Duke of Ferrara ;
the latter still persisted in his negotiations with the Pope, as the issue
of events could not be foreseen. On July 12, 1526, G. de' Medici
reports thus : *Egli e comparso iersera nova inbassata del ducha di
Ferrara e porta tali conditioni a N. S. che per quello ne ritragho sark
facile cosa che si accordi e unischa con S. Su ; and on July 16 : *La
pratica di Ferrara si tira avanti (State Archives, Florence).
1 -^The text of this Brief, beginning " Non opus esse credimus," was
first published by Charles V. himself in the Libri apologetici duo 9-
17, and copied from them by LE PLAT, II., 240-246. It is to be found
also in Miscell. ex MS. Colleg. Romani, Romae, 1754, 475 seqq., and
in SADOLETI, Epist., IV., Romae, 1759, 161 seqq. Many say that the
original draft was much sharper in expression; see SERASSI, II., 90.
There is yet another copy of the Brief in BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI.,
364-371, from Arm., 63, n. 88, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican,
but it is very inaccurate (see Hist.-polit. Bl., XCV., 297, and EHSES,
Concil. IV., XXIV., n. 3). The version given by RAYNALDUS, 1526,
n. ii seg.j from Sabellicus, and by LANZ, I., 222 223, from a MS.
in the Brussels Library (the text here differs in particulars, and the
conjectural date October 1526 is wrong), is not authentic. The
Brief "Quam multa et magna," etc., dated Romae, A° 1525, printed in
the Fascicul. rer. expetend., II., London, 1690, 683, is a forgery.
314 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ing to justify his own policy he submitted the conduct oi
the Emperor to a criticism which was not only severe but
perhaps immoderate. From the beginning of his pontificate
he had made every reasonable attempt not only to maintain
the general peace of Christendom, but especially to preserve
friendly relations with Charles; but since these overtures
had not been reciprocated, and had even been repelled, and
the Emperor, either at the instigation of his advisers or
from personal inclination and ambition, had determined to
diminish and overpower the states of Italy and the Holy
See, the Pope had been forced, after long delay and the
final pressure of necessity, to declare a war of self-defence.
In order to substantiate this position, Clement produced a
long array of facts. While Cardinal he had been loyal to
the Emperor, and had shirked no sacrifice on his account ;
likewise, after his elevation to the Papacy, although bound
by his office to observe a strict neutrality, he had supported
to the best of his power the Imperial interests in Italy, so
far as was compatible with the due exercise of his functions
as universal Father of Christians and with the interests of
the Church.
The alliance with Francis had become a necessity owing
to the pressure of circumstances and the strong persuasion
of many persons. It had also been represented to him that
by entering into the League he would secure great advan-
tages. When the victory of Charles seemed to put an end
to the war, he had at once concluded a treaty with him,
assuring himself that thereby the greatest blessings would
accrue to Italy and the whole of Christendom, and had
given 100,000 ducats for the Imperial army, on condition
of repayment in case the treaty should in any way be
received with suspicion. Although the treaty had never
been fully ratified, and the Emperor had thus left the Pope
in the lurch, the latter had nevertheless, when informed of
(GRIEVANCES OF CLEMENT VII. 315
the secret intrigues concerning Pcscara, apprised and warned
Charles, thereby giving him evidence of his unchanging
friendship. Again, when, to his sorrow and that of all
Italy, Sforza lay besieged in Milan, and the Pope was
pressed on all sides to take steps against Charles, the
mission of Herrera had at once aroused the wish to come
to a good understanding with the Emperor and caused all
other counsels to be brushed aside. Herrera's proposals he
had accepted almost without alteration ; and in a letter to
Charles, written in his own hand, he had adjured him to
disprove the charge of immoderate ambition by giving
guarantees of peace to Italy, pardon to Sforza in the case of
his surrender, and to afford protection to Clement himself.
In return, however, for all these and countless other
marks of goodwill, the Pope received at the hands of the
Imperialists only the most discourteous treatment.
Clement VII. could point to the calumnies and insults of
the Imperial agents in Italy, in whose words Charles puts
more trust than in his ; the violence offered to his adherents
in Siena, against which he had in vain called to the
Emperor for aid ; the non-fulfilment of the treaty with
Lannoy, of which all the articles favourable to Charles had
been complied with while those of advantage to the Pope
had been discarded ; the delay in repaying the 100,000
ducats ; the quartering of Imperial troops on Papal
territory contrary to the treaty stipulations and accom-
panied by brutal oppression on the part of the soldiery ;
the want of consideration shown in concealing from him
the conditions of the negotiations with Francis I.; the
unjust treatment of Sforza, who had been condemned with-
out any preliminary inquiry ; the attacks on the ecclesi-
astical rights of the Holy See ; the concealment from the
Papal agents of Lannoy 's dealings with Francis ; the long
sojourn of Moncada in France ; the attempt to snatch
316 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Parma from the Pope, and so forth. All these circum-
stances had, of necessity, filled Clement with deep distrust
of the Emperor and induced him to transfer his friendship
from the latter to other monarchs better disposed towards
him. Therefore, when Moncada, late and after long delay,
came to him with fresh proposals, their acceptance was no
longer possible, and nothing was left for the Pope to do
but to take up arms perforce, not as a personal attack on
the Emperor, but to beat off a threatening servitude and to
restore a general peace. Once more he adjured the Emperor
not to force him into this hard necessity, and no longer to
be led by the lust of power, but to give back rest and peace
to Christendom, and so gain for himself praise as the most
virtuous of princes.
The Pope at once felt that in this despatch he had gone
too far. On the 25th of June, before the Cardinals gathered
in Consistory, he produced the draft of a short letter to the
Emperor, couched in gentler terms, in which he announced
that his Nuncio, Baldassare Castiglione, would explain the
reasons compelling him to protect by force of arms the
freedom of Italy and the Apostolic See.1 The Cardinals
gave their approval to this document,2 and, in a Consistory
1 LE PLAT, II., 246-247, and BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 233-234.
HELLWIG'S uncertainty (42, n. 6) whether the date here given (25th)
or that of the 24th, as stated in other sources, is correct may be
removed by a reference to the *Acta Consist, quoted in the next note.
The Brief was drawn up on the 24th, and sent off on the 25th.
2 *Die lunae 25 Junii 1526 : Cardis de Cesis legit litteras apostolicas
in forma brevis mittendas ad ser. Carolum Romanorum regem in im-
peratorem electum significantes justificationes belli a S. D. N. suscepti
contra exercitum Hispanum in Lombardia degentem, et conclusum est,
quod scribantur etiam literae rev. dom. legato [Salviati] et nuntio [B.
Castiglione] ibidem existentibus, ut possuit S. Mli narrare hujusmodi
justificationes. *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial
Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican).
THK \YAK BEGINS. 317
on the 4th of July they resolved that on the following
Sunday, the 8th, the League should be formally made
public. After solemn ratification by the Pope on the
5th1 the publication took place amid such pomp and
ceremony that Carpi reported that he had never in his life
seen such a festival held in Rome.2
In the meantime the war in upper Italy had begun.
At first the position of the Imperialists was one of great
danger. The Imperial generals, almost wholly without
money, found themselves opposed to the superior forces of
their enemies in the midst of a population driven to the
extremities of hatred and downright despair by the
cruelties of the Spanish tyranny. Everything turned on
the use that the Leaguers made of this fortunate moment
for seizing the citadel of Milan by a sudden assault. No
one saw this more clearly than the Commissary-General of
the Papal troops, Francesco Guicciardini. His plan was
to move the troops swiftly and simultaneously on Milan,
and to fall without delay on the Imperialists, even if the
1 **Giberti's letter to Gambara, Rome, July 8, i526(Gioved\ passato,
che furono celli 5, N. S. in presentia de tutte li ambasciatori confirm6
la lega come il Christ"10 adimandava). Lett. d. Segret. di stato, 1 526-
1 527 (Ricci Archives, Rome).
2 Die mercurii 4 Julii 1526: S. D. N. fecit verbum de foedere inito
cum rege christianissimo . . . . et fuit conclusum, quod hoc foedus
publicetur die dominica in capella palatii et rev. dom. cardlis Tranensis
[de Cupis] prior prybyterorum celebret et Laurentius Grana faciat
sermonem et publicetur per tibicines in locis consuetis urbis et fiant
luminaria consueta. Further, measures were decided upon to raise
money for arms; Acta Consist., loc. cit. Cf. FRAIKIN, LVIII., n. 6;
BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium in Cod. Barb., lat. 2799, Vatican
Library; SANUTO, XLII., 33, 45, 103; GAYANGOS, III., n. 478; the
*letter of Carpi, July 8, 1526, and *D5ary of CORNELIUS DE FINE,
both in National Library, Paris. For the financial arrangements see
also ^despatch of G. de' Medici, July 9, 1526 (State Archives, Florence).
318 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
arrival of the Swiss and French did not take place ; for
to remain inactive would ruin all.1 Giberti was also of
the same opinion, having already begun to feel anxious at
the non-appearance of French help.2
The Commander-in-Chief of the Venetians, Francesco
Maria della Rovere, Duke of Urbino, took an entirely
different view ; he found Guicciardini's plan much too
bold, and would do nothing without the Swiss. In con-
sequence of this division days were lost when every hour
was precious. On the 2ist of June Canossa wrote: "Our
victory was assured, but is now so uncertain that J, for
my part, have lost hope."3
While the allies were making excuses for their inaction,4
the Imperialists were able to repress a rising in Milan and
to take measures for defence ; but their position was still
very precarious, especially now that Pescara was gone, and
they had not more than ten or eleven thousand men to set
against the strong force of three-and-twenty thousand oppos-
ing them.5 On the 24th of June the Imperialists lost the
town of Lodi through treachery.6 The passage of the Adda
was now secured to the allies, and the conjunction of the
1 GUICCIARDINI, Op. ined., IV., 65 seq. ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V.,
II, 506.
2 For Giberti's letter see GRETHEN, 115, n. 3. That Giberti's
anxiety was justified, is shown in the ^report of the French Nuncio
to Gambara. Cf. especially the letter of Acciaiuoli from Angouleme,
June 29, 1526, to Gambara (Ricci Archives, Rome). Cf. also FRAIKIN,
58.
3 See *letter to Giberti, June 21, 1526, in PIGHI, App. XXXIX.
4 Cf. *Canossa's letter to Giberti, June 25, 1526 (Communal Library,
Verona).
6 GUICCIARDINI, XVII., 2 ; BURIGOZZO in Arch. Stor. Ital, i Series,
III, 453 seq. ; Giberti to Michele de Silva, Lett. d. princ, II, 117.
6 *GRUMELLO, Cronaca, ed. Muller, Milano, 1856, 406. Cf. MAR-
cucci, 126.
OPERATIONS BEFORE MILAN. 319
and Venetian troops might have taken place by the
end of June. Giberti rejoiced ; he saw in spirit the country
of his birth freed from the Spaniard.1 As a matter of fact,
no obstacle lay between the army of the League and the
walls of Milan, where the people awaited them, in the
anguish of suspense, as deliverers from the inhumanity of
the Spaniards ; the hapless Sforza still held out in the
citadel. But the Duke of Urbino obstinately refused
to give battle before the arrival of the Swiss, therefore
his advance was very slow. His procrastination gave the
Constable de Bourbon time to send money and fifteen
hundred Spaniards to the help of the Imperialists.2 On
the /th of July the Duke of Urbino at last ventured on
an attack ; because he was not at once successful, he gave
orders to fall back in spite of all Guicciardini's counter-
representations. His retreat was very like a flight. To
such a leader might be applied in an altered form the
saying of Caesar: "He came, saw, and fled."3 After the
arrival of five thousand Swiss the Duke made a fresh
advance, but with extreme slowness. On the 22nd of
July he took up a strong position before Milan ; on the
24th he was still considering his plan of action when the
news came that the garrison of the citadel, reduced to
starvation, had surrendered to the Spaniards, who had begun
to think of leaving the city. The strange conduct of the
Duke of Urbino gave rise at the time to the suspicion that
1 GUICCIARDINI, XVII., 2 ; Lett. d. princ., 1 1. ,"151 segq.
2 See the *report of Carlo Massaini, Milan, July 18, 1526 (State
Archives, Siena). Cf. the rare work of FOSSATI-FALLATI, Clemente
VIL, io-ii.
3 GUICCIARDINI, XVII., 2. Cf. Guicciardini's letters in BERNARDI,
L' Assedio di Milano nel 1526, dappresso la corrispondenza inedita di
Fr. Guicciardini (Secret Archives of the Vatican) : Arch. Stor. Loinb.,
XXIII., 281 seq.
320 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
he wished to revenge himself on Clement VII. for what he
had undergone at the hands of Leo X.1
Simultaneously with these occurrences an unfavourable
turn occurred on the scene of war in central Italy. The
possession of Siena was at stake, a city of peculiar
importance owing to its situation between Rome, Florence,
and Lombardy.2 There, after the battle of Pavia, the party
friendly to the Pope, after having obtained a position of
mastery with the help of the Duke of Albany, was over-
thrown and driven out. The new Ghibelline government
was entirely on the Emperor's side, who claimed the city
as his own.3 On the advice of Salviati,4 Clement made
an attempt to recover this important position, and at the
beginning of July a simultaneous attack from five quarters
was made on the Sienese territory. The Count of Pitigliano
advanced from the Maremma, Virginio Orsini through
the Val d' Orcia, the troops of Perugia and the Florentines
through the Val d' Arbia ; the remainder of the Florentines
through the Val dell' Elsa; the seaports being attacked
1 GUICCTARDINI, XVII., 3; SANUTO, XLII., 308; CIPOLLA, 903.
REUMONT (III., 2, 223 seg.} is opposed to the view that the Duke of
Urbino was really a traitor, a view once more enforced by BALAN,
Clemente VII., 64. " He was," is the verdict of the historian of Rome,
" a tactician but a very poor commander, wanting altogether in decision."
That the Duke, in any case, had "no inclination to risk anything on
Clement's account," REUMONT maintains; he rejects (III., 2, 847)
the attempts of Ugolini (II., 237 seqq.) and others to rehabilitate the
Duke. MARCUCCI (134 seg.\ tries to explain the Duke's conduct on
tactical grounds, but carries his defence much too far.
2 The importance of Siena was entirely overlooked by Canossa ; cf.
GRETHEN, 118. Cf. his *letter to Giberti, Venice, August i, 1526
(Communal Library, Verona).
3 GRETHEN, 118.
4 See *Tommasi, Storia di Siena (City Library, Siena, A, IV.,
3-4, f. 203). Cf. FOSSATTI-FALLETTI, Clemente VII., 1 1, 16.
MISFORTUNES OF THE ITALIANS. 321
by Andrea Doria, who succeeded in at once taking
Talamonc and Porto Ercole. On land also everything at
first went well ; but afterwards Ugo de Moncada had the
good luck to delay the march on Siena by introducing
negotiations for peace. In the meantime, the leaders of
the expedition fell out among themselves, each one having
a different object in view. But the fatal error was the
General's want of forethought in neglecting to make his
camp sufficiently secure. On the 25th of July the
Sienese made a sortie, took thirteen cannon and routed
the besiegers.1
The news of the failure of the attack on Siena reached
Rome at the same time as that of the surrender of the
citadel of Milan. The consternation was great, and
Clement VI I. 's grief at these misfortunes in the field
was proportionate to his previous confidence. He com-
plained bitterly of the Duke of Urbino, the Venetians,
and Francis I.; he had been deserted, he declared, by
those for whom he had placed himself in danger. Among
the Emperor's friends hopes arose that the Pope might be
led to abandon the League.2
The Pope's complaints were only too well justified.
The help promised from France had, at this time, not
yet arrived. The time of year favourable to military
operations had gone by, and the Italians waited in vain
for the succour of their French allies. This made a
deep impression everywhere ; even so blind a partisan
1 Besides the " Bellum Italianum " published by Polidori in the Arch.
Stor. Ital., i Series, VIII., App., 257-342,^ GuiCClARDlNl, XVII., 3
and 4 ; ALFANI in Arch. Stor. Ital., i Series, XVI., 2, 307 ; VETTORI,
365 seg.9 and especially FosSATTl-FALLETTi, Clemente VII., 11-18,
a work of great importance on account of its wealth of unpublished
documents.
2 See GAYANGOS, III., 7, n. 504; cf. 524.
VOL. IX. 21
322 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of France as Canossa began to have a glimmering notion
that his country was being betrayed, by Francis I. His
position in Venice became intolerable; by the middle of
July he was urgently asking for his recall.1 Clement VII.
thought that one more attempt must yet be made ; on the
1 9th of July he sent Sanga, a confidant of Giberti's, to the
French King to remind him, by earnest representations, of
his obligations, and if possible to move him to give more
supplies of money, and especially to undertake an expedi-
tion against Naples.2 All was in vain ; the fickle King
seemed to have repented of all his martial zeal and was
squandering his time and his revenues on the chase,
gambling, and women.3 England, moreover, held coldly
aloof;4 the Italians and the Pope were isolated.
The Duke of Urbino had in the meantime begun the
1 Besides the anonymous writer in Lettere di principi, II., 157-158,
the letters of Canossa of July 22 and 23, given under his name in
Lettere di XIII huomini, 20 seq., see above all his ^letter of July 14,
1526. On August 19 Canossa wrote to F. Robertet that the Italians'
distrust of Francis was reacting on himself ; he begged to be removed
from his post ; he wished under any circumstances, even at the risk
of the royal disfavour, to return to his diocese. This ^letter is also in
the Communal Library, Verona.
2 The Colonna would thus be drawn away from Rome ; see SANUTO,
XLIL, 149, 178, 179, 201-202. For Sanga's mission see the Brief of
July 19, 1526 (National Archives, Paris). Sanga's mission was practi-
cally useless. Cf. besides the reports in FRAIKIN, LXII., 127 seq.,
134 seq., 137 seq.; the ^report in cipher from Landriano, Rome,
October 18, 1526 (State Archives, Milan).
3 See Sanga's full and important report from Amboise, August 3,
1526, in Lettere di principi, II., i6ob seq. ; cf. the reports of Acciaiuoli
in FRAIKIN, 81 seq., 90, 100, 105, 113, 124 seq., 129, 137 seq. The
copies in the Ricci Archives in Rome, which I made use of in 1891
and were not accessible to Fraikin, are better than those in the Secret
Archives of the Vatican, on which his edition is grounded.
4 See Gambara's letter in CREIGHTON, V., 330 seqq.
CAPITULATION OF CREMONA. 323
of Cremona, but conducted it with his usual timulity
and dilatoriness. On the 3rd of September the Marquis
of Saluzzo at last arrived, bringing with him only four
thousand five hundred Frenchmen. Guicciardini was now
urgently calling on the Duke to raise the siege of Cremona
in order that he might devote himself to the capture of
Genoa, in Giberti's opinion an object of the first importance.
Before the city a fleet of Papal, Venetian, and French ships
had assembled and the siege had begun ; but capture was
out of the question without the co-operation of land forces.1
The distress within the city had reached the highest pitch,
and the appearance of the Duke's army before the walls
would certainly have led to the surrender of this strong-
hold, but he seemed only to seek for pretexts to avoid
action. When Cremona at last capitulated, on the 25th of
September, the League gained little thereby.2 In Rome,
meanwhile, the certainty of victory had given place to
fears of defeat ; Giberti himself had well-nigh lost all heart.3
The war dragged on while the allies, and especially the
Pope, were finding the want of money almost insupportable.
On the 1st of August the secretary of the French Embassy,
Raince, described the condition of Clement VII.: — "I
was with his Holiness yesterday, and do not think that
I ever before saw a man so distracted, depressed, and care-
worn as he was. He is half ill with disappointment, and
said to me several times that he had never thought he
could have been treated in such a way. You have no
1 Cf. Doria's letter in BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 375.
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVI I., 4 ; SISMONDI, XV., 247 seq. ; CIPOLLA, 904
seq. Canossa hoped that the capitulation of Cremona, then imminent,
would counterbalance the misfortune of the Colonna raid. *Letter to
F. Robertet, dated Venice, September 24, 1526 (Communal Library,
Verona).
3 Cf. his letter to Canossa, August i, 1526 (Communal Library, Verona).
324 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
idea what things are said about us by persons of high
standing in the Curia, on account of our delays and our
behaviour hitherto. The language is so frightful that I
dare not write it. The ministers of his Holiness are
more dead than alive. You can picture to yourself that the
enemy will make use of the situation."1
To Moncada, who had never left the Colonna, the
moment appeared to have come to carry out the Emperor's
advice, and to take vengeance on the Pope. The way in
which he set to work betrayed the politician trained in the
school of the Borgia. His plan was to lull Clement into
security by means of a reconciliation with the Colonna, to
bring about the disarmament of his troops, and then to fall
upon the defenceless Pope.2
The enterprise succeeded beyond all expectation. The
first step of importance was to discover exactly the Pope's
feelings and position and to deceive him as regards the
intentions of the Colonna. The sojourn of Moncada in
the castles of this family was likely to arouse strong sus-
picion, therefore throughout July the Colonna maintained
an appearance of perfect quiet.3 That he might keep in
1 GRETHEN, 119, gives a German translation of the interesting
letter, corroborated by SANUTO, XLIL, 437, and VILLA, Asalto, 20. It
may be permitted to give here the original text of the principal passage :
*Et ne pense pas avoir jamais veu homme plus trouble, plus fasche ne
plus ennuye que luy et tant mal content qu'il en estoit a demy malade
et me diet franchement qu'il n'eust jamais pense qu'on 1'eust traite de
ceste sorte . . . . et sont les dits bons ministres de Sa St6 en tel
deplaisir qu'ils sont plus morts que vifs (Fonds frang., 2984, f. 25,
National Library, Paris).
2 Moncada informed the Emperor of his views with perfect frankness
on September 14, 1526. GAYANGOS, IH., i, n. 545. Cf. VILLA, Asalto,
24 seq.
3 *Li Colonesi si stanno senza fare demonstratione e qui si sta pacifico.
G. de5 Medici, Rome, July 12, 1526 (State Archives, Florence).
I UK COLONNA OUTWARDLY QUI! I. 325
touch with affairs in Rome, Sessa, who had fallen ill at
Marino, asked the Pope's leave to return in order to have
medical treatment. Clement VII., himself a sufferer ;it
the time, gave his permission.1 In the Eternal City, where
the plague was raging, Sessa's illness soon took a fatal
turn ; but he still had time to show gratitude for the
favour granted to him by letting the Colonna and Moncada
know in what straits the Pope found himself, especially in
his finances.2 The Colonna had been busily increasing
their forces,3 but to outward appearance had kept perfectly
quiet. On the I2th of August the Florentine envoy
reported : " No anxiety is felt from the quarter of the
Colonna nor from Naples. They are much more frightened
for themselves on account of the Venetian fleet expected at
Civita Vecchia."4 On the i8th of August Sessa died.5
Shortly before, a fresh Ambassador from Francis had
presented himself before Clement, the historian, Guillaume
du Bellay, Sire de Langey. It was soon understood that
he only brought general assurances of his master's goodwill.
1 Clement VII. was suffering from a cough, and an " indispositione
di schiena." ^Report of F. Gonzaga, August 5, 1526. The latter states
that there was an improvement on August 14 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
2 VETTORI, 367. Cf. *report of G. de' Medici, Rome, August 5, 1526
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 *I1 sig. duca di Sessa, don Ugo et questi Colonesi sono pur a
Grottaferrata . . . et ogni d\ augmentano la gente che vene dal
regno. F. Gonzaga, Rome, August 2, 1526 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
4 *Delle gente de Colonesi e del regno si sta senza paura e loro sono
in grandissimi suspect! per la venuta delle galere. G. de' Medici,
Rome, August 12, 1526 (State Archives, Florence).
6 *F. Gonzaga reports on August 14, 1526, Sessa's serious illness
and his death on the 2ist. *G. de' Medici more precisely reports on
August 17, 1526, that he had the terzana, and on August 18 : "II
ducha di Sessa hoggi s' e morto" (State Archives, Florence).
326 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Florentine envoy who reports this adds : " Here all is
quiet, and no suspicions are aroused." 1 Instead of bringing
the expected help, the French agent produced fresh claims
on behalf of Francis ; he demanded a tenth of the Church
revenues of France for his sovereign and a Cardinal's hat
for the Chancellor Du Prat. This must have put the Pope
in great ill humour.2
Moncada now held that the moment was propitious
for entering into negotiations with Clement At the same
time the Colonna were suddenly to assume a threatening
attitude and take possession of Anagni. Moncada asked
Clement to give him a free hand in the settlement of the
affairs of Italy, but afterwards backed out of the transaction,
leaving it to the Colonna alone to draw the Pope into the
trap laid for him, since by a settlement of their quarrel
Clement would not formally violate his pledges to the
League.3 Vespasiano Colonna, son of Prospero, played the
part of mediator.4 In him, from an early period, Clement
VII. had placed special confidence ; hard pressed by want of
money, he listened to the proposals of reconciliation made
by Vespasiano in the name of his whole house. In spite
of Giberti's warnings a treaty with the Colonna, to which
Moncada was a party,5 was signed on the 2Oth of August
1 *L' huomo del re christianissimo, che era a Venetia, e venuto qui.
Jeri fu da N. S. insieme col s. Alberto [Carpi]. Confirrna il medesimo
ditto per altre a V. S. del buono animo et volunta del re verso le cose de
Italia. Cosi confirma Ruberto per sue lettere et che presto se ne vedera
la experientia. . . . Qui la terra si sta quieta et senza suspecto. G. de'
Medici, Rome, August 17, 1526 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. GRETHEN, 122, and specially BOURRILLY, 26 seq.
3 GRETHEN, 122. The report of N. Raince here cited (August 20)
is now published in Bullet. Ital., I., 226 seq.
4 *A Brief of July 13, 1526, called Vespasiano Colonna to Rome.
Arm., 39, vol. 46, n. 209 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 *Io don Hugo de Muncada fo fede per la presente sottoscripta de
ABSOLUTION OF THE COLONNA. 327
1526; they undertook to evacuate Anagni and withdraw
their troops into the kingdom of Naples. The Pope
pardoned all past injuries, removed the monition against
Cardinal Colonna, and guaranteed to the whole house the
possession of their properties.1 On the 26th of August
the secretary of the Spanish Embassy, Perez, wrote in
triumph from Rome that the Pope, since his treaty with
the Colonna, felt himself perfectly safe ; he was in great
want of money, and dissatisfaction in Rome was increasing.2
Relying on the treaty, Clement, whose first object was
to reduce expenditure, notwithstanding warnings of all
sorts from those around him,3 cut down the garrison of Rome
to five hundred men,4 and resumed his negotiations with
mia propria mano come lo accordo tractate et concluso da questi
sri Colonnesi con la Sta di N. S. a li XX d' Agosto e stato con mia
saputa et volunta parendomi ben facto per alcune cose concernente el
servitio de la Ces. Mta (Dat.) Mareni XX. Ag. 1 526. (Signed) D. Ugo de
Moncada. (Colonna Archives, Rome, II., A 18, n. 10.)
1 SANUTO, XLII., 481 seq.\ GUICCIARDINI, XVII., 5; Jovius,
Pomp. Columna, 156; GRETHEN, 123. *The Brief of Absolution for
the Colonna (a poena rebellionis et crimine laesae majest. propter
non observatam prohibitionem congregandi milites et occupat. civit.
Anagniae), dated August 24, 1526, Arm., 39, vol. 46, n. 252-253 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). *Die veneris ultima Augusti 1526: S. D.
N. fecit verbum de induciis factis cum dom. de Columna et mandavit
ut de cetero non portentur arma per urbem. *Acta Consist, of the
Vice-Chancellor in the Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
2 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 521 ; cf. n. 504, 519, 521, 526, 536.
3 Cf. the *Vita di Clemente VII., in Arm., XI., vol. 116, f. 5b of the
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
4 According to CORNELIUS DE FINE'S *diary, Clement VII. had
only two hundred soldiers in his service besides the customary guard
(National Library, Paris). This statement is probably correct, bearing
in view Clement's unfortunate parsimony (JOVIUS, Columna, 1 56). Cf.
also the despatch of Casella in SALVIOLI, XVII., I. Acciaiuoli, in a
*letter to Gambara from Blois, September 17, 1526, thus expresses
himself on the agreement with the Colonna : *Tale accordo non pal
328 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Ambassador of France. With a reference to the un-
trustworthy accounts given by Sanga, he complained bitterly
that French support was slow in coming, and in order to
stimulate Francis to some enthusiasm for the war, he
proposed that the latter should have Milan as his share of
the booty, thereby totally surrendering all thought of
Italian independence.1
While these discussions were taking place came the
disastrous news of the total destruction of the Hungarian
army by the Turks at Mohacs. Clement was profoundly
shaken, and in a Consistory on the ipth of September 1526.
spoke of going to Barcelona to treat of peace in person.
Yet he was still anxious, first of all, to break the excessive
power of the Emperor, who at that very moment was
equipping his fleet with all energy2 and, according to
reports current in Rome, was threatening to pass over
into Italy and to renounce his obedience.3
Clement had not yet recovered from the alarm
caused by the Turkish victory when he was prostrated
by the announcement that the Colonna, with more than
five thousand men, had appeared at Anagni with the
avowed intention of marching upon Rome.4 The Pope,
molto honorevole per S. Sta, nondimeno viene a posare le spese per
la guardia di Roma che non erano poche et assicurarsi delle insulte
loro (Ricci Archives, Rome).
1 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 513 seq.> 709 seq., and BOURRILLY,
27 seq. See also the ^despatch of G. de' Medici, August 25, 1526
(State Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. the ^despatches of G. de' Medici, September 6 and 16, 1526
(State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. the ^despatch of G. de' Medici, August 25, 1526, in Florentine
State Archives. See also VILLA, Asalto, 20 seq., and BAUMGARTEN, 1 1.,
514. For the Consistory of September 19, 1526, see Appendix, No. 35.
4 SANUTO, XLII., 681, 700, 724, 727. For the raid of the Colonna,
the prelude of the sack of 1527, cf. also the ^letters of Giberti to
HIE COLON N.\ 329
who had hitherto refused to believe in the treachery of
Vcspasiano,1 gave orders that the gates of the city should
be closed and that troops should be raised on the following
morning. But it was already too late; the enemy, led by
Vespasiano and Ascanio Colonna, as well as by Cardinal
Pompeo, had marched with such furious speed — they
must have covered sixty miles in four-and-twenty hour.^ -
— that in the early morning of the 2Oth of September,
they were already before the walls of the defenceless city.
By a stratagem they got possession of the Porta S.
Giovanni and two other gates and made their way, without
meeting any hindrance, through the city as far as the SS.
Apostoli. Their rendezvous was the Colonna palace,
where they rested for three hours and refreshed themselves
Sanga and Gambara, September 20, 1526 (Bibl. Pia, 123, g seq., Secret
Archives of the Vatican); the ^reports of Albergati, September 21,
22, and 25, 1526 (State Archives, Bologna) ; the ^letters of F. Gonzaga,
September 21 and 23, 1526 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; see App.
36 and 37); Casella's report in SALVIOLI, XVII., 2; the letter of
Landriano, Rome, September 21, 1526 (State Archives, Milan); a
passage in DE LEVA, II., 376 seq. ; the report in BUDER, Sammlung
ungedruckter Schriften, 561 seq. ; Negri's letter (see infra, p. 332 seq.} ;
du Bellay's account in BAUMGARTEN, II., 713 seq. ; the letters in
VILLA, Asalto, 27 seq., 30 seq., and GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 571,
573 ; the *letter of Francesco Bandini to his brother Marco, Rome,
September 24, 1526, in Tizio, Cod. G, II., 40, f. 251 (Chigi Library,
Rome); MiglioreCresci, Storiad' Italia (Cod. Ashburnh., 633, Laurentian
Library, Florence) ; two letters of Acciaiuoli to Gambara of October
i and 5, 1526 (Ricci Archives, Rome); ALBERINI, 330 seq. ; Attilius
in BALUZE, Miscell., IV., 517 ; Blasius de Caesena in CREIGHTON, V.,
327; LANCELLOTTI, III., 112 seq., 115, 122; GUICCIARDINI, XVIII.,
5 ; Jovius, Columna, 157 seq. ; Vettori, 368 seq. ; SEPULVEDA, I., VI.,
c. 40. Also a number of interesting points in the Diary of CORNELIUS
DE FINE in the National Library, Paris.
1 JOVIUS, Columna, 1 56.
2 VETTORI, 368.
330 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with food and drink. On hearing of the raid, the Pope,
who was in deadly terror, sent two Cardinals to the
Colonna, and two others to the Capitol to call upon the
Romans for protection. These messengers effected noth-
ing; the people, bitterly incensed by the recent taxation,
attributing every hardship and irregularity of government
to Clement himself, and hating him besides for his excessive
parsimony, showed themselves much less inclined to take
up arms than to allow the Colonna to proclaim themselves
their masters. The latter had done no one any harm ; it
was much more likely that they had come to free Rome
from Papal tyranny. This feeling, indeed, was so wide-
spread that the cry for freedom found many echoes, and
the Colonna were hailed with joy.1 Thus it was that the
Romans quietly watched the inroad of these marauders as
if it were a spectacle ; they showed the same inaction when,
towards mid-day, the wild hordes again set themselves in
motion and advanced further into the city with shouts of
"Empire, Colonna, Freedom!"2 They took possession
of the Ponte Sisto, moved quickly along the Lungara,
stormed the Porta S. Spirito, stoutly defended by Stefano
Colonna, who adhered to the Pope's service, and spread
themselves in plundering parties over the Vatican quarter.
1 *S. Pontifex nullum praesidium habuit a Romanis ; fecit edictum,
ut sumerent arma et renuerunt sumere arma, quia Colonenses venerant
ad eos magnis persuasionibus, quod venissent ad urbis liberationem,
quia multum angariebantur a s. pontefice quotidianis insuetis exac-
tionibus, et ideo Romani potius gavisi sunt quam contristati in tali
praedatione et vilipendio s. pontificis. *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE,
National Library, Paris.
2 F. Gonzaga in his ^despatch, September 20, 1526 : *In Roma non
e stato fatto pur un minimo disordine [in GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd
ed., 468] alcuno, et questi Signori dicono non volere che si faccia
dispiacere a persone della cittk, e gridasi Imperio, Colonna e liberta
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
ST. PETER'S PLUNDERED. 331
The Pope, who had at first intended, like Boniface VIII.,
to await his enemies seated on his throne, had, by mid-day,
yielded to the persuasions of those around him and taken
flight, by the covered way, to the castle of St. Angelo.
The few Swiss who remained in the Vatican offered no
serious resistance. Soon the Vatican, St. Peter's, and ,i
great portion of the Borgo were in the hands of the
marauders, plundering and destroying unchecked. They
shrank from no infamy or sacrilege. Relics, crosses, sacred
vessels, and vestments were stolen, and even the altar 01
St. Peter was stripped of its costly ornaments and profaned.
Soldiers were seen wearing the white garments and red
cap of the Pope, and giving in mockery the solemn Papal
blessing.1 " Such deeds of shame," wrote a German, then
dwelling in Rome, in his diary, " have not been heard of
for centuries, and are an abhorrence to all Christian
men."2 A Venetian recalled a prediction that the altar
of St. Peter would be plundered, and compared the
ravages of the Colonna with those of the Turks.3
The costliest loot was found in the Vatican, where
1 *Et chi se montato in una mula adidosso con le veste di raso
bianco del papa et la sua berettina rossa foderata di armellini et va
dicendo la benedizione gridando a Fiorenza, a Fiorenza. Bandini in
the ^letter quoted supra, 328, n. 4 (Chigi Library, Rome).
*Res a sacculo inaudita, stupenda, inopinata, nunquam ab aliquo
praemeditata res et non considerata in dedecus s. pontificis et sedis
apostolicae et totius religionis christianae . . . . Et illi nebulones non
veriti sunt induere indumenta s. pontificis in derisum illius. Illi qui
conducebant tormenta curulia erant induti purpureis vestibus s. ponti-
ficis, alii dabant benedictionem habentes pileum s. pontificis in capite
in conternptu ejusdem, res a saeculo non audita, nefanda et omnibus
christianis verecunda. *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National
Library, Paris.
3 Cf. the reports in SANUTO, XLII., 690, 697, 700-702, 723 seq.t
725, 727 seq.
332 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Raphael's tapestries and the Papal tiara fell into the
plunderers' hands. Girolamo Negri, Secretary of Cardinal
Cornaro, has described in detail and as a spectator the
havoc wrought in the Vatican and its precincts in the
late afternoon of that horrible 2Oth of September 1526.
"The Papal palace," so recounts this eye-witness, "was
almost completely stripped even to the bedroom and
wardrobe of the Pope. The great and the private
sacristy of St. Peter's, that of the palace, the apartments
of prelates and members of the household, even the
horse-stalls were emptied, their doors and windows
shattered ; chalices, crosses, pastoral staffs, ornaments of
great value, all that fell into their hands, was carried off
as plunder by this rabble ; persons of distinction were
taken prisoners. The dwelling and stable of Monsignor
Sadoleto were plundered ; he himself had taken refuge
in St. Angelo. Almost all the apartments on the
corridors were treated in like manner except those of
Campeggio, which were defended by some Spaniards.
Ridolfi lost everything ; Giberti had removed some of
his articles of value, but lost not a few. Among other
damage, his porcelain, worth 600 ducats, was broken in
pieces. Messer Paolo Giovio, in his History, will be
able to recall misfortunes like those of Thucydides,
although he, with a presentiment of harm, had concealed
in the city, some days before, the best of his belongings.
Members of the Emperor's party, such as Vianesio
Albergati and Francesco Chieregati, found that circum-
stance availed them nothing as regarded the safety of
their persons or their property. Berni was plundered out
and out ; they searched for his correspondence with Giberti,
which he had carried on as Sanga's substitute, but had to
desist owing to an alarm. The coffers of all the clerical
offices, those of the Piombi, of the Secretariat, and so forth,
PILLAGE AND DISORDER. 333
were cleared out. Very little, in short, was left uninjured.
A good round sum for drink money saved the library."
While all the houses in the Borgo Vecchio uere
plundered, their inhabitants ill-treated and carried off
as captives, the plunderers did not venture to molest
the Borgo Nuovo. That was swept by the heavy
artillery of the fortress, and everything that showed
itself there or along the walls of the approach to St.
Angelo was within range of fire. " At last," says
Negri in conclusion, " whether the enemy were tired
out, or had had enough of pillage, or were afraid that
the Romans might, after all, come to the rescue of the
Pope, they withdrew in such disorder that a very small
body of troops could have routed them and taken their
booty from them. A few lingered behind the others as
far as the Ponte Sisto, but afterwards betook them-
selves back to the haunts of the Colonna faction." The
total damage was estimated at 300,000 ducats.1
The Pope had thought, for a moment, of acting on the
defensive;2 but since the castle of St. Angelo, owing to
the carelessness of the castellan, Guido de' Medici, and the
greed of the treasurer, Cardinal Armellini,3 was not
sufficiently provided with either victuals or soldiers, he was
forced that very evening to confer, through the Portuguese
Ambassador, with Moncada. The latter, much to the
disgust of Colonna, who had thought of besieging the Pope
in St. Angelo, visited the Pontiff, handed back to him his
1 Lett. d. princ, I., 104 seq. ; cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 179. V. Alber-
gati estimated the damage at 200,000 ducats. *Letter of September
22, 1526 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 Reported by N. Raince ; see GRETHEN, 127. A *I3rief to Perugia,
September 20, 1526, called for aid in defence of Rome (Communal
Library, Perugia).
3 VARCHI, I., 58.
334 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
silver staff and the tiara which had been stolen, and assured
him that Charles had never sought the supremacy over
Italy. Nevertheless, their negotiations had no result.
On the following morning Moncada returned and had a
long interview with the Pope, while the Cardinals waited
in an adjoining room.1 The treaty which Clement, on
the 2ist of September, in spite of the counter-repre-
sentations of Carpi and the Venetian envoys, considered
himself forced to accept, was very unfavourable. The
terms were : an armistice for four months ; the Pope to
withdraw his troops and fleet ; full pardon for the Colonna
and their dependents ; their troops to accompany Moncada
to Naples; as sureties Filippo Strozzi, the husband of
Clarice de' Medici, and a son of Jacopo Salviati to be given
as hostages to Moncada.2
On the 22nd of September the Colonna, in great confusion
and laden with precious spoils, withdrew to Grottaferrata.
Their leaders, especially the Cardinal, were extremely dis-
satisfied ; they had hoped to have become complete masters
of Rome and to have deposed and perhaps killed the Pope.
Moncada, on the other hand, who had sent the Emperor a
triumphant account of the success of the raid, considered
that his object, the disruption of the League, had been ac-
complished. He deceived himself; neither the Colonna
nor the Pope intended to keep their treaty. The former
protested, as they thought that Moncada had overreached
1 Cf. in App. No. 36 the *report of F. Gonzaga, September 21,
1526 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. SANUTO, XLIL, 701, 722 seg., 728 ; Jovius, Columna, 158 seq. ;
RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 21 ; PROFESSIONE, Dal trattato di Madrid, 39
seq. ; BOURRILLY, 30. The text of the treaty is in MOLINI, I., 229-
231 ; cf. LANCELLOTTI, III., 116 seq. • Jovius, Columna, 159, goes the
length of saying that the restitution of the stolen Church property was
agreed to. There is not a word of this in the text of the treaty.
STATE OF FEELING IN ROM I . 335
them, while the latter could not get over the humiliation
inflicted on him by his own vassals, and thought it his
duty to vindicate his reputation by the punishment of the
guilty on the first opportunity.1 Clement felt specially
grieved at the ingratitude and disloyalty of Vespasiano
Colonna, whom he had treated like a favoured son ; nor
was he less distressed by the behaviour of the Romans ;
he even spoke of leaving Rome for a length of time in
order that the inhabitants might know what Rome was
without the Pope. The Cardinals, too, were highly in-
dignant at the unheard-of acts of violence and sacrilege
that had been committed, and called for summary
punishment.2
In such a state of feeling special representations, such as
were now made to the Pope by the Venetian envoy, were
hardly necessary. Domenico Venier pointed out in spirited
terms that in the matter of cunning Moncada was no better
than the Colonna ; that preparations for war must be made,
since the Emperor, on the first possible opportunity, would
lead his army into Italy, now that he saw how easy it was
to take possession of the city and bring the head of the
Church into subjection.3 In Rome it was said that if the
1 Cf. SALVIOLI, XVII., 4; VETTORI, 369; GAYANGOS, III., i.
n. 572; JOVIUS, Columna, 158.1??.; HKI.I. \\ic-, 58; SlSMONDl, XV..
253 ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 714. For Cardinal Colonna's views
see in Appendix, No. 37, the *despatch of F. Gonzaga, September 23,
1526 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Clement VII., in his *Bull against
the Colonna, says himself that the raid had been made with the
avowed intention of taking the person of the Pope alive or dead ;
Cardinal Pompeo intended to be elected Pope by force. *Bull : Sacro-
sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, dat. Romae, 1526 (st. fl.), X. Cal. Mart.,
A° 4°, Regest., 1441, f. 50* (Secret Archives of the Vatican), Cf.
Appendix, No. 45.
2 Jovius, Columna, 158 ; SANUTO, XLII., 728 ; VILLA, Asalto, 28.
3 SANUTO, XLII., 730.
336 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope submitted tamely to the unprecedented insult offered
to him he might as well lay down the triple crown and
withdraw from the world as a solitary. Guicciardini, the
Commander-in-Chief of the Papal troops, was, on the con-
trary, most urgent in his counsels that he should adhere to
this disgraceful treaty that had been extorted from him.
Clement, as a matter of fact, soon showed that he had no
inclination to do so. It was not his intention either to
leave the Colonna unpunished or to withdraw from the
League. He certainly ordered Guicciardini to withdraw
across the Po, but he gave him secret instructions to leave
as many troops as possible with Giovanni de' Medici, who,
as he was in the French service, was still a member of the
League.1
In order to get help from France and England, Clement
sent, by the 24th of September, Paolo d' Arezzo to Francis I.
and Girolamo Ghinucci to Henry VIII.2 At the same
time he addressed personally to the French King, who
had hitherto confined himself to empty promises, a long
letter containing a harrowing account of the inroad of the
1 GUICCIARDINI, Op. ined., IV., 393 seqq.^ 423 seqq. ; VETTORI,
371. Cf. DE LEVA, 378.
2 *In questi insulti, li quali sono stati grandissimi e vituperosissimi
perho che hanno saccheggiato S. Petro, la quale cosa mai fo fatta, il
papa ha mandate ambasciatori al Imperatore, al Christianissimo et
al re d' Inghilterra. Paolo Fiessi, Rome, September 26, 1526 (State
Archives, Modena). Paolo d' Arezzo also went to Spain to see the
Emperor ; see PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 70. The letter of credence from
Francis I. to Clement VII., dated St. Germains [1527], February 13,
refers to his return ; Lettere d. princ., IX., f. 223 and 225 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). In addition to the letter of credence of
Paolo d' Arezzo published in MOLINI, I., 235 seg., there is another from
Clement VII. to Antonius Archiepiscop. Senon. mag. Franciae cancell.,
dated Rome, September 24, 1526. Original in National Archives,
Paris, L 357.
ADVICE OF THE CARDINAI 337
Colonna, accompanied by the most pressing appeals for
help.1 On the 26th of September a monition was published
against participation in the raid.2 Two days later the
Pope assembled the Cardinals in Consistory to discuss his
own situation as well as that of Hungary. He declared
himself ready for extremities ; his own wish was to take
part in the Turkish war or to proceed to Nice to arrange
a peace between Francis and Charles. The majority,
especially the older Cardinals, recommended that he should
take his departure soon and go on board the galleys lying
ready at Civita Vecchia, "with what ulterior thought
in their heads, God knows!" remarked the French Am-
bassador's secretary. Farnese, on the contrary, who was
considered the cleverest and most experienced of the
Cardinals, raised objections which gave Clement so much
ground for reflection that he again gave up his schemes
of travel.3 The news from upper Italy also influenced
him in this decision.4
The determination of the Pope to remain in Rome
necessitated measures to prevent another onset of the
Colonna ; this appeared to be all the more necessary as
in the beginning of October they were again arming,5 and
1 See the text in FRAIKIN, 128 seq. ; cf. Melang. d'Archeol, XVI.,
386.
2 Cf. LANCELLOTTI, III., ngseq.
3 Besides ** the report of N. Raince, September 30, 1526 (National
Library, Paris), cf. GRETHEN, 129 seq.\ GAYANGOS, III., I, n. 574;
and *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor of September 28, 1526
(Consistorial Archives of the Vatican). Cf. also * the letter of Canossa's
to Alberto di Carpi of October 6, 1 526 (Communal Library, Verona).
In the solemn *Bull against the Colonna quoted sufira, p. 335, n. i,
Clement VII. says his plans of travel were frustrated by the raid of the
Colonna.
4 Cf. supra, page 323, and GRETHEN, 129.
6 SANUTO, XLIII., 55.
VOL. IX. 22
338 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
their friends were plundering boldly in the Campagna.1
But the task was a difficult one in view of the enormous
expenses already caused by the war.2 A sale of seats in
the Sacred College was proposed ; Clement, however, who
on this point felt much more strongly than his con-
temporaries, gave a decided refusal.3 A committee of
Cardinals now made other proposals for raising the money
required ; the Roman and Tuscan clergy were to con-
tribute;4 in that way the city would be fortified and
garrisoned most expeditiously. By the I3th of October
seven thousand men had been collected in Rome.5 In
the presence of these preparations Moncada gave way to
1 See Casella's ^report (State Archives, Modena), quoted by
SALVIOLI, XVI L, 6.
2 Cf. DE LEVA, II., 367.
3 Cf. the despatch of Landriano, October n, 1526 (State Archives,
Milan), partly given by DE LEVA, II., 368.
4 Die veneris 28 Sept. 1526; [S. D. N.] deputavit quinque revmos
Cardinales ad cogitandum et inveniendum modum pecuniarum
pro conservatione status et dominii S. R. E. *Acta Consist, of the
Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican). A result of
the conference is to be seen in the *Bull for the erectio of a mons
fidei(cf. COPPI, 3 seq. ; RANKE, L, 8th ed., 266 seq.}, dated 1526 XIV.
Kal. Nov. [19 Oct.], Clem. VII., Secreta, 1440, f. 274a f., in Secret
Archives of the Vatican. Cf. FRAIKIN, LXVIL, note 2. CORNELIUS
DE FINE in his * Diary (National Library, Paris) reports on the
subsidies given by the Cardinals, and the burdens imposed on the
Roman and Tuscan clergy in October 1526.
6 Cf. SANUTO, XLIII., 32, 55; VILLA, Asalto, 29, 35; SALVIOLI,
XVII., 7; Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris),
and the ^despatch of F. Gonzaga, Rome, October 13, 1526 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). On October 23 Clement VII. appointed lo. Ant.
Pulleo, baro Burgii as Commissary-General for all the troops in Rome
and its neighbourhood raised to prevent another raid of the Colonna.
*Min. brev., 1526, II., vol. 12, n. 535 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Casella reports on October 8, 1 526 : * N. Sre continua pur fare fortezze
e bastioni (State Archives, Florence).
CITATIONS AGAINST THE COLONNA. 339
open threats1 which only strengthened the Pope in his
determination to take measures of precaution. One night
the whole garrison of Rome was given the alarm in order
to prove with what rapidity the male population could
assemble in the event of a second raid.2
By the end of October Clement thought himself strong
enough to undertake the chastisement of the Colonna.3
New and far-reaching promises of the French King, who
had expressed his definite intention of entering Italy at
the head of his forces to protect the Apostolic See, had
filled him with confidence and courage.4 On the /th of
November the Cardinals, assembled in Consistory, deter-
mined to issue citations upon Pompeo Colonna and the
other members of his house who had taken part in the
raid. The Apostolic Chamber opened in due form the
process against the collective participators in the raid.
The proceedings against the Cardinal were held before
1 ^Report of N. Raince, October 9, 1526 : " II vient d'heure en heure
nouvelles des braves parolles de Don Hugues qui menasse plus que
jamais N. S. Pere et Rome " (Fonds franc.., 2984, f. 81, National Library,
Paris).
2 Cf. besides SANUTO, XL 1 1 1., also VILLA, Asalto, 37 scg., and
the * Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris), and
the ** despatches of Casella, October 4, 1526 (State Archives,
Modena).
3 Casella * reports, October 29, 1526 : " Qui si fanno preparation alia
guerra. Tutto 1' giorno giongono fanti novi e 1' artiglieria" (State
Archives, Modena). See also the * report of Perez to Charles V.,
Rome, October 22, 1526, in the Biblioteca de la Acad. de la Hist, in
Madrid, Col. Salazar, A 39, f. 50.
4 Acta Consist, in FRAIKIN, LXVI., note 3. As soon as Francis I.
received a written account of the raid of the Colonna he sent at once
on October 5, 1526, a * letter to Clement VII. in which he expressed
his indignation and announced the dismissal of the Sr de Langey.
Lett. d. princ., IX., f. 267 and 274 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Cf. FRAIKIN, 142.
340 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Consistory.1 As Pompeo, who was at Naples, dis-
regarded the citation, but appealed2 to a Council, pro-
ceedings against him were begun on the i6th of November,
ending, on the 2ist, with sentence of deprivation of all his
dignities.3
1 Die mercurii 7 Novembris 1526: Referente S. Dt N. decrevit
monitorium de consilio reverendissimorum dominor. Cardinalium
contra dom. Cardinalem de Columna et alios dominos de Columna in
monitorio exprimendos [The Monitoria against Pompeo and others of
his house, published as pamphlets on the 7th and loth of November,
are in TIZIO, * Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 40, f. 266 and 270 (Chigi
Library, Rome)] ut infra 9 dies compareant *Acta Consist, of the
Vice-Chancellor in the Consistorial Archives of the Vatican. Cf. a
^despatch of F. Gonzaga, Rome, November 12, 1526: "il monitorio
del Card. Colonna fu publicato venerdi sera . . . . e stato attacato
in palazzo et in qualche altro luogo di Roma" (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). See also LEBEY, 368, the ^despatch of G. de' Medici, Rome,
November 8, 1526 (State Archives, Florence), and the recapitulation
of the whole proceeding (declaration of the invalidity of the extorted
treaty, citation and trial) in the solemn *Bull against the Colonna,
dated 1526 (st. fl.), X. Cal. Mart. A° 4°, in Regest, 1441, f. 47-64
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVII., 5. I found in the Cod. 41 (Appendix) of the
Library of Leyden * the Convocatio concilio generalis super privatione
Clemen tis VII., per Pomp. Card. Columnam, dated November 13,
1 526, and, as far as I know, not yet published. Counter to this appeal
was drawn up the document entitled *Ad sanct. D. N. Clementem
VII. P. M. Petri Albiniani Tretii j.u.d. Consultatio de concilio generali.
Copy of the dedication in Cod. Vatic., 3664, Vatican Library.
*Die veneris 16 Novembris 1526 dom. Marius de Peruschis
procurator fiscalis unacum dom. Hippol. de Cesis, camerae apost. not.
accusavit contumaciam rev. dom. Pompei cardinalis de Columna
S. E. R. vicecanc., et S. D. N. admisit contumaciam et conclusit in causa.
Die mercurii 21 Nov. 1526: Cardinalis de Columna privatus fuit
galero et dignitate card, necnon omnibus officiis et beneficiis suis.
*Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican). Cf. the report
of Perez in GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 620, the * despatch of F. Gonzaga,
November 20, 1526 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and the "^despatch
WAR AGAINST TIIK COLONNA. 341
The campaign against the Colonna had, meanwhile,
begun before the expiration of the four months' armistice
agreed upon in the treaty of the 2ist of September. Vitello
Vitelli commanded the Papal troops, which advanced
victoriously amidst frightful devastation : Marino, Monte-
fortino, Gallicano, Zagarolo, and other places were taken
and partly destroyed. Only Paliano and Rocca di Papa
withstood all attacks.1
The proceedings at the scene of war in Lombardy
occupied the attention of the Pope no less than the
fighting in the Campagna ; there the allies, in spite of
the withdrawal of the Papal forces, were still stronger than
of G. de' Medici, November 21, 1526 : " Questa matina in consistorio e
suto private il card. Colonna ne s' e anchora preso deliberatione della
cancellaria et altri beneficii teneva." In the following week steps were
to be taken against the Conti di Sarni for his share in the sacco de
Colonnesi (State Archives, Florence). See also the Milanese report
in Oesterr. Notizenblatt, 1858, 227 ; Arch. Stor. Ital., 5 Series, XIV.,
50 ; KALKOFF, Forschungen, 32, note, and the * Diary of CORNELIUS
DE FINE (National Library, Paris). See also the Bull of January i in
SAGGIATORE, I., 307 seg., which belongs, however, to 1527 and not to
1526.
1 For the war against the Colonna f/, with GUICCIARDINI, XVII.,
5, and Jovius, Columna : Lettere de' principi, I., 105'', II., i9ib ;
SANUTO, XLIIL, 236, 244 seq. ; GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 615; VILLA,
Asalto, 47; SALVIOLI, XVII., u ; the letter of F. Gonzaga in Arch.
Stor. Ital., App. II., 293-294; the * despatch of Capino da Capo,
employed in the Papal service (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) (and partly
made use of by GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 480) ; the *reports of
Landriano of November 24 and December 8 and 16, 1526 (State
Archives, Milan), and the following ^despatches of G. de' Medici,
Rome, November u, 13 (the battle of Paliano), 27th (Pompco Colonna
very ill. " II campo di N. S. si unir;\ a Valmontone et non forzera
Palliano ne Rocca di Papa"), December 4 (the Pope had had the
artillery brought back, as most of the Colonna strongholds had been
taken), in State Archives, Florence. Lastly, there is an interesting
description in CORNELIUS DE FINE'S* Diary (National Libi
342 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Imperialists ; yet the Duke of Urbino did nothing
decisive, and the Marquis of Saluzzo maintained a like
inactivity ; thus time was given to Charles V. to prepare
himself. Important aid came to him from Germany
through George von Frundsberg. The famous leader of
the landsknechts pawned his towns and possessions in
the Tyrol, even his beloved castle of Mindelheim, the
cradle of his race, together with the personal ornaments of
his wife. By this means he was able, it is true, to raise
only 38,000 gulden; but none the less, when his trumpet
sounded the rally, there streamed to him from all sides
young men fit to carry arms, especially those of the new
creed. " Many enemies, much honour," said George ; he
was determined with God's help to come to the rescue of
the Emperor and his people, since it was clear as day that
the Pope was oppressing Charles, his noble army, and the
house of Colonna. He held to it that it would be pleasing
to God and mankind that the Pope, the instigator of the
war, the Emperor's greatest enemy, should be punished
and hanged, should he have to do it with his own hand.
Within three weeks more than ten thousand lusty soldiers,
eager for plunder, had been gathered in the Southern Tyrol,
each provided with the fee of a golden gulden. Stout
and valorous captains such as Schertlin von Burtenbach
and Conrad von Bemelberg likewise joined him.
The passes between the Lago di Garda and the Adige
were held by the troops of the Duke of Urbino. But
Frundsberg's brother-in-law x pointed out to the wild bands
of landsknechts a way over the mountains between the
lakes of Idro and Garda, a breakneck path where the men
had to clamber like the chamois. By this passage they,
on the iQth of November, reached the territory of Brescia
without mishap, and thence, with little molestation from
1 The Count of Lodron.
KKUNDSI;I;K<; IN i IAI.Y. 343
the enemy, into the confines — the so-called Serraglio — of
Mantua. Here, enclosed on the west by ditches and a wall,
on the south by the To, and on the east by the Mincio,
the landsknechts ought, according to the plans of the
Marquis of Mantua, to have been entrapped and taken.
When Frundsberg, on the 23rd of November, reached
Borgoforte, he found that the ships promised him by the
Marquis were not there. As he saw that he had been
deceived, he took care to secure the bridge of Governolo,
the only egress from the Serraglio. Into what danger they
had fallen the Germans found out for themselves when, on
the following morning, the allies, commanded by the Duke
of Urbino and Giovanni de' Medici, appeared at Borgoforte
and tried to drive off Frundsberg's troops from the narrow
causeway leading to Governolo ; " but the landsknechts,
armed with their hand guns, stood like a wall, turned at once
to face the enemy, and when the latter drew near, made
them retreat and drove them back." Thus they reached
Governolo in safety, where money, provisions, and some
artillery belonging to Ferrara fell into their hands. Duke
Alfonso, who had been treating, for a long time, with both
parties,1 went over finally to the side of the Emperor. At
the very beginning of the fight the bold Giovanni de'
Medici, the leader of the " Black Band," was wounded, and
on the 3Oth of November the man on whom the League
and the Pope had placed all their hopes died of his wounds.
Frundsberg, who had previously, on the 28th of November,
effected his passage across the Po, now advanced on
Guastalla ; from this point he threatened the Papal forces
encamped at Parma and Piacenza.'2
1 Cf. CIPOLLA, 902.
2 Cf. the reports in GASSLER, 50 scq., 56 seq. (letter of Frundsberg'sX
and Canossa's *letter to Francis I., dated Venice, November 2. \
(Communal Library, Verona). See also REISSNER, Historic der Frunds-
344 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The news of the advance of the landsknechts, the
accession of the Duke of Ferrara to the Imperialist side,
and the fatal injuries of Giovanni de' Medici, reached Rome
in the last days of November,1 when the city was in
dangerous agitation owing to taxation, plague, and famine.2
Almost at the same time yet another alarming piece of
intelligence arrived; Charles de Lannoy, with the Imperial
fleet, was approaching the coasts of Italy.3 Clement now
saw himself threatened from the sea, just as on the north
he was exposed to the landsknechts bent on plunder and
filled with hatred of the Pope. His fear was greater than
ever, and he knew not whither to turn.
berge, 81 seq. ; BARTHOLD, 377 seq., 385-392 ; Osterr. Revue, VIII.
(1864), 132 seq. ; GAUTHIEZ, Jean des Bandes Noires, Paris, 1901, 315
seq. For the hopes placed on Giovanni de' Medici see BENOIST,
Guichardini, Paris, 1862, 44.
1 The news of the muster of the landsknechts in Bozen reached
Rome on November 6 in 1526 ; see F. Gonzaga's report in Arch. Stor.
Ital., App. II., 293. Guicciardini's letters gave information of the
forward on-rush of the terrified inhabitants ; see the * despatch of
Galeotto de' Medici, November 30, 1526 (State Archives, Florence).
For the alarm of the Pope, see the report of N. Raince, November 30,
1526, in GRETHEN, 131, n. i. For the death of Giov. de' Medici, see
GUICCIARDINI, XVII., 5 ; VETTORI, 372, and especially the letter of
P. Aretino in Arch. Stor. Ital., N. S., IX., 2, 136 ; at the end he says :
" E. Firenza e Roma (Dio voglia che io menta) tosto sapra cio che sia il
suo non esserci ; e gik odo i gridi del Papa che si crede haver
guadagnato nel perderlo." This last assertion is a calumny, as shown
by the Briefs published by GUASTI from the Secret Archives of the
Vatican in the Arch. Stor. Ital., 5 Series, II. , 200 seq., from which it
is proved that the news of Medici being wounded reached Rome on
November 30, and the announcement of his death on December 4.
Cf. also Arch. Stor. Ital., App. II., 295, and GAUTHIEZ, Jean des Bandes
Noires, 315 seq.
2 CyiSALViOLi, XVII., 12.
3 Cf. the ^despatches of G. de' Medici, dated Rome, November 17,
19, 28, and 30, 1526 (State Archives, Florence).
CLEMENT VII. IN DESI'KKA i I- >N. 345
According to the report of the Milanese envoy
Landriano on the 28th of November, Clement was most
deeply affected by the desertion of the Duke of Ferrara to
the Emperor. " The Pope," wrote Landriano, " seemed
struck dead. All the attempts of the Ambassadors of
France, England, and Venice to restore him were in vain.
Unless something unexpected takes place he will make a
peace or some day take flight. He looks to me like a
sick man whom the doctors have given up. From France
nothing is heard, and this drives everyone to desperation."1
A few days later the same envoy wrote in bitter derision
that neither gold nor troops come from France, nor any
news other than that the King is amusing himself well with
dancing, "and we are more dead than alive. Here, in
Bologna and Modena, we are arming in frantic haste, but it
will avail nothing. The extreme necessity of the hour will
force us to an agreement with the enemy."'2 The situation
was such that even the Secretary of the French Embassy,
Raince, admitted frankly that without speedy help from
Francis I., the Pope could make no further resistance or
stay longer in Rome. Clement himself had done all that
was possible ; foreign help, in all probability, would now
come much too late.3
1 See in Appendix, No. 39, the *despatch, in cipher, of Landriano,
November 28, 1526 (State Archives, Milan).
2 See in Appendix, No. 41, the ^despatch, in cipher, of Landriano,
December 2, 1526 (State Archives, Milan).
3 See the * letters of N. Raince, Rome, November 26 and 27, 1526
(Appendix, No. 38) : " Sire Sa Sta se trouve de plus en plus encourag£
et deplaisant et tant estonne et esbay quil ne scayt de quel cote' se
tourner." Fonds franc.., 2984, f. 109, 113 (National Library, I
Cf. the passages in Carpi's letter, November 29, 1526, in GRETHEN,
137, note 2; and SANUTO, XLIII., 349 seq., 356 seq. See also
VETTORI, 373, and a cipher * report of Landriano, November 28,
1526 (State Archives, Milan).
346 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the 3<Dth of November the Cardinals consulted what
was to be done. Three courses were proposed : pardon,
flight, or an armistice. The opinions were divided ; pardon
was seen to be impossible, flight was ignominious and full of
danger; it was determined as the best expedient to open
negotiations. Quinones, the General of the Franciscans,
who was much beloved by the Emperor, was entrusted with
the difficult mission,1 and by the 2nd of December he had
started to meet Lannoy.2 The Pope waited with indescrib-
able anxiety for further reports. All thought of flight from
Rome seemed closed to him, for he knew that Cardinal
Colonna would either summon him before a Council or
procure his own election as antipope. Schonberg and
his friends never ceased to work upon the harassed
Pope by representing to him these dangers, while Carpi,
Cardinal Trivulzio, Giberti, and the rest of the French
party exerted themselves in the opposite direction. The
fate of Florence lay nearest to Clement's heart, for there
disturbances had broken out and the advance of the lands-
knechts had caused many to flee, taking with them their
wives, children, and goods.
In Rome also a panic of the same kind had arisen on
the arrival of Lannoy in the harbour of San Stefano, from
whence he could also march either on Florence or Rome.
1 Cf. in Appendix, No. 40, the ^despatch of G. de' Medici, Nov-
ember 30, 1526 (State Archives, Florence), and *Acta Consist, of the
Vice-Chancellor in the Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
2 See the ** despatch of G. de' Medici, December 2, 1526 (State
Archives, Florence): *Die lunae December 3, 1526; "S. D. N. fecit
verbum de adventu viceregis in Italiam cum classe Caesaris." The
Pope, at the same time, announced the mission of Penaloza, who
delivered a letter from Charles V. in which the latter tried to clear him-
self in the matter of the excesses committed by the Colonna. * Acta
Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in the Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.
THE POPE \v.\\! 347
On the evening of the 2Qth of November Lannoy again set
sail, and on the 1st of December he reached Gaeta. The
galleys of the League which had been intended to hinder
his approach reached San Stefano two days too late. " It
really seems," wrote the Secretary of the French Embassy,
Raince, to Montmorency, " that all reasonable calculations
are miscarrying, and that things could not turn out better
than they are doing for the Imperialists."1
By a special Nuncio the Pope, on the 6th of December
1526, let Francis know what the dangers were into which
he had fallen.2 All, except Giberti, were then advising the
Pope to come to terms with the Emperor's party.3 That
even this partisan of France took the worst view of the
situation is clear from his correspondence. "We are,"
Giberti wrote on the yth of December to the English
Nuncio Gambara, " on the brink of ruin ; fate has let loose
upon us every kind of evil, so that it is impossible to add
to our misery. It seems to me as if sentence of death had
been passed upon us, and that we are only awaiting its
execution, which cannot be long delayed." 4 But with the
arrival of more favourable news concerning the help to be
expected from France, Giberti at once changed his mind.
Clement, a prey to anxiety and impatience, had in the
meantime sent Schonberg also to Naples to treat with
Lannoy as to terms. The Pope himself was wavering : on
the nth of December he told the Florentine envoy that
his heart was no longer in the war, since the allies were so
tardy in their support and the conflict only increased the
1 See the *report of N. Raince to Anne de Montmorency, December
4, 1526, in the National Library, I'aris, MS. franc.., 2984, f. 117.
2 Cf. FRAIKIN, 178 seq.
3 Despatch of Landriano, December 4, 1 526 (State Archives, Milan) ;
partly in DE LEVA, II., 404.
4 Lett. d. princ, I., 82 ; cf. II., i;7b.
348 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Emperor's power.1 The conditions offered by Lannoy,
which Quifiones brought back on the evening of the I2th
of December, seemed to Giberti very hard and only accept-
able in the last extremity.2 Lannoy demanded a six
months' truce, besides a war indemnity to be agreed upon
later on, Ostia and Civita Vecchia or Parma and Piacenza
being in the meantime held as preliminary guarantees ; at
the same time he seemed inclined to force on this ex-
ceptional peace by armed force. Still stronger pressure
was used by Perez, the Secretary of the Spanish Embassy,
acting probably on an understanding with Lannoy, who on
the same day, the I2th of December, presented to the Pope
with all official formality a series of documents setting forth
with unprecedented harshness all the Emperor's com-
plaints of the Papal policy, and threatening Clement with
a Council.
1 ^Despatch of G. de' Medici, Rome, December 11, 1526 (State
Archives, Florence). For the Pope's irresolution, see especially
GRETHEN, 141. Canossa was strongly opposed to any agreement
between the Pope and the Emperor. Cf. Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XXI II.,
285 seq.
2 Cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 182. G. de' Medici reported on December
12, 1526 : *Questa sera e arrivato il generale et ha parlato a lungo con
N. S. Porta di far una suspensione d' arme per sei mesi con li cautioni
de P observantia da 1' una banda et da 1' altra, et di piu chiedono una
contributione di denari durante la suspensione. S. Sta spaccia questa
nocte al rev. di Capua (State Archives, Florence).
CHAPTER X.
THE ANTI-PAPAL POLICY OF THE EMPEROR.— ADVANCE
OF THE IMPERIAL ARMY ON ROMK.
IN order to form a just estimate of Charles V. in his
opposition to Clement VII., we must represent to ourselves
the part played by the Emperor in connection with the
raid of the Colonna. Before Charles had been more fully
informed of the Pope's hostile intentions he had already,
on the nth of June 1526, instructed his Ambassador in
Rome that if Clement did not show himself compliant he
should be driven out by means of the Colonna and a
revolutionary movement set up in the States of the Church.1
While the Emperor, in this way, signified his approval of
the treacherous and piratical manoeuvre so unworthy of
him,2 which Moncada carried out by means of the Colonna
on the 2Oth of September, he was giving the Papal Nuncio
Castiglione assurances of his filial submission to the Holy
See.3 As soon as the raid had successfully taken place,
Moncada advised the Emperor to express to the Nuncio
and Clement his great grief at the acts of violence done
1 Cf. supra, p. 310 seq. Already, on May 10, 1 526, Sessa had advised
that either concessions should be made, to secure the friendship of the
Papal party, or that "their wings should be so plucked that they could
no longer fly." GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 419 ; HELLWIG, 28.
2 Opinion of GREGOROVius in the Beilage zur Allg. Zeitung, 1876,
No. 205.
3 C^SERASSI, II., 53-54.
349
350 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by the Colonna and to make known to the princes of
Christendom how repugnant such occurrences had been to
his views and wishes.1 Before the Emperor, then staying
in Granada, couid give effect to this advice,2 he had already
taken a fresh step against the Pope. On the I3th of
August he announced publicly, for communication to the
Christian world, that the aggression of the French, the
Pope, and other Italians forced him to take up arms.
Moncada was fully empowered to confirm the Duke of
Ferrara in the possession of all his fiefs held from the
Empire.3
In pursuing his contest with the Pope, Charles had
recourse also to the advice of learned canonists. The
latter were to expound to him in particular how far and
under what circumstances an Emperor owed obedience to
the Pope, and whether the former would be justified in
refusing payment of half the annates and in declaring war
against the supreme Pontiff, if he were called upon to do
so. Castiglione, who reported upon these consultations, said
the views differed, yet all had aimed at pleasing Charles.
In a report in cipher he also observed that most secret
consultations had been held as to the way in which the
Emperor could proceed against the Pope, and whether he
1 MlGNET, Rivalite, II., 244.
2 Charles V. followed this advice scrupulously and even wrote to
Perez as if he had been in ignorance of the plan (cf. GAYANGOS, III.,
i, n. 6 1 1-613 5 GRETHEN, 136). The autograph letter of apology to the
Pope, which was delivered by Cesare Fieramosca, is in LANZ, I., 296-
298, but is post-dated incorrectly April 1529. The words "Je me
excuse du sac qui a este fait du saint siege en sacquant Peglise de
S. Pierre et votre s. palais" show plainly that the sacco by the Colonna
is meant, and not that of 1527. MARTINATI, 50, aptly calls Charles's
protestations to Castiglione "una vile commedia" (see SERASSI,
II., 98).
3 GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 510, 511 ; GRETHEN, 132.
BRIEF OF THF. 23RD OF JI 351
was bound to subject himself to excommunication aiul
crnsmvs and a thousand other evils.1
Such was the state of opinion when the severely worded
Brief of the 23rd of June was handed to Charles. The
presentation of this all-important document was made on
the 20th of August by Castiglione, who had not yet
received the second and milder communication with the
order to withhold the first. The Brief caused Charles
deep resentment, especially as there were about him
those who knew how to fan his justifiable agitation into
extreme anger; Gattinara,2 who was sore at not receiving
the Cardinalate, was active in this direction. Charles
concealed his inward displeasure ; he spoke, it is true,
of a council before which he would vindicate himself
from the Pope's charges, but, on the whole, he remained
outwardly calm, and used, as he had done previously to
Castiglione, the most fervent expressions of devotion to the
Holy See.3 Meanwhile a bulky state-paper was drawn up
which exceeded in its language even that of the Brief, and
opposed to the one-sided statement of the Pope another
not less one-sided on the part of the Emperor.4
1 SERASSI, II., 6 1, 62. Cf. also VILLA, Asalto, 20-21. The judg-
ment of M. Cano on Charles V., quoted by CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO,
Asalto, 35, cannot belong to this time, since Cano was still a student
in 1527 ; he was not ordained priest until 1531.
2 SANUTO, XLIII., 96. It was even believed among the party of
the League that Gattinara aimed at becoming Pope himself in the
event of Clement's deposition by a council; see * letter of Canossa's
to Francis I., dated VTenice, December 16, 1526 (Communal Library,
Verona).
3 Cf. SERASSI, II., 68, 70, 73, 77, 79; BAUMGARTEN, Charles V.,
II., 521.
4 The state-paper was printed at the instance of the Imperial
Chancellor (see SERASSI, II.. 145 146), in the spring of 1527, at A
(cf. SANDOVAL, I., xv., c. 18 ; see also WEISS, Pap. d'Etat, I., 279 sfq.),
352 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the opening of this document, dated "Granada, Sep-
tember 17, 1526," prominence was given to the fact that the
Brief of the 23rd of J une, handed in by the Nuncio on the
2oth of August, was couched in language neither becoming
in the Chief Shepherd of Christendom nor consonant with
the " filial devotion " which Charles had always shown
towards the Apostolic See and the Pope. It was necessary
to reply in some detail, as the Emperor was not conscious
of blame and could not allow his unsullied reputation to
be assailed. He had always shown himself to be a great
lover of peace, and had aimed only at the peace and freedom
of Italy. Let the Pope consider whether his present
behaviour was in keeping with his pastoral office ; whether
he ought to have drawn the sword that Christ had ordered
Peter to replace in its sheath ; whether he had a right to
weaken the forces of Christendom and to strengthen its
enemies, the heretics. When his Holiness, at the beginning
of his Brief, lays stress on the necessity of pardon, the
position is not an intelligible one, since no one has injured
the Pope's honour and dignity. In order to make his state-
ments more credible, the Brief describes a " long tragedy,"
recounts what is in keeping with the Papal conception, but
then in the autumn at Mainz by Job. Schoffer (Pro divo Carolo ....
apologetici libri duo nuper ex Hispania allati, pp. 19-85), and at Antwerp.
To this last edition, the mistakes in which are censured by EHSES,
Concil., IV., xxiv.-xxv., belong the extracts in Goldast, Raynaldus,
and Le Plat. I made use of the Mainz edition, which, although not
free from errors, is yet much more correct than that of Antwerp. For
more modern writers cf. GRETHEN, 132 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER,
IX., 486 seg., and BAUMGARTEN, II., 518 seq. Canossa had very
early intelligence of this Imperial state-paper. In a *letter to Giberti
from Venice as early as October 27, 1526, he says that he has heard
"da una lettera o volume dello Imperatore a N. Sre piena di molte
querele, sdegni e minaccie e frale altre di concilio" (Communal Library,
Verona).
OBJECT OF HIE STATE-PAPER. 353
passes over in silence everything that explains the real
course of affairs. To show clearly the real sequence of
facts, the state-paper refers back to the position assumed
by the Papacy in the question of the Imperial election ; the
many marks of favour shown by the Emperor to Clement
when he was Cardinal are stated with clear precision ; the
events of the most recent years are set forth very thoroughly
The object of the whole representation is to brand Clement
VII. with disloyalty, and to justify Charles in his treatment
of disputed Italian questions (Milan, Reggio, Modena).
This is done in exceedingly " energetic, compact " language,
not without an admixture of sophistry.1 Many passages
are marked by a refinement of sarcasm ; as when it is
said that it is incredible that the Vicar of Christ on earth
should acquire for himself worldly possessions at the cost
of a single drop of human blood, since this would be in
direct contradiction to the teaching of the Gospel. In
another place it is specially pointed out that the Pope
would not have lost the praise due to a good shepherd and
father if he had kept himself aloof from plots and alliances
against the Emperor. In other respects also severe charges
are brought against Clement. His conduct has not tended
to protect the safety of Italy and Christendom, nor even
that of the Holy See, which — seeing that no one was coming
forward to attack it — stood in no need of weapons and
troops. In consequence of this the Pope has destroyed
the means of protecting the Holy See, has squandered the
treasure of the Church, and acted in opposition to Christ
Himself and to the hurt of Christendom. The Pope cannot
justify his deeds before God or men. It is evident — if such
language may be used — that he has only occasioned
scandal and destruction to the Christian commonwealth.
Clement VII. might remember that the Curia draws greater
1 C/. GRETHEN, 133, and HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 491.
VOL. IX.
354 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
revenues from the Emperor's dominions than from any
other countries. If the Pope is as anxious for peace as is
the Emperor, let him lay down his arms, and it would then
be easy to combat the errors of the Lutherans and other
heretics. If, on the contrary, his Holiness disregards the
Emperor's defence, insists on maintaining war and opposing
himself to the general peace — in which case he is acting
not as a father but as a party leader, not as a shepherd
but as a hireling — the Emperor will then be forced, seeing
that no other higher judge can be appealed to, to turn
to a Holy General Council of collective Christendom, in
whose hands it shall be left to decide on all questions in
dispute. At the end of his indictment Charles solemnly
appeals to the judgment of this Council, which the Pope
shall summon in some safe and fitting place within limits
of time to be definitely settled.
Since the days of Frederick the Second and Louis of
Bavaria no ruler of Germany had addressed such language
to Rome. There were many passages in which Charles
used language " of which no follower of Luther need have
been ashamed." l It was at one with the notions of the
draftsman of the paper, Alfonso de Valdes, who was
steeped in the spirit of Erasmus the humanist.2
On the 1 8th of September 1526 the document was offici-
ally handed over to Castiglione, the Papal Nuncio, who
entered a protest against such an uncivil reply, and then
1 RANKE'S opinion, Deutsche Gesch., II., 2nd ed., 389. Cf. supra,
p. 353, the passage (line 17) where the evangelica doctrina is mentioned.
EHSES (Politik Clemens VII., 581) says : "The Imperial state-paper is
perhaps the most violent document addressed in that century by a
Catholic sovereign to the Pope."
2 BOEHMER, Bibl. Wiffeniana, L, 84 seq. ; BAUMGARTEN, Charles V.,
II., 520, note i, and 632 seq. ; cf. HOMENAJE A MENE"NDEZ Y PELAYO,
L, 388.
CASTIGLIONE DECEIVED IJY CHARLES V. 355
went on to point out that it was only in consequence of
belated instructions that the Brief of the 23rd of June had
been presented,1 and that he was most painfully surprised.
Hitherto Charles, in his conversations with him, had always
evinced a most conciliatory temper ; even as regards the
Brief of the 23rd of June he had shown diplomatic self-
restraint ; the second and more temperate Brief of the 25th
had, Castiglione felt certain, restored the Emperor to perfect
composure.2 Charles, indeed, had solemnly assured him
that his answer, even if he appealed to a council, would be
so gentle that the Pope would have no cause to complain
of it.3 And now there came this official paper! In great
anger Castiglione complained to Gattinara and to Charles
that he had been deceived, and felt it an affront that he
should have been expected to transmit such a violent and
insulting reply.4 It was of really little use that the
Imperial Chancery, on this very i8th of September,
drew up an answer, in corresponding terms, to the more
moderately expressed Brief.5 The conciliatory and friendly
words which the Emperor continued to address freely
to Castiglione6 and others had quite as little meaning.
He adhered inflexibly to the standpoint of his paper of the
1 7th of September.7 Indeed, in the letter addressed to the
1 Cf. supra, p. 351.
2 SERASSI, II., 86 seq.
3 Ibid., II., 88.
4 See Castiglione's report from Granada, September 20, 1526, in
SERASSI, II., 90-93.
6 Pro divo Carolo apologetic! libri duo, 90-92. RAYNALDUS, 1526,
n. 44.
6 SERASSI, II., 98 seqq.
1 Cf. GRETHEN, 134. According to this author, it was Quinones to
whom the Emperor caused to be conveyed, on September 26, a reassur-
ing answer concerning the Council (cf. infra, p. 356, n. I ). But HEI
(56, note 3) has now shown that Quinones had again left the Imperial
3$6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals on the 6th of October, he went still further and
endeavoured to stir up an anti-Papal schism. If his Holi-
ness, he wrote, will not summon a council, then the
Cardinals, " in conformity with legal right," must do so.1
In thorough keeping with the Emperor's embittered
feeling was the insulting manner in which Perez, the
Secretary of the Embassy, communicated to the Pope his
master's message. Perez had received the document on the
9th of December. He kept its existence a close secret until
the 1 2th, when a Consistory was held. On that day he
appeared unexpectedly with a Spanish notary and Spanish
witnesses before the Cardinals surrounding the Pope and
handed to Clement the state-paper, and to the Cardinals
the letter of the 6th of October. Immediately after leaving
the hall he had an act to notify their delivery drawn up
by his notary. Consequently the news of the Emperor's
demand for a Council was at once spread through Rome.2
Court on September 8. Charles's declaration cannot, therefore, have
been made to him. The correctness of Hellwig's assumption that
Quinones' departure had taken place much sooner than GRETHEN
(124, note) supposes, is made clear not only from Farnese's instructions
(WEISS, Pap. d'Etat, I., 298 seq.\ but also from GUICCIARDINI, XVII.
6. Cf. also PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 70, note 4. From a * Brief of
June 7, 1526 (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm., 40, vol. 11, n. 317),
it is further evident that Quinones was then still in Rome, and that
there was no intention of sending him to Spain.
1 The best copy of the letter is in, Pro divo Carolo apologetici libri
duo, 93-99. For the contents cf. EHSES, Concil., IV., xxv. In a letter
of September 26, 1526, Charles took a more proper view, with regard
to the Council, in insisting that it belonged to the Pope and to no
other to summon the Council. BUCHOLTZ, III., 47, note.
2 Perez to the Emperor, December 15, 1526. GAYANGOS, III., i, n.
633 ; cf. Pro divo Carolo apologetici libri duo, 100 seg., and SANUTO,
XLIII., 494, 580. The accounts of the proceedings in Consistory after
Perez' departure are contradictory. In SANUTO, XLI 1 1., 494^ it is said
expressly, in an extract from the report of the Venetian Ambassador of
AUDACITY OF I I I 357
Two days later Perez had an audience of Clement VII.
in order to communicate to him a letter which the
Emperor had written to Cesare Fieramosca. "Why,"
asked the Pope irritably, " have you not brought a notary
with you on this occasion as well, so that the delivery of
this letter might also be certified?" Perez, according to
his own account, had the audacity to deny altogether the
notarial act of the I2th of December. "But," so he
December 19 : "in concistorio ha fatto lezer il protesto li ha mandate
Cesare, che non si facendo 1' accordo, chiamerk un Concilio general
contra il Papa." Landriano reports to the same effect in a * despatch,
found by me in the State Archives, Milan, dated December 12 (see
Appendix, No. 42). The Emperor's letter of complaint was read in Con-
sistory on December 12, but not the "letter to the Pope and Cardinals"
(that is, the letter of October 6). But in contradiction to this we have the
express statement of Perez, in his report to the Emperor of December
1 5 (see supra, p. 356, n. 2), that he had exerted himself to have the letters
delivered by him to the Consistory also read in that assembly. He
was aware that this had not been done, but that the Cardinals were
acquainted with the contents of the letters. In agreement with this
the *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor, in the Consistorial Archives
of the Vatican, have, on December 12, only the entry shown below (see
infra, p. 359, n. 4) ; on the other hand, the entries for Dec. 19 (App. No. 43)
state expressly that Cardinal Cesi read a letter of twenty-five pages from
the Emperor to the Pope, dated Granada, September (the day is not
given) 1526, and a letter from Charles to the Sacred College. Perez,
in a report of December 24 (GAYANGOS, III., i, n. 642), says that the
Imperial letter of October 6 was read in a Consistory held on December
21 ; he then relates that a dispute arose amongst the Cardinals whether
the Emperor had a right to summon a council, and it was decided that
an answer should be sent to Charles by a commission of Cardinals. This
commission met in the beginning of 1527. Perez reported on January
10, that it was said that the commission was unanimous on all points
except the question of the Council; GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 3. On
January 26 Perez reported again on the great difference of opinion
among the Cardinals as to the Emperor's rights over the Council.
The Cardinals were displeased with the sharp terms of the Emperor's
missive ; ibid., n. 9.
358 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
himself relates, "when I perceived that the Pope had
observed the whole proceeding and had seen the notary,
whom he knew quite well by sight, and the witnesses,
I was obliged to admit that I was acting by the
express command of your Majesty." " In that case,"
answered the Pope, " if you had given me notice before-
hand, I should not have prevented the letter being read
in Consistory." Further excuses from Perez he cut
short by bringing the audience to a close; but to the
Portuguese Ambassador he remarked that he would, in
case of necessity, make use of the Emperor's letter in self-
defence.1
That the Imperialists were determined on going to
extremities is shown by the fact that Lannoy, step by
step, increased his demands and ordered his troops to
advance on Frosinone.2 The acceptance of his conditions,
which, in their final form, called upon the Pope to give
up, as guarantees of peace, Parma, Piacenza, Ostia, and
Civita Vecchia, and demanded the surrender by the
Florentines of Pisa and Leghorn, would have meant the
practical abolition of the temporal possessions of the Holy
See.3 In great agitation the Pope declared that, since
they were determined to rob him of everything, it should
1 Perez to the Emperor on December 15. 1526, in GAYANGOS, III., i,
n. 633. The passages from the Acta Consist, of December 19, 1526, in
Appendix, No. 43.
2 Cf. GRETHEN, 141 seqq.
3 See the *letter of Canossa to Giberti, dated Venice, December 16,
1526 (Communal Library, Verona). Cf. DE LEVA, II., 406; GREGO-
ROVIUS, 3rd ed., 482, and PROFESSIONE, Dal trattato di Madrid, 46
seq. Carpi and other French agents were afraid, in spite of the open
breach between the Pope and Emperor, that the latter should come to
an understanding, and did their best to prevent one ; see the report of
G. de' Medici, dated Rome, December 15, 1526 (State Archives,
Florence).
DANGER TO ROME.
he done only by force and not under the nn'sf: of fair
play.1
The recruiting of troops for the Papal army was pushed
on in haste. In Rome, where the inhabitants, with a
view to taking their share in the defence, were employing
the best means for the security of the city, the famous
engineer Sangallo, in whom the Pope placed special con-
fidence,2 was active. On the loth of December the warlike
Legate Trivulzio joined the troops intended to oppose
Lannoy.3 Soon afterwards a monition was issued against
all invaders of the Papal territories.4 In closest alliance
with Lannoy were the Colonna, still breathing vengeance,
who always found strong support among the Imperialists
in Naples. Perez had already, on the 4th and 5th of
December, informed the Emperor that, sooner or later, the
Colonna, with the help of the Viceroy and Moncada,
would once more make war on the Pope and try to drive
him out of Rome.5
Still greater than the danger threatening in the south
was the peril slowly drawing nearer from the north.
It was of the utmost importance for the development
1 GRETHEN, 143.
2 Cf. the *despatches of G. de' Medici from Rome, December 2, 4, 28,
and 30, 1526 (State Archives, Florence); see also Perez' report of
December 1 5 in VILLA, Asalto, 49 seq.
3 *Die veneris in festo S. Ambrosii, 7 Decembris 1526 : Referente
S. D. N. creavit rev. Aug. de Tivultio S. Theodori diac. Card, legatum
de latere ad exercitum S. R. E. Die dominica, 9 Decembris : rev.
d. Aug. Card, de Tivultio fuit publicatus legatus ad exercitum . . . et
die sequent! profectus est ad castra. *Acta Consist, of the Vice-
Chancellor in the Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
4 Die mere. 12 Decembris 1526: fuit decretum monitorium contra
invadentes terras et subditos S. R. E. eisque dantes auxilium et favorem.
*Acta Consist., loc. cit.
6 GAYANGOS, III., 7, n. 628, 629.
360 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of events in upper Italy that the Pope, in spite of all
negotiations, was unsuccessful in coming to an agreement
with the Duke of Ferrara.1 It was only with Alfonso's
support that Frundsberg was able, at the end of November
1526, to make the difficult passage of the Po and to
carry the ravages of war into the states of Parma and
Piacenza. Guicciardini, who was stationed here with
Papal troops, implored the Duke of Urbino, but in vain,
to come to his aid. The Duke remained on the other
side of the Po to cover the territory of Venice. "The
Emperor's luck," said Guicciardini, " is boundless ; but the
limit has been reached, inasmuch as his enemies have
neither the wits nor the will to make use of the forces at
their disposal." 2
Frundsberg did not seize any of the fortified towns on
his route, but encamped in the territory of Piacenza, to
await the arrival of the Constable de Bourbon and his
army. The latter had the greatest difficulties to surmount
with his mutinous and savage troops, who were clamouring
with threats for their arrears of pay. On the 1st of February
1527 he had been able at last to satisfy at least the army
in Milan after, so he wrote to the Emperor, he had drained
the city of its blood. De Leyva remained behind in Milan
1 GUICCIARDINI (Op. ined, V., 145) considered this one of the chief
mistakes in Clement's policy. Cf. GRETHEN, 138; SALVIOLI, XVI.,
279 seqq.) 284 seqq., 293 seqq., XVII., 4 seqq. Canossa also had always
thought that it was of capital importance to win over Ferrara. Cf.
especially his *letter to Giberti of August 4, 1526 (Communal Library,
Verona). At the end of November Alfonso had informed the Pope
that he had joined the Imperialists (HELLWIG, 62). Nevertheless,
Cardinal Cibo, as late as December 21, 1526, was trying to allay the
strife with Ferrara. (See the *brief of the above date to Cardinal Cibo ;
the original is in the State Archives, Modena.) All attempts at a
reconciliation were useless. See SALVIOLI, XVII., 14 seqq.
* GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 485 ; CIPOLLA, 910.
ADVANCE OF TIIK IMI'KUI 361
with twelve thousand men; the remainder wi-nt south with
Bourbon. In the days between the 7th and I2th of
February the conjunction of Bourbon's army with that of
Frundsberg took place not far from Piacenza. The host of
nearly twenty-two thousand men 1 took, on the 22nd of
February, the ancient Emilian Way; the advance was slow
owing to bad weather and the painful scarcity of provisions.
If the Duke of Ferrara had not sent frequent supplies of
money and victuals, the highly dissatisfied and to some
extent mutinous horde would undoubtedly have broken
up. Never was there such a good opportunity of attacking
the Imperial forces; nevertheless, the Duke of (Jrbino
lay idle. Thus the former were able, although amid the
greatest hardships, to march through Parma and Modena
and to cross the. Panaro, the old river boundary of the
States of the Church. On the 8th of March they encamped
at San Giovanni, hardly a day's journey from Bologna.2
1 The data for the strength of the Imperial army are very weak.
No trust can be placed in Ulloa's figures, reproduced by GREGOROVIUS,
VIII., 3rd ed., 516 (20,000 Germans, 6000 Spaniards, 14,000 Italians).
SALVIOLI'S calculation, XVII., 17 (30,000), and that of the writer in the
Oesterr. Revue, VIII. (1864), 138 (32,000), are pitched too high.
Ammirato and Reissner are nearest to the truth ; they count on
about 14,000 landsknechts, 5000 Spaniards, 2000 Italians, 500 hommes
d'armes, and 1000 light horse (see SISMONDI, XV, 272). This agrees
with the important statement, hitherto unnoticed, in SANUTO, XLV,
74 and 218, where the army is computed at about 22,000. In addition
there were numerous camp followers. VETTORI also says (380) that
the Imperial troops who entered Rome were not more than 20,000
strong. M. CRESCI (*Storia d'ltalia, in the Laurentian Library; see
supra, p. 328, note 4), enumerates : " 1 5,000 lanzi, 400 Spagnoli, 5000
Italiani." Acciaiuoli, in a *letter to Gambara, gives the strength of the
landsknechts thus: "17,000 fanti, 800 cavalli," and 12 cannon (Ricci
Archives, Rome).
- Cf. BARTHOLD, Frundsberg, 398 seqq., 404^7. ; SISMONDI, XV..
270 seqq. ; ClPOLLA, 914 scq.
362 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the meantime there had been constant alternations
in Rome of fear and hope, military preparations and
negotiations for peace. During the first days of the year
of misfortune 1527 Clement had addressed to Lannoy
and the Colonna a solemn admonition to lay down their
arms under pain of excommunication and, at the same
time, had released Orazio Baglioni from his three years'
imprisonment in St. Angelo and taken him into his pay.1
On the 4th of January Lannoy's ultimatum was presented
to the Pope.2 Four days later the long-expected envoy
of Francis I., Renzo da Ceri, arrived, but without soldiers
and without money.3 " It would not have been so bad,"
thought even a friend of the French, Canossa, " if he had
not come at all."4 Instead of the necessary help Renzo
brought fresh demands from his self-seeking sovereign :
the cession of Naples to France.5 The dissatisfaction and
alarm of Clement were still more increased at this time
by the growing scarcity of money6 and the incessant
1 SANUTO, XLIII., 579, 614, 615 ; VILLA, Asalto, 52 seq. ; BALAN,
Mon. saec., XVI. , 397 seqq. ; TESEO ALFANI, 309 ; GRETHEN, 144.
For the Consistory of December 27, 1 526, see FRAIKIN, 424 seqq.
2 GRETHEN, 145.
3 GRETHEN (146) is right in maintaining that Renzo came to Rome
only on January 8, and not previously in December ; for the day
mentioned is that given by SANUTO, XLIII., 632, *N. Raince, Rome,
January 9, 1527 (" Le Seigneur Renze arriva hyer soir et fu devers S.
Ste," National Library, Paris), and *Casella, Rome, January 8, 1527
("II S. Renzo hoggi e entrato in Roma," State Archives, Modena).
Giberti wrote to Gambara on January 24 : " Renzo e venuto senza un
carlino" (Ricci Archives, Rome).
4 PROFESSIONS, Dal trattato di Madrid, 48.
6 Cf. GRETHEN, 146, who here describes well the character of the
policy of Francis I.
6 See SANUTO, XLIII., 633 seq., and *Min. brev., 1527, I., vol. 14,
n. 13-15 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
;ROR OF THE POPE. 363
appeals of the Florentines to come quickly to terms with
the Imperialists. 1 1 is fellow-countrymen depicted in the
blackest colours the infernal horrors which might be let
loose on Florence at any moment by Spaniards and
landsknechts. Schonberg made similar representations;
moreover, Clement was daily besought, with tears, by Clarice
de' Medici, to deliver her husband, held fast in Naples as a
hostage ; so that, as the Mantuan envoy remarked, the
poor Pope, assailed thus on every side, was to be compared
to a ship tossed hither and thither on the high seas by
conflicting winds.1
Cardinal Farnese advised flight from Rome. "Things
cannot go on thus," said the Venetian Ambassador; "the
Pope has not a soldo left." Clement openly confessed
his despair. He even declared that he would like to with-
draw entirely from politics and confine himself exclusively
to his ecclesiastical functions.2
The Pope's cares were made still heavier by the repre-
sentations of a member of the Sacred College, who urged
him to raise the necessary funds by a nomination of
Cardinals and to anticipate the Emperor by summoning
a council. The sale of Cardinals' hats had, at an earlier
date, been decisively rejected 3 by Clement ; and even now
he would hear nothing of it " from an honourable conscien-
tiousness."4 The thought of bringing these important
1 See the *report of F. Gonzaga of January 10, 1527, in Appendix,
No. 44 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). " L' Arcivescovo," Landriano
stated in a cipher report of December 25, 1526, "pinge 1' inferno al
papa se non si acorda. Non so quello fara S. Sta, sin qui mostra bon
animo" (State Archives, Milan).
2 SANUTO, XLIII., 633, 670, 701.
3 Cf. supra, p. 338.
4 GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 488; cf. the report of Landriano,
dat. Rome, January 10, 1527 (State Archives, Milan), used by DE
LEVA, II., 405.
364 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
affairs into his own hands by means of a council was one
which in itself pleased him ; yet he held back through
the fear that his hands would be completely tied in re-
spect of the nomination of Cardinals. So nothing definite
was settled, and the plan came to nothing. But the situa-
tion was one which imperatively demanded that he should
make himself safe in Rome. On the I4th of January
1527 Renzo visited the Papal forces encamped to the south
of Rome and afterwards returned to the city, where the
citizens were armed and organized on a war footing
with all possible haste.1 Lannoy's answer consisted
in the reopening of hostilities by the siege of Frosinone,
although the limits of the armistice2 had not expired.
Thereupon Clement, on the 23rd of January, called upon all
the Neapolitan fief-holders to take up arms for the States
of the Church.3 At the same time he entered into closer
communication with the Voivode of Siebenbiirgen, Joannes
1 Cf. SANUTO, XLIII., 700, 715 ; VILLA, Asalto, 58; SCHULZ, 84-
85 ; the **reports of F. Gonzaga of January 21 and 29, 1527 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua), and the "^despatches of Casella, dated Rome,
January 14, 1527 : "El Signer Renzi heri si transfer! all' exercito di N.
Sre" ; January 16 : " L' artegliaria di N. S., quale e in castel S. Angelo,
si mette in ordine per cavarla fuori di ditto castello"; January 21 :
Defensive preparations in Rome ; January 25 : " Qui si fanno fanti a
furia et cosi come li fanno li mandano in campo" (State Archives,
Modena). Copious disbursements for the military preparations are
entered in the Mandata divers, dementis VII., 1527 (State Archives,
Rome).
2 Of September 1536 (see supra, p. 334).
*Die mercurii 23 Januarii 1527: Discussion as to "publicatio
litterarum apostolicarum contra Columnenses et viceregem, quibus
hortantur omnes barones et feudatarii regni Neapolitani, ut arma
capiant pro defensione personae suae [sc. papae] et terrarum S. R. E.
prout fieri deberet, quia jam moniti non destiterunt, et fuit conclusum
ut publicarentur." *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in the
Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican.
THE EMI'I.KOK'S CONDITIONS. 365
Zapolya, who was contesting the crown of Hungary against
the Emperor's brother.1 While these warlike measures
were in progress the negotiations of that strange time went
steadily on. On the evening of the 25th of January, Cesare
Fieramosca, accompanied by Schonberg and Quifiones,
arrived in Rome with proposals for an armistice from Charles.
They at once went to see Clement in the Belvedere.2
Fieramosca brought from the Emperor, who also con-
tinued to employ very friendly language with regard to
Castiglione,3 the best assurances of his good-will towards
the Holy See, but very hard conditions for the conclusion
of a three years' peace : the restoration of the Colonna ; the
payment of 200,000 ducats by the Pope and Florence, and,
as security, the surrender of Parma, Piacenza, and Civita
Vecchia into the hands of a third party. In spite of the
opposition of the Cardinals, Clement VII., in his necessity,
entered into the agreement on the 28th of January,4 but the
ratification of the treaty was postponed in order to allow
of Venice being asked to give her adhesion ; an eight days'
armistice was to be observed provisionally.5'
1 GRETHEN, 147-148; HUBER, III., 551 seq.
2 See **the despatches of G. de' Medici of January 25, 1527 (State
Archives, Florence).
3 Giberti *wrote on January 24, 1527, to Gambara : "II Conte
Baldassar scrive di Spagna con commissioni amplissime d' accordar
con N. S. promettendo voler S. Sta per padre et tante buone parole
che se havesse in animo osservarne la meta saremo felici" (Ricci
Archives, Rome).
4 For this cf. *Giberti to Gambara, on January 24 and February 2,
1527 (Ricci Archives, Rome).
6 Cf. SANUTO, XLIII., 758 seq., XLIV., 15 seq., cf. 101 ; VILLA,
Asalto, 59 seq. ; GRETHEN, 149 seq. ; PROFESSIONS, Dal trattato di
Madrid, 50. G. de' Medici reports fully on the negotiations in his
•^despatches of January 26, 1527. and following days (State Archives,
Florence).
366 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Before the latter had run its course the state of affairs
had undergone a fresh change. The ink of the treaty
was hardly dry before the news arrived that Rene, Count
de Vaudemont, the champion of the claims of the house
of Anjou on Naples, had come from France with 30,000
ducats, and that the envoy of Henry VIII., Sir John
Russell, with a like amount, was on his way to Rome.
This was enough to rekindle Clement's warlike spirit —
who very rightly placed no trust in Lannoy1 — to such an
extent that Giberti, on the 29th of January, disregarding
the armistice, gave orders to Cardinal Trivulzio to make
an offensive movement.2 On the 1st of February came
Vaudemont,3 and on the 2nd the Rector of the University
of Rome mustered the students, fifteen hundred fine well-
armed youths eager for service.4 On the evening of the
4th, beacons on the hills of Tivoli announced the defeat
of Lannoy, "the greatest enemy of the Holy See,"5 at
Frosinone.6 After so many misfortunes, Giberti and the
Pope rejoiced at this gleam of sunshine. On the 7th of
February Andrea Doria arrived, and it was resolved to
1 Cf. the interesting *report of G. de' Medici of January i, 1527
(State Archives, Florence).
2 GUALTERIO, Corrispondenza, 67 ; GRETHEN, 152 ; BROSCH, I., 98.
3 SANUTO, XLIV., 33 ; GUALTERIO, 77 ; *G. de' Medici, dat. Rome,
February i, 1527 (State Archives, Florence); ^Giberti to Gambara
on February 2, 1527 (Ricci Archives, Rome). The ^letter of Francis
I. to Clement VII., in which he asks that a favourable reception may
be given to Vaudemont, is dated St.-Germain (1526), December 2.
Lett. d. princ., IX., f. 292-293 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf.
FRAIKIN, LXXVIII.
4 G. de' Medici on February 2 : * " Hoggi ha fatto la mostra il retthor
dello studio con piu di mille cinque cento istudianti bene armati et
bella gioventu" (State Archives, Florence). Cf. Casella's **letter of
February 2, 1527, in State Archives, Modena.
6 SANUTO, XLIV., 34.
6 *G. de' Medici on February 4, 1527 (State Archives, Florence).
NAPOLEONE ORSINI. 367
turn the victory to account by attacking Naples ; l and
yet a conspiracy had first been discovered at Rome which
ought to have been a warning to use extreme caution !
In order to create disturbances on the rear of the Papal
army, Lannoy and the Colonna had joined themselves with
the chief of the Orsini, Napoleone, Abbot of Farfa. This
turbulent man was offered pay in the Imperial service and
the daughter of Vespasiano Colonna with a dowry of
30,000 ducats. In return Napoleone bound himself to give
free passage through his domains to the troops of Charles
V., commanded by Ascanio Colonna, and to procure, by
means of an adherent in Rome, the opening of one of the
city gates. At the same time Orsini was to assemble all
his troops and to appear with them in the Leonine city
under pretext of protecting the Pope ; in reality, in order
to murder him together with eight Cardinals. The attempt
had all the more prospect of success as Orsini, the traitor,
enjoyed the full confidence of the Pope. Luckily, however,
Clement was told of the danger threatening him by the
Count of Anguillara, whom Orsini had asked to participate
in the plot. The Abbot was therefore arrested at Bracciano
on the ist of February, and brought to the castle of St.
Angelo, where, after a struggle, he made a full confession.2
The miscarriage of this plot, the defeat at Frosinone,
and, lastly, the Papal advance on Naples, made such an
1 SANUTO, XLIV., 68, 98 seqq. *G. de' Medici on February 7, 1527 :
" M. Andrea Doria e venuto qui" (State Archives, Florence). *Casella
reported on February 14, 1527 : "Qui ogni d\ giungon fanti novi." On
February 24 : The troops have marched ; " heri notte " Paolo d'Arezzo
returned (State Archives, Modena). A letter of Salviati's to Gambara,
dat. Poissy, February 18, 1527, in FRAIKIN, 262, shows how much the
Papal party had overestimated the worth of the victory at Frosinone.
2 For the conspiracy of N. Orsini cf., along with the short notices
in SANUTO, XLIV., 38, 46, and GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., i, the full
**reports of Casella of February 2 (State Archives, Modena), and
368 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
impression on Lannoy that he renounced all his previous
demands for money payments, the surrender of strong-
holds, and the restoration of the Colonna. Although the
envoys of France and Venice were even now still averse
to an armistice, the arrangements for one might very likely
have been carried out had not the English representative
insisted that the opinion of Venice must first be heard.
For this they had to wait,1 and in the meantime first one
and then another messenger of disaster reached Clement.
The King of France had not fulfilled one of all his
glittering promises. His auxiliaries arrived late and in
insufficient numbers ; for the monthly payments of the
war subsidy the Roman treasury waited in vain ; although
a tenth of the ecclesiastical revenues of the whole of
France had been granted him, Francis only sent the
ridiculous sum of 9000 ducats. Also, the support intended
for the expedition against Naples was so insignificant in
men and money that the whole enterprise, started with
such hopes, came to nothing. This frivolous Prince was
so absorbed in hunting and other pleasures that no time
was left to him for things of serious importance. To the
Italians Francis was as prodigal as ever of fair words,
but he did nothing, and his indifference threw the Papal
Ambassador, Acciaiuoli, into sheer desperation.2 This
**those of F. Gonzaga of February 6 and 10, 1527 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). See also Acciaiuoli's ^letter to Gambara of February 18,
1527 (Ricci Archives, Rome).
1 Cf. GRETHEN, 1 53 seqq. The report of Raince, given by GRETHEN,
154, n. i, is dated in the original, Rome, February 21, 1527; see
FRAIKIN, LXXIX., n. 2. Cf. also the ^despatch of G. de' Medici,
February 21, 1527 (State Archives, Florence). On February 20, 1527,
Clement VII. issued a fresh *Bull against the Colonna ; see Appendix,
No. 45 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See Acciaiuoli's reports in DESJARDINS, II., 859, 862 seyg.t 868
seg., 870 segg., 890 seg.t 892 seqq. ; cf. also FRAIKIN, 181 seqq.
OF VENICE.
indifference did not grow less as affairs in Italy turned
more and more in favour of the Imperialists; even so true
a partisan of France as Canossa had to admit that Francis
let the Pope's business go to rack and ruin.1 The be-
haviour of the Venetians was not much better; they certainly
did all they could to prevent an agreement between the
Pope and the Emperor, but showed no sign of procuring
for the former means to prosecute the war. " Venice," as
Canossa had written to Giberti on the 28th of November
1526, "cares for nothing but her own interests: help from
that quarter is to be expected as little as from France."2
Meanwhile the danger from the north was drawing ever
nearer ; Florence and the Romagna were seriously
Characteristic also of the conduct of the French Government was the
manner and way in which they treated L. de Canossa, one of their
most devoted friends and agents. For a long time he was entirely
forgotten. This is shown in Canossa's ^letters to F. Robertet On
May i, 1526, he says : I know not what I shall do. On May 17 : I
am without news. On June 8 : I have been treated very badly by the
French Government. On June 13 : I have no news from France.
On June 14 : The promised money has not come. On September 18 :
I have no information as to the King's intentions. January 10, 1527 :
For two months past I have had no news from the French Court,
which causes astonishment to the Venetians. All these ^letters are
in the Communal Library, Verona.
1 *Voglio anche dirvi che per le ultime lettere che io ho di Francia
io comprendo apertamente che aveano le cose di Roma per disperate
e pero non e da maravigliarsi se sono anche piu negligenti nelle
provisioni di quello che la natura loro porta. Canossa to Giberti,
dated Venice, February u, 1527 (Communal Library, Verona).
Canossa was not too severe; for on February i, 1527, Acciaiuoli
summed up to Gambara his complaints of the French dilatoriness in
the following *\vords : " Sono tarde queste loro esecutioni cos\ di
denari come delle altre cose, che farrieno crepar 1' anima di Giob "
(Ricci Archives, Rome).
2 **Canossa to Giberti, dated Venice, November 28, 1526 (Com-
munal Library, Verona).
VOL. IX. 24
3/0 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
threatened, while Venice and the Duke of Urbino only
thought of themselves.1 In the south the advantages
gained against Naples could not be followed up owing to
the ever-increasing poverty of the Pope, now left in straits
by his allies. In consequence the Papal troops were not
only left without pay, but without that bare necessity of
life — bread. The half-famished soldiers deserted by the
score; the remainder had at last to make their way
back to Piperno. At Terracina a plot was discovered to
deliver the town to Pompeo Colonna.2
In these difficulties Clement, on the 6th of March, for-
warded a safe-conduct to Cesare Fieramosca,3 and five
days later this agent of the Emperor entered Rome. Du
Bellay also arrived on the same day ; he brought many
fine promises but not the longed-for 20,000 ducats.4
1 GUICCIARDINI, XVI 1 1., i ; cf. SANUTO, XLIV., 204, 233, 300.
*Letter of N. Raince, dated Rome, February 24, 1527 (N. S. Pere ne
se peut faire que trop mal contenter du mauvais deportement du Due
de Ferrare et du refus qu'il a faict de ces beaux partits a luy offerts),
in the National Library, Paris, loc. cil.y f. 148. See also DE LEVA, II.,
410, and Canossa's letter in PROFESSIONE, Dal trattato di Madrid,
53 seq., 148, 164.
2 For the poverty of the Papal army: Lettere d. princ., II., 2i3b;
RAUMER, Briefe, I., 253; SANUTO, XLIV., 148, 233, 340; DE LEVA,
II., 409; GRETHEN, 156; ^letters of F. Gonzaga of March 2 and 11
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), of *Casella of March 13 (State Archives,
Modena), and of *G. de' Medici of March 14, 1527 (State Archives,
Florence). For Terracina see Sanuto, XLIV., 213.
3 *A Cesare Fieramosca e suto mandato salvo condotto se vorra
venire a resolver 1' accordo per virtu del mandato mando il Vicere per
Giovanni della Stupha. G. de' Medici, dated Rome, March 6, 1527
(State Archives, Florence).
4 Besides Giberti:s letter of March 12 (Lett. d. princ., II., 218), see
the "^despatch of G. de' Medici of March u, 1527 : " Mons. de Langes
e arrivato questa mattina," etc., etc. (State Archives, Florence). Cf.
Casella's ^despatch of March 11, 1527 (State Archives, Modena);
Till. ARMISTICE. 371
According to his wont Clement hesitated for some days ;
but at last, driven to extremity, nothing remained for him
to do but to accept the conditions offered by Fieramosca
and Serenon as Lannoy's plenipotentiaries. In the night
between the i$th and i6th of March an eight months'
armistice began, the terms of which were that each party
should give up their conquests, although the territory
wrested from the Colonna remained in the Pope's pos-
session during the truce. On the other hand, Clement
promised to absolve the whole house from the censures
passed upon them, to reinstate Cardinal Pompeo, and to
pay, as ransom for the hostages Strozzi and Salviati,
60,000 ducats to the Imperialist army, who were, in return,
to evacuate the Papal States. Lannoy was to come to
Rome in person to ratify the treaty; the Pope saw in
that a guarantee that Bourbon also would respect the
agreement.1
Lannoy came to Rome on the 25th of March. The Pope
received him with great honour and assigned him rooms in
the Vatican.2 Charles V.'s opponents tried at the last hour
SANUTO, XLIV., 277, 300; DESJARDINS, II., 899; VILLA, Asalto,
72 ; GRETHEN, 157 ; BOURRILLY, $oseq.
1 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., i ; SANUTO, XLIV., 310 sey.t 313 seg.,
328, 339, 424-431, 448, 452 ; Lett. d. princ., II., 22Ob seq. ; BUCHOLTZ,
III., 604 seqq. ; GRETHEN, 160 ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 532 ; DE
LEVA, II., 413; FRAIKIN, 435 seq., and the two **dcspatches of G.
de' Medici of March 16, 1^27 (State Archives, Florence). How im-
plicitly trustful the Pope was is shown by the release of Nap. Orsini
from his imprisonment ; cf. the **letters of F. Gonzaga of March 23
and 25, 1527 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Besides SANUTO, XLIV., 358, 406-407, 419, and VILLA, Asalto,
87 seq., see the ^reports of Casella of March 25, i 527 (State Archives,
Modena), of G. de' Medici of March 25 (State Archives, Florence), of
*F. Gonzaga of March 25 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and the *Acla
Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor : " Die lunae 25 Martii : Carolus prorcx
Neapolitanus Romam venit compositurus inducias cum S. D. N. Clemente
3/2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to change Clement's mind ; they represented to him how
dangerous it was to sacrifice himself for the good-will of
the Imperialists. The whole convention, thought John
Russell, was only a trick to separate Clement from his allies.
But Clement, after Lannoy's arrival, held that the execution
of the treaty would be quite safe ; he repeatedly said in tones
of decision to the Ambassadors uhen they warned him,
" Quod scripsi scripsi."1 On the 27th of March, in a secret
consistory, he addressed the Cardinals on the state of affairs ;2
on the 28th he excused himself to the Doge,3 referring to
the failure of all his means of help; on the 29th followed
the ratification of the treaty.4
Trusting to the loyalty of Lannoy,5 Clement VII. carried
out his treaty obligations at once in the most conscientious
manner. There can be no doubt that his pacific intentions
were serious.6 In order to put an end finally to all questions
in dispute, the mission of Giberti to England and France
was taken into consideration.7 Although Clement had the
VII., et in palatio hospitatus est in ea parte palatii, quam Innocentius
VIII. aedificavit et in capella datus est locus apud pontificem ad
dextram" (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 SANUTO, XLIV., 338.
2 Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor ; see FRAIKIN, LXXXI.,
note i.
3 *Duci Venetiarum, dated Rome, March 28, 1527. Arm., 44, T. 9,
f. 336 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 *SANUTO, XLIV., 419, 432.
6 Cf. the *reports of G. de' Medici, dated Rome, March 28, 29, 31,
1527 (State Archives, Florence).
6 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., i ; GRETHEN, 161.
1 Cf. the ^despatches of F. Gonzaga of April i, 1527 (in part in
GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 498), in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; of
Casella of April 13 (Giberti's departure was close at hand) in State
Archives, Modena ; SANUTO, XLIV., 520 seq. ; and the *letter of G.
de' Medici of April 15 (Mons. de Verona partira domane o altro) in
State Archives, Florence. On April 16 the credentials were drawn
ILLUSIONS OF CLEMENT \n. 373
advantage in the Neapolitan war, he withdrew his troops
both by land and sea. lie even went so far, in order to
save money, as to reduce the total of his forces to a hundred
light horsemen and two hundred foot soldiers of the so-
called " Black Band." 1 All these measures show how
certainly he counted on Bourbon also accepting the treaty.
In order to settle this Fieramosca had already, on the I5th
of March, arrived at the Imperialist camp fully empowered
to take all the necessary steps. It is certain that both the
Pope and Giberti had not the least presentiment that the
danger threatening them from the Imperial army was not
yet fully removed. When the news first reached Rome
that Bourbon's army refused to accept the treaty con-
cluded with Lannoy, Giberti saw only a daring attempt to
extort more money.2
Of all the illusions under which Clement VII. and his
adviser laboured, none was more momentous than their
attributing to the Imperial generals an influence over the
army which, for a long time past, had got entirely out of
control.
On the very first rumour of Lannoy 's negotiations with
the Pope, the German and Spanish soldiers, who had
bivouacked at San Giovanni, near Bologna, since the 8th
up ; FRAIKIN, 338. In consequence, however, of the bad news from
the north, Giberti's journey, against which Canossa had explicitly
declared himself from the first, was given up altogether ; see PROFES-
SIONE, Dal trattato di Madrid, 54 scy.
1 See SANUTO, XLIV., 453; GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 7; and the
*reports of Casella, dated Rome, March 27, 1527 (Per quanto intendo
N. S. fa distribuir tutti li soi cavalli alle stanze, cassa quasi tutta la
fanteria), and March 31 in the State Archives, Modena. For the
return of Cardinal Trivulzio see *Acta Consist, of April 10, i J
the Secret Archives of the Vatican, and the despatch of F. Gonzaga
of April u, 1527 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Lett. d. princ., II., 228.
374 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of March, were thrown into great excitement. The troops
were in a wretched condition ; they had endured up till
then four months of poverty, hunger, and cold, and no end
to their hardships was in sight. Heavy downfalls of snow
and rain had turned the ground almost into a swamp, where
in damp, miserable clothing the soldiers were encamped,
many without shoes to their feet, all without pay and a
sufficiency of food.1 The prospect of booty, the riches of
Florence, the greater riches of Rome, had alone kept them
together and given them courage amid their misery. It
can easily be imagined what an impression was made on
them by the news that they were to be " thrust out of Italy
like beggars " and the prizes of victory snatched from them.
As the increasing hurricane lashes the sea into greater
and greater agitation until the conflicting tumult of the
waves resembles chaos, so the rumour of a disastrous
peace, passing from mouth to mouth through the Imperialist
host, produced a scene of unparalleled excitement and
passion. The Spaniards, to whom the Emperor owed eight
months' pay, were the first to mutiny. They flung them-
selves in fury on Bourbon's tent, demanding payment in
full with wild uproar. Bourbon had to hide himself in a
horse-stall ; one of his gentlemen was murdered ; his tent
was plundered. The Germans, stirred up by the tumult,
quickly assembled ; they also shouted " Pay, pay," refusing
to march a step further unless they had their money.
"All the men were in a kindling temper which burned
like fire. They were ready to kill the captains and
leaders."
An attempt to get sufficient money from the Duke of
Ferrara failed. Thereupon " Father Frundsberg," on the
1 6th of March, gathered the Germans together and gave
them an address " so earnest " in its tone that he " must
1 See BARTHOLD, Frundsberg, 411.
I ATI' OF I KUNDSI'.I 375
have moved a stone." But all the representations of the
man who, for a generation, by the power of his presence,
of his will, of his word, and of his successes, had held the
landsknechts together, were unavailing. " Pay, pay,"
shouted the frenzied soldiers. They even turned their
pikes against their captains. Then Frundsberg's giant
constitution suddenly gave way; overcome by grief and
anger, he fell speechless on a drum. He had been struck
down by apoplexy.1
The party of Clement VII. saw in the unexpected fate
of Frundsberg the judgment of God on one who had
presumptuously declared his willingness to lay hands on
the Pope's person. But if they hoped that the lands-
knechts, deprived of their leader, would disband, they soon
found themselves bitterly undeceived. The Germans only
wished to escape as quickly as possible from the scene of
misfortune. The whole army was of one mind that, under
any circumstances, an advance must be made on districts
that still lay open to plunder and offered a prospect of
provision and booty. Bourbon had given each soldier a
ducat and promised him unlimited pillage — "the law of
Mohammed."2
Such was the situation when, on the 2Oth of March, Fiera-
mosca produced the treaty of the I5th and 30,000 ducats,
but this sum could not satisfy the soldiers ; it was only like
a drop of water on a hot stone. The reception given to the
messenger of peace was in keeping with the soldiers' mood ;
"they were like raging lions," Fieramosca reported to the
1 Cf. with RESSNER, 81 seq. ; GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 2 ; BARTHOLD,
411 se<?., and DE LEVA, II., 413; also the report in SAMIP, XLIV.,
327, 329, as well as GASSLER, 77 seq. ; BAI.AN, Mon. saec, XVI., 410
seqq. ; VILLA, Asalto, 75 seqq., and LBBSY, 408 seq.
2 Jovius, Alfonsus, 189; GUICCIAKI>IM, XVI 1L, Ij Ficramosca's
report in LANZ, I., 231 ; BARTHOLD, 415 seq.
376 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Emperor, and he only saved his life by taking flight to
Ferrara.1 Bourbon had lost all power over his army.
He stood helpless before the chaos, in which the only
element of unity was the desire to be let loose. Forward
at any cost, forward to Florence, forward to Rome! On
the 29th of March Bourbon sent a message to Lannoy
that he was forced of necessity to advance ; at the same
time he informed the Pope of this decision, by which the
armistice was broken. Soon afterwards he raised his
demands to 150,000 ducats.2 "Three things," wrote
Guicciardini on the 29th of March to Giberti, " remain
open to you ; to accede to everything by a new treaty,
to take flight, or to defend yourselves to the death."3
After provisions and munitions had come from Ferrara
the Imperialist army set forward on the 3Oth of March.
Many thought that the fierce horde would throw itself
immediately on Florence. But the Apennines were still
covered with snow, and well protected by troops. They
therefore went by way of Bologna, plundering and burning
slowly on the ancient Emilian Way as they drew nearer
to the Romagna.4 Guicciardini had, in the meantime,
succeeded in getting the Duke of Urbino — who, hitherto
solely occupied in guarding Venetian territory, had
remained near the Po — to follow up the enemy, although
at a considerable distance. This induced Bourbon to turn
to the Apennines. He chose the road leading over
1 SANUTO, XLIV., 347, 353, 362, 371, 381, 395, 436 seq., 440 ; LANZ,
loc. tit., and SALVIOLI, 20.
2 SCHULZ, 92 seq., 94, 1 73-174-
3 Op. ined., V., n. 1 52 ; GREGOROVIUS, VI 1 1., 3rd ed., 499. With the
reports of F. Gonzaga of April 7 here cited, cf. the **despatch of G. de'
Medici of April 6, 1527 (State Archives, Florence).
4 SANUTO, XLIV., 382, 394, 409, 450, 451, 453 seq., 462, 467, 499
seq.t 518 seq. ; BARTHOLD, 418 seg.
CLEMENT DISMISSES III 377
Meldola into the upper valley of the Arno. The rain
fell in torrents; but on went the army, up into the
mountains, having to leave behind all their baggage
waggons. The hope of the " glorious plunder of Florence "
gave wings to the steps of the soldiers, who on the i6th
of April reached Santa Sofia, that belonged to Florentine
territory.1
On the entreaty of Clement VII., Lannoy, with 60,000
ducats from the Pope and 20,000 raised from his own
resources, had left Rome for the Romagna on the 3rd of
April to try and persuade the Imperialist forces to return.
Letters from Bourbon caused him to alter his course and
to go direct to Florence. Here he succeeded in arranging
with Bourbon's agents that the Florentines should pay the
Imperialist army 150,000 ducats; on receipt of the first
half the army was to begin its return march.- Clement
VII., meanwhile, had continued to dismiss his soldiers.
He had hardly had news of the Florentine arrangement
when, from misdirected economy and disgust at their
insubordination, he parted with the last of his forces, the
men of the Black Band.3 Vaudemont, with his contingent
at Civita Vecchia, sailed for Marseilles just as if peace had
been securely concluded;4 all warnings had been in vain.
1 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 2 ; BARTHOLD,
- (1RETHEN, 163^.; ClPOLLA, 916; 1). M Ak/I, II viaggio del
Vicer£ di Napoli al campo Cesareo per 1' accordo del Duca di Horbone
col Papa e coi Fiorentini e 1' aggrcssione a Santa Sofia, 19 d' Aprile
1527, Dicomano, 1900 (published as a manuscnj
3 Cf. GUICCIARDINI. XVI 1 1., 2, and the **reports of G. de' Medici
of April 6, 8, 12, and 13, 1527, in State Archives, Florence.
4 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVI II., 2, ami the *despatch of G. de' Medici,
dated Rome, April 15, 1527 : " Mons. di Vadamon parti qucsta mattina
per andare a Civitavecchia per imbarcar se e sue gente sopra una galea
di N. S. e una di Venetian! per and.u ilia" (State An
Florence).
378 HISTORY OF THE TOPES.
" The imprudence and carelessness,3' wrote Francesco
Gonzaga on the nth of April, "is too great; before the
armistice has taken effect the Pope has entirely disarmed
himself. All this has been done only to save a little
money. Everyone is astonished at such proceedings. But
without doubt God's will has so ordered this, that the
Church and its leaders may be destroyed."1
A feeling of uneasiness, such as almost always precedes
great catastrophes, prevailed in Rome. Old predictions
of overwhelming judgments on the seat and centre of the
Church's government2 revived again with increased force.
Extraordinary accidents, regarded as portents, a flash of
lightning which occurred as Lannoy arrived at the Vatican,
caused disturbance in anxious minds; such things were
looked upon as a premonition that the wrath of Heaven
was about to strike the sinful city.3
A still more powerful, if momentary, impression was
made on the Romans by one of those fanatical preachers
of repentance who even then were constantly trying to
add to the excitement of the Italian people, terrified
already by prophecies,4 and sorely visited by war, plague,5
1 Cf. the **letter of F. Gonzaga of April n, 1527 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Cf. also Lett d. princ., I., io6b.
2 Cf. DOLLINGER in Histor. Taschenb., 1871, 288 seq. ; GRAUERT
in Histor. Jahrb., XIX., 282 seq.
3 JOVIUS, Columna, 356. Cf. the report in VILLA, Asalto, 140-141 ;
see also L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 178 seq.
4 For the previous predictions of astrologers for the year 1524 see the
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris. Cf. also
Atti. d. Romagna, 3 Series, II., 432 seqq. \ Sitzungsber. der Wiener Akad.,
LXXXII.,375; ROSCOE,IX.,332; Arch. stor. Lomb.,3 Series, XXIX.,35.
6 For the plague see supra, p. 344. In January 1526 Rome suffered
also from an inundation of the Tiber ; see *Diary of CORNELIUS DE
FINE in the National Library, Paris, and the ^report of the Mantuan
envoy of January 21, 1526 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
THE PROPHB1 I:I:.\M..\NO.
and other calamities. On Holy Thursday (i 8th April 1527),
when Clement VII., after the reading of the Hull In Ccena
1 Domini, was giving the pontifical blessing to a devout mul-
titude of ten thousand persons, a man with the demeanour
of a maniac, almost entirely naked, save only for a leathern
apron, clambered on to the statue of St. Paul in front of St.
Peter's and shouted to the Pope : " Thou bastard of Sodom,
for thy sins Rome shall be destroyed. Repent, and turn
thee ! Ifthou wilt not believe me, in fourteen days thou
shalt see it."1
A prophet of this sort was nothing new to the Romans;
as far back as the summer of 1525 a hermit had declared
to them his strange visions.2 The prophecies of this new
herald of misfortune, who was known by the name of
Brandano, surpassed, however, in many respects anything
of the kind known before. The appearance of this
enthusiast was a highly characteristic episode of this
agitated time. Bartolomeo Carosi, called Brandano,3 was
1 See the Spanish report on the sacco in VILLA, Asalto, 141.
- Cf. the **report of G. de' Medici of July 29, 1525 (State Archives,
Florence). REUMONT, III., 2, 192, is wrong in identifying the first
prophet with Brandano ; the composer of the " Neuwe zeyttung" (for
whose credibility see SCHULZ, 44) makes a clear distinction b( •:
the two prophets ; so also does SANTORO, 7. Canossa also speaks of
the first prophet in a *letter of August 5, 1525, in which he sends to
the Queen of France "una profetia de uno romita che sta a Roma, il
quale ha predite molte cose che sono state vere et maxime in le cose
del re " (Communal Library, Verona).
3 G. B. PECCI (Notizie s. vita di Bartol. da Petrojo chiamato
Brandano, 2nd ed., Lucca, 1763) relies, among others, on A. Bardi,
Storia di Siena (MS.). The conversion of the city is here (5) assigned
to 1526, which entirely precludes the identification with the prophet of
1525. Pecci shows that the statement that the Archbishop of Siena,
in 1614, had permitted the veneration of Hramlano, is an invention.
This assertion is found, among other fabulous material, in the *Vita of
Brandano, current under the name of C. Turi as author ; Casanatense
380 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a native of Petrojo near Siena. After leading for a long
time an evil life in the world, he was suddenly con-
verted and gave himself up, as a hermit, to severe acts of
penance. Later on he quitted his solitude and passed
through the towns of his native district holding up before
the inhabitants their sinful manner of life, The wrath of
God would burst upon them, war, plague, and other visita-
tions would follow on the general iniquity. This was on
the whole the substance of his penitential preaching.
Sometimes in his fiery zeal he gave utterance to more
concise discourse.1 Perhaps his outward appearance
produced more effect than his preachings and prophesyings.
Clothed only so far as decency demanded, barefooted and
with long red hair hanging dishevelled to his shoulders, the
prophet went his rounds. His frame was muscular, but
emaciated by fasting ; his face wan and deeply furrowed,
the greenish-yellow eyes hollowed by tears and nightly
vigils ; his movements were abrupt and uncouth. When
preaching he held a crucifix in his right hand, in his left a
skull.2 Some thought him a crazy fool, others a prophet
and saint. The common folk had many a tale to tell of
his severe exercises of penance, his frequent pilgrimages to
Santiago in Spain, even of miracles he had worked.3 In
Siena he had preached in the cathedral ; now, with cries of
woe, he was announcing in the streets of the Eternal City
Library, Rome, Cod. 3212. Cf. ibid., Cod. 1205 and 2627. This
Vita, in a fragment, is also found in Cod Palat, 680, of the National
Library, Florence ; the author is a fervent admirer of his hero, whom
be regards as a saint and a true prophet. The author of the document
produced by MORENI, I., in, takes the extreme opposite standpoint.
ORANO, I., 247, note, mentions further literary notices of Brandano.
1 CRESCIMBENI, Comment, intorno alia volg. poesia, II., 195 ;
TIRABOSCHI, VII., 3, 215 ; RUTH, Poesie, II. 491.
2 L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 177.
3 Vita, he. cit.
I'KOIMIKCIF-S oi I'.RANDANO. 381
the certain downfall of its priests and inhabitants and the
renewal of the Church.1
On Easter Eve 1527 Brandano went from the Campo
di Fiore to St. Angelo, and, like a second Jonas, cried with
a loud voice, " Rome, do penance ! They shall deal with
thee as God dealt with Sodom and Gomorrha. " Then
he said quietly, as if to himself: "He has robbed the
Mother of God to adorn his harlot, or rather his friend."
On hearing of this scandalous speech the Pope put an
end to his doings by ordering Brandano to be placed in
confinement.2 He was soon afterwards set at liberty and
started afresh on a career which brought upon him
renewed imprisonment.3
The destruction foretold by this prophet of evil was
drawing nearer and nearer with the certainty of fate.
Notwithstanding the arrangement with the Florentines,
Bourbon's army continued to march on Rome. After
extraordinary exertions the crest of the Apennines was
surmounted ; the eight field-pieces, attached to ropes, had
to be dragged along by hand.4 On the i8th of April the
half-starved troops reached S. Maria in Bagno, on the
south side of the mountains, and on the 2Oth Bourbon
encamped at Pieve di S. Stefano in the upper valley of the
Tiber. Here Lannoy met him. The latter had left
Florence on the I5th of April, and on the iQth had been
attacked by the inhabitants of Santa Sofia and forced
1 L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 178 ; cf. 330, and BERNINO, IV., 368.
2 This is reported on the hearsay testimony of Lanceolinus; see
infra, p. 396, n. 2 ; see SCHULZ, 66 ; ,_ 51, 54, 69. See also
L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 178, and CAVE, 391.
3 GUICCIARDINI, loc. cit.\ DOLLINGER in Histor. Taschenb., 1871,
291. A prophecy then posted up in Rome, which Reissner produces,
may be attributed, as GREGOROVIUS (VIII., 3rd ed., 512), surmises, to
the prophet of Siena.
4 Cf. the letter of R. Schweglcr in HORMAYR, Archiv, 1812, 448.
382 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to take refuge in the abbey of the Camaldoli, S. Maria
in Cosmedin. Two days later he suddenly appeared in
the Imperialist camp. It was soon discovered that he and
Bourbon were trying to deceive the Florentines, who
thereupon made energetic preparations for the defence
of their city.1
When Bourbon now raised his demand for money to
240,000 ducats,2 this, it was evident, was because he knew
his enemy was unprepared. His army was in such a
condition that necessity forced him to go forward. Only
the hope of plundering Florence held his men together.3
Bourbon advanced all the more joyfully as he knew that he
was thus meeting the Emperor's wishes, whose first object
was to get hold of money to pay his troops and to wring
from the Pope the most favourable treaty possible.4
Clement VII. was highly indignant at the non-observ-
ance of the armistice. " To produce 240,000 ducats,"
Giberti exclaimed, "was as impossible as to join heaven
and earth together." Bourbon replied by raising his
demand to 300,000 ducats.5 In the meanwhile the Papal
and Venetian troops, under the Duke of Urbino, the
Marquis of Saluzzo, and Guicciardini, had come to the
relief of Florence, already strongly fortified, so that Bourbon,
1 According to Marzi's investigations into the special MS. quoted
supra, p. 377, n. 2. Clement VII. was still unaware, on April 27, 1527,
that Lannoy was only trying to deceive him ; for on that day he sent
a * Brief to Lannoy in which he deplored the great danger in which
the latter \vas placed, and announced the despatch of an envoy.
*Min. brev., 1527, IV., vol. 17, n. 182 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
- GRETHEN, 164; SCHULZ, 96.
3 Cf. the remarkable letter (in cipher) of Bourbon to de Leyva,
dated S. Pietro in Bagno, April 19, 1527, in SANUTO, XLIV., 570-571.
4 See BUCHOLTZ, III., 58 seq., 66 seq.\ BARTHOLD, 410 seq. •
GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 504 ; DE LEVA, II., 419 seq.
" GRETHEN, 165.
ADVANCE OF BOURBON. 383
having regard for the condition of his necessitous and
wearied soldiers, felt compelled to renounce his purpose of
attack. With rapid decision he recalled his troops, who
were already making inroads in the valley of the Arno,
disencumbered himself of his last pieces of artillery, and
on the 26th of April struck the road to Rom
Not only necessity and the conviction that at Rome he
would meet with less opposition, but his ambition to become
Viceroy of the whole of Italy2 urged Bourbon forward on
the city. His soldiers, anticipating the plunder of Florence,
at first showed signs of mutiny, but he succeeded in
quieting them with visions of Rome, where he would
" make all of them rich." In hot haste they came to
Montepulciano and Montefiascone. Neither the slow
operations of the army of the League, nor the unwonted
rain-storms, nor the gnawing want of provisions, could
keep back the Imperialists, who were joined on the way by
many adventurers eager to have a share in the spoils. On
the 2nd of May they had reached Viterbo.3
Clement, who up till now had almost intentionally shut
his eyes and refused to see his danger, perceived at last
that Bourbon had tricked him and that nothing could save
him except a desperate struggle. On the 25th of April he
rejoint-d the League.4 The Duke of Urbino was implored
1 Cf. BARTHOLD, 421 seq. ; SCHULZ, 98. On April 26 a republican
rising against the dominion of the Medici had been suppressed. The
city then joined the League for one month; see PlTTl, I., 135 seq. ;
SEGNI, Storie fiorent., 4; CIPOLLA, 916 seq.; PERRENS, III., 125
seqq.
2 See the letter of Otto di Pratica to R. Acciaiuoli of April 25, 1527,
in the Riv. storica, 1893,612, note. Cf. VETTORI, 375; SCHULZ, 92
seq.
3 SANUTO, XLV., 231 seq. ; BARTHOLD, 425 ; SCHULZ, 99 seq.
4 SANUTO, XLIV., 551 seq., 573 seq. ; GRETHEN, 167 ; DE I.r.v \, II..
422 ; LEBEY, 417.
384 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to render help ; l Giovanni Antonio Orsini was appointed
Commander-in-Chief of the newly organized Papal cavalry,2
while to Renzo da Ceri was entrusted the defence of Rome.
But for this the one thing necessary was lacking — money.
In vain the Pope called upon the well-to-do citizens to give
voluntary contributions. Greed and infatuation were so
great, that Domenico Massimi himself, the richest man in
Rome, only offered to lend the sum of 100 ducats ! 3
The Pope was besought on every side to raise money for
the defence of Rome by the sale of Cardinals' hats. But
Clement, even at this moment incapable of decision,
refused his assent. But when, on the 3rd of May, he was
informed that Bourbon had already advanced beyond
Viterbo, he was driven to take the step so repugnant to
him. But it was already too late to obtain the payments4
from his nominees; these were Benedetto Accolti, Niccolo
1 Cf. the *Briefs to the Duke of Urbino, dated Rome, April 22 and
30, 1527, in State Archives, Florence, Urb. eccl.
2 *Brief to the same of April 30, 1527, Min. brev., 1527, IV., vol. 17,
n. 183, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.
3 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3.
4 For the creation of Cardinals on May 3, 1527, see, besides
ClACONlUS, III., 477 seq. ; NOVAES, IV., 80 seq. ; EHSES, Dokumente,
249 ; CATALANUS, Capranica, 303 (instead of Martii read Maii) ; DE
LEVA, II., 427, and GRETHEN, 168-169 ; also the following ^letters : (i)
G. de' Medici, April 26, 27, 28, and May 4, State Archives, Florence ;
(2) F. Gonzaga, April 27, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Efforts to
procure the Cardinalate for Ercole Gonzaga had begun under Leo X.
(cf. Delle esenzioni, 45 seq.} and were renewed in the first days of
Clement's pontificate. As early as November 19, 1523, "^Cardinal
Gonzaga had written about it to the Marchioness Isabella. The
Marquis of Mantua, in a ^letter of January 22, 1524, asks B. Castiglione
to further the matter. On February 6 he expresses his pleasure at
the Pope's favourable answer, and begs Castiglione to urge on the
affair. In a *letter, dated Bologna, February 12, 1524, Ercole thanks
the Marquis of Mantua for his exertions in trying to obtain for him,
THE I- \TKD. 385
Gaddi, Agostino Spinola, Ercole Gonzaga, Marino Grimani,
and the French Chancellor Du Prat. The Pope could not
make up his mind to fly to Civita Vecchia. Quite in
contradiction to his usual character, he now displayed an
extraordinary confidence.1 On the 3rd of May he rode
through the city, encouraging the citizens, who were deter-
mined to defend Rome to the uttermost, and on the
4th he placed Bourbon under the ban of the greater
excommunication.2
If Clement entirely underrated his danger, the principal
blame must be laid on his blind confidence in Renzo da
Ceri. The latter, with the utmost assurance, set all fears at
naught,3 and declared that the four thousand men he had
raised were ample protection, for so great a city as Rome,
against the undisciplined and famished hordes of Bourbon ;
he went so far as to boast that the city itself could hold
out, even were the enemy so successful as to possess them-
selves of the right bank of the Tiber ; he therefore even
refused to destroy the bridges. That Renzo placed the
greatest confidence in his hastily organized bands, recruited
from stablemen, mechanics, and all sorts of persons inex-
perienced in the ways of war, is shown from the fact that on
the 4th of May he sent a message through Giberti to Guido
Rangoni, who had brought more than eight thousand men
from the army of the League, that Rome was so perfectly
through the mediation of Castiglione, the Cardinal's hat. On the
same day the Marquis writes to the latter and bids him thank the
Pope for his "certa promessa" to give Ercole the first nomination.
Copies of all these ^letters in the Library, Mantua. In 1526 Capino
was urging Ercole's nomination ; Lett. d. princ., II., iO3b.
1 " Spogliatosi della natura sua," says GUICCIARDINI, XVIII..
2 See CAVE, 407 seqq.\ GREGOROVius, VIII., 3rd ed., 506, and
BARTHOLD, 430.
3 How great these fears were is clear from the *letter of V. Albergati
of April 29, 1527 (State Archives, Bologna).
VOL. IX. 25
386 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
secure that from six to eight hundred men, armed with guns,
would be a sufficient reinforcement ; he advised Rangoni
to return to the League with the remainder of his forces,
as he would there be of much greater use than at Rome ! l
A herald of Bourbon, coming to demand the 300,000
ducats from the Pope, received no answer. From the
Vatican Clement VII. could see the enemy advance
across the Neronian fields ; but even then he saw no
serious danger, especially as they were not supported by
artillery. Besides, there was the hourly expectation of the
arrival of the army of the League.2
Clement VII. was confirmed in his mistaken conception
of the state of things by the defeat of a troop of lands-
knechts at the Ponte Molle by Orazio Baglioni. The
Mantuan envoy, who reported this on the 5th of May,
added, " The Pope is in the best spirits." 3 Yet on the
4th of May such a panic had broken out in the city that
it seemed as if the enemy were already within the
1 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3 ; cf. SANUTO, XLV., 144. For the armed
rabble prepared for the defence of Rome, cf., along with the authorities
made use of by GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 509 seq. ; CAVE, 392,
394; L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 173 seqq. ; M. Cresci, *Storia
d' Italia (Laurentian Library, Florence, Cod. Ashburnh., 633), and the
^despatches of G. de' Medici of April 26 and 27 and May 4, 1527
(State Archives, Florence), as well as the *reports of F. Gonzaga of
April 25 and 28, 1527 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). According to
a report of Canossa's to Francis I., dated Venice, May 16, 1527
(published by CiPOLLA, per le nozze Pellegrini - Canossa, Padova,
1880), "no si trovarono (in Roma) piu che 3 m. fanti forestieri e
quelli assai tristi per essere fatti tumultuariamente." Cf. the different
accounts given by others of the garrison in Cipolla's collection, loc.
tit., 21-22.
2 SANUTO, XLV., 233. Cf. the letter to Charles V. in MILANESI,
Sacco, 500.
3 See in Appendix, No. 46, the ^report in cipher of F. Gonzaga of
May 5, 1527 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
ROME SURROUNDI .!> 387
walls.1 Thousands tried to find a safe hiding-place for
their property. Many, in spite of prohibitions, fled from
Ron
Meanwhile the Imperialist army had surrounded Rome
as far as the Janiculum. The main body encamped in the
vineyards behind St. Peter's.3 In the cloisters of S.
Onofrio, the headquarters of Bourbon, a council of war had
decided that the Leonine city should be stormed on the
following morning without further preparation. The state
of the army was desperate. Deprived of the necessities of
life, in an empty and barren country with an enemy in
their rear, they now saw before them their only means of
deliverance : this was the capture of Rome by storm, the
walls of which were defended, as they knew, by only a
handful of brave soldiers.4 Victory or death was Bourbon's
watchword.5 With longing eyes his soldiers, craving for
booty, counted up the prize of victory, now, at last, lying
before them. The goal to which they had pressed through
so many unheard-of hardships was now reached. The rays
of that setting sun of the 5th of May lit up for the last
time all the magnificence of the Rome of the Renaissance,
then the fairest and richest city in all the world.
1 See the report of **G. de' Medici of May 4, 1527 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. the autobiography of RAFFAELLO DA MONTELUPO, 427.
2 Cf. Lett. d. princ., I., no, and SANUTO, XLV., 73, 131. See also
Arch. Stor. Ital., 5 Series, XIV., 57.
3 See Lannoy's report in LANZ, I., 705.
4 " Hessendo noi conduti in loco angusto e carestioso et havendo
dinanzi un Tevere et una Roma," \ smondo dalla Torre, "et
intendendo che drieto ne cavalchava un grosso exercito, si pens6 esscr
necessario tentar la fortuna, al che ci faceva piu arditi il saper che in
Roma non era gran provisione di buona gentc pagata." SANITTO. XLV.,
232.
6 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3.
CHAPTER XL
THE SACK OF ROME. — CAPTIVITY OF THE POPE.
ON the morning of the 6th of May, Monday after Miseri-
cordia Sunday, a thick fog covered the low, damp
levels of the Tiber. In Rome, all through the night, the
great bell of the Capitol had rung the tocsin and called
the defenders to their posts.1 They stood along the walls
1 " In urbe vero tota nox praecedens expendebatur in clamoribus
arma, arma, et campana Capitolii tota nocte et die tangebatur ad provo-
candum Romanes ad arma," are the expressions used by * CORNELIUS
DE FINE in his Diary in the National Library, Paris. Besides his account
I have also seen the following unpublished sources relating to the sack :
(i) a despatch of F. Gonzaga of May 7, 1527, in the Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua ; (2) two reports of May 7 and 27, from the State Archives,
Modena ; (3) the monastic chronicle of Orsola Formicini in the Vatican
Library ; (4) an anonymous Italian account in the same collection ;
(5) the "relatione di diversi casi" of the Angelica- Library, Rome ; (6) a
letter from Sanga of June 27 in the Ricci Archives, Rome ; (7) a report
of Cardinal Salviati in the Secret Archives of the Vatican. The
published documents, reports, pamphlets, and narratives in works of
history have been diligently collected by SCHULZ, Sacco, 3-75 (cf.
Schulz in the Zeitschr. fur Biicherfreunde, III., 21 seg.\ and critically
examined, without concealing from himself that there are special
publications by Italians which must have escaped his notice. Im-
portant authorities, overlooked by Schulz, are undoubtedly : a Mantuan
report edited by Luzio in 1883, Corvisieri's Documenti inediti, and
the records (published by Armellini in 1886) of the Roman notary,
Teodoro Gualderonico. It has also escaped Schulz that the letter of
A. Gavardo, in the Quiriniana Library at Brescia, is not unpublished,
but was produced as far back as 1877 in Arch. Stor. Lombardo, IV.,
388
ATTACK ON ROME. 3X9
in fighting order, but tried in vain to discern through the
impenetrable vapour the movements in the enemy's camp.1
Yet, distinctly audible, there rose from the sea of mist
a wild tumult of sounds mingled with signals of war. The
Imperialist army was getting ready for the assault.
Sciarra Colonna, with light cavalry and Italian infantry,
advanced against the fortifications of the Milvian Bridge,
while Melchior Frundsberg made an attack on the
Trastevere at S. Pancrazio. The chief attacking party,
meanwhile, moved on the Leonine city.2 The north and
628 seq. Cf. also GUERRINI, Docum. Bresciani rig. il Sacco di Roma,
in Riv. d. scien. stor. di Pavia, I., 8, 1904. Since the appearance of
Schulz's valuable work, the sources of our information have been
remarkably enriched. In the first place, mention must be made of the
copious contemporary accounts in the forty-fifth volume of Sanuto ;
secondly, the French narratives in the Mel. d'Archeol., XVI., and the
Ricordi of M. Alberini, written about 1547, and given in the Arch. d.
Soc. Rom, XVIII. (1895). D. ORANO'S work, planned on a great scale,
on the Sacco di Roma, has not yet gone beyond the first volume
(Rome, 1901), but it contains, with numerous explanations, the Ricordi
of Alberini. As the second volume of Orano is to deal with the
"Sacco nella letteratura," I refrain from a more detailed account of my
own researches in this direction. Vol. vi. of Orano's work will con-
tain a description of Rome in the year 1527, from the artistic point of
view, by Lanciani and Venturi.
1 The thick mist is dwelt upon by almost all the original authorities
(cf. ORANO, I., 247 seq.), expressly by CAVE, 396 ; L. Guicciardini in
MILANESI, 1 86; GROLIERIUS, 65 ; SANUTO, XLVI., 130 ; LANCELLOTTI,
III., 237 ; VETTORI, 379; CORNELIUS DE FINE, quoted in/ra, p. 392,
n. i, and the " lettera da un offiziale dell' esercito di Borbone" in
MILANESI, 499 (that this was written by C'.ian UartolomeoGattina
been shown by CORRADI, Gian Hart. Gattinara ed il Sacco di Roma
(Torino, 1892), and SCHULZ, 5 seq.). Gattinara is expressly named as
the author in Cod. Regin., 350, f. 119, of the Vatican Library, and in
Cod. 92 of the Campello Archives, Spolcto.
2 For the then condition of the fortifications of Rome, which, especially
on the right side of the Tiber, were conspicuously weaker and different
390 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
west sides, where the Belvedere and the Porta Pertusa lay,
were attacked at the same time as the south side ; there the
Spaniards advanced and, on their right, against the Porta
S. Spirito, the landsknechts did the same. The attack
on the Belvedere and the Porta Pertusa, where Prince
Philibert of Orange commanded, was, however, only a
feint intended to deceive the defenders and turn their
attention from the south side. Here, at the Porta Torrione
(now Cavalleggieri) and the Porta S. Spirito, the weakest
points of the fortifications, the attack was heaviest, under-
taken without artillery, only with spears, pistols, and ladders
hastily constructed out of garden palings and bound
together with withes.1 It was a rash enterprise, but the
outcome of counsels of despair.
The first onset was successfully repelled by the defenders,
although the latter were firing at random into the fog.
The Spaniards as well as the landsknechts were forced to
withdraw with heavy losses ; a second attack also failed.
Bourbon, who saw that everything was at stake,2 thereupon
placed himself at the head of the assailants. He succeeded
in reaching the walls of the Porta Torrione, near the site,
in later days, of the Cesi gardens and villa (now the
Collegio di S. Monica3). Here there was a very badly
secured position, easily exposed to attack.4 One of the
from those of a later date, cf. RAVIOLI in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., VI.,
337 seqq., 345 seqq. CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Del asalto y saco de
Roma (Madrid, 1858), gives a map of the assault ; but this, as well as the
topographical matter of this author, is not wholly satisfactory. The
castellan of St. Angelo during the sack was Guido de' Medici ;
see BENIGNI, Miscell. di Storia, V. (1906), 55 seq. Here also are
given details of the works carried out in the castle under Clement VI.
1 Cf. R. Schwegler's letter in HORMAYR'S Archiv, 1812, 448.
2 Cf. the report of the Abbot of Najera in VILLA, Asalto, 123.
3 Present entrance Via S. Uffizio, i.
4 According to D. Venier (SANUTO, XLV., 214) there was even a
MAI ii (H !.< »i n:oN. 391
first of the storming party to fall was Hourbon himself, who
had pressed forward with headlong rashness. A bullet
struck him down ; although mortally wounded, he yet had
the presence of mind to ask those around him to cover his
body with a cloak.1 In spite of this precaution, the fall
of the Commander-in-Chief became known immediately
to the Imperialist army. It caused such consternation and
alarm that the fighting was for a while suspended. But
the enemy, now breathing vengeance, soon resumed their
attack on the walls, from which a deadly fire was pouring.
This time the hazard was successful, being favoured by the
breach in the wall at this point. In any case the defences here were
quite inadequate. Cf. Vettori in MlLANESl, 433, and L. GUICCIARDINI,
ibid.) 183 sey.t 190.
1 The exact circumstances of Bourbon's death were variously related,
from the first, by very well-informed contemporaries. Cf. Naselli's
report of May 14, 1527, in HORM AYR'S Archiv, 1812, 437. Most
authorities say that the fatal ball penetrated the abdomen (ORANO, I.,
251). I find, however, other statements, that, for instance, of CORNELIUS
DE FINE (*Diary, National Library, Paris), who says expressly : " ictu
unius bombardae percussus in capite inter palpebras diem suum clausit."
The French narrative (published by DROYSEN, Zeitgenossische Berichte,
2) says he was struck on the forehead ; as also does the *letter of Salviati
(see App., No. 49, Secret Archives of the Vatican). That Bourbon fell,
struck by a cannon ball, and not by a musket ball, as many say, is also
the account given in SANUTO, XLV., 145 ; the latter says : " li port6 via
la costa sinistra et tutti li intestini." The different statements as to the
locality of the wound can be reconciled, for an eye-witness affirms that
he saw three wounds on Bourbon's body ; see SANUTO, XLV., 87.
It is certain that B. Cellini was not justified in claiming the credit, also
attributed to others, of this fatal shot ; cf. CANCELLIERI, Mercato, 242
seg., and the works quoted by ORANO, I., 252 ; see also LEBEY, 428 seq.
No difference of opinion can prevail as to where Bourbon fell (see
GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 521, n.). The church where he was
carried, and where he died, has been variously assigned ; but it was
certainly the Sistina ; see BARTHOLD, 450, n., and SANUTO, XI A ,
418.
392 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
fog, now so thick that it was hardly possible for a man to
recognize his neighbour ; for the same reason the heavy
guns on St. Angelo were kept entirely out of action.1
About 6 A.M. 2 the Spaniards succeeded in breaking through
the walls of the city at the Porta Torrione by making skilful
use of a badly guarded position ; almost at the same time
the landsknechts scaled the walls of S. Spirito.3
Fierce street righting was carried on in the Borgo, especi-
ally near St. Peter's and S. Spirito. The Roman militia, in
their desperate resistance, rivalled the loyal Swiss Guards,
who had taken up their position near the obelisk, then still
standing not far from the German Campo Santo; these
troops were nearly annihilated.4 A testimony to their
1 Cf. the reports in VILLA, Asalto, 141 ; SANUTO, XLV., 143 seg.t
165, 167, 186; Jovius, Columna, 165; CELEBRINO, 12 seg., and
CORNELIUS BE FINE, who, in his * Diary, says that the mist had become
so dense " ita quod videri vix poterat qui stabat cum alio facie ad faciem
et Romani non poterant amplius tormentis bellicis hostes laedere, quia
nihil videbant" (National Library, Paris).
2 " Initum fuit certamen," says ^Cornelius de Fine, " in aurora ante
octavam horam (according to Italian time ; according to ours, at 4 A.M.)
postquam certatum esset ferme per duas horas, Imperiales habuerunt
victoriam et vi ceperunt Burgam S. Petri continue certantes et inter-
ficientes Romanos et pontificis satellites, et nulli pepercerunt." *Diary
in National Library, Paris.
3 According to the Ferrara report in HORMAYR's Archiv, 1812, 438
(GASSLER, 81 seg., had already published this document, of which
Hormayr says nothing ; I quote from Hormayr because his Archiv
is much better known than the rare work of Gassier), the Spaniards
were the first to enter Rome ; others, followed by RANKE (Deutsche
Gesch., II., 2nd ed., 410), say the landsknechts. That they both
made their way in simultaneously is also the opinion of SCHULZ,
105 n.
4 Besides the letters of Buffalini of May 1 1 (Lettere di diversi all' ill.
Sig. V. Vitelli, Firenze, 1551, 141, and GROLIERIUS, 66), see the
reports in SANUTO, XLV., 123, 167 ; in HORMAYR'S Archiv, 1812, 438 ;
in VILLA, Asalto, 123 ; the *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National
IN Tin-: LBONUI] 393
valour may still be read to-day in an inscription near the
Church of S. Spirito, which relates that there the Papal
goldsmith, Bernardino Passed, fell fighting for the sacred
cause of the city of his fathers, after having slain many of
the enemy and captured a standard.1
The whole Borgo was soon ringing with the crit
victory of the Imperialists, who, as they rushed irresistibly
onwards, cut down all who crossed their path, without
regard to age or sex. Almost all the sick in the hospital
of S. Spirito, even the inmates of the neighbouring
orphanage, were murdered. Blood flowed before the altars
in St. Peter's.2 Already in some places plundering was
set on foot, not indeed by soldiers but by the camp rabble ;
for commands had been given to refrain from plunder until
the city was completely taken. These were so strictly
carried out that the soldiers were under orders to slaughter
all beasts of burden found in the Leonine city in order to
prevent the transport of booty, and therewith the dis-
organization of the bodies of troops.3 The Imperialists
were prevented from crossing the bridge of St. Angelo by
the hail of cannon balls from the guns of the fortress.
The rush of the enemy into the Leonine city had taken
place so suddenly, in the midst of the rolling vapours, that
Renzo da Ceri lost his head and fled distractedly to the
Vatican. There Clement was praying in his private
Library, Paris) ; and in Appendix, No. 49, the report of Salviati (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). The twelve survivors of the Swiss Guards
entered the landsknechts ; see Anz. f. schwciz. Gesch., 1886, 37.
1 CANCELLIERI, Mercato, 242 ; TORRIGIO, Grotte, 262 ; Arch. d.
Soc. Rom., VI., 374 seqq. ; PIERRET, Cenno storico di B. Passeri,
Roma, 1885.
- Jovius, Columna, 165; VILLA, Asalto, 134; CAVE, 398; letter
of Bufialini, KOIIK, May 1 1, 1527, in Lettere al V. Vitelli, 148 ; BUONA-
ROTTI, 1871, 255 seq. ; and SANUTO, XLV., 133, 167, 186.
a Naselli's report in HORMAYR'S Archiv, 1812,438.
394 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
chapel,1 when the approaching sound of the cries of battle
told him what had happened. The Pope up to this
moment had trusted implicitly in Renzo's promises. The
latter had pledged his head that the enemy would not make
their way into Rome.2 Nothing but rapid flight could now
save the chief Pastor of the Church. A Spanish account says
that if he had lingered as long as the time it takes to say
three Credos, he would have fallen a prisoner.3 With sobs
and lamentations he hastened along the covered way leading
to St. Angelo ; from the small windows of the castle he saw
the panic-stricken knots of fugitives cut down in pitiless
fury by Spaniards and Germans. The historian Paolo
Giovio was of help to Clement in his flight. He flung his
violet prelate's mantle over the white clothing of the Pope
so that the latter should not be an easy mark for his
enemies as he hurried across the open wooden bridge
connecting St. Angelo with the covered way.4
To the same asylum of refuge fled the non-Imperialist
Cardinals, also Giberti, Jacopo Salviati, Schonberg, the
Ambassadors of France and England, the officers of the
Papal Court, and a throng of men, women, and children.
Cardinal Pucci, who, in his flight, had been thrown from
his horse and trampled upon, yet managed to reach the
castle at the last moment ; Cardinal Armellini was drawn
up in a basket.5 When the drawbridge went up and
1 Not in St. Peter's as many, including GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed.,
523, assert ; cf. BARTHOLD, 447, n.
2 Cf. the report in SANUTO, XLV., 418.
3 Letter of Salazar of May 18, 1527, in VILLA, Asalto, 142.
4 Jovius, Columna, 165. In Giovio's description of the sack (Sacco
di Roma, Descriz. di M. P. Giovio, Venezia, 1872, ed. per nozze) the
circumstance mentioned above is not related. Cf. also the somewhat
different account in SANUTO, XL VI., 130.
6 CELEBRINO, 14 ; L. Guicciardini, in MILANESI, 193 seq. ; cf.
SANUTO, XLVL, 132.
UN CASTLK OK ST. ANCiELO. 39$
the rusty portcullis fell, three thousand persons were
computed to have found shelter in the stronghold. Even
then, many others pressed forward, and fell into the
moat. " We stood there," narrates the sculptor RafTaello da
Montelupo, who, like Benvenuto Cellini, was manning the
castle guns, " and looked on at all that passed as if we had
been spectators of a festa. It was impossible to fire, for
had we done so, we should have killed more of our own
people than of the enemy. Between the church of
S. Maria Transpontina and the gate of the castle more
than from four to five thousand persons were crowded
together, pell-mell, and, as far as we could see, hardly fifty
landsknechts behind them. Two standard-bearers of the
latter forced their way through the turmoil with uplifted
banners as far as the great gate of the castle, but were shot
down at the head of the bridge." l
Many inhabitants of the Leonine city sought refuge in
flight ; so reckless was the rush on the boats that many
were swamped and sank ; not a few persons flung them-
selves in despair into the Tiber.2 The Imperialists were
forced to withdraw from the Leonine city, where the guns
of St. Angelo made occupation impossible. The com-
manders accordingly determined to transfer the attack to
the second suburb on the right bank of the Tiber, to
Trastevere, from which three bridges (Ponte Sisto, Ponte
Quattro Capi, and Ponte S. Maria) led into Rome proper.
Since the Imperialists could now make use of the captured
artillery, they quickly attained their object, the resistance
they encountered being at the same time very much
weaker. St. Angelo indeed kept up a repeated fire,
1 Autobiography of RAKI AM.I.O DA MONTKLUPO, 429 43° 5 cf-
GROLIERIUS, 67. The number of those in the castle was reduced,
later on, to 950 ; see SANUTO, XI A "I ..
- Blasius de Martinellis in CRMGHTOW, V., 328 ; J. CAVE, 397.
396 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
but the guns had not sufficient range to do serious
damage to the besiegers and prevent the capture of
Trastevere.1
It was now the chief object of the Imperialists to act
with the utmost possible despatch before the army of the
League drew near and the Romans recovered from their
panic and broke down the bridges. The commanders had
difficulty in keeping together their men, eager for plunder,
and ordered the separate divisions to advance on Ponte
Sisto. It was about seven in the evening2 when the first
columns arrived there. Although it sounds incredible, it is
yet a fact, that the means taken to secure even this
most important point were utterly inadequate. The
bridge had not been blown up, and the gate-house was
only weakly defended. The question may be asked :
How was this possible? The Roman Marcello Alberini,
who as a young man had lived through the capture of the
city, supplies the answer. The defence was organized as
badly as possible ; from the beginning there was no one
central command. Apart from this, the defenders, who
were none too numerous, were dispersed along the entire
distance of the long line of the city walls and kept watch at
points where the least danger threatened. Many deserted
1 Cf. in Appendix, No. 49, the report of Salviati (Secret Archives
of the Vatican), as well as SANUTO, XLV., 233, the letter of Du
Bellay in Mel. d'Archeol., XVL, 412, and Autobiography of RAFFAELLO
DA MONTELUPO, 430.
2 The 23rd hour (Italian time) is given in most accounts as the
time of the entrance into Rome proper; see GUICCIARDINI, XVIII.,
3 ; A. LANCEOLINUS, Capture of Rome, translated into German by H.
von Ependorff (supplement to G. CAPELLA, Von den Geschichten Italic,
Strassburg, 1536; cf. SCHULZ, 24 seq.) ; ALBERINI, 340; GUMPPEN-
BERG, 240 j *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
The 20th and 2ist hours are given in SANUTO, XLV., 145, 219, and
CAVE, 399, the 22nd in VETTORI, 380.
MAGNITUDE OF THE I>AN< 397
their posts because no one brought them their victuals.
Others paraded the streets pompously with military airs,
and believed, Alberini adds in bitter irony, that they were
thus defending their native land. Besides, the Ghibcllincs
and satellites of the Colonna thought that they had
nothing to fear if the Imperialists were victorious ; many
even wished that Rome might come under the rule of
Charles V. Then, again, the consequences of Bourbon's
death were greatly exaggerated, and some were convinced
to a certainty that the enemy's army, having lost its leader,
would immediately break up.1 When, at last, the magni-
tude of the danger was recognized, attempts were made to
open negotiations which, from the nature of the case,
could have no result2 But the populace, as if bewildered
by fear, ran about the streets, and people of substance tried
to conceal their property in the houses of Imperialist
persons. Only a few high-minded and spirited men
resolved to raise a couple of hundred horsemen to defend
the Ponte Sisto. But those brave men were not able to
check for long the inroad of the enemy. From the roof
of the palace of the Cancelleria, Alberini saw how
Pierpaolo Tibaldi, Giulio Vallati, and Giambattista Savelli
1 ALBERINI, 339 ; GROLIERIUS, 54, 71 ; GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3 ;
Vettori in MILANESI, 435 ; cf. ORANO, I., 241, n. According to Du
Bellay, Renzo da Ceri had resolved on the destruction of the
bridges, but met with refusal on the part of the Romans ; cf. Me*!.
d'Archdol., XVI., 411 seq. A report in SANUTO, XLV., 418.
that the Pope wished the bridges to be destroyed ; the refusal came
from Renzo. L. Guicciardini (in MM.ANKSI, 196 seqq.) brings the
gravest accusations against Renzo, but says that he was not alone to
blame.
2 The negotiations were to be in the hands of the Margrave Gumbert
of Brandenburg, a resident in Rome; cf. GUMITMNIWRG'S repo;
seq. ; see also BELLERMANN, Erinnerungen aus Siideuropa, Berlin,
1851,59*?.
398 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
fell like heroes, whereupon the leaders gave up all for lost
and fled.1
The Imperialists now rushed like a mountain torrent in
flood through the streets of the capital. " All were doomed
to certain death who were found in the streets of the city ;
the same fate was meted out to all, young or old, woman
or man, priest or monk. Everywhere rang the cry :
Empire! Spain! Victory!"2
Nevertheless, the Imperialists did not yet feel secure. At
any moment the army of the League might appear before
Rome. Even if a few, here and there, had begun to plunder,
the generals were still able to keep control over the nucleus
of the army in its appointed divisions. The landsknechts
held the Campo di Fiore, the Spaniards the Piazza Navona,
while Ferrante Gonzaga watched St. Angelo. These
measures of precaution proved, however, to be unnecessary.
Guido Rangoni had, indeed, appeared in the evening at the
Ponte Salaro with five hundred light cavalry and eight
hundred musketeers, but on hearing of the fall of Rome
had immediately fallen back on Otricoli. When the
victorious soldiery saw that no one disputed their quickly
won success, their leaders were no longer in a position
to hold them together. The first to break away in their
hunger for booty were the Spaniards ; they were soon
followed by the landsknechts. Twenty thousand dis-
organized soldiers, to whom a rabble of vagabonds and
banditti3 had attached themselves, now spread through the
1 See ALBERINI, 340, the letter of Buffalini, see supra^ p. 392, n. 4,
and CELEBRINO, 14.
2 GUMPPENBERG'S Report, 241.
3 According to SANUTO, XLV., 218, the number of these vagabonds
amounted to 10,000, certainly a very exaggerated reckoning. The same
statement is made by AMASEO, Diario, Venezia, 1884, 90-91. For the
strength of the Imperial army see supra, p. 361. Jovius, Columna,
165, exaggerates when he says that more than 40,000 of the enemy
HORRORS oi TIIK 8A< 399
streets of the ill-fated capital of the world, to plunder, burn,
and kill in accnrdanrr with "the rights of war." Carrying
lighted wax candles in their hands, these savage bands
passed from house to house in the darkness of the night ;
they took, however, only gold and silver ; whoever offered
resistance was at once cut down.1
On the morning of the 7th of May, Rome presented a
spectacle that baffled description. It was, in the words of
Francesco Gonzaga, a sight that might have moved a
stone to compassion.2 Everywhere there was the most
ruthless devastation, everywhere rapine and murder. The
air re-echoed to the wailings of women, the plaintive cries
of children, the barking of dogs, the neighing of chargers,
the clash of arms, and the crash of timber from the burning
houses.3 All accounts, even the Spanish, agree that no
age, no sex, no station, no nationality, neither Spaniard nor
German, neither church nor hospital, was spared.4
The soldiers began by carrying off from the houses and
palaces all objects of value ; they then set a price of ransom
on all those whom they had robbed, on men, women, and
children, and even on servants ; those who were not able to
invaded Rome. GUALDERONICO, 91, puts the number at only 18,000,
CORNELIUS DE FINE at 25,000 (*Diary in National Library, Paris).
1 *Primi spoliatores erant Hispani et Itali qui tota nocte cum torciis
cerae albae circumibant civitatem a domo ad domum nil accipientes
nisi aurum et argentum, si tnmen alia prcciosa non accipiebant.
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
2 I found the despatch of this envoy, written with a trembling hand,
in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; see the text in Appendix, No. 47.
3 J. CAVE, 400. Cf. also the report of F. Gonza.
LUZIO, Maramaldo, 79.
4 VILLA, Asalto, 124, 135 scq., 143, 164. Cf. MILANESI, 501;
SANUTO, XLV., 88, 90; GUALDERONICO, 92. Sec also *Relatione di
diversi casi curiosi success! in Roma nel sacco di Borbonc. R 6, 17,
Angelica Library, Rome.
400 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
pay were first tortured in the cruellest manner and then
murdered. But even the payment of their ransom did not
help these wretched victims ; this only led to fresh exac-
tions and fresh suffering. Often, when a house was stripped
clean of its contents, it was then set on fire. " Hell," said
a Venetian report of the loth of May I527,1 " has nothing
to compare with the present state of Rome." In many
places the streets were covered with dead bodies ; beneath
them lay many a child under ten years of age who had
been flung out of the windows by the soldiers.2
Still more terrible was the fate of defenceless women and
maidens. Neither tender youth nor venerable age nor
noble birth shielded the unhappy victims from brutal ill-
usage and dishonour. Many were violated and murdered
before the eyes of their husbands and fathers ; even the
daughter of the wealthy Domenico Massimi, whose sons
had been slain and his palace burned, fell a victim. More
than one contemporary declared that the deeds of the
Vandals, Goths, and Turks were outdone. Many young
girls, driven to despair by the dishonour wreaked upon
them, flung themselves into the Tiber ; others were put to
death by their own fathers to save them from the extremity
of shame.3 Spaniards, Germans, and Italians rivalled one
another in cruelty towards the unhappy inhabitants ; but all
accounts coincide in giving to the Spaniards, among whom
were many Jews and " Marani,"4 the palm for ingenuity in
1 SANUTO, XLV., 219. F. Gonzaga writes in the same way on May
9 ; see LuziO, Maramaldo, 81.
2 SANUTO, XLV., 123, 165.
3 SANUTO, XLV., 133, 145, 164, 165, 187, 203. F. Gonzaga in LUZIO,
Maramaldo, 81 ; J. CAVE, 400 seq. ; Zeitgenossische Berichte, 24, 26 ;
see also ORANO, I., 272, n. Cf. Sanga's letter in Appendix, No. 50.
For D. Massimi see SANUTO, XLV., 122, 145, 187, 233.
4 L. Guicciardini in MILANESI, 229; CELEBRINO, 15; and GRO-
LIERIUS,24. VOGELSTEIN, 1 1., 50, doubts the above facts without grounds.
MISERY OF THE ROMANS. 401
unearthing treasure and contriving tortures, although the
Italians, and especially the Neapolitans, were, on the whole,
scarcely second to them.1
A letter of the Venetian, Giovan Barozzi, written to
his brother on the I2th of May 1527, describes with
appalling truth and directness the unspeakable misery
of the Romans. " I am," he says, " a prisoner of the
Spaniards. They have fixed my ransom at 1000 ducats
on the pretext that I am an official. They have, besides,
tortured me twice, and finished by lighting a fire under the
soles of my feet. For six days I had only a little bread
and water. Dear brother, do not let me perish thus miser-
ably. Get the ransom money together by begging.
For God's sake do not abandon me. If I do not pay the
ransom, now amounting to 140 ducats, in twenty-six days
they will hack me in pieces. For the love of God and
of the Blessed Virgin help me. All the Romans are
prisoners, and if a man does not pay his ransom he is
killed. The sack of Genoa and of Rhodes was child's play
to this. Help me, dear Antonio ; help me for God's sake,
and that as quickly as possible."2 The sufferings here
spoken of were by no means the most severe ; the French
physician, Jean Cave, in his account of the sack, remarks
that no method of torture was left untried ; he gives some
examples, in illustration, which the pen shrinks from
1 Italian despatch-writers state this expressly; see SANUTO. XI.V.,
221 ; Jovius, Columna, 1 66, and ALBKRINI, 342. C/. ORANO, I., 199,
n., and 275, n. According to Blasius de Martinellis (CRK1GHTON, V.,
328) and SANUTO, XLV., 234, Romans themselves took a part in the
plunder. In the *Litcrac priorum Castri PlebU to Siena, dated **ex
terra Castri Plebis desolata," May 13, 1527, we read: " Non igitur
mirandum est quid fecerint Germani et Hispani hostes urbi Romae,
cum seviora patraverint amici militcs." TIZIO, *Hist. Senen., Cod.
G. II., 40 (Chigi Library, Rome).
2 The letter is in SANUTO, XLV., 237-238.
VOL. IX. 26
402 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
transcribing. Luigi Guicciardini relates things of, if possible,
even greater atrocity. A form of torture which seems to
have been especially in favour with the Spaniards was to bind
their prisoners fast and leave them to die of slow starvation.1
The excesses of German landsknechts were not marked
by such inventive cruelty. They gave way rather to a
stupid and brutal vandalism. Sots and gamblers, knowing
nothing of Italy and its language, they were systematically
overreached by the shrewd Spaniards, who knew how to
single out for themselves the richest houses. The Germans
also, in their simplicity, were satisfied for the most part
with much smaller ransoms.2 In disorderly companies
1 J. CAVE, 403. Cf. Histor. Jahrbuch, XII., 752 ; VILLA, Asalto,
136, 164.9^. ; GUALDERONICO, 92 ; GAVARDO in Arch. Stor. Lomb.,
IV., 630 ; L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 224 seqq. ; Cardinal Trivulzio,
ibid.) 486; SANUTO, XLVL, 140 seq. *Nullum genus tormentorum
praetermiserunt in eos, alii per testicul[os] pendebantur, alii igne sub
pedibus torquebantur, alii varia supplicia passi sunt donee solverent
ea quae non haberent, et quod plus est : postquam liberati essent e
manibus unius, incidebant in alios nequiores latrones. *Diary of
CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris.
2 See Jovius, Columna, 106. GREGOROVIUS, in the Allgem.
Zeitung, 1876, Beil. No. 205, has justly taken exception to VILLA'S
assertion (Asalto, 205 seg.}, that the greatest cruelties were committed,
not by Spaniards, but by Germans. Not only Jovius, but also L.
Guicciardini in MILANESI, 231, and the Frenchmen, GROLIERIUS, 92
seq.) and J. CAVE, 404, testify to the conduct of the Germans in a very
different way, without denying that they committed excesses. That
they too did many cruel things, and slew in anger those who did not
at once meet their demands for money, is proved (see SANUTO, XLV.,
1 66, 1 68, 1 88, 262) ; but it is certain that they were not, on the whole,
the worst and the most cruel. M. CRESCI (*Storia d'ltalia, Laurentian
Library, Cod. Ashburnh., 633) says the Italians were quite as cruel as
the Spaniards and the landsknechts. Fabius Areas of Narni says
truly : " In that destruction of Rome the Germans showed themselves
bad enough, the Italians were worse, but the worst of all were the
Spaniards," K. LEIB, Annales, 512.
THE LANn.SKNF.niTS. 403
they passed through thr streets of the city,1 not sparing
even their own countrymen,2 dressed up in a ridiculous
manner in magnificently embroidered silk raiment, with
gold chains round their necks and precious stones twisted
through their beards, while their faces were begrimed with
powder and smoke.
Since the landsknechts were for the most part Lutheran,
they did not neglect this opportunity of heaping scorn and
ridicule on the Papacy. With the red hats of Cardinals
on their heads and the long robes of the Princes of the
Church flung round them, they paraded the streets mounted
on asses and indulged in every conceivable mummery. A
Bavarian captain, Wilhelm von Sandizell, even dressed up
as the Pope and bade his comrades, masquerading as
Cardinals, kiss his hands and feet. He gave his blessing
with a glass of wine, a salutation which his companions
acknowledged by drinking to him in return. The whole
gang then made their way to the Leonine city, to the
sounds of trumpets and fifes, and there proclaimed Luther
as Pope in such a way that the inmates of St. Angelo
became aware of their doings. A landsknecht called
Griinwald was said to have shouted up to the fortress
that he wished he could devour a bit of the Pope's body,
because he was a hinderer of the Word of God. Another
carried about a crucifix fastened on the point of his pike
before finally breaking it in pieces.3
1 J. CAVE, 400; L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 238.
2 See GESCHEID'S account in Histor. Jahrbuch, XII., 752 ; SCHULTE,
I., 238 ; SCHMIDLIN, Anima, 274 ; DE WAAL, Der Campo Santo, 87 stq.
3 J. CAVE, 402 ; Nova in SCHARDIUS, II., 612 ; SANUTO, XLV., 210 ;
Zeitgenossische Berichte, 27 seq.^ 44 seg. ; Giovo's Descrizionc, 17,
quoted supra, p. 394. n. 4: I. \M KI I.OTTI, III., 251, l6j] RANKE
(Deutsche Gesch., II., 2nd cd., 414) sees in the proceeding of the
landsknechts described above "the sportive (!) expression of their
evangelical opinions." BARTHOI.K 453, 462 Sfq.
404 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It is almost impossible to describe the destruction and
sacrilege wrought by the landsknechts in the churches;
yet the Spaniards and Italians did not fall far short of
them. Every church, even the national churches of the
Spaniards and the Germans,1 was plundered. What the
generosity and piety of centuries had amassed in costly
vestments, vessels, and works of art, was, in the space of a
few days, carried off by this rude soldiery, flung away on
play or wine or sold to the Jews. The precious settings of
relics were torn off; in many instances even tombs were
broken open and ransacked in the search for treasures.
Hands were laid on the Blessed Sacrament of the altar
itself; the consecrated species were flung on the ground
and desecrated in all manner of ways. " Unbelievers,"
says a Spanish account, "could not have behaved worse."2
It was reported that some soldiers clothed an ass in
bishop's vestments, led him into a church, and tried to
force a priest to incense the beast solemnly, and even to
offer him the Sacred Host. The priest, on refusing, was
cut in pieces.3
1 Cf. SCHMIDLIN, Anima, 273 seq., 278 seq.
2 See the Spanish reports in VILLA, 135 and 136, and the Italian
in SANUTO, XLV., 133, 166, 203, 221-222 ; XLVI., 142 seq. Cf.
also GUALDERONICO, 93 ; L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 204, 241 ;
GROLIERIUS, 74 ; SURIUS, Comment., 202 ; TIZIO, *Hist. Senen. in
Cod. G, II., 40, f. 313 and 314 (Chigi Library, Rome). For the
robbery of relics see FONTANA, Renata, I., 430, and in Appendix, No.
50, Sanga's ^letter (Ricci Archives, Rome), and the letter of Salviati,
ibid., n. 49.
3 *Un povero sacerdote ma generoso christiano perche non volse
incensare e communicare un' asino, che vestito in habito di vescovo
havevano con mitra condotto in chiesa, rest6 crudelmente trucidato.
*Relatione del Sacco dato a Roma li 6 Maggio 1527 cavata da alcuni
Mss. di persone trovatesi. Cod. Vatic., 7933 (Vatican Library). The
*Relatione of the Angelica Library, Rome, cited supra, p. 399, n. 4,
says the same with more detail. Cf. L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl,
DESB< UATION OF i 405
The desecration of churches was carried to such a pitch
that they were turned into stables ; even St. Peter's did
not escape this fate, for there also tombs were violated,
among others that of Julius II. The head of St. Andrew
was thrown on the ground, the napkin of St Veronica, a
relic deeply venerated during the Middle Ages, was stolen
and offered for sale in Roman hostel ries. A famous
crucifix belonging to one of the seven principal altars of St.
Peter's was hidden away in the clothes of a landsknecht ;
countless relics and costly objects were at this time
purloined; the Holy Lance was fastened by a German
soldier to his pike, and carried in derision through the
Borgo. Although the resting-place of the Princes of
the Apostles was desecrated, yet the actual tomb of St.
Peter was left uninjured. The chapel Sancta Sanctorum,
declared in an inscription to be the most sacred spot on
earth,1 was plundered ; happily the special treasure of the
chapel remained undisturbed in its huge enclosure of iron.2
The fury of the captors wreaked itself with special cruelty
on all persons of ecclesiastical status. A large proportion
of the priests and monks who fell into the hands of the
landsknechts were murdered. Many were sold publicly
229; SANUTO, XLV., 218; the letter of Cardinal Trivulzio ID
MlLANESl, 484 ; LANCELLOTTI, III., 263, and the narrative of S. Pcrelli
in SAGGIATORE, I., 313.
1 Cf. SANUTO, XLV., 133, 166, 168, 192, 435 seq.\ VILLA, 146;
Arch. stor. Lomb., IV., 635 ; GESCHEID in Hist. Jahrbuch, XII
Nova in SCHARDIUS, II., 612 ; MILANESI, 484 j<y., 503 ; SANDOVAL, I.,
718 seq. ; SANTORO, n ; GRISAR in the Civ. Catt, 1906, II., 725 scq. ;
Sanga's letter (Ricci Archives, Rome), in Appendix, No. 50 ; ToRRIGlO,
(irotu-, 255 seq. For the dispersion of relics see ORANO, I., 271 stg.,
n., and 333, n. OK account of the tomb of St. Peter
Jahrb., loc. cit.) is an exaggeration due to excitement ; cf. GRISAR,
Tombe apostol. di Roma, 29 ; see also LANCIANI, I., 238.
- Cf. GRISAK in the Civ. Catt., hi. at.
406 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
as captives of war ; others were made to put on women's
clothing and exposed to shocking ribaldry. The Spaniards
made it their main business to extort money from the clergy.
The landsknechts declared that they had promised to God
to murder all priests, and they acted accordingly ; Patri-
archs, Archbishops, Bishops, Protonotaries, Abbots were ill-
treated, fined, and murdered. Venerable priests well stricken
in years were treated with violence. The Bishop of Potenza,
eighty years of age, being unable to pay his ransom, was at
once put to death. The Bishop of Terracina, in his nine-
tieth year, failing to give the 30,000 ducats demanded of
him, was publicly put up for sale, with a truss of straw on
his head, like a beast in the cattle market.1 Other ecclesi-
astics had their noses and ears cut off, and were forced to
perform the lowest services.2
Still more terrible were the sufferings endured by the
nuns. Some succeeded at the last hour in securing safe
places of concealment. More than a hundred and sixty
who had taken refuge in a convent near S. Lorenzo in
Paneperna were, on payment of money, protected by a
company of landsknechts from their own comrades. One
of the nuns of S. Cosimato in Trastevere, all of whom
had fled there in a body, describes the deadly agony
which she and her companions, mostly women of noble
birth, went through. The same chronicle gives a vivid
description of the spoliation of the rich church of S.
Cosimato, where an image of the Infant Christ Himself,
1 These details are given in the Spanish reports in VILLA, 137, 154.
Cf. also SANUTO, XLV., 122, 145, 166 seq., 186, XLVI., 139 seq.\
GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3; DROYSEN, Zeitgenossische Berichte, 43
(cf. SCHULZ, 50, 54 seq.) ; Sanga's letter in Appendix, No. 50, and
the *Relatione in Cod. Vatic., 7933.
2 L. Guicciardini in MILANESI, 239. Cf. LANCELLOTTI, III., 224,
237.
i ATI. ( >!• LM.Kiinrs n 407
carved in wood, was shattered in piece-,.1 But what was
all this compared with tlu- fite of those religious houses of
women whose inmates had no hope of escape, as, for
example, the nuns of S. Maria in Campo Marzo, S. Rufina,
and others ! 2 It can easily be understood that the atrocities
committed were indescribable. The victims of this bestial
rapine were to be counted happy who, after being robbed
of all, were slain ; the majority of those who survived
were reserved for a fate harder than death. Half-naked,
or huddled up, in mockery, in Cardinals' robes, they were
1 See Galetti's *extracts from the *Cronica di S. Cosimato in Mica
aurea in Cod. Vatic., 7933, f. 55 seg., of the Vatican Library. The
Suor Orsola Formicini here gives a simple and vivid description of
the flight of the sisters in the night, of their agony of mind, and their
marvellous rescue under cover of S. Lorenzo in Paneperna, and of the
destruction of the church and monastery of S. Cosimato. *Lassarono
dunque le pavide ancille del Signore il loro monastero pieno di ogni
bene : la madonna della Chiesa parata et con que' vezzi de' perle
grossissime di quelle antiche baronesse et un parato di velluto
cremesino nell' altare maggiore, et era la prima volta che fu mossa.
Tutta la sacrestia richa et nobile poiche quelle illustrissime signore
quando si facevan monache tutte le loro cose belle et bone et di
mettcvano in sacrestia .... ; mi dissero come vi era una croce d' oro
fino et piena di perle et gioie finissime qual' era di gran valuta ; il
tutto lassarono senza salvar nientc. In her account of the destruction
of the monastery the writer says : " Ogni cosa fu persa, ma perche no
fu perso 1' onore si puo dire che non persero nulla."
2 According to the *Relatione, quoted supra, p. 404, n. 3, these
two monasteries suffered the worst outrages ; Cod. Vatic., 7933, of the
Vatican Library. The same account is found in the *Relatione of the
Angelica Library (see supra, p. 399, n. 4). Above this section is
written : *Sacco dato al rione di Campo Marzo c morte di alcune
signore e parimente sacheggiano il monastero di Campo Marzo e
stuprano le monache et tolgono 1' onore a molte matrone Romane che
si credevano salve in detto Monastero. C/. the further section: *Cio
che fccero alii monasteri e conventi di monache et religiosi. See also
the minute in SAGGIATORE, I., 314, and ORANO, I
408 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dragged through the streets to the houses of ill-fame, or
sold singly in the markets for two ducats, or even less,
apiece.1 Here again the Spaniards committed the worst
abominations. The German landsknechts, at first, were
content for the most part with extorting ransoms and secur-
ing precious belongings ; and sometimes they even protected
persecuted innocence from their own comrades;2 but later
on they followed the example of the others, and, in not a
few cases, tried, indeed, to outvie them in their excesses.3
The landsknechts, among whom were many Lutherans,
had shown no pity, from the first, for the clergy and the
Cardinals, who, moreover, had been handled badly enough
by the ruthless Spaniards. Even the Cardinals with Im-
perialist sympathies did not escape wholesale robbery, savage
ill-usage, and cruel mockery. For eight days the palaces
of Cardinals Piccolomini, Valle, Enkevoirt, and Cesarini,
situated in the Rione S. Eustachio, were spared, their
owners having secured the protection of Spanish officers,
who declared that they would take nothing from the
Cardinals themselves, but demanded large sums from the
numerous fugitives who found asylum in those palaces.
At first they asked for 100,000 ducats from each palace ;
but afterwards were satisfied on receiving 45,000 from
Cesarini, 40,000 from Enkevoirt, and 35,000 from Valle
and Piccolomini each. These sums had to be paid in
1 With VILLA, 138, 146, cf. specially SANUTO, 166, 167, 203, 218,
435. See also GUALDERONICO, 93 ; Arch. stor. Lomb., IV., 635 ; and
in Appendix, No. 50, Sanga's letter (Ricci Archives, Rome).
*Fu osservato pero in qualche caso che li Luterani tedeschi si
mostravano piu miti, anzi si fecero custodi della pudicitia di alcune
bastando loro di ottenere robba o denaro, mostrandosi molto piu
pregiuditievoli alia citta li Spagnoli per le inaudite invention! di
tormenti praticati con alcuni per farli confessare ripostini e per cavar-
ne denari. *Relatione, etc., in Cod. Vatic., 7933, Vatican Library.
3 L. Guicciardini in MILANESI, 232 seq.
IIKAYY RANSOMS. 409
ducats to the full amount ; all other coins and also precious
stones were rejected. But the landsknechts were now
also anxious to visit these palaces, and finally the Spaniards
announced that they could not guarantee any further pro-
tection. The landsknechts fell first on the palace of
Cardinal Piccolomini, who thought himself perfectly safe,
as he and his family were, from old times, friends of the
Emperor and the Germans. After a four hours' fight the
palace was taken and plundered. The Cardinal, who had
to disburse 5000 ducats, was dragged, with his head un-
covered, amid blows and kicks, to the Borgo. In conse-
quence Cardinals Cesarini, Valle, and Enkevoirt also felt
no longer safe, and fled to the Palazzo Colonna. They had
hardly left their residences before looting and destruction
began. Not content with the huge booty they found there,
the landsknechts laid a heavy ransom on every Roman
who had taken refuge in these palaces.1 In addition to
this the three hundred and ninety persons in the Palazzo
Valle had been fined already, on the 8th of May, by
Fabrizio Maramaldo, a captain in the Imperialist army.
The Cardinal and his household on this occasion had
been mulcted in 7000 ducats ; the other fugitives had been
rated individually according to their means. The total
sum raised in this one palace alone — of an Imperialist
Cardinal — amounted to 34,455 ducats.2
1 Lettera del Card, di Como of March 24, 1527, in MlLANESI, 477
seq. Cf. SANUTO, XLV., 168, 187; VIM SAGGIATORE, I.,
338 seq. ; SCHMIDLIN, 274 seq. ; OK \v>. I . 289 seq., and the "
of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
- The notarial instrument by which the refugees undertook to
repay to Cardinal Valle the sums levied on them has been published
incorrectly by L. BONAI dc KOMH-, Florence, 1830, 8 1 scq.>
and correctly by CORVI>IM<I, Document!, 21-31, who also gives (
the rates at which each person was inong the latter were eight
Jews who were valued at 400 ducats. Cf. also VOGELSTi.iN, II..
410 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals Cajetan and Ponzetti were also dragged
through the streets, fettered, and subjected to ill-usage and
ridicule. Ponzetti, who was also an Imperialist, had to
pay a ransom of 20,000 ducats ; he died in consequence
of the injuries he had received. The Franciscan Cardinal
Numai, then suffering from serious illness, was carried on a
bier through the streets by Lutheran landsknechts singing
dirges. They then took him to a church, where a mock
funeral service was gone through, and threatened to fling
him into a grave if he did not pay a ransom. He was after-
wards carried to some friends who were bound over to be
his sureties.1 Cristofero Marcello, Archbishop of Corfu, was
called upon to pay 6000 ducats ; not having the money, he
was flung into imprisonment at Gaeta under threats of death.2
A heavy ransom was demanded even from the
Portuguese Ambassador, who was very nearly related to
Charles V., and on his refusing to pay, his palace was
plundered. As several bankers had transferred their
property thither for safety, the soldiers came into possession
of an exceedingly rich haul. The Florentine banker,
Bernardo Bracci, was taken by Spanish soldiers to the
Bank of the Foreigners, where he had to pay down his
ransom of 8206 ducats. On the Ponte Sisto he met the
captain, La Motte, who had been appointed governor of
the city, who threatened to fling Bracci into the Tiber
unless he laid down an additional 600 ducats ; Bracci
paid and so saved his life.3 Even Perez, the Secretary
of the Imperial Embassy, was in danger of his life at the
1 Cf. the *Relatione in Cod. Vat, 7933, Vatican Library ; SANUTO,
XLV., 100, 145; VILLA, 137; L. Guicciardini in MILANESI, 228;
GROLIERIUS, 75 seq.
2 See SANUTO, XLV., 493-495 ; cf. 655.
3 See the reports in MILANESI, 228 seq., 380, 472 seq. ; VILLA, 138,
145, 165 ; SANUTO, XLV., 133 ; Studi e doc., V., 224 seq.
ISABELLA or M \\TUA. 4!!
hands of savage landskm-chts, and suffered heavy losses
in money and property.1 The Emperor's procurator,
George Sauermann, was so completely despoiled that he
was reduced to beggary, and died in the street from
hunger and exhaustion.2 No place afforded safety ; the
very hospitals, among them even that of the Germans,
were not spared.3
The Venetian Ambassador, Domenico Venier, and the
envoys of Mantua, Ferrara, and Urbino, had fled to the
great palace of Isabella, Marchioness of Mantua, at SS.
Apostoli. This high-minded Princess had also given
asylum in her fortress-palace to a multitude of men and
women of noble birth. While it was still night her son,
Ferrante Gonzaga, came in haste to protect her; he uas
unable, however, to prevent the sum of 60,000 ducats being
levied as ransom on those to whom his mother had given
shelter. Although a watch of Spaniards and landsknechts
now guarded the house, it was repeatedly threatened by
turbulent bands of the captors. The Marchioness was in
deadly fear. On the 1 3th of May she fled to Civita Vecchia ;
with her escaped the Venetian Ambassador, disguised as
a porter. In the letter in which Venier announced his
safety to the Doge, he remarks, "The destruction of
Jerusalem could not have been worse than that of Rome." 4
Pompeo Colonna appeared in Rome on the loth of
1 See VILLA, 157, 163, and SCHULZ, 9 seq. Cf. also CANOVAS DEL
CASTILLO, Asalto, 18-19.
2 Cf. BAUCH in Zeitschr. fiir schles. Gesch., XIX., 179 seq.
3 Cf. SANUTO, XLV., 99 ; *Salviati's letter in Appendix, No. 49 ;
DROYSEN, Zeitgenossische Ik-rirhtr, 25; I.AKIIKMI., 455. The
hospitals of S. Giovanni and S. (.iacomo were spared as by a
miracle, says GUALDERONICO, 92.
4 Venier's letter of May 20, in SANUTO, XLV.. 214 seq. ; cf. 168, 191,
208 scq., 217, 220 seq. As to the fate of Isabella, see Lanceolinus's
account, supra^ p. 396, n. 2; the Chronicle ot Daino in Arch. Stor.
412 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
May. He found his palace sacked, and the streets covered
with dead bodies ; the scene of cruel desolation moved
even this hard man to tears. Giovio states that Colonna
took urgent steps to mitigate the misery and gave pro-
tection to several fugitives; but with him some thousand
peasants from the environs had made their way into
Rome, ready to seize on what had been left over from
the pillage of the soldiery. Not only the iron railings,
but even the very nails were wrenched by them from the
walls of the houses. The Pope's villa on Monte Mario
was now given to the flames.1
The Frenchman Grolier, who betook himself for safety
to the house of a Spanish Bishop, has described, in striking
words, the scene that met his eye as he looked, from the
terrace of his place of refuge, over the city now given up
to fire and sword : " From every side came cries, the
clash of arms, the shrieks of women and children, the
crackling of flames, the crash of falling roofs. We stood
motionless with fear and listened, as if fate had singled
us out alone to be the spectators of the ruin of our
homes."2 There was hardly a house in Rome at last
Ital., App. II., 236, and the letter in Luzio, Maramaldo, 81 seq., and
Mantova e Urbino, 279. Cf. also in Appendices, Nos. 47, 48, 50,
the letters, discovered by me, of three persons who had taken refuge in
the palace of the Marchioness, namely : Casella's ^report of May 7 (State
Archives, Modena), the ^despatch of F. Gonzaga of May 7 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua), and Sanga's ^letter of June27 (Ricci Archives, Rome).
1 Cf. Jovius, Columna, 166 seq. ; GUALDERONICO, 92 ; J. CAVE,
406; GROLIERIUS, 80; SANUTO, XLV., 122, 134, 164, 165, 167.
There are different versions of the day of Colonna's arrival (cf* ORANO,
I., 284 note). May 10 is given in VILLA, 128, 163, in the Nova in '
SCHARDIUS, II., 611, and in the *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE
(National Library, Paris), who says : " Horum adventus maxima urbis
destructio fuit."
2 GROLIERIUS, 87 ; GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 541 seq.
ENORMOUS BOOTY. 413
which was not injured. Even the \\ t the
water-carriers and porters were not spared.1 " In the
whole city," ran one account, " there was not a soul above
three years of age who had not to purchase his safety."2
Several paid ransoms twice or even three times over ;
many were in such bodily suffering that they pref<
an immediate death to further torture.3
It is hardly possible to compute the number of deaths
with certainty. In the Borgo and Trastevere alone, two
thousand corpses were cast into the Tiber, nine thousand
eight hundred were buried.4 The booty of the soldiers
was incalculable. At the lowest estimate it must have
amounted in money and objects of value to more than
one million ducats, in payments of ransom to three or
four millions. Clement VII. estimated the total damage
at ten millions in gold. Many soldiers had plundered
coin in such quantity that they were not able even to
drag their booty away ; each vagabond camp-follower
had as many ducats as he could fill his cap with/'
With a pitiless coolness which makes one shudder, the
1 See the reports in MILANESI, 474, 486.
2 DROYSEN, Zeitgenossische Berichte, 39 ; cf. AI.BERINI, 345.
3 L. Guicciardini gives examples in MILANESI, 226 seq.\ cf. SANUTO,
XLV., 192 ; CUMPPENBERG, 236, says many were fined ten times and
then murdered after that.
4 SANUTO, XLV., 210; GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3, puts the dead
only at 4000. This is too little ; others (ORANO, I., 275) evidently
exaggerate. When VOGELSTEIN (II., 47), for the three months after
the sacco, reckons, after Reissncr, 100,000 dead, his statement is
wholly incredible, as before the capture Rome had not more than
55,035 inhabitants ; see Arch. d. Soc K<>m., XVII., 376 seq.
6 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3; SANUTO, XLV., 146, 203, 218, 436;
VILLA, 147. Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 204. The statements in SANUTO,
XLVL, 382, concerning Clement's ransom are confirmed by the account
in VILLA, 138. The higher sums mentioned by others (ORANO, I., 274,
n.) are exaggerated.
414 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Protestant hero Sebastian Schertlin von Burtenbach relates
in his autobiography the misery of the Romans whereby
their victors were enriched: "In the year 1527, on the
6th of May, we took Rome by storm, put over 6000 men
to the sword, plundered the whole city, seized all that
we could find in all the churches and anywhere, burned
down a great part of the city, and seldom spared,
tearing and destroying all copyists' work, registers, letters,
and state documents." l
The last clause touches on an aspect of the sack of Rome
which moves the historian to grief: the destruction, namely,
of historical documents and literary treasures.2 The
library of the monastery of S. Sabina, the precious private
collections and manuscripts of many learned scholars,
were scattered or burnt. Six books of Giovio's history
perished. Cardinal Accolti lost his whole library. The
remarkable gaps in the private and monastic archives
of Rome ; the poverty, above all, of the Capitoline records,
are certainly a consequence of the destruction wrought
at this time. In many despatches of this period it is
expressly stated that original Papal documents and valu-
able manuscripts were lying about the streets, or were
used as litter for the horses. Cardinal Trivulzio mentions
in particular the destruction of the Apostolic Camera,
where many volumes of registers were torn up and the
leaden seals of Bulls melted down for bullets. Clement
VII. himself mentions that all the deeds of the Secret
1 Life of Schertlin von Burtenbach, 7 ; cf. GROLIERIUS, 85.
2 See MILANESI, 487 ; VILLA, 150; SCHARDIUS, II.,6u ; DROYSEN,
Zeitgenossische Berichte, 23, 28, 29 ; SANUTO, XLVI., 137 ; GAYANGOS,
IV., i, n. 672. Cf. Mel. d'archeol., XVI., 367, where further evidence
is given; see also GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 534 seq ; JANSSEN-
PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 141 ; VALENTINELLI, Bibl., I., 94, n. 3 ; Arch. d.
Soc. Rom., XL, 691, XXIV., 399.
RAVAGES IN THE VATICAN. 415
Chancery fell into the soldi.-! .s1 hands.1 The Vatican
Library, containing the most precious collection of manu-
scripts in the world, barely escaped destruction ; this
was saved only owing to the circumstance that I'hilibert
of Orange had his headquarters in the palace ; neverthe-
less, it sustained serious losses.
Orange occupied the Papal apartments. He caused his
charger to be stabled close to him lest the animal should
be stolen ; the most beautiful chambers in the Vatican,
even the Sixtine Chapel, were turned into horse-stalls.
There is also no doubt that works of art, especially marble
statues, were destroyed or taken away. Such famous
antiques, in the Vatican, as the bronzes of the Capitol,
the masterpieces of Raphael, Michael Angelo, and other
artists of the Renaissance, luckily suffered no serious
damage. This can be quite well explained by the
fact that the soldiery only laid hands, for the most part,
on those works of art which attracted them by their
adornments of gold, silver, and precious stones. Thus
the sack caused irremediable loss among the numerous
specimens of the goldsmith's and jeweller's craft. The
gold cross of Constant! ne, the golden rose presented by
Martin V. to the Church of St. Peter, and the tiara of
Nicholas V. were stolen.2
1 " Essendo venuti in mano di questi soldati tuttc Ic scritturc," etc.,
is the expression in the Instruction for Cardinal Farnese mentioned
infra, p. 433. A great deal was afterwards restored. Volume 872, for
instance, of the Vatican Regests containing *Alex. VI., Secret, lib., VI.
The volume is torn in two, many pages are missing ; in fol. 65 is
written: Die 26 Aprili, 1532, iste liber fuit reportatus sic lacferatus]
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 For the loss incurred by art and learning, besides the references
sup™, p. 414, n. i, see also MUNTZ, < \\ the Bibl. dese'col. Fran<j.
d'Ath. et de Rome, I. (1877), 263 scq., Bibl. du Va: 1 Les Arts,
III., 233; Ardi. Stor. d'Arte, I., \7 scq.', \Vi ,252 ;
416 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
For eight days, according to the lowest reckoning, the
work of robbery and murder1 went on unchecked. An
order, issued on the third day, that plundering was to
cease, was totally disregarded. The want of discipline
among the pillaging soldiery was such that if the army
of the League had arrived suddenly, it would have
hardly met with serious resistance ; the gates of the
city were never once guarded.2 Philibert of Orange was
nominally the Commander - in - Chief; La Motte was
Governor of the city. If the latter extorted money under
threats of death,3 it can easily be supposed that his
DE Rossi in the Studi e doc., V., 357 seq. ; BARTHOLD, 458 ; HABERL,
Musikkatalog., 66 ; Rev. d. Bibl., IV., 86 ; LuziO, Maramaldo, 26 seq. ;
LANCIANI, I., 237 seq. For the removal of antiquities, see specially
GUALDERONICO, 92 ; L. Guicciardini in MILANESI, 236, and GUICCIAR-
DINI, XVIII., 6; cf. also INTRA, II Museo statuario e la bibl. di
Mantova, Mantova, 1881, and Repert. fur Kunstwissensch., XIV., 310.
The deportation of marble statues from Rome is mentioned by
Clement VII. himself in the *Brief of Dispensation for Paulus. Card.
S. Eustachii, dated December 4, 1527, Arm. 39, vol. 47, n. 867,
of the Secret Archives of the Vatican. Of importance also is a ^report
of Sigismondo Ferrarese, dated Rome, June 5, 1527, who relates that
he had himself taken some " testi di marmo " out of the Papal palace
(State Archives, Modena). For the condition of the Vatican see
especially the Ferrarese report in HORMAYR'S Archiv, 1812, 438.
For Raphael's tapestries see our information in Vol. VIII. of this
work, p. 298 ; DE WAAL, Roma Sacra, Vienna, 1906, 438.
1 SANUTO, XLV, 215, 221, 234 ; the Ferrarese report in HORMAYR'S
Archiv, 1812, 439; GUALDERONICO (92) says the confinement of the
inhabitants lasted 11 days; cf. also SANUTO, XLV., 192. Cardinal
Trivulzio says 12 days (MlLANESi, 471), GUMPPENBERG (216, 225)
13, LANCELLOTTI (III., 263), even 15. Trivulzio is in agreement with
CORNELIUS DE FINE, who *says : " duravere haec spolia et capturae
duodecim diebus sine intermissione " (National Library, Paris).
2 SANUTO, XLV., 90, 92, 122, 166.
3 Cf. supra, p. 410. For La Motte see Bull, de PAcad. de Bruxelles,
1843, X., 2, 481.
III! I ATE OF THOUSANDS. 417
subordinates would also exact ransom from their captives.
This form of torture was unending ; many must have
redeemed themselves six times over.1 The thirst for
blood had been quenched, the thirst for money remained ;
the very sewers were searched, and yet many a hidden
treasure escaped the robbers.2
While dogs were gnawing the corpses around them, the
soldiers gave themselves up to dice and wine.3 At the
Ponte Sisto, in the Borgo, and on the Campo di Fiore,
relates a Roman notary, gold - embroidered garments of
silk and satin, woollen and linen cloths, rings, pearls,
and other costly articles in a confused medley, proceeds
of the sack, were sold. German women had whole sacks
of such things, which they traded in at stiff prices; but,
once sold, all was soon stolen again. " Children and
beggars were rich ; the rich were poor." " I," says this
narrator in conclusion, " was taken prisoner together with
my wife by the Spaniards, and had to pay 100 ducats.
After losing all my property, I fled first to Tivoli and
then to Palestrina."4 The same fate befell thousands;
the unhappy victims of the sack left Rome half naked,
and sought in the surrounding districts the means where-
with to appease their hunger.5 Among them were citizens
who, a short time before, had stalled ten horses in their
stables.
Many soldiers made off with their booty at once and
went to Naples ; others soon gambled it all away, and, as
1 SANUTO, XLV., 203.
2 L. Guicciardini in MlLANESl, 233 seq. ; GROLIER1US, Si ; MORONI,
LIX., 19 ; GRISAR in the Civ. Catt., 1906, Giugno
3 J. CAVE, 404 seq.
4 GUALDERONICO, 93.
6 Cf. *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Libr
J. CAVE, 406; Vettori in MII.ANI si, 439.
VOL. IX. 27
41 8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Brandano, the prophet of Siena, now set at liberty by the
Imperialists, had once foretold, " the gains of priests, and
the plunder of war, quickly come and quickly go." With
menaces they demanded their pay. Moreover, on the
1 7th of May, some cases of plague had begun to appear.
As all provisions had been destroyed in the most wanton
manner, a food famine threatened to break out ; eatables
were worth their weight in gold ; an egg cost a giulio,
a loaf two ducats. Bloody quarrels, also, were of daily
occurrence between the Spaniards and landsknechts.1
Scattered over the whole city, the army was on the verge
of total disruption. In a case of alarm the officers had to go
from house to house and seek out their men one by one.2
All these conditions must have made Philibert heartily
anxious to come to terms of peace with the Pope. Clement
VII., who found his position in the castle of St. Angelo a
desperate one,3 had already, on the 7th of May, entered
into communication with the Imperialists. Bartolomeo
Gattinara came to the castle, where the Pope, with tears in
his eyes, told him that he flung himself on the Emperor's
magnanimity. On the 9th of May a treaty was proposed, in
accordance with which the fortress of St. Angelo, Ostia,
1 See SANUTO, XLV., 113, 133, 166, 185, 228, 235 ; F. Gonzaga in
Luzio, Maramaldo, 81 ; ALBERINI, 347 seq. ; VILLA, 138-139, 153.
2 GUICCIARDINI, XVI 1 1., 3 ; GROLIERIUS, 98, 101 seq. ; cf. SCHULZ,
109.
3 Cf. Lett, al Aretino, I., 1 1 seq. The Pope was certainly not cut off
from all communication with the outer world, but entrenchments were
begun very soon, and when finished the castle was completely invested.
Cf. the despatch of G. de' Medici, dated, " in Dyruta," May u, 1527 :
*Spagnoli hanno comenzato le trinciere intorno al Castello siche
questi signori ne fanno cattivo concepto in secreto, perche dentro del
Castello sono 3m persone (State Archives, Florence). For the state of
things in the castle cf. the letter, dated thence, May 12, in SANUTO,
XLV., 163-164.
ATTITUDE OF TIM l'"PE. 419
Civita Vecchia, Modcna, I'.irma, and 1'i.u < -n/a were to be
surrendered, 1 5o,cxx> gold scudi paid to the Imperialists,
200,000 ducats levied on the States of the Church, and the
Colonna family reinstated ; the Pope and the Cardinals
were to be conveyed to Naples.1 But the Germans now
made difficulties; they announced that they would not
leave Rome until their arrears of pay, amounting to
300,000 ducats, were paid. Gattinara was at his wits' end;
the army of the League might appear at any moment, and
the whole question would be reopened.2
On the night of the 1 2th of May two leaders of the League
party made an attempt to rescue the Pope ; this bold
enterprise was baulked only by an accident. New negotia-
tions now ensued, but Clement was, as always, undecided.
Du Bellay described the Pope's attitude in the phrase,
"To-day peace, to-morrow war ; to-day action, to-morrow
rest"3 Meanwhile, in the hard-pressed castle of St. Angelo,
the position grew more difficult day by day. The ar
of the forces of the League, with whom communication
had been opened by means of beacon signals, was hoped
for in vain.
Clement VII. would have liked best to treat with Lannoy,
who was lying in Siena; on the i8th of May he asked the
Duke of Urbino to give the Viceroy a free-conduct to
Rome.4 On the I9th, Gattinara, the Abbot of Najera, and
1 The draft of the treaty was published by HORMAYR in his Archiv,
1812, 439 seq., but without mentioning that it \\as already to be found
in GASSLER, 92 seq. C/. also SUDENDORF, Rcgistrum, III., 169.
2 See Gattinara's report (supra, p. 389, n. i) in MlLANESl, 507 seq. \ cf.
SCHULZ, 112 seq.
3 MeT d'Arche"ol., XVI., 413-
4 *Brief dated on this day in State Archives, Florence, Urb. eccl. ;
cf. SCHULZ, 1 14, 122 seq. The *Brief to Lannoy, with the request that
he should come, is likewise of the date of May 18, 1527 ; Min. brev.,
1527, 1., vol. 14, n. 52 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The "Salvus
420 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Vespasiano Colonna came again to St. Angelo, where the
Pope, after long consultation with the Cardinals, decided to
surrender. Nothing was wanting to the new terms of
capitulation, which had undergone alteration in some
particulars, save the signatures, when the news was brought
that the army of the League was drawing near. Thereupon
the French party succeeded in bringing the Pope to a
change of mind. During the night the Imperial council of
war had determined to begin the actual siege of the
castle. Entrenchments were at once thrown up, reinforce-
ments ordered from Naples, and every disposition taken to
repel any attempt at relief on the part of the Leaguers.1
The latter, with a force 15,000 strong, had at length, on the
22nd of May, reached Isola, nine miles from Rome, where
Cardinal Egidio Canisio also joined them with auxiliary
troops.2 But notwithstanding the eloquent representations
of Guicciardini and the appeals for help from St. Angelo,
the council of war decided not to make any attempt at
relief. The soldiers, many of whom had already gone over
to the enemy, were not to be trusted, and on the 2nd of
June the camp was broken up and the retreat on Viterbo
begun.3
The departure of the army of the League, without strik-
conductus" of Clement VII. for Dinteville, who was to go, in charge of
Orange, to Charles V., dated May 14, 1527, is published in Bolet. de
la Acad. de Madrid, XXXL, 81 seq.
1 See MlLANESI, 510 seq. ; SCHULZ, 115 seq. ; ROBERT, 115 seq.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XLV., 177, 219. G. M. della Porta wrote *on May 27,
1 527, from Isola to the Duchess of Urbino : "II card. Egidio e stato
hoggi qua havendo conduta una banda de fanti pagati da la Marca
pensando che si havesse d' andar a combatter et diceva voler esser
nella prima fila, ma veduto le cose pigliar altro camino se ne retira
dimani a Nepi, dove e signore 1'Unico" (State Archives, Florence.)
3 Cf. GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 552 seq ; SCHULZ, 120 seq.;
ORANO, I., 264 n. ; MARCUCCI, 179 seq. ; ROBERT, 118 seq.
CLEMENT VII. AND COLONNA. 421
ing a blow, has been branded by Ariosto in scathing
words : l
" Vedete gli omicidii e le rapine
In ogni parte far Roma dolente ;
E con incendi e stupri le divine
E le profane cose ire ugualmente.
II campo de la lega le ruine
Mira d' appresso, e '1 pianto e '1 grido sente,
E dove ir dovria inanzi, torna in dietro,
E prender lascia il successor di Pietro."
The Pope's enemies, burning for a fight,2 planted their
cannon on Monte Mario and laid mines in order that they
might, in the last extremity, blow up the Pope and all
about him.3
Such was the situation when, on the 1st of June, Schonberg
left the castle and approached the Imperialists ; at the same
time Pompeo Colonna was invited to have audience with
Clement VII. The two enemies soon stood face to face with
tears in their eyes. Colonna did all in his power to facilitate
an understanding.4 On the 5th of June an agreement was
1 Orlando Furioso, C. XXXIII., S. 55. Cj. REUMONT, Vittoria
Colonna, 90 ; where also is the fine letter in which G. Guiddiccioni
urged the Duke of Urbino to bring succour.
2 See the letter of K. Schwegler of May 27, 1527, in HORMAYR,
Archiv, 1812, 445 seq. I found a Latin translation of this letter in the
State Archives, Modena.
3 See GUMPPENBERG'S account, 217.
4 JOVIUS, Columna, 167-168; cf. TlRABOSCHl (Rom. Ausg.). IX.,
276. Clement VII. showed his gratitude by giving the Cardinal and his
family many privileges and graces. He confirmed these on December
6, 1527, in a *special deed of appointment in which he says : "Sane
cum nuper dum nos in arce s. Angeli de urbe dctineremur et tu omnia
possibilia pro liberatione nostra effecisses." On the same day he con-
ferred on Cardinal Colonna the Legation of the March of Ancona.
*Deed of appointment, dated " Romae in arce s. Angeli, 1527, VIII.,
422 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
reached ; the conditions were : the surrender of the castle,
of the strongholds of Ostia, Civita Vecchia, Civita
Castellana, as well as of the cities of Piacenza, Parma, and
Modena ; the payment of 400,000 ducats — 100,000 at once,
50,000 within twenty days ; the remainder to be collected
by means of a levy on the States of the Church. The
Pope, with the thirteen Cardinals who were with him, was
still to remain, for the time being, a prisoner in St. Angelo.
As soon as the 100,000 ducats were paid, the surrender of
the strong places carried out, and plenipotentiaries appointed
for the surrender of the cities, he would be allowed to with-
draw to Naples. As security for the money payments, the
following were made hostages : Giovanni Maria del Monte,
Archbishop of Manfredonia, Onofrio Bartolini, Archbishop
of Pisa, Antonio Pucci, Bishop of Pistoja, Giberti, Jacopo
Salviati, the father of the Cardinal, Lorenzo Ridolfi, and
Simone Ricasoli. Further, the Pope was to restore to the
Colonna all their possessions, to reinstate Cardinal Pompeo
in all his dignities, and to remove all censures from the
Imperialists.1
On the 7th of June the Papal garrison left the castle
of St. Angelo, whereupon four companies of Spanish
and German troops marched in.2 The Pope was entrusted
Id. Decemb." A. 5°, Regest, 1297, f. 125 and 172 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican). The deed reinstating Pompeo in the Cardinalatp I have
sought for in vain in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.
1 GROLIERIUS, 167-178; BUCHOLTZ, III., 609-613 ; SANUTO, XLV.,
245-249 (with incorrect date) ; cf. ORANO, I., 313, n. The removal of
censures from the Prince of Orange took place on June 8 ; see FONTANA,
Renata, I., 427 seq. When the Prince was wounded, Clement VII.,
on June 2, had permitted him to see a confessor; see ROBERT, 119,
and Lett, et doc., 82 seq.
" Li Spagnoli stavano alto al loco chiamato el Maschiq alaguardia
et il lanzichenecchi abasso " ; see the account in Arch. stor. Lombard.,
IV., 635 ; cf. Giovio, Descrizione, 17-18.
ri.K.IIT o| Tin. !•, 423
to the custody of Alarcon, who had once been also the
jailer of Francis I. Among the Germans who occupied
St. Angelo was Schertlin von Burtcnbach, who describes
with ruthless brutality the sad plight in which he found
the Pope and Cardinals "in a narrow chamber." "They
were making a great lamentation and weeping bitterly ; as
for us, we all became rich."1
1 Life of Schertlin von Burtenbach, 7 ; cf. also SCHULTE, I., 237.
The Spaniard Salazar reported on June u, 1527, to C.attinara that he
was so moved to compassion on seeing the Pope and Cardinals, that he
could not restrain his tears, adding that, " even if we are forced to say
that they have brought this misfortune on themselves, it is still heart-
rending to see the chief ruler of the Christian Church in such distress
and humiliation." GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 87. On June 11, Clement VII.
begged the Archduke Ferdinand to use his influence Tvith the Emperor
and the army to bring these calamities to an end. The bearer of the
letter, P. Salamanca, would enter into details. *Original in the Secret
Court and State Archives, Vienna.
CHAPTER XL
THE ANARCHIC CONDITION OF THE PAPAL STATES. — THE EFFORTS
OF HENRY VIII. AND FRANCIS I. TO DELIVER THE POPE. —
THE ATTITUDE OF CHARLES V. — THE FLIGHT OF CLEMENT
VII. TO ORVIETO.
" THE Pope," wrote Guicciardini on the 2ist of June 1527,
" is treated as an actual prisoner. Only with the greatest
difficulty can entrance into the castle or egress from it be
obtained, so that it is almost impossible to have speech
with him. They have not left him ten scudi worth of
property. He is beset daily with fresh demands, and not
the slightest attention is shown to his wishes regarding
those of his servants who remain in the city." l
There was no limit to the rapacity of the Imperialists.
A Ferrarese agent reports that Bartolomeo Gattinara went
the length of taking from the Pope's finger a diamond
ring worth 150,000 ducats and of forcing him to sign a
paper containing a promise of the Cardinalate.2 Clement
himself told Roberto Boschetti that "the Spaniards had
robbed him before his eyes of the chalice he used at
1 GUICCIARDINI, Op. ined., IX., n. 28. Cf. SANUTO, XLV, 415;
Giovio, Descrizione, 18, and a German ^account of June 5, 1527, in the
Reichstagsakten, XLIIL, f. 23 (City Archives, Frankfurt a. M.). See
also LANCIANI, I., 243 seq.
2 Lannoy compelled Gattinara to return the ring and the deed.
*Report of Lod. Cati to the Duke of Ferrara, of August 6, 1527 (State
Archives, Modena) ; cf. BALAN, Storia, VI., 132.
424
ANARCHY IN STATES 01 THE CHI 425
Mass." l Clement could only regain his freedom by consent-
ing to the hard conditions of the treaty. Hut in respect of
these very conditions the most serious difficulties at once
arose. In the first place, the Spaniards only held Ostia. In
the upper parts of the Papal States not the slightest concern
was shown for the commands of the captive Pope. Civita
Castellana was held by the troops of the League ; Andrea
Doria held Civita Vecchia and refused to surrender the
town until the 14,000 ducats he was called upon to raise
were paid. Parma and Piacenza refused flatly to open
their gates to the Imperial plenipotentiaries, and by the
beginning of June Modena was in the hands of the Duke of
Ferrara.2 The Venetians, "the allied associates" of the
unfortunate Pope, in their desire to acquire territory, had
taken advantage of the situation tp lay hands on Ravenna and
Cervia. Sigismondo Malatesta, favoured by Duke Alfonso,
had made himself master of Rimini, while Imola had fallen
to the lot of Giovanni da Sassatello, and Perugia to the sons
of Giampaolo Baglioni.3 Not less painful to Clement than
these losses in the States was the rebellion of his native
Florence.
Drawn into the anti-Imperial alliance by the Pope, the
Florentines had had to make the heaviest pecuniary
sacrifices. Cardinal Silvio Passerini, who had resided in
Florence since 1524, a man as inconsiderate as he
1 See Boschetti's remarkable report in BALAN, Boschetti, Appendix,
p. 42.
- This important town was so badly protected that Canossa feared
that it would fall as soon as Alfonso's advance was reported. *Canossa
to Francis I., June 3, 1527 (Communal Library, Verona).
3 Cf. BALAN, Clemen te VII., 68 seqq., 76, 78, and SALVIOU, XVI I.,
29 seqq. Clement's *order to Barth. Ferrantinus (Galliae nostrae
cispad. vicelegat.), dated June 6, 1527, to hand over Piacenza to A. de
Leyva, in Min. brev., 15.27, III., vol. 14, n. 98 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
426 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
selfish and avaricious, was not fitted to quell the rising
discontent. His hardness and lack of understanding em-
bittered the spirits of all.1 To the news of the storming
of Rome the Florentines replied by an insurrection against
Medicean rule, and on the i/th of May Cardinal Passerini
was obliged to leave the city, taking with him his wards,
Ippolito and Alessandro,2 the cousins of Clement VII.
This was followed by the restoration of the republican
government as it existed prior to 1512. Niccolo Capponi
was chosen Gonfaloniere. He repressed the more serious
forms of disorder, but was unable to prevent the Florentine
youth, whose heads were turned by their newly acquired
freedom, from destroying all the armorial escutcheons of
the Medici and even the wax effigies of Leo X. and
Clement VII. in the Church of the Annunziata.3
At "this time Bologna also was very nearly lost to the
Pope.4 The situation grew worse from day to day. The
provinces, in Guicciardini's opinion, were virtually without
government. " Our distress," wrote Giberti to Gambara on
the 27th of June, "passes all imagination."5 Nowhere was
this more felt than at Rome.
The outlook in the Eternal City, a month after the sack,
is described by a Spaniard in the following words : —
1 WALTZ in the Histor. Zeitschrift, LXXIL, 210. Here it is shown
conclusively, as against Ranke, that Guicciardini gave his assistance
loyally towards the suppression of the first Florentine revolt of April
26, 1527.
2 Ippolito was a son of Giuliano ; Alessandro was a putative son of
Lorenzo. Cf. supra, p. 248, n. i .
3 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 3 ; PERRENS, III., i&seqq.
4 C/: GUICCIARDINI, XVII I., 4.
5 "Le calamita et miserie nostre superano tutto quello che altri si
possi imaginare." *Giberti to Gambara, dated " Castel S. Agnolo," June
27, 1 527 (Casale was charged with this pressing effort to obtain help),
Ricci Archives, Rome.
ROME AFTER THE SA< 429
on everything they find. No one can imagine the cruelties
that arc committed every day. Without respect of rank,
age, and nationality, people are ill-used, tortured, and slain
daily. If a man cannot pay he is sold — be he an Italian
or a German — in open market as a slave, and if he does
not fetch a purchaser, they cast dice for him. The soldiers
are absolute masters of the city. They obey no man." l
The landsknechts suffered most in consequence of their
mad manner of living. " Many of our men die here of
plague," wrote Kaspar Schwegler on the nth of June.
" Many drink heavily, become delirious, and so die ; the
wine here is very strong."2
The warm season of the year and the effluvia from
the many bodies of men and animals, to which the
hastiest burial had been given, turned Rome into a
" stinking slaughter-pit." By the 22nd of July two
thousand five hundred Germans had died of the plague,
and the streets were covered with dead and dying.3 The
pestilence made its way into the castle of St. Angelo and
exacted fresh victims among the servants of the Pope.4
Clement, in the meantime, was making strenuous efforts
to collect the promised sums of money with which to
recover his freedom. The Papal tiaras — only that of
Julius II. was spared, — after their precious jewels had been
1 GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 87.
2 Letter of K. Schwegler, he. cit.
3 See the reports in BUCHOLTZ, III., 78, and SANUTO, XLV., 434,
464, 504; XLVII., 132. Cf. also the account in Histor. Jahrbuch,
XII., 752; GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 93; Bolet dc la Acad. de Madrid,
XXXIX., 85, and ORANO, I., 253 jey., note.
4 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 4 : S \\iTO, XLV., 505. The foul drinking
water certainly conduced to an outbreak of plague. The soldiery had
destroyed the aqueducts systematically. Cf. Repertorium f. Kunst-
wissensch., XIV., 132. Inscriptions on the graves of Spaniards who
died in 1527 in FORCELLA, III., 295 stg.
430 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
taken out and concealed, had already been melted down
by Benvenuto Cellini in a wind furnace hastily constructed
on the top of the castle near the statue of the angel. Now
all the rest of the gold and silver plate, even chalices and
images of the saints, found its way into the melting-pot.1
In this way 70,000 ducats were forthcoming in the second
half of June. But the troops, now completely out of hand,
demanded with menaces further sums. To obtain them,
Clement, on the 3rd of July 1527, turned to all the Bishops
of the kingdom of Naples with prayers for help. He
bitterly bewailed his necessities. He was bound by the
treaty to pay 400,000 ducats, but since the assets in gold
and metals in St. Angelo could only produce 80,000, he
was compelled to appeal to the benevolence of others.2
Meanwhile no time was left to await the success of these
requests. On the 6th of July Clement was forced, under
extremely burdensome conditions, to borrow from the
Genoese banker Ansaldo Grimaldi and the Catalonian
merchant Michael Girolamo Sanchez. The loan amounted
to 195,000 gold scudi. It was characteristic of the Pope's
position that the lenders at once deducted from this
sum the enormous accommodation charge of 45,000 scudi.
Clement had, besides this, to pledge as securities the town
of Benevento, the quit-rents and the church tithes of the
kingdom of Naples, as well as valuables worth 30,000
1 CELLINI, I., 7 ; SANUTO, XLVI., 135 ; LANCELLOTTI, III., 270 ;
MUNTZ, Hist., III., 232 ; MUNTZ, Tiare, 77. For the compulsory
coinage minted during the period of the "sacco" cf. SCHULTE, I.,
212 seq., 220 seq.
2 Min. brev., 1527, I., vol. 14, n. 120; cf. Arm., 39, vol. 47, n. 114
(Forma XXX. brevium ad episc. regni Neapolit.). See ibid, the *full
powers, dated June 5, 1527, granted to "Jo. Cusent. regis Neapclit.
capcll. majori et Nicol. Capuan. prael. dom. archiepisc.," to sell the
town of Benevento, as money had to be raised by all possible means
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
ROME AFTER TIIK SACK. 431
scudi.1 To pay still further sums immediately was, in
spite of the Pope's good-will,- impossible, which drew from
the landsknechts fearful threats.
Meanwhile hunger and pestilence had reached such a
pitch in Rome that the city became uninhabitable.
Those who could not fight for their daily bread at the
point of the sword had to die of hunger. Men dropped
down dead in the street like flies. A Venetian report
put the cases of death on several days at five hundred,
on others at seven hundred, and even, in some instances,
at a thousand. The burial of the dead could not be
thought of.3
Under such circumstances the Spanish and Italian troops
left the city about the middle of June and made for the
more distant neighbourhood. The landsknechts remained
and threatened to murder all their officers and reduce
Rome to ashes.4 Orange and Bemelberg were in a very
difficult position, but at last, on the loth of July, they
succeeded in inducing their utterly disorganized troops
to cross to the further side of the Tiber and there
encamp on ground free from plague and wait for the
1 CORVISIERI, Documenti, 9-19, gives the text of the Act For the
collection of tithes in Naples see M i >ie Nuntiatur von Neapel
in Histor. Jahrbuch, XIV., 73 seq., of which, however, GALEOTA, Dei
Nunzii apost. di Napoli, 23 seg., has not made use ; the Nuntiature of
Fabio Arcella is here treated of in special detail.
- Cf. the *full powers given by Clement VII. to Martinus a Portu-
gallia to levy money on the Portuguese clergy for support of ihe Pope ;
the Archbishops and Bishops to contribute two whole tenths, and the
other clergy according to t! '>ility and the assessment of
Martinus. 1). Romac in arce, 1527, IV.. Id. Julii (=12 July) A° 4°.
Regest., 1437, f. 387-389 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See the graphic description in SANUTO, XL VI., 141, and in
GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 109.
4 Naselli in BALAN, Mon. sacc.. XVI., 441-442.
432 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope's remittances. Only the garrison of St. Angelo
remained in Rome.1
Orange, with a hundred and fifty horsemen, went to Siena.
Bemelberg and Schertlin von Burtenbach, with the lands-
knechts, marched on Umbria. The generals were quite
powerless to cope with their tumultuous soldiery ; by the
time they reached Orte there was mutiny in the distrustful
ranks and the general's tent was destroyed. It was only
upon the threat of laying down his command that Bemel-
berg brought the mutineers to their senses.2 The inhabit-
ants of the small town of Narni refused to admit the wild
horde and made a desperate resistance. They were cruelly
chastised ( 1 7th July). "With two thousand landsknechts
we made the assault without firing a shot, took the town
and castle by God's grace, and then put upwards of one
thousand persons to death; women and men,"3
Besides the General of the Franciscans, Francesco
Quinones,4 who had been appointed previous to the great
catastrophe, the Pope, under the pressure of his intolerable
situation, had, by the middle of May,5 matured his plan of
sending Cardinal Farnese to Charles V., in company with
the Portuguese envoy, Don Martin, in order to urge on his
1 The *safe- conduct for the departing Imperialists is dated
July 8, 1527, Arm., 39, vol. 47, n. 140 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican). For Bemelberg cf. the monograph of SOLGER, Nord-
lingen, 1870.
2 BARTHOLD, Frundsberg, 477 ; ROBERT, 129.
3 SCHERTLINS, Leben, 5 ; ALBERINI, 355 ; EROLI, II Sacco de'
Borboni, in the Miscell. stor. Narn., I., Narni, 1858, 16 seq. ; BALAN,
Storia, VI., 140. See in Appendix, No. 51, the "Brief of July 23, 1527
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 Cf. WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 240 seqq., and SANUTO, XLV., 503.
6 Cf. the*Brief for " August. Card. Perusin (Trivulzio)," dated May 20,
1527. Min. brev., 1527, I., vol. 14, n. 53 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
INSTRUCTIONS TO FARNF> 433
HU -ration.1 Farnese received comprehensive instructions
drawn up in justification2 of the Papal policy towards
Charles. After hearing, on the 24th of June, of the birth
of Prince Philip, afterwards King, Clement wrote a letter
of congratulation to the Emperor ; he did not omit to
1 On June 20 Clement VII. announced the mission of Farnese to
the Perugians (see the Brief in Cod. Vat, 7955, Vatican Library) ; cf.
GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 93, 94 ; GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 564. On
June 26 Clement VII. addressed a *Brief to Quinones in which he
asked the latter to intercede with Charles V., and informed him of
Farnese's mission. " Hortamur te, fili in Deo, ut fidem ei plenam in
omnibus habere tuaque opera et consilio assistere et ubicumque poteris
adesse .... velis." Min. brev., 1527, I., vol. 14, n. 106. In order
to produce a favourable impression on the King of Portugal,
the right was conceded to him of nomination to the abbacies of that
kingdom, on June 23, 1527; Corp. dipl. Port., II., 284 scq. For the
reward given to Dom Martin, whose mission is referred to in the Brief
to Charles V. in Archiv fiir Ref.-Gesch., II., 284 seq., see, besides
SANUTO, XLV., 414, also the *letter of Canossa of June 30 to Francis I.
(Communal Library, Verona).
2 The " Instrutione al card, di Farnese," on account of the many
important political data contained in them, were repeatedly copied
before the end of the sixteenth century. This is shown by the
numerous transcripts in Italian libraries. Besides the MS. in the
Corsini Library made use of by Ranke may be mentioned : Y
Library, Cod. Ottob., 2510 and 2514, Urb., 865, Vat., 8335 ; CAPPONI,
148, II. ; National Library, Florence, Cod. Magliabech. and Capponi.
1254; Court Library, Vienna, Cod., 6621, pp. 47-77 seq. ; E-
Library and Secret Archives of the Vatican, Var. 1'olit., X., 313 Sfy.
PALLAVICINI, II., 13, first made use of a MS. in the Borghese Library ;
RANKE printed it in the first edition of his History of the Popes (III.,
Appendix, No. 15, p. 241 scq., of the first edition), but afterwards
omitted it, while \\"r.is<. Pap. dr C.ranvcllc, I., 280-310, published it
Ranke supposed that the first part, in which the Pope is spoken of in
the third person, was composed by Gibcrti or some other confui
servant of Clement ; the second, beginning with the words " Per non
intrare in le cause," and so forth, by the Pope himself. The co
Weiss is, moreover, very faulty.
VOL. IX. 28
434 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
include some references to his distress, and besought
Charles to show his gratitude to God by giving freedom
to the Vicar of Christ.1
The mission of Farnese was displeasing to the Emperor's
commanders ; they would have liked better that Schon-
berg and Moncada should have gone to Spain. But
Clement had not sufficient confidence in Schonberg, whose
devotion to Charles was notorious, to entrust him with
such a charge;2 therefore, on the I ith and I2th of July, the
letters of safe-conduct were prepared for Don Martin and
Cardinal Farnese.3 The Cardinal started on his journey
but remained in upper Italy.4 Cardinal Salviati also, who
was still resident in France, made pretexts for evading the
embassy to the Emperor for which the Pope had intended
him, and threw the burden on Giacopo Girolami.5 His in-
structions for the latter, dated the loth of July 1527, are pre-
served in the Papal secret archives, but they do not exactly
giveevidenceof Salviati's diplomatic talent. In reading them
it is especially strange to note how, among other things,
the Cardinal is at pains to show that Clement and Charles
had never really been enemies, but rather had worked re-
ciprocally for each other's interests. Among the negative
services for which Salviati, quite seriously, gave his master
credit, is the fact that Clement had never done the Emperor
all the harm which it was in his power to do. In conclusion,
1 BUCHOLTZ, in., 80-8 1.
2 DESJARDINS, II., 974.
3 The safe-conduct for Dom Martin of July n, in VILLA, 247 and
249, that of the 1 2th for Farnese in Min. brev., 1527, III., vol. 17, n.
230 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). To this period also belongs the
* Brief to the King of Portugal in Corp. dipl. Port., II., 298 seq.
4 See PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 74 ; cf. SANUTO, XLVI., 231.
{'firolami started for Spain on July 11 ; see DESJARDINS, II., 974.
HERGENROTHER, Konziliengesch., IX., 539, is wrong in supposing that
Salviati went also.
IIKNRY VIII. AND Til! IOPE. 435
Salviati appealed to the magnanimity of Charles, and
pointed out to him that the liberation of the Pope would
be to his own advantage, since thereby the Imperial army
in Rome would be set free and be able to oppose th»-
French forces then advancing into Lombardy.1
Francis I. was not the only sovereign then threatening
Charles V. Henry VIII. also seemed determined to do
all that was possible to restore Clement to freedom. The
alliance between the French and English sovereigns, which
had already found expression in the treaty of Westminster*
concluded in April 1527, had become still closer under the
pressure of events in Italy. The English King promised, on
the 29th of May, to pay a monthly subsidy of 32,000 crowns
to the French army, and gave Cardinal Wolsey full powers
to treat with Francis regarding the further steps to be
taken towards the Pope's release. " The affairs of the
Holy See," Henry declared, " are the common concern of
all princes. The unheard-of outrages that See has under-
gone must be avenged." 3
Henry's concern for the Holy See was in no way
interested; for he was afraid that the Pope's captivity
might impede his contemplated divorce from Catherine of
Aragon, the Emperor's aunt. Wolsey also had his
objects to serve in intervening in favour of the Pope. On
the 3rd of July he left London with a ^rcat retinue on his
journey to France.4 In Canterbury he celebrated Mass at
the altar of St. Thomas, the martyr of ecclesiastical
freedom, and published, as Papal Legate and representative
of the King, an edict ordr is and processions during
1 *Nunziaturadi Fran, in I., f. 14-19 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. BOURRll.i.Y DI V >«ss. cle Jean du Bclla>. XII.
3 RYMI.K, I oedera VI., II., 80; cf. ClACONiUS, III., 467 sty., and
BOURRILLY DI: V.\i— n KI , '4 . //., XIII.
4 SANUTO, XLV., 553.
436 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Pope's captivity. A copy of this ordinance was sent
to Salviati for promulgation in France, and the same was
done in Venice. It was hoped that this course of action
would make a great impression even in Spain, and that in
this way the Emperor, under the pressure of a popular
movement, would set the chief ruler of the Church at
liberty.1
Wolsey was welcomed at Calais by Cardinal Jean
de Lorraine, who conducted him to Amiens to meet
Francis I. The interview between the French King and
the English Cardinal took place in that city on the 4th of
August, with exceptional marks of respect on the part of
Francis.2 This meeting was looked forward to all the
more hopefully because Francis, who hitherto, in spite of
all warnings,3 had maintained his light-hearted indifference,
had, after the sack of Rome, appeared to have become
a changed man. At the first moment the King had
been completely dazed ; afterwards he determined to act.
His chief inducement, however, was certainly less the
liberation of the Head of the Church, than his alarm at the
supremacy of the Emperor and his hope of recovering his
sons, still kept as hostages. Steps were taken, on a large
1 Cf. the ** letter which one of Wolsey's suite addressed from Calais,
on July 1 6, 1527,10 the Cardinals Cibo, Passerini, and Ridolfi (Ricci
Archives, Rome).
2 SANUTO, XLV., 632 seg.t XLVL, 34 ; DECRUE, Anne de Mont-
morency, 94; CAVENDISH, Wolsey, 86-103. Cf. also Cardinal
Salviati's *letter, dated Amiens, August 16, 1527; Nunziatura di
Francia I., f. 34 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Canossa, as early as November 28, 1526, had expressed his fear
that the Imperialists would march straight on Rome in a * letter
addressed directly to Francis I. On January 9, 1527, he wrote with
reference to Lannoy's enormous demands : " If your Majesty does not
help the Pope he must either fly from Rome or go into captivity."
*Copies of these letters are in the Communal Library, Verona.
MISSION OF \V< 437
scale, to recruit the army. Orders were issued to the
French fleet in the Mediterranean to prevent, in <
way, the removal of the Pope to Spain, and Andrea Doria
was taken into the French service, in command of eight
galleys. Lautrec was given full powers to carry on the
war in Italy; he had already, on the 3Oth of June, left
the French Court in order to join the army then assembling
in the neighbourhood of Asti.1 " After all," wrote Salviati
to Castiglione, who was living as Nuncio at the Court of
Charles V., " this victory, or rather this massacre of Rome,
has not been of much use to the Emperor. On the con-
trary, it has roused the princes to greater activity, and,"
he adds in a tone of vexation, " for all this poor Italy
must pay the bill."2
At Amiens Wolsey discussed matters thoroughly with
Francis I., Salviati, the English nuncio Gambara, and the
Florentine envoy Acciaiuoli. "Although," remarked
the latter, " the Cardinal displays publicly a somewhat
exaggerated and ostentatious pomp and state, yet his talk,
bearing, and manner of transacting affairs show a truly
large and enterprising mind. He is a man of attractive
character, full of noble and lofty thoughts. I do not
remember since the days of Alexander VI. to have seen
anyone who filled his position so majestically ; but, in con-
trast to that Pope, it must be stated that the Cardinal's
life is without blame."3
1 Cf. DESJ A R DINS, II., 950 seqq., 955 scq^ 965, 974 Anne
de Montmorency, 91-92. Cardinal Salviati *reported on the French
military preparations and La UK * s departure, to Jacopo Salviati on
June 17, 1527, and to Castiglione on July ira di
Francia I., f. 6-7 and 9 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 ^Cardinal Salviati to the nuncio at the Imperial Court, June -1-
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). See Appendix, No. 49,
3 DESJARDINS, II., 981-982. For the majestic bearing of Alexander
VI. sec our remarks, Vol. V. of this work, p. 387 stq.
438 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Wolsey explained the aim of his mission to be the
liberation of the Pope, the maintenance of the Italian
States in their independence and integrity, and the over-
throw of the Emperor's supremacy. He brought with him
300,000 scudi for the war and made extensive proposals in
regard to it.1 Casale was to go into Italy to watch care-
fully that the monthly subsidies promised by Henry VIII.
were applied to the right uses, and that Vaudemont, with
ten thousand landsknechts, took part in the campaign.
From Francis I. Wolsey obtained a promise that he would
make no treaty for the surrender of his sons so long as
the Pope remained a prisoner. On the i8th of August was
concluded the alliance between France and England which
was to wring by force from the Emperor the liberation
of Clement VII. In this treaty of Amiens the allied
sovereigns bound themselves to refuse their assent to any
summons of a council as long as the Pope was not free,
and to offer a common resistance to any attempt to make
the Papal power subservient to the advantage and interest
of Charles.2
While he was still at Amiens, Francis I. issued strict
orders that no Frenchman should proceed to Rome on
business relating to Church benefices, and that no money
from France should be sent there before the Pope recovered
his entire freedom.3 Wolsey made one more special
proposal : that all the Cardinals who were at liberty
should assemble at Avignon and, while the Pope's
1 Cf. UESJARDINS, II., 983 seqq., 985 seqq.
2 DUMONT, IV., i., 494-495.
3 See Mel. d'Archeol., XVI., 416, note 2 ; cf. Cat. des actes de
Francois I., I., 517, VI., 83. The Archbishop of Cologne, Hermann
von Wied, took advantage of the Pope's imprisonment to appoint to
benefices fallen vacant during the months assigned to Papal patronage ;
see VARRENTRAPP, Hermann von Wied, Leipzig, 1878, vp seq.
INTI.N 1 I- iNfl <)| Wnl.M V.
captivity lasted, assume the reins of government. "The
assembly of the Cardinals," such was the opinion of
Acciaiuoli, "had two aims in view. On the one hand, the
Emperor would be brought to see that if he transported
the Pope to Spain or Naples, or kept him a prisoner, the
government of the Church and the ordering of ecclesia
affairs in France and England would be cared for by the
Cardinals ; on the other hand, in the eventuality of
Clement's death, the Cardinals who were in the Emperor's
power would be prevented from electing a new Pope, since,
in such a case, France and England would set up an
antipope." l Clearly, it would be proved to the Emperor
that, although he held the Pope, he did not hold the
Church in his grasp, and that Clement as a prisoner was
a useless prize.
" Wolsey," declared one of his confidential servants to
Cardinals Cibo, Passerini, and Ridolfi, "is acting more
in the interests of the Church and Italy than of his
King, for he is mindful of his dignity arid his obliga-
tions to the Holy See and the house of Medici."- As
a matter of fact the intentions of the English Cardinal
were not so disinterested. This did not escape even
Cardinal Salviati ; in the official correspondence, in
which he invited Cardinals Cibo, Passerini, Ridolfi, Kgidio
Canisio, Trivulzio, Numai, and Cupis to assemble at
Avignon, he only set forth in general terms the ad-
vantages of such a plan.3 But in his confidential
letters to Castiglione and Guicciardini he did not hold
back his real opinion : " The pretext is not a bad one,
but the thing itself I dislike. I fear a schism or some
1 DKSJARDINS, II., 984.
2 **Letter, da >, Rome).
3 All these *letters 1 August 6, 1527; Nuniiat. tli Franc ia
I., f. 22-26 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
440 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
other incurable misfortune." l " Wolsey, during the Pope's
captivity, might become his substitute for the whole of
Christendom, or at least for England and France."2 This
shows that the English schism was already casting its
shadow before. The ambitious Cardinal aimed at nothing
less than becoming, at least for England, the acting Pope ;
as such he would gratify the will of his monarch by
declaring his marriage invalid.
Wolsey's well-known ambition gave rise in many minds
to the worst suspicions. Sanchez thought that Wolsey
was certainly aiming at the tiara, in the event of Clement's
death.3 Canossa expressed his serious doubts to Francis I.
whether the assemblage at Avignon was for the good of
France, as a schism might easily spring from it ; Wolsey
sought the Papacy, and if the King were unfavourable to
this scheme, he would incur his enmity ; if the scheme
succeeded there would be a Pope far more ill-disposed than
Clement.4
Wolsey's ambitious designs encountered at once the
greatest obstacles. Although the Kings of England and
France sent most pressing solicitations to the Italian
Cardinals to meet Wolsey, and promised them every
conceivable security and even compensation for their
travelling expenses,5 yet they were opposed to meeting in
"^Cardinal Salviati to B. Castiglione, August 14, 1527 ; Nunziat. di
Francia I., f. 32 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cardinal Salviati to Guicciardini, September 14, 1527, in EHSES,
Dokumente, 249.
3 GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 196.
4 **Canossa to Francis I., dated Venice, August 26, 1527. Canossa,
in a *letter to Francis I. of August 9, 1527, had already spoken of
Wolsey's efforts to obtain the Papacy (Communal Library, Verona).
5 Lettere di principi, 1 1., 232^^.; EHSES, Dokumente, iseq.^seq.\
DESJARDINS, II., 984. Canossa conveyed the letter of Francis I. to
the Cardinals at liberty ; see his *letter to the King, dated Venice,
WOLSKY'S AMHITIO 4.11
I'Yancc. The Cardinals who were at large had first
assembled in Piaccn/a, and determined on a congress
at Bologna, Ancona, or Parma to discuss measures for
the Pope's liberation. On the loth of August Cardinal
Cibo informed Henry VIII. of this determination; in the
beginning of September the free Italian Cardinals met at
Parma.1 Clement VII. exhorted them to be firm in their
opposition to the removal of the conference to Francr
warned them, at the same time, to go to work with
caution.2
Wolsey in the meantime had carried his plans yet further.
He was, indeed, so incapable of putting a check on his
ambition that he had already usurped the coveted functions
of a Papal Vicar-General before they had been conferred
upon him. Together with Cardinals Hourbon and de
Lorraine and the Papal Legate Salviati he came to
Compiegne and did not hesitate at once to assume
Papal privileges, since, in spite of Salviati's remonstrances,
he handed the insignia of the Cardinalate3 to the Chancellor
Du Prat, who had been nominated in a Consistory held
before the sack of Rome. Thus he had at his disposal
August 26, 1527. On August 30 Canossa told the King that the
English envoy, Casale, had gone to Padua in order to get the consent
of Cardinal Egidio Canisio to the assembly at Avignon ; Casale was
to approach the Cardinals at Mantua with the sunn- ol.jot. *Both
letters are in the Communal Library at \ For Casale's journey
to Mantua see also GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 196.
1 Cf. Arch. d. Soc. Rom., VI., 408 seqq. ; STAFFETTI, Card. Cybo,
78 seqq. Gattinara called on the Emperor to protest against the
assembly of the Cardinals in Parma and to oppose to them, with the
help of Colonna, a counter-assembly of Cardinals ; BUCHOLTZ,
1 1 1., 96.
2 Cf. the interesting notice in SANUTO (XLVI., 208) on the mission
of the Augustinian, Felice.
3 EHSES, Dokumentc, 251.
442 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
four of the Sacred College, in whose name he addressed,
on the 1 6th of September 1527, a protest to the Pope,
which was at once entrusted for delivery to the Proto-
notary Uberto Gambara.1 This document set forth, in
language full of unction, that the signatories, following
the example of the first Christians during the imprison-
ment of St. Peter, had assembled themselves in the
power of the Holy Ghost at Compiegne in order to
take preventive measures against the manifold evils
which might accrue from the bondage of the head
of the Church. Since the Emperor held the Pope in
his power and every man was mortal, they were bound
to make solemn protest against any alienation of the
Church's rights or property, and against any nomination
to the College of Cardinals during the captivity of
Clement VII. They declared further that, in the event
of the Pope's death, they would, without regard for the
Cardinals now in imprisonment or for any new Cardinals
appointed by the Pope while deprived of freedom, repair
to some safe place to choose his successor, and would
refuse obedience to any Pope who might be elected during
the present captivity. In conclusion, Clement VII. was
called upon to delegate his authority during his imprison-
ment in order that the free government of the Church
might be firmly maintained.2
It must be matter for surprise that Salviati should have
1 Cf. PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 83, note 4, as well as EHSES, Die Papstl.
Dekretale, 222 seq., and Dokumente, 249. See also SANUTO, XLVI.,
171.
2 This important document was published first by GROLIERIUS, 156
seqq., and then by LE GRAND, Divorce, III., 4-13. EHSES (Dokumente,
7) gives emendations of this version from the original in the Secret
Archives of the Vatican. Le Grand certainly made use of the copy in
the National Library, Paris, MS. de Brienne, V., n. i.
SALVIATI AND WOLSEY. 443
consented to sign this protest of a minority of the frrc
Cardinals suggesting to the Pope a temporary abdication
and containing within it the ^crm of schism. On the 28th
of September he wrote to Gambara asking him to make
excuses on his behalf to Clement VII. for his participation
in Wolsey's action. All had arisen only from his good
intention of compassing, as soon as possible, the liberation
of the Pope ; if he had refused his signature, great ill-feeling
would have been caused and Wolsey's zeal for the Pope's
deliverance would probably have been chilled or altogether
extinguished.1 A private letter addressed to Castiglione
on the 1 8th of September shows how little Salviati was
deceived by Wolsey's schemes. In this he describes the
protest of the i6th as a dangerous move preliminary to
enfranchisement from obedience to the Church ; he had
concurred only to avoid greater evils and to gain time. If
he had opposed, then undoubtedly an English and French
Patriarchate with Papal authority would have been set
up, and thereby, perhaps, the unity of the Church for
ever rent asunder. His action had at least averted this.
Before the Pope's answer arrived, a long time would elapse,
during which Clement might be set at liberty. " By this,
you see," Salviati continues, " I was compelled to agree in
order to prevent a much greater evil. You know Wolsey's
ambition and the bold assurance with which he asks
Clement to appoint him his vicegerent. The French
agree because he is useful to them. If the Pope refuses,
Wolsey will find means to attain his object through his
Bishops, a step bound to bring after it the greatest con-
ceivable confusion in the Church. But I have hopes that
in the meantime Quifiones will have returned to Rome and
1 *Cardinal Salviati to Gambara, dated Compcndii, September 28,
1527; Nun/iatura di Francia I., f. 62-65 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
444 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Clement been set free. This is the only cure for all
these evils." l
At that moment, then, all the efforts2 of Castiglione,
Salviati, and the other Papal diplomatists were directed to
securing the Pope's freedom. What was the attitude of the
Emperor towards this question ?
Charles V. first received news of the capture of Rome in
the latter half of the month of June.3 His joy at this
great and unexpected success must have been lessened by
the accounts, at first inexact, of the unbridled excesses of
the troops. The unheard-of ferocity with which the
soldiery had laid waste the city was antagonistic to his
interests, since it covered his name with shame and reproach.
He certainly had wished to punish the Pope and to render
his enmity innocuous ; but destruction such as that wreaked
by his army on the time-honoured capital of Christendom
he had not intended. He therefore, in the beginning of
August, protested to the Christian princes against the
1 EHSES, Dokumente, 250-251. The assembly at Avignon did not
take place ; even the French Cardinal Castelnau de Clermont declared
himself against it ; see SANUTO, XLVI., 451.
2 For Castiglione's efforts see SERASSI, II., 149 seqq.; for Salviati
see supra, p. 434, and Guicciardini's **letter to Gambara, dated July 15,
1527, Florence (Ricci Archives, Rome), as well as the ^letters of Salviati
to Castiglione, dated October 8, November 6, 19, December 8, 1527,
to Girol. Ghinucci, November 19, 1527, and to Cardinal Ridolfi, dated
December 8 and 21, 1527. Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 65 seqq., 76 seqq.,
92 seqq., 96 seqq., 99 seqq., 107 seqq., 122 seqq. (Secret Archives of the
Vatican). Cardinal Cupis, in a letter to Clement VII., dated Venice,
October 29, 1 527, gives an account of his exertions to obtain the Pope's
freedom in Venice and France. Lettere di principi, IV., 218, 222;
cf. ibid., 178, 187, the recognition of these exertions in *a letter from
Francis I. to Clement VII., dated St-Germain, February 4, 1528
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Cf. SCHULZ, Sacco, 131, 143. See also BUCHOLTZ, III., 97;
GASSLER, 121 seq. ; and HORMAYR, Archiv, 1812, 380.
CHARLES V. AFT IK THE SACK. 445
burden of responsibility for these outrages being laid upon
him.1 Hut this declaration did not do away with the fact
that Charles had allowed his army to fall into a state
of insubordination from which, if continued, the very worst
was to be expected. He had also expressed himself so
ambiguously that it might well be supposed that he would
see without displeasure his troops requiting themsc
the plunder of Rome; nor must it be forgotten th.v
many a long day the enemies of Italy had acted on the
principle that " war supports itself."2 Charles had now to
pay in person for his own shortcomings. The spirit of
mutiny took hold of the victorious soldiers after the sack
of the city to such a degree that the Emperor could no
longer call his army his own. Rome was taken, the Tope
was a prisoner, but the Imperial army was threatened from
within with complete disruption.3
It soon became evident that the crimes committed in
Rome were in the highest degree prejudicial to the Emperor's
cause, for they gave to all his enemies an opportune handle
for serious accusations which, at the first glance, seemed
justified. The spectacle of the army of the secular head of
Christendom, the protector of the Church, carrying murder,
fire, and outrage into the city of its spiritual head
turned to account to the fullest extent. Even in the heart
of Charles's empire, in Spain, a by no means inconsiderable
1 Lettere di principi, II., 234 seqq. Cf. Melanchthon's opinion in
JANSSEN- PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 141 seq.
2 Cf. JESENKO, Geschah die Erstriirmung Roms mit oder ohnc
Vorwissen Karls V. ? Programm des Gymnasiums m G6rz, 1864, 37.
See also HEFELE-HERGI . IX., 527 ; ORANO, I., 318 n. ; and
BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 543. The ^ Ability of Charles V.
is upheld by DOREZ in Mel. d'Arche'ol.. XVI.. 362 sfq., with whom
LEBEY, 418 seq., associates himself. Cf. also BURCHARDT, Kultur, I.,
7th ed., 133 seq.
3 See supra, pp. 427, 43 '•
446 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
opposition was raised to a policy which had ended at last in
turning him into the jailer of the Pope.1
The full recognition of the extremely difficult situation
brought about by the sack of Rome, and the Catholic con-
science of the Emperor, were the motives which restrained
him from taking advantage of his victory to the uttermost.
That he would have done so was the expectation of
many,2 and exhortations even were not wanting directing
him on this course. Already, on the 25th of May 1527,
Lope de, Soria had written to the Emperor from Genoa to
try and convince him that it would be a meritorious and
not a sinful action to reform the Church, in such a way that
the power of the Pope should be exclusively limited to
his own spiritual sphere, and secular affairs placed under
the sole jurisdiction of the Emperor, since "the things of
God belong to God, and the things of Caesar to Caesar." 3
Many wished to go further. A letter of Bartolomeo
da Gattinara shows clearly that among the Imperialists
the question was seriously discussed whether Charles should
allow the seat of the Papal government to remain any
longer in Rome. Gattinara and others found that any
experiment of this sort would be too dangerous, since
England, France, and other countries would then choose
Popes of their own ; but they advised the Emperor to
weaken the Roman See to such an extent that it
should always be subservient to the Imperial Majesty.4
Lannoy on his side pressed the Emperor with earnest
1 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 667, and infra, p. 448 seq.
2 "Gia si diceva infino da plebei uomini che, non istando bene il
pastorale e la spada, il papa dovesse tornare in S. Giovanni Laterano a
cantar la messa." Varchi, I., 197.
3 GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 26 ; VILLA, Asalto, 166.
4 VILLA, 193 seq,, and MILANESI, Sacco, 517; cf. SCHULZ, 7. For
the then prevalent feeling among the Germans in Rome there is
LANNOV'S ADVICE TO CHAM. I S V. 447
rvprt-sLMitations. It was necessary "that his undcrt;ii
should be directed towards something else than the ruin of
•in institution belonging both to the divine and human order ;
the army must not win everything and the Emperor lose all ;
no more violence must be done to the Pope, with the pro-
bable result of a schism; the confusion of the spiritual with
the temporal power must not continue, and the temporal
must no longer obstruct the spiritual by pragmatic sanctions
and in other ways ; Rome must no longer be an occasion
of scandal to the whole world, and heresies and sects ;
be removed ; in a word, what is God's must be given to God,
and what is Caesar's to Caesar." Charles should retain pos-
session of the States of the Church only until such time as
his affairs with the Pope were put straight and he could put
trust in his Holiness; only the towns belonging to Milan
and Ferrara must be claimed as fiefs of the Empire. For
the rest, the settlement of these points was to be left to a
general council or to a congress such as that held at Mantua
under Julius 1 1., and the same tribunal was to decide in detail
on points connected with the heresies in Germany.1
Ferdinand I. also recommended a council in a letter of the
3 1st of May 1527, in which he urged, at the same time, that
the Pope should not be set free before order and security
were restored : " For if he were out of your hands, I fear
that he might behave as he always has behaved, and as the
remarkable evidence in the * Testament of Arrigus Theutonicus
Cameracens. dioc. coltellarius in urbi- in rcgione S. Angeli (A
Romae in regione S. Angeli ante apothccam ipsius tcstoris), in which
the date is no longer reckoned from tin- the pontificate ; the
preamble runs thus : " In noinini, etc., A. 1527 rcgnante screnissimo
Carolo [indict.] decima quinta mensis Junii die 29." * Lib., I., scriptur
archiconfrat. b. Mariae [< :»ves of the Campo Santo
in Rome). J. Zeigler in a polemical \\riting of 1527 claims Rome as
a German city ; see I VI., 521.
1 HUCHOLTZ, III., 87-88.
448 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
King of France has behaved, only still worse, for he avoids
and shuns the council. Apart from this and your presence
here, I see no possibility of finding means to oppose the
Lutheran sect and the accursed heresies."1
Amid the various influences brought to bear upon him,
the Emperor was long in coming to any fixed decision.
At first his inactivity was such that it was supposed to
arise from some strong physical reaction ; 2 this ex-
tended to all his Italian affairs. After Bourbon's death
the first necessity was obviously the appointment of a
new Commander-in-Chief. Charles's council was insistent
on this point, since the Prince of Orange was too young
and inexperienced for the post. Charles handed over the
chief command to the Duke of Ferrara, although the
latter had already declined the honour in the autumn of
1526. As might have been foreseen, the Duke, on this
occasion also, refused to place himself at the head of
a "gang of mutineers." The consequence was that the
army, if such it could be called, remained through the greater
part of the year 1527 without a generalissimo, and shrank in
numbers more and more from sickness and desertions.
The Imperial army in Milan was also in the worst
condition. The faithful Leyva reported "that there was
not a farthing's worth of pay for the troops." The army
was more like a swarm of adventurers than a force in
Imperial service. The commanders were powerless, the
soldiers did what they liked.3 No wonder that the
Imperial troops had to give way on all sides, when
Lautrec appeared with his army.
1 GEVAY, Urkunden und Aktenstiicke : Gesandtschaft an Sultan
Suleiman, 1527, Vienna, 1840, 84. Cf. BUCHOLTZ, III., 90.
2 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 597 and 634, who calls attention to
a remark of Castiglione's.
3 LANZ, I., 237 seq.
SYMPATHY NMTII TIIK POPE. 449
Nor did less embarrassment await the Emperor on
account of the imprisoned Pope, for whom the most active
sympathy was being shown, not only in France and
England, but in Spain itself. The deep Catholic feeling
inherent in the Spanish people had long since expressed
a growing repugnance to the policy of Charles towards the
Pope. " All ranks, high and low," wrote Castiglione from
Granada in November 1526, " are indignant at the raid of
the Colonna." In his later letters he returns repeatedly to
the loyal attachment of the Spanish people to the Pope.
" If he were to come to Spain, he would be worshipped,"
writes Castiglione on hearing rumours concerning the
movements of Clement VII. In March 1527 it was
reported that the prelates and grandees had openly
announced that no more money could be voted, since such
grants would be spent on waging war against the head of
the Church. The Chancellor made vain attempts to
establish the Emperor's innocence by means of printed
publications, but the opposition to the war against the
successor of St. Peter increased ; the grandees and bishops
earnestly urged that peace should be made with Clement.
" The loyal dependence of the nation on the Sec of P«
Castiglione reported from Valladolid on the 24th of March,
" is more apparent than ever." l
What must have been the impression now made by the
news of the Pope's imprisonment and the sack of Rome !
Not only the great ecclesiastics but the grandees of Spain
as well made known their indignation. Strong reproaches
were addressed to the Emperor by the Archbishop of
Toledo and the Duke of Alba.2 Charles threw all the
blame on the undisciplined army. " Hut," reported the
Venetian envoy on the i6th of July 1527 from Valladolid,
1 Cf. Castiglione's statements in SERASSI, II., 100, 125
2 " Le nuove d' Italia che 1' esercito Cesareo sia cntrato in Roma et
VOL. IX. 29
450 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
" these excuses produce no effect here ; the prelates and
grandees are daily interceding for the Pope with the
Emperor. There is a great conflict of opinions. Some
say that Charles must show his abhorrence by setting the
Pope at liberty; others that the Pope must come to Spain;
others again, such as Loaysa, the Emperor's confessor,
maintain that Charles cannot yet trust Clement and must
hold him prisoner." In the meantime the Emperor gave
the Nuncio nothing but fair speeches ; but he came to no
decision.1 It was credibly reported that Spanish opinion
was in favour of the suspension of divine worship in all
the churches of the kingdom so long as the Pope's captivity
lasted, and also that the bishops in a body, clad in
mourning, intended to present themselves before the
Emperor and beseech him to set Clement free. Through
the influence of the Court these reports were suppressed,2
but the general agitation was not abated.3
habbi usato la crudelita che si dice et che il pontefice stia assediato in
castel S. Angelo non si havendo rispetto alcuno alia tregua fatta dal
sig. vicer& ban parso de qui molto strane et han dispiaciuto somma-
mente a tutti questi signori si ecclesiastici come altri et i principal di
loro, come e 1' arcivescovo di Toledo et duca d' Alba et altri simili son
stati a parlare a S. Mta circa cio pregandolo che vi faccia qualche
provisione et tali di questi hanno parlato si liberamente et usato tal
parole cbe a molti ha parso che habbino piu presto detto di piu che di
meno di quel che bisognava." *Report of Navagero from Valladolid,
June 17, 1527, in Cod. Vat., 6753, f. 265b, of the Vatican Library.
1 Cod.* 6753, f. 265b (Vatican Library).
2 Cf. Castiglione's letters of July 22 and December 10, 1527, the
former in GUALTERIO, Correspond, di Giberti, 247 seq., the latter in
SERASSI, II., 150. Like the Archbishop of Toledo (see infra, p. 462,
n. 5), the Bishop of Cordova also wrote a sympathetic *letter to
Clement VII., dated ex Caesaris aula [1527] July 20. * Lett. d. princ.,
V., f. 208 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* The grandees and prelates of Spain, reports Cardinal Salviati to
Jacopo Salviati on August 16, 1527, "si sono doluti et dolgono mirabil-
QUlffONES AND CHARM S V 451
Some decided step became more n< day by day ;
even Lannoy was pressing on this point. On the 6th of
July he wrote to the Emperor: "The present situation
cannot go on much longer. The more victories God sends
you the more embarrassments you have, the domains of
your kingdoms grow less and the ill-will of your enemies
grows greater. Some envy your greatness, others hate you
for the ill-treatment they have received from your sol'
who have plundered Genoa and Milan, laid waste the
country, and at the present hour brought destruction on
Rome."1
Quinones, who had reached Valladolid in the last weeks
of July,2 after having been held up by pirates, told Charles
to his face that if he did not fulfil his duty to the Pope he
could no longer claim to be called Emperor ; he must
rather be regarded as the agent of Luther, since, in his
name and under his banner, the Lutherans had committed
all their infamies in Rome.3 Quifioncs believed it to be
his duty to speak thus strongly as he knew that Charles
was determined to get as much advantage as possible from
the Pope's imprisonment, and to secure for himself a
position which would make the independence of the
Church a nullity.
mente di queste calamita et come buoni Christian i ohe sono non restono
sollecitar lo Imperatore et instar perche liberi S. S1* come ha promesso
et promette in modo che da quelle bande si ha ogm cosa favorcvole et
pero 6 da sperare bene et star di buon.i voglia." N di Francia
I., f. 34 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 BUCHOLTZ, III., 87.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XLV., 503, and the * letter of Navagero, dated Valla-
dolid, July 27, 1527, in Cod. Vat., 67
3 " Tra 1' altre cose che gli ha havuto animo di dire che non fa -
quel che deve a lui non par che si possi I mperatore, ma
capitanio di Luthero." * Letter of Navagero, July 27, in Cod
6753. Cf. R. BROWN, IV., n. 14-
452 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Papal Nuncio Castiglione, on whom Cardinal
Salviati set all his hopes,1 supported the efforts of Girolami
with all his energy ; nevertheless, the latter failed to get
from Charles any definite decision with regard to Clement's
liberation.2 The envoys of England were also unsuccessful
in their endeavours at the Imperial Court, although they
could not have shown more zeal if they had been the
Pope's representatives.3 The representations of Quinones
made more impression on Charles, but even he made
little way at first. At the end of July Charles wrote to
the Roman Senate and people,4 to the Legate Salviati,5
to the Cardinals and Roman nobility,6 lastly, to all the
Christian princes, disclaiming all responsibility for the sack
of Rome, to which he was not accessory, and laying the
whole blame on Clement VII. At the same time he used
1 " In te uno praecipere spes nostra est." ^Cardinal Salviati to
Castiglione, dated Paris, July 10, 1527. Nunziatura di Francia I., f. 21
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. the * letter of Cardinal Salviati to Castiglione of August 14,
1527. Nunziatura di Francia I., f. 29-32 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
3 Thus Cardinal Salviati reported to Jacopo Salviati in a lengthy
^despatch dated Amiens, August 16, 1527; Nunziatura di Francia I.,
f. 34 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. the * letter of Navagero,
dated Valladolid, July 30, 1527 (Cod. Vat, 6753, Vatican Library).
4 On July 26; see GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 567, note. There
was violent opposition in the Senate. HOFFMANN gives the speeches,
Nova Coll., I., 550.
6 Salviati, on hearing of Girolami's mission, had written to Charles V.,
on July 10, 1527, in a tone of subjection, that all his hopes rested on the
Emperor's goodness (*this letter is in the Nunziatura di Francia I.,
f. 21, Secret Archives of the Vatican). Charles's answer of July 28,
wrongly addressed " to Cardinal Cibo," in the National Library, Paris
(Ital. 1357), in SANUTO, with correct address, XLVL, 32-33; cf. also
Arch. Stor. Ital., 3 Series, XII., i, 1-7.
6 On July 31 ; see SCHULZ, Sacco, 145.
« IIAKLES V K) I HE POPE. 453
strong expressions of sorrow and regret for the injuries
inflicted on the Holy See, and declared that he would
rather not have won the victory than be the victor under
such conditions.1
About this time Charles was informed of Henry VI
schemes of divorce ; on the 3 1st of July he instructed Lannoy
to speak to the Pope on this business, but with caution,
lest greater complications should arise if the Tope were
to hold out a bait to King Henry in the matter or enter
into any mischievous practical understanding with him.
Charles wished Clement to make any further advance
in the business of the divorce impossible by the issue of
Briefs to Henry VIII. and Wolsey.2 This private affair of
the Emperor, calling for the full support of the Pope's
spiritual power, warned the former to act with great
caution towards Clement, as did also, in no less degree, the
threatening attitude of France and England, now joining
in close alliance.3
Thus influenced, Charles, who, from motives of self-
regard had long hesitated before taking any decisive step,4
wrote from Valladolid on the 3rd of August 1527 two
autograph letters to the Pope.5 In the first of these
remarkable communications he laid great stress on his
efforts to secure the general peace of Christendom, to
reform the Church, and abolish heresy and unbelief. In
the attainment of these objects all private interests must
1 Cf. supra, p. 444 seq.
2 BUCHOLTZ, III., 94-95, note.
3 Cf. supra, p. 438.
4 *Navagero's letter, dated Valladolid, August I, 1527 (Cod.
6753, Vatican Library).
6 Both letters are in the St.itc Archives, Florence (Innanzi il Princ.
Miscell.), and have been recently published for private circulation by
CASANOVA (Lettere di Carlo V., 13-16).
454 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
be put aside and a unanimous course of action pursued.
On these grounds the Pope would be justified in summon-
ing a council for the extirpation of heresy, the destruction
of unbelievers, and the exaltation of Holy Church. Charles,
in conclusion, pledged his royal word to his prisoner that
he would not suffer the council to undertake in any way
the deposition or suspension of the Pope; any attempts
in that direction, whether they came from a secular or
ecclesiastical quarter, he would oppose, while protecting
Clement in every way.
In his second letter, of which Quinones was to be the bearer,
Charles reminded Clement of the summons of a council.
He besought the Pope in the most urgent way to undertake
the promised visit to Spain ; such a step would strike
terror into the heretics and at least advance the prospects
of peace between the Emperor and France. The Emperor's
projects for a council were without result, for before his
letters reached Rome, France and England had agreed to
refuse their consent so long as the Pope was a prisoner.1
Over the demand for Clement's liberation Charles
hesitated still longer. To the Nuncio Castiglione he spoke
in such a friendly way that the latter was rilled with
sanguine hopes.2 But the instructions received at last on
the 1 8th of August 1527, by Pierre de Veyre, who awaited
them with Quinones at Barcelona,3 did not correspond
1 Cf. supra, p. 438.
2 SCHULZ, Sacco, 146^., ij$seq. Here is published for the first
time, from the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Castiglione's report to
Clement VII. of August 12, 1527.
3 Quinones and P. de Veyre went on August 15 to Barcelona; cf.
Navagero's * letter, dated Valladolid, August 17, 1527 (Cod. Vat., 6753,
Vatican Library), and that of ^Cardinal Salviati to F. Guicciardini, dated
Compiegne, September 14, 1527 (Nunziatura di Francia I., f. 50, Secret
Archives of the Vatican). They left Barcelona on September 5
THI-: EMPEROR'S COMDII MNS. 455
with these assurances. They were certainly not wai
in regrets for the misfortunes that had befallen the Pope
in Rome or in wishes for the peace of Christendom, the
reformation of the Church, and the uprooting of Lutheran
errors ; but with regard to the i restoration to freedom,
it was stated in the most definite terms that under this
head nothing was to be understood beyond his liberty in the
exercise of spiritual functions. Moreover, as a preliminary,
the instructions of the envoys emphatically declared that
Lannoy must receive securities, as certain as any human
securities could be, against the possibility of Papal
treachery or Papal vengeance. Lannoy was left to
specify the conditions. But Charles indicated what he
believed himself entitled to demand in this respect,
namely, Ostia, Civita Vecchia, Parma, Piacenza, Bologna,
Ravenna and, in exchange for the castle of St. Angelo,
Civita Castellana. The Emperor demanded besides, in
return for the restoration of the Pope's spiritual juris-
diction, nothing less than the surrender of several of the
more important towns of the Papal States. But he
insisted, at the same time, that he was not making these
demands for his own personal advantage, but in order to
hold guarantees until such time as general peace should
be attained, a council summoned, and the reform of
Christendom set on foot1
Clement, meanwhile, had passed through a terrible time.
(*Navagero's letter, dated t'aredes, Septeml> -7, in Cod. Vat,
6763) and reached Rome in the beginning of October. Cf. SANUTO,
XLVI., 150, 152, 181, 203, 205, 210, 223, 225.
1 BUCHOLTZ, III., 97 segg., gives the instructions in epitome;
he places them three weeks after June 30, about July 21. V
instructions were kept back by the Emperor until August 18 ; sec
Navagero's * report, dated Valludolid, August 19, 15.':, '» the Vatican
Library. Cf. R. BROWN, IV., n. i
456 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Within the narrow confines of the castle,1 kept under
closest watch by a fierce soldiery, he spent his days as in
a "living tomb." He sought comfort in prayer,2 trusted
to the Emperor's magnanimity,3 then again looked for the
help held out by Francis I.,4 yet through all preserved his
calmness of mind. This is shown by the Bull prepared on
the 1 5th of July 1527, in which the regulations for the
Papal election in Rome, or elsewhere in Italy, or even in
some foreign country, were drawn up, in the case of his
death during imprisonment. The Bull shows that Clement
took all these contingencies into account ; the object of
this document was to secure freedom of election and to
prevent a schism. The Cardinals were empowered to meet
in conclave elsewhere than in Rome and enjoined to wait
during a certain time for those of their colleagues who
should be absent.5
The life of Clement VII. was, in fact, at this time seriously
threatened. It is clear from the reports of Perez that the
Spaniards and Germans were continually hankering after
the possession of Clement and the Cardinals; the lands-
knechts did not wish the prisoner to be taken to Spain,
but were anxious to carry him off themselves.6
1 He was living with the Cardinals in the so-called maschio of the
castle; see GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 564. The Pope's bed-
chamber was guarded by Spanish soldiers ; see Giovio, Descrizione, 18.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XLVI., 132.
3 Ibid., XLV.,4i5.
4 See Francis I.'s letter to Clement VII., written from Amiens in
August, in Mel. d'Archeol., XVI., 414-416. The Latin translation in
GROLIERIUS, 131 sey.t is dated from Compiegne, September 14.
6 CIACONIUS, III., 454-455; GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 184 and 196;
see SAGMULLER, Papstwahlen, 11-12.
*See the reports in VILLA, Asalto, 234 seq., and GUMPPENBERG'S
account, 208 seq. See also GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 155 (Perez to the
Emperor on August 18). To this time also belongs a *Brief of
sui IN HO' 457
Rome was now in the full heat of summer, and the
plague at its lu-ight. Pestilence and famine made havoc
among the inhabitants ; churches and streets were soon
filled with dead bodies.1 Frightful malaria arose from
these " shambles " ; if the wind blew from the city, re-
lates one of the captives, it was impossible to remain on
the walls of the castle.2
The plague had made its way into the fortress long be-
fore and helped, together with the sufferings and agitations
of captivity, to thin the ranks of the prisoners. Cardinal
Rangoni died in August ; he was followed in October by
Francesco Armellini, broken-hearted at the loss of his
riches.3 The situation of the captive Pope became more
and more unbearable. He waited in vain for the envoys
of the Emperor as well as for the return of the army of the
League to deliver him, and his dread lest the Spaniards or
Germans should carry him away increased every day. When
Alarcon and Muscettola insisted on his giving adequate
security for the payment of the promised 250,000 ducats,
he exclaimed with tears in his eyes, " For the love of God
do not exact from me promises which must be known to all
the world and become engraven on the memories of men
for ever ! So great is my misfortune and my jjovcrty, that
the three Franciscans who are with me would be in want
Clement VII. to Camillo Gactani, Lord of Sermoneta, dated
July u, 1527, bidding him make everything ready for the Pope's
sojourn in Sermoneta, as the Imperialists intended to carr.
thither. Min. brev., 1527, IV. . n. 224 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
1 See GAVARDO'S account in >r. Lomb., IV., 631.
2 SANUTO, XLV, 595, 655; XLVI.. 141. Cf. the *Diary of
CORNELIUS DE FINE, in which it is stated that dead bodies lay
unburied for fourteen days, and that many Imperialists and Romans
died of plague (National Library, Paris).
3 Cf. SANUTO, XLV., 701 ; XLVI., 144, 279-280, 299,
458 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of their daily bread if they were not able to borrow money
from some compassionate souls. I leave it to you and
your consciences to say whether such conduct is worthy of
an Emperor."1
In the first days of September it was reported that
Clement in despair had ordered a Bull to be drawn up
exhorting the Church to pray for her imprisoned head and
bidding the Bishops publish the canonical censures against
her persecutors. The draft, couched in language of extreme
severity, is preserved in the State Archives of Florence.
This Bull, however, was never put into official shape and
published. In the hands of the masterful Popes of the
Middle Ages such a transaction would undoubtedly
have been completed, but Clement VII. had not the
requisite courage.2 According to one account it was
Alfonso del Vasto who held the Pope back from this
extreme step.3
When Veyre at last landed at Naples on the I9th of
September 1527, Lannoy lay ill of the plague which he had
contracted in Rome. His death (September 23rd)4 brought
1 This Perez reported to the Emperor on September 2, 1527.
GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 184.
2 VARCHI calls attention to this, I., 178.
3 The Bull " Considerantes " was published by GUASTI in Arch. Stor.
Ital., 4 Series, XV., 7 seqq. Guasti was not acquainted with the
statement about Vasto in SANUTO, XLVI., 54, of which use has been
made above, and his supposition that the Bull was drawn up in the
first days of the captivity is opposed not merely by SANUTO, loc. cit.,
but also by GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 184, both of whom support the
September date ; cf. VILLA, Italia, 235 seqq. On the other hand,
GUASTI, loc. tit., 5 seq., is right in maintaining that the Bull was not
published, in spite of a statement to the contrary in SANUTO, XLVI.,
209. Then, as before, the Pope was incapable of making up his mind.
4 Cf. the *Brief to H. de Moncada, Viceroy of Naples, of September
26, 1 527 (condolet de morte Caroli viceregis et congratulatur de eius
adventu), Arm., 39, vol. 47, n. 499 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
A sr.rnxh ni i 459
<-VCT\ thii ulstill, as fresh instructions had now
to be received from the Kmpcror. This was all the more
necessary since the situation, in other respects, had entirely
changed from what C'h ;pposed it to be at the
moment of Veyre's departure. The latter reported to
Spain that the Pope had paid only 100,000 ducats of the
400,000 owed by him, while the Florentines had not yet
paid anything of their 300,000. Alarcon, from scruples of
conscience, had renounced his plan of bringing the Pope to
Gaeta. The commanders of the Imperial army had been
forced to fly, and their mutinous soldiers, instead of being
on the march to meet the French in Lombardy, were again
on the road to Rome, where they intended to extort their
pay by force.1 They got there on the 2 5th of September,
and subjected the unhappy city to a second pillage. The
same horrors which had accompanied their first onslaught
were now repeated, and in some ways increased.2 The
soldiers, according to a German account, did everything
they could think of, burning, extorting, robbing, thieving,
and doing violence. The money raised by Clement by
the sacrifice of his own silver vessels and those of the
prelates was insufficient to appease the demands of the
furious horde ; they threatened Rome with utter destruc-
tion and the Pope and Cardinals with death if they were
not paid.
Clement had now to make up his mind to give up
to the Germans the hostages3 named in the treaty
of June. Gumppenberg has described, as an eye-witness,
the surrender of these unfortunate men. The Pope cx-
1 Veyre's report of September 30, 1527, in LA^ seqq. \ cf.
BUCHOLTZ, III., 108 set/. ; Al ! ;? J GAYANGOS, III., 2. n. 2OI.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XLVI., 178, 186, 210; SCHERTUNS Lebcn, 8;
Ai.r.KRiNi, 355-
3 See their names supra, p. 42.'.
460 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
claimed with tears, " There they stand, take them with you.
I will accompany them."1
The account-book of Paolo Montanaro, expeditor of
Clement VII.,2 now preserved in the Roman State Archives,
enables us to realize directly the fearful plight to which the
Pope had been brought. This account-book, which com-
prises the quarter from October to the 3ist of December,
shows clearly how scarce and dear provisions were. Since
the treaty of June the Spaniards, who had at first deter-
mined to starve out the inmates of St. Angelo, had
allowed communications to be renewed. It is a peculiar
testimony to the economical bent of Clement VII.
that the regular account of expenditure begins again as
early as the ist of October. With the most conscientious
exactitude Montanaro notes down the smallest sum spent
on the table of the imprisoned Pope, and, in like
manner, the Master of the Household, Girolamo da
Schio, Bishop of Vaison, submits each office3 to a search-
ing examination.
While the soldiers were robbing in every nook and corner
of Rome, Veyre and Quinones, in the beginning of October,
approached the Pope.4 Like Alarcor^ and Morone, they
negotiated with a delegation of Cardinals, del Monte,
1 GUMPPENBERG, 247 seqq. ; cf. also the report of Perez, October
12, 1527, in VILLA, Asalto, 289.
2 *Regestro delle spese sono fatte in Castello de sancto Angelo per
uso de N. S. et sua familia per man del r. mons. Vasionen. mastro
di casa de S. Sta incominzando dal primo di de Ottobre 1527.
GREGOROVIUS in the Histor. Zeitschrift, XXXVI., 163^., has given
a detailed account of these " most precious and, in some cases, unique
relics of the sack of Rome."
3 GREGOROVIUS in the Histor. Zeitschrift, XXXVI., 164 seqq.
For the Master of the Household see MORSOLIN, Girol. da Schio,
Vicenza, 1875.
4 Cf. supra> p. 454, n. 3, and EHSES, Dokumente, 13 and 252.
FURY OF Till us. 461
Campeggio, and Lorenzo Pucci ; Pompco Colonna, whom
Clement had won over to his side,1 did all he could to
attain a successful result ; but in pitc of these endeavours
no progress was made. Meanwhile the soldiers became
more and more furious. In their rage they dragged the
hostages to newly erected gallows on the Campo di Fiore
and threatened them with death. At the last moment
they changed their mind ; they were unwilling to lose the
last security remaining to them, and the hostages were
taken in chains to the Palazzo Colonna.2
Although in Rome the scarcity of provisions made itself
felt increasingly every day,3 and the approach of the French
troops under Lautrec was a cause of growing anxiety, the
army could not be induced to leave the city, since the
soldiers held out for payment of their arrears in full The
final result of the total " paralysis of the Emperor's
authority " 4 was the defection of the Duke of Ferrara and
1 By the promise of the Legation of the marches of Ancona (see
GUICCIARDINI, XVI 1 1., 5) and other marks of favour (cf. Arm., 39, vol. 47,
n- 739^ legitimation of "Joh. de Columna, Cleric. Rom.,' dated
November 3, 1527. " Hinc est quod nos te, qui ut accepimus defectum
natalium de dil. fil. nostro Pompeio til. s. Laurent, in Dam. presb.
Card. S. R. E. vicecanc. tune in minorib. constitute et soluto et
soluta genitus pateris," etc. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). There
is no evidence in support of the charges made against Colonna in
Veyre's report (in LANZ, I., 248 seq.}.
2 Cf. SCHULZ, Sacco, 149 seq. To the sources there made use
of may be added SANUTO, XLVI., 210, 22- m undated
(probably drawn up end of October) German *report in the Reich-
stagsakten, XLIIL, f. 33-34 (City Archives, Frankfurt-on-Maine) ;
GlOVio, Descrizione, 19 seq., and the *Diary of CORNELIUS DE ;
who describes the imiudita wsrialitas still caused by the pLv
September : " All who had hitherto escaped sword and famine were now
dead" (National Library, Paris).
s Cf. SANUTO, XLV., 299.
4 BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., 1 1. ,605.
462 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Marquis of Mantua who, in November, deserted the
cause of Charles for that of France.1
At this time a decided reaction set in at the Imperial
Court.2 At the end of October the Ambassador of Henry
VIII., in the name of his King, " the Defender of the Faith,"
presented a solemn protest against the Pope's imprisonment.3
In November the Spanish Council discussed the matter;
no less a personage than the Chancellor Gattinara there
declared that if the Emperor looked upon Clement as the
legitimate Pope, he ought no longer to detain him captive.
Praet called attention to the danger that the French might
set the Pope at liberty ; it would be better that the Emperor
should do this and, in so doing, set his troops free ; on this
ground he recommended that Moncada should be ordered
to abide, only " as far as was practicable," by the instructions
of Veyre. The result of the deliberation was that the
Council of State determined that, in any case, the Pope must
be given his freedom.4
In the meantime the negotiations in Rome had been
endlessly protracted. In despair Clement VII., on the I5th
of November, deplored his misery 5 to the Archbishop of
1 Cf. SUDENDORF, III., 172 seq.'t DE LEVA, II., 450 seq.; BALAN,
VI., 145 seq.
2 Navagero reports in a ^letter from Burgos, October 25, 1527, that,
in spite of this reaction, there were still many who opposed Clement's
release. Cod. Vat., 6753 (Vatican Library).
3 SANUTO, XLVI., 314.
4 BUCHOLTZ, III., 119-120.
6 RAYNALDUS, 1527, n. 43. The letter here printed is the answer
to that of the Archbishop of Toledo to the Pope, dated Valladolid,
July 27, 1527. The Archbishop tries to comfort the Pope with allusions
to the good dispositions of the Emperor. Now that the Pope had
entered on the hazards of war, the Archbishop hopes that Clement
has made such thorough provision for all the eventualities of the
conflict that he will also be able to meet his present misfortune with
01 i MI n •!•:•-. 463
Toledo. Moncada, tin- new Viceroy of Naples, tried to
exact as much as possible from the Tope. Clement hoped,
not without grounds, that the approach of the French
army under Lautrec would force the Imperialists to make
more favourable terms ; l he also succeeded by promises
in bringing Quifiones and Morone entirely round to
his side.2
After proposals and counter-proposals3 had been bandied
to and fro amid tedious delays, a basis of agreement was
reached at last, and on the 26th of November the terms
were settled. In the first place, a treaty was concluded
between the Pope and the Cardinals on the one hand,
and the representatives of the Emperor (Veyre, Moncada,
Quifiones) on the other. It was herein stipulated that
Clement should be restored to his spiritual and temporal
rights on condition that he — while remaining neutral —
advanced the peace of Christendom and convoked a
general council for the reform of the Church, the up-
rooting of Lutheran teaching, and the pursuance of
the Turkish war. As securities the Emperor was to
hold six hostages — Giberti, Jacopo Salviati, Galeotto and
Malatesta de' Medici, as well as Cardinals Trivulzio and
Pisani4 — and the towns of Ostia, Civita Vecchia, (
Castellana, and Forli. All the remainder of the Papal
fortitude and spirit. *Lett. d. princ., IV., f. 202 and 208 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
1 The services rendered him by Lautrcc's appearance were acknow-
ledged by the Pope, after his release, in a special letter of December
14, 1527, in RAYNALDUS, 1527, n. 47.
2 Quifiones had a promise of the Cardinalate. Moronc's son was
to receive the Bishopric of Modena. Jovius, Columna, 170; f/.
GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., ;.
3 Cf. SCHULZ, Sacco, 153^7.
4 In place of his nephews, Alessandro and Ippolito dc' Medici, who
were absent.
464 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
States, with the exception of the territories ceded to the
Colonna, was, on the other hand, to be restored as before
the sack of Rome. The Imperial army would quit Rome
and the States of the Church as soon as the troops of the
League evacuated the latter.1
No one was named in this treaty to execute the restora-
tion of the territories severed from the States of the
Church. As a matter of fact, the restoration of the
temporal possessions, although conceded in theory, lay
practically at the good pleasure of the Emperor.2 On
the other hand, the Pope was free to fix his own time for
the convocation of the council.
A second agreement settled in detail the sums payable
by the Pope to the Imperialist generals ; in the first
place, within ten days 73,169 ducats, as the price of the
evacuation of the castle of St. Angelo, and immediately
after that 35,000 ducats more, on receipt of which the
troops would quit Rome. After fourteen days 44,984^
ducats were to be paid, and then in three monthly
instalments 150,000, and again finally, at the same rate,
65,000. In order to collect these sums the Pope made new
Cardinals and alienated Church property in the kingdom
of Naples. On the payment of the 44,984^ ducats the
Imperialist forces left the Papal States.3
1 Text of this treaty in SCHULZ, Sacco, 176-183. Cf. the doubtful
letter of Cardinal Pisani, November 27, 1527, in SANUTO, XLVI., 348-
349-
2 Cf. BROSCH, I., 109-110.
3 In MOLINI, 273-278, and LANCELLOTTI, III., 325 seq., is the
Italian, in SCHULZ, 183-188, the Latin, text of this treaty. German
translation in REISSNER, 146 seq. SCHULZ, 159, first called attention
to the Brief (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Brevi di Clemente VII.,
T. 17, part 4a, n. 336) in which Clement appointed a commissary to
accompany the army to Viterbo and to look after their commissariat
and quarters.
MUTINY OF MM r.ANDSKNF.rilTS. 465
Since, in spite of the nomination of Cm
money was not forthcoming,- the landsknechts again
threatened the hostages with death and rose in mutiny
against their leaders, who took refuge in the Alban hills
with the Colonna. At the end of November the hostages
managed to make their warders drunk and escaped.8
On hearing this the landsknechts flung down their arms.
but order was soon restored.4 An arrangement was sub-
sequently made with the Pope that he should pay from the
1 On November 21, 1527, were nominated, Antonio Sanseverino,
Vincenzo Caraflfa, A. M. Palmerio, E. Cardona, G. Grimaldi, P. Gonzaga,
S. 1'uppacoda ; see ClACONlUS, III., 488 seg., who is mistaken in assign-
ing the nomination of Du Prat and Quinones to the same date.
NOVAES, IV., 90 seg., makes the same mistake with regard to Du Prat.
In the *Nomination Brief of V. Caraffa, dated Romae in Arcc,
November 21, 1527, we read: Clement had created him Cardinal
" habita cum ven. fratribus nostris S. R. E. Cardinalibus matura de-
liberatione de illorum unanimi consilio et consensu cum promissione
ratificandi creationem post liberationem ex arce s. Angel
vol. 47, n. 814 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). See also SAWrro,
XLVI., 389-410. The promulgation of the Cardinals created on
November 21 took place along with that of those nominated on May
3, 1527, not, as CRISTOFORI (348), supposes, on April 27, but in the
beginning of February 1528 (certainly before the i ith) ; see SANUTO,
XLVI., 580, cf. 585, and CATALANUS, 283, 303. See also the *lettrr
of thanks of Cardinal Sanseverino (dated Rome, February 16, 1528),
Lett. d. princ, V., 1 10 (Secret Archives of the
2 It is plain from the *Brief to Schonberg, dated December 6, 1527,
that the Neapolitan Cardinals refused to pay down the stipulated sums
" nisi mittantur pilei et apportetur assumptio." Therefore Clement gave
Schonberg full powers to proceed with the ceremonies of the bestowal
of the ring and the imposition of the hat. Brev., vol. 47, n. 880
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Jovius, Columna, 169, and Hist., XXV., 28 ; SANUTO, XLVI., 361
seq., 389; ALBERINI, 358 seq. ; (. '. 261 sty. ;
SCHULZ, Sacco, 159 ; BARTHOI.D, 485 ; BALAN, Clement VII., 85.
4 SANUTO, XLVI., 389 ; cf. 362.
VOL. ix. 3°
466 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ist of December ioo;ooo ducats to the Germans, with the
exception of the leaders and those in receipt of double pay,
35,000 ducats to the Spaniards, and furnish fresh securities.1
Accordingly, after Cardinals Orsini and Cesi had been
handed over to Colonna, and Cardinals Trivulzio, Pisani,
and Gaddi to Alarcon as hostages, and further securities
given for the above-mentioned sums of money, the Im-
perialists left the castle of St. Angelo on the 6th of
December 1527.2
With this the hard captivity3 of the Pope, which had
lasted full seven months, came to an end. Clement wished
to leave Rome at once, where Campeggio was to remain as
Legate ; Alarcon advised him to wait a few more days on
account of the insecurity of the roads,4 but this delay
seemed very dangerous to Clement, who was afraid of the
soldiers awaiting their pay in Rome, and, moreover, he did
not trust Moncada.5 Between the 6th and ?th of December
he left St. Angelo suddenly, by night, dressed in the clothes
of his majordomo, but certainly not without previous know-
ledge on the part of the Imperialist commanders. Luigi
1 SCHULZ, Sacco, 1 60 ; cf. SANUTO, XLVL, 364 seqq.
2 Cf. the Sienese account in FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 24-25.
3 How difficult it was, up to the last, to have communication with
the Pope is shown from the reports of W. Knight, sent to Rome by
Henry VIII. in the matter of his divorce ; see State Papers, Henry VIII.,
London, 1849, VII., n. 177.
4 A. Pisani reported this from Todi on December 1 1, 1527 ; SANUTO,
XLVL, 375. In a *Brief to the Duke of Urbino and the other generals
of the League, dated December 3, 1527, Clement VII. announced his
approaching departure for Orvieto, accompanied by an Imperialist
guard of soldiers, for whom he asked a safe-conduct ; Min. brev., 1527,
III., vol. 1 6, n. 1094 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). In Orvieto
Clement's coming was known as far back as the middle of November ;
see FUMI, Orvieto, 186 seq.
6 Cf. JOVIUS, Columna, 70, and the Pope's own account quoted
below in BALAN.
I LIGHT OF THE PO 467
Gonzaga waited for him on the Neronian fields with a troop
of arquebusiers, and under this escort he went in haste to
Montefiascone, and from there to the stronghold of
Orvieto.1
1 For Clement's flight see, besides GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 5, and
Jovius, Hist., XXV., 29, also SANUTO, XLVI., 375, 378-379, 389-390,
and the Pope's own account (made known recently for the first time)
in BALAN, Boschetti, II., Appendix, 42. See also GAYANGOS, III., 2,
n. 259, 272 ; DANDOLO, Ricordi ined. di G. Morone, Milano, 1859,
230, and FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 25. Guicciardini, followed by most
modern historians, assigns the flight to December 8 ; but in the
accounts in Sanuto, as well as in the despatches of F. Sergardi, C.
Massaini, and J. C. Salimbeni (State Archives, Siena), drawn upon by
Fossati-Falletti, December 6 is expressly stated ; so also Blasius dc
Martinellis (quoted by EHSES, Die Dekretale, 226, note i) and the
Diary in OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 18. The statements in
BONTEMPI, 325, are also in agreement with the above. To all this
evidence must be added that also of the Pope himself in a *Brief of
January 12, 1529, in Arm., 39, vol. 49, n. 31 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican), first utilized by EHSES, Dokumente, XXVIII., note 4. The
6th of December is also proved to have been the day of the flight by
*the Regestro delle spese in the State Archives, Rome (see supra, p. 460,
n. 2), where on the 7th of December there are no more entries for pro-
visions; the last entry is made at Galera, a place which the Pope passed
through in his flight. GREGOROVIUS (Histor. Zeitschrift, XXXVI., 171-
172) was not aware of this ; his explanation rests on an unnecessary
hypothesis. For a coin of Clement VII., the Pontiffs face being
bearded, referring to his deliverance, see REUMONT, III., 2, 849.
Reumont also has here some critical remarks on Fusco, Di una incdita
moneta battuta in Roma 1' anno 1528 dall' Imperat. Carlo V., Napoli,
1848.
APPENDIX
OF
UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
AND
EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES.
APPENDIX.
i. G. M. GIBERTI to N. N.1
1522, Januar. 9, Rom.
Copia de un capitulo di una littera di mesr Jo. Matthio :
Rmo sr mio. V. S. sard gia stata avisata della s™* electione dil
rmo cardlc Dertusense in sum mo pontifice, la quale dette piaccrc
a tucti li homeni da bene per le rare et singular virtu sue, e a li
amici e sri del patrone per essere opera e factura sua. Rome
VIIII Jan. 1522.
[Cop. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
2. ALIENATION OF CHURCH ORNAMENTS n PAPAL
CHAPEL BY THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS.2
1522, Februar. 6, Rom.
Committitur per collegium revmorum cardinalium rev0 d. came-
rario, ut det quaedam vasa argentea rev. d. Ant. Puccio episc.
Pistorien. in pignus pro due. 2500 auri capit Ivetiorum
(who served under A. Pucci in Lombardy) dcbitis, and in particular :
Duo candelabra magna argentea smaltata pond" libr. 47 ac
valoris due. 550.
Item duo alia candelabra argentea smaltata ejusdem pond" ct
valoris.
Item duo candelabra argentea smaltata ad confecterias pond"
libr. 66 et valoris due. 700.
Item unam crucem cum pede magno et armis Eugcnii [IV]
et Pauli [II] ponds libr. 427* val. due. 450.
1 Sec supra, p. ^4. * S^ **/*»» P« 3-
471
472 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Item duo candelabra argentea aurata cum armis papae Julii
[II] pond. libr. 28, val due. 300.
Item unam coppam cum suo tegmine argenteam deauratam
pond. libr. 5 et unciar. 9. val. due. 60.
Item unum vas aquae benedictae cum sua asperges et armis
Pauli papae II pond. libr. 5 et unciar. 10, val. due. 60.
Et unum aliud vas simile cum suo aspergulo argenti smaltati
cum armis, card. Ascanii l pond. libr. 3 et unciar. 6, val. due. 30.
Item unum aliud simile vas sine armis pond. libr. 5 et unciar.
6, val due. 65.
Item duo turribula, quorum alterum est deauratum, cum
navicula et cochleare argenteis pond. libr. 9, val. due. 90.
Item unum truncum crucis, quae defertur ante faciem pontificis,
argenteum et in tribus partibus divisum pond. libr. 14 et unciar.
2, val. due. 150, et sic in tota summa summarum praed. val. 3005
due. auri ponderantia et valentia in sacristia palatii apost.
existentia et ad usum altaris pontificii teneri solita in pignus et
cautelam eorum assignari curet. . . .
D. Romae in palatio apost. in nostra generali congregat. die 6,
febr. 1522. ...
[Cop. in the*Acta consist. 1492-1513 (formerly Miscell. 3),
f. 65, Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.]
3. EPITOME OF CARDINAL SCHINNER'S PROJECT OF REFORM.2
1522, Mart. I, Rom.
Sanctissimus in Christo pater et dominus noster dominus
Adrianus, divina providentia papa sextus, pontifex maximus
optimusque vive vocis oraculo mandavit michi Bernardo de Lauro
abbati ac sue beatitudinis familiarium minimo indignoque, ut
a quodam memoriali per me coram Ste Sua lecto transcriberem
hec que sequuntur :
Primum de celeri in Italiam adventu.
Quod Bdo sua nichil det aut concedat seu dari aut concedi
patiatur, quod arcium Hostie et ste Marie de Loreta [sic] aut
aliarum terrarum custodiam concernat, etiam si super hoc
collegium scribat.
Insuper quod Stas Sua quantocius scribat collegio, quatenus
1 A. Sforza. 2 See suprU) p< 86.
473
modis omnibus attendat at<jti«- rfi< iat, n, qnj rrarum ct
dominiorum, quae tcmpore fe. re. domini Leonis [X] recuperatum
obtentunm- [sic] fucrit, aut aliorum pontificum predeces>
amittatur sivc aniitti aufcrri aut abalienari patiatur, sed omnibus
modis ac viis conservare defendere ct protegere curet, et super
hoc tola sit intontio Sue Stis et citius id fiat.
Et nisi presto Ss Ds Nr sit venturus, quod facial legatum et hoc
facial Btl0 Sua et nullo modo hoc remitat collcgio.
Preterea pacem (quae tamen nichil hubiturusit insidiarum) inti-r
principes componere curet, et ubi tractabitur caveat de fraudulent.!
pace.
Et quod se confederet cum Cesare atque regibus Anglie et
Portugalie.
Et quod scribat regi Francorum, ut in Italic ab armis abstineat,
ne ultra sanguine christiano Italia irrigetur. Et etiam Ecclesie
Romane vasallis scribat, quod nulli in armis versanti favean
adhereant, presertim illis qui ecclesie confederates contra [sic]
arma ferunt.
Insuper sciat Beatitude Sua, quod in Italia malo ingenio multa
arma costructa sunt, quae et ducatum Urbini et civitatem Pemsam
tyrannide opprimunt, et, nisi presto obvietur, etiam Bononiam, ut
in earn Bentivoli reintrudantur, invadent.
Preterea, quia sedes apostolica ere alieno est gravata et pro
occurrentibus necessitatibus sunt habende pecunie, idcirco Su
Sua poterit ab ill"10 Anglorum rege mutuatos accipcre ducatos
ducentos mille, quos et duplicates juste habere poterit turn ex
marranis turn ex aliquibus pretiis defalcandis ex contractibus
illicitis et usurariis cum aliquibus creditoribus initis ct etiam ex
rebellious componendis.
Quod cxcellentissimus dominus dux Mediolani sub alls Sue
Beatitudinis se commendat.
Insuper quod ex Turcis habentur timenda nova, ea tamen cum
fenore aliquo subministrantur a Gallis et a Venutis ea intentionc,
ut pax preceps fiat ex qua acrius bellum exeat. Et impo
est Italiam pace frui, dum in . et ex consequent!
nee in reliquu publica re Christiana pax esse poterit Et est
notissimum quod, ex quo Galli in Italiam irrupcrunt, plus quam
duocenta milia hominum gladiis occubuerur
vires habebunt, nichil boni contra infidelcs fieri pot
474 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Et si Beatitudo Sua vult vere dominari, quod nulli cardinalium
adhereat, sed omnes equaliter amet et plus merenti plus etiam
tribuat. Et super hoc dicetis aliqua que scitis, nam periculosum
esset omnia scripto dicere.
Insuper quod Beatitudo Sua non recipiat aliquos in suos oficiales
nisi illos jam dudum forsan sibi notos et probates donee Stas Sua
fuerit Rome, ubi sunt aliqui viri digni et incorruptibiles, quos
Beatitudini Sue nominabunt cardinalis Sedunensis et Guillermus
Hynchenfort.1 Et inter nominandos est unus nomine Jacobus
Bomisius pro secretario aptissimus, et pro subdatario alter qui
vocatur Johannes Betchen Coloniensis.
Item quod Sanctitas Sua dum erit Rome oficiales et familiares
suos habeat ad honestum et redactum [sic] numerum, unde
sequatur, quod car165 nunc maxima et superflua familiarium
Comitiva stipati etiam se reform abunt et familiam suam ad
honestum numerum reducent.
Insuper quia ex oficiorum auditoris camere et clericorum de
camera et abreviatorum de majori et nonnullorum aliorum ven-
ditione paratur materia ut justicia venalis fiat, idcirco dicta oficia
minime vendantur, sed gratis dentur personis litteratis. Et quod
auditor camere et gubernator astringantur ad sindicatum.
Quod penitentiarii et referendarii reducantur ad honestum
numerum et tarn ipsis quam etiam dominis de Rota quotannis
assignentur certi redditus, qui absque conscientie lesione et sine
patrimonii diminutione poterunt eisdem ac ipsorum unicuique
assignari ex redditibus aliquorum abbatiatuum magni valoris
certis congregationibus nuper unitorum.
Et quod domini de Rota sub ofitiorum ipso facto privatione
nichil pro propina recipiant nisi tantum quod ad plus valeat duos
ducatos auri de camera, et pars plus dans ipso facto perdat jus
quod habet in causa et illud accrescat parti alteri. Et hoc idem
incurrant dicti penitentiarii. Et si penitentes voluerint gratis
dare aliquid, illud reponatur in quadam arcula ad opus fabrice
sancti Petri.
Et quod scriptores apostolici nihil percipiant quam instituta
Nicholai [V] in quadam bulla, et si contra fecerint non absol-
vantur a censuris in bulla contentis et sic precludetur iter
delinquendi.
1 Enkevoirt.
ATM \: 475
Et quod gabelle de Ripa diminuuntur pro medictatc et sic fict
res gratissiina Rnmanis, ct ni< hilominus tantundeni utili'.atis ex
gabella resultabit, <iuia dum gabdl.i crit diminuta, multo pi u res
quam nunc venditores per (lumen Tyberi portabunt victualia, +
quae nunc propter gabelle excessum non vehuntur, et quod dicta
gabella non arrendetur, sed pro ipsa exigenda ponantur collectores,
qui de exactis reddant rationcm maestro domus Vestre Beat it u-
dinis; nam dum gabella arrendatur, illi, qui ipsam arrcndant,
maxime vexant illos, qui victualia vendenda deferunt.
Demum multa imposita a Leone [X] decreta et oficia militum
scutiferorum et preter solitum numerum cubiculariorum ct ofitia
de Ripa evanescant et dissolvantur, nam fere totum patrimonium
absorbent.
Et quod fiscus non audeat excedere in suo ofitio quod tantum +
consistit in denuntiando et instando.
[Endorsed:] Transcripta a quodam memoriali per rev. dom.
Matheum card. Sedunens. prima martii Rome ordinato, scripto
tamen per me abbatem [B. de] Lauro.
[Orig. Cod. Vatic. 3924, I., f. 204, Vatican Library.1]
4. POPE ADRIAN VI. TO THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS.*
1522, Mai 8, Saragotm,
Adrianus papa VI. Vener. fratres nostri, salutem et apost
benedict.
Sexta huius mensis reddidit nobis litteras circumspect, vestrarum
dil. filius loannes Maria alumnus et nuntius dilecti filii nob:
viri ducis Urbini, quibus circumspectiones vestrae ducem ipsum
et egregia eius erga nos et sanctam sedem apostolicam merita
diligenter commendant. Non facile dixerimus quantam nobis
dictae litterae laeticiam attulerunt non solum propter oblatam
nobis ipsius ducis obedientiam et optimam eius ad res ecclesiae
iuvandas voluntatem, quod in promptu est videre quanti in hac
temporum malicia estimari debeat, sed uod ex hac circum-
spectionum vestrarum commendatione plane innotescat rcctis-
simus et ardens zelus earundem ad optime prospiciendum rebus
1 The crosses and lines on the margin are in the original
seem to have been made by Adrian VI. hiu
2 See supra , p. 162.
476 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
et statui ecclesiae, quae ex longiuscula nostra ab urbe absentia est
in moerore non parvo constituta, cum fortissimos ac fidelissimos
vassallos ipsius ecclesiae et ipsi tarn benigne tractent et nobis tarn
ex corde commendent proque viribus omnia procurent, quae ad
sedandas ecclesiae tempestates conducere noverint. Sane ducem
ipsum propter eum eiusque egregias virtutes et fidem erga nos et
sanctam sedem apost. sat commendatum omni eramus favore, ut
par est, prosequuturi. At accedente ad hoc sacri charissorum fratrum
nostrorum collegii interventu curae nobis erit, ut cumulus quoque
beneficentiae favorisque nostri non contemnendus accedat, quod
suo tempore re melius ipsa quam verbis ostendemus. Quod
reliquum est hortamur ac rogamus circumspectiones vestras quam
maxime possumus ex animo, ut per hoc breve momentum
absentiae nostrae paci et unitati primum quidem inter se ipsas,
deinde in populis urbis Romae ac totius Italiae summa cum
instantia ac vigilantia studeant cogitentque nunquam oblatum
iri sibi occasionem, qua excellentes virtutes suas magis quam
nunc illustrare possint.
Dat. Caesaragustae sub annulo piscatoris die VIII maii 1522
suscepti a nobis apostolatus officii anno primo.
T. Hezius.
[A tergo :] Address and Chancery endorsement of receipt, 28
June, 1522.
[Orig. Sec. Arch, of the Vatican, Arch. s. Angeli A. V, c. 3, n. 31.]
5. POPE ADRIAN VI. TO THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS.1
1522, Juni 3, Saragossa.
Adrianus papa VI. Venerab. fratres nostri, salutem et apost.
benedictionem.
Cum diu avide expectassemus responsa circumspect, vestrarum
ad eas litteras nostras quas nuper mense martio per dil. fil.
loannem Borrellum camerarium nostr. secretum cum diversis
instructionibus atque mandatis illi commissis duplicatas misimus,
tandem ultima maii voti compotes facti sumus binis circumspect,
vestrarum litteris, quarum alterae octava, alterae XI maii datae
fuerunt, simul acceptis, ex quibus et quam laetis animis instru-
1 See supra, p. 54.
MI 477
mrntu novpt.itioms nnstrae exceperint et quo studio de
profectionis nostrac ad mini vgerint magna cum I
nostri exultatione percepinius, quam mox sequent! die, id est kal.
iunii, maxime cumuhivit iurundissiinum novum, quo dil. filiuin
nostrum Alexandrum card, de Caesarinis cum galeonc nostro •
littoribus Catheloniac salvum applicuisse et insuper novem
triremes ex Italia, duns nostras et ecclesiae et septem chariss. in
Christo filii nostri Caroli in imperat. electi, nee non duas
naves multo biscocto atque frumento vinoque oneratas propediem
expectari cognovimus.
Glad that he is at last able to travel, and thanks the Cardinals.
The Emperor and the King of Portugal have already sent their
envoys.
Rex Portugalliae classem nobis suis sumptibus talem et taliter
instructam mittit, ut ad securitatem navigationis nostrae non parum
moment! afferre videatur. Alter vero id est rex Anglic totam
classem quae traiectioni nostrae necessaria esset solus exhibere
paratus erat et earn exhibuisset, nisi per memoratum electum
imperatorem persuasus fuisset nobis hac in re ex Neapoli facilius
atque commodius subveniri posse. Sed et char*"* in Christo filius
noster Francorum rex christianissimus non quidem adhuc per
oratorem sed per privatas personas amicum et benivolum erga
nos animum ostendit idque ipsum et dil. filii Venetorum rcspublica
litteris et amplis oblationibus (etiam triremium suarum) plane
demonstrarunt.
For sake of peace, which is so necessary, has sent envoys to
the Emperor, Henry VIII., and also to Francis I., in order that
at least a truce may be arranged.
Omnino vero dabimus operam, ut, iam suppetentibus tarn
navigiis quam commeatibus, citra ullam dilationem nos hinc in
portum et inde continuo in Italiam conferam
Circa delationem vero armorum et alia gubernationem urbis
et Italiae concernentia in vigilantia prudentiaque circumspect
vestrarum quibus eas res tantai- curae esse videmus deinceps con-
quiescemus. Reliqua quae nunc scribenda erant, ne prolixiores
simus, circumspect" vestrae ex dil. filiis Wilhelmo de Enkewort
notario et procurat. nostro et Melchiore de Bardasinis advocate
consist, plenius intelligent.
Dat. in palatio Aliaferiae prope et extra muros Caesaragustae
478 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sub ann. piscat. die 3 iunii 1522 suscepti a nobis apostolatus
officii a° primo. T. Hezius.
[A tergo:] Address and Chancery endorsement of receipt, 18
July 1522.
[Orig. Sec. Arch, of the Vatican, Arch. s. Angeli A. V,
c. 3, n. 29.]
6. GALEOTTO DE' MEDICI TO FLORENCE.1
1522, August 27, Rom.
. . . Per via d' Inchefort 2 ritrago di commission del papa haver
dicto al s. Don Giovanni3 che delle cose delli stati non vuole
muover cosa alcuna sanza di lui e che vuol che governi il tutto
e lo vuole in palazo apresso di se e haver ordine di consegniarli
le stanze, il qual non 1' ha volsute acceptar dicendo prima volersi
abochar con S. Bne. Dopo il S. Don Giovanni di grande auctorita
sara F arcivescovo di Cosenza 4 et Inchefort sara datario. . . .
[Orig. State Arch. Florence, Lett, agli Otto, n. 25.]
7. GALEOTTO DE' MEDICI TO FLORENCE.5
1522, September I, Rom.
Questa matina e stato consistoro, dove N. Sre ha parlato molto
sanctemente con dir [che] dopo la fel. rec. di papa Leone ci s' era
facto errori assai, il che importava che ogni homo era peccator,
ma che le lor signorie revme erano a tempo ad emendarsi, e cosi
pregava facessino perche li haveano ad esser spechio a tutto il
mondo, che pensassino al honor e salute della Chiesa, sopratutto
si operassi che si administrassi ragtone e iustitia, e molto li admoni
e exhort6 vivamente. . . .
[Orig. State Arch., Florence, loc. dt.~\
8. GIOVANNI MARIA DELLA PORTA TO URBINO.G
1522, September 2, Rom.
... Ne le cose de beneficii ha me detto il Datario 7 haver pur
hoggi riplicata commissione da S. Stk di non dare a persona del
1 See supra, p. 164. 2 Enkevoirt. 3 Manuel. 4 Ruffo Teodoli.
6 See supra, p. 93. 6 See supra, pp. 95, 120. 7 Enkevoirt.
\r; 479
mondo solo che un beneficio con cura. Chiedendole con molta
instati/a il card. Trevullio M. Agostino un vescovato allegando
hi povrrt.i ma, .idimando rh' intrata fosse la sua edicendo
di 4m ducati, rcplic6 con molta admiration ch' essa era vissuto ' con
3"' ct con avanzo de qualche denari che 1' haveano aiutata ncl venir
suo in Italia. Questi termini non piac. no molto alii preti, ma te
ha da seguitar Dio gli doni pur longa vita come credo che fara,
che si governa ben ne vol magniare in brigata et fa grandissima
guard ia per il veleno. . . .
[Orig. State Arch., Florence, Urbino Cl. I, Div. G, filza 132.]
9. GIOVANNI MARIA DELLA PORTA TO URBINO.*
1522, September 6, Rom.
... II Papa fu ieri a pigliare il possesso del Castello Santo
Angelo, et non vi si ferm6 quasi niente, non trovandovi altro che
gli cassoni vodi; pure non ha mutato ancora il castellano. Sua
Santita ha, questa mane, havuta nova 1' armata sua esser gionta a
Porto Venere et subito ha commesso che non si lascia descendere
un fante, et pare che non voglia piii farla venire qua, ma dir
al soccorso di Rodi, al che mostra di attendere diligentissima-
mente ; et vuole che questi padri reverendissimi concorrano alia
spesa, dicendoli parole sopra il reformare de la Chiesa, tanto
gagliarde, che restano tutti attoniti ; ne 1' ultimo concistoro, raggio-
nando di questa materia, adduxe 1' esempio de li Hebrei : che, non
si volendo corregere, receveano ogni di nove persecutioni da Dio,
come a noi cristiani intervenea da tanto tempo in qua, et la causa
di questo disse essere, come narrava S. Bernardo, che alii jxxxa-
tori intervenea come alii molti pieni tutti di malo odore, che V uno
non sentea il puzzore di T altro; et perci6 bisognava che sue
signorie reverendissime comenzassero a levare da se questo malo
odore del peccato, perche gli dispiact-sse il sentire quelle di 1' allnii
et cosi venessero a dare bono exemplo, con tanto biasimare il
viver di questa corte, che non si puo dir piii. Cosl ragiona di
remettere la giustitia et gia pare che abia ordinato che li auditor!
di Rota non piglino piii propina, come si usava al tempo di Sisto
[IV]. Guarda la excellentia vostra quanto ello e rigoroso nella
giustitia, che, ad instanza di tutto il collegio, non ha voluto, per
1 In the original : visse. * See fupra, pp. 93, 98.
480 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
allegrezza di la sua venuta, liberare le pregioni, dicendo non volere
che, per causa sua, si deroghi alia giustitia. . . .
Roma alii 6 settembre 1522.
[Orig. State Arch., Florence, loc. cit.}
10. GALEOTTO DE' MEDICI TO FLORENCE.1
1522, September 8, Rom.
P. S. Intendo N. Sre haver facto metter bando che alcuno
pelamantello o vero righattier non possa sotto gravissime pene
comperare alcune supelectilie di chi morissi e che tutti li preti
debbino star alle loro parrochie e visitar qualunche sentissino
esser infermo confessandoli e facendo tutte 1' altre cose che a loro
s' aspectono far in tali lor parrochie, ne manchino di alcuno loro
offitio divino sotto pena di privatione delli benefitii e altre pene
come para a S. Stt, il che si pensa sia ordinato per haver faculta
d' ingrassare questi Ultramontani venuti qua senza aviamento.
[Orig. State Arch. Florence, Lett, agli Otto n. 27.]
ii. GIOVANNI MARIA BELLA PORTA TO THE DUCHESS OF
URBINO.2
1522, September 23, Rom.
About Winkler, see supra, p. 81.
N. Sre sta meglio ogni di ne vogliono gli medici che S. Sl* dica
messa insin ch' ella non sia ben confermata. L' altro giorno essendo
affannata di haver data audienza quasi sforzamente a non so chi
voltasi al suo secretario dicono che disse : O Theodorice, quanto
esset melius quod nos essemus in nostro archydiaconato Luanie
pacifice.
Opinion about Heeze, see supra, p. 81.
[Orig. State Arch. Florence, Urbino, filza 265.]
12. L. CATI TO THE DUKE ALFONSO OF FERRARA.S
1522, December 26, Rom.
. . . Heri in la solenitate del Natale in lo intrar de la corte et
del papa in capella cadete uno architrave marmoreo giu del uscio
de la capella et occise un Suizero de la guardia cum pericolo de
1 See supra, pp. 99, 101. 2 See supra, pp. 101, 125. 3 See supra, p. 168.
AITI-.N;
ucciderne molti piu homini da bene et forsi il papa se il case non
occorca si presto ; fii rcputato per male augurio.
[Orig. State Archives, Mod
13. ANGELO GERMANKLLO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.1
1522, December 29, Rom.
. . . El dl de natale essendo ia preparato de dire la messa papale
in capella et ia el papa mosso per andarli, essendo la frequentia de
le brigate, che li intravano secundo se sole, cascb lo architrave dc
marmore che stava sopra la porta de la capella et decte in terra
et poi che fo in terra in lo balso che fece colse subito uno scvizaro
et subito lu amaz6 et un altro scvizaro stroppi6, et se stava un
pocu piu ad cascare seria stato pericolo non havesse colto el papa
o cardinal! o qualche prelato, fo mancho male succedesse como
accasc6, et veramente fo gran cosa. . . .
Rome XXIX decembis 1522.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
* "Se fosse cascato uno miserere piu inanti haveria facto qualche
grande scandalo," reports V. Albergati on 25th December 1522.
[State Archives, Bologna.]
14. JACOPO CORTESE TO THE MARCHIONESS ISABELLA OF
MANTUA.2
1523, Januar. 12, Rom.
. . . fe vi anchora rumore et dicesi non sencia fundamento dc
non scio che tractato contra et nela persona de N. S. et ragionassi
di veneno, per il che sono incarcerati certi spcciali quali havevano
le botege nel borgo di S. Petro et certi altri, non per6 persone di
conto, e pur judice il pto sr capit0. fe anchor incarcerate uno
episcopo calavrese creatnra dil rmo car. Armelino nomato messer
Sixto persona molto nota al r. mesr Berardo. Potra esser ma non
credo sia notato di questo : e perche questa e materia tanto ardua,
che e magior virtu a non ne parlarc, non mi pare poterne scrivcr
sobrio, sol dico che non cade ne la mente mia, che si possi trovmr
homo tanto profano che habi a imazinar o8 pensare simil cose in
1 See supra, p. 168. a See supra, pp. 98, 121. Bis. : ho.
VOL. IX. 31
482 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
uno principe de la qualita che e Sua Stjl di sanctimonia, rectitudine,
vita exemplare, affabilita, ethumanita, etsecondo me e impossibile
che sotto a tal pastor e governo questa sede apostolica patisca. . . .
In Roma XII jenaro 1523.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
15. ANGELO GERMANELLO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.1
1523, Februar. 9, Rom.
. . . Laltro di andorono dal papa tredici cardinal! uniti et con
gran reverentia se dolsero con la Sua Sta, che era fama in Roma
et in le terre de la chiesa e tra li principi christiani, che la Sua
Stk non faceva piu casu de card11 et che questo epsi lo vedevano
cum effectu, perche la Sua Stk tucte le sue deliberation! le faceva
con consulto de lo archiepis0 de Cosensa lo auditor de la camera
et el datario, non de fratrum consilio secundo dicono li sacri
canoni et li ordini de li altri pontifici, supplicandoli non volesse
far tal scisma. Da poi se dolsero che la Sua Sta li derogasse ad
loro indulti et che per le regule de cancelleria li havesse molto
restrecti. Tertio se dolsero che facesse levar case et robbe ad
cortisciani che morivano et che de questo Roma ne pateria assai
perche niscuno vorria edificar piu. La Sua Sli li auscult6
voluntieri et se excus6 che la peste era stata causa del tucto, et
che per lo advenir se seria portata talmente che serriano ben
satisfacti de la S. Sta, et cosi li expedecte. Veramente li card"
restano molto mal content! per esser pocu existimati et anchora
tucte le altre brigate, perche non se po cavar dal papa alcuna
resolutione et e grandma fatigha negociar ad questi tempi, non se
ha respecto ad alcuno, le facende vanno longissime senza alcuna
resolutione como ne intervene del breve de le taxe, el quale el
papa piu volte ad mia presentia la ha commesso ad lo auditor de
la camera et anchora non se e possuto havere, ma spero tra quatro
di haverlo expedite, ne mando una copia ad la V. Exia come
havera da stare, se dicto auditor nol guastara, et per le primi
spero mandarlo. . . .
Rome die IX februarii 1523.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
1 See supra, p. 114,
API'! Ni 483
16. CONSISTORY OF THE IITH OF FEBRUARY, 15
Romae die mere, i i f< ! ruarii 1523. S. N. D. proposuit duo:
prinuim vid. quod infccti prste mitterentur in aliquo loco
urhcin et quod pmvidervtur cis dc necessariis ministris et aliis
rebus pro curatione et sustentatione eomm. . . . Secondly about
Rhodes, which may be given up as lost. Et propterea S. S. cogi-
taverat de novo scribere brevia ad istos reges super concordia,
addendo in illis, quod indicebat treguas triennales seu quadriennales
et quod volebat imponere decimam, et commiserat card. Anconi-
tano 2 ut ordinaret minutam quae postea legi deberet in consistorio
et etiam creari deberent legati tarn pro regno Ungariae quam pro
regibus, et ne fieret difficultas in eorum receptione significare
regibus intendebat quomodo S. Sta> eos ad illos destinaret, et fere
omnes laudarunt propositum S. Bnb. Three Cardinals (Soderini,
Colonna, and Cornaro) deputed for this business.
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
17. GIROLAMO BALBI TO SALAMANCA.*
1523, Fcbruar. 23, Rom.
. . . Quicquid denique D. V. mihi demandaverat vel praesens
vel scriptis, id totum a summo pontifice est obtentum, sed nullas
litteras vel brevia adhuc exigere potui. Causa est defectus
officialium, nam qui sub pontificatu Leonis erant in hoc genere
peritiores alii abierunt, alii obierunt, hii vero qui nuncsuccesserunt
sunt paucissimi et imperitissimi adeo, ut hie nihil expedia;
vix uno mense absolvi possit et ego cogar per me et meos quae
sunt scribenda perficere, habebitque M. V. intra paucissimos dies
ea confessionalia, interim libere et intrepide utatur esu carnium
utque ita facial pontifex, cum de tarditate expeditionis conquercrer,
annuit et assensit. . . ,
[Orig. Court and State Archives, Vienna.]
1 8. CONSISTORY OF THE 23RD OF FEBRUARY, 1523.*
Romae die lune 23 februarii 1523. S. D. N. proposuit quod
desiderabat componere paccm inter istos reges et si non posset
1 See supra, pp. 123, 172. ro Accohi
» See supra, p. 1 14. 4 S** ***** P- l?2'
484 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
concludi pax saltern concluderentur indutiae quinquennales ut
interim possit tractari pax et quod scripserat ad istos reges et
habuerat responsum a rege christmo, qui erat paratus inire pacem
prout placeret Suae Sd, et quia non habuerat responsum ab
imperatore et rege Angliae, cogitaverat pro maiori auctoritate et
efficacia, quod collegium scriberet litteras ad ipsos reges hortando
eos ad pacem quam Sua Stas eis proposuerat vel saltern ad dictas
indutias, ut interim pax ipsa tractari et concludi ac imminenti
Turcarum periculo provideri possit.
Item quod cogitaverat deputare legatos primo ad regem
Ungariae cum rex ipse Ungariae legatum a Ste Sua et hac S. Sede
mitti peteret pro consternatione illius regni et ad alios reges non
ut de presenti irent, sed habita voluntate regum, si illos recipere
vellent, essent parati et irent et omnia que in regnis ipsis pro
provisione possent tractare, concludere et expedire. Rmidom.
cardinales fere omnes approbarunt et laudarunt sanctas cogitationes
Suae Stis et quod videbantur exequendae et executioni demand-
andae et quod ad Stem Suam spectabat nominare legatos et cum
essent nominati tune vota rev. dom. super eorum nominatione
danda erant, illis nominatis exclusis, erit igitur Suae Stis cum sibi
placuerit procedere ad ulteriora. . . .
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
19. L. CATI TO ALFONSO, DUKE OF
1523, Mart. 21, Rom.
Report in cipher about the Pope's : Extrema et rapace avaritia,
de la qual crida tutta Roma et gia se fa iudicio, che habbia
imborsato a quest' hora de li ducati piii di settanta milia et non
ne spende se non pochissimi, anzi esso ha havuto a dir che
spendea dieci ducati il giorno per suo uso in casa et che erano
troppo, che li volea limitar in meno et benche Leone fusse una
sanguisuga di denari pur li spendeva, ma costui suga et non
spende, adeo che tutta Roma sta di malissima voglia ne rnai se li
ricorda tanta mestitia et judicasi che questo suo habbia ad esser
un pessimo pontificate . . . et quel che scrissi a questi di de
pasquillo disceva che accumulava denari per fugirse sel Turco
1 See supra, pp. 71, 108.
M 485
cazass , he questa cosa * uscita di
pasquilln <t andata alle orechie di S. Sudi modoche publicamente
si e lamentato in consistorio et ha detto, che non ha si poco
animo como pensano costoro.
[Grig. State Archives, Modena.]
20. CONSISTORY OF THE 23RD OF MARCH, 1523^
Romae die lunae 23 martii 1523. S. D. N. proposuit tria circa
legatum destinatum ad regem Ungariae : Primum de qualitatc
subsidii pro defensione contra Turchas danda legato destinato
ad illas partes ; secundum si erat danda facultas eidem legato
alienandi mobilia et vasa pretiosa ecclesiarum, ac quarta[m]
parte[m] mobilium urgente necessitate; tertium de deputatione
capitanei. Vota super his fuerunt diversa ; tandem Sanctitas Sua,
quae collegit vota, dixit, quod videbatur sibi, quod plura vota
dominorum essent, quod Sanctitas Sua sola non posset fenre onus
hujusmodi defensionis contra Turchas et quod deberet examinare,
quot pecuniae possent haberi tam ex decimis impositis, qua:
medio ducato imposito super focularibus civitatum et terrarum
Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae et ex aliis gemmis et jocalibus et
vasis argenteis, et ex officiis vendendis, de quibus poterat disponere,
et pecuniarum summam maiorem, quam habere posset, legato
destinato consignare. Quoad secundum dare facultates amplas,
quae aliis legatis dari consueverunt. Quo vero ad facultatem
alienandi mobilia, etiam quartam partem bonorum immobilium
ecclesiarum illarum partium ad requisitionem maioris partis
capitulorum et personarum ecclesiasticarum aliarurn partium
posset imminente necessitate ilia alienare, prout videretur dis-
cretioni et prudentiae ipsius legati expedire, et haec bulla facultatis
esset secreta, et ilia non uteretur nisi n et ipse vidcrit
expedire. Quoad tertium de defensione nunc agitur ; et non dc
generali expeditione ; et si reducerentur isti reges ad pacem vel
concordiam vel trcguam, esset discutiendum inter Imperatorcm,
regem Christianissimum, regem Angliae et regem Poloniar.
eorum debet esse imperator ; pro presenti defensione vid«
remittendum Germanis, Ungaris et aliis, qui pronunc debcnt con-
currere ad provisionem hujus exercitus, queni
1 Seesufra, p. 179.
486 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
eligere pro capitaneo et duce, et si non concordarent, dare facultatem
legato, ut ipse auctoritate apostolica posset eos reducere ad con-
cordiam vel si sibi videretur unum ex nominatis eligere auctoritate
apostolica. Sanctissimus Dominus Noster fecit verbum, quod
alias in promotione facta de persona Hieronymi electi Gurcen.
quod daretur sibi dilatio ad solvendum jura papae et collegii usque
ad festum S. Michaelis de mense septembris, quod ipse libenter
nunc solveret medietatem, si sibi fieret gratia de reliqua parte.
Aliqui erant contenti, alii vero titubabant. Papa respondit, quod
daret refutatorios. . . .
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
21. GIROLAMO BALBI TO SALAMANCA.!
1523, April. 12, Rom.
. . . Unum me recreat quod iam pontifex fraudes et dolos
Gallorum incipit clarius intueri et perinde iam a sua neutralitate
deflectere. Sunt eciam interceptae litterae, quas cardlis Volterranus
scripserat regi Galliae, in quibus feda et periculosa coniuratio est
patefacta. Vocabatur enim Gallus ad occupandam Siciliam et
ducatum Mediolanen. et utroque in loco erant insidiae collocatae,
quibus apertis nullus iam locus est relictus apud Pontificem
Gallos tuendi. Hanc tamen rem clarius d. Petrus ut puto
explicabit, nam industria dom. ducis Suesse eius fratris haec
coniuratio in lucem prodiit. . . .
[Orig. Court and State Archives, Vienna.]
22. ANGELO GERMANELLO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.2
1523, April. 27, Rom.
. . . Hozi essendo andati ad palazo el rmo cardinale di Volterra
et el rmo cardinale di Medici at el duca di Sessa dapoi 1' hora del
vespro et stando con el Papa tutti insieme, prima fii pigliato uno
messer Heliseo secretario del ditto revmo di Volterra in la camera
del paramento, dove stava ad expettar il patrone, dapoi in banchi
fu preso uno mesr Bernardo da Varazano Florentine et banchieri
et molto intimo del ditto r1110 di Volterra, et piii volte essendo la
1 See supra, p. 186. 2 See supra, p. 188.
AIM I N 48;
R1™ S. V. in R«>ma la venc a<l visiiare da partc del ditto r"* di
VnltriT.i. ritinio rl Papa ha destenuto d • ardu di Vol terra, ct
mandatolo in pn-gione et el conduceva i I « ipitaneo de la gu
con alcuni Spagnoli, et el sottocapitaneo Svizaro et cl cancellero
de ditta guardia per ditt e fora ad la porta de la sala di
pontifici ci ,i tutta la guardia ad expcttarlo ct cosi el con-
duxero per il giardino ct dapoi per el C" i castcllo, dove
subito and6 lo auditors dr la earner. minarlo.
li fossero poste le mano adosso forono el duca di Sessa et el r*°
di Medici ed Volterra ad nioltc discuss
havendole incomplete, el Papa con lo rmo di Medici et duca de
Sessa andarono in le stantie de sopra et lassorono Volterra in
mano de ditti subcapitaneo et altri prenominati et el menarono
via et passando per 1' anticamera alcuni sui prelati li vol.
andar dreto, forono tutti expulsi et el ditto card1" andava mezo
morto senza far alcuna parola. La causa de la captura se
existima sia stata per le cose ha confessate quel Siciliano, che fo
preso, del quale alii di passati io scrissi et al sig' marchese et ad
V. S. R™. Dapoi retornando io ad casa ho veduto el barisello
che ha preso il palazo del ditto cardlc di Volterra e pigliano tutte
le robbe per il Papa. I atta ditta captura son partuti de palazo
de compagnia el rmo card1" di Medici et el duca di Ses
retornati alle loro habitationi. Questo e quanto fin ad hora e
successo, et e stato la sera poco avanti 1« XX I III hore ; secundo
succederanno le cose advisar6 la Rlna S. V. . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
23. CONSISTORY OF THE 28™ OF APRIL, 1523.*
Romae die martis 28 aprilis 1 523. S. D. N. declanmt causam
detentionis rev. d. card. Vult. in arce s. Angeli et deputavit r. d.
card. S. Crucis, Anconit. et de Cesis commissaries in huiusmodi
causa et ordinavit ut d. Vult. detentus haberet commoditatem
omnium que sibi usui essent donee ct quousque dilueret crimina
obiecta.
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in ('< s of the
Vatican. 1
1 Sec sufira, p. 1 88.
488 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
24. CONSISTORY OF THE 27™ OF MAY, 1523.!
Romae die mere. 2 7 mail 1523. S. D. N. proposuit necessitatem
pecuniarum quam Sua Stas habebat in mittendo legato ad Ungariam
et quod videbatur sibi expediens, quod distributio annatarum s.
collegii, quae debebat fieri in festo s. lohannis, retardaretur ad
festum omnium sanctorum et quod rev. dom. de Flisco tune
faceret eas restituere collegio, et omnes revmi fuerunt content!. . . .
[Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
25. ANGELO GERMANELLO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.2
1523, Juli. 12, Rom.
Questa nocte passata e abbrusciata tucta quella cuppola de
piombo che era in la torre Borgia 3 del palazo del papa, la quale
de sobto era foderata de tavole et par che alcuni de quelli
Tedeschi li andassero per pigliar li columbi et attacarono la
candela in quelle tavole dentro de la cuppola, donde e causato
uno grandiss0 incendio et tucto el piombo se e descolato et
liquefacto et la torre e tucta conquassata, et tucta questa nocte
se atteso ad extinguere el focu, ma non ce stato ordine finche
tucta la cuppola non se consumata ; alcuni han suspecto non sia
facto ad posta dicto incendio; el papa questa nocte e stato
levato per dubio del focu, perche era sopra ad le camere dove
dorme. . . .
Rome XII Julii 1523.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
26. POPE ADRIAN VI. TO C. DE LANNOY, VICEROY OF
NAPLES.4
'523, Juli. 1 8, Rom.
Adrianus papa VI. Dilecte etc. Cum ob certa quaedam
ardua negocia in presentiarum occurrentia honori et utilitati
1 See supra, p. 190. 2 See supra^ p 2O5
3 For the cupola of the Torre Borgia see FABRICZY, Die Handzeichnungen
des Giuliano da Sangallo, Stuttgart, 1902, pp. 96-97.
4 See supra, p. 203.
cliar"" in Christo filii nostri Hrrti imp nagnoperc cxpcdiat
nos tecum coram ac prcscntialitcr loqui atqur ronfVrrr, hor1
in dom. nob. tuam U'<|uc paterne et enixc rrquirimus, ut statiin
acceptis present! bus te per dispositos equos seu postas cum
paucissimis comitibus et quam : ad hanc almam
urbem nostram conferrc festines, in acdibus dil. filii nol>
ducis Suessani dicti electi imperatoris hie oratoris si tibi vid«
descensurus ac requieturus, donee nos de tuo adventu certiores
facti opportunitatem tecum communicandi tibi significari
fecerimus, in quo rem facies Ces. Mu plurimum expedientem
et nobis quam gratissimam. Dat. Romae apud s. Petrum sub
annulo piscat, die 18. julii 1523, p. n. a. i°.
[Autograph postscript :] Non procrastines oro venire ad nos.
Res enim1 arduae sunt et quae commodum Imperatoris concernunt
et eius honorem ac rei publicae christianae salutem. Adrianus
papa VI.
[Orig. Court and State Archives, Vienna.]
27. ALESSANDRO GABBIONETA TO THE MARCHIONESS
ISABELLA OF MANTUA.*
1523, Juli. 28, Rom.
. . . Madama mia, Roma non e piii quella che la Iass6, tanto
e mutata la dignita et splendor di quella ; in palazzo, dove solera
esser il concorso del mondo, non si vede quasi persona, alle
camere del Papa non e piu la solita frequentia ; V e vero che la
StH Sua sta piu pomposa in le camere cha Pontifice io vidi mai,
e forsi lo fa per quello ditto de David: Astitit rcgina a «:
tuis in vestitu deaurato circumdata varietate.8 La effigie sua i
mitissima e clemente et piii assimigliasi ad una fratescha de quelle
delli frati de San Vito cha pontificale ; le parole sue son buone,
ama la Ml* Cesarea tanto quanto 1' anima propria, e voria chel fusse
victore non solum del re de I-'ran/.a ma de tutto il mondo
per questo se possibile fusse non voria spendere un carlino.
Romae 28 julii 1523.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
1 Orig. : ,n'. Ifaumgarlen (II., 280) makes thb clear by reading .natii'.
2 See supra, \t. I2O. * P»lm 44, ia
490 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
28. CONSISTORY OF THE 2QTH OF JULY, I523.1
Romae die mere. 29 mensis julii 1523. S. D. N. fecit verbum
de federe ineundo inter reges et principes christianos, ostendens,
quanto cum periculo versetur universa respublica Christiana ob
continuas victorias, quas ob negligentiam principum tyrannus
Turcharum assecutus est. Rogavitque enixe rev. dominos, ut
Suae St[ assistere vellent eumque adjuvare consilio et ope, ut pax
inter ipsos reges et principes componi possit, qua confecta
expeditionem generalem contra Turchas deliberare et execution!
demandare unanimi consensu possit, ut a Ste Sua summopere
desiderabatur.2
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.!
29. POPE ADRIAN VI. TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS OF
MANTUA AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF THE CHURCH. 3
1523, August. 26, Rom.
Adrianus Papa VI. Dilecte etc. Qui aper litteras et nuncios
fide dignorum admoniti sumus exercitum Gallorum in Italiam ad
ducatum Mediolani occupandum infestis signis ac animis adventare,
nos considerantes inde non solum dicto ducatui, sed etiam toti
Italiae,immoquodgravius est universae christianitati,nisi opportune
provideatur, maximae perturbation is et plurimorum malorum dis-
crimen imminere, ac volentes iuxta federis ac ligae quam nuper
una cum certis regibus ac principibus tibi notis pro defensione
praefatorum Italiae et christianitatis conclusimus formam atque
tenorem ad opus eiusdem defensionis quas possumus et prout ex
dicti federis capitulis nobis incumbit ferre suppetias, nobililatem
tuam tenore praesentium in Domino hortamur et expresse serioque
requirimus, ut statim acceptis praesentibus omnibus et singulis
equitibus tarn gravis quam levis armaturae, quos ad stipendia
nostra ratione contractus novissime inter nos et te initi tenes ac
tenere debes, districte praecipias ac mandes, ut una cum locum-
1 See suf»-a, p. 206.
2 DE LEVA (II., 173) gives a different version of Adrian's speech, but with-
out quoting authorities.
3 See supra, p. 211.
Ai'TIN!
tu<> per tc coostitaendo M a<l r.istra Cacsarcac Maiestatis
in dicto cluratu « xist. ntia rt ad <lilr< turn filium iv.br
Prosperum Columnam illis praesidentem illico conferre debeant,
facturi ea quae illis ab ipsu Prnspero iniimgentur, donee rcrtius
cognoverimus, utrum pracfatus Galloruni cxcrcitus itcr suum
advcrsus dictum ducatum onmino prosequatur. Quo casu,
lumen I )cus evenire prohibeat, intemlimus nobilitatem luam
re.juirere, ut ipsa personaliter ad dicta castra post dictos equites
suosproficiscatur,quo auctoritate consilioque suis ipsorum dal
impetus facilius retundi valeat. Interea vero eandem hortamur
in Domino et paterne requirimus, quatenus statim his visis pro-
videre et ordinare velit, ut commeatus et victualia iusto
veniente precio et solutis solvendis ex marchionatu et ceteris suis
dominiis libere extrahi et ad memorata castra ferri et exportari
possint, in quo nobilitas tua rem humanitate sua dignam et nobis
ac huic sanctae sedi inprimis acceptam faciet.
Datum Romae apud sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die
XXVI augusti MDXXIII0, pontificatus nostri anno primo.
ilezius.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
30. POPE ADRIAN VI. TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA, ETC.1
1523, September I, Rom.
Adrianus Papa VI. Dilecte etc. . . . Cum itaque quotidie
certius intelligamus hostilem exercitum Italiae continue mar
magis appropin(}uare regemque chrniuin in persona ad partes I
contendere ac properare, ut nostra ex parte omnibus ren
adversus pericula ipsi Italiae et ex consequent! toti christianitati
imminentia non iam dubia neque exigua, sed certa et magna uti
debeamus nee ulla in re quae per nos et confederatorum qucmque
praestari possit amplius cunctandum videatur, nobilitatcm tuam
expresse et attente in Domino requirimus, ut ipsa una cum omni
equitatu quern sub se habet, videlicet tarn nostro et ecclesiastico
quam Mediolanensi ar Flnrcntino, absque ullius morac interposi-
tions Padum flunu-n traiicere ac versus nostram
Placentiam proficisci festinet, inde cum praefato Prospero Columna
1 See supra, p. Jit.
492 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
per litteras ac nuncios consultatura, utrum ne conveniret earn ad
tutelam et custodiam civitatis Alexandriae accedere. Cum enim
civitas ilia (sicut nobilitas tua novit) venientibus Gallis primum
obvia futura sit putentque prudentes, vel solam, ubi bene defensa
sit, hostiles vires ac impetum citra Padum sustinere posse, maxime
elaborandum est, ut aliquis magnae auctoritatis ac nominis vir,
cuiusmodi nobilitas tua est, illius custodiae ac defensioni praefici-
atur. Et si quidem dicto Prospero omnino videbitur, ut nobilitas
tua onus hoc suscipiat, cupimus earn ocyssime ad civitatem ipsam
accedere una cum toto equitatu praedicto et cum mille peditibus
(si videbitur) sclopetariis, quos statim acceptis praesentibus ab ea
conduci [sic] ad nostra et praefatorum Florentinorum stipendia,
pro quibus solvendis absque mora pecuniae per nos et illos trans-
mittentur, nee non cum duobus vel tribus millibus peditum Hispa-
norum vel Germanorum prout nobilitas tua elegerit. Hortari
autem nobiltem tuam ad fortiter strenueque se hac in re gerendum,
superfluum merito videatur, cum et animi eius generositas ac fides
multis magnisque in rebus probatissima et rei de qua agitur
importantia et periculorum imminentium propinquitas ac magni-
tude et denique ingens suus erga communem salutem Italiae zelus
eidem ad praemissa satis incitamenti additura sint. Hoc unum
dumtaxat in fine dicimus, nobilu tuae tota vita sua non esse ex-
pectandam occasionem, qua nos et dictam sedem ac praefatam
Caesaream Maiestatem nee non Italiam ac universam christiani-
tatem sibi magis promereri verioremque laudem sibi apud omnes
recte sentientes comparare possit, quam si omnibus ingenii in-
dustriaeque suae viribus una cum praefato Prospero ac aliis
partium nostrarum concorditer et absque emulatione, quae saepe
maximas res et alioqui tutissimas perdere ac deservire solet, Italiae
defensioni contra eos qui illam et dictam christianitatem perturba-
tum veniunt incubuerit.
Datum Romae apud sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die
prima septembris MDXXIIP pontif. nostri anno secundo.
T. Hezius.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
AIM 493
31. Ton Ai'KiAN VI. ro .'
i MANTUA, E-I.
15^31 Scptcmlwr 8, Ron.
Dilecte etc. . . . Cum autem tua istinc profectio ob rerum
exigentiam ulterion -ni moram, prout nobiltcm tuam non praeterit,
minime patiatur, dcnuo illam enixe in Domino hortandam et
quanto possumus studio requirendam duxinuis. ei nihilomin
virtute sanctae obedientiae iniungentes, ut omni exceptione et
excusatione postposita personaliter cum dictorum equitum ct
peditum manu iuxta dictarum litterarum tenorem quam celcrrimc
vadat. Quod licet rei importantia et perbreve temporis intcrvallum
exigant, erit nobis quam maxime gratum et acceptum.
Datum Romae apud stum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die VIII
septembris MDXXIII0, pontif. nostri anno secundo.
I. Ha
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
32. POPE CLEMENT VII. DISTRIBUTES HIS BENEFICES.*
1523, December 23, Rom.
Ad fut. rei mem. In qualibet monarchia. . . ,
Distribution of the Papal benefices among the 37 Cardinals of
the Conclave in accordance with the resolutions passed at the
election. These benefices were : Florence; Narbonne ; C!
valle ; St. Victor at Marseilles ; St. Joannes de Angeva, dioc.
Genoa; Trium fontium Urbis, Monastery and Commendam;
office of Vice-Chancellor and the Legation of Bologna.
All of these benefices in respect of their incomes were to be
divided into 37 equal portions, each amounting to 1000 di.
as determined by the Sacred College itself: — Florence 2 portions ;
Narbonne 8 ; Chiaravalle 8 ; Tre Fontane 2 ; St. Victor and St.
John together 2 ; i for the title of Narbonne, Chiaravalle, and Tre
Fontane (350 ducats for each of the two first and 300 for Ttv
Fontane); the Cancellaria 9, and the Legation of Bologna 5
portions.
The titles of Florence, the Cancellaria, and the Legation of
Bologna were reserved for the Pope's free disposal.
1 See supra, p. 211. * See supra, p. 245.
494 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Cardinals cast lots for the portions, which were distributed
in accordance with the foregoing apportionment to each individual ;
besides they had the right to make exchanges with each other or
to commute their portion for a pension.
Dat. Romae 1523 X. cal. Jan. a° i°.
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Regest. Vat. 1440, f. 44b-46a.]
33. CONSISTORY OF THE IITH OF JANUARY, I524.1
Romae die lune n Jan. 1524. . . . S. D. N. fecit verbum de
divisione fienda de beneficiis et officiis, quae in persona Suae Stis
fuerant ante assumptionem ad pontificatum, et primo petiit a dom.
revmis, quibus in sortem obvenerant portiones super ecclesia
Narbonen. an essent Concordes, qui omnes dixerunt se esse Con-
cordes ; idem affirmarunt ii quibus super monasterio Trium fontium
portiones sorte obvenerant. Idem ii quibus in monasterio Clara-
vallen., idem ii quibus in cancellaria. Idem ii quibus in legatione
Bononiensi.
Deinde per S. D. N. deventum est ad expeditionem ecclesiarum,
monasteriorum et officioruin.
Ad relationem papae :
Fuit deputatus perpetuus administrator ecclesiae Narbonen.
rev. dom. card, de Lotaringia cum retentione beneficiorum
suorum. . . .
Deinde provisum est ecclesiae Florentinae de persona rev. de
Rodulphis. . . . Deinde monast. Claravallens. ord. Cisterc.
Mediolan. dioc. commendatum est rev. de Cesis. . . . Deinde
monast. s. Victoris ord. s. Benedict! Massilien. dioc. commendatum
est rev. de Trivultiis. . . . Deinde provisum est de prioratu s.
Joannis de Angeva dom. rev. Comensi. . . . Deinde monasterium
Trium fontium commendatum est rev. de Flisco. . . . Creatus est
vice-cancellarius rev. de Columna. . . . Creatus *est legatus
Bononiae rev. de Cibo. . . . Provisum est ecclesiae Vaurien. de
persona rev. Trivultii. . . .
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
1 See supra, p. 245.
A i 495
u A I'IIMRARIO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS or
MANTUA.1
1524, November 28, Rom.
A questi dl intesi che'l re christianissimo propontva Ferrara al
papa vincta a sue spese st Vvolevafarsi Franccse^ e questo lo <!
Alberto? Questi Imperial! sono mal satisfatti del papa quanto dir
se possa.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
35. CONSISTORY OF THE IQTH OF SEPTEMBER, 1526.*
Romae die mercurii 19 sept. 1526. Rev. dom. card, de Cesis
diaconus legit litteras ill. ducis Venetiarum ad magcum Dominicum
Venereum oratorem suum apud S. D. N. scriptas, quibus signifi-
cabat se ex multorum litteris percepisse die 29 mensis augusti
1526 magnum conflictum fuisse factum inter Turcarum tyrannum
et Ungaros, adeo magnum quod Ungari cum suo rege debellati
fuerant in damnum maximum christiane fidei et periculum, quod
dii avertant pro eorum misericordia, et dubitabatur de amissione
totius regni Ungarie, quod temporibus retroactis fuerat propugna-
culum firmissimum pro fide Christiana contra hanc inin
gentem, et de morte prefati regis Ungarie dubitabatur. Turn
gmus j) ^j lectis litteris cepit deplorare conditionem nostrorum
temporum dixitque nullum presentaneum remedium his •
malis fore, quam si fieret pax et concordia inter principes
christianos, et propterea Sua Stas decreverat personam suam
exponent ut decet optimum pastorem pro grege suo et ire cum
nonnullis triremibus Barchinonam versus Ces. M1*" non dubita-
batque illam Mtcm omnia facturam esse, que ad honorem dci
optimi maximi et totius Christianitatis essent profuturn, quum
semper cognoverat ipsam Mtera summa rcligione et pruti
preditam esse, et ita de consilio fratrum huiusmoi: mem
decrevit, quam certis de causis impresentiarum publicari prohibuit.
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
an.]
1 See supra, p. 269 ; the passage in italics is in cipher.
8 Carpi. » See J»/r«, p, 318.
496 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
36. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.1
1526, September 21, Rom.
Ho significato a V. Exia per le mie due de heri quanto era
occorso fino alle xxm hore per la venuta qui in Roma del sr don
Ugo et de sri Collonesi, ma vi havea da giongere, che a quella
medesima hora misero il pallazo a sacho quasi tutto e in spetie le
robbe di N. S. che anchor che fusse stato levato lo oro, le gioglie
et li argenti insieme cum qualche altra cosa di pretio, pur vi
restorono de molte altre robbe, le quale tutte sono andate in mano
de queste genti et fra loro fatone divisione ; erano alia guardia de
ditto pallazo alcuni Svizari, li quali fecero qualche diffesa, ma non
tale come havevano dovuto et potuto, di modo che intrati una
brigata de fanti fecero la preda che volsero si de beni mobili come
de cavalli, per forma che ogniuno de li pallatini ne hanno sentito
o pocho o assai, ma la maggiore parte sono restati netti dil tutto ;
misero anche a sacho la casa de monsr Camerlengo benche
intendo che sono state salvate molte robbe de le sue che prima
furno levate ; et insieme sachegiorno alcuna altre case li in borgo,
ma non tutte per6. Fatto questo li soldati si da cavallo come da
piedi si retirorno et ritornorono a sto Apostolo, dove sono stati
questa notte, et questa mattina per tempo si sono ridutti alle
Terme ad fare la ressigna et dare denari, per quanto e stato dicto
cum il sr Vespasiano et sr Ascanio in compagnia loro. El
card'6 Colona e don Ugo restorno allo alloggiamento. lo mi son
apresentato questa mattina a bon hora a castello et intrato ritrovai
N. Sre in congregatione cum tutti li card11, dove dopuoi longo
spacio fti risoluto di mandare per il sr don Ugo et vedere di
pigliare qualche forma de accordo, se possibile era, e accioche
havesse ad venire sicuramente, si mand6 li dui card Cibo et
Rodolphi al rmo Collona per obstagi ; se come si fece anche heri
sera chel pto don Ugo intr6 in castello ad parlare cum S. Sta et
exequito questo dopuoi che il papa et li card1' hebbero fatto
collatione, venuto don Ugo, S. Bne si e retirata seco in una
camera, lassando li card11 in un altra, et solo vi e stato lo
arcives.0 di Capua2 et dopuoi longhi ragionamenti al fine si e
venuto a conventioni de accordo in questo modo. . . . Stabiliti
li capituli del accordo il papa e uscito de la camera et e venuto ne
1 See supra t pp. 329, 334. 2 Schonberg.
497
-I rapituli, ronfirmati et
snttnsrritti da rias.Mina <lr U: parti don UgO e partito rum promif-
partin- qursta notte tutte legenti. . . .
Da Roma alii XXI di srptembre 1526.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
37. FRANCKSCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.1
1526, September 23, Rook
. . . Dico adonqua che non potrei exprimere il dispiacere che
sente il Papa, per quel che mi e parso di comprendere per le
parole de S. Su, di qucsto insolentissimo termino che glie stato
usato da questi Collonesi et in specie dal sr Vespasiano, il quale
oltra chel fusse stato instrumento et data la fede a S. Su nello
accordo fatto li di passati, io so che particularmente era amato da
quella non meno che se gli fusse stato figliolo et ne la pratica di
questa parentela della moglie pta StA si e afaticata tanlo amore-
volmtc et con tanto studio accioche succedesse lo effetto, che per
me haverei creduto et aspettato una demostratione tale dogni altro
che da lui. Et il Papa non voleva et potcva credere chel fusse in
questa compagnia finche non fii visto con gli occhi, che doppoi
S. Sli e stata con altrotanta maraviglia como con displicentia et
ella me ha usato tal parole de lui, che, anchor che in questo
appontamento gli habbia perdonato come a li altri, pur non so si
mi creda che S. S1* si dd>l>a scordar mai questa iniuna, la qual li
penetra troppo nel cuore et nel anima. 1 )cl card1* Collona poi
S. StA me ha ditto in questa sua venuta a Roma ha parlato tanto
obrobriosamente di essa quanto dire se possa usando tra 1' altre
parole queste, che era venuto qui per a sua patria da mani
del tiranno, et che non se dovesse dubitare, che, si come lui lo
havea fatto Papa, cosi lo diffaria, et con parole simili ha cercato
di fare conoscere con li effetti appresso, quanta poca stima faccia
di S. StA, dove che essendo seguito qucsto academe tanto
scandaloso et di tanta importantia, poteti pensare se mai i
sera ordine di reconciliatione. Ma un altracosa haveti da sapere,
che tutti questi card" sono in la medesema mala satisfactione et io
hoggi ne ho parlato con molti, li quali non possono tollerare
1 See JM/MT, pp. 329, 335.
VOL. IX.
498 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
questo atto cosi deshonesto, di modo che io credo che questa casa
Collona non sia per haver credito piu mai con la sede apostolica,
essendo parso troppo strano, appresso il resto, chel primo salto che
habino fatto ; come sono stati in Roma, di andarsene al palazzo
et metterlo a sacco, non perdonando a cosa che sia, dove hanno
potuto mettere le mani sopra, havendo non solamente robato la
salvarobba del papa, che non li hanno lassato pur una stringa,
che fino alle mitre sono state tolte, ma si e anche tolto le cose
de la sacrestia, manti, croci di argento, pastorali, calici et simili
cose, di modo che non si sa pensare che di piu potessero fare li
Toirchi. Hor pensati che stomacho facino simili sacrilegii, che
certo ne verria pieta alii assassini, ne so come dio sia per tollerarli
che non ne faci una manifesta dimostratione di vendetta. Ma
tornando al primo proposito, dico che anchora che il papa havesse
come determinato di piu presto morire che di venire a patto
alcuno con loro ne con don Ugo, che S. Su non volea nanche
partisse da le stantie sue da palazo, se non erano li card11, li quali
10 persuasero pregando et astringendo a redurse in castello, che fu
bona electione, che altramente li seria stato posto le mani adosso
et senza dubbio lo haveriano condutto seco, cosa inaudita et
spaventevole a chi tene punto di bonta et di religione ; non di
meno vedendo S. Su che niuno di questi di Roma, per gratia loro,
si sono mossi in fare pur una minima demostratione in favore di
lei et temendo che stando ella in questo assedio, che le terre de
la Chiesa, maxime quelle che hanno le parti et che sono factiose,
non facessero tumulto, et che li exerciti di Lombardia udita una
nova tale non si mettessero in ruina, maxime che seria stato di
necessita tirare subito una parte de le genti in qua per soccorso,
11 e parso manco male di pigliare lo expediente di questa tregua
che fare peggio, tanto piu che la dice che per questo li exerciti di
Lombardia non se disciolveranno, havendo S. Su declarato a don
Ugo chel sr Giovanni e homo del re de Franza, per il che verra a
stare in campo con le genti chel si ritrova. Vero e che non so
che compagnia di fanti li restara, che io non Iho dimandato, ne
S. Stk me lo ha ditto, ma seranno solo revocate le genti del Sr et
quelle del conte Guido con la persona sua, per modo che per
questa diminutione di genti non si pensa che lo exercito non sia
per poter fare quanto occorra cosi comodamente come prima,
maxime che si intende che de li homeni d' arme vi ne sono di
API
soverchio una parte, c< . ^nuto
novamente di campo, bench£ sono qualche 6\ che partite di la.
II papa me ha ditto che questa tregua non li seria spi.t
quando fusse stata fatta di sua volunta come havea in animo per
le cose del Turco, per remedio de lc quali affirma che personal-
mente volea andare in Franza et in Spagna, si come me havea
ditto il datario,1 et per ogni modo operare che la pace seguesse,
ma essendo mo seguito questo disordine et venuto alia tregua per
necessita et non per voluntd, lo animo se li £ raflfredito, per forma
che piu non pensard di exeguirc questo proposito suo tanto santo,
ma voltara il pensiero ad altre cose. Roma X
sepis 1526.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
38. NICOLAS RAINCE TO ANNE DB MONTMORENCY.*
1526, November 26, Rom.
. . . Monseigneur [le grant maistre], vous verrez au demourant
par les dites lettres de monseigneur le conte [de Carpy] au Roy
des autres nouvelles de par de$a et 1'estat ouquel se retrouve nostre
diet Sainct Pere, qui est bien le plus ennuyd et en la plus grossc
peur qu'il fut oncques, et tant estonne, et pareillement ses bons
ministres, ne voyant mesmement venir du coste de dela ce que
tousjours sa Sainctete et eulx ont espere, et veoir de tous costez
tant de perilz et dangers. A quoy sa dicte Sainctet^ n'a moyen
d'obvyer, qu'il ne sc,ait ne eulx aussi que dire ne penser, sinon
de tout habandonner et s'enfuyr, et encores hyer et aujourdhuy le
m'a diet sa Sainctete deux ou troys foys, et le pys est qu'il diet ne
sc.avoir bonnement ymaginer la oil il se puisse sauver. Sans
point de faulte, monseigneur, si bientost, bientost il ne luy
quelque ayde du Roy, et mesmement de quelque bonne sornme
d'argent, je ne voy aucun ordre qu'il puisse resister ne s'afenner
icy en Rome, et est bien <\ doubter que a bien grant peinc la
provision puisse venir d temps. II ne laisse de faire plus q
possible en tous cas, et a envoy£ ce soir le seigneur Laurens Cibo
a Boulongne en dilligence pour faire gens, et desja s'en faict a
Florence et autres lieux, et tousjours continue en son bon et
ferme propoz envers le Roy, qui est sa seulle esperance. Encores
1 Git>crti. f See ntfira, p. 345
50O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
m'a diet ce jourdhuy le magnificque Salviati que sa dicte Sainctete
est pour plus tost habandonner tout et fuyr, que de faire chose
qui soit contre le voulloir et intention du Roy ny a son
prejudice. . . .
De Rome, ce lundi XXVI jour de novembre MVCXXVI.
[National Library, Paris, Ms. Frang. 2984, f. 109.]
39. LANDRIANO TO M. SFORZA, DUKE OF MILAN.J
1526, November 28, Rom.
. . . Hogi d. Diego ha donato aviso che a Gaeta sono smontate
salve le 5 nave Cesaree, che si divisero da le altre nel giongere in
Corsica et che sono smontati el fratello del marchese con 1500
lanzchinechi e 300 Spagnoli. El Guizardino poi avisa che nel
andare a Ferrara el duca li havea mandate incontro chel non
andasse perche 1' havea firmato con lo Imperatore et cosi se
ne ritornava a Modena. [The remainder in cipher :] Questa
cosa ha talmente smarito Sua Stjl che e restate morto benche li
oratori de Franza, Anglia, Venetiani et altri facciano quanto pono
per sublevarlo, nondimanco a me pare non potersi piu levare, sta
perduto in tutto et, se non vien qualche gran caso de li lanzchi-
nechi, io tengo certissimo o papa fara uno accordo como potra
o una nocte se ne partira su le galere, parmi vedermo como uno
malato disperato da li medici che non vol piu consiglio ne adiuto.
Non poteva venire cosa che piu lo alterasse. Ha fatto scrivere a
Venetiani che faccino passare le sue gente dreto a costoro. Credo
non lo farano et cosi tutta la strada Romea sara de Todeschi. II
papa non vol rompere la tregua et loro la romperano a luy. De
Franza non ce nulla et questo dispera ognuno ; conclude che
siamo qui in un grandissimo bisbiglio et quasi disperati se Dio
non ce adiuta.
[Orig. State Archives, Milan.]
40. GALEOTTO DE' MEDICI TO FLORENCE.2
1526, November 30, Rom.
... Li cardinali che hieri et hoggi hanno fatto congregatione
quel fussi da fare in questi travagli proponivano tre modi :
difendersi, partirsi o accordare. Hanno havuto infra di loro
1 See supra, p. 345. 2 See supra, p. 346.
5oi
• ipinioni, al ilifrndrrsi non h.ivnr la possilrilita, al partirsi
vergogna i-t periodOj fmalmniu- ritoIVttOQQ chfl i .1- •-.:•:•. sia il
meglor partito si JM
[GJ Archives, Florence.]
41. LANDRIANO TO M. SFORZA, DUKE OP MILAN.'
1 526, December 2, Ron.
. . . Di Franza non sono advisi, dinari, gente ni soccorso se
non chel re balla ogni di et ad altro non attende et nui siamo piu
inorti che vivi. Qua si fano gente a furia a Bologna ct' Modena
anche, ma dubito faremo romore assai et pochi fatti perche sento
che si ha animo d' accordarsi non per volunta ma per ext
necessita. Scio chel papa trema di tal accordio, perche mai si
fidara et non stara mai col animo riposato.
[Orig. State Archives, Milan.]
42. LANDRIANO TO M. SFORZA, DUKE OF MILAN.*
1526, December 12, Rom.
This morning a letter from the Emperor, in reply to the Brief,
was read in Consistory : Che S. StA scripse ad S. Mu nanti la guerra,
nel qual aduceva le cause perche S. StA si movea ad dicta guerra
che erano la liberatione de Italia et deli figlioli del re. S. Mu si
sforza confutar tutte dicte cause et carichar S. S'\
Ad parte poy ce una lettera del Imperatore al papa et collegio
qual non i Dice che S. Su voglia indicere un concilio et
non lo facendo luy lo indicano li cardinali, altramente como
Imperatore lo congregara luy. Se extima che ci6 facia per
uno accordo vergognosa. Credo sia tutto mai animo. Quest* i
una mala matt
[Orig. State .'. Milan.]
43. CONSISTORY OF THE iQth OF DECEMBER, 1526.*
Romae die mercurii 19 [I ' j 1526. Rev~* d. card
Cesis legit litteras - .iroli in imperatori ad S.
1 See supra, p. 345. Th in cipher.
2 See jw//-rf, p. 357- This report also
^ Sec j«//y, pp. 357, 35».
502 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
D. N. scriptas sub dat. Granatae die . . -1 Septembris 1526 et alias
sacro collegio reverendmorum domin. cardinalium sub. dat. Granatae
die 6 Octobris 1526, quibus continebantur ... x in quarum
lectione quattuor horae et plus consumptae sunt, excedebant enim
folia 25 super diversis materiis.
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
44. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.2
1527, Januar. 10, Rom.
... II papa non staria in tanto timore, se non fosseron questi
Fiorentini, quali per dubio de Fiorenza et di Toschana stimulano
tuttavia S. Stk che si veda de ritrovare verso de acordo se e
possibile, depingendo lo inferno se questi Spagnoli de Milano con
Lanzchenechi vengono inanti verso Toschana, et son certo che essi
pagariano tutta questa summa de cento 50™ dut! per essere liberati
da questo suspecto. Vi e appresso la moglie di Philippe Strozza
che con lacrime, suspiri et lamenti sta alle horecchie di S. S**
procurando et instando la liberatione del marito, de modo che
il povero pontifice e combattuto da ogni canto non altramente
che una nave in mezzo il mare agitata da contrarii venti. . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
45. BULL OF POPE CLEMENT VII. AGAINST THE COLONNA.S
1527, Februar. 20, Rom.
Sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae. Enumeration of all the
transgressions of the Colonna, especially the raid of September,
1526. Statement of the judicial proceedings against these evil-
doers (supra, p. 340 nn. i, 2, 3) and of the sentence passed. It
then goes on further, f. 6ib f : Nos igitur . . . motu proprio, non
ad alicujus nobis super hoc oblatae petitionis instantiam . . .
universis et singulis . . . injungimus atque mandamus/' ut eosdem
Ascanium, Vespasianum, Petrum Franciscum, Marcellum,
Joannem Jeronimum, Julium Scipionem, Fabium et alios sic
1 Hiatus in the original.
2 See supra, p. 363 ; also Gregorovius, 3rd ed., VIII., 488.
3 See supra, pp. 335, 337, 340, 368.
\ I • I X
503
d'-rl.i- it- ntiatos, privates et <- Ja-jueatos ac
inhabiles declaratos personality < apiant ct captos ad nos trans-
mittant vel saltern de dvitatibus . . . ejiciant . . . nee cum eis
commercium . . . habcant etc. Interdict on all places where
the above named find refuge; further, sentence of the greater ex-
communication specially reserved to the Pope against all who
act contrary to these commands, and in any way whatever give
help to the above, together with deprivation of aH benefices.
Non obstantibus etc.
Dat. Romae 1526 [st. fl.] X cal. martii a° 4°.
Sec. Arch, of the Vatican, Regest. Vat. 1441 (Clem. VII
Secret. A. I.-IV. lib. 5), f. 47-64.]
46. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.1
1527, Mai 5, Rom.
... II duca di Burbon mand6 heri sera un trombetta al sr
Renzo come capo de Romani a dimandargli la terra, et, principiato
che hebbe a parlare, non lo volse audire et lo licentib, ma doppoi
esso trombetta disse che dimandava passo et vittuaglia per andare
nel regno. Erano passati alcuni fanti et in buon numero li
Tevero apreso ponte molle in due nave, ma il sr Horatio Baglioni
che ha quella guardia se gli e affrontato et ni sono stati morti una
gran frotta. II papa sta di bonissimo animo et si spera bene.
Vederassi fra hoggi et dimane quello che n' havera ad essere
quanto sia per questo primo affront* >. . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
47. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.2
1527, Mai 7, Rom.
... In questo exterminio et total ruina de Roma, essendo heri
intrato per forza dentro lo exercito Ces*°, scrivo a V. Ex. facendolc
intendere che e una compassione extrema ad vedere questa
calamita, essendo andato a sacho et tutta via continuando tutta
questa terra, di modo che chi po essere in suo sentimento e pifc
che homo, essendo una compa^ maggiore del mondo a
vedere questo cossi crudel spectaculo, il qual commoveria pieta a
1 See supra, p. 386. This report is in ci\ * See wr/m, pp. 399, 412.
504 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sassi. II papa si ridusse heri mattina in castello, dove ando in
grandissima frezza. . . .
Roma alii VII de mazo 1527.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
tia
48. MATTEO CASELLA TO THE DUKE ALFONSO OF
1527, Mai 7, Rom.
[Sigor] mio etc. In questa horribile calamita scrivo a V. Ext
quella sapera adoncha, si como [a Dio] e piaciuto, heri di poi
mezo giorno entrorno in Roma per forza tuto lo exercito cesareo.
In el primo congresso fu morto il signore duca de Borbone de
una archebusata et il prefato exercito ha sachezato tuta heri sera
et tuta nocte questa misera cita di Roma e tutavia dura il sacho.
O miseranda et offana2 cita, o che pieta, o che compassione. lo
con la persona . . .3 salvate insino qui in santo Apostolo 4 apresso
la illustrissima Madama,5 alia quale e salvata la casa sua cum tuti
quelli li sono drento inseme qui ; penso che si salvara anchora
per lo avenire per essere qui il D. Ferante suo fiolo et il conte
Alexandro de Novalora et un capitano spagnolo chiamato il Sre
Alfonso de Cordua et anchora li sono li lancechenecchi della
guardia del quondam duca di Borbone. lo ho perso tuto quello
aveva e cavalcature et robe et ogni altra cosa. II papa e
assediato in castello con la mazore parte di li cardinal!. Mon-
signore de santi quattro 6 urtato da la furia e stato calpestrato da
cavali et non sta ben . . . 3 e in castello. Si dice se e
mandati per il sre Vicere. Li Colonesi anchora non [sono]
comparsi. II revmo sre Hercule, nipote di V. Extia, e facto
cardinale et ha habiuto [in tem]po la b[e]reta. Tuto il mondo
va a romore. Se salvo la vita mi contento, ma questa . . .3 ben
pegio cha la stafTeta. Madama Illma non obstante le sopradicte
provisione e tanta [in] paura che more di paura ; et a V. Extia mi
aracomando e li racomando la mia povera famiglia e noli.
In Roma a di 7 de mazo 1527 a hore 15.
Avixo quella che me ne viro a casa cum la sra marchesana, quale
se mitira in viagio como la via sia sicura.
1 See supra, p. 412. 2 Perhaps affannata. 3 Obliterated.
4 Palazzo Colonna. 5 Isabella Gonzaga. 6 Lor. Pucci.
50$
I)i V. III. S** linn
[ A k-rgo : ] Allo ill1"0 sor duca don Alfonso duc.i
nngularosimo in I enaia. Cito, cito,
[Orig. State Arrhi\vs, Mo.1.- :, half obliter.
from damp).)
49. CARDINAL SALVIATI TO BALDASSARE CASTiGLioNK.1
1527, J u nl S [Paris J.
. . . Monsr di Borbona con lo exercito a gran giornate a:
a Viterbo a III dove fece pocho danno et non vi soprastette sc
non una notte et si spinse alia volta di Roma, dove arriv6 a
et la mattina delli VI comincio a dar la battaglia al Borgo di
verso la casa del cardinale Alexandrine et di Araceli. Nel ;
assalto furno ributtati gagliardamente et mortone molti. Stettcno
adunque circa due hore et ritornorno con certi strumenti da
buttare in terra el muro et, anchora che quelli di dentro facessino
el debito gagliardamente, per forza entrorono. Nel •
amazato monr di Borbona d' uno archibuso che li dette nclla
fronte. Volleno quelli di dentro far testa in su la piaza de san
Pietro et ne borghi et feceno difesa assai, pure alia fine con.
si ritrahessino in disordine et fii preso el Borgo. El papa era
stato fino a quell' hora in palazo et si ritird in castello con 9, o 10
cardinali et molti altri prelati, et il r1"0 di santi II 1 1 che per borgo
a cavallo se ne andava in castello fu buttato da cavallo et cal-
pest6 et con fatica et mal trattato fii portato in castello, dove si
e detto dipoi esser morto, ma non si sa. Li ininm i Mibito an-
dorno alia volta di Transtevere et al portone dal figlio del sw
Renzo furno ributtati, ma essendo dalla j>arte di sopra entrati
alcuni di loro bisogn6 che anchora lui si ritr.ihcssi et hebbe faticha
a salvarsi et il Trastevere fu preso. A ponti erono li Romani. e
quali havevono fatto X mila huomini et promesso gran cose, ma
feceno pochissima rvsistentia, cosi vel circa la sera fu presa tutta
Roma et messo tutto a fii di odetto ; el conte Guido,
quando Roma fu presa, si tr >onte Salara con VIII
archibusieri et V cento cavalli et inteso il caso
I^a mortality dimn : morto pid di
III mila delli Car .ii altri numero infinilo. Lc rapine
1 Sec fV«, IT- 39', 373, 39^. 404, 4«», .
506 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
infinitissime. Non vi si e salvata casa nessuna se non e quella di
sto Apostolo, dove stava la marchesana di Mantua, la quale pagava
di taglia XL mila ducati, et la casa delli rmi Valle, Siena et
Caeserino, e quali si sono composti a piu di XXX mila ducati
per uno et pur si restano prigioni. El rmo di Araceli essendo
prigione et non havendo modo a pagare la taglia dicono esser
stato menato in sur uno asino per Roma et scopato. Cosi dicono
esser morto qualche altro cardinale, ma di niente si sa el certo.
In castello e N. Sre, Farnese, Monte, Zanthoria, Campegio,
Ragona, Trivultio, Orsino, Pisano et lo Ermellino. Como si
parti di Roma la sera dinanzi et e a Civitavecchia. A Firenze
era Cibo, Ridolphi et Cortona. Le impieta et ribalderie che
hanno fatto non si potrebbono scrivere. Morto tutti li putti
innocenti di sto Spirito, buttato tutti li infermi in Tevero, profanato
et violate tutte le monache, amazati tutti e frati. Bruciato la
capella grande di san Pietro et di Sixto \ bruciato il Volto santo.
Rubato le teste delli apostoli et le altre reliquie et levatone 1'
argento buttatole nella strada et conculcate. Conculcato il
Sacramento et buttato nel fango, et in somma fatto tutte le
rubalderie che si pu6, tanto che mi raccapriccio a considerarle,
vedendo che costoro benche heretici pur christiani hanno fatto
quello che mai si senti che in alcuno luogo facessino li Turchi.
Vede adunque V. S. il povero papa per desiderare el bene et la
pace et creder troppo dove ha condotto quella povera citta, capo
del mondo, la Chiesa et se ; pur ci e qualche speranza che Sua
Stk con chi e in castello si salvi perche lo exercito Franzese et de
Venitiani andava tutto a quella volta e dovevono essere alii XXI
al Isola. Ecci anchora lettere da Lione, che allegono lettere da
Firenze de 29, che dicono essersi accostati al castello, che entra-
vono et uscivano a lor posta. ma anchora non ce ne certeza. El
sor Renzo e col papa in castello et il sr Horatio Baglioni. Doppo
questi accidenti di Roma, Perugia per opera del duca d' Urbino
e tornata alia devotione del sor Malatesta et Horatio Baglioni. In
Firenze anchora si e mutato lo stato et tomato come era inanzi
che Medici vi entrassino, ma senza violentia o scandalo nessuno,
et li Medici non son rebelli anzi possano starvi come cittadini et
godere il loro pacificamento.
lo so che essendo lo Imperatore tanto catholico quanto
dimostra hara grande dispiacere di questa nuova, perche non ha
All
(limostro mai volere deprimere o suppediure la Chicsa, at
sono sempre dispi.iriuti m<>lt<> qursti I.uthrr.mi, t-t tanto piu li
doven nt intmdendo Sua Santita esscrc stata ingannaU
per confidar troppo in sua Mu, se ben chi lo ha causato n
portato le debite pene, ma il dolersene de sua Mu non satisfara
alii danni ct ruine nostru, le quali Dio voglia che t qui,
perche a me pare che adesso apunto ricomincia la guerra mand-
ando questo re christmo monsr di Lutrcch con XXX mila fanti ct
V cento lance fra IIII giorni in Lombardia dove ne trovera altri X
et buon numero di gente d' arme de sri Venitiani oltra li ex
del duca d' Urbino e del marchese di Saluzo che sono verso Roma.
Et a questa opera nuova che fa questa Mt4 promette concorrer cl
ser"10 re d' Inghilterra alia paga di X mila fanti ogni mese. Vede
adunque V. S. che questa non voglio dir vitorria di Roma, ma
piu presto uno assassinamento non ha giovato molto alii Caesarei,
anzi commosso questi altri principi a far piu che non volevono ct
d' ogni cosa la povera Italia ne porta le pene. . . .
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Nunziatura di Francia I, 2-5.]
50. GIOVANNI BATTISTA SANGA TO UBERTO DA GAMBARA.'
Del Sanga di galera sopra Porto de 27 di giugno 1527.
Rev. et ill. s. mio oss010. Questa e la prima comodita che dopo
le ruine nostre mi occorre di poter dar a V. S. aviso che io son
perche da quel di in qua son stato sempre in lochi donde non ho
havuta comodita alcuna dimandarle lettere, et perch£ delle cose
publiche V. S. n' hara inteso tanto che ne sapra quanto io, non
rinoverb con la commemoration il dolor mio quale e in quel sum mo
grado che esser puo et mi trovo P animo assai piii debile che non
harrei creduto per poterlo sostenere, pure levius fit patientia quid-
quid corrigere est nefas. Mons. mio, che Gothi, che Vandali, che
Turchi furono mai simili alle colluvie di questo esercito col quale
si fa la grandezza del Imperatore. 1 1 < >rrvsco referens il stratio et
la delusion che si e fatta di tutte le cose sacre ne mi hasten
risma di carta a raccorne pur qualche esempio 1' haver buttato il
sacramento per terra per rubbar li calici o le reliquie de santi per
spogliarli di quello argento che haveano atorno. Ludus est a
1 See supra, pp. 400, 404, 4<>5. 4°8, 412.
508 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
rispetto delle cose piii gravi. Non e stata chiesa, non monestero
alcuno sicuro, le monache delle piu religiose et di buona vita che
fussero in Roma si son vendute per Roma ad un giulio 1' una a chi
se ne ha voluto satiar le voglie sue, li stridi et li ululati delle povere
madri, alii quali son stati morti in seno li figlioli che lattavano o
rapiti per farli recattare, et il lamenti delle povere persone tor-
mentate crudelisste son stati tanti ut isthinc exauditos putem.
Arseno infinite case, tutte le chiese diventate stalle, 1' imagine del
crucifisso del Populo et molte altre delle piu divote di Roma son
state bersaglii di archibusi ; vestirono anche quel crucifisso che e
ad uno delli 7 altari di S. Pietro alia lanzch. per delusion, ma io
entro pur dove non vorrei et con effetto perdonimi Dio et di santi
che di quello si e fatto in loro disprezzo. Ho ben horror grande,
ma non compassion equale a quella che ho de' poveri homeni
tormentati, perche se Dio non vendica 1' offese sue, anchor io non
me ne dolero et se le testa di S. Pietro, S. Paolo, S. Andrea,
S. Giov. Battista et di tanti altri santi buttate per terra, se li
corpi di S. Piero et S. Paolo, che erano sotto T altar grande di S.
Pietro, li quali erano senza esser visti in tanta veneration, sparsi
per terra con distratio, quale non haveriano havuto ardire di fame
quelli stessi che li martirizorono, non moveno quei santi di chi son
quelle reliquie a pregar Dio per la vendetta, ne anche io voglio
chiamarla quanto alii destratii della Chiesa, ma si bene quanto
al male fatto alia povera patria mia, a tanti amici et a me stesso,
et se 1' Imperatore comporta valersi di tali instrumenti alia
grandezza sua et Dio seguiti d' aiutarla, non voglio dire di renegar
le fede nee inquirere in iudicia Dei quae sunt abyssus multa, ma
si bene creder che S. Mtk divina voglia ben noi christiani, ma
creda farci tanto migliori quanto manco principi religiosi ci da,
ma hor che ho dato questo poco sfogamento al dolor dal quale
comincia ogni parlare et ogni lettera mia per haverne 1' animo
tanto pieno che tutti li sensi ne sono occupati, diro a V. S. di me,
della salute. ... He took refuge in the palace of the Marchioness
Isabella ; remained there eight days, and with her he left Rome
and wandered round about.
Giberti comporta questa fortuna con quella grandezza d' animo
che V. S. ha conosciuto nelle altre cose. He [Sanga] wants to
find another home : poiche a Roma dispero di poter star mai ;
che quando ben mi fusse permesso non mi sufferiria mai il cor di
i\ 509
uiisrrahilr cms urhis, la .ju.ilr hn ristO -i.i in
^'t m' ;,iu du • M: s for help as he has lost
everything : ne chiedo beneficii o cosa eccles0* perche son
resolutissimo vivcr pin presto povero nel secolo che ricco nella
chiesa, nella quale come V. S. disse gia in' h.ivev.i fatto fugi
povertd et hora me ne levo piu voluntieri vcndendola i
festamente ruinare.
[Ricci Archives, Rome.]
51. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO THE LEADERS OF THE
IMPERIAL TROOPS.1
1527, Juli. 23, Rom.
Capitaneis exercitus Caes. Mlis. Molestum nobis fuit accepisse,
nostram civitatem Narniae nostris commissariis in vobis intra
civitatem recipiendis et charitative tractandis non paruissc ; verum
cum poenam propterea persolverint, vos tudiose hortamur et
rogamus, cum illis miseris, qui superstites sunt, cl- agere
eisque civitatem relinquere velitis. Quod vestra erit dignum virtute
et sermi Caesaris bonitati consentaneum, nobis vero, qui ilium
populum vestrae clementiae commendamus, summe gratum.
Dat Romae etc. 23 julii 1527, a. 4°. Blosius.
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 47, n. 197.]
1 See supra, p. 432.
INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL. IX.
ABBADINO, 143 n. 2.
Abbatis, 24 n.
Acciaiuoli, Roberto (Florentine
envoy to France), 301,
305 n. 2, 318 n. 2, 327
n. 4, 361 n. i, 368, 369
n- i. 437, 439-
Accolti, Benedetto, Cardinal, 4,
12 n. 3, 17 n. i,
112 n. i, 188, 384,
414.
„ Bernardo (poet), 94.
Adorno, Girolamo, 60 n. i.
Adrian VI., Pope, 8, 17 n. i,
23 seqq., 27, 28-49, 51
*?-i 53-77, 79-125, 127-
132, 134-138, 141-161,
163-182, 184-230, 231
seq., 240, 241 n. 2, 243
n. 2, 244, 259.
Agrada, Carastosa da, 90.
Alarcon, 423, 457, 459 seq.,
466.
Alba, Duke of, 449, 450 n. 2.
Albany, Duke of, see Stuart.
Albergati, Vianesio (envoy
from Bologna), 14 n. i,
105, 116 n. i, 171 n. 3,
175 n. i, 177 n. 6, 189
n. 2, 192 n. 5, 193, 224,
244* 332, 3»5 n- 3, 48i.
Alberini, Marccllo, 396, 397.
Albert of Brandenburg, <
dinal (Archbishop of
ence), 131 n., 141 n.
Albert of Brandenburg (Grand
Master of the Teutonic
Order), 148.
Aleander, Hieronymus (Arch-
bishopof Brindisi, Nuncio),
80 n. 3, 144 n. i, 264,
273 n. i, 274.
Alexander VI., Pope, 14, 83,
MI, 437-
Alfonso I. (Duke of Ferrara),
2, 1 60 seq., 245, 260, 269,
279, 282 seq., 292, ii
', 343 *W-» 35°, 36<> "9;
370 n. i, 33 448,
461.
Alfonso de Cordova (a Spanish
captain), 504.
Altobello (Nuncio), 168.
Alvarez di Toledo, Juan
(Dominican).
Andrea, Laurentius (Swedish
ret. -J9, 151.
Angelo (castellan of St. Angelo),
79-
Anguillara, Count of, 367.
Antonino, S. (Archbishop of
Florence), 142, 143 n. 2.
Antracino, Giovanni (physician
to Adrian VI.), 222 n
Areas, Fabius (of Na
chronicler), 402 n. 2.
Arcella, Fabio (Nuncio to
43 » "• »•
Aretino, Pietro.
d'Arezzo, Paolo, set Paolo.
512
INDEX OF NAMES.
Argillense, Bartol., 27 n. T,
30 n. i, 31 n. 3.
Ariosto, Lodovico, 421.
Armellini, Francesco, Cardinal,
20, 104, 237, 333, 394,
457, 48i, 506.
Aurelius, Cornelius, see Cor-
nelius.
d'Avalos, Ferrante (Marquis of
Pescara), 62, 169 n. 2,
210, 246, 262 seq., 266,
290 seq., 292, 295, 318.
d'Averragano, Bernardo, 195
n. 4.
BADGER (Venetian ambas-
sador), 197.-
Baglioni, Family of the, 22,
50, 160.
„ Giampaolo, 2, 425.
,, Malatesta, 2, 506.
Orazio, 2, 362, 386,
5°3, 5°6-
Balbi, Girolamo (Bishop of
Gurk), 77 n. i, 114 n. 2,
186 n. 3.
Baldasinis, Melchior de, 59 n.
1,477-
Bandini, Francesco, 329 n.,
331 n. i.
Barba, Bernardino della (Bishop
of Casale), 257, 260.
Barbirius, Petrus (papal sacris-
tan), 146 n.
Barozzi, Giovanni, 401.
Bartolini, Onofrio (Archbishop
of Pisa), 422.
Bavaria, The Duke of, 309 n. i.
Bellay, Guillaume du (Sire de
Langey, French envoy),
325> 339 "• 4, 37°, 397 n.
i, 419.
Bembo, Pietro (Cardinal), 247.
Bemelberg, Conrad von, 342,
431 seq.
Benedict XII., Pope, 58 n. 3.
Benno, S. (Bishop of Meissen),
142, 143 n. 2.
Bentivogli (the Bolognese
Family), 283.
Bernard, St., 92.
Berni, Francesco (poet), 83,
116, 118, 332.
Bertolotti, Bernardo (Nuncio),
J57, 177, i95-
Berzosa, ]., 16 n. 2.
Betchen, Johann, 87, 474.
Bissy, Claude de, 182 n. r.
Bladus (bookseller), 47 n. i.
Bomisius, Jacob, 87, 474.
Boniface VIII., Pope, 198,
200, 204, 331.
Bonnivet (Admiral), 240 n. 4,
259-.
Bontempi (chronicler), 222 n. i.
Borell (procurator of Adrian
VI.), 49 n. i, 476.
Boschetti, Roberto, Count, 265,
424.
Bourbon, Charles, Duke of (The
Constable), 240,
319, 360 seq., 371,
373 seqq., 376 seq.,
381-387, 390 seq.,
397, 448, 5°3, 5°5-
„ Louis de, Cardinal,
234, 441.
Bracci, Bernardo (banker),
410.
Brandano [Bartolomeo Carosi],
379 seqq., 418.
Brask, Johann (Bishop of Link-
oping), 149.
Bronzino, Angiolo (painter),
247 n. 3.
Buffalini, 392 n. 4.
Burmann, Caspar (jurist), 228.
CAJETAN, Thomas de Vio,
Cardinal, 4, 23, 26, 78 n.,
.131 n., 190, 192, 410.
Callistus (Canon of Piacenza),
246.
X OF N
513
< \unpeggio, Girolamo(Ferrarese
envoy), 268.
., Lore- mal,4,
25> 53, 68, 82, 86-
113*
"7, 190, 332,
461, 466, 506.
Tommaso (Nuncio,
Bishop of Felt r</),
63 n. 5, 82, 97,
103 n. 193, 248
n. i.
Canisio, Egidio, Cardinal, 19,
87 n., 94, 112 n. i, 117,
420, 439, 441 n.
Cano, M., 351 n. i.
Canossa, Lodovico di (Bishop
of Bayeux), 194, 197, 240,
277, 285-289, 295 n. i,
297, 302, 318, 322, 348 n.
i. 352 n., 360 n. i, 362,
369, 379 n. 2, 425 n. 2.
436 n. ;v 440, 441 n.
Cantelmus, Franciscus (Ferrar-
ese envoy), 246 n. i.
Capino da Capo (envoy), 298
n. 2, 300 se</., 305, 385 n.
Capponi, Niccolo (gonfalon iere),
426.
Caracciolo, Marino (Nuncio),
60, 255, 294.
Carafa, Gian Pietro (Bishop of
Ch: afterwards
Pope Paul IV.), 42,
1 1 7 seq.
Vincenzo, Cardinal
chbishop of Nap-
les), 2, 465 n. i.
Carastosa, Gar/ia (prnsician to
Adrian VI. . 222 n. 3.
Cardona, E. de, Cardinal, 188
n. i, 465 n. i.
Carosi, Bartolomeo, see Brand-
ano.
Carvajal, Bernardino Lopez de,
Cardinal, 7, 14, 22 seq.,
66 seq., 188, 236.
VOL. IX.
Casale, Gregorio (envoy to
Henry VII.), 288,4260. 5,
438, 441 n.
Casella, Matteo, 339 n. 3, 364
n. i.
Castelnau de Clermont, Cardi-
nal, see <
Cast Baldassar
seqq., 14 seq., 20, 52 n., 66,
104, 245, 257 n. 6, 260 n.
5, 264, 279, 302 seq., 309,
316, 349 seqq., 354 seq.,
365, 384 n. 4, 437. 439i
443 Sf<7-> 449» 45 2
Casulano, Joannes, 163 n. i.
Catherine of Aragon (Queen of
1 ogland ,1730.9, .;35-
Cati, L. (Ferrarese envoy,
n. 3, 108, 215 n.
Cave, Jean (physician), 401,
402 n. 2.
Cavi, Prospero da, 13 n. i.
Cellini, Benvenuto, 391 n. i.
395. 43°.
Ceri, Renzo da (envoy t
Francis I.'. 13 n. i. 362,
364, 384 seq., 393 seq.,
397 n. i, 506.
Cesano, G-, 307 n. 3.
Cesarini, Alessandro, Cardinal,
4, 29 n., 60, 408 seq.,
506.
Cesi, Paolo Emilio, Cardinal,
17 n., 188, 245 n. 2, 316
"• 2, 357 n., 466, 495,
Charles V. (The Empcr
My . ii, 19, 24
30 seqq., 39-44, 54 seqq.,
60 seqq., 79, 86, 89,
I54-I58. 163-166, 167,
169, 171 seq., 175 seq.,
182, 185, 189, 193
200 seq., 207 seq., 210.
'
*?•» 253-264, 270 ft
33
514
INDEX OF NAMES.
Charles V., — continued.
273 seq., 277-305, 307-
316, 320 seq., 324, 328,
334 seq., 342, 345 seqq.,
349-360, 363, 365, 367,
369 seqq., 374, 397, 418,
428, 432-439, 442, 444-
45 7, 459> 46i seqq.
Charles III. (Duke of Savoy),
262 n. 2.
Chiavelluzi, Pietro (of the Swiss
guard), 98 n. 4.
Chierigati, Francesco (Nuncio),
112 n. i, 127 seq., 129,
131 n., 132 seqq., 136 n.,
139 seq., 150, 332.
Chievres, see Croy.
Christian II. (King of Den-
mark), 148, 150.
Cibo, Innocenzo, Cardinal, 12,
20, 25, 93, 298 n. 2, 360
n. i, 436 n. i, 439, 441,
452 n- 5> 499, 5°6-
Ciocchi, Antonio (del Monte
Sansovino), Cardinal, 4,
19, 122, 206, 236, 460,
506.
Clement VII., Pope, 80, 121
n. i, 147 n. 2, 224, 234
n. i, 243, 245-271, 273-
283, 285-305, 308, 310,
312-317, 320-328, 330-
339, 34i seq., 344~352>
353-36o, 362-373* 375>
377 seqq., 381-386, 394,
413 seq., 418 seq.t 421
seqq., 425 seq., 429-444,
446 seq., 449-460, 462-
467. See Medici, Giulio
de'.
Clerk, Dr. J. (English envoy),
12, 180, 201, 203, 278
n. 2.
Clermont, Francois Castlenau
de, Cardinal, 165, 167,
181, 197, 199, 234, 241,
444 n. i.
Colonna, Family of the, 275
seq., 308, 312, 324
seqq., 327 seq.,
330 seq., 334 seqq.,
337, 339, 34i seq.,
349 seq., 359, 367
seq-t 371, 397,419,
422, 464 seq., 502.
„ Ascanio, 68, 329, 367,
496.
,, Joh. de, 461 n. i.
,, Pompeo, Cardinal,
5 seq., 17, 20 seqq.,
29 n., 64, 172, 190,
232, 235, 237, 241,
244, 275 seq., 292,
310, 312, 327, 329,
334 seq., 339 seq.,
346, 370 seq., 411
seq., 421 seq., 461,
483, 496 seq.
Prospero, i, 62, 169,
216, 326, 491.
„ Sciarra, 389, 466.
Stefano, 330.
„ Vespasiano (son of
Prospero), 3 2 6, 329,
335, 367, 420, 496
seq. _
,, Vittoria, 246.
Contarini, Gasparo (Venetian
envoy), 32, 161, 247 n. 3,
248 n. 1,251, 363.
Conti, Family of the, 308.
Copi, Joannes (Bishop of
Terracini), 406.
Cordova, The Bishop of, 450
n. 2.
Cornaro, Francesco (Bishop of
Brescia), Cardinal, 4, 24
seq., 73, 242, 245, 332,
483.
Cornelius Aurelius (Canon of
Gouda), 84.
Cortese, Jacopo, 98, 170 n.
Cristoforo da Urbino (musician),
249 n. 4.
X OF N.\
5'S
Croatia, The Han of, 178.
Croy, Adrian de (Imperial
envoy), 257.
„ Ciuillaume de (Lord of
vres), 39.
Cupis, Giandomenico de, Car-
dinal, 23, 317 n. 2, 439,
444 n. 2.
DAINO (chronicler), 411 n. 4.
Dedel, the Family of, 35 n.
„ Johann, 41 n. 3.
Delfini, Pietro, 33, 97.
Demetrius (a Greek magician),
66.
Dinteville, Frangois de, 420 n.
Doria, Andrea (Admiral), 308,
321, 366, 425, 437.
Du Prat, Antoine Bohier,
Cardinal, 326, 336 n. 2.
385, 441, 465 n. i.
ECK, Johann, 78 n. i, 108 seqq.,
140 n. i, 248 n. i.
Eleanora (Duchess of Urbino),
94 n., 97, 4*0 n. 2.
Enea, Pio, see Pio.
Enkevoirt, Wilhclm von, Car-
dinal, 49 n. i, 79 seq., 87,
92, 95 seq., 114 seq., 120
n. 2, 122, 209, 213 seq.,
217 seq., 225, 408 seq.,
474, 477 seq.
Erasmus, Desiderius, 37, 81,
143-146, 354.
Ercole of Ferrara (son of Duke
Alfonso), 246 n. i .
d'Este, Isabella (wife of Fran-
cesco Gonzaga, Marquis of
Mantua), 98, 384 n. 4, 41 1,
504, 506, 508.
FARNESE, Alessandro, Cardinal,
4, 7 se</., 17-21, 135, 238,
337.
'/., 5°6-
Felice (Augustinian ), 441 "• *•
iinand I. (The Archduke,
brother to Ch.r
King of Hungary and
Bohemia, 128, 132 n., 138,
171 n. i, 172, 179, 186,
190, 194, 106, 271, 365,
4*3 "-, 447-
Ferdinand the Catholic (K
of Aragon),
Ferrantius, Bart. (Vice-legate),
425 "• 3-
Ferreri, Bonifacio, Cardinal, 10,
23. 239, 242.
„ Zaccaria (Bishop
n., 91 n.
Fiera, Bat., 79 n.
Fieramosca, Cesare (Imperial
agent), 350 n. 2, 357,
365» 370 seq., 373, 375.
Fieschi, Niccol6, ,4,
n., 107 n. 2, 178,
206, 235 seq., 240.
Filonardi, Ennio (Nuncio),
287.
Fine, Cornelius de, 30, 216 n.
i, 388 n. i, 392 nn., 399
nn., 402 n. i, 4
416 n. i, 427 n
n. 2, 461 n. 2.
Fiori, Pietro (Bishop of
Castellamarc), 82.
Flaminio, Jo. Ant., 78 n.
Florens Boeyens (father of
Adrian VI.), 34.
Odet de, see Lautrec
Formicini, Orsola (nun), 388
n. i, 407 n.
Fosca r i . M arco (Venetian
ambassador), 247 n. 3, 250,
269 n. 6,
Francesco Maria, Duke of
Urbino, see Rov<
of France),
i. 10 seq., 32 seq., 49, 56
seq., 61, 89, 154-158. 165
seqq., 169, 172, 176 «f.t
1 80 seqq., 185, 187, 193
5i6
INDEX OF NAMES.
Francis I., — continued.
seqq., 197-205, 209, 221,
240 seq., 253, 255 seq.,
259 seq., 262-270, 272,
274, 283 seq., 289, 292,
298-302, 304, 306, 314
seq., 321 seq., 325 seq.,
328, 336 seq., 339, 345>
347, 362> 368 ^-> 423»
435-438, 440, 448, 456-
Frederick I. (King of Denmark),
148, 150.
III. ("The Wise,"
Elector of Saxony),
13111., 139, 151 n.3
Frundsberg, George von, 342
!«?., 361, 374 40?.
„ Melchior, 389.
Fusconi, Franc, (physician to
Adrian VI.), 222 n. 3.
GABBIONETA, Alessandro (Man-
tuan agent), 74 n., 120,
203 n. 4, 208 n i, 209 n.,
210 n. 2.
Gaddi, Niccol6, Cardinal, 385,
466.
Gaetani, Family of the, 308.
„ Camillo (Lord of
Sermoneta), 457 n.
Gaetano di Tiene, S., 118 n.
Gambara, Uberto da (Proto-
notary, Bishop of Tortona),
3°5> 347, 369 n- i, 437,
442 seq.
Gattinara, Gian Bartolomeo da
(nephew of Mercu-
rino), 261, 278 n.
2, 389 n. 1,418^.,
424, 446.
,, Mercurino di, Car-
dinal (Imperial
Chancellor), 32,
1 66, 182,299,351,
355> 423 n., 428,
441 n. i, 449>462.
Gavardo, A., 388.
Gazzella, Tommaso (jurist), 42,
117.
Genet, Eleazar (musician), 249
n. 4.
Germanello, Angelo (Mantuan
envoy), 106 n., 107 n. 3,
119 n. 2, 167 n. i, 168 n.
i, 188 n. i, 205 n. i, 216
n. i, 232 n. 2, 259 n. i,
269.
Gertrude (mother of Adrian
VI.), 35-
Ghinucci, Girolamo (Bishop of
Ascoli and of Worcester),
82, 114 seq., 122 n. 4, 188
n. i, 299 n. 3, 336.
Giberti, Gian Matteo (Bishop
of Verona), 24 n., 244,
254, 257, 259, 266 seqq.,
274, 277, 285-290, 296
seq., 302, 304, 306, 309
seq., 318 seq., 322 seq., 326,
332, 346 seqq., 362 n. 3,
365 nn., 366, 369, 372
s*q~> 376, 382> 385> 394,
422, 426, 433 n. i, 463,
508.
Giovio (Jovius) Paolo, 5 n. i,
8 n. i, 10, i8n. seq., 24 n.,
76, 101 n. i, 118, 125
n. 4, 212 n. 2, 225, 243 n.,
263, 332, 394, 402 n. 2,
412.
Girolami, Giacopo (envoy to
Spain), 434, 452 n. 5.
Giustiniani, L., S., 143 n.
Gonzaga, Abbate da, 1 8 n. 5.
„ Ercole, Cardinal, 384
n. 4, 385-
,, Federigo (Marquis,
afterwards Duke of
Mantua), J, 51, 168
n. 2, 211, 243 n. i,
462.
„ Ferrante, 398, 411,
504.
INDEX OF N
.mcesco (Marquis
of Mantua), ;
310 n. 2, 311 n. i,
329 n.. 335 n i,
343, 363 "• i, 376
n Si ^399.
400 n. i.
Isabella, see Este, Isa-
bel
Luigi, 467.
I'irro, Cardinal, 465
n. i.
,, Sigismondo, Cardinal,
7, 9, 15. 26» 51 n.
4, 232, 238, 244 n.
3> 384 n. 4-
Gradenigo, Luigi (Venetian
envoy), 26, 71 n. 3, 96 n.
4, 174-
Grana, Lorenzo (poet), 317 n. 2.
Grassis, Achille de, Cardinal,
4, 7, 19 set/., 238,
242.
,, Paris de (Bishop of
Pesaro), 68.
Gregory XIII. , Pope, 226 n. 4.
„ (The Great), Pop
Grimaldi, Ansaldo (banker),
430-
„ G., Cardinal, 465
n. i.
Grimani, Marino, Cardinal, 4,
7 set/., 12, 18, 51, 99 n. i.
209 se</., 211 n. i, 385.
Grolier, 402 n. 2, 412.
Groot, Gerhard, 36.
Griinwald (landsknecht), 403.
Gualderonico, Teodoro (Roman
notary), 388 n. i, 399 nn.,
416 n. i, 417. 42; n. i.
Guicciardini, Francesco, i, 19
n. 3, 207
222 n. i, 240,
243 n., 252,
295 sew,
3°3» 3°:
*?-f 319. 3-.?-
Guicciardini, —
336, 360, 376,
382, 424, 426,
439. 4^7 n. i,
500.
389 n. i, 397
n. 3.
Guidicci' i
Gumbert (Margrave of Branden-
burg), 397 n
Gumppenberg, 398 n. 2, 413 n.
3, 456 n. 6, 459.
Gustavus I. Wasa (King of
i * 8 se</., 150
Off.
HANNIBAL (English envoy), 203
n. 2.
Hasselius, 37.
Heeze, Dietrich [Dirk] vont 37,
80 set/., 96, 125, 226, 227
n., 480.
Henry VIII. (King of England),
7, 46, 56^., 86, 117
I55» 157, 172, 176, 180,
193, 201, 205 set/., 231,
262, 270, 285, 302, 336,
36'' >8, 440 set/.,
453. 462, 466 n. 3.
Herrera, Miguel de (Imperial
envoy), 294, 296,
Hochstraten, Jacob von (Dom-
inican), 78 n.
Hul juisitor),
153 n «•
Hurtado de Mendoza, Lorx
Mendoza.
IMPERIALE, Francesco (mes-
^er of Card. Soderini),
185, 1 86
Ingt
Inge Johann. 49 n- '•
80 set/.
Innocent \ III . Pope, 106.
5i8
INDEX OF NAMES.
JACOBAZZI, Domenico, Cardinal,
4, 23, 105 n. 4, 107 n. 2,
235, 241 seq.t 245 n. 2.
Joachim I. (Elector of Branden-
burg), 129, 138.
Johann von Meissen (Bishop),
109 n. i.
John XXII. , Pope, 58 n. 3.
John III. (King of Portugal),
56, 86, 176, 1 80, 212 n. i,
. 433 n- i, 434 n. 3.
Jovius, see Giovio.
Julius II., Pope, 14, 79, 208,
234, 254, 274, 405, 429,
447-
KNIGHT (secretary to Henry
VIII. of England), 466
n. 3.
LA CHAULX (Imperial envoy),
55-
La Motte, 410, 416.
Lanceolinus, 381 n. 2, 411
n. 4.
Landriano (Milanese envoy),
345> 357 n., 3^3 "• i-
Lang, Melchior (Nuncio), 259
n. 2.
Langey, Sire de, see Bellay,
G. du.
Lannoy, Charles de (Viceroy
of Naples), 170 seq., 172,
201, 203, 207, 208 n. 5,
265 seqq.y 277 seqq., 282
«?•» 3T5> 344, 346 seqq.>
358 seq., 362, 364, 366
seqq., 371 seqq., 376 seqq.,
381, 419, 424 n. 2, 436
n- 3> 4S1. 453, 455>
458.
Latomus, Jacobus, 37.
Launoy, J., 227 n. i.
Lautrec, Odet de Foix, Vicomte
de, n, 33, 437, 448, 461,
463-
Leib, Kilian, 228.
Leo X., Pope, i seqq., 10, 14,
17, 25 seq., 41, 45, 51, 53,
59 n., 68, 70 seq.t 73, 75
seq.t 79, 81 seq., 87 seq.,
Wseqq., 98, 106, 108, 113
seq.t 118, 120, 127, 147
seq., 1 60, 185, 199 seq.y
2O8, 2l6, 222, 224, 232,
235> 243 seq., 247 seq.,
250, 252, 255, 320, 384
n. 4.
Leyva, Antonio de (Imperial
general), 62, 263, 284,
360, 382 n. 3, 425 n. 3,
448.
Lisle, Adam de (Grand Master
of Knights of St. John),
155 seq., 173, 211 seq.
Loaysa, Garcia de (confessor
to Charles V.), Cardinal,
248, 450.
Lochorst, Wilhelm von, 215
n. 2.
Lodron, Count of (brother-in-
law to Frundsberg), 342.
Lombardi, Alfonso (sculptor),
247 n- 3-
Lorraine, Jean de, Cardinal,
234, 436, 441, 494.
Louisa of Savoy (mother of
Francis I.), 205 n. 4, 262
n. 2, 284 seq., 289.
Luther, Martin, 43, in, 129
seqq., 133 seqq.t 141 seq.,
144, 146, 148 seqq.t 228,
271, 354, 403, 45i.
MACHIAVELLI, 281 n. 4.
Magni, Johann (Bishop of
Vesteras), 149-152.
Malatesta, Sigismondo (Lord of
Rimini), 2, 160, 425.
Maler, Petrus (musician), 249
n. 4.
Manfredi, Gio. Tom. (agent for
Urbino), 97.
Mansi, J. D. (historian), 227.
INDEX OF NA
$19
M. int. \. mo, Francesco (poet),
157 n. i.
Manuel, Juan (Imperial am
sador), 4 sey., 7 *Y-, 3°»
50 n. i, 54, 57, 65, 76,
100, 163-167, 169, 175,
478-
Maramaldo, Fabri/io
pcrialist captain), 409.
Marcello, Cristoforo (Arch-
bishop of Corfu), 410.
Maredini, Francesco, 25.
Margaret of Austria (aunt of
Charles V.), 39,
166 n. 2.
„ The Princess (widow
of Charles the
Bold), 37-
Martin, Don (Portuguese
envoy), 358, 410, 432, 433
n. i, 434.
Martin V., Pope, 415.
Martinellis, Blasius de, 1 7 n.,
105 n. 4, 216 n., 242 n. 2,
279 n. 2, 401 n. i, 467
n. i.
Martinus a Portugallia, 431
n. 2.
Massaini, C., 303 n. 2, 319
n. 2, 467 n. i.
Massimi, co, 384, 400.
Maximilian I. (The Emperor),
39-
Medici, Family of the, i, 278,
383 n. i, 439-
Alessandro de' (illegiti-
mate son of Lorenzo
II.), 248 n. i, 426,
463 n. 4.
,, Catherine de', 269.
„ Clarice de' (wife of
Filippo Stroz/i), 334,
363, 5°2-
„ Galeotto de' (Florentine
envoy), 64 n. i, 79
n. scq.i 82 n. 2, 93
n. i, 98 n. 4, 100 n.
Medici, — tontinutd.
3, 102 n. 2, 104 n. 2
164 n. 2, 174 n. 2
233 "• 6, 234-240 n.
n. 2, 256 n.
261 n. 4, 279 n. 2
296 n. i, 312 n. 3,
346 n. 2, 365 n.,4i8
463.
Giovanni de' (leader of
the " Black Band "),
307, 336, 343, 3
!io de' <
Pope Clement VII.),
Cardinal, 4 sty?., 8,
i i. 13 se</(/., 17-23,
°3. 94, 97 n. 2, 104,
n. i, 168 n. 2,
184-188, 195, 199,
201, 203, 206 se</.t
231 sew, 235, 237-
242. See Clement
VII., Pope.
„ Guido de' (castellan of
St. Angelo), 333,
390 n.
Ippolito de', Cardinal,
426, 463 n. 4.
Lorenzo II., de' (Duke
of Urbino), 248 n. i,
275 n. 3.
„ Lucrezia de' (wife of
Jacopo Sal via:
idalena de' (wife of
Franceschetto Cibo),
4 n. 2.
Malatesta de', 463.
icthon, 141, 445 n
Mcndoza, Lope Huitado de',
32, 54, 60, 121 n. i, 169,
258, 269, 292 sty.
Merino, Stefano Gabriele( Arch-
bishop of 1 ck>),
56, 93 n. 2, 155.
ael Angelo, 4 1 5.
Michaelangelo da Siena,
Molossus, Tranquillus, 218.
520
INDEX OF NAMES.
Moncada, Ugo de (Imperial
envoy), 309 seq., 312, 315
seq., 321, 324, 326, 333
seqq., 33$> 349 seq., 359,
434, 462 seq., 466, 496
seq.
Montanaro, Paolo (expediter of
Clement VII.), 460.
Monte, del, Cardinal, see
Ciocchi.
Monte, Giovanni Maria de'
(Archbishop of Manfre-
donia), 286 n. 3, 422.
Montelupo, Raffaello da (sculp-
tor), 387 n. i, 395.
Montmorency, Anne de, 347.
Montorsoli, Giovanni Angelo
(sculptor), 247 n. 3.
Moring, Gerhard, 227.
Morone, Girolamo (chancellor
to Fr. Sforza), 290 seq.,
292, 294, 460, 463.
Moscatellus (musician), 249 n.
4-
Muratori, Lod. Ant. (historian),
227.
Muscettola, Giovanni Ant.,
457-
NAJERA, The Abbot of, 291 n.
4, 309 n. 2, 419.
Naselli, 6 n. 4, 391 n. i.
Navagero, B. (envoy), 450 n.,
451 nn., 455 nn-
Negri, Girolamo, 52 n., 73, 99
n. i, 115 seq., 332
seq.
„ Tommaso (Bishop of
Scardona, Nuncio),
158-
Nicolas V., Pope, 101, 415.
Nini, Ninus (Bishop of Po-
tenza), 406.
Novarola, Alex, de, 504.
Numai, Cristoforo, Cardinal,
19. 238, 410, 439.
ODET DE Foix,, see Lautrec.
Oem van Wyngarden, Floren-
tius (Syndic of Utrecht),
see Wyngarden.
Olaus Petri, see Petri.
Orange, Prince of, see Philibert.
Orsini, Family of the, 269,
275 seq., 312.
,, Franciotto, Cardinal,
23, 29 n., 64, 206,
241, 466, 506.
,, Giovanni Antonio
(commander of the
Papal cavalry), 384.
„ Napoleone (Abbot of
Farfa), 367, 371 n.
i.
Virginio, 320.
Ortiz, Blasio, 44, 71, 82 seq.,
121 seq.
Osorio, Alvaro (Bishop of
Astorga, Nuncio), 155.
PACE, Richard (English envoy),
7-
Pagnino, Santes (Dominican),
78.
Pallavicini, Giambattista, Car-
dinal, 5 n. i, 245
n. 2.
,, Sforza (historian),
226.
Palmerio, A. M., Cardinal, 465
n. i.
Panvinio, Onofrio, 174 n., 227.
Paolo d'Arezzo, 336, 367 n. i.
Paolucci, Alfonso (Ferrarese
envoy), 108.
Pappacoda, S., Cardinal, 465
n. i.
Passed, Bernardino (goldsmith),
393-
Passerini, Silvio, Cardinal, 63,
425 seq., 436 n. i, 439.
Paul II., Pope, 50.
,, III., Pope, 8 1.
Penaloza, 346 n. 2.
521
Pepoli (the Bolognese 1
265 i
Peregrine. . Si n. i.
Perelli, S , 405 n.
Perez (sec. to Spanish emb.i
32?» 348, 35° n- -• 356-
10, 428, 458 n. i.
IVricoli, Niccolo, see Tribolo.
IVruzzi, Baldassare (artist),
217.
Pescara, Marquis of, see
Avalos.
Peter Martyr, 39, 78 n.
Petri, Olaus (Swedish
former), 149, 151.
Petrucci, Alfonso, Cardinal, 6.
„ Raffaello (Bishop of
Grosseto), Cardinal,
22, 63, 184.
Petrus de Roma, see Pietro.
Philibert of Chalon (Prince of
Orange), 390, 415 5*7,420
n.. 422 n. i, 428, 431,
448.
Philip the Fair (King of France),
200.
Philip II. (King of Spain), 433.
Piccolomini, Giovanni, Cardi-
nal, 4, 9, 63, 408 seq
Pietro [Petrus de Roma] (Papal
chamberlain), 96, 192.
Pighius, Albert, 37, nS n.
Pimentel, Bernardo, 60.
Pimpinella, Vincenzo (Arch-
bishop of Rossano,
Nuncio), 12.
Pio, Alberto (Count of Carpi),
60 n. 2, 204 n. 2, 240
stq~> 255, 259 seq., 268
seq., 274, 286, 295 n. i,
297, 3^7, 326 n. i, 334,
346, 35s n. 3, 499-
„ Enea, 72 i n. i.
Piombo, Sebastiano del
(painter), 247 n. 3.
Piperario, Andrea, 162 n. 4,
191 n. i.
Pisani, Francesco, Car
242, 463, 464 n. i, 466,
506.
>, Count of, 320.
>pe, 217.
III., Pope, 217.
I'lunitz, Hans von der, 139 seq.
Poncher, Estienne (Archbishop
of Sens), 56 n. 5.
Ponzetti, Ferdinando, Cardinal,
17 n. i, 410.
Port. ,!ella
(envoy from Urbino), 5 n.
3, 6 mi. i 4, i8n. 5, 19 n.
4, 81 n. i, 82 n.6, 93 n. 2,
100 n. 2, 101 n. 4, i-
3, 125 n. 4, 152 n. 2, 159
n. 3, 173 n. i, 193 n. 5,
196-198 n., 203-206 n.,
41 1, 420 n. 2.
Portugal, King of, see John 1 1 1.
Praet, Louis de (Imp-
envoy), 462.
Prospero, Bart., 103 n. 3.
Pucci, Antonio (Bishop of
toia), 422, 471.
,, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 4,
•I, 104 n. 3, n
245 "• 2, 394,
461, 504.
Puglioni, Giovanni Ant. (Baron
of Burgio), 192 n. 5, 338
n. 5.
QUARANTINO, Giov. Bait.
intuan envoy), 223,
237, 243 n.
Quinones, Francesco, Cardinal,
346, 348, 355 n- 7. 365.
43-- 433 "• »» 443. 451
srq.i 454, 460, 463, 465
n. i.
RAINCE, Nicolas (sec* to
French embassy), 6 n. i,
15 D, •» 308 D^ JIO
323. 345» 347, 370 n. i.
522
INDEX OF NAMES.
Rangoni, Ercole, Cardinal, 457,
506.
Guide, i, 307, 385
seq., 398.
Raphael, 3, 74 seq., 247, 251,
332> 415.
n.
Raynaldus, Odericus, 227.
Reuchlin, Johann, 42.
Riario, Tommaso (Bishop of
Savona), 62.
Ricasoli, Simone, 422.
Ridolfi, Lorenzo, 422.
„ Niccol6 (Bishop of
Vicenza), Cardinal,
51, 63, 104, 332,
436 n. i, 439, 506.
Rio, Balthasar del (Bishop of
Scala), 27.
Robertet, F., 285 n. 3, 369 n.
Roche, de la (Imperial envoy),
260 seq., 262 n.
Rodendurch, the Family of,
35 n.
Romulus de S. Cruce, 78 n.
Rosso, Andrea (Venetian
envoy to France), 301.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della
(Duke of Urbino), 2, 22,
50, 1 60 seqq., 179, 187,
318 seq., 320 n. i, 321
seqq., 342 seq., 360 seq.,
370, 376, 382 seq., 419,
421 n. i, 506.
Rovigo, Zaccaria da, 90 n. i.
Russell, John, Sir (English
envoy), 366, 372.
SADOLETO, Jacopo, Cardinal,
76, 115, 244, 332.
Saffa, Stefano, 101 n. 2, 103
n. 5, 128 n. 2.
Saint-Marceau (French envoy),
256, 259.
Salamanca, P., 423 n.
Salazar, 423 n., 428.
Salimbeni, J. C., 467 n. i.
Saluzzo, the Marquis of, 323,
,342, 382-
Salviati, Giovanni (Bishop of
Fermo), Cardinal,
51, 104, 266, 274,
280 seq., 294, 296
seq., 316 n. 2, 388
n. i, 404 n. 2, 434
seq., 436 seq., 439>
441, 443 seq., 450
n. 3> 452> 5°°-
„ Jacopo (husband of
Lucrezia de' Medici),
297 n. i, 320, 334,
371, 394, 422, 437
n. i, 450 n. 3, 463.
., Lucrezia, see Medici,
Lucrezia de'.
Sanchez, Michael Girolamo
(merchant), 430, 440.
Sandizell, Wilhelm von (Bavar-
ian captain), 403.
Sanga, Giovanni Battista (poet),
322, 328, 332, 388 n. i,
404 n. 2, 508.
Sangallo, Antonio da, 359.
Sanseverino, Antonio, Cardinal,
465 n. i.
Sansovino, del Monte, Cardinal,
see Ciocchi.
„ Andrea, 217.
Sanuto, Marino, 16 n. seq.,
112.
Sanzio, Sigismondo (secretary
to Carpi), 288 seq.
Sarni, Conte di, 341 n.
Sarpi, Paolo, 112 n. i.
Sassatello, Giovanni da, 246,
425-
Sauermann, Georg (Imperial
procurator), 78 n., 411.
Sauli, Bandinello, Cardinal,
188 n. i.
Savelli, Giambattista, 397.
Schertlin von Burtenbach,
Sebastian, 342, 414, 423,
432-
INDEX 01
523
Schinner, Mattlunis, Cardinal,
1, 4, 7 n. 6, 14, 17
19, 86 scq.t 93, 95, 103,
117. 155 n. 2.
Schio, Girolamo da (Bishop of
Vaison), 460.
Schonberg, Nicolas von (Arch-
bishop of Capua), 118 n.,
254> 257, 260 seqq., 264 n.
2, 276, 277, 286, 296 seq.,
302 n. 4, 346 seq., 363,
365> 394, 421, 434, 465 n.
2, 496.
Schwarzenberg, Johann von,
141.
Schwegler, Kaspar, 421 n. 2,
429.
Scorel, Jan van (artist), 74.
Serapica, Giovanni Lazzaro, 4 |
n. 2.
Serenon (Imperial agent), 371.
Sergardi, F., 467 n. i.
Sessa, Luis de Corduba, Duke
of, 104, 121 seq.j 125 n. 5,
165, 170, 182, 185, 187,
196 n., 203, 205 n. 4, 216
n. 3, 231 seqq., 234 n. i,
241, 253, 255 seq., 258,
260 seq.t 271, 276, 278 n.
2, 283, 288, 292, 297, 310
seq., 3*2, 325. 349 n. i,
487.
Severolus, Africano, 17 n.
Sforza, Francesco (Duke of
Milan), 62, 194, 206, 249
n. 4, 278, 288, 290 seq.,
301, 304, 307, 309, 315,
3r9> 473-
Sickingen, Franz von, 152 n. 4.
Sigismondo Ferrarese, 416 n.
Sigismund (King of Poland),
148, 176.
Silva, Miguel da (Portuguese
envoy), 63 n. i, 174 n. 3,
179, 188 n. i, 191, 333.
Soderini, Francesco, Cardinal,
4, 6 *Y., 15, 21 v<y.. Ill
Soderini, —<onfi*u*t.
'38, 195,
196 n., 197, 202, 207.
234 n. i, 240, 242, 960,
483-
Sona, Lope de, 446.
Soriano, Antonio (Venetian
bassador), 247 n. 3, 250
ttqq.
Spinola, Agostino, Cardinal,
385-
Strozzj, Fittppo (husband of
Clarice de' Medici), 334,
363. 371, 5".
Stuart, John (Duke of Albany),
263, 268,270, 275 *y.,320.
Studillo, Antonio de, 44, 46, 51.
Sulieman I. (The Sultan), 155,
TAT trd, 37.
Tarasconio, Evangelista, i :
Tebaldeo, Antonio (poet), 26.
Teodoli, G. Ruffb (Archbishop
of CosenzaX 82,
478, 482
Theophilus (Patriarch of Alex-
andria), 152.
Thomas cl
Tibaldi, Pierpaolo, 397.
Tiene, Gaetano di, S., stt
Gaetano.
Tigoli, Yincentio da (of the
Swiss guard), 98 :
>, Sigismondo (of Siena),
•07 » 3. 220 n., 226
n. i, 401 n
Toledo, the Archbishop of, 449,
450 n. 2, 462 n. 5, 463.
Tommaso Illirico (Minorite),
78 n.
Torre, Sigismondo dalla, 387
Toscano, Ix>renzo (French
envoy), 285, 287.
Tribolo, il [Xiccold Pericoli],
524
INDEX OF NAMES.
Trivulzio, Agostino, Cardinal,
5 n. i, 23, 33, 95,
105 n. 4, 195, 206,
346, 359, 366, 373
n. i, 402 n. i, 405
n., 414, 416 n. i,
439,463,466,479,
506.
,, Scaramuccia, Car-
dinal, 240.
Trolle, Gustav (Archbishop of
Upsala), 150 seqq.
URBINO, Duchess of, see Elea-
nora.
VALDES, Alfonso de, 354.
Valeriano, Pierio (humanist),
224.
Valla Rhegiensis, Guillelmus,
78 n., 165 n.
Vallati, Giulio, 397.
Valle, Andrea della, Cardinal,
4,21, 408^., 409 n.,
506.
„ Lelio della, 68.
Varano, Giovanni Maria da
(Duke of Camer-
ino), 2, 121 n. i.
„ Sigismondo da, 2,
121 n. i.
Varazano, Bernardo da (banker),
486.
Vasari, Giorgio, 74 n. 3, 247
n. 3.
Vasto, Alfonso del, 458.
Vaudemont, Rene, Count of,
366, 377, 438-
Vegerius, Conrad, 217.
Venier, Domenico (Venetian
envoy), 335, 390 n. 4, 411.
Vettori, Francesco (Florentine
envoy), 207 n. i.
,, Paolo (envoy), 267,
3°°-
Veyre, Pierre de, 454, 455 n. i,
458 seqq. , 462 seq.
Vich, Raymond de, Cardinal,
4, 14.
Vignacourt, Jean de, 47 n. 2.
Vincenzo di S. Gimignano, Fra,
52 n.
Vitelli, Vitello (Papal general),
307, 34i-
Vives, Joannes Ludovicus, 33,
85 seq. ^
WALLACHIA, The Waiwode of,
191.
Wied, Hermann von (Elector
of Cologne), 438 n. 3.
Winkler, Johannes, 58, 80 seq.
VVolsey, Thomas, Cardinal, 6
seq., 12, 174, 177, 1 80,
231, 299 n. 3, 435-441,
443, 453-
\\fyngarden, Florentius Oem
van, 47.
XIMENES, Cardinal, 39-42.
ZACCARIA DA ROVIGO, 90.
Zapolya, Johann (Voivode of
Siebenbiirgen), 365.
Zeigler, J., 447 n.
Zevenbergen, Herr von, 60.
Zisterer (Papal secretary), 121,
166, 175.
Zwingli, Ulrich, 147.
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