■ f3
u
==r-H
UJ==
==LD
1 =
= e£J
u
= tr-
8m
= r-=1
C/3
So
U- ^^~
1
>-
== n
tn p
= r^
ir =
u
= r-^
>ss
» _
— m
*.?
HISTORY OF THE POPES
VOL. XIII
PASTORS HISTORY OF THE POPES
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from
the German of Ludwig, Freiherr von Pastor. Edited, as to
Vols. I. -VI. by the lat'e Frederick Ignatius Antrobus, and,
as to Vols. VII.-XXIV. by Ralph Francis Kerr, of the
London Oratory, Vols. XXV.-XXXIV. by Dom Ernest Graf,
of Buckfatt Abbey, and Vols. XXXV.-XXXVI. by E. F.
Peeler.
Vols. I. and II. a.d. 1305-1458
Vols. III. and IV. a.d. 1458-1483
Vols. V. and VI. a.d. 1484-1513
Vols. VII. and VIII. a.d. 1513-1521
Vols. IX. and X. a.d. 1522-1534
Vols. XI. and XII. a.d. 1534-1549
Vols. XIII. and XIV. a.d. 1550-1559
Vols. XV. and XVI. a.d. 1559-1565
Vols. XVII. and XVIII. a.d. 1566-1572
Vols. XIX. and XX. a.d. 1572-1585
Vols. XXI. and XXII. a.d. 1585-1591
Vols. XXIII. and XXIV. a.o. 1592-1604
Vols. XXV. and XXVI. a.d. 1605-1621
Vols. XXVII. to XXIX. a.d. 1621-1644
Vols. XXX. to XXXII. a.d. 1644-1700
Vols. XXXIII. and XXXIV. a.d. 1700-1740
Vols. XXXV. and XXXVI. a.d. 1740-1774
The original German text of the History of the Popes is published
iv Herder A Co., Freiburg (Baden).
T H B
HISTORY OF THE POPES;
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES
FROM THE GERMAN OF
LUDWIG. FREIHERR VON PASTOR
EDITED BY
RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY
VOLUME XIII
JULIUS III. (1550-1555)
LONDON
ROUTLEDGE & KEG AN PAUL LTD
BROADWAY HOUSE: 68- 74 CARTER LANE, E.C.4.
ST LOUIS, MO.: B. HERDER BOOK CO.
15 & 17 SOUTH BROADWAY.
195 1
First published in England 1924
Reprinted 195 1
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY
LUND HUMPHRIES
LONDON * BRADFORD
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIII
PAGE
Collections of Archives and Manuscripts referred to in
Volumes XIII. and XIV vii
Complete Titles of Books frequently quoted in Volumes
XIII. and XIV. ix
Table of Contents ...... xxvii
List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix . . xl
Julius III., i550-i555-
The election of Julius III. . . . . I_ 44
Previous life, character and beginning of the reign of
Julius III. ...... 45-76
Preparations for the reassembling of the Council in
Trent. The dispute concerning the Duchy of
Parma ....... 76-98
Second Period of the Council of Trent . . 99-128
War in Upper and Central Italy. Julius III.'s efforts
for peace. Conclusion of his pontificate and his
death ....... 129-157
Efforts of Julius III. for reform. Creation of Cardinals 158-179
Spread of the Society of Jesus. Their reforming activi-
ties in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Germany . 180-209
Activity of the Roman Inquisition in Italy. Spread of
heresy in Germany, Poland and France . . 210-236
Accession of Queen Mary of England. Her marriage to
Philip of Spain ..... 237-269
Legation of Cardinal Pole. The reconciliation of
England with the Holy See . . . 270-289
Spread of Christianity in the New World . . 290-306
V
VI CONTENTS
PAGE
The East Indies and the Mission of St. Francis Xavier 307-325
Julius III. in relation to Letters and Art. Michael
Angelo and the rebuilding of St. Peter's. The
Villa Giulia ..... 326-355
Rome at the end of the Renaissance period . 356-427
Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . . 431-459
Index of Names ...... 460-475
COLLECTIONS OF ARCHIVES AND
MANUSCRIPTS REFERRED TO IN
VOLUMES XIII. AND XIV.
Ancona — Communal Archives.
Arezzo — Library.
Berlin — Royal Library.
Bologna — State Archives.
University Library.
Brescia — Quirini Library.
Brussels — State Archives.
CittA di Castello-
Archives.
-Graziani
Ferrara — Communal Library.
Florence — National Library.
State Archives.
Foggia — Communal Library.
Foligno — Seminary Library.
Frankfurt a. M. — Library.
Genoa — State Archives.
University Library.
Gorlitz — Milichsche Library.
Gotha — Library.
Gubbio — Communal Archives.
Episcopal Archives.
Hall i. Tirol — Provincial Ar-
chives of the Tyrclese
Franciscans.
Hohenems — Family Archives.
Innsbruck-
chives.
-Vice-regal Ar-
London — British Museum.
Lucca — State Archives.
Lund — Library.
Lyons — Library.
Macerata — Library.
Madrid — Library of the Duke
of Ossuna.
Mantua — Gonzaga Archives.
Mayence — Seminary Library.
Milan — Ambrosian Library.
Gallarati Scotti Ar-
chives.
Br era Library.
Trivulziana Library.
State Archives.
Modena — State Archives.
Monte San Savino — Commu-
nal Archives.
Munich — Court and State
Library.
Naples — Library of the Soc.
di storia patria.
National Library.
National Library in the
Certosa di S. Martino.
State Archives.
Nic astro — Episcopal Archives.
Paris — National Archives.
National Library.
Parma — Palatine Library
State Archives.
Perugia — Library.
Piacenza— Communal Library.
Pisa — University Library.
Pistoia — Fabroniana Library.
Ravenna — Classe Library.
Reggio — Episcopal Archives.
Vll
Viii ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPTS IN VOLS. XIII & XIV.
Rome —
(a) Archives :
the Anima.
the Boncompagni.
the Capitol.
the Colonna.
the Doria — Pamphili.
the Gaetani.
the Ricci.
the Santa Croce.
the Spanish Embassy.
the Secretary of
Briefs *
General, of the Augus-
tinians.
General, of the Thea-
tines.
Consistorial, of the
Vatican.
the Papal Secret (Se-
cret Archives of the
Vatican).
of the State.
(b) Libraries :
Accademia di S Cecilia
Alessandrina.
AUieri.
Angelica.
Barberini 2
Casanatense.
Chigi.
Corsini.
S. Croce in Gerusalemme.
Rome — Libraries continued.
S. Pietro in Vincoli.
Vatican.
Vittorio Emanuele.
Schaffhausen — State Library.
Seville — Archives of the In-
dies.
Siena — State Archives.
Library.
Simancas — Archives.
Stockholm — Library.
Trent — Library.
Treves — Seminary Library.
Upsala — Library.
Venice — Library of St. Mark.
Correr Museum.
State Archives.
Vicenza — Bertoliana Library.
Viterbo — State Archives.
VoLTERRA-Inghirami Archives.
Maffei Archives.
Vienna — Rossiana Library.
Court and State Ar-
chives.
Court Library.
Wolfenbuttel — Library
Zeitz — Convent Library.
* Under Pius X. included in the Papal Secret Archives,
•Now in the Vatican Library.
COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS QUOTED IN
VOLUMES XIII AND XIV
Acts of the Privy Council of England. New Series, ed. by John
Roche Dasent, vols. I— u, London, 1890-1895.
Adinolfi, P. II Canale di Ponte e le sue circostanti parti. Narni,
i860.
La via sacra o del Papa. Roma, 1865.
Roma nell'eta di mezzo. 2 vols., Roma, 1881.
Adriani, G. B. Istoria de' suoi tempi. Vol. I. et seqq., Prato,
1822.
Alberi, E. Le relazioni degli ambasciatori Veneti al Senato
durante il secolo decimosesto. 3 series, Firenze, 1 839-1 855.
Amabile, L. II S. Officio della Inquisizione in Napoli. Vol.
I., Citta di Castello, 1892.
Ambros, A. W.. Geschichte der Musik. Vol. IV., 2nd ed.,
Leipzig, 1 881.
Analecta Bollandiana. 30 vols., Paris-Bruxelles, 1 882-191 1.
Ancel, R. La question de Sienne et la politique du cardinal
Carlo Carafa, 1556 a 1557. Bruges, 1905.
La secretairerie pontificale sous Paul IV. Paris, 1906.
Paul IV. et le Concile. Louvain, 1907.
■ Le Vatican sous Paul IV. Contribution a l'histoire du
Palais Pontifical. Rev. Benedictine, Jan., 1908, pp. 48-71.
L'activite reformatrice de Paul IV. Paris, 1909.
La disgrace et le proces des Carafa d'apres des documents
inedits 1559 a 1567. Maredsous, 1909.
La reconciliation de l'Angleterre avec le Saint-Siege
sous Marie Tudor. Legation du Cardinal Pole en Angleterre
1553-1554. Revue d'hist. eccles., X., Louvain, 1909,
521-536. 744-798.
Nonciatures de France. Nonciatures de Paul IV. (avec
la derniere annee de Jules III. et Marcel II.). Publ. par
R.A., Vol. I. Nonciatures de Sebastiano Gualterio et de
Cesare Brancatio (Mai 1554 — Juillet 1557) i re et 2 e Partie.,
Paris, 1909, 191 1.
Andrea, Alex. De la guerra de Campafia de Roma y del segno
de Napoles en el pontificado de Paulo IV. Tres libros,
Madrid, 1589.
Archivio storico dell' Arte, publ. p. Gnoli. Vol. I. et seqq., Roma,
1888 seq.
Archivio storico Italiano. 5 Series, Firenze, 1842 seq.
Archivio storico Lombardo. Vols. I. seqq., Milano, 1874 seqq.
ix
X COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Archivio storico per le provincie Napolitane. Vols. I. seqq., Napoli,
1876 seqq.
Aretino, P. Lettere. 6 vols. Paris, 1609.
Armellini, M. Le chiese di Roma dalle loro origini sino al secolo
XVI. Roma, 1887.
Arte V . Continuation of the Archivio storico dell' Arte. Roma,
1898 seq.
A strain, A., S.J. Historia de la Compana de Jesus en la Asis-
tencia de Espafia. 2 vols. Madrid, 1902-1905.
Atti e Memorie della r. deputaz. di storia patria per la prov.
dell' Emilia. Prima Serie 1-8 ; Nuova Serie 1 seqq.
Modena, 1863 seqq.
Balan, P. Gli assedii della Mirandola di papa Giulio II. nel
151 1 e di papa Giulio III. nel 1551 e 1552 narrati secbndo
i piii recenti documenti. 2nd ed. Mirandola, 1876.
Storia dTtalia. 6 vols. Modena, 1882.
Baracconi, G. I Rioni di Roma. Terza ristampa. Torino-
Roma, 1905
Barbier de Montault, X., Oeuvres completes, Poitiers- Paris, 1899
seqq.
Barelli, F. M. Memorie dell' originie ed uomini illustri della
Congreg. de'Chierici Regolari di S Paolo. 2 vols. Bologna,
I7°3-
Bartoli, A. Cento vedute di Roma antica. Firenze, 191 1.
Batiffol, P. La Vaticane de Paul III. a Paul V. Paris, 1890.
Battistella, A. II S. Oftizio e la Riforma religiosa in Bologna.
Bologna, 1905.
Baumgarten, H. Johannes Sleidanus' Brief wechsel. Strass-
burg, 1 88 1.
Beccadelli, L. Monumenti di varia letteratura tratti dai
manoscritti di Mgr. L. B., ed. Morandi. Bologna, 1 797-1804.
Beccari, C, S.J. Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores occidentales
inediti a saeculo XVI. ad XIX. Vols. V. and X. Roma,
1907, 1910.
Beluzzi, G. B. (detto il Sammarino), Diario autobiogr., ed. P.
F.gidi, Napoli, 1907.
Bcnigni, U. Die Getreidpolitik der Papste. Ed. G. Ruhland,
Berlin, 1898.
Benrath, K. Die Reformation in Venedig. Halle, 1887.
Berliner, A. Geschichte der Juden in Rom von dem altcster:
zeiten bis zur Gegenwart. 2 vols. Frankfurt a.M., 1893.
lUrnabci, Vita del Card. Morone. Modena, 1885.
Brmino, D. Historia di tutte l'heresie. Vol. IV, Venezia,
1724.
Berthier, J. J. L'dglise de la Minerve a Rome. Rome, 1910.
Bertolotti, A. Artisti Lombardi a Roma nei secoli XV., XVI.,
e XVII. Studi e richerche negli arclm 1 Romani. 2 vols.,
Milano, 1881.
Artisti Modenesi, 1'irmesi e della Lunigiana a Roma nei
secoli XV., XVI., e XVII. Modena, 18*2.
Artisti Bolognesi, Ferrarese ed alcuni altri a Roma.
Bologna, 1885.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XI
Bertolotti, A. Artisti subalpini a Roma. Mantova, 1885.
Artisti Veneti a Roma. Venezia, 1885.
Martiri del libero pensiero e vittime della Santa In-
quisizione nei secoli XVI., XVII., e XVIII. Roma, 1891.
Biaudet, Henri, Les nonciatures apostoliques permanentes
jusqu'en 1648 (Annales academiae scientarum fennica. Series
B., Vol. II., 1). Helsinki, 1910.
Boglino, L. La Sicilia a i suoi cardinali. Palermo, 1884.
Bonanni, Ph. Numismata Pontificum Romanorum qua; a
tempore Martini V. ad annum 1699 vel authoritate publica
vel privato genio in lucem prodiere. Vol. II., Roma, 1699.
Bonazzi, L. Storia di Perugia. 2 vols., 1875-1879.
Bongi, S. Annali di Giolito de Ferrari da Trino di Monferrato,
stampatore di Venezia. 2 vols. Roma, 1890 seqq.
Borgati, M. Castel di S. Angelo in Roma. Roma, 1890.
[Borgia, Franciscus]. Sanctus Franeiscus Borgia, quartus Gandiae
dux et Societatis Jesu propositus generalis tertius. Vol. I.,
Matriti, 1894 ; Vol. II., 1903 ; vol. III., 1908.
Boverius, Z. Annales sive historian ordinis minorum S. Francisci
qui Capuccini nuncupatur. 2 vols. Lugduni, 1632 seq.'
Braunsberger, O., S.J. Beati Petri Canisii Epistulos et Acta.
Vols. I.-IV. Frib. Brisg., 1896-1905.
Brischar, N. Beurteilung der Kontroversen Sarpis und Pal-
lavicinis'in der Geschichte des Trienter Konzils. Tubingen,
1844.
Bromato, C. Storia di Paolo IV., P. M. 2 vols. Ravenna,
1748-1753.
Brosch, M. Geschichte des Kirchenstaates. Vol. I., Gotha, 1880.
■ — • Geschichte Englands. Vol. VI. Gotha, 1890.
Brown, Rawdon, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts re-
lating to English affairs in the archives of Venice and in
other libraries of Northern Italy. Vols. V.-VII. London,
1873-1890.
Bucholtz, F. Br. Geschichte der Regierung Ferdinands I. 9
vols., Vienna, 1 831-1838.
Bufalini, L. La pianta di Roma di L. B. del 1551. Riprodotta,
con introduz. di F. Ehrle S.J. [Also under the title of Roma
al tempo di Giulio III.]. Roma, 191 1.
Bullarium Diplomatum et Privilegiorum Summorum Romanorum
Pontificum, Taurinensis editio. Vol. VI. Aug. Taur., i860 ;
vol. VII., Neapoli, 1882.
Bullarium ordinis fratrum min. S. Franc. Capucinorum. Vol.
I. Romae, 1740.
Bunsen-Platner , Beschreibung der Stadt Rom. 3 vols. Stutt-
gart and Tubingen, 1829- 1842.
Burckhardt, J. Beitrage zur Kunstgeschichte von Italien. 2nd
ed., Berlin und Stuttgart, 191 1.
Buschbell, G. Reformation und Inquisition in Italien um die
Mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts. Paderborn, 1910.
Cabrera, Felipe segundo. 4 vols. Madrid, 1876 seq.
Calenzjo, G. Documenti inediti e nuovi lavori letterarii sul
Concilio di Trento. Roma, 1874.
Xll COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Collar i, L. I Palazzi di Roma e le case di pregio storico ed
artistico. Roma, 1907.
Campori, G. CIII. Lettere inedite di Sommi Pontefici. Modena,
1878.
Cancellieri, Fr. Storia dei solenni Possessi dei Sommi Pontefici.
Roma, 1802.
Cancellieri, Fr. II Mercato, il Lago dell' Acqua Vergine ed il
Palazzo Panfiliano nel Circo Agonale. Roma, 181 1.
Cantit, F. Gli Eretici dTtalia. 3 vols. Torino, 1864-1866.
Capecelatro, Card. Der heilige Philippus Neri. Freib. i. Br.,
1886. [Fng. Trans, by T. A. Pope.]
Caracciolus, A. De vita Pauli IV. P. M. Colonial, 1612.
Cardella, L. Memorie storiche de' cardinali della s. Romana
chiesa. Vol. IV. Roma, 1793.
Caro, A . Lettere colla vita dell' autore scritta da A . F. S.eghezzi.
3 vols. Milano, 1807.
Caro, A. Lettere scritte a nome del Card. A. Farnese. 3 vols.
Milano, 1807.
Cartas di S. Ignacia, see Ignatius de Loiola.
Carte Strozziane : Inventario. 1st series, 2 vols. Firenze, 1884.
Casa, Giov. della, Opere. 6 vols. Napoli, 1733.
Castaldo, G. B. Vita del S. Pontefice Paolo IV. Roma, 1615.
Cavalcanti, B. Lettere tratte dagli originali. Bologna, 1869.
Chamere, E. Negociations de la France dans le Levant (Collect.
d. docum. ined. pour l'hist. de France). Vol. I. Paris,
1848.
Chattard, Giov. P., Nuova descrizione del Vaticano. Vols. I.— III.
Roma, 1762-1767.
Chiesi, L. Papa Giulio III. e la guerra di Parma e della Mirandola
secondo il carteggio d'lppolito Capilupi con Ferrante Gon-
zaga : Atti e Memorie della r. deput. di stor. patria per
le proy. Modenese. 4th series, vol. III. Modena, 1892.
Ciaconius, Alph. Vita et res gestae Pont. Romanorum et S.R.E.
Cardinalium ab Aug. Oldoino recognita. Vol. III. Romae,
1677.
Ciampi, S. Bibliografia critica delle corrispondenze dell' Italia
colla Russia, colla Polonia, etc. 3 vols. Firenze, 1834-
1842.
Clausse. Les San Gallo. 3 vols. Paris, 1900-1902.
Clementi, F. II Carnevale Romano nelle cronache contemporanee.
Roma, 1899.
Coggiola, G. I. Farnesi ed il conclave di Paolo IV. con documenti
inediti : Studi storici IX., 61-91, 203-227, 449-479, Pisa,
1900.
Paolo IV. e la capitolazione segreta di Cavi. Pistoia, 1900.
Ascanio della Cornia e la sua condotta negli avvenimenti
del 1555 a 1556 : Bullettino della r. deput. di stor. patria
per l'Umbria, X., 89-148, 221-362, Perugia, 1904.
I. Farnesi ed il ducato di Parma e Piacenza durante il
pontificate di Paolo IV. : Archiv. stor. per le prov. Parrriensi,
Nuova Serie, III., 1-282, Parma, 1905.
Condivi, A. Das Leben des Michelangelo Buonarroti. Vienna,
1874.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. xiii
Coppi, A. Discorso sopra le finanze di Roma nei secoli di mezzo.
Roma, 1847.
Memorie Colonnesi compilate. Roma, 1855.
Corpo diplomatico Portuguez, p.p. Luiz Aug. Rebella da Silva
Vols. 6-7, Lisbon, 1884 seq.
Corpus Reformatorum. Philippi Melancthonis opera qua? super-
sunt omnia, edidit C. G. Bretschneider. Vol. I. seqq., Halis
Sax, 1834 seqq.
Cros, J. M. St. Francis de Xavier. Sa vie et ses lettres. 2
vols., Toulouse, 1900.
Cugnoni, G. Prose inedite del Comm. Anibale Caro, pubbl. e
annotate da G. C. Imola, 1872.
Cupis, C. de Le vicende dell' agricoltura e della pastorizia dell'
agro Romano e l'Annona di Roma. Roma, 191 1.
Dandolo, Matteo. Relazione di Roma 1551 (In Alberi, Relazioni
degli ambasciatori Veneti. 2nd series, vol. III., 331 seqq.
Firenze, 1846).
Dembinski, B. De Beschickung des Tridentinums durch Polen.
Breslau, 1883.
Rzym i Europa. Vol. I. Krakau, 1890.
Dengel, J . Geschichte des Palazzo di S. Marco, genannt Palazzo
di Venezia. Leipzig, 1909.
Desjardins, A . Negotiations diplomatiques de la France avec
la Toscane. Documents recueillies par Gius. Canestrini,
Vol. I. seqq., Paris, 1859 seq.
Desjob. L'influence du Concile de Trente sur la litterature et
tes beaux-arts. Paris, 1884.
Dierauer, J. Geschichte de schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft.
Vols. I.-IIL, Gotha, 1887 seqq.
Dionysius, P. L. and Aug. de Gabriellis, Sacrarum Vaticana?
basilicae cryptarum monumenta aeneis tabulis incisa et com-
mentariis illustrata. Romae, 1773.
Dispacci di Germania. Publ. by the Historischen Kommission
der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Vols.
I.-IIL Ed. by Turba. Vienna, 1889-1895.
Documenta ad legationem Cardinalis Poli spectantia. Romae,
1896. (For private circulation).
Dollinger, J. J. Beitrage zur politischen, kirchlichen und
Kulturgescbichte der sechs letzten Jahrhunderte. Vols.
II., III., Regensburg and Vienna, 1863-1882.
Druffel, A. von, Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des 16 Jahrhun-
derts mit besonderer Rucksichtnahme auf Bayerns Fiirsten-
haus. Vols. I.-IV., Munich, 1873 seq.
Dufresne, D. Les Cryptes Vaticanes. Paris-Rome, 1902.
Duhr, B., S.J ., Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Landern deutscher
Zunge im XVI. Jahrhundert. Vol. I., Freib. i. Br., 1907.
Duruy, G. Le cardinal Carlo Carafa (1519-1561). Etude sur
le pontificat de Paul IV. Paris, 1882.
Ebe, G. Die Spatrenaissence. Vol. I. Berlin, 1886.
Egger, H. Romische Veduten. Handzeichnungen aus dem
15-18 Jahrhundert. Vienna und Leipzig, 1911.
XIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Ehrenberg, H. Urkunden und Aktenstiicke zur Geschichte der
in der heutigen Provinz Posen vereinigten ehemals polnischen
Landesteile. Leipzig, 1892-
Ehrle, F. See Bufalini.
Roma prima di Sisto V. La pianta di Roma Du Perac-
Lafrery del 1577. Roma, 1908.
Ehses, St. Concilium Tridentinum. Vols. IV., V., Actorum
pars 1 and 2. Frib. Brisg., 1904, 191 1.
Eichhorn, A. Der ermlandische Bischof und Kardinal Stanis-
laus Hosius. 2 vols., Mayence, 1 854-1 855.
Epistolce mixta ex variis Europe locis ab anno 1537 a d 1556
scriptae, nunc primum a Patribus Societatis Jesu in lucem
editre. 5 vols., Matriti, 1898-1901.
Epistolce P. Alphonsi Salmeronis S. J. ex autographis vel originali-
bus exemplis potissimum depromptaj a Patribus eiusdem
Soc. nunc primum editaa. Vols. I, II. (1536-1585). Matriti,
1906, 1907.
Epistolee p.p. Pasch. BrotH, Claudii Jaji, Joannis Codarii et
Simonis Roderici Soc. Jesu. Matriti, 1903.
Epistolce quadrimestres ex universis praeter Indiam et Brasiliam
locis, in quibus aliqui de Societate Jesu versabantur, Romam
missa?. Vols. I. -IV. Matriti, 1 894-1 900.
Erulei, R. La Villa di Giulio III. suoi usi e destinazioni : Nuova
Antologia, Roma, 1890.
Escher, Konrad, Barock und Klassizismus. Studien zur Geschichte
der Architektur Roms. Leipzig [1910].
Etudes. Revue fondee en 1856 par des Peres de la Cie de Jesus.
Paris, 1856 seqq.
Eymericus, N. Directorium Inquisitorum cum commentario
Franc. Pegna. Roma?, 1587.
Fabricius, G. Roma. Basileai, 1551.
Fanfani, Spigolatura Michelangiolesca. Firenze, 1876.
Fantuzzi, G. Notizie degli scrittori Bolognesi. 9 vols. Bologna,
1871-1794.
Favre, J. Olivier de Magny (1 529-1 561). Paris, 1885.
Ferri, A. L'Architettura in Roma nei secoli XV. e XVI. Roma,
1867.
Fichard, J. Italia (Frankfurtischen Archiv fiir altere deutsche
Literatur und Geschichte). Frankfurt a. M., 1875.
Firmani, End. Bondoni de Branchis. Diaria ca^remonialia,
ed. S. Merhle, Concil. Trid. II., Friburgi Brisq., 191 1.
Fontana, B. Documcnti Vaticani contro l'heresia Luterana
in Italia. Archivio della Soc. Rom. di storia patria, XV.,
Roma, 1892.
Renata di Francia, duchessa di Ferrara. 3 vols., Roma,
1889-1894.
[Fontanini] Della istoria del dominio temporale della Sede Apos.
nel Ducato di Parma e Piacenza. Roma, 1720.
Forcella, V. Iscrizioni delle chiese e d'altri edifice di Roma dal
secolo XL fino ai giorni nostri. 14 vols. Roma. 1869-
188
>■
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XV
Fouqueray, H. Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus en France.
Vol. I. Les Origines et les premieres luttes. Paris, 1910.
Friedensburg, see Nuntiaturberichte.
Friedldnder, W. Das Kasino Pius' IV. Leipzig, 1912.
Fueter, E. Geschichte der neueren Historiographie. Munich,
1911.
Fumi, L. L'Inquisizione Romana e lo stata di Milano. Milano,
1910.
Gachard, L. Correspondance de Philippe II. sur les affaires des
Pays-Bas. Vol. I., Bruxelles, 1848.
Les Archives du Vatican. Bruxelles 1874.
Gairdner, H. The English Church in the sixteenth century from
the accession of Henry VIII. to the death of Mary. London,
1902.
Gams, B. Series episcoporum ecclesia? catholicae. Ratisbona?.
i873-
Garampi, G. Saggi di osservazioni sul valore delle antiche
monete pontificie con appendice di documenti. [Roma,
1766].
Gatticus, I. B. Acta caeremonialia S. Romana ecclesia? ex MSS.
codicibus. Vol. I. Roma?, 1753.
Gayangos, P. de, Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State
Papers, relating to the negotiations between England and
Spain preserved in the Archives of Simancas and elsewhere.
Vols. V.-VIIL, London, 1886-1904.
Gave, E. G. Carteggio inedito d'artisti dei secoli XV.-XVII
3 vols. Firenze, 1840.
Geijer, C. G. Geschichte Schwedens. 3 vols. Hamburg, 1832-
1836.
Geymiiller, H, von. Die urspriinglichen Entwurfe fiir St. Peter
in Rom. 2 vols. Vienna and Paris, 1875-1880.
Michelangelo Buonarotti als Architekt. Miinchen, 1904
(Vol. VIII. of Der Architektur der Renaissance in Toskana).
Giordani, P. II Vignola a Roma (Memorie e studi interno a
Jacopc Barozzi). Vignola, 1908.
Giomale Storico della letteratura Italiana. Vols. I. seqq. Roma
— Torino — Firenze, 1883 seqq.
Gnoli, D. Have Roma. Chiese, Monumenti, Case, Palazzi,
Piazze, Fontane, Ville. Roma, 1909.
Goller, Emil. Die papsliche Ponitentiarie von ihrem Ursprung
bis zu ihrer Umgestaltung unter Pius V. Vol. II., Rom.,
191 1 (Bibliothek des Kgl. Preussischen Historischen Instituts
in Rom, vols. 7 and 8).
Gori, F. Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e letterario
della citta e provincia di Roma. Vols. I. -IV., Roma e
Spoleto, 1875-1883.
Gothein, E. Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation.
Halle, 1895.
Graf, A. Attraverso il Cinquecento. Torino, 1888.
Gratianus, A. M. De vita Joannis Francisci Commendoni
Cardinalis. Parisiis, 1669.
XVI COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Grdtz, H. Geschichte der Juden bis auf die Gegenwart. n vols.
Leipzig, 1866.
Gregorovius, F. Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter. Vols.
VL, VII., 3rd ed. Stuttgart, 1879-1880.
Grimm, H. Leben Michelangelos. 2 vols., 5th ed. Berlin,
1879.
Guglielmotti, Alb. La guerra dei pirati dal 1500 al 1560. 2 vols.
Firenze, 1876.
Storia delle fortificazioni nella spiaggia Roma. Roma,
1880.
Guhl, E. Kunstlerbriefe. 2 vols., 2nd ed. Berlin, 1880.
Giilik, W. van. Johannes Gropper '1503-1559). Fin Beitrage
zur Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, besonders der Rhein-
lande im 16 Jahrhundert. Freib. i. Br., 1906.
Gulik-Eubel. Hierarchia Catholica medii and. Vol. III.,, saec.
XVI. ab anno 1503 complectens. Monasterii, 1910.
Gurlilt, C. Geschichte des Barockstiles in Italien. Stuttgart,
1887.
Haas, H. Geschichte des Christenthums in Japan. Vol. I.,
Tokio, 1902.
Hdberlin, Fr. D. Neueste teutsche Reichsgeschichte, vom
Anfange des Schmalkaldischen Krieges bis auf unsere Zeiten.
20 vols., Halle, 1774-1786.
Haefer, H. Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin und der
epidemischen Krankheiten. Vols. I. and III. Jena, 1875-
1882.
Hefner, J. Die Entstehungsgeschichte des Trienter Recht-
fertigungsdekrets. Paderborn, 1909.
Heimbucher, M. Die Orden und Kongregationen der kathohschen
Kirche. 3 vols., 2nd ed. Paderborn, 1907-1908.
Helbig, W. Fiihrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassicher
Altertiimer in Rom. 2 vols., 2nd ed. Leipzig, 1899.
Hergenrother, J. Katholische Kirche und christlicher Staat.
Frieb. i. Br., 1872.
Hermanin, F. Die Stadt Rom im is und 16 Jahrhundert.
Leipzig, 191 1.
Herre, P. Papsttum und Papstwahl im Zeitalter Philipps II.
Leipzig, 1907.
Herzog, J. J. Real-Enzyklopadie. Vols. I.-XXL, 3rd ed.,
Leipzig, 1896-1908.
Hilgers, /., S.J. Der Index der verbotenen Bvtcher. Freib.
i. Br., 1904.
Hinojosa, Ricardo de. Los despachos de la diplomacia pontificia
en Espafia. Vol. I. Madrid, 1896.
Hinschius, P. System des kathohschen Kirchenrechts. Berlin,
1869.
Holzwarth, F. J. Der Abfall der Niederlaude. 2 vols. Schaff-
hausen, 1865-1872.
Hoogewerff, G. J. Nederlandsche Schilders in Italie in de XVI.
eeuw. Utrecht, 1912.
Hosii, St. Epistola. Vol. 2 (1 551-1558). Ed. F. Hipler et
V. Zarkzewski. Cracovia, 1886-1888.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XV11
Huber, A. Geschichte Osterreichs. Vols. III. and IV. Gotha,
1888-1892.
Hubert, F. Vergerios publizistische Tatigkeit. Gottingen, 1893.
Hiibner, P. G. Le Statu© di Roma. Vol. I. Quellen und Samm-
lungen. Leipzig, 191 2.
Hulsen und Egger. Die romischen Skizzenbiicher des Marten
van Heemskerck. Vol. I., Berlin, 191 3.
Ignatius de Loiola. Cartas. 6 vols. Madrid, 1874-1889.
Janssen, J. Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang
des Mittelalters. Vol. I. to III., 17th and 18th ed. Freib.
i. Br., 1897-1899.
Kallab, W. Vasari-Studien. Wien, 190S.
Kerker, M. Reginald Pole. Freib. i. Br., 1874.
Kervyn de Lettenhove. Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et de
l'Angleterre sous Philippe II. Vol. I. Bruxelles, 1882.
Koch, M . Untersuchungen iiber die Emporung und die Abfall der
Neiderlande von Spanien. Leipzig, i860.
Krasinski, V. A . Geschichte der Reformation in Polen. Leipzig,
1841.
Kraus, F. X. Geschichte der christlichen Kunst. 2 vols. Freib.
i. Br., 1908.
Krones, F. von. Handbuch der Geschichte Osterreichs. Vol.
III. Berlin, 1877.
Laemmer, H. Zur KirchengeL-chichte des 16 und 17 Jahrhundercs.
Freib. i. Br., 1863.
Meletematum Romanorum mantissa. Ratisbonae, 1875.
Monumenta Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam saeculi
XVI. illustrantia. Friburgi Brisg., 1861.
Lanciani, R. Storia degli Scavi di Roma. Vols. I. to III.
Roma, 1 902-1 908.
The golden days of the Renaissance in Rome. London,
1907.
Lanssac, M. de (Louis de Saint-Gelais). Correspondance politique,
p.p. Charles Sauze, 1548-1557. Archives hist, du Poitou.
Vol. XXXIIL, 1904.
Lanz., K. Korrespondenz des Kaisers Karl V., avis dem Kgl.
Archiv und der " Biblioth de Bourgogne " zu Briissel.
3 vols. Leipzig, 1 844-1 846.
Latinius, Latimus. Lucubrationes. Vol. II. Epistolae, coniec-
turae et observationes sacra profanaque eruditione ornatae.
Romas et Viterbii, 1659, 1667.
Lauchert, F. Die italianischen literarischen Gegner Luthers.
Freib. i. Br., 1912.
Laugwilz. Bartholomaus Carranza, Erzbischof von Toledo.
Kempten, 1870.
Legazioni di A. Serristori, ambasciatore di Cosimo I. a Carlo V.
e in corte di Roma, con note di G. Canestrini, pubbl. dal
conte Luigi Serristori. Firenze, 1853.
Le Plat, J . Monumentorum ad hist, concilii Tridentini collectio.
7 vols. Lovanii, 1781-1787.
vol. XIII. b
XV111 COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Letarouilly, P. Edifices de Rome moderne. Paris, 1868.
Lettere al Aretino. Venezia, 1552.
Lettere de'principi. 3 vols., 3rd ed. Venezia, 1570-1577.
Leva, G. de. Storia documentata di Carlo V. in correlazione all'
Italia. Vols. I.-V. Venezia, Padova, Bologna, 1 863-1 895.
Lili, C. Historia di Camerino. Macerata, 1652.
Lmgard, J. History of England. Vol. VII. London, 1838.
Litta, P. Famiglie celebri Italiane. Disp. 1-183, Milano e
Torino, 1819-1881.
Llorente, J. A. Geschichte der spanischen Inquisition. 4 vols.
Gmiind, 1819-1822.
Lossen, M. Briefe des Andreas Masius und seine Freunde (1538-
1573). Leipzig, 1886.
Liltolf, A. Die Schweizergarde in Rom, ihre Bedeutung und ihre
Wirkungen im 16 Jahrhundert. Einsiedeln, 1859.
Luzio, A. Un prognostico satirico di Pietro Aretino (1534).
Bergamo, 1900.
Mackowsky, H. Michelangniolo. Berlin, 1908.
Manareus, Olivierus, S.J. De rebus Societatis Jesu Commen-
tarius. Florentiae, 1886 (privately printed).
Marcks, E. Gaspar von Coligny. Sein Leben und das Frankreich
seiner zeit. Vol. I. Stuttgart, 1892.
Manni, D. M. Istoria degli anni santi dal loro principio fino al
presenta del MDCCL. Firenze, 1750.
Marcellino da Civezza. Storia universale delle Missioni Francis-
cane. Vols. VI., VII. Prato, 1881 seq.
Marini, G. Degli archiatri pontifici. Vols. I., II. Roma,
1748.
Marocco, G. Monumenti dello Stato Pontilicio. Vols. I.— XII.,
Roma, 1833-1836.
Martin, J . F. Le Cardinal Pole. Bulletin de l'archiconfraternite^
de N. D. de Compassion. IV., 335-352 ; V., 92-118; VI.,
43-50- Paris, 1903-1905.
Masius, A. Briefe. See Lossen.
Massarelli, Angela. Diaria V.-VIL, ed. 5. Merklc, Concil.
Trid. II. Friburgi Brisg., 1911.
Maurenbrecher, W. Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten
I545-I555- Dusseldorf, 1885.
Maynier, L. Etude historique sur le concile de Trente. Pari?,
1874.
Mazzuchelli, G. M. Gli scrittori dTtalia. 2 vols. Brescia,
1753-
Meaux, de. Les luttes religieuses en France au i6 n,f> siccle. Paris,
1879.
Menzel, K. A . Neuere Geschichte der Deutschen seit der Refor-
mation. Vol. I. seqq., 2nd ed. Breslau, 1854 seq.
Mercati, G. Per la storia della Biblioteca Apostolica bibliotecario
Cesare Baronio. Perugia, 1910.
Merkle, S. Concilii Tridentini Diariorum, Pars I. et II. Collegit,
edidit, illustravit. Friburgi, Brisg., 1901, 191 1.
Meyer, A. O. England und die katholische Kir^he untr-r Elisabeth
Rom, ion [English transl. by /. /?. McKee {Cong. Orat)}.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XIX
Michaelis, A. Geschichte des Statuenhofes im vaticanischen
Belvedere : Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen In-
stituts, V., Berlin, 1891.
Romische Skizzenbiicher Marten van Heemskerks und
anderer nordischer Kiinstler des 16 Jahrhunderts.: Jahrbuch
des Deutschen Archaologischen Insti+uts, VI., 125-172,
218-238; VII., 83-105. Berlin, 1892 -1893.
Michelangelo. Lettere pubblicate coi ricordi ed i contratti
artistici, per cura di G. Milanesi. Firenze, 1875.
Mocenigo, Luigi. Relazione di Roma, 1560. Albert, Relazioni,
2nd series, vol. IV. Firenze, 1857.
Monumenta Ignatiana ex autographis vel ex antiquioribus exemplis
collecta. Series I., Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Epistolae et
Instructiones, 6 vols , Matriti, 1 903-1 907 Series IV.
Scripta de Sancto Ignatio de Loyola, vol. I. Matriti, 1904.
Monumenta Xaveriana ex autographis vel ex antiquioribus
exemplis collecta. Vol. I. Matriti, 1900.
Moroni, G. Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastico da
S. Pietro sino si nostri giorni. 109 vols. Venezia, 1 840-1 879.
Miillbauer, Max. Geschichte der Katholischen Missionen in
Ostindien von Vasco di Gama bis zur Mitte des 18 Jahr-
hunderts. Munich, 1851.
Muller, Th. Das Konklave Pius IV., 1559. Gotha, 1889.
Muntz., E. La Bibliotheque du Vatican au XVI. e siecle. Paris,
1886.
Historie de l'Art pendant la Renaissance. Italie. 3
vols. Paris, 1889-1895.
Muzio, Girol. Lettere conservate nell' Archivio di Parma, ed.
A. Ronchini. Parma [1864].
Nadal, H., S.J. Epistolae et anno 1546 ad 1577 nunc primum
edita?. 4 vols. Matriti, 1898-1905.
Navagero, Bern. Relazione di Roma 1558, in Albiri, Relazioni,
2nd series, vol. III. Firenze, 1846.
Noack, F. Das deutsche Rom. Rom, 191 2.
Noncialures de France. See Ancel.
Nores, Pietro. Storia della guerra di Paolo IV., contro gli Spag-
nuoli corredata di documenti (Archivio stor. Italiano, Series
1, vol. XII.). Firenze, 1847.
Novaes, G. de. Storia de' pontefici. Vol. VII. Roma, 1822.
Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland nebst erganzenden Aktens-
tiicken. Im Auftrag des Konigl. Preussischen Instituts,
von W. Friedensburg. Vols. I. -VI. and VIII.-X. Gotha,
1892-1908.
Oldecop, Joh. Chronik, herausg. von K. Euling in der Bibliothek
des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart. Vol. 190. Tubingen,
1891.
Orano, D. Liberi pensatori. Roma, 1904.
Orlandinus, N. Historia Societatis Jesu. Prima pars. Roma?,
1650.
Padiglione, C. La Biblioteca del Museo Nazionale nella, Certosa
di S. Martino in Napoli ed i suoi manoscrirti. Napoli, J 876.
XX COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Pagliucchi, P. I Castellani del Castel S. Angelo di Roma con
documenti inediti relativi alia storia della Mole Adriana
tolti dall' Archivio Segreto Vaticano e da altri archivi.
Vol. I., pars. 2. I Castellani Vescovi (1464-1566). Roma,
1909.
Palandri, E. P. Les Negotiations politiques et religieuses entre
la Toscane ct la France a l'epoque de Cosme I et de Catherine
de Medicis (1 544-1 580) d'apres les documents des archives
de l'etat a Florence et a Paris. Paris, 1908.
Pallavicini, Sf. Istoria del Concilio di Trento. 3 vols. Roma, 1664.
Palmieri, G. Ad Vaticani archivi Romanorum pontificum
Regesta manducatio Roma?, 188^.
Pasini-Frassoni. Armorial des Papes. Rome, 1906.
[Passarini, L.~\ Memorie intorno alia vita di Silvestro Aldo-
brandini con appendice di documenti. Roma, 1878. -
Pastor, L. Die kirklichen Reunionsbestrebungen wahrend der
Regierung Karls V. Freiburg, 1879.
Allgemeine Dekrete der Romischen Inquisition aus den
Jahren 1555 bis 1597. Nach dem Notariatsprotokoll des
S. Uffizio. Freib. i. Br., 1912.
Peiramellarius, Jo Ant. Ad librum O. Panvinii de Summis
Pontif. et S. R. E. cardinalibus a Paulo IV. ad dementis
VIII. annum pontificatus octavum continuatio. Bononia?,
1599.
Petrucelli della Gattina, F. Histoire diplomatique des Conclaves.
Vol. II. Paris, 1864.
Pieper, A. Die papstlichen Legaten und Nuntien in Deutsch-
land, Frankreich und Spanien seit der Mitte des 16 Jahr
hunderts. Part i : Die Legaten und Nuntien Julius' III.,
Marccllus' II. und Pauls' IV. (1550-1559) und ihre Instruk-
tionen. Miinster, 1897.
Picrling, P. La Russie et la Saint-Siege. Vol. I. Paris, 1896.
Pirenne, H. Geschichte Belgiens. Vol. III. (1477-1567).
Gotha, 1907.
Plon, C. Cellini orfevre, medailleur, sculpteur. Recherches sur
sa vie, sur son oeuvre et sur les pieces qui lui sont attributes.
Paris, 1883.
Pogiani, Julii. Sunensis epistolae et orationes olim collectae
ab Antonio Maria Gratiano nunc ab Hieronymo Lagomar-
sinio a Soc. Jesu adnotationibus illustrate ac primum editae.
Vols. I. -IV. Romae, 1762.
Polanco, S. A. de, S. J. Vita Ignatii Loiolae, Matriti, 1894-98.
Pollidorus, P. De Vita, gestis et moribus Marcclli II. Roma',
17.41.
Postina, A. Der Karmelit Eberhard Billick. Freib. i. Br.,
1 90 1.
Quellen und Forschungen aus italianischen Bibliotheken und
Archiven. Herausg, von dem Preuss. Histor Institut. Vol.
I. seqq., Rom, 1898 seqq.
Ouctif-Echard, Scriptores ordinis Praedicatorum recensiti notisque
historicis et criticis illustrati, etc. Vol. I. Lut. Pansior,
1719.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. Xxi
Ouirini, A. M. Collectio Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli. 5 vols.
Brixiae, 1744-175 7.
Rachfahl, F. Wilhelm von Oranien und der niederlandische
Aufstand. Vol. I. Halle a.S., 1906.
Ranke, L. von. Englische Geschichte. Vol. I. Berlin, 1859.
Die romische Papste in den letzten vier Jahrhunderten.
Vols. I. and III., 6th ed. Leipzig, 1874.
Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation.
Vols. III.-VL, 6th ed. Leipzig, 1881.
Raynaldus, O. Annales ecclesiastici. Vols. XIV., XV. Lucae,
I 755~ I 75 6 -
Reimann, C. Der Streit zwischen Papsttum und Kaisertum
im Jahre, 1558 : Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, V.
Gottingen, 1865.
Papst Paul IV. und das Kaisertum : Abhandlungen der
Schlesischen Gesellschaft fur vaterlandische Kultur. Phil.-
hist. Abteilung, 1871.
Reinhardt, H., und Steffens, F. Die Nuntiatur von Giovanni
Francesco Bonhomini, 1579-1581. Introduction : Studien
zur Geschichte der katholischen Schweiz im Zeitalter Carlo
Borromeos. Solothurn, 1910.
ReJacye Nuncyuszow Apostolskich i innych osob o Polsce od
roku 1548 do 1690, ed. E. Rykaczewski. Vol. I., Berlin
Poznan, 1864.
Renazzi, F. M. Storia dell' universita degli studi di Roma,
detta la Sapienza. 2 vols. Roma, 1803-1804.
Reumont, A. Die Carafa von Maddaloni. Vol. I. Berlin, 1851.
Geschichte der Stadt Rom. Vol. III. Berlin, 1870.
Geschichte Toskanas. Gotha, 1876.
Reusch, H. Der Index der vorbotenen Bucher. 2 vols. Bonn,
1883-1885.
Ribier, G. Lettres et Memoires d'Estat, des roys, princes,
ambassadeurs et autres ministres sous les regnes de Francois
I., Henri II. et Francois II. 2 vols. Paris, 1866.
Rieger, P. and Vogelstein, H. Geschichte der Juden in Rom.
2 vols. Berlin, 1 895-1 896.
Riegl, Alois. Die Einstehung der Barockkunst in Rom. Akad-
emische Vorlesungen. Vienna, 1908.
Riess, L. Die Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten. Eine
weltgeschichtliche Krisis des 16 Jahrh. (Historische Studien
Heft 67). Berlin, 1909-
Riezler, S. Geschichte Bayerns. Vol. IV. Gotha, 1899-
Ripoll-Bremond. Bullarium Ord. Praedicatorum. Vol. IV.
Romae, 1732.
Ritler, M. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreforma-
tion und des Dreiszigjahrigen Krieges (1555-1648). Vol.
L, 1555-1586. Stuttgart, 1889.
Rocchi, E. Le piante iconografiche e prospettive di Roma del
secolo XVI. colla reproduzione degli studi originali autograft
di A. da Sangallo il Giovane per le fortificazioni di Roma,
etc. Torino-Roma, 1902.
XX11 COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Rodocanachi, E. Le Saint-Siege et les Juifs. Le ghetto a
Rome. Paris, 1891.
Le Capitole Romain antique et moderne. Paris, 1904.
Le chateau Saint-Ange. Paris, 1909.
Rome au temps de Jules II. et de Leon X. Paris, 1912.
Romier, L. La crise gallicane de 1551 : Revue historique, CVIIL,
225-250; CIX., 27-55. Paris, 1911-1912.
[Ronchini, A.) Lettere d'Uomini illustri conservate in Parma
nel R. Archivio dello Stato. Vol. I. Parma, 1853.
Rosco, Mambrino. Delia historie del mondo, Parte III. Aggiunta
alle historie di Giov. Tarcagnota. Venezia, 1598.
Rot, Matthcsus. Itinerarium Romanicum anno domini 1554.
Herausg von Gmelin in der Zeitschrift fiir Geschichte des
Oberrheins, XXXII. Karlsruhe, 1880.
Sdgmiiller, J. R. Die Papstwahlbullen und das staatliche Recht
der Exklusive. Tubingen, 1892.
Die Papstwahlen (1447-1555). Tubingen, 1890.
Samm, Ch. de. Une question Italienne au XVI. © siecle. Paris,
1861.
Sandonini, L. Castelvetro. Bologna, 1882.
Santarem (Visconde de), Quadro elementar das relacoes politicas
e diplomaticas de Portugal com as diversas potencias do
mundo tesdo a principio da Monarchia portugaeza ate aos
nossos dias. Vol. III. Lis boa, 1874.
Sarpi [Pietro Soave Polano}. Historia del concilio Tridentino.
4th ed., Genova, 1660.
Sauze, see Lanssac.
Scarabelli, Luciano. Summarii delle cose notabili seguite in
Roma dal principio d'aprile 1556 a tutto guigno 1557, scritti
verisimilmente da Fr. Babbi (Archivio storico Ital. XII.,
345 seqq.) Firenze, 1847.
Schdfer, E. Beitrage zur Geschichte des spanischen Protestantis-
mus und der Inquisition im 16 Jahrhundert. Vols. I.
seqq., Giitersloh, 1902.
Schdfer, H. Geschichte Portugals. 5 vols. Hamburg, 1836-
1854-
Schmid, J. Die deutsche Kaiser-und-K6nigswahl und die
romische Kurie in den Jahren 1538-1620 (Historisches
Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft, Vol. VI.), Miinchen, 1885.
Schmidlin, J. Geschichte der deutschen Nationalkirche in Rom
S. Maria dell' Anima. Freib. i. Br., 1906.
Schroeder, Frid. Monumenta, qua spectant primordia Collegii
Germanici et Hungaria. Roma, 1896.
Schweitzer, V. Zur Geschichte der Reform unter Julius III.
Fiinf Vortrage der Paderborner Generalversammlung der
Gorres-Gesellschaft. Koln, 1907.
Sclopis. Le Card. Morone. Paris, 1869.
Segmuller, F. Die Wahl des Papstes Paul IV. und die Obedienz-
gesandtschaft der Eidgenossen : Zeitschrift fiir schweizerische
Kirchengeschichte III. Stans, 1909.
Segni, D. Storie Florentine. 4 vols. Livorno, 1830.
Selecta Indiarum Epistolce nunc primum editae. Florentine, 1887.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XX111
Serafim, C. Le Monete e le bulle plumbee pontificie del Medag-
liere Vaticano. Vol. I., Roma, 19.10.
Seripando, Gir. Eigenhandige Notizen des beruhmten Augusti-
nergenerals Seripand iiber die Papste seiner zeit. Herausg.
v. C. Hoffler in dem Analekten zur Geschichte Deutschlands
und Itahens. (Kgl. Bayr. Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Vol. IV., 2nd par., 5T seqq.). Munchen, 1846.
Serristori. See Legazioni.
Sickel, Th. Zur Geschichte des Konzils von Trient. Aktens-
tiicke aus den Osterreichischen Archiven. Vienna, 1872.
Silos, I. Historia Clericor. Regular, a congregatione condita.
Pars I. Roma, 1650.
Simonetti, E. I Nomi delle Vie de Roma. Saggio d'illustrazioni
storiche con tre appendici. Roma, 1898.
Sleidans Brief wechsel. See Baumgarten.
Soldan, M. G. Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich.
Vol. I. Leipzig. 1855.
Sommervogel, C, S.J. Bibliotheque de la Compagnie de Jesus.
9 vols. Bruxelles-Paris, 1890-1900.
Sozzini, A less. Diario della cose avvenute in Siena dal 20 Luglio
1550 ad 28 Giugno 1555. Archivio storico Ital. II. Firenze,
1842.
Spillmann, J., S.J. Geschichte der Katholikenverfolgung in
England, 1535-1681. Die englischen Martyrer der Glaubens-
spaltung. Vol. I. Die Blutzeugen unter Heinrich VIII.
2nd ed. Freib. i. Br., 1900.
Steinherz, S. Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, 15 60- 15 72.
Vol.1. Vienna, 1897.
Steinhuber, Andr. Geschichte des Kollegium Germanikum
Hungarikum in Rom. Vol. I., 2nd ed. Freiburg, 1906.
Stettiner, Pietro. Roma nei suoi monumenti. Roma, 191 1.
Stevenson, J . Calendar of State Papers. Foreign Series. Eliza-
beth, 1558-1565. Vols. I. -VII. London, 1863-1870.
Studi e documenti di storia e diritto. Publicazione periodica
dell' Accademia di conferenze storico-giuridiche. Vols. I.
seqq. Roma, 1880 seqq.
Summarii. See Scarabelli.
Swiney, Mac. Le Portugal et le Saint-Siege. Vols. I. and III.,
Paris, 1898, 1904.
Tacchi Venturi, P., S.J. Storia della Compagnia di Gesu in
Italia. Vol. I. Roma, 1909.
Tarducci, D. A. L'Atanagi da Cagli. Cagli, 1904.
Tesoroni, D. II Palazzo di Firenze e l'eredita di Balduino del
Monte, fratello di papa Giulio III. Roma, 1889.
Theiner, A. Vetera Monumenta Poloniae et Lithuanias. 2 vols.
Roma, 1 86 1.
Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis S. Sedis. Recueil
de documents pour servir a l'histoire du gouvernement
temporel des etats du Saint-Siege, extraits des Archives
du Vatican. Vol III., 1389-1793. Rome, 1862.
Monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illus-
trantia. Vol. I., 1 198-1549. Roma, 1863.
XXIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS
Theiner, A. ActagenuinaConciliiTridentini. 2 vols. Agram, 1874.
Thode, H. Michelangelo und das Ende der Renaissance. 5
vols. Berlin, 1902-1908.
Thomas, J. Le Concordat de 1516. Ses origines, son histoire
au XVI. e siecle. 3 me partie, Paris, 1910.
Thurston, H., S.J. The Holy Year of Jubilee. An account of the
history and ceremonial of the Roman Jubilee. London,
1900.
Tiraboschi, G. Storia della letteratura Italiana. 10 vols.
Modena, 1772.
Tomassetti, Guiseppe. La Campagna Romana, antica, medievale
e moderna. Vols. I., II., Roma, 1910.
Torrigio, F. M. Le sacre grotte Vaticane. Roma, 1639.
Touron, O.P. Histoire generale de l'Amerique. Vols. V., VI.
Paris, 1768.
Tresal, J. Les origines du schisme Anglican (1509-1571).
Paris, 1908.
Turinozzi, Niccolo. Diario Romano (1558-1560), pubbl. per
P. Piccolomini. Roma, 1909.
Turnbull. Calendar of State Papers. Foreign. Reign of Mary,
1553-1558. London, 1861.
Uebersberger, H. Osterreich und Russland seit dem Ende des
15 Jahrhunderts. Vol. I., 1488-1606. Vienna, 1906.
Ughelli, F. Italia Sacra. Ed. N. Coletus. 10 vols., Venetiis,
1717-1722.
Vargas, F. de. Lettres et Memoires traduits de l'Espagnol avec
des remarques par Michel Le Vassor. Amsterdam, 1700.
Vasari, G. Le vite de' piu eccellenti pittori, scultori ed architet-
tori. Nuova ediz. di G. Milanesi. Firenze, 1878 seqq.
Venuti, R. Numismata Romanorum Pontificum a Martino
V. ad Benedictum XIV. Roma, 1744.
Vitalis, A. Correspondance politique de Dominique du Gabre.
Paris, 1903.
Vogelstein. See Rieger.
Volker. Der Protestantismus in Polen auf Grund der einheimis-
chen Geschichtschreibung. Leipzig, 1910.
Wadding, I.. Annales Minorum. Ed. 2da. Vols. XIV. seqq.,
Komae, 1735 seqq.
Waal, A. de. Der Campo Santo der Deutschen zu Rom. Freib.
1. Br., 1896.
Weiss, Ch. Papiers d'Etat du Card, de Granvelle. Vols. I. -IV.
Paris, 1841-18.1.X.
Willich, /■/. Giac. Barozzi da Vignola. Strassburg, 1906.
\'.'irz, C. Ennio Filonardi, der letzte Nuntius in Zurich. Ziiricli,
1894-
Akten uber die <lij>lomatischen Beziehuugen der romische
Kurie zu der Schweiz (Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte,
Vol. XVI.). Basel, 1895.
Bullcn und Breven aus italienischen Archiven 1116-
1623) (Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte, Vol. XX.). Basel,
1902.
QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XXV
Wolf, G. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation.
Vol. I., p. i. Berlin, 1888.
Wotschke, Geschichte der Reformation in Polen. Leipzig, 1911.
[Xavier, Francis, St.] Monumenta Xaveriana ex autographis,
etc., collecta. Tomns primus, Sti Franc. Xaverii epistolas.
Matriti, 1899-1900.
Zimmermann, A., S.J. Maria die Katholische. Freiburg, 1890.
Kardinal Pole. Regensburg, 1893.
Zeitschrift fiir katholische Theologie. 36 vols. Innsbruck, 1877-
1912.
Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschicte, herausg. von Brieger. Vols. I.
seqq. Gotha, 1877 seqq.
Zinkeisen, J. M. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa.
2 vols. Gotha, 1840-1854.
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIII.
CHAPTER I.
THE ELECTION OF JULIUS III.
A.D. PAGE
1 5 4 (^-Importance of the pontificate of Paul III. . i
\, His work for reform ..... 2
A distinguished conclave .... 3
The attitude of Charles V. and Henry IJL • 3
The interests of the Farnese and their opponent,
Cardinal Salviati ..... 4
The question of Parma and Piacenza . . 5
Parties in the conclave .... 6
Wish of the Imperialists for a quick election . 7
The French delay the opening of the conclave . 8
The Cardinals go into conclave (November 29th) . 8
Arrangements for guarding the conclave, and for
preserving order in the city ... 9
Charles V. declares his wishes (November 20th) . 10
Opening proceedings of the conclave . . n
The first scrutiny (December 3rd) . . . n
Cardinal Pole receives twenty-one votes . . 12
Pole's votes increased to twenty-four . . 13
The French ambassador demands that the arrival
of the French Cardinals be awaited . . 14
Pole's election seems assured (December 5th) . 15
Fear of a French schism . . . . 16
Cardinal Cervini advises against delay . . 17
Pole requires but one more vote . . . 17
Reasons for Pole's failure .... 18
The candidature of Cardinal Toledo . . 19
Arrival of the French Cardinals (December 12th) . 19
Second period of the conclave. Cardinal Guise . 20
Charles V. excludes several Cardinals . . 21
Favourable prospects of Cardinal del Monte . 22
1549 Sixty fruitless ballots ..... 23
Irritation in Rome ..... 24
Attempts at a compromise .... 25
The remarks of Massarelli on December 17th . 26
The attack of Cardinal Guise on Pole . . 26
Struggle between the Imperialists and the French 27
XXV11
XXV111 TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.D. PAGE
1550 The question of the Holy Year ... 28
Implacability of the parties (January 4th) . 28
Betting in Rome on the election ... 28
Unhealthy conditions in the conclave . . 29
Cardinal Farnese's proposal .... 30
Farnese's further proposal (January 19th). Guise's
rough refusal . . . . . 31
" The Cardinals expect anything rather than an
election " . . . . . 31
Speech of the Cardinal-Dean, de Cupis, on the abuses
and misdeeds of the conclave (January 26th) . 32
A commission of Cardinals appointed to draw up a
decree of reform ..... 33
The abuses in the conclave . . . 34
Decisions of the reform committee (January 31st) 35
Enforcement of the enclosure ; the superfluous con-
clavists ejected ..... 36
The candidature of Salviati. Change of front of
the Farnese Cardinals . . . . 37
The candidature of del Monte is put forward . 38
It is favourably received by all parties . . 39
The rival leaders agree .... 40
Del Monte's election assured (February 6th) . 41 '
Cardinal del Monte elected by acclamation. Hom-
age of the Cardinals (February 7th) . . 42
The final scrutiny and end of the conclave (February
8th) 43
Disappointment of Charles V. and Henry II. Satis-
faction in the Sacred College. Joy of the
Romans ...... 44
CHAPTER II.
PREVIOUS LIFE, CHARACTER AND BEGINNING OF THE
REIGN OF JULIUS III.
Origin of the family of the Ciocchi del Monte . 45
1487 Giovan Maria del Monte. His education and early
career ...... 46
1527 Governor of Rome. His narrow escape at the sack
of the city • • • • • • 47
1536 He is created Cardinal .... 47
1545 Legate of Paul III. at the Council of Trent . 48
1550 Personal appearance of Julius III. ... 49
His character and temperament ... 50
The versatility of his culture. A child of the Re-
naissance . . . . . . 51
His lavish generosity, and popularity with the
Romans ...... 52
Satisfaction at his conciliatory policy . . 53
TABLE OF CONTENTS XXIX
A.D. PAGE
1550 His care to provide Rome with grain . . 54
His attitude towards Charles V. and Henry II. . 54
The Pope's instructions for the envoys to these
monarchs ...... 55
^-Coronation of Julius III. (February 22nd) . 56
The Jubilee solemnly inaugurated (February 24th) 56
Confraternity of the Pilgrims founded by Philip
Neri ....... 57
>The Pope's first consistory (February 28th) . 57
Reform decrees. The obedientia embassies . 58
x Health of the Pope ..... 59
Efforts of Julius III. to cope with the scarcity of
provisions ...... 60
Pageants in Rome ..... 61
The carnival festivities at the Vatican . . 62
^\ Protests of Cardinals Carafa and de Cupis against
these . . . . . .63
Theatrical representations at the Vatican . . 64
Promotion of the relatives of Julius III. . . 66
Innocenzo del Monte ..... 70
He is created Cardinal. Opposition of Pole and
Carafa ...... 71
Scandalous life of Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte 72
He is made principal secretary of state . . 73
The secretaries and chancery officials . . 74
The Pope's devotion to business ; his personal direc-
tion of the diplomatic correspondence . 75
CHAPTER III.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE REASSEMBLING OF THE COUNCIL
IN TRENT. — THE DISPUTE CONCERNING THE DUCHY
OF PARMA.
\1550 The Pope's readiness to reassemble the Council in
Trent ...... 77
Negotiations with Charles V. ... 78
A commission of Cardinals is appointed to deliberate
on the question (April) .... 78
The choice of Trent approved ... 79
\The former objections no longer applicable . 79
.Intrigues of the French king against the reassembling
of the Council ..... 80
Trivulzio sent to the French court, and Pighino to
the Emperor . . . . . 81
The instructions for Pighino . . . . 81
And those for Trivulzio .... 83
The Diet at Augsburg agrees to the continuance of
the Council . . . . . 84
The negotiations with France much more difficult 85
Unfriendly attitude of Henry II. . . . 86
XXX TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.D. PAGE
1550 The Pope drafts the bull summoning the Council 87
The bull approved in consistory (November 14th) 88
The terms of the bull ; it is sent to the Emperor . 89
1551 The bull is published : first in Germany, and then
in Rome (January 1st) .... 90
Secret protest of Charles V. (January 3rd) . 90
Charles V.'s " Farewell to the Diet " (February 13th) 91
Cardinal Crescenzi is appointed Legate for the
Council (March 4th) .... 91
The question of Parma and Piacenza . . 92
The Farnese open negotiations with France. The
Pope's efforts to prevent this . . . 93
. A monitorium sent to Ottavio Farnese . . 94
\ The Pope's indignation with his vassal. Dandino is
sent to the Emperor to ask his advice and
help . . . . . . . 95
The French threaten a National Council . . 95.
Uncompromising attitude of Julius III. . . 96
After a period of hesitation and vacillation, . 97
He decides on an appeal to arms ... 98
CHAPTER IV.
SECOND PERIOD OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT.
1 55 1 The Pope continues the preparations for the
Council ...... 99
The presidents make their entry into Trent (April
29th) ...... 100
The eleventh Session of the Council is held, with a
very small attendance (May 1st) . . 100
. Henry II. works his hardest against the Council 101
The Pope addresses a threatening letter to the
French king ..... 102
Schism is averted, but Henry resolves to employ
force ...... 102
The prelates assemble very slowly at Trent . 103
Arrival of the Prince Electors of Mayence, Treves
and Cologne . . . . .104
The twelfth Session of the Council of Trent (Sep-
tember 1st) ..... 105
A French envoy presents a letter addressed to
" the Fathers of the Convention of Trent " . 106
Henry II. refuses to be bound by the decrees of
the Council ..... 106
Charles V. takes the opposite side . . . 107
The theologians of the Council prepare the canons
on the Holy Eucharist . . . .108
The thirteenth Session of the Council of Trent
(October nth) . . . . . 109
TABLE OF CONTENTS XXXI
A.D. PAGE
1 55 1 Arrival of the ambassadors of the Elector of Bran-
denburg . . . . . .no
The Decree on the Holy Eucharist . . . no
Reply of the Council to Henry II. . . . in
>The Decree on the Sacraments of Penance and
v Extreme Unction . . . . . 112
^Reform decree against bad ecclesiastics . . 113
The fourteenth Session of the Council of Trent
(November 23rd) . . . . .113
Decrees on the Sacrifice of the Mass and Holy Orders
prepared by the theologians . . . 114
The conspiracy of the Elector of Saxony . . 114
Representatives of the Protestant princes . . 115
Their impossible demands . . . . 116
Conciliatory attitude of the legate . . . 117
1552 The demands of Badhorn, the Saxon ambassador,
namely . . . . . .118
A reconsideration of the decrees already published 119
155V And a " free, Christian, general " Council . . 126
Dissensions between the legate and the Spanish-
Imperial party . . . . .120
Fifteenth Session of the Council of Trent (January
25th) . . . . . .121
Letter of safe-conduct for the Protestants agreed
upon ...... 121
The Saxons still make difficulties ; the Elector
Maurice playing for time . . . 122
\The Pope rejects the Protestant demands . . 123
• He complains to the Emperor of the conduct of the
Spaniards ...... 124
The Prince Electors leave Trent (March nth) . 125
A suspension of the Council becomes inevitable . 125
The Elector Maurice throws off the mask, and, with
France, attacks the Empire . . . 126
The decree of suspension published at the sixteenth
Session of the Council of Trent (April 28th) 127
Death of Cardinal Crescenzi . . . .128
CHAPTER V.
WAR IN UPPER AND CENTRAL ITALY. JULIUS III.'s EFFORTS
FOR PEACE. CONCLUSION OF HIS PONTIFICATE AND
HIS DEATH.
1551 The Pope's efforts at the last moment to avoid war 129
Ottavio Farnese is declared to have forfeited his
fief (May 22nd) . . . . .130
The war begun; its unpopularity in Rome . 131
The Papal troops and their commanders ; proceed-
ings against the Farnese . . . 132
Threatening movement of the Turks . . 133
xxxn
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.D. PAGE
1 55 1 Unfavourable state of affairs in Upper Italy ; finan-
cial straits of the Pope . . . .134
The French enter Piedmont . . . .135
Julius III. is intimidated, and sends Cardinal
Verallo to the French court . . . 135
The Pope's mistrust of the French king . . 136
1552 Cardinal Tournon sent by Henry II. to Rome . 137
The French terms of peace . . . . 138
The Pope accepts the terms ; Charles V. unwillingly
agrees ...... 139
1552 The falseness of the accusation of indifference made
against Julius III. . . . . 140
The zeal of the Pope for the cause of peace . 142
Grave state of the Pope's health . . . 143
His vain attempts to reconcile Charles V. and
Henry II. . . . . . . 143
Siena revolts against the Spaniards, and puts itself
under the protection of France (July 27th) . 144
Reaction of these events on Rome . . . 144
War threatened in Central Italy . . . 145
Julius III. takes precautionary measures . . 146
1553 And endeavours to arrange an armistice . . 147
Dissatisfaction of Charles V. . . . . 148
Cardinal-Legates sent to the Emperor and Henry
II. (April) ...... 149
Failure of their mission . . . .150
x 554 Cosimo de' Medici siezes Siena ; outbreak of war
(January 26) . . . . .152
The Pope endeavours to solve the Sienese problem 153
1555 Death of Julius III. (March 23rd) . . . 154
Contrast between Julius III. and Julius II. . 155
Failure of the Pope to realize the gravity of the
times, but . . . . . .156
His efforts for reform much underestimated . 157
CHAPTER VI.
EFFORTS OF JULIUS III. FOR REFORM.
CARDINALS.
:reation of
1550 The Pope continues the work of reform begun' by
his predecessor . . . . .158
A commission of Cardinals appointed . . 159
1 55 1 Reform of the Dataria, the Penitentiary and the
Signatura . . . . . .160
The Pope's statutes of reform . . . 162
1552 Regulations as to the conclave and the bestowal
of benifices . . . . . .163
The Pope's comprehensive plan of reform causes a
great sensation . . . . .164
Work of the reform commission . 165
TABLE OF CONTENTS
XXX111
A.D. PAGE
1552 Assiduity of the Pope and the Cardinals . . 167
1555 A general reform bull drawn up • . . 169
Value of the reform work of Julius III. . 170
The question of the appointment of new Car-
dinals . . . . . .170
Charles V.'s candidates for the purple . . 171
1551 The first creation of Cardinals of Julius III. (Novem-
ber 20th) . . . . . .172
The new Cardinals . . . . 173
Their political views ; the complaints of the French 174
1553 Creation of four more Cardinals (December 22nd) 175
Cardinal Roberto de' Nobili . . . .176
Francis Borgia . . . . . .177
1 55 1 He flies from Rome to escape the cardinalate . 178
His persistent refusal of the purple . . 179
CHAPTER VII.
SPREAD OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. — THEIR REFORMING
ACTIVITIES IN SPAIN, PORTUGAL, ITALY AND GERMANY.
1550 Friendly relations of Julius III. with the Society
of Jesus . . . • . .180
Benefits conferred on them by the Pope . . 181
Ignatius of Loyola draws up the constitutions of
the Order ...... 182
Completion of the life work of Loyola . . 183
1556 His death (July 31st) ..... 184
Spread of the Order during the life time of
Ignatius . . • • • .184
The Society of Jesus in Spain . . . 185
Numerous colleges founded there . . . 186
Their zeal for souls ; success of their labours . 187
Their work for the instruction of youth . . 188
Opposition of the Archbishop of Toledo and the
Augustinians . . . . .189
The Society of Jesus in Portugal . . . 190
The Order has to face a crisis there ; Simon
Rodriguez ...... 191
Work of the Society in Italy . . . 192
Ignorance in the country districts . . . 193
Success of the missionaries . . . 193
Appalling state of affairs in Corsica . . 194
Missionary labours of Fr. Landing S.J. . . 195
Jesuit colleges in Italy . . . .196
The wide-spread activities of the Society . . 197
The state of affairs in Germany . . . 198
Literary activity of the Jesuits in Germany . 199
Peter Canisius and the foundation of the college
at Cologne ...... 200
State of the Church in Bohemia . . . 201
VOL. XIII.
XXXIV
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.D.
1556 The work of Canisius in Vienna
The Catechism of Canisius ....
The desire of Ignatius to possess a college in Paris
Recognition by the Parliament necessary •
Difficulty of obtaining this ....
The opposition of the Bishop of Paris to the Society
The Society condemned by the theological faculty
Calmness of Ignatius of Loyola
The difficulty settled in Rome
The Society established in the Netherlands
CHAPTER VIII.
ACTIVITY OF THE ROMAN INQUISITION IN ITALY. — SPREAD
OF HERESY IN GERMANY, POLAND AND FRANCE.
^ 1550 Julius III. confirms the Roman Inquisition
The Inquisition in Venice
The Barnabites and the Angeliche .
Heretical books in Italy
Strict regulations concerning these .
Edicts against Jewish books .
The Pope's moderation and clemency
The Cardinals of the Inquisition
^The Pope opposed to personal severity ; executions
rare in his reign ....
The testimony of Vergerio
Heresy in Bologna, Urbino and Milan
The Inquisition in Naples
The Jesuits combat heresy by the instruction of
the young .....
Prelates accused of heresy
The state of affairs in Germany grows steadily worse
Cardinal Morone sent to Germany .
Reasons of the religious neglect there
^-Proposal to found a German College in Rome
"Julius III. joyfully agrees to this proposal
1552 The foundation of the " Germanicum "
Difficulty of maintaining the college
1 55 1 Measures against heresy in France. The Edict of
Chateaubriant (June 27th)
Strained relations between Rome and Paris
The spread of heresy in Poland
Indifference and weakness of the Polish bishops
^- I 553 Julius III.'s exhortation to the King of Poland
The zeal of Bishop Hosius
CHAPTER IX.
ACCESSION OF QUEEN MARY OF ENGLAND. — HER MARRIAGE
TO PHILIP OF SPAIN.
PAGE
202
203
203
204
205
206
206
207
208
209
2IO
211
212
213
214
215
2l6
217
218
219
220
221
222
223
224
225
226
227
228
229
230
231
232
233
234
235
236
1 55 1 Fall of the Protector Somerset
237
TABLE OF CONTENTS
XXXV
A.D. PAGE
1552 The second Book of Common Prayer . . 238
Foreign theologians in England . . . 239
The Catholic bishops deposed . . . 240
The altars destroyed . . . . .241
All traces of Catholicism removed . . 242
The Thirty-nine Articles .... 243
1553 Death of Edward VI. (July 6th) . . . 243
Attempt to place Lady Jane Grey on the throne
(July 10th) ... . 244
Mary proclaimed queen (July 19th) . . 244
Mary's unhappy youth ; she steadfastly refuses to
adopt the new religion .... 245
Her conciliatory and mild policy . . . 246
The deposed bishops restored, and mass again
celebrated . . . . . .247
Joy in Rome at Mary's accession . . . 248
Pole's letter to Julius III. .... 249
Pole is appointed legate to England . . 250
His letter to the queen . . . .251
Need of proceeding cautiously . . . 252
1553 Mary considers the presence of a legate in England
impossible for the present . . . 253
Coronation of the queen (October 1st) . . 254
A bill to invalidate all the religious changes is
drafted, but withdrawn .... 254
Bills to recognize the marriage of Queen Catherine,
and abolish the religious laws of Edward VI.
are passed ...... 255
Charles V. opposes the mission of Pole . . 256
The Pope accepts his view . . . . 257
The question of the queen's marriage . . 258
Candidates for Mary's hand . . . .259
The policy and influence of Charles V. . . 260
He proposes the Spanish marriage ; opposition in
England ...... 261
1554 Mary's determination ; the marriage settlement
drawn up by Gardiner .... 262
The rising of Sir Thomas Wyatt . . . 263
The queen appeals to the citizens of London . 264
The rebellion is crushed . . . .265
This a turning point in Mary's reign . . 265
Execution of Lady Jane Grey. Parliament con-
firms the marriage treaty . . . 266
Marriage of Mary to Philip of Spain (July 25th) 267
Pole looked upon as an opponent of the marriage 267
The Pope's directions to the legate . . . 268
CHAPTER X.
LEGATION OF CARDINAL POLE. — THE RECONCILIATION OF
ENGLAND WITH THE HOLY SEE.
I 554 The prospects of reconciliation
270
XXXVI
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.D.
1554 Restoration of the old worship
Measures against the married clergy
The appointment of new bishops
Meeting of Parliament and Convocation
The question of Church property
Pole's difficult position ; he begs to be recalled .
His failure as a peacemaker between Charles V.
and Henry II.
He is repulsed by Charles V.
He appeals to King Philip ....
Pole conceals the extent of his powers from the
Emperor ......
The obstacles to his appearance in England are
removed ......
Simon Renard appears in Brussels and explains
the 3tate of affairs in England .
Pole at last starts for England (November 12th)
His journey becomes a triumphal procession
He is received by the queen at Westminster
The legate's address to Parliament .
Solemn reconciliation of England with the Holy
See (November 30th) ....
The question of the Church property settled
Thanksgiving in Rome ....
CHAPTER XI.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE NEW WORLD.
New bishoprics in Spanish and Portuguese South
America .....
Favourable prospects for Christianity there
Tyranny and atrocities of the white settlers
The work of the missionaries undone
Civilizing influence on the missionaries
Opposition of the colonists
Improvement in the conditions
The Franciscans in Mexico
Their care for the instruction of the young
Brother Peter of Ghent and his work
Conversion of the Aztecs
The missionaries the champions of the natives
Their struggle against the " Audiencia "
" Protectors of the Indians "
The Dominicans in Guatemala
Literary activity of the missionaries
Their historical and archaeological researches
CHAPTER XII.
PAGE
27I
272
273
274
275
276
277
278
279
280
-281
282
283
284
284
285
286
287
288
290
291
292
293
294
295
296
297
298
299
3OO
3OI
302
303
304
305
306
THE EAST INDIES AND THE MISSION OF ST. FRANCIS XAVIER.
1554 The Jesuits in the East Indies . . . 307
TABLE OF CONTENTS
XXXVT1
A.D. PAGE
1554 The advice of Ignatius Loyola ' . . . 308
Henriquez and the mission on the Fishing Coast 309
He draws up the first Tamil grammar . . 310
Rapacity and immorality of the Portuguese
officials . . . . . .311
Persecution by the Mahommedans . . . 312
1 555 The Jesuits penetrate into Abyssinia ; three Jesuit
bishops appointed for that country . . 312
1549 FrancL- Xavier lands in Japan . . . 314
Difficulties of the Japanese mission . . 315
Xavier 's hopes of ultimate success ; slow progress 316
1551 His journey to see the Emperor of Japan . 317
He leaves Japan in order to go to China . . 318
He reaches the island of Canton . . . 319
1552 Death of St. Francis Xavier (November 27th) . 320
Qualities of St. Francis Xavier . . . 321
His gentleness and humility .... 323
A Protestant estimate of the saint . . . 324
The veneration of the Catholic world. " Apostle
of the Indies " . . . . 3 2 5
CHAPTER XIII.
JULIUS III. IN RELATION TO LETTERS AND ART. — MICHAEL
ANGELO AND THE REBUILDING OF ST. PETER'S. THE
VILLA GIULIA.
1552 The interest of Julius III. in science and art
The Vatican Library and the Roman University
Humanists promoted by Julius III
Giovio and Pietro Aretino
The humanists extol the Pope ; writings dedicated
to him .....
Pierluigi da Palestrina
Julius III. and Michael Angelo
The Pope supports him against his enemies
Lack of funds for the building of St. Peter's
The Pope's consideration for Michael Angelo
The Villa Giulia
Julius III.'s magnificent plan
The architects of the Villa Giulia
The Pope and Vasari .
The gardens and pleasure grounds
The approach to the villa
The main building ; its frescoes and statuary
Present state of the villa
The fountain-court
The Nymphaeum
Discoveries of the relics of antiquity in Rome
Reconstruction of the Palazzo Cardelli
The del Monte chapel in S. Pietro in Montorio
326
327
328
329
330
332
333
334
336
337
338
339
34°
341
342
343
344
345
347
349
350
35i
352
XXXV111
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.D.
1552 Foreign artists in Rome
Artistic activity under Julius III.
PAGE
353
354
CHAPTER XIV.
ROME AT THE END OF THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD.
General appearance of the city
The sources for a true picture of Rome at the time
The sketches of Martin van Heemskerck .
The notes of Johann Fichard
The panorama of Heemskerck
Mediaeval appearance of Rome at that time
Smallness of the inhabited district .
The Borgo .....
Fichard 's description of the Vatican
The Belvedere and its collection of antiquities
Old St. Peter's ; the atrium .
Interior of the old basilica
State of the new building in the time of Paul
III. as shown by Heemskerck' sketches
St. Peter's Square
The Rione di Ponte ....
New streets ; the Canale di Ponte and
The inundations of the Tiber
The district of banks, commercial houses and inns
Palaces in the Rione ....
Exterior decoration ....
The Rione di Parione ; the Piazza Navona
Pasquino ......
Palaces of prelates ; the Cancelleria
The Palazzo Massimo, and the houses of the Gall
and the Sassi ....
The Campo di Fiore ; the " actual forum of Rome '
Shops and inns in this district
The Rione della Regola
Houses for pilgrims ; the Palazzo Farnese .
The Trastevere .....
Its picturesque charm ; the old road of the pilgrims
The Rione di S. Angelo
The Portico of Octavia and the Theatre of Mar
cellus .....
The Rione di Ripa ....
The Rione di Campitelli
The Capitol and the Pantheon
The Rione della Pigna
The Rione di Trevi ; the Quirinal
Gardens and villas on the Quirinal .
The Rione di Colonna ....
The Rione di S. Eustachio
Heemskerck's description of the Palazzo Madama
356
357
357
358
350
362
362
364
365
366
367
368
369
370
371
372
373
374
375
376
378
379
38i
382
383
384
385
386
388
389
39o
39i
39^
393
394
395
396
3^7
398
398
399
TABLE OF CONTENTS
XXXIX
A.D. PAGE
1552 The palaces of the Valle family . . . 399
The Valle collection of antiquities . . 400
Other palaces in the Rione di S. Eustachio . 401
The Rione di Campo Marzo ; charitable institutions 402
The Porta del Popolo and the streets leading from it 403
The whole population crowded near the Tiber . 403
Scarcity of the water supplj- . . . 403
The uninhabited districts of the city . . 404
The ruins of ancient Rome . . . 405
Ruthless spoliation of the ancient monuments . 406
The Colosseum ...... 407
Heemskerk's striking picture of the state of the
Forum ...... 407
The Palace of the Caesars .... 408
The Palatine and the Imperial Fora . . 409
A district of silence and solitude . . . 410
The Rione de' Monti ..... 410
The Lateran . . . . . .411
S. Maria Maggiore . . . . .412
Witness of the inscriptions and epitaphs . . 413
The guide for pilgrims ; mirabilia Romae . . 414
Papal ceremonies ; Holy Week . . . 415
Maundy thursday . . . . .416
Good Friday, Holy Saturday and Easter . . 417
The " Stations " ..... 418
Renewed veneration for the House of God . 418
Exact carrying out of the ceremonial ; majestic
music ...... 419
Impressions of an unknown Florentine pilgrim . 420
Itinerary for a three days' visit . . . 422
Private collections of antiquities . . .423
Charitable institutions ; the hospitals . . 423
The national hospices . . . . .424
Confraternities and institutes of charity . . 425
A new impetus in Catholic life, which makes " Roma
Aeterna " again . . . . .426
The " Holy City " 427
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN
APPENDIX
PAGE
I. Endimio Calandra to his brother Sabino . 431
II. Pirro Olivo to Sabino Calandra . . 432
III. Pirro Olivo to Sabino Calandra . . 432
IV. Benedetto Buonanni to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany . . . . -433
V. Pope Julius III. to Cardinal Marcello Cervini 433
VI. Averardo Serristori to. Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany ..... 434
VII. Consistory of March 10th, 1550 . . 434
VIII. Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany ..... 435
IX. Benedetto Buonanni to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany. ..... 435
X. Judgment of Cardinal Marcello Cervini as In-
quisitor ...... 436
XI. Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany ..... 438
XII. Ippolito Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua 438
XIII. Ippolito Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua 439
XIV. Pope Julius III. to Paulus Jovius . . 439
XV. Pope Julius III. to Franciscus de Augustinis 440
XVI. Pope Julius III. to Cardinal Juan Alvarez
de Toledo . . . . .441
XVII.-XVIIl. Pope Julius III. to Hannibal Spatafora 445
XIX. Camillo Capilupi to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga 446
XX. C. Titio to Cosimo I., Duke of Tuscany . 447
XXI. Pope Julius III. to King Ferdinand . . 447
XXIa. Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany . . . . .447
XXIb. Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Pole . . 448
XXII. Pope Julius III. to Petro Antonia di Capua,
Archbishop of Otranto . . . 449
XXIII. Safe-conduct of Julius III. . . . 450
XXIV. Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany . . . . .450
XXV. Lutherans in Rome, 1552-1554 . . 451
XXVI. Camillo Capilupi to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga 451
XXVII. Furtherance of the re-building of St. Peter's
by Julius III. ..... 452
XXVIII. Ordinances for reform by Pope Julius III. . 457
Xl
CHAPTER I.
The Election of Julius III.
Paul III. holds a very prominent place among the Popes
of the XVIth century, not only because his reign was un-
usually long and specially rich in events of the greatest import-
ance, but still more because it covers the transition period
between the Renaissance and the Catholic Reformation and
Restoration.
A man of very great gifts, the Farnese Pope, with a full
perception of the all-embracing mission of the Holy See, and
of the ever-increasing gravity of the position in the northern
and central countries of Europe, turned his attention in a
special manner to those questions which were essentially of an
ecclesiastical nature. Worldly interests, which had un-
doubtedly predominated during the reigns of the Renaissance
Popes since Sixtus IV., also had great weight with him, but
they no longer occupied the first place, and were subordinated
to ecclesiastical interests.
In casting a glance over the fifteen years' pontificate of Paul
III., the conviction is forced upon us that the dawn of a new
era, full of hope, had arisen for the Church, in which she would
again, as so often before, gloriously verify her spiritual ascend-
ancy and her marvellous power of rejuvenation. The ex-
ternally brilliant, but essentially worldly, period of the
Renaissance, which took Church and religion as lightly as it
did life itself, was hurrying towards its end. A new era was
beginning, the most important problems of which were
perfectly realized by the Farnese Pope.
However much Paul III. paid tribute to the fateful epoch
at which he had come into power, he was nevertheless just to
that generation in which the strictly ecclesiastical element,
never losing sight of its goal, and without considering spiritual
VOL. XIII. I
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
change, was working towards a reform of conditions that were
utterly corrupt, and was striving to cope with a dangerous
crisis by means of an entirely new state of things. The
inauguration of the Council, the removal of abuses, the
renewal of the College of Cardinals, the fight against the
divisions in the Church, which threatened Italy as well, and
the protection of the reformed Orders, were all of epoch-
making importance. A thoroughly effective result, however,
had not yet been attained. The Council was as far from com-
ing to an agreement, as the attempts at reform to completion.
The new Orders were still in their initial stages, and had not,
to a great extent, even fixed their final organization, while the
changes in the College of Cardinals were in no way completed.
The difficulties which stood in the way of endeavours to
promote the ascendancy of purely ecclesiastical interests are
proved by the proceedings at the conclave after the death of
Paul III. 1
1 There is an exceedingly rich source of materials at our dis-
posal concerning the conclave of Julius III., which, with that
of Pius IV., was the longest of the XVIth century. In the first
place there is the testimony of the eye-witnesses : Cardinal
Bernardino Maffei, Angelo Massarelli, Sebastianus Gualterius
and Petrus Paulus Gualterius (de brevibus), the three latter
being present at the conclave as conclavists of Cardinals
Cervini, Alessandro Farnese and Maffei. To these we may
add the notes of the master of ceremonies of the conclave,
L. Firmanus. In the second volume of the monumental publica-
tion of the Gorres Society, dealing with the authorities respecting
the Council of Trent, Merkle has given, in an admirable way,
a full report of Massarelli, and extracts from the other four,
while the editor has noted in the preface everything necessary
concerning the handing down of these authorities and their
relation to one another The description made use of here is
taken entirely from Massarelli, unless otherwise stated. As a
complement to the whole, the reports of the ambassadors, which
have been partly reprinted, have been drawn upon. Of the more
recent accounts, prominence is given to Sagmuller, Papst-
wahlcn, 181 seqq. ; Papstwahlbullen, i seqq. ; G. de Leva,
Storia di Carlo quinto V., 63 seqq.
PRELIMINARIES OF THE CONCLAVE. 3
Under the Farnese Pope the number of Cardinals had risen
to fifty-four ; of these, twenty-nine were in the Eternal City
at the death of the Pope ;* before the beginning of the con-
clave twelve more arrived, 2 and during the election nine
Frenchmen and the Spaniard, Pacheco, also came ; three
members of the Sacred College, de Givry, d'Hanebault and the
Cardinal- Infante of Portugal did not take part in the conclave.
Four of the Cardinals had, it is true, to leave on account of
illness, so that of the fifty-four electors only forty-seven took
part in the elevation of the new Pope, but in spite of this, no
such distinguished conclave had taken place for a very long
time. As in numbers it was the most considerable, this
conclave was also the longest in the memory of man. It
began on November 29th, 1549, and only finished on February
8th, 1550. The Church remained, therefore, nearly three
months without a head. The cause of this unusual delay is
to be found rather in thd behaviour of the secular princes, who
interfered in the most unjustifiable manner in electoral dis-
cussions, than in the party deliberations of the College of
Cardinals, and the great number of candidates. 3
That the Emperor and the King of France should, after the
death of Paul III., attempt to exercise as decisive an influence
as possible on the elevation of the new Pope, was to be ex-
pected. Charles V. was bound to desire a Pope who would
be willing to continue the Council and recall it to Trent. He
was determined to prevent at any cost the election of the
eminent Marcello Cervini, who, as Cardinal- Legate at Trent,
had succeeded in bringing about the removal of the Council
to Bologna. The dispute about Parma and Piacenza, which
was still pending, influenced the attitude of the Cardinals and
the foreign powers no less than the question of the Council.
1 Compiled by Panvinio, in Merkle, II., 7.
2 Namely Meudon on November 11, Gaddi on Nov. 14, Filonardi
on Nov. 15, Madruzzo on Nov. 19, Salviati and Gonzaga on Nov.
21, Cibo and Lenoncourt on Nov. 22, del Monte and della Rovere
on Nov. 23, and Truchsess and Doria on Nov. 24. See Mass-
ARELLI, IO, 13, 14, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23.
8 Cf. the sarcasm of Muzio (Lettere, 108).
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Viceroy of Milan and his brother, Ercole Gonzaga,
Cardinal of Mantua, had displayed activity on the side of the
Emperor even during the lifetime of Paul III., by bringing
forward a rival to the Farnese for the future conclave who
would return Parma and Piacenza to the Emperor. 1 Their
chosen candidate was Cardinal Salviati, the nephew of Leo X.,
and uncle of the Queen of France. In the opinion of the
Imperial Ambassador in Rome in 1547, Diego Hurtado de
Mendoza, Salviati had, in other respects as well, the best
prospects of obtaining the tiara. 2 He was popular both with
the Cardinals who were favourable to the Imperial and the
French interests, as well as with thobe who were neutral ;
Mendoza had himself been won over to his side by the Gon-
zagas, while Granvelle was also well disposed towards him. 3
Cardinal Salviati, however, found a formidable opponent in
his relative, Cosimo de' Medici, and his wily representative
in Rome, Averardo Serristoii. A memorandum of Cardinal
Gonzaga to Granvelle, in which the candidature of Salviati
was recommended, having come to Serristori's knowledge in
April 1549, it was laid by him before the Pope. 4 Paul III.,
who feared everything for his relatives on the part of Salviati,
was extremely angry ; he would create fifty Cardinals, he
exclaimed, to render the election of Salviati impossible. 5
Things did not, indeed, go as far as this, but at the nomination
of Cardinals on April 8th, 1549, at which four men devoted
to the Farnese interests received the purple, 6 an answer was
found to the intrigues of the Gonzagas. Salviati's correspond-
ence was watched, and a document exposing him was com-
1 Df. Leva, V., 64 seq. Legaz. di Serristori, 187 seqq. Maftei
in Merkle, II., 19 seq.
2 Dollinger, Beitrage, I., 92. Mendoza maintains that
Salviati had children ; Salviati says on the other hand (Legaz.
di Serristori, 193) that the accusation arose from his being
mistaken for his brother.
3 De Leva, V., 65 n. 4.
4 Serristori's despatch of April 13, 1549 in Legaz. 188 seq.
6 Druffel, I., 270.
6 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 443.
PARTIES IN THE CONCLAVE. 5
rnunicatcd to the P2mperor, l whereupon Charles V. excluded
him also from the election. 2
Shortly before the death of Paul III., the discussions regard-
ing the possession of Parma and Piacenza again led to a
rearrangement of the parties in the College of Cardinals. As
early as July 14th, 1547, the Imperial ambassador, Mendoza,
had, when setting before his master the prospects for the
coming Papal election, 3 pointed out three politically interested
parties in the Sacred College, besides a neutral group : the
Imperial, the French, and the adherents of Paul III. After
Alessandro Farnese had joined the side of the Emperor, how-
ever, and looked to him for the restoration of Parma and
Piacenza, 4 the Imperial party and the adherents of the Farnese
joined together in the College of Cardinals. Farnese had made
a move on November 19th, without having approached the
Emperor in the matter, by having the authenticity of the
document in which Paul III., shortly before his death, had
ordered the return of Parma and Piacenza to Ottavio Farnese,
attested by the Sacred College. The relations between
Alessandro Farnese and the Emperor were not. however,
altered by this attempt, as Camillo Orsini, the Governor of
Parma, refused to deliver it to Ottavio, in spite of the College
of Cardinals. 5
There were, therefore, really only two parties to be con-
sidered in the conclave, the Imperial and the French. The
Spaniards, Alvarez de Toledo, Mendoza, Cueva and Pacheco
1 Serristori on May 1, 1549 (Legaz., 197). Maffei gives further
particulars as to this compromising document, in Merkle,
II., 19 seq.
2 " Sua Maesta vorebbe prima, che fosse Papa il Diavolo,"
said Mendoza to Serristori (Legaz. 209 seq.).
3 D6llinger, Beitrage, I., 92.
4 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 445. Concerning the motives
which induced Farnese to join the Imperialists, cf. Maffei in
Merkle, 1 1., 26.
5 Massarelli, 16, 17. Druffel, I., 316. Cf. Vol. XII. of
this work, p. 450.
6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
belonged to the Imperial party, 1 as did Carpi, Morone, Cres-
cenzi, Madruzzo, Sfondrato, Duranti, Alessandro and Ranuccio
Farnese, Medici, Maffei, Gonzaga, Doria, Sforza, Savelli,
Cornaro, della Rovere, Truchsess and Pole. To these twenty-
two adherents of the Emperor were opposed twenty-four
Cardinals with French sympathies. These were the twelve
Frenchmen, Armagnac, Meudon, Lenoncourt, du Bellay,
Guise, Chatillon, Vendome, Tournon, de la Chambre,
d'Amboise, Lorraine and Bourbon. Besides these, there were
of the Italians, the four Cardinal-Bishops and seniors of the
Sacred College, de Cupis, Salviati, del Monte and Caraf a, 2 as
well as Cesi, Verallo, Ridolfi, Pisani, Sermoneta, Este, Capo-
diferro and Crispi, Filonardi also voting for the most part with
them. To the neutrals belonged Cibo, Gaddi and the Por-
tuguese, de Silva.
Cervini stood outside all these parties ; Guise testifies of
him, as also of Caraf a, that they obeyed their conscience alone. 3
This does not mean that these two champions of ecclesiastical
reform took no interest in political considerations ; it was
precisely the conscientious and austere Cervini who was the
principal adviser of Farnese. 4 The welfare of the Church,
as well as conscientious motives, required that consideration
1 According to the enumeration of Massarelli (p. 97). Ayala
(in Drukfel, I., 333) counts Cibo as an Imperialist ; de Silva,
Cervini and Rovere had also voted for Pole.
2 Guise (Ribier, II., 261) does not reckon Carafa among the
French Cardinals. Theatinus also only appears among the
adherents of the French in the list of Masius (Lacomblet, Archiv
fur Gesch. des Niederrheins, VI., Cologne, 1868, 157.
3 Ribier, II., 261. Cf. also with regard to Carafa the *notes
of Cardinal Antonio Carafa in the Cod. X., F 55, f. 6 of the
National Library, Naples.
4 " Farnesius, qui plurimum praesidii atque consilii in ilium
(Cervini) contulerat, illius ope carcre (when Cervini fell ill)
aegre ferebat." In order not to lose him they gave him a
room adjoining the conclave, which was included in the
enclosure, an unheard-of privilege. Gualterius in Merkle,
II., 60.
CARDINALS OF PAUL III. 7
should be shown to those princes who could be of such use to
the Church or do her so much harm.
Of the Cardinals named, Salviati, Cibo, Ridolfi, de Cupis,
Pisani and Lorraine owed their elevation to Leo X., while
Gonzaga, Gaddi, Doria, Tournon, de la Chambre, and Chatillcn
had received the red hat from Clement VII. All the others,
with the exception of these twelve, had been invested with the
purple by the Farnese Pope. 1
It was of importance, in the interests of the Farnese and the
Imperial party, that the election should take place as soon as
possible, that is to say, before the arrival of the French Car-
dinals, 2 since both parties would have an equal balance of power,
should the Sacred College be assembled in full numbers, and
1 Paul III. had given Cardinal Alessandro Farnese some very
interesting hints with regard to his attitude during the Papal
election, in which his attitude towards " nostre creature " is
specially detailed, and Pole, Salviati Gaddi and Ridolfi are char-
acterized in a very interesting manner. These Ricordi di Paolo
III. al card. Farnese were already widely circulated in manuscript
during the XVIth century. I discovered four copies in the Secret
Archives of the Vatican ; in Rome there are also copies in the
Boncompagni Archives (Cod. C, 20) and in the following libraries :
Barberini (Lac. 5366), S. Pietro in Vincoli (cf. Lammer, Zur
Kirchengesch., 40), Vitt. Emanuele (Varia 65) ; further manu-
scripts at Arezzo (Library), Bologna (University Library). Brescia
(Quirini Library, C. III., 2), Florence (National Library, Cod.
Capponi, 63), Macerata (Library, Cod. 259), Pistoia (Fabroniana
Library Cod. 63), as well as at Gorlitz (Milich Library), and
Munich (State Library). The Ricordi were published according
to the Bologna manuscript by Frati in the Archivio stor. Ital.
Ser. 5, XXXV., 448 seqq. Frati identifies the Cardinal of St.
Angelo mentioned at the end with Lang, and concludes from this
that the Ricordi were written between 1534 and 1540. St.
Angelo, however, is Ranuccio Farnese, who had held the title of
S. Angelo in Pescharia since October 7, 1546.
2 *" Nella congregatione d'oggi e stato ricordato da tutti
i rmi esser bene che si acceleri la elettione del Papa sotto pretesto
delle cose del concilio et massimamente di quel di Trento, ma in
fatto muove una gran parte di loro il dissegno di escludere i
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a Cardinal holding pronounced Imperial views would have no
prospect ot receiving the tiara. For this reason, the French
ambassador in Rome, d'Urfe, tried by every means in his
power to have the beginning of the conclave delayed as long
as possible. He succeeded in accomplishing this through the
influence of Cardinal d'Este, J the leader of the French party,
and the solemn funeral ceremonies, celebrated with great
pomp, only began on November 19th, for a Pope who had
departed this life on the 10th of the same month. 2 The
ceremonies lasted for nine days, in accordance with the usual
custom, and the Cardinals could not go in procession to the
conclave until November 29th, after having assisted at a
solemn high mass, celebrated in the chapel of old St. Peter's,
named after Sixtus IV. 3
The cells for the Cardinals, formed by wooden partitions,
had been erected in six of the largest halls of the Vatican,
namely, the Sala Regia, the Sixtine Chapel, and in the four
halls, of which two were used for the public and private con-
sistories. Special apartments were reserved for the sick, the
cells proper being divided among the Cardinals by lot on
November 27th. These were hung with violet for the Car-
dinals of Paul III., and with green for all the others. 4
car 11 Francesi, che non possino venire a tempo." Bonifazio
Ruggieri to the Duke of Ferrara on November 10, 1549 (State
Archives, Modena).
1 D'Urf£to Henry II. on November 16, 1549, in Ribier, II., 254.
2 Massarelli, 14 seqq. Concerning the decision of the College
of Cardinals to erect a magnificent tomb to Paul III., see Vol.
XII., 453 seq. of this work.
3 Massarelli, 26 seqq. As the conclave was a source of grave
expense to the poorer Cardinals, 8000 ducats, provided by the
Dataria, were divided among them, though not without re-
monstrance on the part of the stricter Cardinals, at the request
of the Cardinal-Dean, de Cupis. (ibid., 11). Concerning the
obsequies of Paul III. cf. the report in the appendix to the Opera
di B. Scappi, Venice, 1570.
4 Massarelli, 25. * Payments to the architect Baronino di
Casale, who superintended the installation of the conclave, in
the *Mandata 1549- 1550 (State Archives, Rome).
ROME DURING THE CONCLAVE. 9
Five thousand soldiers stood prepared to keep order in the
city during the course of the election, to whom 500 other
armed men were specially added for the protection of the con-
clave, in addition to the 200 Swiss. The Conservatori of the
city had begged, " in the name of the Roman citizens," for
the honour of being allowed to provide another 1000 soldiers
for the safety of Rome, which number they reduced to 500 on
the following day. The self-seeking and unruly Roman
people wished to take up arms, and assume the guardianship
of the conclave ; this the Cardinals would not hear of, but
they gave permission that the city should provide 500 men
from the usual militia of the States of the Church. 1 Orazio
Farnese, the future son-in-law of the French King, was the
commander of these troops, but Mendoza having complained
that Rome was delivered into the hands of the French, officers
with Imperial sympathies were placed by his side. 2
Fortunately, there were no serious disturbances either in
Rome or outside during the long continuance of the conclave.
Camillo Colonna did indeed seize several small villages imme-
diately after the death of Paul III., and Ascanio Colonna took
steps to regain possession of the sovereign authority wrested
from him by the late Pope, but in other respects he assured
the College of Cardinals by letter of his loyalty to the Holy
See. 3
On December 10th, 1549, the Cardinals were able to decide
that half of this guard should be disbanded. 4 On January
10th, 1550, this was again considerably reduced, 5 on account
1 Massarelli, 9 seq.
2 Ibid. 9. D'Urfe in Ribier, II., 255. Dandolo in Brown,
V., n. 588.
3 Cf. Massarelli, 9 seq., 24. See also the *reports of Scip.
Gabrielli of November 11, 19, 25, and 29 (State Archives, Siena)
of F. Franchino of November 13, 1549 (State Archives, Parma)
of Masius of November, 23, 1549 (in Lacomblet, Archiv fiir
Gesch. des Niederrheins, VI., 147). Cf. also Dandolo in Alberi,
343 seq.
4 Massarelli, 54.
5 Ibid., 90.
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the great expense, even though news had already come on
December 22nd that Fermo had been invested by the Floren-
tines. 1 On January 21st and 22nd, the conclave had again
to come to a decision concerning troubles in Bologna, and the
investment of Acquapendente. 2
On the evening of November 30th the doors of the conclave
were barred within and without by six bolts. 3 The enclosure
was, however, maintained with so little strictness that an
eye-witness said later that the conclave had been more open
than closed. 4
Meanwhile, Charles V. had on November 20th, 1549, openly
declared to his ambassador in Rome his wishes with regard
to the election. He desired above all things, the election of
the Dominican, Juan Alvarez de Toledo, uncle of the Duke
of Alba and brother of the Viceroy of Naples ; should this
election, however, not be possible, he wished for Carpi, Pole,
Morone or Sfondrato, who were all no less eminent than the
said Spaniard. The Emperor excluded all Frenchmen, as well
as Salviati, Cervini, Ridolfi, Capodiferro and Verallo. 5
The Imperial Cardinals were not, however, aware of these
wishes at the beginning of the conclave, and had decided, not
for Toledo, but for Pole, although they had not yet a sufficient
majority to ensure his election, but Madruzzo and others
hoped that, by proclaiming Pole as Pope without further
formalities, at the beginning of the conclave, they might
carry with them many who were undecided. Sforza and
Maffei, indeed, warned them against any such precipitate
action, which would be certain to irritate the opposing party. 6
1 Ibid., 71.
2 Ibid., 103.
3 Ibid., 31.
4 " Visensis, qui iam pridem non conclusi sed patcntis con-
clavis libertatem aegre tulerat." Gualterius in Merkle, 90 seq.
5 Maurenbrechek, 220. Concerning the said Cardinals cf.
Vol. XI., 159 seqq., 206 ; XII., 202 of this work. Concerning
Sfondrato, who died on July 31, 1550, cf. also Novati in the
Archivio stor. Lomb., XXI. (1894), 45 seq.
6 Maffei in Merkle, II., 31.
OPENING OF THE CONCLAVE. II
The issue proved them to be right. The very fact that the
beginning of the funeral celebrations for Paul III. had been
so long delayed had partly been arranged to defeat this plan.
When, on November 30th, the Imperial party proposed an
electoral assembly for that very evening, just after the conclave
had been closed, it was intimated to them that in such a grave
matter, proceedings had to be carefully arranged in accordance
with the usual order. The discussion which followed was only
ended by night, without the Imperial party having gained any
advantage.
On the two following days also, they arrived at no con-
clusion, 1 only the Papal election Bulls of Julius II. and Gregory
X. being read over and sworn to, and an election capitulation
for the new Pope prepared and accepted. 2 This latter agreed
generally with that drawn up in the conclave of Clement VII.
The last paragraph enjoined the future Pope to deliver Parma
to Ottavio Farnese.
A discussion arose on the afternoon of December 1st as to
whether voting should be public or secret. 3 While some saw
in public voting the best method of avoiding subterfuges,
others considered that the freedom of voting would disappear
in this way, especially at a time when the Imperial party on
the one hand, and the French on the other, sought to bring
voters to their views by promises and bribes, and even by
threats.
On the evening of December 1st, Mendoza appeared at the
door of the conclave and handed in an Imperial memorandum.
A second, which he did not openly communicate, contained
the wishes of Charles V. as to the election. 4
On the morning of December 3rd, they agreed that the
voting should be secret. Then followed the first ballot. On
the altar there was a golden chalice and each voter advanced
to it and laid his vote therein. Then the chalice was emptied
1 Massarelli, 32.
2 Printed by Le Plat, IV., 156 seq. Cf. Lulves in the Quellen
und Forschungen des Preuss. Histor. Instituts, XII., 224 seq.
3 Massarelli, 34.
* Ibid.
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on to a table before the altar, the three Cardinals who presided
examining each vote. The senior Cardinal-Deacon, Cibo,
then read aloud the name or names that were on the paper,
as most of the electors wrote three or four names at the same
time. 1
Cibo had to announce the name of Cardinal Pole no less than
twenty-one times at this first ballot, as it had been very
generally predicted that he would have the tiara, although
his zeal for reform was much feared in Rome. 2 Toledo came
next to Pole with thirteen votes, de Cupis and Sfondrato each
had twelve, and Carafa ten. Salviati only had two votes,
and of the Cardinals excluded by the Emperor, the highly
respected Cervini was the only one who succeeded in obtaining
nine votes. The wishes expressed by the Emperor do not
otherwise appear to have had much influence on the voting. 3
As the two-thirds majority required was twenty-eight, there
1 Ibid., 36.
2 Pole, whom the above mentioned (p. 7, n. 1) Ricordi di
Paolo III. describe as " soggetto a giudizio del mondo superiore
agli altri di nobilita, bonta e dottrina," appears as the most
likely candidate in all the reports of the time immediately follow-
ing the death of the Farnese Pope. Cf. the * reports of Scip.
Gabrielli in the State Archives, Siena, of November 13 (*" Le
scomesse et le voci de la citta variano ogni giorno et il piii alto
e Inghilterra e poi Salviati. S. Croce e ancora in buona aspett-
tione ") 14, 15, 25, and 29 (*" II card. S. Croce quando non
riesca Inghilterra si tiene in grandissima espettatione ancorche
gli Imperiali publicamente mostrano poco sodisfarsene ") and
December 1 (" voce universale " for Pole, although his zeal for
reform might rob him of the tiara ; "si ragiona di Sfondrato,
di S. Croce et di Monte "). Cf. also the letter of Muzio, Lettere,
109 seqq., and of Masius in Lacomblet, Archiv fur Gesch. des
Niederrheins, VI., 1 \6 seqq.; cf. also Giorn. stor. della lett.
Ital., XVII., 343 ; XLIII., 237 seq. On a closer examination
of the state of affairs, Pole's candidature did not seem possible
(see Muzio, Lettere, 11 1-113). Masius is also of the same opinion
on December 3 (Briefe, 53).
3 " Auctoritatem nullam adeptae sunt," says Maffei of Charles
V.'s letter of exclusion. Mf.hki.e, II., 51.
CARDINAL POLE. T3
seemed good reason for hoping that Pole would in the following
ballots easily obtain the votes still required, and that the con-
clave would soon come to an end.
What Pole himself felt when he found himself so near to
the highest dignity on earth, he confided later to a friend. 1
The voting, he said, did not make the least impression on him.
He had already given the answer to several Cardinals who
urged him to take steps himself for the furtherance of his
election, that he would say no word, even if his silence should
cost him his life, for he adhered strictly to his principle of
leaving everything to God, and desiring only the fulfilment of
His Will. 2
It was not customary at the first ballot of the conclave, that
votes should be given to one of those chosen, after the reading
of the papers, but this was allowed at subsequent ballots, and
it did not seem unlikely that certain Cardinals would make
use of this right in favour of Pole. 3 Perhaps with the intention
of putting an obstacle in the way of the zealous reformer, who
was feared by the worldly Cardinals, the question was raised
before the voting of the following day, whether this accession
of votes to the papers already handed in by the electors,
allowed later on, should be considered valid. After a long
discussion, an agreement was reached by the decision that
for this day also the subsequent accession should not be
allowed. 4 In spite of this, Pole's votes increased to twenty-
four on this day, in the early morning of which the arrival of
Cardinal Pacheco had strengthened the Imperial party. 5
1 To Francisco Navarrete, bishop of Badajoz, on June 17,
1550, in Quirini, Ep. Poli, V., 53 seq. ; cf. Brown, V., n. 671.
2 Dandolo on November 30, 1549, in Brown, V., n. 595.
3 Scip. Gabrielli *reports on December 1, 1549 : Pole is very
Catholic ; he desires the residence of the bishops and the presence
of the Cardinals in the Curia ; during the lifetime of Paul III.
he had said that the " offitii " must be put an end to (State
Archives, Siena). Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 109.
4 Massarelli, 41.
5 Ibid. 42. Mendoza had sent a messenger to him to warn
him as soon as possible (Legaz. di Serristori, 217), He arrived
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The French, who were terrified, informed d'Urfe that the next
ballot could not fail to result in favour of the Imperialists if he
could not think of some way of preventing, it. Then d'Urfe
came to the door of the conclave and announced, through the
master of ceremonies, that the French Cardinals were already
in Corsica, and would soon arrive, and should the electors not
wait for them till the end of the week, the French king would
not acknowledge the election. In reality d'Urfe" had, as he
himself admitted, no news from Corsica, but in spite of this,
he appeared again and repeated his protest before six of the
Cardinals, threatening them at the same time with a schism. 1
A period of excitement now followed in the conclave. The
consequence of d'Urfe's protest was that the Imperialists
resolved not to wait till the following morning, but, that very
night, without formal voting, to acclaim Pole as Pope, by a
general rendering of homage. 2 They set about securing the
necessary number of votes with the greatest zeal. As a matter
of fact they had got so far that it had been already announced
to Pole that the Cardinals would soon arrive in his cell and pay
homage to the Head of Christendom. Those on the French
side, on the other hand, did all in their power to delay this
rendering of homage, and they were successful in circumventing
this plan of the Imperial party. The discussions and negotia-
tions in the corridors of the conclave lasted till far into the
night, and when midnight was already passed, not one of the
Cardinals had retired to his cell. 3
Pole lost none of his calmness in the general excitement ;
he would not hear of an elevation by the homage of the Car-
dinals. He caused his friends to be informed that he desired
to ascend to the Supreme Pontificate through the door, but not
through the window. 4 When a deputation of two Cardinals
in the conclave " more dead than alive." Dandolo in Brown,
V., n. 596.
1 D'Urfe to the King on December 6, 1549, in Ribier, II., 254
seq. ; cf. Muzio, Lettere, 116.
2 Massarelli, 42 seq.
3 Ibid., 43.
4 Dandolo in Alberi, 346 ; cf. ibid., 372-373.
CANDIDATURE OF POLE. 15
said to him that an elevation by homage was in perfect accord-
ance with the law, he at first agreed with them, but hardly had
they taken their departure, when he sent a messenger after
them to withdraw his consent. 1
The Imperialists had, however, gained one advantage during
the night ; three of the Cardinals, Morone, Cesi and Gaddi,
declared that they were prepared to support the election of
Pole next morning, by giving him their votes by way of
accession, whereupon the Imperialists believed that they could
await the coming ballot with joyful anticipation. They never
dreamed that these three supplementary voters would inform
the French party that they would only come to the assistance
of Pole when he had twenty-six votes. 2
On December 5th it was generally expected as certain that
Pole would receive the necessary majority of two-thirds at
the voting. Before the Cardinals proceeded to the scrutiny,
nearly all of them had ordered their cells to be emptied, as
they did not wish to be plundered by the rush of people after
the election. The Papal vestments had already been laid out
for Pole, and he had himself composed an address of thanks
which he had shown to several persons. Outside, in front of
the Vatican, the people assembled in great crowds, while the
troops were standing with flying colours, ready to salute the
new Pope. 3
Meanwhile the French party in the conclave had no idea
of giving in without a fight. In the early morning attempts
began again on both sides to influence one or another in favour
of each of the conflicting parties. The excitement and
irritation became visibly more acute. When the hour for the
Mass, which was to precede the voting, arrived, the master of
ceremonies was forbidden to give the usual signal with the bell ;
he was to wait till all the Cardinals were together. It seemed
1 Pole to the bishop of Badajoz on June 17, 1550, loc. cit.
(see supra p. 13, n. 1).
2 Massarelli and Gualterius in Merkle, II., 42 seq.
3 Maffei in Merkle, II., 43. Appendix to Massarelli by
Panvinio, ibid., 47.
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
as if a sort of schism was being prepared. The adherents of
Pole assembled in the Pauline Chapel, his opponents in the
Sixtine. Voting was not for the moment to be thought of.
Meanwhile, Cervini, who on account of his invalid condition,
was in the habit of arriving later, appeared in the Pauline
Chapel. Carpi, Morone, Madruzzo, Gonzaga and Farnese
advanced towards him, and, explaining the state of affairs,
begged him to approach the opposing party as mediator.
Cervini allowed himself to be persuaded and went in Morone 's
company to the Sixtine Chapel. He then addressed himself
to the Cardinal Dean, de Cupis. The opponents of Pole, he
said, had already sinned enough against their consciences, by
using every means in their power to prevent his election, but
as it was now clear that the Holy Ghost wished Pole to be
elected, he begged them not to continue their resistance.
De Cupis thereupon answered that he also wished for peace
and unity, but that a Papal election seldom took place without
differences of opinion, and that their opponents had made use
of unlawful measures, while the protest of d'Urfe had given
reason to tear a French schism.
Thereupon the answer was made that the remarks about
intrigue were not all founded on fact, and that if attention
were paid to every protest, they would establish a very bad
precedent, and the minority would, in the future, when a
candidate did not please them, protest until they had gained
their end. Moreover, they could not wait any longer for the
French Cardinals, as the lawful time had long been passed.
These and similar reasons were, however, of no avail, and
the messengers returned to Pole's adherents without having
gained any advantage. Finally, two hours after the usual
time, the French party consented to join the other Cardinals,
at least for a conference.
De Cupis began the negotiations by again urging them to
wait for the French Cardinals ; the Papal election decree of
Gregory X. was, he said, no impediment to their doing so, as,
although it prescribed only a ten days' period of waiting, it
had not foreseen the present position. A long debate followed
upon this statement of de Cupis. Salviati, Carafa, Lenon-
POLE S CANDIDATURE FAILS. 17
court and Meudon agreed with de Cupis, Carpi and Toledo
differed from him, while del Monte thought that if they were
allowed to wait, they might as well do so. Filonardi was
undecided. Then Cervini again spoke and emphasized in
impressive terms the danger of giving way before the protest.
From a legal standpoint they could only wait for the French
Cardinals if all present agreed to do so.
Cervini was known as a man who only spoke after the dic-
tates of his own conscience, and not to please either party.
His words made such an impression that the Cardinals who
spoke after him all agreed with him, those belonging to the
French party alone excepted. Este by a panegyric on the
services France had rendered to the church still endeavoured
to obtain a delay of one or two days, but Sfondrato arose and
showed that according to the text of the decree of Gregory X.,
they dared not delay the election any longer. It was not the
case, as de Cupis had asserted, that the decree did not apply
to the case now in question ; on the contrary, it was quite
clear that it did refer to the present position.
The French cause now seemed lost. At the voting concern-
ing the proposal of the Cardinal-Dean, the majority declared
themselves against any further delay, and they at once
proceeded to hold the election. Pole received twenty-three
votes. Then Carpi arose, opened his voting paper, and
declared that he joined the supporters of Pole, Farnese then
stood up and made the same declaration. A dead silence
followed. Pole required only one more vote. If he could
now obtain twenty-six votes, he was sure of getting twenty-
seven, after the agreement during the night, and then he could
give the twenty-eighth, the last vote necessary, himself. Full
of expectation, Pole's supporters watched his opponents, and
endeavoured by signs to win them over to his support. No
one, however, made a movement. After a pause the Cardinal-
Dean asked if anyone would still come over to Pole's side, but
only a deep silence followed. Thereupon de Cupis declared
the voting over, and all stood up and withdrew, the Imperial-
ists in great depression of spirits.
No one had expected such an issue. Many considered it
VOL. XIII. 2
l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
could only be possible through a special interposition of
Providence, that any Cardinal should have been so near the
tiara as Pole had been, and still not have received it.
The reasons for Pole's failure lay principally in the repug-
nance of the Italians to the choice of a foreigner. Besides
this it was urged that Pole was only forty-five years old, that
he had little knowledge of business, and that there was a danger
of his involving Italy in a war with England. What injured
him, however, more than anything else was the suspicion that
he inclined in his views, especially in the doctrine of Justifica-
tion, to Protestantism. It was Carafa in particular who laid
stress on this point, and openly attacked Pole before the voting
of December 5th. 1
The five following ballots, from December 6th to nth, are
not of great importance. D'Urfe appeared at the door of the
conclave on December 6th, and again announced the early
arrival of the French Cardinals. 2 The Imperialists made
repeated attempts to secure Pole's election. All the Cardinals
of the Imperial party, he himself naturally excepted, and de
Silva, voted for the English Cardinal. Filonardi, Cibo, Gaddi
and the Cardinals belonging to the French party, as far as they
were present in Rome, 3 were opposed to him. On the morning
of December 7th, it was again generally believed that Pole's
friends had nearly attained their object, but the other party
had not in the meantime been idle. Pole received on that
morning only two supplementary votes, besides the twenty-
two that he was sure of day after day. They had brought
forward, between the ballots of December 6th and 7th, as an
opposing candidate, Toledo, whose election was so greatly
desired by the Emperor and the Duke of Florence ; so many
Cardinals on both sides promised him their votes that his
election seemed certain. Toledo's candidature was, however,
1 Appendix to Massarelli by Panvinio, in Merkle, II., 47.
Maffei and Gualterius, ibid. 43, .47. Mendoza in Druffel,
I., 306. See also Muzio, Lettere, 114, 117.
2 " Qui eandem supradictam cantilenam recantavit et discessit."
Firmanus in Merkle, II., 49.
3 Massarelli, 55.
ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH CARDINALS. 19
nothing more than an election manoeuvre. The French
declared themselves for him in order to destroy the unity of
the Imperial party, and to deprive the English Cardinal of his
vote. They also raised hopes of the tiara in other Cardinals,
but only with the intention of winning them away from Pole.
The Imperialists now apparently favoured Toledo's candi-
dature, in order to force the French party to an acknowledg-
ment of their insincerity, so that his election seemed certain.
The French, however, then at once abandoned him. 1
Their success in the struggle against Pole now encouraged
the French party to attempt the candidature of Salviati. In
the opinion of Cardinal Maffei, 2 they would have succeeded if
they had proceeded more quickly, but Salviati's old friend,
Gonzaga, thought it necessary first to obtain the opinion of
the Emperor, from whom, however, a letter was received by
Ferrante Gonzaga, containing a sharp reprimand.
On December 12th the French Cardinals, du Bellay, Guise,
Chatillon and Vendome, whose coming was announced by
d'Urfe on December 10th, at last arrived in Rome, and betook
themselves, after a short rest at the French embassy, to the
conclave. This strengthening of the opposing party was a
serious blow to the Imperialists. They had again tried to put
Toledo in the place of Pole at the voting on December 12th,
and this time perhaps in earnest, but at the news of the arrival
of the French Cardinals, they again returned to Pole. Toledo
only succeeded in getting twelve votes and three supplementary
ones. On the evening of December 12th Cardinal Tournon
was also present, but his appearance was no advantage to the
French party, as Filonardi, whose sympathies were French, had
to leave the conclave on the 14th, on account of illness, and he
died on the 19th. 3
1 According to Maffei in Merkle, II., 49. According to
Massarelli (ibid.) they had again withdrawn from Toledo because
the Italians and French wished for a Spaniard as little as they
wished for an Englishman. Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 119.
2 In Merki.e, II., 51.
3 Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 123.
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES-
A new period began for the conclave with the appearance
of the French Cardinals. The number of voters had now
risen to forty-six, so that the two- thirds majority was now
thirty-one. The number, however, sank to forty- five, as
Cervini had to leave the conclave on account of illness on
December 22nd, but again rose to forty-seven on the arrival
ot Cardinals de la Chambre and d'Amboise on the 28th. The
entry of John of Lorraine into the conclave on December 31st
had no influence on the relative strength of the parties, as de
la Chambre had to seek treatment for stone outside the
Vatican on the following day. In the same way Bourbon's
arrival on January 14th was counterbalanced for the French
party by the loss of Ridolfi, whose sympathies were French.
He was seriously ill, and left the conclave on December 20th,
and died on the 31st. Cibo, who was also ill, was temporarily
absent from the conclave, from January 23rd to February 1st. 1
From December 12th, the leader of the French party was
the twenty-three year old Cardinal Guise, the confidant of his
king. He was an adroit and self-confident politician, and the
candidate whom he wished to support was the old Cardinal
of Lorraine. Should this not prove practicable, then Este,
and after him Ridolfi, Salviati and finally Cervini or del Monte
were each in turn to be put forward. 2 Henry II. had already,
on December 3rd, caused his ambassador to be informed by
letter that he did not wish for Pole. 3 ,
As Lorraine was excluded by the Emperor as a Frenchman,
1 Cibo hoped to become Pope with the help of the Duke of
Florence (see Staffetti, Card. Cibo, Florence, 1894, 249). A
biting lampoon (published by Cian in the Giorn. stor. della lett.
Ital., XVII., 341) chastised his ambition. Cf. also Staffetti
in the Atti d. Soc. Ligure, XXXVII. (1910), 351 seqq.
2 Henry II. to Guise on January 25, 1550 ; d'Urfe to Henry
II. on January 20, 1550 (Ribier, II., 259-262. De Leva, V.,
78). A letter of the French King, in which he designated de
Cupis, Salviati, Ridolfi and Lorraine as candidates above all
others, was already known in the conclave on January 6. Mas-
sarei.li, 85.
3 Ribier, II., 258.
EXCLUSIONS BY THE EMPEROR. 21
and he had also excluded Ridolfi, Salyiati, Cervini, Capodi-
ferro and Verallo by name, which he repeated by letter on
December 19th, 1 the complaint of Maffei can be understood
when he says that all the more important Cardinals had been
barred, either by Charles V. or Henry II., and that persons
who were quite unqualified were entertaining hopes of the
tiara. 2
On December 30th Charles V. excluded Cardinal Carafa, in
addition to the five already named ; 3 the Imperial Ambassador
was instructed to proceed in a similar manner against de Cupis
and del Monte, but only to mention them in case of need, so
as not needlessly to make enemies of those referred to. 4 Men-
doza kept these instructions secret for the time being, in order
that he might be able to make another unwelcome candidate
impossible, by apparently supporting one of those excluded.
In this manner he promoted, at least in appearance, the
election of Salviati, 5 but when complaints were made to the
Emperor concerning him by the other diplomatists, he was
sharply reprimanded by his master. 6 Those who understood
the circumstances had soon foreseen how matters would develop
in this state of affairs. Buonanni, the conclavist of Cardinal
Toledo, wrote on November 27th, 1549, even before the
beginning of the election proceedings, that should the conclave
only last from four to six days, it was the general belief that
either Pole or Toledo would be successful ; should the negotia-
tions, however, be drawn out, and the French Cardinals arrive,
he was of opinion that they would put difficulties in the way
1 Druffei., I., 336. The letter arrived in Rome on December
29. It was the answer to an announcement from the conclave
of December 8, which had been received in Brussels on the
18. Dandolo in Brown, V., n. 613. Gualterius in Merkle, II.,
78, 79-
2 Maffei in Merkle, II., 63.
3 Druffel, I., 338.
4 Maurenbrecher, 222, n. 9.
5 De Leva, V., 79.
6 Ibid., 86. Maurenbrecher, 223 n. 10. Gualterius in
Merkle, II., 78, 85. Petrucelli, II., 43, 45.
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Salviati's election, but that favourable prospects would
open out for del Monte, and if the Imperial party should sup-
port him, he might easily reach the Papal throne, while his
elevation would give satisfaction to all parties. 1 Serristoii,
however, who drew his information chiefly from Buonanni, 2
wrote to the Duke of Florence after the arrival of the French
Cardinals, that the Imperial and French parties were hence-
forth equally balanced, and that two things alone were pos-
sible, either that the one party should exhaust the patience of
the other by repeated ballots, or that they should agree upon
a Pope who would give least dissatisfaction to both parties.
His opinion was that del Monte might be one of those for
whom the French party would co-operate, and who would be
least displeasing to the Emperor, for although del Monte had
agreed to the removal of the Council, he had only done so in
obedience to the Pope, while in other respects he had never had
French sympathies and did not wish to belong to the French
party, but to the Imperialists. 3 In the conclave itself, how-
ever, nobody at that time thought seriously of del Monte,
although Guise had nominated him among others as a candi-
date. Cardinal Sforza, however, was quite positive even then
that the Cardinals would unite in choosing him. 4 Guise also
wrote towards the end of the year, that del Monte or Cervini
might be Pope the next day if the French desired it, but that
to please the King they would first try all the others, and
1 *" Se i [n] 4 o 6 giorni del conclavi si facesse Papa, credano
che o lnghilterra o Burgos per riuscire In caso che la
detta promotione vada a lungo, penso che con li obstaculi che
hara Salviati, si fara gran giuoco a Monte, il quale se fusse ab-
bracciato secretamente dagl'Imperiali con quelle sorte d'obliga-
tioni . . . anderebbe a quella sede con pochissimi obstaculi et
satisfarebbe universalmente la sua elettione." Buonanni to
Christiano Pagni, Rome, November 27, 1549 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. Petrucelli, II., 34 scqq.
2 Petrucelli, II., 26.
3 Legaz. di Serristori, 222.
4 Maffei in Merkle, II., 59.
SIXTY FRUITLESS BALLOTS. 23
would wait patiently as long as these had any chance. 1 On
the other hand the Imperialists determined to keep steadily to
Pole. They assembled at once after the arrival of the French
Cardinals, in the presence of Cardinal Madruzzo, and formally
pledged themselves in favour of Pole. 2 Their resolve may
have partly arisen from a sort of obstinacy, which persisted
in clinging to a lost cause. One can, however, also trace the
influence of the reform party in this, ready to risk everything
to secure a Pope of their own way of thinking. ' We want a
good and holy Pope," said Truchsess on January 20th, when
a heated discussion arose between him and de Cupis, " but
you will only have one who serves the body and not the soul ;
we will have no Pope elected who will neglect God's Church in
order to enrich his relatives, as was the case with the last four
or five." 3
Under these circumstances there was no possibility of a
speedy termination of the conclave. Following on the last
eight fruitless ballots there now came fifty-two equally without
result, in which there never was any other intention than a
mere prolongation of the time, whether with a view to receiv-
ing further instructions with regard to the election from the
secular princes, or with the intention of working privately
for a certain candidate. 4 Above all, however, the decision
was postponed so that the opposing parties, disgusted by the
endless intrigues, might at last unite in a less agreeable choice.
At these fifty-two ballots, therefore, Pole received twenty-three
votes every time, until January 9th, and, from that time,
after the loss of de Silva and Cibo, always twenty-one. The
French had nominated Carafa as the opposing candidate,
not, however, because they wished him to be Pope, 5 but
because they wished to drive the austere and zealous Pole
1 Guise to Henry II. on December 28, 1549 (or, according to
De Leva, V., 81, on January 2, 1550) in Ribier, II., 260.
2 Gualterius in Merkle, II., 57.
3 Massarelli, 69.
4 Ribier, II., 268.
5 De Leva, V., 81 n.
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
out of the field by nominating an opponent of the same way
of thinking. 1 From December 15th to the end of the conclave,
from twenty-one to twenty-two votes were generally given to
the Neapolitan Cardinal.
In the meantime the Papal exchequer was being drained
for the payment of the military guard on duty, 2 the irritated
populace stormed perpetually in front of the Vatican and
shouted for a new Pope, while monks and clergy were daily
holding processions. 3 The Lutherans in Germany jeered at
the disunion in the Roman Church, 4 while the universal
vexation in Rome vented itself in innumerable satirical poems
about the Cardinals and their slavish adultaion of the secular
princes. 5
Without giving up either Pole or Carafa, they tried many
other candidates in the conclave, working as a rule, however,
privately for these, and only openly nominating them when
1 Dandolo on December 18, 1549: " Francesi .... con
dire : opponamus sanctum sancto ne diedero 22 a Chieti." De
Leva, V., 81.
2 Massarelli, 131.
3 Ibid., 59.
4 Charles V. is supposed to have said : " Pour un Lutherien
qu'il avait auparavant la vacation du Papat, il y en a maintenant
quantite " (letter of Henry II. to Guise of February 6, 1550, in
Ribier,. II. , 263). The voting papers came back from Germany
after 15-20 days with marginal notes. Ayala to Mendoza on
December 17, 1549, in Druffel, I., 328.
6 See Massarelli, 85. With regard to the plentiful lampoon
literature of the conclave of Julius III., see, besides the admirable
essays of Cian in the Giorn. stor. della lett. Ital., XVII., 337-
353, and ibid., XLIIL, 232 seqq., the unpublished sarcastic poems
on the conclave in the Cod. Palat. 191 3, of the Vatican Library.
The remark of Giulio Gentile in a "letter to the grand chancellor
of Milan, dated Rome, January 5, 1550 (State Archives, Milan),
that he would send the pasquini, although they were " assai
ignobili, scortesi et sporchi," confirms, among other publications
of this nature, the *Pasquinatella in the Venetian dialect, which
Giuseppe Inglesco sent to Mantua with a letter of January 28,
1550 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
ATTEMPT TO UNITE THE PARTIES. 2$
they were sure of a certain number of votes. In the reports
of the scrutinies, therefore, no mention is made of several
candidates.
From time to time various proposals were made as to how
the Papal election might be secured in a manner differing
from the usual procedure. The first of these proposals was
made as early as December 14th, even before the French had
nominated a candidate of their own. Both parties assembled
separately on this day, one in the Sixtine and the other in the
Pauline Chapel, and communicated with each other through
intermediaries. The French proposed a choice between nine
candidates : three of their own countrymen, Lorraine, Tournon
and du Bellay, three Italians of French sympathies, Salviati,
Ridolfi and de Cupis, and three neutral Italians, Carafa, del
Monte and Cervini. The Imperialists replied that they would
only have Pole. 1 On this refusal the wearisome round of fruit-
less ballots began over again.
It was, however, beginning to occur to the Imperialists
that it was impolitic to cling so obstinately to Pole. They
therefore assembled late in the evening on December 16th,
and sent Truchsess, Pacheco and Farnese as intermediaries
to the French, to propose Carpi and Toledo as candidates
instead of Pole. This offer was refused, as was expected. 2
The Imperialists had already thought of working for Sfondrato,
and of favouring Morone at the ballots, so that their real
aim might remain secret. " For many days," said Maffei, 3
" nothing further happened than that they made new pro-
posals to one another, more with a view to prolonging the
time than of reaching a decision."
It was then that the Imperial Cardinals, merely on account
of the honour, gave fifteen votes to the Cardinal- Infante of
Portugal, whereupon the French, on the following day, outdid
them by giving eighteen votes and two supplementary ones
to Guise, also merely for the sake of the honour. " Behold,
1 Massarelli, 58 seq.
2 Ibid., 62.
3 Merkle, II., 59.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
reader," remarks Massarelli on December 17th, 1 " at what
times we have arrived ! After we have vainly employed
twenty days in electing a Pope, and the whole of Christendom
is daily clamouring for one, behold the zeal which the Cardinals
display for the common weal, by bestowing twenty votes
at this day's scrutiny on a young man of twenty-three, not
with the intention, as they themselves acknowledge, of making
him Pope, but out of consideration for his rank and the favour
which he enjoys from the King. It is the truth that in these
days persons are elevated to the high rank of Cardinal who
seek to please man rather than God, for, as God knows, when
certain Cardinals, worthy in every respect of being candidates
for the Papal throne, were proposed, the answer was that this
election would not please the Emperor, or from the French,
that their King would not approve of him as Pope."
On December 19th the prelates and barons who were en-
trusted with the guarding of the conclave joined the populace
in demanding a speedy election. They represented that
troubles which only a Pope could allay were arising in all
directions ; the mercenaries were getting bolder every day,
the streets were no longer safe, while the cost of the vacancy
in the Holy See was no longer to be borne. Within the con-
clave vexation was also making itself felt. The drastic pro-
posal was even made that the two leaders, Guise and Farnese,
should be shut in together, without food, till they should agree
upon a Pope. 3 On December 17th the youthful Guise had
considered it seemly to make remonstrances to Pole, before
all the Cardinals and conclavists, who were awaiting the
issue of the affair in a state of the greatest tension. He accused
1 Ibid., 64 seq.
2 Massarelli, 67.
3 Gualterius in Merkle, II., 67. Other proposals are to be
found there and in Paulus de Brevibus, ibid., 66. On January
7, nearly all the Cardinals were together after dinner in a corridor
of the conclave, and when several of them said, as a joke, that it
would be a good thing if the doors were now closed, and the
Cardinals thus forced to make a choice, the conclavists really
shut them in for three hours. Ibid., 86.
THE IMPERIALIST AND FRENCH PARTIES. 27
Pole of not possessing the qualities necessary for the Head
of the Church, and said that his sudden withdrawal from the
Council of Trent had given rise to the suspicion that he did not
agree to the decree on Justification, and advised him there-
fore to withdraw his candidature. The Cardinal attacked
answered calmly that his withdrawal from the Council was
occasioned solely by reasons of health, and that although he
would take no steps to be chosen Pope, he would also not
prevent the Cardinals from bestowing their votes upon him
if they were inclined to do so. 1
Pole's candidature, however, proved in the meantime
more than hopeless, and the Imperialists could no longer shut
their eyes to the fact. After they had been terrified, on
December 26th, by the news that three more French Cardinals
would soon arrive, they risked everything to have Toledo
elected, if possible, on the following day. They actually suc-
ceeded, quite privately, in adding another eight votes to the
twenty-three which they already possessed, so that Toledo's
election seemed assured. In spite of their secrecy, however,
the plan became known, and the French, who had nominated
de Cupis as the opposing candidate, succeeded, by dint of
hard work during the night, in winning back these eight votes
from the Imperialists. On December 27th Toledo had only
twenty votes, de Cupis twenty-one and one supplementary one.
The Imperialists had, therefore, to resign themselves to the
strengthening of the French party on December 28th by the
arrival of de la Chambre and d'Amboise.
In the meantime a new difficulty had arisen. The Jubilee
Year of 1550 was to be inaugurated by the opening of the
1 Gualterius in Merkle, II., 64. A similar scene took place
on March 22. When Pole again received 23 votes and Carafa
20 in the ballot on that day, Carafa stood up and begged the
Cardinals not to consider his candidature. Pole also stood up
and repeated his former declaration. If anyone gave him his
vote merely from motives of friendship, he begged him to refrain
from so doing ; should he, however, be obeying the dictates of
his conscience, he could not, and would not, bring any pressure
to bear on him. Massarelli, 70 seq.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Golden Door on Christmas Eve. Many pilgrims had already
arrived in Rome. It was, however, doubtful if the Holy Year,
with its usual indulgences and faculties for absolution, could
be inaugurated without a Pope, and without the ceremonies
mentioned. The prelates and barons, therefore, applied to
the Cardinals, complaining at the same time of the long delay
and want of unity in the conclave. The barons said that the
guarding of the doors of the conclave should be entrusted to
them, as the prelates were too indulgent for such a duty.
The Dean, de Cupis, informed the Cardinals of these difficulties
on December 29th. No remedies could as yet be found for
the disagreement in the conclave, which no one denied, but
with regard to the Jubilee, a declaration was issued on the
following day that it had undoubtedly begun, and that the
opening of the Golden Door would be performed subsequently
by the future Pope.
At that time, however, there seemed but little hope of soon
getting the future Pope. The Imperialists, as the Venetian
ambassador, Dandolo, wrote on December 21st, 1549, had
pledged their word in writing not to give way to their oppon-
ents, and he reported on January 8th, 1550, that both parties
had pledged themselves by oath not to yield to the other. 1
On December 26th they wrote from the conclave that the
French were then boasting that they were as well off in the
conclave as if they were in paradise, and that they would hold
out until everyone was exhausted. The opposing party spoke
to the same effect ; neither the length of time nor any other
consideration should rob Cardinal Pole of one of his votes,
or force another candidate upon them. 2 This implacability
of the parties, we are informed by another report of January
4th, 1550, arose from the fact that one party awaited the Holy
Ghost from Flanders, and the other from France. People in
Rome betted 40 to 1 that there would be no Pope in January,
and 10 to 1 that there would also be none in the following
1 Brown, V., n. 602, 618.
2 Ibid., 2. 606.
UNHEALTHY CONDITIONS IN THE CONCLAVE. 29
month. 1 Similar bets are repeatedly mentioned. 2 A re-
tainer of Cardinal Gonzaga writes on January 4th 3 that people
in the city were speaking of anything rather than of the Papal
election. Another correspondent sees a possibilitj^ of the
hastening of the election in the unhealthy conditions of the
conclave, as the air is charged to such an extent with the
fumes of candles and torches that many have serious fears for
their health. 4
1 *" Stanno anchora in conclave questi reverendissimi signori,
ne pare che vi sii una speranza al mondo di Papa. Sono divisi
in due parti et stanno la dentro ostinati, aspettando l'una il
Spirito santo di Fiandra et l'altra di Francia, che Dio sa quando
saranno d'accordo, ne pud fare il Papa l'una parte senza l'altra,
se non si rumpano. Si da quaranta per cento che non si fara
per tutto questo mese et dieci per l'altro." Pietro Maria Carissimo
to Sabino Calandra on January 4, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Mendoza took the liberty of making a joke about the
Cardinals by wishing them a happy Easter instead of a happy
Christmas. Gaulterius in Merkle, II., 74.
2 Brown, V., n. 621 (January n), n. 627 (January 15), n.
629 (January 18), n. 630 (January 22).
3 *" La cosa e di maniera posta in silentio che d'ogni altra
cosa si ragiona qui che di questa." Giuseppe Inglesco to Sabino
Calandra, secretario ducale (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 *Non s'ha una minima fermeza di dover haver un Papa
di qui a quindici di et di conclavi si sono havuto polize et qui
in casa nostra et altrove che promettono che presto presto sara
fatto un Papa, et acenano a Salviati, mostrando che quei s ri
reverendissimi sieno sforzati a risolversene se non per altro
almeno per non ammorbarsi in quel conclavi, dove dicono che
e tanto fumo delli candeli et torchi che vi se tengono accese,
et tanto polvere et tanta puzza delli cantari orinali et tinello
che vi si fa di continuo, che poco poco piu che duri quella festa
dubitano da vero di ammorbarvisi." Giuseppe Inglesco to
Sabino Calandra, secretario ducale et castellano di Mantova,
December 31, 1549 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. Dandolo
on January 22, 1550, in Brown, V., n. 630. The smell from the
lavatories was often mentioned. Firmanus, in Merkle. II.,
88. 96.
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A feeble attempt was made to come to a decision on January
2nd, 1550. Guise and Farnese agreed to a meeting, at which
the former finally offered Cardinals de Cupis, Salviati, Ridolfi,
Lorraine, Este and Capodiferro as candidates. Farnese
answered that he would make a generous proposal : either
Guise might choose a candidate from the twenty- three ad-
herents of Pole, or allow that he, Farnese, might choose one
of the twenty-two voting for Carafa, to be raised to the Papal
throne. Neither of these proposals was accepted. 1 The
ballots which now followed are the less worthy of note as the
French had decided only to put forward their real candidate
when Cardinal Bourbon had arrived from Fiance. 2
This Cardinal entered the conclave on January 14th. It
appeared, however, to be still impossible to secure the full
number of votes necessary for the three principal French
candidates, Lorraine, Ridolfi or Salviati. In consequence of
this, Salviati refused at first to come forward as a candidate,
and the two others did likewise. 3 The Imperialists had been at
1 Massarelli, 82. Cf. the *report of Giulio Gentile to the
grand chancellor of Milan, dated Rome, January 5, 1550 (State
Archives, Milan).
2 Dandolo in Brown, V., n. 618.
3 As Farnese is reported to have said to Marshall de la Mark,
after the elevation of Julius III., Ridolfi and Salviati (as well
as de Cupis) had been put forward as candidates in appearance
only, for the sake of gaining time, in order that they might in
the meantime canvass for Este, and secure for him the approval
of the Emperor. This had been the only reason for the long
duration of the conclave. Cardinal d'Este is said to have offered
Parma to Ottavio Farnese, the archbishopric of Narbonne and
the favour of the French king to Alessandro, and a daughter of
the Duke of Ferrara and 200,000 livres to Orazio, in order to
win the support of Cardinal Farnese (Ribier, II., 268). The
readiness of the princes to support their candidates by the ex-
penditure of large sums is also referred to by Petrucelli, II.,
33, 42, 43. Concerning French attempts at bribery cf. ibid.,
46 seq. Guise received in Lyons a bill of exchange for large sums
to be collected in Rome. Ribier, II., 257 : cf. Sagmuller,
Papslvvahlen, 184 n. 2 ; Druffel, I., 321 seq., 325, 328.
FARNESE S ATTEMPT AT CONCILIATION. 3 1
the same time working very actively for Morone, who received
twenty-four votes, and two supplementary ones on January
15th, and they only lost hope when the French again got two
votes away from him, whereupon, despairing of his success,
they once more returned to Pole.
In the general bewilderment of those days, Farnese en-
deavoured to advance a step further on January 19th by
designating clearly and decisively to their opponents those
candidates for whom the Imperialists would, in no case, vote.
These were de Cupis, Carafa, Salviati and Ridolfi, as they had
been excluded by Charles V., and quite apart from the fact
that they were enemies of the Emperor, it was to be feared
that their election would irritate him and plunge Italy into
war. 1 He begged them at least to relinquish the election of
these Cardinals. Guise's reply was a rough refusal. The
next development was that he refused to act at all with Far-
nese, as the latter had promised him to vote for Lorraine,
and had broken his word, which was unworthy of a gentleman.
If, however, the Imperialists thought it right to exclude such
worthy men from the Papacy, he declared, on his part, that
the French would never, in all eternity, vote for Pole, Morone,
Sfondrato or Carpi.
Thus this attempt at conciliation ended by widening the
differences between the contending parties. 2 Conclavists who
left the place of voting on January 28th and 29th, unanimously
declared that the Cardinals expected anything rather than the
election of a Pope, 3
In the second half of January they began at length to reflect
on the causes of the continued delay and to seek for a remedy.
The Cardinal-Dean, de Cupis, made a speech to this effect
after the voting of January 16th, and specially denounced the
1 " Si enim illi aperti Caesaris hostes ad pontificatum eveheren-
tur Caesarem protinus ad arma concitarent totamque pernicios-
issimo bello Italiam ince[n]derent." (Gualterius in Merkle,
II., 100). This reason was, however, of no weight as far as
Carafa was concerned.
2 Massarelli, 100.
3 Dandolo in Brown, V,, n. 635. Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 142, 146.
32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
decision according to the terms of which a Cardinal could only
announce his adherence to the election of a candidate with
the concurrence of the members of his party. 1 Carafa agreed
with de Cupis, and read the decree of Gregory X. with regard
to the Papal election. Pacheco acknowledged that both sides
had been to blame, but especially the French, as, while thwart-
ing Pole's election, they had limited for their adherents, by
means of the promise given under oath, both their freedom of
voting and of joining the other party. 2
On January 26th a general congregation of the Cardinals
was held instead of the scrutiny, which would again have been
without result, and de Cupis once more spoke of the abuses
and misdeeds of the conclave. The intrigues and secret
manoeuvres, he said, were more calculated to prolong than
to conclude the election, when one side merely endeavoured to
circumvent the other, and this bad assumed such proportions
that an election was out of the question. The consideration
shown to the secular princes, according to whose instructions
votes should be given to one candidate and withheld from
another, was specially to be deplored, as it was against the
dictates of conscience and was a disgrace to the College of
Cardinals. Voting was no longer free and a change was
urgently needed. A further abuse lay in the neglect of the
observance of the enclosure, and in the enormous number of
conclavists, among whom many persons crept in, who did not
belong to the conclave. Most abominable of all, however, was
the custom by which both parties, even before the voting,
announced to whom their votes would be given, a practice
which meant that no Cardinal could vote without having
previously informed the other members of his party and re-
ceived their consent. 3
This speech of the Dean was favourably received by the
1 Cf. Druffel, I., 331 seq.
2 Massarelli, 95 seq. According to Gualterius (Merkle,
II., 87) the French took an oath never to write Pole's name on a
voting paper. Cf. Druffel, 1., 314.
3 Massarelli, 107 ; cf. Gualterius in Merkle, II., 87.
REFORMS IN THE CONCLAVE. 33
Cardinals. Salviati complained of the excessive complaisance
towards the princes, Carafa adding that if matters continued
like this, it would end in the secular princes electing a Pope
without the Cardinals, which would, as far as he was con-
cerned, be more agreeable than this perpetual dilatoriness.
Pacheco emphasised the danger of the Council claiming the
right to elect the Pope. 1 Sfondrato and Guise, indeed, pointed
out the difficulties attending a reform, but the others unani-
mously resolved to choose six Cardinals from the six nations
represented, namely Carafa, Bourbon, Pacheco, Truchsess,
de Silva and Pole, who, in conjunction with de Cupis, Carpi,
Ridolfi and the Camerlengo, Sforza, should draw up a decree
of reform. This was published on January 31st. 2 An en-
deavour was made in this to abolish the election intrigues
by reviving and emphasizing the regulations of the Church
concerning the mode of life in the conclave. 3
According to the decree of Gregory X., each Cardinal was
allowed to have two conclavists with him. Agents and secre-
taries of secular princes had, on this occasion, slipped in under
the guise of conclavists, who spied out the secrets of the con-
clave and betrayed them to their masters. 4 In this manner
the secretaries of the two ambassadors, d'Urfe and Mendoza,
the secretaries of the King of France, the Duke of Florence
1 There was already question of such a danger on December 16,
1549. (Druffel, I., 325 ; cf. 317). In Paris the question was
raised whether, in the event of failure on the part of the Cardinals,
a Council could undertake a papal election, and was answered
in the affirmative. Renard to Charles V. on February 5, 1550,
in Druffel, I., 350 ; cf. Ribier, II., 256.
2 Massarelli, 113 seqq. They are in two forms, the second
having a commentary by Massarelli, in which he depicts the abuses
of the conclave.
3 What follows is according to Massarelli, 114 seqq.
4 Communication with a Cardinal in the conclave was forbidden
by Gregory X. under pain of excommunication. The law was
evaded by the conclavists undertaking the communication.
Cf. Mendoza to Charles V. on December 5, 1549, in Druffel.
I., 307.
VOL. XIII. 3
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the Viceroy of Naples, were to be found among the con-
clavists. Cardinals whose firmness there was reason to doubt,
were given over by the party leaders to safe persons, also
called conclavists, who were enjoined to keep a firm hold on
them and find out their opinions. To these were joined
brothers and relatives of the Cardinals, and nobles and barons
who wished to know what a conclave was like, 1 and also, in
the case of many Cardinals, their physicians in ordinary. It
had thus come to pass that almost every Cardinal had four,
and some as many as eight, conclavists with him, and that
some 400 persons were together in the conclave. 2
In addition to this, the mode of life in the conclave was
wanting in that simplicity and austerity which were de-
manded by the Canon Law, in the interests of as speedy an
election as possible. In order to avoid the troublesome
restriction to one small room, many Cardinals had annexed
the empty cells of the absent members of the Sacred College,
whilst others had enlarged their cells by means of a wooden
erection in front ; windows had also been opened out in the
conclave. The limitations in the meals, which were pre-
scribed in the case of a long duration of the election proceed-
ings, were absolutely disregarded. The feasts were of a nature
to satisfy a Lucullus, 3 while the Cardinals issued invitations
to one another, as well as to their conclavists, and both sides
sent the most elaborate dishes to their friends !
The most far-reaching abuse, however, lay in the very
faulty observance of the enclosure, and it became thereby
possible for the foreign princes to influence the election and
protract it for an indefinite period. Openings had been made
in the walls, in order to communicate with the outside world ;
letters could be received and dispatched, while d'Urfe boasted
1 Sec several names of the agents of the princes and relations
of the Cardinals in Massarelli, 108, 116. An Abyssinian
(Aethiops) was also in the conclave (ibid. 87, 126). Cf. Merkle,
II., Proleg. xxxvi., n. 8.
2 Dandolo on January 15. 1550, in Brown, V., n. 627. Con-
cerning the physicians see Marini, I., 392 seq.
3 " ut Luculli mensae .... viderentur." Massarelli, 118.
THE ABUSES IN THE CONCLAVE. 35
to his King that he had made a way r with ladders and over
roofs, to speak to Guise. 1 The conclavists received permis-
sion far too easily to leave the conclave under trifling pretexts,
and then return, and it was precisely these people who be-
trayed the secrets of the conclave everywhere, and were the
go-betweens of the princes. When Madruzzo sent his con-
clavist, Pagnani, with a message, both his boots were so
stuffed up with letters that he quite forgot his masters' missive,
through thinking of them. 2
In face of these abuses, the reform committee decided that
each Cardinal should have only three conclavists ; among
these he could have relatives, if they were not ruling barons,
and his physician, but not intimates of another Cardinal.
Agents of the princes and ambassadors, barons who had juris-
diction and their subordinates, and all those who were not
on the list of conclavists at the beginning of the conclave,
should be expelled, and severely punished should they return.
In order to deal with ordinary ailments, a Frenchman and a
Spaniard should be added to the four physicians of the con-
clave, of whom three were Italians and one a German, while
the number of barbers should also be increased. All un-
authorized communication with the outside world, whether
by word of mouth or by letter, was strictly forbidden ; every
Cardinal, with the exception of those who were ill, was to
return to the cell originally assigned to him ; all additions
built on to the cells were to be done away with ; and all
windows which had been added were to be closed. The
conclavists were to eat and sleep in the cells of their masters,
while meals were to be made conformable to the regulations
of Clement VI. In order i;o make communication with the out-
side world impossible, whether for the purpose of obtaining
provisions or anything else, arrangements were made similar
to those in the convents of nuns. All private meetings were
1 Ribier, IT, 259. Bonif. Ruggieri relates the same thing
of a visit to Cardinal d'Este. Petrucelli, IT, 31, 46; cf. also
Muzio, Lettere, 120, 148.
2 Gualterius in Merkle, IT, 81.
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
prohibited. As the election proceedings had often lasted
till late in the night, it was ordered that in future, no Cardinal
should go out of his cell later than the fifth hour of the evening,
while the conclavists had also to withdraw one hour later,
both hours being announced by the ringing of a bell. Per
mission to enter the conclave or to leave it would only be
granted by the committee of Cardinals. Special regulations
were also made with regard to the custody of the keys of the
conclave, while arms were strictly prohibited inside the
enclosure.
At the same time as this decree for the reform of the interior
conditions of the conclave was promulgated, the prelates
charged with the exterior guarding of it, drew up a second
regulation with regard to the shutting off of the conclave
from the outer world. Specially worthy of note are the
orders that all windows and doors leading out from the conclave
should be closed, and that the Apostolic palace should be
searched every second day to see that no means of egress
had been broken open. 1
The reform commission had ordered on February 5th that
a rotary lift should be arranged in the wall, similar to those
used in convents of nuns, for the reception of provisions,
and that not more than one course should be served at a meal.
The superfluous conclavists, eighty in number, were all turned
out. 2
1 Massareixi, 121 seqq.
2 Ibid., 136 ; cf. Firmanus, 129 ; Muzio, Lettere, 149. Atti
di Soc. Ligur., XXXVIII. (1910), seqq. In spite of this, however,
it would appear that communication with the outside world
was not quite stopped. Endimio Calandra writes to his brother
Sabino on February 7, 1550 : '" *Di Papa hora mai non si pensa,
ne si ne ragiona, come ogni cosa viene in puoca reputatione
quando va alia lunga. Li poveri r mi sono serati la dentro et
non si possono accordare, e come le cose si governano piu di
fuori che di dentro, consultandosi tutta via coi principi, si ben
hanno cacciato fuori li secretarii et gli agenti, che perd non si
possano mandare lettere, forza e che vadino in lungo." (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
CANDIDATURE OF SALVIATI. 37
Granted that such orders for reform testify to the desire
of the Cardinals finally to arrive at an election, this good will
could only be strengthened by the advances which both
parties made about the same time, regarding the election
intrigues.
Ridolfi, who had been obliged to leave the Vatican on account
of illness, had the best prospect of the tiara during the last
half of January. * It was firmly believed that he would return
to the conclave as Pope. After Ridolfi's death, on January
31st, 2 the French turned their attention to Salviati, 3 whom
many had, even before the conclave, looked upon as the
future Pope, and whose candidature had been put forward
again and again. Besides the French party, his old friend
Gonzaga and Cardinal della Rovere now declared for him,
the latter at the wish of his brother, the Duke of Urbino.
What, however, caused a still greater sensation, and soon
became a common topic of conversation in the city, was that
Alessandro Farnese's brother Ranuccio, and his cousin Sforza,
were ready to give Salviati their votes. Most people saw the
reason for this change of front in considerations of family
policy. Of the four Farnese brothers, Duke Ottavio was
son-in-law of the Emperor, and expected from him the pos-
session of Parma. Orazio Farnese, on the other hand, hoped
to become the son-in-law of the French king, and had French
sympathies. Of the two Farnese Cardinals, Alessandro was
more inclined to side with Ottavio, while Ranuccio, on the
other hand, had a greater leaning to Orazio. As Ranuccio
1 Firmanus, 113.
2 It was reported that Ridolfi had been poisoned by his servant,
bribed to do so by Mendoza, and that the confidant of Cosimo
de' Medici, Giov. Fran. Lottino, had had a hand in the matter.
Cf. Maffei in the Rassegna per la storia di Volterra, I. (1898),
90 seq., and Bruzzone in La Stampa, 1900, n. 51.
3 The Imperial ambassador, Mendoza, advocated, at least in
appearance, the candidature of Salviati (cf. Muzio, Lettere,
131) ; Cosimo de' Medici was, however, decidedly opposed to
him ; the Duke wished absolutely for no Florentine. See Ranke,
Histor-biogr. Studien, Leipsic, 1877, 416 seq.
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
feared that Ottavio would, on the advice of Alessandro,
snatch away the Duchy of Castro from Orazio, with the
Emperor's help, he was all the more inclined to the French side,
especially as he did not wish to jeopardize his brother's scheme
for the French marriage by a friendship with the Emperor. 1
Cardinal Sforza, moreover, would not have been unwilling to
see Salviati Pope, especially as his sister-in-law was Salviati's
niece.
By the accession of the two cousins to Salviati's adherents,
his prospects brightened exceedingly. On February 2nd,
on which there was no voting, a regular competition took
place with regard to Ranuccio and Sforza, the one side en-
deavouring to hold the two cousins fast, the other to win them
back. On the evening of that day, the Imperialists had, after
many changes of fortune, succeeded so far, that the two
promised to abstain from voting for Salviati, at least on the
two following days. Night, a sleepless one for many, brought
a temporary end to the canvassing and intrigue ; however,
the decisive reconciliation of the three Farnese did not take
place until the evening of the following day, whereupon the
French dropped the candidature of Salviati.
This incident was of the greatest importance for the issue
of the conclave. Farnese had discovered that the party
discipline, hitherto so strict, might suddenly crumble to pieces,
and that any further delay might be dangerous. After
Salviati's failure, Guise had also given up hope of getting a
Cardinal of French sympathies elected. Nothing therefore
remained but to propose a candidate who was neutral, so they
again fell back on Giovan Maria del Monte, on whom the eyes
of intelligent people had long been fixed, 2 and for whom the
influential Duke of Florence had been working since the
beginning of January. 3 He was, besides, the only one of the
1 France, as well as the Emperor, had been endeavouring,
since the middle of December, to bring pressure to bear on Farnese
by means of the Parma affair. Druffel, I., 330-332 seq. 343.
Riuier, II., 261. z See Supra, p. 22.
3 Petrucelli, II., 51 seqq. ; cf. Ciorn. stor. della lett. Ital.,
XLIIL, 241.
CANDIDATURE OF DEL MONTE. 39
four Cardinal-Bishops whose candidature had not already
been proved impossible.
It was Cardinal Sforza who first drew the attention of the
conclave to del Monte at the beginning of February, and gave
his approbation to his being put forward. 1 The weariness
and disgust which had taken possession of the electors, the
death of Ridolfi, the illness of other distinguished Cardinals,
and the unhealthy conditions within the conclave, all gave
rise to a universal longing for the speedy termination of the
election. 2
Del Monte was, however, not without opponents. Charles V.
had excluded him from the tiara, as well as de Cupis, but
Mendoza had thought himself justified in not producing the
said document, and the Emperor subsequently approved this
proceeding on the part of his ambassador. 3 In the conclave
itself the determined Guise was an open opponent of del
Monte ; he repeated shameful stories about him and said he
was unworthy of the Papacy. 4 In Cardinal d'Este, del Monte
now found a quite unexpected advocate. Este was himself
a candidate for the tiara, and as long as he was under the
influence of his cousin, Ercole Gonzaga, had also been opposed
to del Monte. His candidature had been roughly rejected by
Charles V., and the want of consideration shown by Gonzaga
in communicating the Emperor's exclusion to him, had led
to a split between him and his cousin. Just at the time of
this quarrel del Monte visited Cardinal d'Este and begged him
to intervene with Guise on his behalf. Este agreed, and at
this visit received such a favourable impression of del Monte,
that he now became his zealous adherent. 5
1 Maffei in Merkle, II., 132.
2 The conclavists who left the conclave were mostly ill and
half dead. The air was so dreadful that the first physician in
Rome declared on his entrance into the conclave that an outbreak
of the plague was likely to follow. Dandolo on January 22,
1550, in Brown, V., n. 630.
3 Maurenbrecher, 229, n. 9 ; 225, n. 20.
4 Maffei in Merkle, II., 59. Ribier, II., 268.
5 Maffei in Merkle, II., 136.
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
What Este had begun with Guise, Sforza now completed.
The French Cardinal, at a chance meeting with the latter,
expressed his displeasure at the state of affairs in the conclave
and at the obstinacy of the parties. Sforza replied that it
was in Guise's own power to bring the matter to an end, by
refraining from his support of Salviati. The French, he con-
tinued, had shown their power sufficiently up till now, and by
an exaggeration of their claims might in the end lose every-
thing.
Wearied of the fruitless voting, Guise agreed with this idea,
and proposed to elect Cervini. To this, however, Sforza
could not give his assent, and thereupon Guise happened, as
if by accident, to speak of del Monte. Sforza at once ac-
quiesced in this, but begged him first of all to get the consent
of Farnese, as nothing could be arranged without the latter's
approval. 1
On February 6th, as Guise was walking up and down one of
the corridors -after dinner in conversation with Ranuccio
Farnese and Sforza, they were joined by Alessandro Farnese.
After some time Ranuccio and Sforza withdrew, and the two
leaders could freely interchange their ideas. Contrary to all
expectation, they were quickly of one mind with regard to the
elevation of del Monte. 2
They at first, as it appears, fixed the election for February
8th, but already on the morning of February 7th, there were
rumours in the conclave concerning the candidature of del
Monte. In the afternoon, when the Cardinals, as was custom-
ary, deliberated in the Pauline Chapel, these formed the chief
topic of conversation and found little opposition. At the
1 Ibid., II., 136.
2 See Gaulterius in Merkle, II., 139 n. 2. Massarelli had
most likely been obliged to leave the conclave on February 5
with the superfluous conclavists. His report of the events
that followed is taken from Petrus Paulus de Brevibus (see
Merkle, II., Proleg., xli. seq.) Cf. concerning the attitude of
A. Farnese, and his letter to Prospero Santa Croce, in Cugnoni,
Prose ined. di A. Caro, 145.
ELECTION OF DEL MONTE. 41
approach of darkness, the Cardinals withdrew, but the negotia-
tions concerning del Monte still continued.
The three relatives of Paul III. assembled in the cell of
Cardinal Maffei, with Crescenzi, Medici, Cornaro and Savelli ;
they all urged speed and counted the votes at their disposal.
Guise had offered twenty-one, which, with the votes of de
Silva, Gaddi and the eight assembled in Maffei's cell, formed
the two-thirds majority, which, with the forty-seven electors
then present, was thirty-one. 1 It was extremely advisable
to set about the winning of further votes especially as the
Spaniards did not wish for del Monte 's election, and Pacheco
and Mendoza had already gone to Toledo to deliberate on
counter-action. Cardinal Maffei, sent by the adherents of
Farnese, now joined them and Farnese soon arrived himself,
and later on de Silva. Their united endeavours were at last
successful in winning over Toledo and Mendoza, but Pacheco
persisted in violent opposition and demanded at least a delay
long enough to enable him to consult Gonzaga and Madruzzo.
The chief difficulty for the Spaniards lay in the fact that del
Monte was considered to be excluded by the Emperor. To
this Farnese successfully opposed the Imperial letter of which
he was aware, and in which no objection was made to del
Monte. Medici was now se"nt to Gonzaga, and Maffei to Pole,
who was at tha.t moment deliberating with Truchsess. Pole
and Truchsess gave their agreement, provided that del Monte
reached the full number of votes, while Gonzaga raised no
objections. When Medici left him he also stood up and joined
Madruzzo, where he found Pacheco and Cueva.
The French, who had in the meanwhile been working for
del Monte, now sent Sermoneta and Capodiferro to the Car-
dinals assembled in Maffei's cell, and made the proposal that
del Monte should now be elevated to the Papal throne by a
general rendering of homage. Farnese agreed, and sent a
message to the French to assemble in the Pauline Chapel,
where he and the others would join them.
1 Thus according to Massarelli, 141. Reckoned truly the two-
thirds majority was 32.
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the way to the chapel, Farnese entered Madruzzo's cell,
where he met Gonzaga, Pacheco and Cueva. His attempt to
induce them to join, was, however, without success. With the
exception of the four named, and apart from del Monte himself,
and the sick Cardinal Carpi, who agreed to del Monte's election,
all the others, forty-one in number, assembled in the Pauline
Chapel. As they all unanimously and in a loud voice called
for del Monte as Pope, Guise and Farnese, clasping hands,
hurried to del Monte and brought him into the chapel, where
he was embraced and kissed by all present. Some acclaimed
him in a loud voice and others more quietly, but the noise was
so great that no one could hear his own voice. Then the
Cardinal-Dean ordered them to be quiet ; noisy proceedings
must be avoided and they must proceed to pay homage in a
proper manner.
The Papal throne was now erected in front of the altar, and
Cardinal del Monte took his place thereon. The Cardinals
occupied their accustomed seats and the names of all present
were then read over by the master of ceremonies. They
voted unanimously for del Monte as Pope. In order to
demonstrate this, they advanced to the throne and showed
him the manifestations of respect customary in the case of
the Pope. Del Monte then declared that he accepted the
election, and ordered that an official deed should be drawn up
concerning it. He emphasized the fact that a subsequent
scrutiny could not affect the election, which was already
accomplished. By now it was already night, and del Monte,
led by de Cupis and Salviati, withdrew to his cell. To the
inquiry of de Cupis as to what name he should assume, he
answered that he would assume the name of Julius III., out
of gratitude to Julius II. who had first conferred lustre on his
family by the elevation of Antonio del Monte to the cardinal-
ate. 1 Lastly Madruzzo, Gonzaga, Pacheco and Cueva came
to del Monte's cell and also paid him homage.
Meanwhile the great event had become known outside the
1 His motto was : Vias tuas, Domine, demonstra mihi.
ClACONIUS, III., 746.
END OF THE CONCLAVE. 43
conclave. All the walls, doors and windows were already
being broken open, and the nobles, prelates and intimates of
the new Pope were streaming in and would not allow them-
selves to be turned out either by threats or commands.
Neither supper nor the night's rest were to be thought of in
the conclave.
The next day, February 8th, a last ballot took place early
in the morning, merely as a matter of form. Del Monte's
voting paper bore the name of Toledo, all the others that of
del Monte. All the Cardinals paid him homage. Then the
election was announced to the people, the new Pope being
carried into St. Peter's, where his foot was kissed by everyone. 1
Del Monte's elevation was so unexpected that even on the
day on which it took place, a letter from Rome announced
that no one was thinking of the election, or speaking about it. 2
The issue of the conclave surprised everyone, foreign diplo-
matists as well as the Romans. 3 The inhabitants of the
Eternal City rejoiced more at the fact that they again had a
Pope, than because the majority of votes had been given to
Cardinal del Monte. Endimio Calandra, however, said, even
on February 8th, that he believed, from the knowledge he
possessed of the new Pope, that his reign would be a good one. 4
In fact, the universal opinion was favourable to Julius III. 6 ,
1 Massarelli, 143 seq. Cf. J. V. Meggens' report in the Archiv
fur schweiz. Reform. -Gesch., III., 507.
2 See the above mentioned (p. 36, n. 2) *letter of E. Calandra
of February 7, 1550. On the 8 he wrote : " *Questa notte
passata quando manco se vi pensava o hier' sera s'e fatto il
papa," (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 See Dandolo, 347.
4 See the *letter in Appendix No. 1 (Gonzaga Archives, Man-
tua).
5 So, *write the Bolognese ambassadors, Giorgio Magio and
Lod. de' Rossi on February 8, 1550, there is universal joy in
Rome at the " ottimo principe dal valor et integrita del quale si
spera ogni bene." (State Archives, Bologna). See also Michel-
angelo, Lettere, ed. Milanesi, 527 (wrongly dated ; cf. Thode,
I., 450 seq.)
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
although there were not wanting those who judged him in
quite a different manner. 1
The Emperor, as well as the French king, whose endeavours
to procure the tiara for a pronounced adherent had not been
crowned with success, could not be pleased with the issue of
the conclave. Cosimo de'Medici, to whom the elevation of
del Monte was chiefly attributed 2 in Rome, endeavoured to
soothe Charles V. 3 Cardinal Farnese apologized to the Em-
peror and the French king for the result of the election, 4 while
Guise also did his best to make the issue of the election pro-
ceedings agreeable to his master. 5
In the college of Cardinals there was a general feeling of
satisfaction, especially as Julius III. was very generous in
giving proofs of his clemency, even in these early days. 6 The
reform party had the fewest reasons for being satisfied, seeing
that they had not been successful with any of their candidates,
and that, not from want of zeal, but owing to the machinations
of the princes. Those, however, who were of a strictly eccles-
iastical bias, did not despair, because they knew from the
Council of Trent, 7 that the new Pope, if he did not belong to
their party, had so much understanding of the position of the
Church that they might hope from him for a furtherance of
their strivings after reform.
1 Muzio, Lettere, 152, who is, however, very soon of a much more
favourable opinion (156 seq.) Brosch (I., 191) lays great stress on
the first opinion, but completely ignores the later changed view.
2 *" Ilgrido di questa corte e ch'il duca nostro sa fare Papi
non si potria dire facilmente il gran nome c'ha aquistato doppo
la promotione di S. S^ predicando ciascuno S.E. da infinitissime
ottime parti che si trovano in lei." B. Buonanni, dated Roma
22 febbr. 1550. (State Archives, Florence).
3 Petrucelli, II., 62. Cosimo also reported it to Henry II. ;
see Palandri, 66.
4 Cf. Cugnoni, Prose ined. di A. Caro, 131 seq., 144 seqq.
6 See Druffel, I., 350-358.
6 *" Insomma si vede una comune contentezza in tutti li cardi-
nali, cosi dell' una come dell' altra fattione, e S. S^ mostra una
eguale buona volunta verso tutti, essendo con ciascuno larghissimo
di gratie ... A. Serristori, Rome February 12, 1550. (State Ar-
chives, Florence). 7 Cf. Ehses, Cone. Trid., V., 780, n. 314
CHAPTER II.
Previous Life, Character and Beginning of the Reign
of Julius III.
The family of the Ciocchi del Monte 1 bore the name of their
original seat, Monte San Savino, a small town in the district
of Arezzo, beautifully situated on a hill in the lovely Chiana
Valley, not far from Lucignano ; it is known as the birthplace
of the celebrated sculptor, Andrea Sansovino. The grandfather
of Julius III., Fabiano, was a distinguished advocate in the
town 2 , and to this day in the principal church a beautiful tomb
may be seen, which his son, Antonio, afterwards Cardinal,
erected to his beloved father, who died in 1498. A second
1 See R. Restorelli, *Notizie delle famiglie di Monte, Bor-
gognonio, Guidalotti e Simoncelli (written 1771), in the Arch,
com. at Monte San Savino. Cf. Tesoroni, 32 seq. and Litta
f. 16.
2 Cf. for what follows O. Panvinius, De Julii vita ante ponti-
ficatum, in Merkle, II., 146 seq. ; Dandolo, 353 seqq. ; Litta,
f. 16, where there is an illustration of the tomb at Monte San
Savino. Concerning the arms of Julius III. (a splendid example
at Todi ; Alinari, 5225) see Pasini Frassoni, 36 seq., and
Orlandini in the Riv. del collegio araldico, V., Rome, I9°7-
The large coat of arms of Julius III. in the courtyard of the
Palazzo Pubblico at Viterbo, with the inscription : " Julio
III. P.M. c [ivitas] Viterb. erexit provinciam patrimonii guber-
nante Rodolpho Pio card, de Carpo legato 1552," was on the
Porta di S. Luca, destroyed in 1705, which was embellished under
Julius III. (see Reformat., XL VI I., 118. City Archives, Viterbo).
The present Porta Fiorentina was built on the site of the Porta
di S. Luca.
45
46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
son of Fabiano, Vincenzo, had embraced the study of juris-
prudence, and became consistorial advocate in Rome and one
of the most respected lawyers in the city. Two daughters,
Ludovica and Jacopa, were born of his marriage with Christ-
ofora Saracini of Siena ; the former of whom married Roberto
de' Nobili, the latter Francia della Corgna, and three sons,
Giovan Maria, Baldovino and Costanzo.
Giovan Maria del Monte was born on September 10th, 1487,
in Rome, in the Rione di Parione, in which his parents' house
was situated, not far from the Mellini palace. As he lost his
father as early as 1504, his uncle, Antonio del Monte, Auditor
of the Rota and Archbishop of Siponto (Manfredonia), took the
promising youth under his care. He gave him a most excellent
tutor 1 in the person of the humanist, Raffaello Brandolini,
and sent him to study law in Perugia and Siena, 2 afterwards
bringing him to Rome, where he obtained tor the talented
young man the position of chamberlain to Julius II. When
the Pope invested Antonio del Monte with the purple, 3 on
March 10th, 151 1, he resigned the archbishopric of Siponto
in favour of his nephew. 4 Giovan Maria del Monte received
the nattering offer of preaching the opening sermon 5 at the
fifth sitting of the Lateran Council, on February 16th, 1513,
1 Concerning R. Brandolini see Vol. VI., of this work, p. 94.
2 Here Ambrosius Catharinus was his teacher ; see Lauchert
3 1 -
3 Cf. our statements concerning this, as well as the confidential
relations between Antonio and Julius II., in Vol. VI., pp. 274,
344 of this work. The picture of Antonio in the Stanze is not
authenticated ; ibid.
4 In the year 1520 Giovan Maria also received the bishopric
of Pavia, through the resignation of his uncle ; tins he retained
until 1530, and then again from 1544 onwards (for this cf. Ehses,
Cone. Trid., IV., 570 n. 1 and Carcereri in the Arch. Trid.,
XVIII., 83 n.) While archbishop of Siponto Giovan Maria
del Monte completed the building of S. Maria Maggiore there.
Schui.tz, Denkmalcr Siiditaliens, I., Dresden, i860, 216.
5 Printed in Hardouin, Coll. Cone, IX., 1664 seq. Cf. Hefele-
Hergenrother, Konziliengeschichte, VIII., 533.
GIOVAN MARIA DEL MONTE. 47
and acquitted himself of his task to the satisfaction of
everyone.
The honoured name which del Monte had gained under
Julius II., he retained under the Medici Popes, Leo. X. and
Clement VII. During the reign of Clement VII. he occupied
the position of Governor of Rome on two occasions, during
which he proved himself to be a strong upholder of justice,
winning at the same time the good-will of everyone by his
pleasant manners. Even then, however, his tendency
towards pleasure was remarked, although this in no way
interfered with the carrying out of his duties. The failings
of Clement VII., and his vacillating policy, were reflected in
the Archbishop of Siponto in a most marked manner, even as
early as 1525. x The sack of Rome was the consequence of this
attitude. Giovan Maria del Monte very nearly lost his life
on this occasion ; he was among the hostages whom Clement
VII. was obliged to provide at his capitulation on June 5th,
1527, for the security of his payments. As the Pope had not
succeeded, in spite of all his efforts, in producing the full
amount, the mercenaries seized the hostages. These unfor-
tunates were twice led in chains to a gallows erected in the
Campo de' Fiori, and threatened with death. They only
succeeded at the end of November, on St. Andrew's day, in
making their keepers drunk and thus escaping from them. 2
Del Monte never forgot the agony he endured in those terrible
days, and when he became Pope, he erected a church in front
of the Porta del Popolo, to the saint on whose feast he had
been saved.
Under Paul III. the Archbishop of Siponto now became
vice-legate of Bologna, and also held the office of an auditor
of the Apostolic Chamber ; he fulfilled the duties of both
offices to the perfect satisfaction of the Pope, who rewarded
him by investing him with the purple in the celebrated creation
of December 22nd, 1536. 3
1 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 286 n. 3.
2 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, pp. 422, 461, 465.
3 Cf. Vol. XL of this work, p. 159.
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Cardinal of San Vitale, as del Monte was now generally
named, after his titular church, deserved this distinction,
because, as Panvinio points out, few men had laboured at the
Curia so steadfastly, faithfully and honestly, and with such
diligent zeal as he, while neither pride, avarice nor covetousness
were to be found in him, nor any neglect nor want of care." 1
Indeed, he distinguished himself to such an extent, both in the
Reform Commission and elsewhere, that Paul III. appointed
him as his representative at the Council of Trent, together
with Cervini and Pole. 2 He devoted himself in this capacity
almost exclusively to questions of ecclesiastical law, as he was
really more a canonist than a theologian ; he also showed the
greatest zeal in the campaign for reform. 3 He defended the
rights of the presidents, as well as those of the Holy See, with
great energy, but his excitable temperament was the cause of
several sharp discussions which arose between him and the
members of the Council. On the whole, however, no one can
deny to his management of business, the tribute of impar-
tiality and objectivity. 4
The appearance of Julius III. was so unsympathetic that it
was difficult for artists to paint his portrait. 5 His face, which
1 Panvinio in Merkle, II., 147.
2 Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 198, and Vol. XII., pp. 154,
209 seqq.
3 Cf. supra p. 44.
4 Cf. Hefner, 30 seq., and the evidence quoted there.
6 Cf. the *Reports of B. Buonanni, Rome, April 9, 1550 ( . . .
Fra otto giorni mi dice il Cecchi che si stampera delle monete
di S.S^ ; ha detto che mi vuole far havere quel ritratto che
fa m r Giorgio, et e cosa da non credersi, che non si sia trovato
sino a qui pittore c'habbi saputo corre la vera effigie et profilo
del naso di S.S^, la quale fa il piu bel ridersene del mondo) and
April 14. Not until August 9 did Buonanni announce : *M.
Prospero pittore fini un ritratto di S.S^ in tela, il quale sta assai
bene. See also the *report of Serristori of March 27, 1550,
in the State Archives, Florence, according to which they wished
to apply to Titian. The commission given to Vasari to paint
the portrait of Julius III., appears not to have been executed ;
see Kallab, 84.
PORTRAIT OF THE NEW POPE. 49
was framed by a long grey beard, gave the impression of a
rough coarse peasant. The sharply bent aquiline nose was
disproportionately large, the lips closely pressed together,
the eyes sharp and piercing. 1 This tall, powerful man was a
heavy eater, but was not partial to the delicacies favoured
by the gourmets of the Renaissance period. The vegetable
he preferred to all others was the onion, and these were
delivered, expressly for him, in immense quantities from Gaeta.
It was in keeping with the peasant traits of Julius III. that
he should often, in moments of expansion, have behaved in a
manner little in keeping with his dignity. Not only did he
disregard all ceremonial, 2 but he also gave offence by his
demeanour. The free and unseemly jests with which he
1 See Panvinius in Merkle, II., 147. Concerning the portraits
of Julius III. see Kenner in the Jahrb. der kunsthistor. Samm-
lungen des Allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, XVII., 147 ; that
from the Ambraser collection in Vienna is illustrated in Litta
f. 16, where there is also an illustration of the bronze statue of the
Pope, more than life size, in front of the Cathedral in Perugia,
executed by Vincenzo Danti {cf. A. Rossi in the Giorn. della
erudiz. art., I., and Giorn. stor. della lett. Ital. Suppl., III.,
2 5> 93). which has been much spoken of lately, as its mantle
(celebrated on account of the beautiful manner in which the folds
of the drapery fell, and the representation of the Triumph of
the Faith depicted thereon) was stolen from it in February,
1911. A second statue of Julius III., in marble, is in the Palazzo
Saraceni in Siena (see Histor.-polit. Blatter, LXXXIV., 51 seq.)
also a good likeness in the council chamber of the Castle of Capra-
rola. A portrait of Julius III. (mentioned infra Chap. XIII.) by
Fabrizio Boschi, has not yet been published. The coarse features
of the Pope are specially noticeable in his medals (see Ciaconius,
III., 755, Venuti, 89 seq.) Complete collection in the cabinet
of coins in the Vatican. Very beautiful medals of Julius III.
are also to be found in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin,
Hall 16, case 3. Illustration of the medal by Cavino in Muntz,
III., 240. Concerning the medals of Julius III. see Serafini,
247 seq.
2 Cf. in Appendix No. 4 the *report of Buonanni of February
2 3. T 55 (State Archives, Florence).
VOL. XIII. 4
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
spiced his feasts often caused great embarrassment to his
guests ; x many of the anecdotes related of him, however, are
not founded in fact. 2
The Pope lessened the respect in which he was held, as much
by his want of refinement in manners, as by the sudden out-
bursts of anger in which he indulged. These, however, were
as quickly over as they had broken out, and it was an easy
matter to bring him again to a state of tranquillity. 3 As is
the case with persons of the sanguine temperament which the
Pope undoubtedly possessed, his moods changed with un-
expected rapidity, expressing themselves in unpremeditated
words and premature declarations. He was completely
wanting in steadfastness and firmness. All correspondents
praise his goodness and mildness, but also deplore his weakness,
and his inconstant and changeable behaviour. 4 Nervous and
easily dispirited, 5 he was in no way capable of dealing with
1 Panvinius, 148. P. Olivo reports to S. Calandra concerning
Julius III., on February 15, 1550 : *Giovedi disenando gli si
portarono inanzi certe polpette di vitello, le quali subito ch'egli
vidde disse evi dentro aglio ? Rispose lo scalco : Padre santo
no ; all'hora mezo sdegnato disse levatele adesso, come se fosse
giovane de XV. anni et havesse lo stomaco di struzzo." (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua) . The joke which Besso quotes (Romanei pro-
verbi, Rome, 1889, 141) is quite free from anything objectionable.
2 See the collection in Bayle, Dictionnaire hist, et crit., II.,
Amsterdam, 1730, 775 seqq. Cf. Wolf, Lect. mem., II., 638,
812 seq. ; see also Buchmann, Geflugelte Worte, Berlin, 1905, 548.
3 See besides Dandolo and Panvinius loc. cit. Andreas Masius
in Lacomblet, Archiv., VI., 156 ; Legaz. di Sevristori, 272, 275,
280. Cf. also the careful characterization of Julius III. by
Pallavicini (ii, 7, 4 and 13, 10, 8).
4 See besides Panvinius and Masius loc. cit. especially Legaz.
di Serristori, 278. A code *Report of Serristori of December
2 3. ^SS 2 . is characteristic, in which he states : " et in fatto
con. S.S^ chi vuole haver buono, vinca, perche si vede in lei
sempre qualche mutatione secondo l'evento delle cose " (State
Archives, Florence).
5 See Mendoza in Dollinger, I., 192. Cf. Tournon in Romier,
239 and Nonciat. de France, I., xliv.
CHARACTER OF JULIUS III. 5 1
difficult situations, while his actions were always hampered by
a want of decision. He wished to be on good terms with
everyone, liked to see contented faces about him, and pre-
ferred the outward lustre of power to the actual possession of
it. As he was difficult to fathom, diplomatic negotiations
were not easily carried on with him ; 1 whoever tried to induce
him to do anything by means of cunning found they had spoilt
matters entirely. 2 A German correspondent, Andreas Masius,
emphasizes the fact that he liked to be respected and looked
upon as one who had risen from modest circumstances to
unexpected heights. 3
In spite of all his eloquence and the versatility of his culture,
his mind was more fitted to seek out that which was desirable,
than to keep a firm hold of what was already in his possession.
He was especially fond of music, 4 as well as of jurisprudence,
by which his father and his uncle had made their fortunes.
He fulfilled his religious duties conscientiously. Panvinio,
who is by no means prejudiced in his favour, testifies that he
said Mass frequently and with great devotion ; 5 Massarelli
also repeatedly praises the piety which characterized the Pope. 6
His love of pomp and his worldly nature offer a violent con-
trast to this piety. As in the case of his predecessor, the
Farnese Pope, whom in other respects he in no way resembled,
there was always a struggle going on in Julius III. between the
old and new order of things. He remained, however, in many
respects, a true child of the Renaissance, during which period
he had grown up. This showed itself also in the careless
1 See Cosimo I.'s criticism in Desjardins, III., 317.
2 *Bisogna usar gran destrezza et andar con molta adver-
tentia con S.S* 4 et chi la vuol tirar con arte a una cosa
rumpe il tutto. Buonanni on November 16, 1550 (State Archives,
Florence) .
3 Lacomblet, Archiv, VI., 162.
4 See ibid. 156.
5 In Merkle, II., 14S.
6 Cf. Massarelli, 155, 158, 160, 161, 164, 199, 202, 206, 210,
212, 213, 215, 220.
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
prodigality which he displayed even at the beginning of his
reign. 1
The Romans rejoiced when the new Pope at once abolished
the flour- tax, 2 introduced by Paul III., and distributed gifts
and benefits on all sides with a generous hand. He limited
the Spolium law, and the heirs and servants of the Cardinals
could, for the future, inherit legacies from them. It was
specially noted at the bestowal of gifts and benefits that those
Cardinals, such as Gonzaga and Madruzzo, who had been most
active in opposing the election of Julius III. were chosen for
particular distinction. Gonzaga received the bishopric of
Pavia, and was so graciously treated in other respects, that
Pirro Olivo of Mantua considered that it went too far. When
he took leave of the Pope on his departure, Julius III. pre-
sented him with a valuable antique emerald. 3 Madruzzo was
at once paid 20,000 ducats for his expenses in Trent. A
Mantuan correspondent tells us that as early as February 15th,
there was not a Cardinal in the Curia who was not deeply
indebted to the generosity of the Pope. 4 Julius III. also gave
1 Cf. for what follows, besides Massarelli, 151 seq., the report
to Ferdinand I. in Druffel, I., 358 seq 403 ; Dandolo's letter
in de Leva, V., 138 seq ; Baumgarten, Sleidan, 230 ; Muzio,
Lettere, 156 seq ; the *letter of E. Calandra, dated Rome, Feb-
ruary 11, 1550, and that of P. Olivo of February 12, in the Gon-
zaga Archives Mantua (see Appendix No. 2) as well as the *report
of Serristori of February 26, 1550, in the State Archives, Florence.
2 The Bulla gratiosa of March 8, 1549 (stil. Flor.) concerning
the repeal of the tax on imported corn, in the Casanatense
Library, Rome.
3 See Olivo's *letter of February 12, 1559, in Appendix No.
2, and Serristori's report of February 26, 1550, in which he says :
' II car le di Mantua and6 a espedirsi da S.S U et oltre alle gratie
concesseli come per l'ultime si scrisse a V.E. gli fu liberale S.B ne
d'uno smeraldo bellissimo che fu trovato agl'anni passati nella
sepoltura d'Honorio, con intaglio d'una testa d'un imperatore,
che valeva 3 mila scudi." (State Archives, Florence).
4 *Roma si contenta assai del elletione et n'e cardinale che non
sia obligatissimo alia liberalita di Giulio III. G. Fr. Arrivabene,
SATISFACTION AT THE ELECTION. 53
lavishly in all directions quite regardless of the very unsatis-
factory financial situation. 1 The dignitaries of the Curia
declared in delight that the Golden Age had returned. The
gay temperament of Julius III. soon dissipated all the fore-
bodings to which his impetuous disposition had given rise.
The new sovereign, who at once gave permission for the Carni-
val amusements to take place, became popular with extra-
ordinary rapidity. 2 The general satisfaction was increased
by the conciliatory and peaceful policy which the Pope
adopted. Girolamo Sauli, Archbishop of Bari, was at once
sent to Parma with orders to give up the town to Ottavio
Farnese. In order to hasten the restoration, the Pope appeased
the Commandant, Camillo Orsini, by paying him out of his
own money, giving him the increased amount of 30,000 gold
scudi, instead of the 20,000 originally demanded. 3 Ascanio
Colonna received pardon and restoration as early as February
17th. The Baglione were also again put in possession of their
rights, and part of their municipal freedom was restored to the
people of Perugia. 4 Julius III. adopted adequate measures
dated Rome, February 15, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
Cf. also Lanciani, III., 177.
1 Cf. Massarelu, 160 ; Carte Strozz., I., 432 ; ""report of
Serristori of March 4, 1550 (State Archives, Florence), and the
Instruction in Pieper, 143. During the conclave the nuncios
could not be paid ; see Lett, dei princ, XVL, n. 242-243 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 See in Appendix No. 3, the *report of Olivo of February
1 5> I 55°- (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 *Domandando il card. Farnese S.S^ 20,000 scudi da pagare
le spese fatte in Parma per far uscire il s. Camillo, risposono
alcuni : Padre santo, non si fara niente, perche la somma non
e gran fatto meno di 25,000. Disse all hora il papa : dienghesi
30,000 . . . et cosl fu espedito con lettere di cambio di 30,000
scudi d'oro. Queste cosi fatte dimostrationi fanno stupire il
mondo et concludere cgnuno che costui ha da farsi schiavo il
mondo, writes P. Olivo on February 15, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua) .
4 See Massarelu, 155 ; """Letter of Lod. Strozza to S. Calan-
dra, dated Bologna, February 16, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives,
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the settlement of the dissensions and troubles which had
arisen in several parts of the Papal dominions during the long
conclave. 1 He forbade all expatriated persons to seek a
residence in the States of the Church. To the Conservatori he
gave the most binding assurances of the strict administration
of justice, and of the provision of Rome with grain, and
earnestly enjoined them to fulfil their duty, especially with
regard to speculators in corn. 2
Above all, the new Pope made it his business to assure the
rulers of the two great powers, now facing each other in fierce
enmity, of his good dispositions and honourable intentions.
It was on their assent and co-operation that the solution of the
two problems, which Julius III. had received unsolved from
the pontificate of his predecessor, was dependent. These
were . the confirmation of the Farnese in Parma, and the
continuance of the Council of Trent. It was extremely
difficult to win over Charles V. and Henry II. on these two
matters, for what the one agreed to the other immediately
Mantua) ; *Reports of Serristori of March 3, 9, and 10, and
April 4, 1550 (State Archives, Florence) ; Muzio, Lettere 156,
161. The * Briefs concerning the restoration of the ancient
privileges of Perugia and of the magistrates there, are dated
February 28 and April 21, 1553 (Library, Perugia). The fact is
perpetuated by a fresco in the Palazzo Communale, and is in-
scribed on the statue mentioned before (p. 49, n. 1). See
the inscription in Ciaconius, III., 769.
1 See the *briefs to P. A. de Angelis, epic. Nepesino, dated
February 26, 1550 (ad inquirendum contra Firmanos) ; to Sebast.
Rutilonus (Commissary-court against the disturbers of the peace
in Terni, " cupientes statum nostrum facinorosis hominibus
expurgare "), dated March 3 ; B. Saccho (against Count of
Pitigliano), March 26; Communitati Iteramne, dated March 26;
Gubernatoribus Spolet., Interamni et Reat. (against Seb.
Arronius, guilty of high treason) dated April 15 ; Rutilio Troilo
(against Ct. of Pitigliano), dated April 22 (Arm. 44, t. 55, n. 71,
106, 221, 224, 305, 338. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See in Appendix No. 6 the ""report of Serristori of February
26, 1550. (State Archives, Florence).
THE POPE S EFFORTS FOR PEACE. 55
repudiated. Besides this there was the fact that the elevation
of Cardinal del Monte to the Papacy had not been in accord-
ance with the wishes of either the Emperor or the King of
France. 1 Julius III. was therefore all the more determined to
win over the two princes. He confided this difficult task, in
a very shrewd manner, not to the usual nuncios, but to the
adherents and confidants of the respective monarchs. The
mission to the Emperor was entrusted to Pedro de Toledo as
early as February 16th, 1550, and that to Henry II. to the
Abbot Rosetto. 2 The Pope himself drew up the instructions
for both ; in order that these should be effective it was essen-
tial that the documents to be communicated to both princes
should be carefully decided on. Everything, therefore, which
might give offence was scrupulously avoided. Both rulers
were exhorted to unity and peace, as only in this manner could
the grievous wounds inflicted on the Church be healed. Toledo
was to assure the Emperor that the Pope intended to pursue
at all times an honourable, open and free policy in all matters,
and that he was prepared to co-operate with him for the
restoration of peace in the Church by the continuance of the
Council of Trent, taking it at the same time for granted that
the difficulties in the way would be removed, which could
easily be accomplished with the help of the Emperor.
In the instructions for Rosetto, express mention of the
Council is carefully avoided, and stress is only laid on the
readiness of the Pope to do everything necessary to promote
the glory of God, the extirpation of heresy, and to secure peace
and unity among Christian nations. The transference of
Parma to Ottavio Farnese, the son-in-law of Charles V.,
required no justification as far as the latter was concerned, but
in the case of Henry II. the Pope brought forward a number of
weighty reasons for this measure. Besides the promise of the
1 The above historical facts are fully brought out by Pieper
(P- 4)-
2 See Massarelli,i55. The instructions for both ambassadors
in Druffel, I., 364 seq., 368 seq. Cf. Pieper, 4 seq., 139 seq.,
where there are also emendations of the text.
56 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
election capitulation, he laid special stress on the fact that this
was the only way of depriving the Emperor of an excuse for
taking up arms, and thus of preserving the peace of Italy.
While both ambassadors were on their way, the coronation
of Julius III. took place with great pomp on February 22nd,
1550, amid a mighty concourse of people. 1 Two days later
the Jubilee, proclaimed by Paul III., was solemnly inaugurated
by the opening of the Holy Door. Countless pilgrims, mostly
from Italy, had assembled for the celebrations, which were to
last till the Christmas Eve of the current year. Among those
who endeavoured to gain the Jubilee indulgence was to be
found Michael Angelo. The crowd at the bestowal of the
Papal Benediction on Easter Day consisted of 50,000 persons. 2
The Confraternity of the Most Holy Trinity, founded shortly
1 See besides Massarelli, 156 and the *Diario di Cola Coleine
Romano (Cod. N. II., 32, Chigi Library) the pamphlet La sontuosa
festa con I'apparato fatto per la coronatione di N.S. Iulio III.
(Copy in State Library, Munich), the *report of the Bolognese
ambassadors of February 22, 1550 (State Archives, Bologna),
and that of Buonanni of February 23, 1550, with the inscription
of the " palco " (State Archives, Florence). The coronation
cost 15,000 aurei ; see Massarelli, 262.
2 See J. v. Meggens' report in the Archiv fur schweiz. Reform.,
Gesch., III., 511 ; Massarelli, 157, 166 ; ibid. 173, 174, 177, 198
206 concerning the crowds of pilgrims. Cf. also Arch, per
l'Umbria, III., 53 ; Lett, al Aretino, II., 408, and *Diario di
Cola Coleine (Chigi Library). Serristori describes the opening
of the Holy Door, at which a great crowd was present, in spite of
the rain, in a *report of February 26, 1550, (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. there also the *report of Vine. Ricobaldis of
February 24, 1550. The hammer used by the Pope at this
ceremony, a magnificent specimen of the goldsmiths' art, falsely
attributed to Benvenuto Cellini (Plon, Cellini, 314 seq., 393),
is now in the National Museum, Munich (see Thurston, 51, and
85 with Illustration). Concerning the celebration of the Jubilee
of 1551 in Florence, see Riv. delle bibl., XVII., 94 seq. Concerning
the Jubilee see Manni, 116; de Waal, Campo Santo, 86;
Das heilige Jahr, Munster, 1900, 41 seq. With regard to Michael
Angelo see Vasari, VII., 228.
FIRST CONSISTORY OF JULIUS III. 57
before at S. Salvatore in Campo, by a Florentine layman, Philip
Neri, took charge of the poor and sick pilgrims ; this Con-
fraternity developed later into a large institution of world-wide
fame, for the help of the needy and indigent. 1
The Pope declared, even at his first consistory, which took
place on February 28th, 1550, his firm intention of labouring
for the reform of the Church and the peace of Christendom. 2
He announced at the beginning of March that he would
nominate a Congregation of Cardinals, who would confer with
regard to the reform of the clergy. 3 In a secret consistory of
March 10th, Julius III. again emphasized, in a long address,
his zeal for religion and his desire to carry on the Council, as
well as his intentions concerning reform. He considered there
were three reasons for the hatred the princes felt for the clergy :
the avarice of the heads of the Curia, the thoughtless bestowal
of benefices and the exaggerated luxury of the clergy. He
intended to abolish the abuses of the Curia, chiefly by the
reform of the Dataria, and would entrust to Cardinals de Cupis,
Carafa, Sfondrato, Crescenzi, Pole and Cibo the task of deliber-
ating upon the best measures to adopt for this purpose. He
promised to give the orders requisite for the proper distribution
of benefices and the restriction of luxury in the immediate
future. 4 The Pope accordingly, on March 19th, 1550, again
1 Cf. Tacchi Venturi, I., 356 seq. ; Thurston, 85, 260 seqq. ;
Kerr, Pippo Buono, London, 1908, 58 seqq. Further details
concerning Filippo Neri will be found in the continuation of
this work. [Cf. Capecelatro. Life of St. Philip Neri. English
translation by T. A. Pope. (Editor's Note).]
2 See Massarelli, 158 and the *letter of Serristori of March
J . I 55°- (State Archives, Florence).
3 * Letter of Serristori of March 3, 1550. (State Archives,
Florence) .
4 See "Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives) ; letter of Cardinal
Truchsess in Meichelbeck, Hist. Frising., II., 2, 356 ; * Report
of Serristori of March 10, 1550 (State Archives, Florence) ;
Dandolo in Brown V., n. 652. Cf. Schweitzer, Gesch. der
Reform, 52-53,; where, however, it is erroneously stated that
the consistory of March 10 was the first (see supra n. 2) Mas-
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
laid stress on the decree of his predecessor forbidding the
accumulation of several bishoprics in the hands of one Cardinal.
A Bull of February 22nd had already regulated the power of
the Penitentiary. 1 The commission of Cardinals was next
engaged with the issue of reform decrees for the Eternal City
during the time of Jubilee ; the strictest regulations were made
with regard to ecclesiastical and police surveillance, with a view
to putting an end to the most glaring improprieties during such
celebrations. 2
The solemn ceremony of taking possession of the Lateran
had to be deferred on account of the weather ; it only took
place on June 24th, 1550. 3 The Romans had previously
witnessed the brilliant spectacle of the entry of the numerous
embassies for the obedientia, which proved that the various
princes of Europe still held fast to the ancient pious union
with the Holy See, in spite of the great defection in the north.
On March 25th the Pope received the congratulations of the
Emperor's ambassador, Luis de Avila, and on the following
day Claude d'Urfe rendered him the obedientia in the name of
the French king, the ambassador of Philip II. doing the same
on March 27th, and the representative of the King of the
Romans, Ferdinand I., on the 28th. The Dukes of Urbino
and Ferrara had come to Rome in person in order to swear
allegiance to the new Pope. Brilliant embassies had also been
sent by the Republic of Venice and by Cosimo I. 4 The repre-
sarelli wrongly gives March 5 as the date of the appointment
of Cardinals for the reform of the Dataria, and makes no mention
of Cibo. Merkle, II., 158.
1 See Acta consist, in Gulik-Eubel, 34, and Bull. VI., 401 seq.
2 See the *Capita reformationis, a protocol of the Congregation
of Cardinals, in the Cod. Barb. XVI., 42 of the Vatican Library,
from which Ehses has made excerpts in the Pastor Bonus, XI.,
572 seq.
3 See Massarelli, 162, 179; cf. Cancellieri, 105.
4 Cf. Massarelli, 162 seqq. See also the report of Masius in
Lacomblet, Archiv., VI., 159 seq. The obedientia speech of the
Florentine ambassador P. Victorius (Vettori) was much admired
and was at once printed (Florence 1550) ; cf. Manni, 120 seq.
HEALTH OF THE POPE. 59
sentatives of Bologna, where Julius had been Cardinal- Legate,
were honoured with special distinction, the Pope saying to them
that Julius II. had granted the city many favours, but that
the third Julius would do still more for it. 1 On May 4th a
brief did actually reduce the three years' subsidy, which the
city had to pay, by half the amount. 2
Ottavio Farnese had already made his entry into Rome
on April 23rd ; he could, however, only take his oath of fealty
on May 21st, as the Pope was suffering from a bad cold at the
end of April, and was soon afterwards seized by an attack of
his old enemy, gout. Nevertheless he devoted himself to
business affairs, and took part, though only seated, in the
procession of Corpus Christi. 3 In consequence of the increasing
crowds of those seeking an audience, and the early setting in of
the hot weather, Julius had, since June, frequently withdrawn
into the cool Belvedere in the Vatican. The removal to
Viterbo which had been at first planned for the summer, had
to be abandoned owing to the scarcity of funds, which was
partly a consequence of the excessive liberality of the Pope. 4
1 *Se Giulio II. fece molte gratie a qualla citta, state sicuri
che Giulio III. ne fara delle molto maggiori. Report of the
Bolognese ambassadors of February 10, 1550 (State Archives,
Bologna).
2 *Brevia Iulii III. in Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 404 ; cf. ibid., n. 430
the *brief of May 10, 1550 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See Massarei.li, 169 seqq., 173, 176. Concerning the illness
of the Pope, from which he only recovered at the end of May,
and his zeal for business, ample details are given by Girol. Biagio
in his *letters of April 30, May 7, 14, and 24, 1550 (State Archives,
Bologna). Cf. also the *letters of Serristori of May 7, n, and
30, 1550 (State Archives, Florence).
4 See Massarelli, 177, 180 seqq., and the *reports of Serristori
of July 26 (*La gita di S.B. a Viterbo si tien per esclusa per
questo anno poiche saria necessaria una spesa almen di 10,000
scudi, siche Monte, Perugia et Viterbo si riducono a Belvedere
solo, dove in vero s'intende et si conosce che fara la sua stanza
S.S 1 ^ tutta Testate et parte dell' inverno) and of August 1, 1550
(State Archives, Florence). On October 10, 1550 Buonanni
60 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Only in the autumn did he make several excursions to the
Campagna, which is so full of charm at this season. The
health of the Pope at this time left a good deal to be desired,
but in spite of his sixty-three years, he recovered from the
attacks of gout which frequently seized him, in an astonish-
ingly short time. 1 The Romans therefore hoped that the
prediction of an astrologer, who prophesied a twenty years'
pontificate for the new Pope, might be verified. 2
The people of Rome were full of gratitude for the measures
which Julius III. adopted to cope with the scarcity of pro-
visions with which the city was threatened, owing to the great
influx of pilgrims and the failure of the crops. 3 The Pope
took steps in all directions to secure so great an importation of
corn, as to be really wonderful for those days. To effect
this, he wrote among others to the Emperor and to
Henry II. of France, 4 and succeeded in inducing them
to give permission for the exportation of corn from Spain
announces : " *Torno hier S.S** 1 dalla Magliona, della qual non
si satisfece punto perche il suo Belvedere le ha tolto il gusto.
Voleva andar attorno 8 o 10 giorni, ma perche il suo maiordomo
le protesto non essersi dinari di andar in volta se ne torno a
dietro."
1 Cf. the *report of Serristori of September 27, 1550 (State
Arch. Florence).
2 A * letter of Serristori of March 22, 1550 (State Archives,
Florence) .
3 The commissary appointed by Paul III. for the Campagna,
who had to look after the increase in the price of corn, had his
office confirmed as early as July 1, 1550, and extended to the
Patrimonium, Corneto and Civitavecchia (see Brevia Arm.
41, t. 57, n. 604 : Iulio Bosio). In the letter it says : " *Nos,
qui nihil magis curae habuimus nee etiam habemus quam ut
annonae vilitas semper et presertim hoc Iubilei anno in terris
nostris vigeat." (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 See the *briefs of August 2, 1550. Brevia Arm. 41, t. 57,
n. 725, 726. Cf. ibid. n. 759 the *brief to the viceroy of Naples
with the request for the exportation of 6,000 " salmae frumenti "
(Secret Archives ol the Vatican).
THE POPE'S CARE FOR ROME. 6l
and Provence. 1 Julius III. was also .zealously engaged, in
the following years, in providing for the material well-being
of his capital. 2
It is characteristic of the time that any pretext was seized
upon for the arrangement of festivals. The arrival of a large
quantity of grain procured by the Commissary-General,
Leonardo Boccacio, in December, 1550, developed into a
brilliant triumphal procession, which was much talked of. 3
The festivities of the Romans at the election celebrations of
1 See the *tn-iefs for lac. et Bened. Nigroni of September 9
and mercatoribus Parmensibus of October 12 concerning the
exportation from Spain, and for Laurent. Cenamo mercatori
of November 16 with regard to Provence. Brevia Arm. 41, t.
57, n. 759, 800, 887, 954. Ibid. n. 986 Magistro Rhodi, to further
the exportation of corn from the east to Rome, dated December
1, 1550. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See *Brevia 1551 Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 35 : *Duci Florentiae
dated January 25 ; n. 57 : *Viceregi Siciliae, dated January 31 ;
n. 59 : *Viceregi Neapol., dated February 1 ; n. 79 : *Ascanio
Malatesta, dated February 18 ; n. 80 : *Reginae Bohemiae
gubernatrici Ffisp., dated February 18 ; n. 150 : *Duci et gu-
bernat. Genuens., dated March n ; n. 154 : *Gubernatori
Messinae, dated March n ; n. 168 : *Viceregi Siciliae, dated
March 14 ; n. 192 : *Franc. Albertino, dated March 20. In
the Brevia 1551 t. 61 there also belong to this place : n. 718 :
*Regi Romanorum, dated August 22 ; n. 737 ; *Duci Sabaudiae
and Marchionissae Montisferrati, dated August 27 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). See also the statements in Massarelli,
181, 183, 204 seqq. ; Raynaldus, 1551, n. 75 ; Benigni, 33
seq. ; Pfeiffer-Ruland, Pestilentia in nummis, 17, 183 ;
Merkle, I., ci ; de Cupis, 142.
3 See L'ordine della festa con la felice entrata et il gran trionfo
fatto per la venuta dei grani fatti venir per terra di luoghi assai
lontani dal magnifico signor Leonardo Boccaccio commiss. gener.
di N.S. Papa Giulio III. et della santa abondantia de l'alma
citta di Roma prefetto dignissimo. Sotto li X. di Gennaro MDLI.
Roma 1 55 1. Rare pamphlet ; a copy in the State Archives,
Munich. Cf. *Diariodi Cola Coleine (Chigi Library) and the "^re-
port of Buonanni of December 23, 1550 (State Archives, Florence).
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Julius III. 1 as well as the unbridled extravagances of the
Carnival, 2 and the pomp of the life of the court, had shown
that the worldly tendencies of the Renaissance period and the
preponderance of reminiscences of pagan times were by no
means overcome. The journals of Massarelli and others give
a vivid picture of the doings of those days, which in many
respects remind us of the time of Leo X.
At the festival processions on the anniversary of the Pope's
election, the figures of pagan gods were to be seen on the state
coaches, 3 while mythological figures and emblems 4 also
frequently appeared on the medals of Julius III., even when
these were intended to commemorate purely religious events. 5
Things went particularly far at the Carnival, for the celebration
of which Julius had given complete freedom. Races on the
Corso alternated with bull-fights and other amusements, at
which the Pope did not disdain to assist. 6 He v/as also present
at the theatrical representations with which the festivities
closed, while women were also invited tc the Vatican. Mas-
sarelli tells us of a feast which the Pope gave on Carnival
Tuesday to the ladies of his family in the Hall of Constantine. 7
From the reports of the envoys and also from other sources
it is clear that the Pope, regardless of the gravity of the times,
continued to follow, in this respect, the path on which his
predecessors of the Renaissance had entered.
Julius III., who, although devoted to business, had always
1 Cf. Cancellieri, Possessi, 504 ; Clementi, 206 seq.
2 Rodocanachi (Juifs, 209) mentions a Bando against the
abuses during the Carnival. Cf. concerning these the *report of
Ippolito Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua, dated Rome, Feb-
ruary 14, 1 55 1 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 See the Diarium in MacSwinev, Portugal, III., 226 n. Cf.
Clementi, 209.
4 Cf. Muntz, III., 119.
5 A. Cesati engraved two prisoners on the medal for the Holy
Year, because the ancients set such at liberty at their jubilee
celebrations. See.VASARi, V., 386.
6 Massarelli, 213. Cola Coleine in Clementi, 209 seq.
7 Massarelli, 214.
THE POPE'S LOVE OF PLEASURE. 63
had a great love of pleasure, was specially fond of magnificent
banquets. He very frequently invited the Cardinals to
sumptuous feasts in the Vatican ; he also very willingly
accepted invitations himself, and very often did not return
home after an evening passed in festivity, but spent the night
at the house of his host. 1 Only two Cardinals were absent
from these festivities, Carafa and de Cupis, the representatives
of the strict reform party, who had made it a rule never to dine
out of their own houses. 2 This was a dumb but eloquent
protest against the unbounded luxury displayed by the others
on such occasions. 3
As Julius III. followed the chase, 4 gambled with friendly
Cardinals and other intimates for large sums, 5 and kept,
1 Besides the numerous statements in Massarelli, 155 seqq.
the **reports of Buonanni of July 30 and August 9 and 14,
1550 (S.S^ e hora a S. Marco et in poco spazio di tempo quando
a Araceli et quando a S. Pietro in vincula), are also of interest
(State Archives, Florence).
2 *Report of Ipp. Capilupi, dated Rome, February 3, 1551 :
" Con S.S t& disenarono tutti i cardinali che sono in Roma da
quattuor infuori cioe Trani et Chieti, che non mangiano mai
fuor di casa, et Salviati et Gaddi," who are ill. (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
3 Cf. in Appendix No. 11 the ""report of Serristori of January
31, 1 55 1 (State Archives, Florence).
4 Cf. Massarelli, 190, 193, 196.
6 How fond the Pope was of playing for high stakes, especially
at the favourite primiera (cf. Rodocanachi, Rome, 60), is shown
even more clearly than in the *reports of Buonanni of October
8, 1550, and of *Serristori of June 24, 1552 (S.S 1 ^ vinse a tre
dadi 1500 scudi al card. S. Agnolo. State Archives, Florence)
by the action brought against Aless. Pallantieri in the time of
Paul IV., on account of his alleged unfaithful administration of
the Annona. On March 22, 1558, the accused spoke as follows
before the attorney of the exchequer, Sebastiano Atracino :
Al tempo di papa Giulio, e Sua Santita e i cardinali e i vescovi
e tutta la corte vignava, fui messo in ballo ancora io a giocare
insieme agli altri, e Sua Santita mi mandava a domandare quasi
ogni di, perche io andassi a giuocare, e far le altre volte, essendo io
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
numerous court jesters, 1 he also had no scruples about wit-
nessing unseemly theatrical representations. On the 24th of
November, 1550, the Menaechmi of Plautus was played before
andato alia vigna di Sua Santita a dolermi di certe cose che
faceva il signor Ascanio Colonna per impedire che la grascia ven-
isse a Roma, Sua Santita non mi rispose niente a questo, se non
che : " siate il benvenuto ! a punto ci mancava il quarto ! "
E dicendogli io che Sua Santita mi aveva dato un peso sulle
spalle, il peso cioe dell' abbondanza, e chi bisognava attendere
ad altro che a giuocare, Sua Santita mi replied : "Mi meraviglio
di voi ; manca grano in Campo di Fiore ; restate qui a magnare
con Michelangelo, che vi mander6 qualche cosa di buono ! " E
un' altra volta avendomi fatto chiamare in palazzo per giuocare
e dicendo io : " Padre Santo, io ho da fare,; ho vinto certi scudi
non vorria perderli," Sua Santita disse.: " bisogna giuocare
benche tu perda non importa ; io t'insegner6 a trovare qualche
cosa da rubare per te e per me." E cosi giuocai molte volte
e con Sua Santita e in presenza sua a primiera. II signor Baldoino,
suo fratello, non faceva mai altro dopo pranzo che questo, e io
ero quasi sempre delli chiamati, e li e quando andavo a qualche
banchetto, dove io giuocava con Sua Eccellenza e con cardinali
e con altri prelati, e la sorte mia buona voile che Ik e in casa di
monsignor di Pavia, che era governatore, io vincessi parecchie
migliaia di scudi, come sa tutta Roma, e mi ricordo che l'ultima
volta quando mori il papa, primo di tre o quattro di, giuocando
in camera del sig. Baldoino io vinsi al vescovo di Pavia circa
due mila scudi ad un giuoco che si dice chi non ha niente. Papa
Giulio, per )a causa di Vincenzo Spada, mi fece donare in un
sachetto mille scudi d'oro e per certa altra causa circa cinque-
cento scudi, e con questi e con altri guadagni io ho comprato
questi uffizi et questa casa e fabbricatola. ... Mi scordavo
di dire che il papa fece giuocare spesse volte il vescovo di Ascoli,
che era governatore, si come il vescovo di Pavia, che era governa-
tore. . . . State Archives, Rome, Proc. torn. 36, communicated
by Bruzzone in the Turin newspaper La Stampa, 1900, n. 51 ;
this being very difficult to obtain, it has been thought useful to
print the extract in full.
1 Expenditure for Buffoni is often to be met with in the ^account
books of Julius III. (State Archives, Rome) ; see several examples
in Ekulei, 17.
COMEDIES AT THE VATICAN. 65
the Pope in the Castle of St. Angelo, and a few days later
Ariosto's Cassaria, and on January 22nd, 1551, the Eunuchus
of Plautus, which had been translated into Italian. 1
Julius III. permitted comedies to be performed in the
Belvedere, especially during Carnival time, and on February
3rd, 1551, the Auluiaria of Plautus was given in the presence
of the Pope and twenty-four Cardinals. The Mantuan
correspondent praises the beauty of the staging and the
excellence of the music, which had given great pleasure to
everyone. 2 A comedy which was also given in the Belvedere
a short time afterwards, on the occasion of the anniversary of
the election of Julius, was, on the contrary, a complete fiasco.
As usual all the Cardinals were invited, as well as the ambas-
sadors of France, Portugal, and Venice. This piece, composed
by a native of Siena, was extremely silly and rather unseemly,
and it was only the presence of the Pope which prevented it
from being hissed. Julius showed his displeasure by pretend-
ing to fall asleep ; at the end he remarked that the dramatist
should be excused, since he was a Sienese. On the same
evening fifty Roman nobles in magnificent antique costumes
set up a carrousel in St. Peter's Square, which gave great
satisfaction. On the following day there was a bull-fight, at
which the Pope and many Cardinals were present ; 3 comedies
were performed in the Vatican in the very last year of the
reign of Julius III. 4 No one, however, seems to have realized
how very unecclesiastical all this was. 5
1 Massarelli, 202. Bertolotti, Artisti Veneti, 54. Art.
Bolognesi, Bologna 1885, 37 seq. Erulei, 19. Cf. the *report
of Ipp. Capilupi of January 26, 1551, *Gonzaga Archives, Man-
tua). Buonanni tells of a performance of the Cassaria in a
♦♦report of December, 1, 1550 (State Archives, Florence).
2 See in Appendix No. 12 the ♦report of Ipp. Capilupi of Febru-
ary 3, 1551 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. Massarelli, 213.
3 See besides Massarelli, 214 in Appendix No. 13 the ♦report
of Ipp. Capilupi of February 14, 1551 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 See Ancel in the Rev. Benedict, XXV., 50.
5 Expenditure for the performance of comedies in the years
1552 and 1555 in Erulei, 19.
VOL. XIII. 5
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The pernicious tradition of the Renaissance Popes was also
repeatedly followed by Julius III. in the promotion of his
relatives. 1 At first he resisted 2 their urgent solicitations for
offices similar to those filled by the Farnese family under Paul
III., but his opposition weakened only too quickly. He did
not, however, go as far as his predecessor ; he gave his
relatives no principalities, nor did they enjoy any great
political influence. As the general feeling and circumstances
of the time were unfavourable, there was no wholesale nepotism
in this reign, and the relatives of the Pope, who crowded in
vain round his deathbed, 3 urging their demands, were by no
means satisfied, though they had considerable reason to be
so. 4
At the beginning of his reign, the Pope had promoted the
interests of two relatives at the distribution of the offices in the
Curia. One of these, Pietro del Monte, he appointed governor
of the Castle of St. Angelo, while he bestowed on his sister's
son, Ascanio della Corgna, a clever soldier, the command of
his guard. 5 The Pope had always loved his elder brother,
1 Cf. concerning this, especially Dandolo, 354 seqq., and
de Leva, V., 114 seq.
2 On February 23, 1550, Buonanni reports : *Sino a qui non
mostra S.S^ animo di volere levare alcuno dei carichi, che desse
la s. m. di Paolo, il che preme assai a questi parenti di Iulio et
ne mostrano mala contentezza (State Archives, Florence).
3 Nonciat. de France, I., xliv., n. 4.
4 His proneness to nepotism also brought Julius III., into
conflict with the election capitulation (see Quellen und Forsch-
ungen des Preuss. Histor. Instituts, XII., 224 seq.), concerning
the alteration of which deliberations were held as early as May
30, and again on June 13, 1550. See Massarelli, 177.
5 See Massarelli, 153 and Pagliucchi, 121 seq. Ascanio
had " 200 scudi di provisioned' Buonanni, who announces
this on February 23, 1550, adds : " La cavalleria che si trova
nello stato eccles 00 si cassera et si ridurra a 200 cavalli, che staran
qui. I Suizzeri, che son 200, non credo che s'accresceranno
(State Archives, Florence). On December 18, 1550, Asc. della
Corgna became " gubernator perpetuus " of the " Castrum
BALDOVINO DEL MONTE. 6j
" Messer Baldovino," as the ambassadors always called him.
Baldovino, who was already in Rome on February 24th, 1550,
received the Borgia Appartments as a lodging, 1 and later on
the Palazzo dell' Aquila in St. Peter's Square. 2 The dignity
of Cardinal, however, was not bestowed upon him, the Pope
considering him too old and otherwise unsuited. 3 He ap-
pointed him Governor of Spoleto on March 20th, 1550, invest-
ing him with rich revenues later on, and also giving him
Camerino, for his life-time. 4 Besides all this, Julius obtained
for him from Cosimo de' Medici, as early as July, 1550, the
Plebis " (see * Brief to him [ut status quoque nobis sanguine
intime coniuncti conditionem decentius tenere valeas.] Brevia
Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 1022. Secret Archives of the Vatican) Cf.
concerning A. della Corgna, the Nonciat. de France I 24.
1 See Massarelli, 157, 183.
2 See Ehrle, Bufalini, 15.
3 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 243 seq. Here the *letter of Serristori
of April 17, 1550, is wanting, in which he says : *A1 s. Baldovino
disse che provederebbe di stato conveniente a lui non disegnando
a modo alcuno di farlo cardinale per esse oltre con l'eta et perche
non havesse a mettersi a imperar a dir l'omtio et l'introito come
intervenne a Pucci in sua vecchiezza (State Archives, Florence).
Cf. in the same place the *report of Buonanni of March 16,
i55o.
4 By the *brief of March 20, 1550, he separated Spoleto from
Umbria and appointed Baldovino, " quo nee sanguinis coniunc-
tiorem nee in amore magis praecipuum habemus et huic regimini
valde idoneum et utile fore speramus," as his deputy and in the
city and district of Spoleto, and as " castellanus arcis." Brevia
Arm. 41, t. 55, n. 202. Ibid. t. 56, n. 731 the *brief to Baldovino
of August 4, 1550 : After having appointed you Collector-
General of the revenues of Camerino, we present you with the
same, " considerantes congruum esse, ut tibi, qui germanus
frater noster existis, unde iuxta convenientiam gradus et con-
ditionis tuae, presertim apud Nos et in servitiis nostris existendo
decenter sustentari valeas, per Nos provideatur " (Secret Archives
of the Vatican). Cf. also *Serristori's reports of July 26, August
19 and 30, 1550 (State Archives, Florence) and Tesoroni, 35.
Concerning Camerino, cf. Lilli, Storia di Camerino, 359.
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
newly founded lordship of Monte San Savino, in feudal tenure. 1
Baldovino had, by his marriage with Giulia Mancini, two
daughters, 2 as well as three sons. Of the latter, only one,
Giovan Battista, was still alive. Julius entrusted this nephew
with the government of Fermo and Nepi, and appointed him
Standard-Bearer of the Church. 3 When Giovan Battista del
Monte, whose whole mind was fixed on the pursuit of arms,
fell on April 14th, 1552, at the seige of Mirandola, 4 the Pope
entrusted the government of the two said towns to Baldovino. 5
1 Cf. Salvadori in the Rassegna Settimanale, VI., n. 13-2 and
Tesoroni, 34.
2 Orsula and Cristina. They received, like the other relations,
monthly revenues. See *Intr. et Exit. 1554- 1555 in the Cod.
Vat. 10605 of the Vatican Library.
3 Cf. The *reports of Serristori of July 26 (*N.S. dette il governo
di Fermo a beneplacito al s. Giov. Battista) and August 30,
1550 (bestowal of Nepi). State Archives, Florence. See also
Legaz. di Serristori, 244, 257 ; de Leva, V., 116 and Histor.
Zeitschrift, XXIX., 316. The interest the Pope took in his
nephew was shown when the latter fell ill in 1551. The Duke of
Ferrara sent his physician to him at that time ; Julius III.
begged him to give him an exact account of the course of the
illness. See brief for Ant. Brasaulae medico of August 9, 1551
(Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 673. Secret Arch, of the Vatican).
4 Cf. Balan, Mirandola, 45 seq.
6 See the *briefs to Baldovino of April 29 and May 6, 1552
(Arm. 41, t. 64, n. 275 and 298). The *letter of thanks to Duke
Ercole of Ferrara for his condolences, on April 25, 1552, sounds
very resigned (We always endeavour to submit to the Divine
Will, " ut omnia quae nobis eveniunt, sive prospera sive ilia
sint adversa, ad nostram eruditionem et inscrutabili Dei iudicio
pro venire existimenus) and to the Viceroy of Naples on the same
day (non ignorantes, humanam naturam et res bellicas, quas
ipse noster nepos sua electione, non. nostra voluntate sequebatur,
huiusmodi saepe casus parere consuevisse.") Arm. 41, t. 64,
n. 265 and 266 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The weight of
this loss is emphasised by Serristori in an interesting *letter of
March 23, 1552 (State Archives, Florence). Baldovino died in
August, 1556; see *letter of Navagero of August 22, 1556
(Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
THE DEL MONTE FAMILY. 69
Baldovino's natural son, Fabiano, had already been legiti-
matized at the beginning of the reign, and though he was only
a child, the household of a prince was now bestowed on him.
As Giovan Battista had left no children, the hopes of the family
had been centred, even before Giovan's untimely death, on
Fabiano. 1 Cosimo de' Medici, who was extremely anxious
to attach the Pope to himself, gave his daughter Lucrezia, in
1554, after long negotiations, to this nephew in marriage. The
Pope joyfully agreed, but was most careful to withhold any
political significance from this marriage, to the great disgust
of the Medici. 2
Of the two sisters of the Pope, the younger, Jacopa, married
to Francia della Corgna, had two sons, Ascanio, already men-
tioned, and Fulvio, who was first made Bishop of Perugia,
and theft became Cardinal, in December, 1551. 3 Roberto,
the son of Ludovica, the elder sister of the Pope, and married
to Roberto de' Nobili, also became a Cardinal. This Roberto
was a youth of such a holy disposition, that it could be said
of him that he was an example of that childlike piety in which
heaven is reflected on earth. 4
The inconsistencies of Julius III. are shown in nothing so
much as in the fact that he bestowed the Cardinal's hat on
another youth, who was as vicious as Roberto de' Nobili was
virtuous.
The Venetian ambassador Dandolo relates how Julius III.,
when he was legate in Piacenza, took a boy of low extraction,
from the streets, as it were, and made him keeper of his ape,
because he had shown great courage when the animal caught
1 Cf. Massarelli, 161 and de Leva, V., 115. The legitimatiza-
tion of Fabiano in Tesoroni, 81 seq.
2 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 302 seq., 309 seq., 332 seq., ; Firman us,
502-503 ; *Brief to Cosimo of April, n, 1554 (" Mirifice gaud-
emus " at the conclusion of the family alliance. Arm. 41, t.
70, n. 199. Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; Nonciat. de France,
I., xliv., 26 ; Pallavicini, 13, 10, 8 ; Tesoroni, 84 seq.
3 See Massarelli, 158 and Nonciat. de France, I., 62.
4 See Reumont, III., 2, 505 ; cf. Ciaconius, III., 784 seqq.,
and infra chap.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hold of him. The keeper of the ape learned in a short time
how to insinuate himself into the favour of his master, to such
an extent, that the latter grew fond of him and prevailed upon
his brother to adopt him. To the name of Innocenzo del
Monte, which he now bore, he brought nothing but dishonour. 1
In spite of this he received a provostship in Arezzo, for the
Cardinal clung to him with a love which was as inexplicable
as it was incredible. Massarelli, who testifies to this, adds :
" As soon as Giovan Maria del Monte became Pope, nothing
was nearer to his heart and intentions than to raise his
brother's adopted son to the highest dignities and to heap
upon him honours and iiches. Up till now — three months
have passed — he has given him an income of 12,000 crowns,
and has at last elevated him, with the greatest satisfaction,
to the high dignity of Cardinal." 2 •
There was no want of opposition to this shameful abuse of
Papal power ; Cardinal Pole reminded the Pope of the canoni-
cal decrees and the gravity of the times, 3 while Carafa made
still more urgent remonstrances. As he had had, for a long
1 See Dandolo, 355 and Merkle, I., 177 ; Massarelli,
174 seq. ; Masius in Lacomblet, Archiv, VI., 163 ; Ciaconius,
III., 759 ; Arch. stor. Ital., Ser. 4, XIII., 420. Cf. Pallavicini,
ii, 7, 4 and the deservedly sharp criticism of Raynaldus, (1550.
n. 50). Grimm (Michelangelo, II., 423) makes Innocenzo the
son of Julius III. without any proof whatever.
2 Massarelli, 175. Buonanni announces the impending
appointment of Innocenzo as Cardinal as early as February
23 (see Appendix No. 4). Cf. the report of Dandolo of March
16 in de Leva, V., 117. On April 17, 1550, Serristori says:
"Disse S.S 46 al Buonanni che al primo o secondo consistorio
al piu lungo voleva crear cardinale il proposto, suo nepote et
che su questo principio harebbe 13,000 scudi d'entrata. Cf.
Buonanni's ""report of April 18, 1550. On April 30 Serristori
announces : *S.S tA mando per il proposto, il qual se ne verra
a Bagnaia, where the red hat was sent to him. (State Arch.
Florence).
3 See *dispatch of Dandolo of April 18, 1550 (State Archives,
Venice), in part in nE Leva, V., 118; cf. Druffel, I., 398;
Br<"wn, n. 662.
INNOCENZO DFX MONTE. 71
time, close and friendly relations with Julius III., he hoped
to be able to prevent the nomination. The old Cardinal,
therefore, did everything that lay in his power ; he went
personally to the Pope and explained to him with all the powers
of his eloquence, the reasons which should prevent him from
taking such an unfortunate step. He represented the shame
which would attach to the perpetrator of such a deed, the talk
of the people, which should be avoided, above all by a prince,
as well as the evil suppositions to which the elevation of a
fatherless and vicious young man would give rise. 1 It was all
in vain. On May 30th, 1550, Julius III., in a secret consistory,
elevated the seventeen year old Innocenzo del Monte to the
cardinalate. On July 1st the latter made his solemn entry
into Rome, and on the following day he received, not in public,
as was customary, but again in a secret consistory, the red
hat. 2 Cardinal Carafa kept away from both consistories, in
order not to have even the appearance of approving by his
silent presence this unhappy incident. Instead of doing
so, he wrote a letter to the Pope, in which he once more
expressly declared that he would not agree to such a
nomination. 3
What Carafa and many others 4 had foreseen, was verified
only too soon. The nomination gave the greatest scandal,
and far and wide Julius was declared to be the father of
Innocenzo ; indeed, the accusation was by no means the
worst of the crimes of which his enemies at once pronounced
him guilty. The accusation, hov/ever, of the gravest im-
morality has never been proved against him, either at that
1 See *Apologia alia relat. del Navagero (National Library,
Naples ; cf. Appendix Nos. 61, 62). Bromato, II., 158 seq.
2 See Acta consist, in Gulik-Eubel, 35 ; Massarelli, 174-
175 ; the reports in Druffel, I., 406 ; de Leva, V., 118 seq. ;
Arch. d. miss, scientif., Ser. 2, V., 98.
3 Bromato, II., 159. The *Apologia mentioned supra
n. 1, says that copies of the letter of Carafa were circulated
everywhere.
4 Cf. in Appendix No. 4 the ""report of Buonanni of February
2 3. 155° (State Archives, Florence).
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
time or afterwards. Julius himself was to blame that such an
idea should have arisen and been believed, as his attitude
towards Innocenzo del Monte must have given rise to the
gravest suspicions, especially at a time of such unbridled
license. 1
Julius III. hoped against all hope that Cardinal Innocenzo
would lead a life in accordance with his dignity. 2 The up-
start, however, only made more insolent by his unexpected
good fortune, gave himself up, even more than before, to a
perfectly scandalous life. He not only received rich benefices,
such as the abbey of St. Michael in Normandy and that of
1 It is well known how prevalent it was in the time of the Re-
naissance to affix the stigma of perversity to one's enemies. This
mode of attack was still being carried on (see especially the lam-
poon against Card, del Monte in the Giorn. stor. della lett. ltal.,
XLIII., 242 seq.), and even Panvinio allowed himself to be
led into making such implications against Julius III. (puerorum
amoribus implicitus). See Merkle, II., 147 ; cf. cxxxiv. Had
there been any proof for this accusation Sarpi would not have
failed to have put it forward. The accusation of the reformers
is therefore justly repudiated (see Rose in Ersch-G ruber,
2, section XXVIII., 351 ; Aschbach, Kirchenlexicon, III.,
656, and Bruzzone, La vigna di papa Giulio : Messagero, 191 1,
n. 51). Ciaconius (III., 759) has already shown that the in-
scription in the Villa Giulia does not prove that Innocenzo del
Monte was a son of Julius III.
2 Cf. the *brief to the Doge of Venice of June 21, 1550 : Your
letter concerning the elevation of Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte
and the speech of your ambassador have informed us of your
good will. " Nos quidem, f. d. (for what is crossed out read
" domestice res ac rationes nostre ad id impulerunt ") privata
quedam ob paucitatem gentilium nostrorum necessitas ad id
impulit, speramus tamen aliquem defectum eius aetatis ma-
turitate ingenii ab eo esse supplendum." In any case he will
always be for you. Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 568. Ibid. t. 63, n.
117 a *Brief of February 20, 1552, in which Julius III.
thanks the Doge for having bestowed the freedom of the city
on his brother and the latter's sons (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
THE SECRETARIATE OF STATE. 73
St. Zeno in Verona, 1 as well as the legation of Bologna, in
June, 1552 2 but also a position similar to that which Cardinal
Alessandro Farnese had enjoyed under Paul III. At the end
of November, 1551, the nuncios were requested to address
their letters in future to Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte, in-
stead of, as formerly, to the first Secretary of State, Girolamo
Dandino, or to the Pope himself. This change was due to
Baldovino, who gave his brother this fatal advice. 3 Innocenzo
del Monte, who did not possess the slightest aspiration towards
a higher life, had neither the wish nor the capacity to devote
himself to business ; his activities as secretary of state con-
sisted in affixing his signature to the dispatches drawn up in
his name, and in pocketing the revenues of his high office.
The direction of affairs lay in the hands of the Pope, of his
brother Baldovino, and of the experienced secretary of
state, Girolamo Dandino. 4 Dandino had been trained in the
chancery of Paul III., which was a good school, and had be-
come intimately acquainted with the position of affairs in
France and Germany, through numerous diplomatic missions. 5
1 *Serristori announces the conveyance of the abbey S. Michael
Rotomag. dioc. by Henry II. (val. 2500 due.) on July 21, 1550
(State Archives, Florence). Concerning S. Zeno see Massarelli,
218. Julius III. also requested a pension for Cardinal del Monte
from the Emperor (see Druffel, I., 416). Concerning the be-
stowal of the bishopric of Mirepoix in the year 1553 see Thomas,
III., 198.
2 *Brief to the Forty of Bologna, dated June 4, 1552 (Arm,
41, t. 64, n. 391 Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. Belluzzi.
i 80.
3 See Pieper, 122 and Nuntiaturberichte, XII., xxxiii., 107,
n. 2. During an absence of Dandino G. Ricci had taken his
place ; cf. ibid., 55, n. 5.
4 See Richard in the Rev. d'hist. eccles., XI., 520 ; cf. Nun-
tiaturberichte, VIII., 12 seq.
5 For Dandino cf. Dandolo, 357 ; Pieper, 121 ; Nuntiatur-
berichte, VIII., 12-13 >' Nonciat. de France, I., n. 2. Dandino
died in Rome in 1559 ; his grave is in S. Marcello (see Forcella,
II., 308). The correspondent of Cosimo I. in Rome, Buonanni,
was not pleased with the appointment of Dandino. He writes on
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
There were three other secretaries besides him, employed as
assistants in the chancery : Giulio Canano, Angelo Massarelli,
and Trifone Bencio, the latter also having charge of the cypher
codes. 1 The office of secretary of Latin letters, which had
been filled during the whole reign of Paul III. by Blosius
Palladius, 2 still remained in the hands of this distinguished
stylist under Julius III. When Blosius died in August, 1550,
Julius divided this lucrative post, which had formerly been
filled by two officials. His choice fell on the two able human-
ists, Galeazzo Florimonte, Bishop of Aquino, and Romolo
Amaseo, of Bologna, who was recommended by Cardinal
Alessandro Farnese. After the death of Amaseo, in the
summer of 1552, the eminent Bishop of Carpentras, Paolo
Sadoleto, took his place. 3
March 21, 1550 : * Parse buona la resolutione che presse S.S 44
di non servirsi del Cavalcante per quel ch'el conclave fini di
chiarirlo. Ma il continuare di servirsi del Dandino et di lassargli
la sottoscritione in mano, non e lodato da alcuno, massime da
chi sa l'inclinatione di detto Dandino al servitio del Re, quel
ch'egli riveld al car* 1 di Ferrara dei negocii secreti di Paulo et i
dinari et la pensione c'hebbe sotto mano da S.S. ill ma et rev ma .
(State Archives, Florence).
1 Massarelli, 154. Pieper, 121 seq. Nonciat. de France,
I., 72, n. 2.
2 See Vol. XII. of this work, p. 539. Cf. concerning Blosius,
Maffei in the Rassegna per la storia di Volterra, I. (1898), 8 seqq.
82 seqq.
3 See Massarelli, 185 ; Caro-Farnese, Lettere, I., 260 ;
Druffel, II., 660 ; Lauchert, 685 ; Grella, G. Florimente,
S. Maria Sapua Vetera, 1909 ; the *^ports of Buonanni of
August 14 and 15, 1550 (State Archives, riorence) and the ""letter
of Gir. Biagio of August 16, 1550 (State Archives, Bologna).
P. Sadoleto had at once welcomed the election of Julius III.
in a **letter to Card. Farnese dated Carpent. IV., Id. April
x 55° (Vat. '4103, p. 107 seq. Vatican Library). The *brief of
his appointment, dated July 25, 1552, in Min. brev. 65, n. 519
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). In the last year of the reign
of Julius III. there appeared in the *Intr. et Exit. (Cod. Vat.
10605) payments (70 sc. per mese) for the fallowing four secretarii :
THE POPE'S DEVOTION TO BUSINESS. 75
Dandino, whom Julius justly valued highly, was the real
head of the Chancery. When he became Cardinal on Novem-
ber 20th, 1551, he bequeathed his official duties to his secretary,
the talented Canano. These two conducted the corres-
pondence with the nuncios, while Cardinal Innocenzo del
Monte enjoyed the advantages and honours of the office,
although he only wrote the signatures. 1 The Pope superin-
tended ecclesiastical as well as political affairs ; he had taken
up an independent attitude from the beginning and hardly
ever consulted with anyone. 2 The zeal with which Julius III.
devoted himself to business, especially in the first years of his
reign, is proved by the fact that in the case of important
official documents, he not only suggested the matter himself,
but also the form in which it should be expressed. Even
though these documents are not headed " Dictated by the
Pope himself," they can nevertheless easily be distinguished
from others ; they bear a stamp which is quite their own and
surprise as much by their vigour and wealth of imagery, as by
the striking originality of their mode of expression. 3 The
Canano, Massarelli, Sadoleto, and Bencio ; Cesare Grolierio
appears here specially for briefs ; he had been a secretary since
1552. See Ancel, Secret, pontif., 51.
1 Cf. Pieper, 123 ; Richard, he. cit. ; Torne, P. Gallic*
card, de Come, Paris, 1907, 38. Concerning the lasting influence
of Dandino, see not only Masius, Lacomblet, Archiv, V., 195
and Lossen, 123) but also Serristori in his *letters of May, 29,
1551 (Dandino is the " spirito di S.S^ et carissimo al s. Baldo-
vino ") and February 15, 1553. (State Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. Dandolo, 357 ; Legaz. di Serristori, 276, 278 ; Mendoza
in Dollinger, I., 189.
3 Pieper brings this into special prominence (pp. 123-124).
Ibid. (pp. 124-129), see exact account of the instructions of
Julius III., which are to be found in almost all European libraries,
and (pp. 129-139) concerning his diplomatic correspondence.
Cf. also Nonciat. de France, I., iv. seq. concerning the supplements
in the " Fonds Borghese " to which Kupke had already drawn
attention in the Histor. Vierteljahrsschrift, 1898, I., 143 ; see
also Kupke's preface to the Xllth Volume of the Nuntiaturber-
ichte. Concerning the " Archivio Dandini " in the Secret
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
journal of Massarelli testifies to the great assiduity with which
the Pope prepared and worked out the instructions for his
nuncios. 1 The Pope's very confidential friends, Cardinal
Crescenzi 2 and Angelo Massarelli, as well as Dandino, were
called upon to assist in this work. Massarelli was, however,
specially chosen on account of his experience in the question
of the Council.
Archives of the Vatican, see also Wirz, Akten, xl. seq. and Bullen,
L. ; cf. ibid., xxvi. concerning the Brief Register of Julius III.
The Regesta of the Pope are inventoried in Palmieri, 82 seq.,
the Ruoli in Ancel, Secret, pontif., 49.
1 See Massarelli, 177, 179, 182.
2 Cf. Dandolo, 357 ; Massarelli passim. Buonanni speaks
very badly of Crescenzi. He reports on July 7, 1550 : *Di qua
va lunghissima ogni espeditione poiche S.S tA cedendo pochi
negocii gli remette tutti a Crescentio, che per natura et accidente
va cosi tardo nelle espeditioni ch'e uno stento il cavargliene
una delle mani. He again complains on July 19 of the " long-
hezze " of Crescenzi. On August 9 he reports : *S.S tA non
puo star senza lui [Crescenzi] et quand' & seco devon trattar
d'ogni altra cosa che de negocii perche di nessun si sentono
espeditioni. ** Buonanni emphasizes Crescenzi's influence on
October 7, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). Besides Crescenzi
Cardinal Maffei was much favoured by the Pope ; see Caro-
Farnese, I., 133, and Masius in Lacomblet, Archiv, VI., 157.
CHAPTER III.
Preparations for the reassembling of the Council
in Trent. — The Dispute concerning the Duchy of
Parma.
Among the points of the election capitulation to which
Julius III. had pledged himself in the conclave, the re-opening
of the General Council for the extirpation of heresy and the
reform of the Church stood in the first place. For the pro-
motion of this matter the Pope had entered upon diplomatic
negotiations with Charles V. and Henry II. immediately after
he ascended the throne. 1
Even before Pedro de Toledo, the appointed envoy to the
Emperor, entered upon his mission, well-informed people
believed that the Head of the Church was prepared, not only
to continue the Council in Trent but, under certain circum-
stances, even in another place, in the centre of Germany ;
it was, however, to be a real and free Council. 2 Toledo,
indeed, declared by word of mouth, that he believed His
Holiness would make such a concession, should he think Trent
unsuitable, but only if security should be given him that
there should be no undue interference in the matter of reform
or of the authority of the Holy See. 3
1 Cf. supra p. 55.
2 *AU' imperatore ha promesso di dare il concilio (ma che sia
concilio secondo i canoni et non fatto solo per interesse di S.M^
come voleva fare al tempo di papa Paulo) in mezo '1 corpo dell'
Alemagna. *OHvo to S. Calandra, dated Rome, February 15,
1550 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). See also the letter of Masius
of February 17, 1550, in Lacomblet, Archiv, VI., 156.
3 See Charles V. to Mendoza, translated in Maynier, 592 n.
with wrong date, May 18 instead of March 18. Cf. Mauren-
BRECHER, 228.
77
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Imperialists had not expected such complaisance.
Had not Diego de Mendoza been so taken aback at first at
del Monte's election that the Pope had to call out to him :
" Don't be so terrified, ambassador ! " l Charles V. was most
pleasantly surprised. His answer to Pedro de Toledo was
exceedingly gracious ; Toledo was to beg the Pope respectfully
in his name to summon the Council as soon as possible and
to hold it in Trent. With regard to the guarantees required
by Julius III. the Emperor assured him that he only wished to
promote what was most advantageous to the Apostolic See
and agreeable to His Holiness, in so far as this depended on
him and was not contrary to his duty. 2 On March 16th, 1550,
Charles V. informed his brother Ferdinand, that he had thought
it right at once to inform the Papal ambassador of his agree-
ment with the offer regarding the Council, and that he would
now, in order to take the Pope at his word, summon the
Imperial Diet for June 25th, at Augsburg. 3
Before the arrival of Toledo, Charles V. had already sent his
confidant, Luis de Avila, to Rome, to convey his congratula
tions, bearing a letter in which he assured the Pope of his
perfect readiness to protect the Church. Julius III. received
the ambassador on March 25th, 1550, and also declared his
intention of proceeding in the matter of the Council, as in all
else, to the satisfaction of the Emperor. 4
In April, 1550, the Pope entrusted a commission of seven
Cardinals : de Cupis, Carafa, Morone, Crescenzi, Sfondrato,
Pole and Cervini with the deliberations concerning the Council,
at the same time recalling Sebastiano Pighino from Germany to
Rome, for the purpose of furnishing reports. Morone set
forth the by no means unimportant difficulties which stood in
the way of a renewal of the Council at Trent, and these were
carefully considered by the commission. The result was
1 Dandolo, 347. De Leva, V., 93. Brown, V., n. 643.
2 See the letter to Mendoza cited supra p. 77, n. 3.
3 Lanz, III., 1 seqq.
4 See Raynaldus, 1550, n. 5 and 8; Massarelli, 162 seq. ;
Druffel, I., 384.
OBJECTIONS TO TRENT OVERCOME. 79
the approval of the decision to reopen the Council at
Trent. 1
As a matter of fact, the two principal objections to the
Council being again held in Trent were no longer in existence.
The danger of interference on the part of the Council in the
Papal election appeared to be over, as the new Head of the
Church was no longer, as had been the case with Paul III.,
a broken old man, but one who was still in possession of great
bodily vigour. The other difficulty, which concerned the
validity of the removal of the Council to Bologna, which had
taken place with the consent of His Holiness, was overcome
by the fact that almost all the Spanish bishops had left Trent
after the departure of Cardinal Pacheco to the conclave, so
that it could hardly be maintained that the assembly was still
in existence. It was therefore possible again to take up the
work of the Council in Trent, without detriment to the reputa-
tion of Julius III. and his predecessor. This was the aim of
the election capitulation, of the nuncios in Germany, and also
of the Emperor, who was joined by the King of Poland. A
continuance of the Council in Bologna was therefore impossible,
if only for the reason that in such a case a judgment concerning
the suspension, originated by Julius III., as legate, and warmly
advocated by him, would have had to be expressed. This
would again have given rise to the old disputes and, moreover,
the Emperor had only received the consent of the German
States for Trent as the seat of the Council. 2
1 Cf. Massarelli, 168 seq. ; the opinion of Morone in Ray-
naldus, 1550, n. 9 and in Le Plat, IV., 164 ; Nuntiaturberichte,
XII., xxxiv., where, erroneously, only five Cardinals are given ;
♦letter of Serristori of April 24, 1550. Concerning the dispatch
of the nuncios Serristori had already reported on February 26 :
*A1 Pighino mi disse S.B ne che disegnava dare il carico di Nuntio
appre[sso] all' imp 16 . In Francia disegna di mandare mons r
della Casa, ancora ch'ei mostri non contenta[rsi]. In Portogallo
il vescovo Giambeccaro, et in Venetia il Beccatello (State Archives,
Florence) .
2 Cf. the " Discorso mandato in Francia " in Pallavicini,
11, 8, 4.
80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Immediately after the decision of the commission the Pope
informed the Imperial ambassador Mendoza of his intention
to open the Council in Trent and to appoint Pighino as nuncio
to Charles V. for the carrying out of the preliminary negotia-
tions. He begged, however, that the matter might not in the
meantime be openly discussed ; first, because it had still to
be considered in the consistory, and also to prevent the French
from having an opportunity of prematurely putting diffi-
culties in the way. The nuncio at the court of the Emperor,
Pietro Bertano, also received a corresponding intimation and
was enjoined to keep the matter secret for the time being. 1
Now that the agreement between the Pope and the Em-
peror appeared to guarantee the speedy reopening of the
Council, the most dangerous intrigues against it were again
being carried on by the French sovereign, as had formerly
been the case in the time of Francis I.
The French King acquiesced in the election of Julius III., 2
but not in the friendly overtures of the new Pope to the
Emperor. The former, indeed, did everything in his power
to consider the susceptibilities of France, 3 but the French
politicians greatly feared the revival of religious unity in
Germany through the Council ; they considered it much more
advantageous that the religious division and consequent loss
of vital power in Germany should continue. 4
It was in vain, therefore, that Julius III. showed the French
1 See Mendoza's report in Druffel, I., 393, and the *letter al
vescovo di Fano [Bertano] per via di Don Diego, dated Rome,
April 25, 1550 (Secret Archives, of the Vatican).
2 See Henry's letter to Cosimo I. in Desjardins, III., 233 seq.
3 *I1 card, di Ferrara ha desiderate stanze in palazzo afin che
fra tanti imperiali (Alvarez de Toledo and Carpi had received
lodgings in the Vatican ; see Ribier, II., 264) si mostri pur che
vi stia un di fazione Franzese et ha ottenute quelle che soleva
tenere il camerlengo a tempo di Paulo disegnate per il s. Balduino
da Iulio. Serristori on March 17, 1550 (State Archives, Florence).
The French Cardinals could not gain any influence, as they were
very much at variance with one another. See Romier, 236 seq.
4 Cf. Raynaldus, 1550, n. 10 ; Maurenbrecher, 228.
THE INSTRUCTIONS FOR PIGHINO. 8l
King the most extreme complaisance in an endeavour to
break down at least his direct opposition ; nor did it improve
matters when the Pope, in his conferences with Cardinals
Tournon and d'Este, exerted all his diplomatic skill to remove
the objections of the French. 1 The direct negotiations were
to be dealt with by Antonio Trivulzio, who was well known
and very popular at the French court, and who was destined
to succeed the present nuncio, Michele della Torre. 2 His
departure was delayed, however, as well as that of Pighino,
in consequence of an attack of gout which seized the Pope,
and it was not until the beginning of July, 1550, that the two
envoys could at last set out upon their journey. 3 .
Pighino, 4 who was appointed Archbishop of Siponto, and
was to replace Bertano, who had been nuncio till then, re-
ceived in the instructions prepared for him on June 20th,
orders to lay four considerations before the Emperor, not so
as to raise impediments, but with a view to getting rid, by a
mutual understanding, of certain difficulties which still stood
in the way. The first consideration was with regard to the
Frenchmen who were destined to take part in the Council
of the Church, so that in the endeavour to win back Germany
she might not lose France, or the King set up a national
1 Cf. Ribier, II., 275 seq.
2 The *brief recalling M. della Torre dated April 25, 1550,
in Arm. 41, t. 55, n. 360 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See Mendoza in Druffel, I., 401, and Massarelli, 181.
Cf. supra chap. II.
4 In Druffel, I., 423 seqq. and in Laemmer, Melet., 156 seq.
Emendations in the text in Pieper, 140 seq. Cf. Dandolo's
report of June 14, 1550, in de Leva, V., 101. The Briefs of
June 23, given to Pighino, " ad ducem Saxoniae, inarch. Branden-
burg, et comitem Palat. Rheni " in Le Plat, IV., 165 ; *Brief
of June 22, 1550., for the " princ. Hisp." and the German princes
with regard to the mission of Pighino in Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 574
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). The departure of Pighino
which, according to Massarelli, 181, took place on July 2, is
announced by *Serristori as having already taken place on July
1, 1550 (State Archives, Florence).
VOL. XIII. 6
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
schismatical council. In order to overcome the distrust of
the French King for the city of Trent, which was situated in
Imperial territory, Julius III. was prepared to promise that
the Council should only occupy itself with questions con-
cerning the faith and the reform of morals, but in no way
with political matters or with the special privileges accorded
to the French kings. The second consideration concerned
the poverty of the Apostolic See and of the Italian prelates,
in consequence of which it appeared impossible to bear for a
long period the expenses entailed by the upkeep of the Council
and the residence thereat. In order, therefore, to avoid un-
necessary delay, the Emperor was to undertake, as far as lay
in his power, that the Council should begin punctually and
fulfil its duties expeditiously. In order to do so Charles V.
would have to secure the acceptance of the Council by the
Catholics as well as the Protestants in the Imperial Diet,
because the acquiescence of the Germans had been the principal
supposition upon which the commission of Cardinals had
consented to hold the Council at Trent. The third considera-
tion related to the dogmatic decisions which had been already
fixed at the Council of Trent and at other Councils, and con-
cerning which the Pope insisted, from the Catholic point of
view, and with perfect right, that they must not again be
called in question. In connection with this the difficult
question arose, as to how the Protestants were to be heard
should they appear in the Synod. Finally, the fourth con-
sideration was with regard to the supreme authority of the
Pope and of the Apostolic See, in the Council and out of it,
which was not to be impugned. An appendix to the in-
structions, which was sent after the nuncio, dealt with the
dispute concerning the possession of Piacenza.
The instructions, also drawn up on June 20th, for Trivulzio, 1
1 In Druffel, I., 434 seqq. with wrong date, omissions and
errors (see Pieper, 141 seq.) The Discorso sent after Trivulzio
(see Massarelli, 182 ; Pallavicini, ii, 8, 4) is certainly not
identical with the instructions, as Druffel believes (see Merkle
with regard to Massarelli, loc. cit.) Probably, however, the
TRIVULZIO SENT TO HENRY II. 83
who left Rome on July 5th, 1 emphasized the fact that the*
Pope would take no decisive steps before he received the
answer of Henry II. Among the reasons which made the
re-opening of the Council at Trent advisable, the first and most
important was the fact that at the last Diet at Augsburg, all
the States, Catholic as well as Protestant, had submitted to
the decrees of the Council of Trent ; therefore, as the Germans
were precisely the people who were most in need of such
medicine, the Pope would be acting against his duty and the
dictates of his conscience, were he not prepared to summon
the Council again in the said city. The question as to the
validity of the removal of the Council to Bologna under Paul III
was, in the meantime, to remain undecided. Trivulzio was
also instructed to call attention to the fact that, in the event
of the refusal by the King to accept the Council, the Em-
peror would come to an understanding with the Protestants
on his own responsibility and could then accuse the Pope of
neglect of duty. The four considerations in the instructions
of Pighino are almost the same as those of Trivulzio, who was
also specially enjoined to keep on good terms with Cardinal
Guise. 2
When Pighino, whose journey occupied more than a month,
reached the Emperor at Augsburg, on August 3rd, 1550, 3 ,
supposition of Pieper (p. 14, n. 2) is correct, that the ragione
sottile quoted by Pallavicini, ii, 9, 2, belongs to this Discorso,
and that the Emperor was anxious to promote the Council,
but not to succeed in getting it, because, instead of being a
political advantage, it might bring him into serious complications
with Germany. Henry II. was also to be turned by this con-
sideration from the idea that Charles V. would gain an advantage
from the Council to the prejudice of France.
1 Massarelli, 181.
2 Julius III. had already addressed a special brief to Cardinal
Guise, regarding the question of the Council on June 16, 1550
(see Raynaldus, 1550, n. 10; Le Plat, IV., 165). *Briefs
of Jane 16, 1550, to the " Card, de Borbonio, de Chatillon, de
Vandomo, ducissae Valent," regarding the mission of Trivulzio,
in Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 552 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See Marillac in Druffel, I., 469.
84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Diet, in spite of a poor attendance — none of the secular
Electors appeared in person— had already opened. The
French ambassador, Marillac, was of opinion that Charles V.
had an object in not waiting for the arrival of Fighino, and
that by opening the Diet quite unexpectedly on July 26th,
although the date for so doing had been postponed till
August 10th, 1550, he wished to anticipate by a proposition
of his own, 1 any obstacles which might arise from the con-
ditions of the nuncio. This proposition was to the following
effect : the States of the last Diet had agreed that no better
means could be found for the discussion and settlement of
religious matters than a Christian General Council, and as the
present Pope had graciously assented, and promised that the
Council should, in accordance with the desire of the Emperor
and the sanction of the States of the Diet, be continued and
brought to an end at Trent, there was, in his opinion, nothing
to be done in the matter, except to keep on urging the Pope to
fulfil his promise. 2 The authorized agents of the two great
Protestant princes, Maurice of Saxony and Joachim of
Brandenburg, protested, however, against this. They ex-
pressly demanded that the Pope, as an interested party in the
Council, should not preside, and that the Articles of Faith,
which had already been defined, should again be discussed ;
a declaration to that effect was, however, not taken as being
contrary to the decisions of the former Diet. The majority of
the States, Catholic as well as Protestant, declared on August
20th, their agreement to the Emperor urging the Pope to
continue the Council. 3
Pighino had nothing but favourable reports to give of his
reception by the Emperor, and of his deliberations with the
chancellor, Granvelle, 4 no essential differences having arisen
between them. With regard to the Protestants, however,
1 See ibid., 459.
2 See ibid,. 454 seq., and Jannsen-Pastor, III., 707 seq.
3 Cf. Druffel, I., 467, 477, 485, 494.
4 See Pighino's reports of August 10 in de Leva, V., 106 and
August 12 in Laemmer, Melet., 165 seq., emendations in Pieper,
10 ; ibid, a report of August 15. Cf. Pallavicini, II, 10, 1 seq.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CHARLES V. AND HENRY II. 85
Pighino could have no illusions. 1 It must have given him
matter for serious consideration when, in the reply of the
States to the Imperial counter-plea of October 8th, the demand
of the Protestants that their representatives in the Council
should also be heard concerning the points already decided,
was once more repeated. 2
The Emperor, however, sent the Pope a reassuring ex-
planation of this incident, through his ambassador, Mendoza,
telling him that they would listen to the Protestants, but
alter nothing in the decisions already adopted, which they
would simply repeat. Mendoza also gave assurances regard-
ing Charles V.'s stay in Germany. 3 In this manner perfect
unity was established between the Pope and the Emperor, on
this point at least, and nothing further now stood in the way
of the Council being summoned.
The negotiations with France, however, were more difficult
to carry through. The nuncio who was there at this time,
Michele della Torre, spared no efforts to win over Henry II.
to the plan of the Council. He was told, however, that no
decision could be arrived at until after the arrival of Trivulzio.
That the King was opposed to the plan is clear from his cor-
respondence with his ambassador, Marillac, who was at that
time at Augsburg. 4
Trivulzio next received a polite letter from the King, in
which he committed himself to nothing. 5 Henry II. was en-
deavouring to defer a decision, but finally declared to the two
representatives of the Pope, with brutal candour, that he had
no interest in prolonging the Council, that his subjects did not .
require it, being good Catholics ; should any fall away, they
would be punished in such a manner that they might serve
others as an example. He added that there was a sufficiency
1 Cf. his reports of August 10 in de Leva, V., 105, of August
21 in Laemmer, Melet., 165 seq., and of September 5, 1550, in
Pieper, n seq. Cf. Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 422.
2 Druffel, I., 512 seq.
3 Cf. Maurenbrecher, 230 seq., 152* ; Maynier, 594.
4 Cf. Druffel, I., 431 seqq., 451.
5 Cf. Massarelli, 187 ; Pallavicini, ii, 10, 1.
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of worthy prelates in France, who could carry out the reform of
the clergy, without its being necessary to summon a General
Council. With regard to the safety of Trent the King re-
minded the nuncios that the Pope, when he was Legate of the
Council there, had feared for the safety of his own person, and
had therefore undertaken the removal of the Council to
Bologna. It seemed clear from this fact that Trent could not
be so safe as His Holiness maintained ; if, however, all the
other princes declared themselves agreeable, then would he,
the Most Christian King, do as his predecessors had done in
similar circumstances. 1 This was all that the most earnest
entreaties of the nuncios could draw from him. The French
ambassador in Rome, d'Urfe, was instructed to speak to the
Pope in the same fashion. Henry II. at once put forward
the rights of the Gallican Church, ordered the observance
of the decrees of the Council of Basle, and vigorously opposed
the Pope's intended bestowal of the bishopric of Marseilles
on his relative, Cristoforo del Monte. 2 To the brief addressed
to the King by Julius III., on September 22nd, there came
an answer as vague and disobliging as possible. 3
The Pope did not allow himself to be disconcerted by the
unfriendly attitude of France. However greatly he may have
1 See Henry II. to d'Urfe on August 5, 1550, in Ribier, II.,
279. Cf. Maurenbrecher, 231 seq.
2 See the reports of d'Urfe and Cardinal Ipp. d'Este from Rome
on August 29, 1550, in Druffel, I., 495 seqq. Concerning the
Marseilles affair (see Massarelli, 187), in which Julius III.
eventually attained his object, see Ruffi, Hist, de Marseille,
H-> 35- Julius III. had already approached Henry II. regard-
ing this matter in a *Brief of April 15 (Arm 41, t. 55, n. 303.
Secret Archives of the Vatican). Serristori speaks of the in-
dignation of the Pope on account of the king's opposition in
his *letter of August 23, 1550 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. Raynaldus, 1550, n. 16; Le Plat, IV., 167; Nuntiatur-
berichte, XII., xxxvi. Cf. the report of Cardinal Tournon in
Druffel, I., 511 seq., to see how Julius III. sought to win over
Henry II. in the question of the Council through the said Car-
dinal.
THE BULL SUMMONING THE COUNCIL. 8j
regretted the conduct of Henry II. he was still of opinion that
after his recent negotiations with the Emperor, he might take
steps to summon the Council. On October 3rd, 1550,
Julius III., who just at the moment was highly delighted by
the news of the conquest of Mehadia, 1 on the north coast of
Africa, announced to the consistory his intention of publishing
a Bull to carry out this decision. 2 Animated by a most lively
desire to arrange this important matter, 3 he worked personally
at the drafting of this official document. 4 It was to be in the
1 Acta, consist, in Raynaldus, 1550, n. 26. Letter of the
postmaster Taxis in Lacomblet, Archiv., VI., 166 seq. On
October 5 a Mass of thanksgiving was celebrated in St. Peter's
pro expugnata Africa a christianis (Massarelli, 194). Cf. the
♦letters of Gir. Biagio of September 20 and 22, and October 4,
1550 (State Archives, Bologna) and the *report of Serristori of
October 30, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). A *brief of con-
gratulation of October 8, 1550, to Jo. de Vega, viceroy of Sicily,
in Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 880 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The
viceroy afterwards sent Turkish trophies to Rome (see Raynal-
dus, 1550, n. 27). Concerning this matter see Zinkeisen, II.,
875, and Guglielmotti, II., 237 seq. ; see also ibid, concerning
the help given by the Pope in the expedition.
2 See Acta consist, in Laemmer, Melet. 206, and the *report of
Serristori mentioned in previous note.
3 In opposition to the groundless suspicions of DrufJel, who
follows the lead of the apostate Vergerio, whose heart was filled
with hatred (concerning his polemic cf. Hubert, 50 seqq., and the
Archiv fur Reformationsgesch., VIII., 325 seqq.) is a *report
of September 27, 1550, of Serristori, who is by no means over
favourable to Julius III. ; in this he says : *Vedesi che S.S 1 ^
va d'ottime gambe in dette cose del concilio et ch'ella piglia gran
dispiacer di veder chel Christianissimo non condescende sin qui
a mandar i suoi prelati a Trento, et per il modo [con] che vengono
i Francesi in questa et in ogni altra cosa che hanno di trattar con
S.S^ si mostra da piu cose che la dice in qualche ristretto molto
sdegnata contra di loro, et quanto biasima I'attitudine di questi,
tanto loda et inalza quella di S.M^ (the italics in cypher).
State Archives, Florence.
4 Dandino to the nuncio at Venice on October 18, 1550, in
Pallavicini, 11, 11, 3.
88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hands of the nuncio by the middle of October. This, however,
proved to be impossible, as it was desired to await the arrival
of Cardinals Cervini, Pole and Morone, who were to be the first
to examine the draft. 1 On November ioth, it reached the hands
of the other Cardinals who were deputed to act in the matter
of the Council, viz. : de Cupis, Carafa, Tournon, Juan Alvarez,
de Toledo, and Crescenzi. 2 In order to avert all difficulties,
they at once agreed to avoid the expression " continuance of
the Council " in the official document. 3
The text of the Bull was considered once more on Novem-
ber 1 2th, by a meeting of the eight Cardinals, in the presence
of Julius III., and the Pope's draft was unanimously approved.
On the following day the Pope and Cervini again went through
the important document for the last time, and on November
14th it was read and sanctioned in a secret consistory. 4 The
decision gave universal satisfaction, and it was also reported
that the Pope would repair to Bologna in the spring in order
to be nearer to the seat of the Council. 5
1 * Report of Serristori of September 27, and ** letter of Buon-
anni of October 13, 1550. (State Archives, Florence).
2 Massarelli, 199. Cf. Buonanni's *report of October 25,
1550 (State Archives, Florence). Later (February 24, 1551)
Massarelli (p. 216) names Verallo instead of Morone as a member
of the commission.
3 See the **report of Buonanni of October 13, 1550 (State
Archives, Florence).
4 See Massarelli, 200 and two *reports of Buonanni of Nov-
ember 14 in the State Archives, Florence. In the ""letter of
Dandino to Ricci, then in Portugal, dated Rome, November 13,
1550, he says : *La qual bolla e stata fatta tutta da Sua Beat ne
propria senza che sia stata bisogno mutarne pure una parola
non ostante che sia stata vista diligentemente considerata dalli
principali del collegio et ultimamente da tutti. (Ricci Archives,
Rome).
5 ""Letter of G. Biagio of November 15, 1550 (State Archives,
Bologna). Julius III. had already spoken of a journey to Bologna
in the interests of the Council (see the *report of Buonanni of
September 25, 1550. State Archives, Florence). The plan of
such a journey also played a great part during the summer and
THE BULL SENT TO THE EMPEROR. 89
In the Bull, which did in fact avoid the expression " con-
tinuance," Julius III. announced his intention of labouring
for the peace of the Church, the spread of the Christian Faith
and true religion, and of providing, as far as lay in his power,
for the tranquillity of Germany. As it was his right, in virtue
of his office, to summon and direct General Councils, the Pope
addresses to the patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, abbots and
all upon whom it may be incumbent to assist at a General
Council of the Church, the earnest admonition and invitation
to repair to the city of Trent on the coming 1st of May, the
day fixed for the re-opening of the Council begun under
Paul III. ; the Papal Legates, through whom he intended to
preside at the Council, should he be prevented from doing so in
person, 1 would also be there.
The Bull was sent at once in the original to Pighino, on
November 15th, so that he might hand it to the Emperor.
In the letter which accompanied it, the nuncio received in-
structions to beg Charles V. to have the document published
as quickly as possible, as it was only to be made known in
Rome after its publication in Germany. It was also explained
at the same time why May 1st had been chosen for the opening
autumn of 1551 (see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 52, 67 seq., 71 seq.,
74, 78 ; Druffel, III., 241, 251 seq.) According to the entry of
September 14, 1550, in the Tesor. seg. (State Archives, Rome)
the journey was then decided ; on September 25, 1551, on the
other hand, Ipp. Capilupi writes : *La partita di S.S 14 per
Bologna e quasi in tutto esclusa, il vice Re di Napoli, il s r duca
di Firenze et tutta la corte di Roma disuadono a S.S U il partirsi,
resta solo che s'intenda quel che S.M 1 ^ consiglia, et domani che
sera qui il s r Don Diego col s r Gio. Marrique si intendera l'opinione
di S.M 14 con la risolutione di S.S 1 ^ (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
Julius III. still cherished the idea of undertaking the journey,
in January, 1552 (see Druffel, II. , 8, 18 seq.) but did not succeed
in doing so.
1 Raynaldus, 1550, n. 21. Bull. VI., 430 seq. Concerning
a proclamation of the Council composed by the Protestants,
which is in reality a satire, see Menzel, III., 364 n. ; cf. Hubert,
78 seq.
gn HISTORY OF THE POPES.
date instead of Laetare Sunday as originally fixed. The
reason given for this was that the prelates should not be absent
from their churches during Lent and at the festival of Easter,
and also the high cost of provisions prevailing at that season,
which would disappear at the approaching harvest. On the
same date, November 15 th, copies of the Bull were sent to
Venice, Spain and Portugal. 1
The messenger who carried the document arrived at Augs-
burg on November 21st, and on the following day Pighino
handed the Bull to the Emperor. The latter praised it as a
most admirable document, but was not quite in agreement
with the drafting, as he feared that the manner in which the
points already deliberated upon and decided in former sessions
of the Council, were alluded to, would give rise to an inimical
attitude on the part of the Protestants. It was not until
December 15th that Pighino could report to Rome that the
Bull had been made public. 2 Thereupon Julius III. ordered,
on December 27th, that it should be read during mass at
St. Peter's and at the Lateran, and generally made known to
the public by being affixed to the church doors. This took
place on January 1st, 1551, the Bull being then printed and
sent in the course of January to all the bishops of the world.
The Pope had invited the Polish episcopate to the Council as
early as December 20th, 1550, in a brief of that date informing
them of the immediate dispatch of the Bull. 3
Charles V. as was characteristic of him, had a secret protest
drawn up on January 3rd, 1551, in which he took precautions
against any possible disadvantages which might arise from his
consent to a Bull which did not altogether satisfy him ; he
required in particular that the position he had taken up with
regard to the transference of the Council to Bologna should
not be affected. 4
1 See Massarelli, 200 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., xxxvii.
2 Cf. Raynaldus, 1550, n. 19; Nuntiaturberichte, XII.,
xxxvii. ; Maurenbrecher, 231, n. 14 ; Druffel, I., 550 n. ;
de Leva, V., 111 seq.
3 Raynaldus, 1550, n. 42 ; Massarelli, 209, 211 ; Le Plat,
IV., 169.
4 Maurenbrecher, 152*, seqq.
CHARLES V. AND THE COUNCIL. 91
In the " Farewell to the Diet " published on February 13th,
1551, the Emperor gave expression to his views on the Council
in the following terms : he had considered the Council the
best manner of regulating religious questions satisfactorily,
and through his negotiations with the Pope, he had succeeded
in having the Synod summoned to Trent on the following
1st of May ; the Bull in connection with this had been com-
municated to the States of the Diet. As these had declared
that they accepted the Council and submitted themselves
to it, the Emperor expected that this would now be held,
and, now that the announcement had been made, that the
Princes would support the Council in every way. He, on his
side, would do everything incumbent on him, as patron of Holy
Church and protector of the Council. He expressly assured,
by his Imperial might and power, to all who wished to attend
the Council, a free and unhindered journey, freedom of speech,
and a free and safe return home. He also declared that he
would remain within the confines of the Empire, and, as far
as possible, in the neighbourhood, in order that his assistance
might be granted to the Council, so that it might be brought
to a good and just conclusion, conducive to the well-being
of the whole of Christendom, but particularly to a settled
peace and to the tranquillity and union of the German nation.
He therefore requested the Electors, the Princes, and the States
of the Empire, and above all, the ecclesiastical Princes and
the adherents of the Protestant, to hold themselves in readiness
for the Council, in accordance with the Papal proclamation. 1
On March 4th, 1551, Julius III., in consistory, appointed
the eminent Cardinal Marcello Crescenzi, a man of strictly
ecclesiastical views, as Legatus de latere and first president of
the Council, Archbishop Sebastiano Pighino of Siponto, and
Luigi Lippomano, Bishop of Verona, as apostolic nuncios,
who were to take their places as presidents at the side of the
Legate. 2 The brief of the same date authorizes the said
1 Le Plat, IV., 170 seq. ; cf. Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen,
422 seq.
2 See Theiner, I., 473 seq, ; Massarelli, 217 ; Pallavicini,
11, 13, 1 ; Maynier, 599 seq. Crescenzi's appointment had
92 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
bishops, in the name of the Pope, to preside at the Council,
as he cannot proceed in person to Trent on account of his age,
his shaken state of health and other obstacles. 1 On March 8th,
the Pope, who was confined to bed with an attack of gout,
bestowed on the Cardinal legate, Crescenzi, the legate's cross,
in his bed-chamber, in the presence of all the Cardinals. Two
days later Crescenzi left Rome and proceeded to Bologna,
there to await further developments. 2 A political question
which had most urgently engaged the attention of Julius III.
ever since his elevation to the Papal throne, threatened at
this time to prove fateful to the Council now in course of
preparation.
In accordance with the election capitulation, the Pope had,
very soon after his accession, given Parma, as a fief of the
church, to Ottavio Farnese, and he endeavoured to obtain the
assent of Charles V. and Henry II. to this step. 3 In the long
wearisome discussions concerning this matter, the question as
to the possession of Piacenza came up for consideration. The
Emperor's answer to Pighino on this point was not very
gratifying ; the lawful claims of the church and the state,
he said, must first be debated in detail, and the question of
possession afterwards decided. This meant, in other words,
that the right of the stronger was to prevail. 4 It soon came
to light that Charles was also stretching out his hand for
Parma. He proposed to the Pope that the latter should
invest him with Parma and Piacenza, and that he should
indemnify Ottavio Farnese from another quarter. 5 Although
Julius III. declared such a solution to be impossible, the
Farnese family despaired more and more of any successful
result of the Pope's mediation. To the realization that an
amicable return of Piacenza could not be reckoned on, was
already been expected on February 25 ; see *report of Serristori
of February 26, 155 1 (State Archives, Florence).
1 Raynaldus, 1551, n. 4. Le Plat, IV., 210 seq.
2 Theiner, I., 474. Massarelli, 218.
3 Cf. supra p. 55.
4 See Pallavicini, 11, 10, 4 ; de Leva, V., 120 seq.
5 Cf. Druffel, I., 416.
OTTAVIO FARNESE AND PARMA. 93
added the fear of their mortal enemy, Ferrante Gonzaga, the
Viceroy of Milan. In order to maintain their rights in Parma,
the Farnese began negotiations with France, always willing
to interfere in Italian affairs and to resist the preponderance
of the Emperor there. 1
The danger to the peace of Italy and the renewal of the
Council which would result from these proceedings was obvious
to everyone. The Bishop of Fano, Pietro Bertano, was sent
to the Emperor as plenipotentiary at the end of January,
1 55 1, to discuss the measures to be taken. It unfortunately
happened, however, that Bertano fell ill on the journey, and
only reached Charles V. at the beginning of April 2 ; by this
time, however, the Farnese were already deeply engaged with
Henry II.
The Pope made the greatest efforts to prevent this dangerous
turn of affairs. On February 16th, 1551, he had sent his
chamberlain, Pietro Camaiani, to Ottavio Farnese, with
instructions to dissuade his vassal from his dangerous purpose,
either by threats or promises. 3 On February 27th a very
earnest brief was addressed to Ottavio, reminding him that as
Standard-Bearer, Captain-General of the Church, and vassal
of the Holy See, he could not serve any foreign prince without
the consent of the Pope, or receive any foreign garrison in
Parma ; the Pope forbade any such proceedings under threats
of the penalties incurred by rebels ; should he have already
undertaken any engagements contrary to his fealty, he must
1 Cf. de Leva, V., 122 seqq.
2 See Druffel, I., 563 seq. ; Pieper, 17, 143 ; here (p. 17,
n. 4) are particulars concerning the letter to Pighino of March
12, 1551, on which de Leva (V., 126) lays too much stress.
*Briefs concerning the mission of Bertano, dated January 26,
1551, addressed to Charles V., Philip II., Ferdinand I. and
others in Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 36-38. Secret Archives of the
Vatican.
3 See Druffel, I., 576 ; Pieper, 18. 1pp. Capilupi announced
on February 14, 1551 : *S.S tA mostra di haver molto a male
queste pratiche che tengono Farnesi con Francia (Conzaga
Archives, Mantua).
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at once free himself from them. 1 A monitorium of March 5th
repeated this menacing admonition. 2 It proved, however,
as vain as the representations which the Pope made to the
French king, through his nuncio. 3 On March 12th Philippe
de Sipierre left Lyons for Parma with a treaty of alliance,
which Ottavio signed. His enemies, as he wrote to his brother
Alessandro on March 24th, sought to poison him and wrest
Parma from him ; he had resolved, however, to defend the
city to his last breath. 4
The Pope was all the more indignant at this revolt on the
part of his vassal, as he had, hitherto, overwhelmed the Farriese
family with favours. What was, however, to be done ? If
he interfered, the French king, who was already threatening
a National Council, would definitely refuse him obedience ;
should he on the other hand tolerate the behaviour of Ottavio,
then he would not only break with the Emperor, but would
also lose the respect of the other princes, of the Cardinals,
and of his vassals. In addition to all this the lamentable
state of the papal finances had to be considered. 5 Punishment
of the rebel was out of the question without the help of the
Emperor. In order to assure himself of this assistance,
Julius III. resolved to send the cleverest diplomatist of the
1 *Brevia Iulii III. in Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 95; ibid., n. 96 to
Paulus de Vitellis, dated February 27, 1550 : if Ottavio Farnese
did not obey, he was to leave him at once (Secret Archives of
the Vatican). The *original brief appointing him Standard
Bearer of the Church, dated March 8, 1550, is in the State Archives,
Carte Fames.
2 See Pallavicini, ii, 13, 2.
3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., xli. P. Camaiani returned to
Rome on March 7, and reported to the Pope, who was confined
to his room with an attack of gout. *Letter of Buonanni of
March 8, 155 1 (State Archives, Florence)
4 See Cugnoni, Prose ined. di A. Caro, 118 seq. ; de Leva,
V., 130 seq. Concerning the French threats of a National Council
see Desjardins, III., 250.
5 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 259-260 ; de Leva, in the Riv.
stor., I., 645.
THE POPE STANDS FIRM. 95
Curia, his secretary of state, Dandino, to the Imperial court
at Augsburg.
In the instructions for Dandino, personally drawn up by the
Pope on March 31st, the situation with the Farnese family
was once more explained, and the desire to form an alliance
with the Emperor most strongly emphasized. It was his wish,
Julius III. continued, to sail in the same ship with the Em-
peror, and to share the same fate as his, for he knew how
closely his interests, especially those concerning religion, were
bound up with those of Charles ; should an appeal to arms,
in spite of all efforts, become inevitable, it being intolerable
that a miserable creature like Ottavio Farnese should defy
at once the Emperor and the Pope, then Charles, as the
more powerful and the more experienced in the art of war,
must decide what was to be done. 1
This resolve of the Pope to make a stand against Ottavio
Farnese, in close alliance with the Emperor, was still further
strengthened when, on the day of the departure of Dandino
(April 1st, 1551), the ambassador of Charles, on his return to
Rome from Siena, assured Julius of the support of his master.
However urgently the Imperialists insisted on the immediate
opening of the Council, it will easily be understood that
Julius III. shrank from so doing. 2 On April 2nd, the newly
appointed representative of France, Termes, openly declared
the intention of his king to summon a National Council, and
announce the withdrawal of his allegiance to the Pope, should
the latter take steps against Ottavio Farnese. 3 This was the
very way to drive such a passionate man as Julius III. to
extremes.
1 The * Regis tro originale of the Instructions of Julius III.,
signed by G. Canano, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican,
begins with those for Dandino (Polit. 78, p. 55 seq.) For this see
Pieper, 143 seq., with the emendations to the text of Druffel,
I., 602 seq. A *letter of introduction for Dandino to Cardinal
Madruzzo, dated Rome, March 31, 155 1, in the vice-regal Archives,
Innsbruck.
2 See Legaz. di Serristori, 261 seq.
3 See Lasso's report in Druffel, I., 609.
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In a consistory of April 6th, the Pope declared that if his
admonitions and threats remained without effect, he would
force his rebellious vassal to submission by the power of arms.
He then bitterly complained of the attempt of the French
king to stand in the way of the meeting of a General Council
of the Church, by summoning a National Council. His plan,
however, would not succeed ; he was determined to open the
Council at Trent, even in face of the danger that he might be
forced to proceed to the excommunication and deposition of
a ruler who sought to prevent an assembly so necessary tor the
well-being of Christendom. 1
The French had not expected such an uncompromising
speech. It appeared that the threats of their king had only
hastened the decision to declare the Council open, at least
formally. Termes, as well as Cardinals d'Este and Tournon,
therefore did everything in their power to minimize the
significance ot the summoning of a French National Council.
This very attempt to excuse a proceeding which was in itself
inexcusable irritated Julius III. still more ; he expressed him-
self in the strongest language against Ottavio Farnese, as
against Henry II. 2 On April nth, 1551, a monitor ium poenale
was issued against Ottavio, who had made himself guilty of
rebellion by the reception of foreign troops. 3
1 Concerning the consistory of April 6, cf. the letter of Este
in Ribier, II., 317 seq. and that of Lasso in Druffel, 1., 609 seq.,
as well as the detailed ""report of Serristori of April 6, 1551 (State
Archives, Florence). See also the *letter of Julius III. to Dan-
dino of April 10, 1551, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican,
Borghese II., 465, p. 9 seqq. Copies in the Royal Library, Berlin,
Inf. polit. XIX., 336-343, and in the Barberini Library, LVTII., 12.
2 Besides the reports of Cardinals d'Este and Tournon of April
8, 1551, in Ribier, II., 319 seq., and the detailed ""letters of Ser-
ristori of April 8 and 10 (State Archives, Florence) see the state-
ment of the Pope himself in his *letter to Dandino of April 10
(Barberini Library, LVTII., 12), from which de Leva quotes a
sentence (V., 136).
3 Monitorium poenale contra ill. dom. Oct. Farnesium. Romae
apud A, Bladum, 1551. Cf. Chiesi, 221.
THE BREAK WITH OTTAVIO FARNESE. 97
After these outbursts of anger, there followed days, as is
frequently the case with those of a sanguine temperament,
when the state of affairs appeared in quite a different light. 1
The break with Ottavio Farnese naturally entailed that with
Henry II., who could put the greatest difficulties in the way
of the Council and perhaps even bring about a schism. Be-
sides this, was the needful help on the part of the Emperor
certain ? Another consideration as far as Italy was concerned
also weighed even more heavily in the scale. How was it
possible to carry on a war, when the money chests were empty,
and an unproductive year threatened the States of the Church
with famine ? Powerful voices were also raised in earnest
warning against precipitation in beginning the hostilities,
which the Emperor was urging. A letter from Cardinal
Crescenzi, who stood high in the Pope's estimation, was speci-
ally urgent in advising caution. 2 To all this was added the
hostile attitude towards this war of the people of Rome,
where it was said, to the great vexation of Julius III., that
the Pope was nothing but a weak tool in the hands of the
Spaniards. 3 It is not, therefore, to be wondered at that the
Pope wavered to the last moment and made new attempts
to settle this unhappy strife about Parma. 4 All endeavours,
however, proved vain, and on May 22nd Ottavio Farnese
was declared, in a secret consistory, to have forfeited his fief ;
1 How quickly Julius III. changed his moods is shown by
the second * letter which he sent to Dandino on April 10, 155 1
(Secret Archives of the Vatican. Borghese II., 465, p. 13 seq.)
A passage from it in Romier, 242.
2 See the passage from the letter of Julius III. of April 10,
1551, in de Leva, V., 191, n. 2.
3 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 274 seq. Concerning the feeling in
Rome see the report of Niccol6 da Ponte in de Leva, V., 152.
4 Cf. the detailed description of the vacillation of Julius III.
in de Leva, V., 136 seqq. Concerning the mission of Cardinal
Medici to Ott. Farnese and of Ascanio della Corgna to France
see Cugnoni, Prose ined. di A. Caro, 89 seq. ; Pieper, 20 seq.,
144 seq. ; Romier, 242 seqq. Romier has explained the mission
of Jean de Monluc (p. 246 seqq.)
VOL. XIII. 7
98 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
five days later Henry II. pledged himself to supply Farnese
with money and equipment. 1 The question was to be decided
by the force of arms.
1 See Legaz. di Serristori, 274 ; Fontanini, 388 seq. ; Pal-
LAVICINI, II, l6, 2; ROMIER, 245.
CHAPTER IV.
Second Period of the Council of Trent.
Regardless of the political situation, which was from day to
day growing darker, Julius III. continued his preparations
for the General Council, which he determined to open at the
appointed time in spite of every difficulty. 1 On April 15th,
1 55 1, he again entrusted Angelo Massarelli with the post of
secretary to the Council. Massarelli started on the following
day for Bologna, which he reached on the 19th. On the part
of the Pope he announced to the Legate, Crescenzi, who was
staying there, that the Council was in any case to be opened on
May 1st, but only by the Legate himself if news should have
by that time have come from Dandino that such was the wish
of the Emperor ; otherwise the opening ceremony was to be
undertaken by the second and third presidents, Pighino and
Lippomano. On April 23rd Massarelli was in Trent, where the
final preparations were being made for the opening of the
Council. The Palazzo Ghiroldi, where the Legate was also to
reside, was being fitted up for holding the congregations, while
the sessions were to take place in the venerable Cathedral of
St. Vigilius. 2
Dandino arrived in Trent from his legation on April 24th,
and announced that the Emperor agreed to the opening ; he
1 *Su S ad esta bueno, a Dio gracias, y muy determinado que
el concilio se encomience para el dia determinado. Cardinal
Pacheco to Cardinal Madruzzo, dated Rome, April 9, 155 1 (Vice-
regal Archives, Innsbruck).
2 See Massarelli, 223-224. By a *Brief of April 22, 1551,
Massarelli received authority to enjoy the revenues of the priory
S. Severini dioec. Camarac. (Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 291. Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
99
100 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
only desired that they should proceed slowly, until more
prelates, and especially the Germans, should have arrived. 1
The presidents of the Council, Crescenzi, Pighino and
Lippomano, made their solemn entry into Trent on April 29th,
1 55 1. Cardinal Madruzzo, four archbishops and nine bishops
welcomed them there. On the following day Francisco de
Toledo arrived as ambassador of the Emperor, and the first
General Congregation was held on April 30th. Cardinal
Crescenzi declared that in accordance with the will of the Pope,
the Council must be opened on the following day. This was
unanimously agreed to, but a second proposal of Crescenzi,
that the next session should take place after four months, on
September 1st, met at first with lively opposition. In answer
to this Pighino maintained that a Council could not be held
with Spaniards and Italians alone, the presence of German
prelates was also necessary ; they should not, moreover, give
the Proiestants a valid reason for refusing to acknowledge
the Council. In view of these reasons, the second proposal
was then accepted. 2
On the following day, May 1st, 1551, the eleventh Session
of the Council of Trent, the first under Julius III., took place,
with a very poor attendance. After solemn high mass by
Cardinal Crescenzi, the conventual Franciscan, Sigismondo
Fedrio of Diruta preached a sermon. After that the secretary
of the Council, Massarelli, read aloud the Bull summoning
the Council, and the brief nominating the presidents, and
Alepo, the Archbishop of Sassari, the decree for the re-opening
of the Council, as well as making the announcement that the
next session would not take place till September 1st, so that
the Germans might have time to appear in Trent. On the
same May 1st, the Pope, in Rome, had gone in solemn pro-
cession from S. Marco to the church of SS. Apostoli, where a
mass of the Holy Ghost was celebrated for the happy issue of
1 Raynaldus, 1551, n. 5. Massarelli, 224.
2 Massarelli, 225 seq. Theiner, Acta, I., 475 seqq. Letter
of Crescenzi to Dandino of May 1, 1551, in Druffel, I., 632 seq. ;
cf. also Pieper, 33, n. 1.
HENRY II. OPPOSES THE COUNCIL. 101
the Council, while at the same time, the Jubilee indulgence,
already proclaimed, was extended throughout the whole
world. 1
In the course of the month of May, several other Spanish
bishops arrived in Trent. On April 24th, in consistory, the
Pope had already called upon the eighty-four prelates then
resident in Rome to repair at once to Trent. As this had had
no effect, the dilatory prelates were once more requested to
be there by September 1st. A number of letters of summons
were also issued during the same month of May. 2
Although the Emperor also showed great zeal for the
furtherance of the Council, 3 the prospects for the assembly
still looked very gloomy, for Henry II., determined to employ
every means to turn the Pope from his proceedings against
Ottavio Farnese, worked his very hardest against the Council.
He broke off diplomatic relations with the Pope at the begin-
ning of July, and his ambassador, Paul de Labarthe, Sieur de
Termes, made a formal protest against the Council, in the
1 See Massarelli, 227-229 ; Theiner, Acta, I., 480. At
this session, in which Crescenzi avoided the use of the word
" continuation," there were present, besides the three Presidents,
Cardinal Madruzzo, four archbishops, ten bishops, eleven theo-
logians and the Imperial ambassador. The Indulgence Bull
of April 26, 1551, in Le Plat, IV., 217 seqq. The Pope approved
of what had been done in the opening session, and arranged
the place to be offered to Cardinal Madruzzo in a manner agreeable
to the latter ; see Massarelli, 230 seq.
2 Cf. Massarelli, 229 seqq. ; Raynaldus, 1551, n. 9 and 10 ;
Le Plat, IV., 220 seq. ; Wirz, Bullen, 360.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 2 seq. ; Postina in the Romischen
Quartalschrift, XVIII., 385 seqq. An edition of the documents
of the second period of the Council of Trent, by Postina, adequate
to modern requirements, is awaited. This edition, and especially
the correspondence in connection therewith, to be edited by the
Gorres Society, must be waited for, as only then will a definite
presentation of the second period of the Council of Trent be pos-
sible. The reports at present available, though very abundant,
are only from the Imperial side, and are so biassed that they can
only be used with the greatest caution.
102 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
consistory, before his departure. ' Now," it was said in this
official document, otherwise couched in respectful language,
' that the war has begun in Italy, the necessary tranquillity
for such an assembly cannot be found, and the prelates of his
kingdom will not be present in Trent." 1
Henry II. also worked against the fortunes of the Council
among the Catholics in Switzerland. The " Most Christian
King " was not ashamed to ally himself for this purpose with
one of the most active enemies of the Church, Pietro Paolo
Vergerio. 2
On July 21st, 1551, irritated to the highest degree at the
devastation of the district round Bologna by the troops under
Termes, the former French ambassador in Rome, Julius III.
addressed a threatening letter to Henry II., in which he
summoned him to appear before the judgment seat of God.
The King then gave instructions to the nuncio, Trivulzio, to
leave the court. He was ready, he declared, to appear before
God's judgment seat, although he knew he would not meet
the Pope there. He regarded the latter as among the worst
and most ungrateful of men, whose unjust excommunication
he did not fear. In the royal council the question was dis-
cussed as to whether the French church should fully withdraw
her allegiance from the Pope, and nominate a special patriarch
for France. It was Charles de Guise, the Cardinal of Lorraine,
who, above all others, dissuaded the King from such a fateiul
step. Henry II. declared he would fight Julius III., not with
spiritual but with secular weapons. Ten thousand men were
in readiness to start for Italy. In order to touch the Pope in
a tender spot, all Frenchmen were forbidden to send money
to Rome to acquire benefices or dispensations. 3 This measure,
which was adopted on September 3rd, was equivalent to a
breach of the Concordat. 4
1 Cf. Ribier, II., 329 seqq. ; Le Plat, IV., 227 seq. ; Pal-
LAVICINI, II, 16; ROMIER, 27-28.
2 See Raynaldus, 1551, n. 10 seq. ; Hubert, 99 seqq. Cf.
also J. G. Mayer, Das Konzil von Trienl und die Gegensreforma-
tion in der Schweiz, I., Stans, 1901.
3 See Romier, 30 seq., 33 seq., 41. 4 Thomas, III.. 13.
THE PRELATES ARRIVE SLOWLY. 103
The small number of prelates and ambassadors present in
Trent increased slowly until September. Besides the Span-
iards and several Italians, the first Germans also arrived, and
on June 17th, the suffragan bishop of Wiirzburg, Georg Flach,
reached Trent. Count Hugo de Montfort arrived as the
Emperor's second ambassador on July 29th. 1 The attendance
of the ecclesiastical Electors at the Council was of special
importance. At first these had wished to excuse themselves,
but the Legate, Crescenzi, represented to them in an emphatic
manner how greatly their position made it incumbent on them
to attend in person ; the Protestants must also be prevented
from making their absence an excuse for doing likewise.
Lippomano was actively engaged in the same direction. 2
The three Prince-Electors thereupon resolved to undertake
the journey to Trent. On August 17th tour of the doctors, sent
in advance by the Elector of Treves, arrived on the scene,
1 See Massarelli, 237, 240. See ibid., 235 and 237 concerning
the visit of Philip of Spain and Maximilian of Bohemia, who
were both travelling to Spain. Maximilian was again in Trent
on the return journey, from December 13 to 16 (see Nuntiatur-
berichte, XII., 359 seq.) Julius III. first deputed A. de Grassi,
and then his nephew, Ascanio della Corgna, to welcome King
Maximilian and the Queen of Bohemia to Italy : " quo nos co-
niunctiorem aut cariorem habemus neminem " (see brief to the
Queen of Bohemia of November 25, 1550. Arm. 41, t. 58, n.
872 ; n. 873 in like manner to the King). Concerning the welcome
see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 145. Julius III. had addressed
a *brief to Philip of Spain on June 10, 1551, to the following
effect : he had sent his nephew, G. B. del Monte, " quo nemo
nobis carior, nemo nobis coniunctior est," to meet him, when
Philip came from Germany, and to welcome him and invite
him to Rome ; as Philip's arrival was delayed, he now sent him
Hieronymus episc. Imol. (Dandino), so that the prince might not
travel unwelcomed through Italy (Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 446). On
the return journey of Maximilian A. de Grassi was sent to welcome
him ; see *Brief for Maximilian and his consort of November
2 3. t^SS 1 (Arm. 41, t. 62, n. 858. Secret Archives of the
Vat.)
2 See Le Plat, IV., 221 seq., 224 seq.
104 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
among them the learned Dominican, Ambrosius Pelargus. 1
On August 29th the two Electors, Sebastian von Heusenstamm,
Archbishop of Mayence, and Johann von Isenburg, Archbishop
of Treves, made their entry into the city. The arrival of these
important representatives of the German church, to whom
were also added in October the Elector of Cologne, Adolf von
Schauenburg, was the more joyfully welcomed as it was hoped
that numerous bishops of the Empire would now attend. On
August 29th the suffragan bishop of Mayence, Balthasar
Fanneman, also arrived, and on the following day the learned
Bishop of Vienna, Frederic Nausea, as ambassador of Ferdi-
nand, King of the Romans. 2 The bishops, however, who were
in Rome, had not yet put in an appearance. The bitter words
to which the Legate, Crescenzi, had given utterance with regard
to the absence of these prelates, were fully justified. At the
same time the outbreak of war in the north of Italy, and the
poverty of many Italian bishops, are reasons that must be
taken into consideration. 3 The Pope was not in a position
to help in this, as the salaries of the presidents and other
1 Massarelli, 241. Concerning Pelargus see Jannsen-
Pastor, VII., 556 seq., and the special literature quoted there.
2 See Massarelli, 241 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 52 ;
Postina, Billick, 117. In the *brief of November 13, 1550, the
Pope thanked Nausea for sending his Compendium concilii
Constant. (Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 950). This is the brief which J. G.
Mayer quotes in the Histor. Jahrb., VIII., 23, with the wrong
date December 12. Copies of the documents quoted by Mayer,
from the Town Library, Scharfhausen, relative to the doings
of Nausea at the Council, are also to be found in the Seminary
Library, Mayence. The manuscripts in the Court Library,
Vienna, and especially the papers of Nausea in Schaffhausen
on the subject, will be issued by Postina in his great publication.
Cardinal Truchsess of Augsburg also wished to go to Trent, and
applied to the Pope in this connection, but Julius informed him
that he had better wait, as the Cardinals were not summoned
by the Bull. Against the explanation of this letter by Druffel,
(I., 801) see Pieper, 34, n. 1.
3 This is rightly brought out by Pieper (p. 34) ; cf. Nuntiatur-
berichte, XII.. lxii.
TWELFTH SESSION OF THE COUNCIL. 105
officials of the Council required considerable sums, while the
upkeep of the troops sent against Ottavio Farnese quite
exhausted his already limited resources. Julius III. did,
however, what he could. A Bull of August 27th, 1551,
repeated under threats of penalties for the dilatory, the order
that all prelates should personally attend the Council. Similar
admonitions were given by the Cardinals deputed to deal with
the Council. The Pope, moreover, held fast to his resolution
that the next session of the Council should, under any circum-
stances, be held on September 1st. 1
On the proposal of the Legate the General Congregation
at Trent accordingly resolved, on August 31st, that the
appointed session should take place on the following day, the
next being fixed for October nth. 2 The Pope even thought
at that time of proceeding with his whole court to Bologna, in
the interests of the Council, a plan which had already been
considered, but which, on this occasion also, had to be aban-
doned on financial grounds. 3
On September 1st the three presidents, Cardinal Madruzzo,
the two Prince-Electors, five other archbishops, twenty-six
bishops and twenty-five theologians assembled for the twelfth
Session, the second under Julius III. 4 High Mass was cele-
brated by the Archbishop of Cagliari, and instead of a sermon,
1 See Le Plat, IV., 231 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 57
seq. By the *brief of September 1, 1551, to lac. Iacomello episc.
Bellicastr. the charge was given to the latter of seeing to " neces-
saria ad cellebr. concilii et presertim hospitia et victualia con-
venturis." (Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 749. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Massarelli, 242. Theiner, Acta, I., 483 seq.
3 How seriously this journey was planned may be seen from
the *Briefs in Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 790 : lac. Fabri cubical, dated
September n, 155 1 (commissariat for provisions in Bologna) ;
n. 841 : Commissariis super hospitiis for the journey to Bologna,
dated September 20, 155 r ; ibid. n. 842 and 843 : ad aptandas
vias ; n. 844 : ad victualia paranda ; n. 845 : ad hospit. pro
sact amentum portant. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 Massarelli, 242. Theiner, Acta, I., 486 seq. Raynaldus,
1551, n. 27 seq. Corpo dipl. Port., VI., 55.
106 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the secretary of the Council, Massarelli, read a long admonition
by the presidents to those assembled. The credentials of the
ambassadors of Charles V. and Ferdinand I. were also
received, and it was decided that the Sacrament of the Holy
Eucharist and the duty of residence of bishops should be dealt
with at the next session on October nth.
At the conclusion of the session a French envoy, Jacques
Amyot, sent by Cardinal Tournon, who was then staying in
Venice, arrived. He presented a letter from Henry II. as well
as another document, and demanded that they should be read.
As the letter of the French king was addressed " to the Fathers
of the Convention of Trent," thereby purposely avoiding the
term " Council," the Spaniards vigorously opposed the reading
of the document. The Legate, with the fathers of the Council,
retired to the sacristy to decide upon the matter. It was
resolved to comply with Amyot 's request, in order not to
embitter the French king still more, with the express declara-
tion, however, that the Council accepted the title in a favour-
able sense ; at the same time should this not have been the
king's intention in so addressing it, then the letter could not be
regarded as having been addressed to a Council of the Church.
Thereupon Massarelli read the king's letter, and Amyot the
other document. The purpose of the latter, while referring
to the declaration previously made in the consistory by the
French ambassador, was again to offer reasons for the uncom-
promising attitude of Henry II. towards the Council, and to
protest against it. While covering the Pope with reproaches,
he laid stress on the fact that he had not been able to send his
bishops as, in the present political state of affairs, the journey
was not safe ; he regarded the Council from which he had been
unwillingly excluded, not as a general, but rather as a private
assembly, as It seemed to him rather to further the private
advantage of those for whose pleasure it had been summoned,
than to serve the general interests of the Church. On this
account neither the French king nor the French nation, any
more than the prelates and ministers of the Gallican Church
should be bound by the decrees of the Council. He then
declan-d openly and solemnly that he would, in case of neces-
THE INTENTIONS OF THE EMPEROR. IO7
sity, have recourse to the same means of redress and defence,
as those of which former kings of France had made use in
similar circumstances. He did not say this, however, to give
the idea that it was his intention to refuse due obedience to the
Holy See, although he had the independence of the Gallican
Church very much at heart.
The ambassador thereupon received in the name of the
Synod, through the promotor of the Council, the reply that he
would receive a carefully considered answer to his declaration
at the next public session, on October nth. It was pointed
out that, in the meantime, no prejudice against the Council and
its continuation should be deduced from anything the French
ambassador might have done. 1
On September 7th Paul Gregorianozi, Bishop of Agram, had
arrived in Trent as second ambassador of King Ferdinand, and
Guillaume de Poitiers as third representative of Charles V.
for the provinces of Flanders. 2 As no further details with
regard to the immediate intentions of the Emperor, especially
concerning his journey to the Netherlands, had been made
public, fears arose as to the continuation of the Council, while
the reaction which the war about Parma was exercising on
the Synod was steadily growing more apparent. On September
24th Bertano was able to report to Rome that the Emperor
had postponed his proposed journey to the Netherlands for the
present. Charles V. then repaired to Innsbruck, where he
arrived at the beginning of November. He formed this
resolution expressly with a view to the Council. 3
Those who were assembled in Trent had at once resumed
their activities after the session of September 1st. Already
on the following day, ten articles concerning the Eucharist,
1 Cf. Raynaldus, 155 1, n. 28 seq. ; Le Plat, IV., 236 seq.,
238 seq., 249 seq. ; letter of S. de Selve in Ribier, II., 352 seq. ;
Pallavicini, 11, 17; Maynier, 611 seq. ; Baguenault de
Puchesse in the Rev. des quest, hist., VII., (1869), 48 seq. ;
Romier, 40.
2 Massarelli, 243 seq.
3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 72 n., 76, 86 seq. ; Druffel,
I., 760.
108 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
taken from the writings of Luther and the Swiss reformers,
were laid before the theologians of the Council for examination.
A Congregation of twenty-four eminent theologians, among
them the Jesuits, Lainez and Salmeron, sent by the Pope, and
the Dominican, Melchior Cano, delegated by the Emperor,
immediately took the work in hand. Their deliberations
lasted from the 8th until the 16th of September, and were then
continued with the same thoroughness by the fathers of the
Council in nine General Congregations, from the 21st until the
30th of September. The theologians were enjoined to base
their reasons on the Holy Scriptures, on Apostolic tradition,
on lawful Councils, on the Fathers of the Church, on the
Constitutions of the Popes and on the consensus of the universal
Church. In so doing they were to avoid all prolixity, as well
as all unnecessary discussions and contentious disputation.
The Legate, Crescenzi, especially urged that they should limit
themselves to a clear setting forth of the errors and not venture
on theological sarcasm. During the deliberations the ques-
tions of the chalice for the laity and of children's communion
were minutely discussed. 1
After the views of the religious innovators, grouped together
in ten articles, had been discussed from all points of
view and minutely examined, a commission of eight prelates
was appointed in the General Congregation of September 30th,
who, in conjunction with the Legate, were to refute these views
in concisely framed Canons. The work of the commission
reached the General Congregation on October 6th and was
considered by the fathers of the Council on the following days.
Eleven of these Canons were, after repeated remodelling,
approved of by the latter ; two others, already prepared,
dealing with communion under both kinds, were, in accordance
1 Cf. Raynaldus, 1551, n. 39 ; Le Plat, IV., 258 seq. ;
Theiner, Acta, I., 488 seq. ; Massarelli, 243 ; Pallavicini, 12,
1 seq. In order to realise the high opinion in which Lainez was
held at Trent, cf. Polanco, II., 250, 253 ; Astrain, I., 552 seq.,
where the description of Ribadeneira and Orlandini is corrected.
Concerning M. Cano at Trent, see Katholik, 1880, I. 409 seq.
THIRTEENTH SESSION OF THE COUNCIL I09
with the wish of the Emperor, postponed, in view ot the
expected arrival of the Protestants. Conformably to a pro-
posal of the Bishop of Castellamare, a dogmatic decree in eight
chapters, concerning the Holy Eucharist, and proportionate
to the importance of the subject, was prefixed to the Canons.
Besides these dogmatic questions, matters of reform were also
treated, which had been partly dealt with in the first period of
the Council, but were not yet settled. A General Congregation
of October 10th sanctioned, for the following day, the publica-
tion of the dogmatic decree concerning the Holy Eucharist,
the eleven Canons and a reform decree which, in eight chapters,
dealt mainly with the guarantee of the authority of the bishops
in their sees, their jurisdiction, the increasing difficulties
attending their citation to Rome, the procedure in appealing
to the Pope, and similar matters relating to the settlement
of the ecclesiastical government of the Church. In accordance
with a proposal of the Legate, it was then decided that the
definition of the postponed articles dealing with the chalice for
the laity and the communion of children, concerning which
the Protestants wished to be heard, should be put off until the
next session but one, on January 25th, 1552. A letter of safe-
conduct for the Protestants was at the same time presented
and sanctioned. 1
On October nth, 1551, the thirteenth Session of the Council,
the third under Julius III., 2 took place with unusual solemnity.
The Bishop of Majorca, Giambattista Campegio, celebrated
High Mass and the Archbishop of Sassari preached in honour
of the Most Holy Sacrament of the Altar. The mandate,
dated August 1st, of the Elector Joachim II. ot Brandenburg
for his ambassadors, Christoph von der Strassen and Johann
1 Concerning these preliminary negotiations, cf. Theiner,
Acta, I., 519 seqq., and Pallavicini, 12, 5 seq. Concerning the
wish of Charles V., see Bertano's report from Augsburg of Sep-
tember 29, 1 55 1, in the Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 85 seq. Cf. de
Leva, V., 254 seqq.
2 See Theiner, Acta, I., 530; Raynaldus, 1551, n. 41 seq. ;
Vargas, Lettres, ed. Levassor, 125 seq., 168 seq. ; Pallavicini
12, 9.
110 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Hoffmann, who appeared at this session, was now read. In
this official document the Prince of Brandenburg designated
the Pope as Most Holy Lord and Father in Christ, first Bishop
of the Roman and Universal Church, and his most gracious
lord, who had seen fit, with fatherly patience and love, to
continue the Council begun at Trent, and had promised the
Emperor that the religious strife which had broken out in
Germany should be finally settled by him, and the holy peace
of the Church and the tranquillity of Germany definitely
restored. In the speech which he made before the Council
in the name of his master, von der Strassen gave the assurance
that Joachim II. would keep and defend all the decrees of the
Council honourably, as beseemed a Christian Prince and an
obedient son of the Catholic Church. 1 It is possible and
indeed very probable, that this declaration was chiefly made
by the Prince of Brandenburg with a view to mitigating the
opposition of the Pope to the election of his son Frederick, a
minor, to the archbishoprics of Magdeburg and Halberstadt.
His declaration was, however, of great significance, and
was greeted with much applause by the Council. 2 The
publication of the Decrees and Canons prepared now took
place.
In the Decree dealing with the Holy Eucharist, the Catholic
doctrine concerning this, the greatest of the treasures of the
Church, to the glorification of which Raphael had once, under
the second Julius, created the immortal fresco of the Disputa,
is set forth with admirable lucidity.
Although Our Saviour, so teaches the Council, in His natural
existence, is always at the right hand of the Father in heaven,
He is still, in His substance, present in many places in a
sacramental manner. This presence, under the appearances of
bread and wine, is a true, real and actual presence. By the
consecration, the bread and wine are changed in their essence
into the Body and Blood of Christ, so that only the appearances
1 See Raynaldus, 1551, n. 41 seq. ; Le Plat, IV., 264 seq. ;
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 83 n. (the date October 6 is an error).
2 Cf. Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 435 seq.
DECREE ON THE HOLY EUCHARIST. Ill
remain. This change of essence is rightly and fittingly called
Transubstantiation. The Church has always believed that
immediately after the consecration, Christ Our Lord is present,
with body and soul, with Godhead and manhood, under the
appearances of bread and wine, and also in every particle of
the same. Utterly false is the assertion that Christ is only
present in the Holy Sacrament as a sign or image, or that only
His power or virtue are contained therein ; it is further
specially emphasized that Christ is not only present at the
moment of participation, but also before and afterwards, and
is therefore to be adored in the Blessed Sacrament. Concern-
ing the preparation for communion, the Council expressly
declares that no one conscious of having committed mortal
sin, must dare to approach the Holy Sacrament without having
previously confessed ; with regard to the effects, the Council
teaches that the Holy Eucharist blots out our daily venial sins
and preserves us from mortal sin, that it is a food for our souls,
and the pledge of a future life, so that we should often partake
of this Bread of the Angels.
At the close of this eventful session, at which, in addition
to the three presidents, Cardinal Madruzzo, the three ecclesi-
astical Electors, five archbishops, thirty-four bishops, three
abbots, five generals of Orders, forty-eight theologians, as well
as the ambassadors of Charles V., Ferdinand I. and the Elector
Joachim II. took part, the answer of the Council to the King of
France was read. The assembly, in this document, ex-
pressed their pained astonishment and regret that difficulties
should be laid in their way by the French king. It repudiated
the accusation that it did not serve the general interests of the
Church, but individual political purposes. The ambassador
of Henry II. could look after French interests, and should
the French bishops appear, which they were once more
earnestly requested to do, they would, both on their own
account, and on that of their king, meet with an honour-
able and friendly reception ; should they, however, neglect
their duty, the Council would, nevertheless, remain a
General Council. The king was, therefore, again earnestly
admonished not to give way to his personal displeasure,
112 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
but to put the advantage of the Church before any other
consideration. 1
On October 15th the Legate laid twelve articles on the
Sacrament of Penance, and four on the Sacrament of Extreme
Unction before the Council, as matter for its future work ;
these had been drawn from the writings of the leading Pro-
testant theologians. The theologians of the Council worked
most assiduously, discussing these questions three hours in
the morning and three in the afternoon, every day from the
20th until the 30th of October, and minutely deliberating on
everything concerning the subjects in question, which appeared
of importance to the controversialists. The result of these
conferences, which were carried through with incredible
assiduity and the greatest devotion, was laid before the General
Congregation on November 5th, which deliberated on it in
fourteen sessions until November 24th. On November 21st,
a reform decree, containing fifteen chapters, had also been laid
before the fathers, which was discussed in the General Con-
gregation of the 23rd. The result of these deliberations, which
were conducted with the most scrupulous care, were twelve
dogmatic chapters on the Sacraments of Penance and Extreme
Unction, and nineteen Canons for the condemnation of the
teaching of the reformers with regard to these Sacraments. 2
With regard to the Sacrament of Penance, the Council
teaches that it was instituted by Christ in the form of a judg-
ment-seat, in accordance with the words of St. John, and that
it is necessary, as a means of again becoming reconciled to
God, for everyone who has committed a mortal sin. Three
acts are required from the penitent : Contrition, Confession,
and Satisfaction. Contrition is defined as the sorrow of the
soul and hatred ot the sin committed, added to the intention
1 See Raynaldus, 1551, n. 34 seq. ; Le Plat, IV., 266 seqq.
2 Cf. Raynaldus, 1551, n. 53 seq. ; Theiner, Acta. I., 53 1
seq. ; Le Plat, IV , 272 seq. ; Pallavicini, 12, 10 seq. Con-
cerning the deliberations on reform cf. Maynier, 669 seq. ; see
also Postina, Billick, 119, where there is testimony to the zeal
of the theologians. Cf. further Gulik, 153 seq. concerning the
activity of Gropper.
DECREE ON PENANCE.. 113
of no more offending God. By Confession, which is ordained
by God, the Church demands nothing further from the penitent
than that he should, after' a diligent and exact examination
of his conscience, confess everything he remembers by which
he has grievousfy offended God. The power of giving abso-
lution is possessed by every priest validly ordained, even
should he be in a state of mortal sin, who possesses either
ordinary or delegated jurisdiction. Absolution is no mere
declaration that the sins are forgiven, but is an official act,
in which the priest gives senterice, as if he were a judge. With
regard to Satisfaction, it is emphasized that the punishment
is not fully remitted with the sin ; through the penance which
the priest imposes, the power of the merits and satisfaction
of Christ is in no way lessened or obscured. In dealing with
Extreme Unction the Council emphasizes above all things that
it is a real and intrinsic Sacrament, instituted by Jesus Christ,
and refers in justification thereof to the words of St. James.
The reform decree, which contained, besides an introduction,
fourteen chapters, was drawn up principally with the intention
of removing the difficulties which bishops encounter in punish-
ing bad ecclesiastics, as well as of taking measures that priests,
especially those occupied with the care of souls, should not lead
wicked lives ; a clerical and seemly mode of dress was pre-
scribed, and certain abuses in the bestowal of benefices com-
bated. All these decrees were published on November 25th,
at the fourteenth Session of the Council, and the fourth under
Julius III. 1
The date of the next session was fixed for January 25th,
1552. The Catholic doctrine concerning the Sacrifice of the
Mass and the ordination of priests was to be published in this
session in a dogmatic decree. Ten articles which attacked
the Sacrifice of the Mass were then again taken from the writ-
1 The three Presidents, Cardinal Madruzzo, the Electors of
Cologne, Treves, and Mayence, six other archbishops, forty
bishops, five abbots, the General of the Augustinians, six pro-
curators, fifty -one theologians and the ambassadors were present.
Cf. Theiner, Acta, I., 601 ; Raynaldus, r55i, n. 56 seq. ;
Pallavicini, 12, r4.
VOL. XIII. 8
114 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ings of the Protestant theologians, and six directed against
the sacramental character of Holy Orders. These were
collected and were in the hands of the theologians on December
3rd ; among them were two Germans, Johannes Gropper and
Eberhard Billick, who distinguished themselves ; they had
come to Trent with the Elector of Cologne. The theologians
deliberated in twenty-nine conferences from the 7th until the
29th of December. The result of their deliberations was
handed to the fathers of the Council on January 3rd, 1552, who
dealt with it from the 5th until the 13th of January in thirteen
General Congregations. On January 14th the final redaction
was entrusted to a commission of eighteen prelates, who drew
up four chapters of instruction and thirteen Canons concerning
the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, and three chapters of instruc-
tion and eight Canons concerning Holy Orders. These were
laid before the General Congregation for final approval on the
1 8th, 20th and 21st of January. 1
The publication of these Decrees did not take place, how-
ever, either in the session immediately following, or even during
the second period of the Council.
While the representative of Charles V. at Trent was hoping,
at the end of 1551, that the Council would finish its work in
two further sessions, 2 the Elector Maurice of Saxony was
secretly planning a wide-spread conspiracy to cut the Emperor
" to the heart." The traitor outwardly kept up the appear-
ance of favouring the Council. 3
Neither the Emperor nor the Pope had any idea of the
events which were in course of preparation. When, at the end
of 1551, the Prince-Electors of Mayence and Treves prepared
to leave the city of the Council, on account of the trouble in
Germany, the Emperor, as well as Julius III., protested with
great energy against this step. The Princes were thereby
1 Cf. Theiner, Acta, I., 602 seqq., 635 seqq. ; Le Plat, IV.,
334 seqq., 386 seqq., 405 seq. ; Knopfler in the Freiburger Kir-
chenlexikon, XI.-, 2079 seq.
2 F. de Toledo to Charles V., dated Trent, December 25, 1551,
in Dollinger, Beitrage, I., 177 seq.
3 Cf. Jannsen-Pastor, III. 17 ~ 18 . 719.
PROTESTANTS AT THE COUNCIL. 115
prevailed upon to remain for the time being, partly because
they had no answer to make to the letter written to them by
the Emperor, in which he pointed out the groundlessness of
their fears, and also, perhaps, so that the Protestants, who had
at last arrived, could not say that their appearance had put
the Electors to flight. 1
While these dangers, so threatening to the Council, were,
for the time being, surmounted, other difficulties arose which
made it impossible to continue the work of the Synod.
On October 22nd, 1551, the two ambassadors of the Duke
of Wurtemberg had arrived. Johann Sleidan, the represen-
tative of the cities of Strasbourg, Esslingen, Reutlingen, Ravens-
burg, Biberach and Lindau 2 followed on November nth.
The hopes of an amicable arrangement soon proved vain, as
these persons refused to pay the Legate and nuncios the
customary civility of a visit . The representatives of the Pope
chose to ignore this rudeness, tor Julius III. had enjoined on
them to place charity before dignity, and to bear ail insults
with patience, and, as far as possible, and so long as no dis-
advantage for the Church and religion ensued, to accommodate
themselves to the requests of the Protestants, as it is never a
disgrace for a father to bear patiently the undutifulness of a
child, in order to bring him back to the right path. 3 On
January 9th, 1552, Wolfgang Koller and Leopold Badhorn,
the representatives of the most powerful of the Protestant
dynasties of the Empire, the Prince-Elector, Maurice of
Saxony, arrived. 4 They also avoided all relations with the
1 See Maurenbrecher, 154* seq., 158* seq., 160*; Raynaldus,
1551, n. 64 and 65 ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 118 seq., 124 seq.,
129, 133, 141 seq., 148 seq., ; Druffel, II., 7.
2 Cf. de Leva, V., 279 seq. The instructions for the Wurtem-
berg ambassadors in Sattler, Gesch. Wurttembergs, IV., Doc.
30 ; cf. Druffel, I., 837. The mandate of Strasbourg for
Sleidan in Le Plat, IV., 278 seq. Concerning the attitude of
Strasbourg, see Baumgarten, 159 seqq. ; ibid, the report of
Sleidan from Trent.
3 See Pallavicini, 12, 15, 2.
4 Their instructions of December 13, 155 1, in Druffel, I., 859.
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
representatives of the Pope, and dealt only with the ambassa-
dors of the Emperor. To these they declared that a new
letter of safe-conduct must be drawn up for the theologians to
be sent by their master, in the form in which it was formerly
issued for the Bohemians by the Council of Basle. They
further insisted that the Council must suspend its work until
the arrival of the said theologians, when all the former decis-
ions must be once more discussed. The decrees of Constance
and Basle concerning the superiority of Councils over the Pope
were to be confirmed, and Cardinals, bishops and other mem-
bers of the Council were to be released from the oath which
bound them to Julius III. The Wurtemberg ambassadors
demanded, in a similar manner, that the Council should annul
all the decisions already arrived at, and that judges should be
appointed for the settlement of religious disputes, who were
not so partial as were the bishops. 1
As several of these demands had for their object the com-
plete subversion of the existing system of the government of
the Church, their very presentation made any prospect of
agreement an impossibility. 2 The presidents of the Council,
and above all the Cardinal-Legate, Crescenzi, recognized this
clearly, although the Imperialists allowed themselves to be
deluded with vain hopes. As the old opposition concerning
the question of reform; which had already on several occasions
caused dissension between Crescenzi and the Spanish-Imperial
party, was always growing more acute, very lively scenes took
1 See Le Plat, IV., 464 seqq. ; cf. ibid. 460 seq. ; and Nun-
tiaturberichte, XII., 159, n. 3. The first as well as the second
letter of safe-conduct of the Council of Trent, and that of the
Council of Basle, in Brenz, Syntagma eorum quae nomine Christo-
phori ducis Virtemb. in synodo Tridentina per legatos eius acta
sunt, 99 seq.
2 In order to judge of these demands, a part of which un-
doubtedly could not be granted by the Catholics, see Palla-
vicini, 12, 15, and among moderns, especially Bucholtz, in his
detailed rescension of Ranke's German history, in the Wiener
Jahrb. der Lit., CXV. (1846), 113 seq. ; cf. also Knopfler in
the Freiburger Kirchlexikon, XI., 2 2080.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE PROTESTANTS. II7
place. 1 In order to be just to Crescenzi we must remember
that the instructions given him by Julius III. from the very
beginning, were to the effect that he was not to enter into any
negotiations with the Protestants, unless they were ready
to submit to the decisions of the Pope, as lawful Head of the
Church summoning the Council. 2 In order to conciliate them
as far as possible, the Legate resolved to yield to the urgent
requests of the Imperialists, and to hear the Protestants
before the assembled General Congregation, although they had
not made any such declaration. ' Even when we have reason
to fear," writes the second president, Pighino, on January
23rd, 1552, " that we are being imposed upon, the Church, as
anxious Mother, must repulse no one, but must show everyone
how to approach her, and hold the way open, and remove all
grounds for evading and remaining away from the Council."
The assembly was agreeable to this, but secured themselves
against any disadvantageous consequences which might follow
on their complaisance. 3
In the Congregation held in the forenoon of January 24th,
the Wurtemberg ambassadors were received. They produced
the confession of faith, drawn up at Brenz, and announced that
their Duke would send theologians for the defence of the
tenets set forth therein ; it was, however, his desire that
arbitrators should be appointed, as the bishops belonged to a
party, and could, therefore, arrive at no definite decision ;
the Council, moreover, was not to be continued in the sense
that the decrees already published were to be accepted as fixed ;
as, up till now, only one side had been heard, these decrees
must now be annulled. The Congregation thereupon answered
that they would, after due consideration, reply to these
demands. 4
1 Cf. the very one-sided account in de Leva, V., 285 seq.
2 See Raynaldus, 1551, n. vs.. De Leva pays absolutely no
attention to these instructions.
3 See Theiner, Acta, I., 648 seq., ; Le Plat, IV., 417 seq.
4 See Theiner, Acta, 1., 648 seq. ; Le Plat, IV., 418 seqq. ;
letter of Lippomano in the Corpo dipl. Port. VII., in seq. ;
Pallavicini, 12, 15 ; Maynier, 720 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte,
Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Saxon ambassadors were to be received by the Con-
gregation in the afternoon of the same day. Acceptance was
refused to the so-called Recapitulation of the Augsburg Con-
fession, composed by Melancthon, as this frankly constituted
a point-blank declaration of war against the Council. 1 The
speech, 2 moreover, in which the Saxon ambassador, Badhorn,
set forth the demands he had already laid befoie the ambassa-
dors of the Emperor, was anything but conciliatory. He
did not shrink from telling the Catholics quite openly that in
their case only " an appearance of religion " was to be found
among them ! 3 Badhorn, in accordance with his instructions,
laid the greatest importance on the drafting of a letter of safe-
conduct which would be conformable with the wishes of his
master. This must be drawn up exactly in the same form as
that granted by the Council of Basle to the Bohemians. It was
a singular request, for the Basle letter of safe-conduct in no way
contained the demands upon which the Protestants now laid
the greatest stress, namely that religious disputes should be
settled by the Scriptures alone, and that the reformers should
be given decisive votes in the Council. In his speeches,
Badhorn contested a declaration which he erroneously believed
to have emanated from the Council of Constance, that, in the
XII., 159 n. 3. Concerning the Confessio Wirtemberg. see
Schnurrer, Beitr. zur wurttemb. Kirchengesch. (1798), 214 seq.,
and Heppe, Bekenninisschriften, Cassel, 1855, 491 seqq. ; cf.
also Hartmann-Jager, Brenz, II., 198 seqq.
1 Opinion of K. A. Menzel (III., 381) ; cf. Pastor, Reunions-
bestrebungen, 43 r seq. Concerning the ' Repetitio confess.
August." (Corp. Ref. XXVIII , 328 seq.) see also the criticisms
in the Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., II., 305, n. 3.
2 Copied in Raynaldus, 1552, n. 15 and Le Plat, IV., 464
seq. Concerning the criticism see especially Pallavicini, 12,
15, 7 seq. The statement of Malvendas, which Maynier (726
n.) has already drawn upon, is very remarkable.
3 De Leva (V., 290) finds, notwithstanding this, that the attitude
of the Saxons was " in forma calma e rispettosa ! " Cf. on the
other hand the sharp criticism of the contemporary Lippomano
in the Corpo dipl. Port., VII., 112.
DEMANDS OF THE PROTESTANTS. II9
case of heretics, it was not necessary to observe the letter of
safe-conduct.
In glaring contrast to this attack on the Council of Con-
stance, was the fact that Badhorn enthusiastically defended 1
the uncatholic principle of the superiority of the Council over
the Pope in matters of faith, which had been brought forward
by the same Council, but had not become law. Perhaps he
knew that this principle still had adherents among Catholics,
and even among the fathers of the Council of Trent. Badhorn
quite disregarded the fact that Luther had considered the
Council of Constance as invalid, and had repudiated as new-
fangled its authentic decrees. The demand that the bishops
should be released from their oath to the Pope, the ambassador
based on the need of reform in the Curia. He openly denied
all authority on the part of the Pope, which amounted to a
complete overthrow of the whole system of government of the
Church, as it had existed until now. Badhorn claimed the
highest authority for his party ; it alone should decide how
far the present Church differed from the old. All the questions
concerning Faith already defined by the Council should be
discussed all over again ; this had been the idea of the Diet of
Augsburg, when the continuation of the Council of Trent had
been called for in the name of all the States. Such a new
discussion was necessary, as the Elector of Saxony was con-
vinced that many errors were contained in those articles,
especially in that concerning Justification, which must be
rectified by the Scriptures. The final settlement of these
questions must be made by the judicial decision of all the
Christian nations, whose representatives had not taken part
in the earlier discussions, and without whom the Council could
only be called a separatist assembly and not a General Council.
If one were to proceed on the principle that the absence of
several validly summoned members was sufficient ground for
questioning the authority of a legitimate Council, there would
hardly have been a Synod in history, at which the full attend-
ance might not have been called in question. Badhorn did
1 Cf. our conclusions in Vol. I. of this work, 198 seq.
120 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
away with all doubt as to what this " free, Christian, general "
Council was to do ; by expressly and repeatedly emphasizing
the principle that in the settlement of religious disputes the
Holy Scriptures were to form the only standard, he shows
clearly that the Protestants demanded, as a matter of course,
that the Council should regard the new doctrines introduced
by them as proven truths, concerning which in actuality no
dispute could arise. The Congregation restricted itself, in
replying to the Saxon representatives, to the same answer
which those of Wurtemberg had received. 1
After the departure of the ambassadors from the assembly,
a long discussion began, at which the representatives of Charles
V. and Ferdinand I. were also present. The old opposition,
which had repeatedly shown itself on previous occasions,
between the strictly ecclesiastical course pursued by the
Legate, and that of the Spanish-Imperialist party, now again
stood out in strong contrast. In order to obtain a perfectly
clear view of the position, Crescenzi wished that an express
declaration against the superiority of the Council over the
Pope should be issued. This proposal, however, did not gain
a majority, although the Spanish-Imperialists were just as far
from gaining a victory with regard to the question they had
most at heart. Charles V. had insisted from the first, that the
principal task of the Council was not to consist in the definition
of doctrines, but in the preparation of statutes of reform.
The Spaniards appeared to think that the time had now come
to proceed without delay in this sense. They hoped to please
the Catholics as well as the Protestants by this means, and,
at the same time, to carry through a number of their own plans
with regard to ecclesiastical matters. Crescenzi, however
continued to maintain that, as formerly, dogma and refoim
must still be dealt with side by side. In order, however, to do
everything possible on his part, the Legate finally declared
himself ready to comply with the wish of the Protestants, and
allow that the decrees already prepared concerning the Sacri-
1 See Theiner, Acta, I., 649 seq., and Nuntiaturberichte,
XII., 159 n. 3 ; cf. Pallavicini, 12, 15, 7 seq.
FIFTEENTH SESSION OF THE COUNCIL. 121
fice of the Mass and Holy Orders, should be postponed until
March 19th, and that a new letter of safe-conduct should be
drawn up in the required form.
The Congregation decided in this sense, and also ordered
that the material concerning the Sacrament of Matrimony
should be prepared, so that the deliberations of the Council
should not be suspended. 1
At the fifteenth Session of the Council, held on January 25th,
the decree of adjournment, as well as the new letter of safe-
conduct, finally agreed upon after repeated negotiations
between the Legate and the Imperialists, were made public. 2
This letter afforded to all the Germans, and in particular to all
the adherents of the Confession of Augsburg, the fullest
security in coming to Trent, in staying there, in making pio-
posals, in negotiating with the Council, in examining and giving
expression to everything they desired, as well as in presenting
every article in writing or by word of mouth, supporting the
same with passages from the Scriptures and the Fathers, and
upholding them with any arguments they pleased. They
were also to have freedom in replying to objections of the
Council, set forth by those who were appointed by the Synod
to carry on discussions or friendly disputations, with a com-
plete avoidance of invective and recrimination. This was all
to be done for the purpose of dealing with the questions in
dispute in accordance with the Holy Scriptures, the tradition
of the Apostles, the authentic Councils, the consensus of the
Catholic Church, and the authority of the Fathers. The
Protestants were finally assured that they would in no way be
punished on account of religion, or of the past or future
proceedings of the Council in connection therewith ; that
they would be at perfect liberty to return home when it pleased
them ; that they could leave the city and again return to it at
1 Cf. ibid. 12, 15, 16-18, and the reports of the Imperial secretary,
F. de Vargas, in his letters, ed. Levassor, 471 seqq., 492 seq.
These reports, which have been used by Maynier, (p. 726 seq.),
are, however, obviously one-sided.
2 See Theiner, Acta, I., 651 ; cf. Vargas, Lettres, 487 seq.
122 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
their own discretion, as well as carry on communications when
and where they pleased. 1
The representatives of the Elector Maurice were, however,
not yet satisfied with this exhaustive letter of safe-conduct,
drawn up in the most definite terms and handed to the Pro-
testants on January 30th ; they demanded a letter which
agreed in every particular with that granted by the Council
of Basle to the Bohemians. In spite of the representations
made to them by the Imperial ambassadors, they only accepted
the letter on the condition of being allowed to inform their
master of it first. 2
Even a man of such strong anti-papal views as Vargas, the
Imperial agent, considered that in obtaining this new letter
of safe-conduct, the Protestants had actually gained everything
they demanded. 3 If they, in spite of this, raised new diffi-
culties, there could only be one explanation of such a proceed-
ing, namely, the obstinacy of the Elector Maurice, who saw
in the question of this letter, the best means of prolonging,
through his theologians, the affair of the Council, until such a
time as his further plans had developed or been frustrated. 4
1 See Bucholtz, VI., 475 seq.
2 See Druffel, II., 78 seq. On the day after the session of
the Council, thirty-three articles dealing with the Sacrament
of Matrimony were laid before the theologians as a fresh subject
for consideration. Their work, however, soon came to a stand-
still, a fact which the Spanish bishops deeply regretted. See
Maynier, 737 seq., where the reasons for the stoppage are given.
That the attitude of the Protestants was partly the cause of
this, cf. the dedication of the work of the theologian of the Council,
Joh. Ant. Delphinus, De matrimonio et caelibatu (Camerini
I 553)» where the displeasure of those taking part in the Council
at the behaviour of the reformers is freely expressed (see Lauchert
in the Zeitschr. fur kath. Theologie, 1910, 42). Concerning
Delphinus, cf. also Lauchert, Ital. Gegner Luthers, 487 seqq.
Bertano was also very much displeased at the postponement of
the session ; see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 163 seq.
3 Lettres, ed. Levassor, 487 ; cf. Maynier, 735.
4 See Druffel, I., 843.
DECISION OF THE POPE. . 123
This Prince, influenced as he was by the purest self-interest,
in whom " was neither a patriotic nor a religious thought to be
found " had undoubtedly for the same reason frustrated the
attempt to induce the Wittenberg and Leipsic theologians to
come to an agreement with those of Wurtemberg and Stras-
bourg concerning a joint confession of faith to be laid before
the Council, 1 which would have been of the greatest advantage
to the Protestant cause.
The presidents of the Council had at once communicated the
demands of the Protestants to Rome. It can easily be under-
stood that Julius III. was indignant at these pretensions, which
were directly aimed against his authority. He would also
have been glad had a decided refusal, in keeping with the
dignity of the Council, been given to these demands. 2 Mean-
while, Crescenzi could feel satisfied with the final decision of
the Pope, for which the approval of the commission of Cardinals
had been obtained. 3 All further discussion of the three
chimerical conditions : that the Council stood above the Pope,
that the bishops should be freed from their oath, and that the
decrees already decided on should be again dealt with, was
forbidden.
The Bishop of Montefiascone, Achille de' Grassi, through
whom Julius III. communicated his decision to the presidents
of the Council, was instructed to announce in Trent, that an
answer was to be given to the ambassadors of Wurtemberg
and Saxony, so as to give them no ground for justifiable com-
plaint, and to avoid the appearance of being unable to bring
forward solid reasons for opposing their assertions. This
answer was only to establish the jurisdiction and authority of
the Council, and was not intended to irritate by offensive
expressions, but to give evidence of fatherly love and the
ardent wish to bring back to the Church those severed from
1 Lossen in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1876, No. 24, who is fully
in agreement with the above opinion of Druflel against Mauren-
brecher and Ranke.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lxv., 180.
3 Ibid. 180, n. 3.
124 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
it. 1 Grassi was instructed to proceed from Trent to the Em-
peror, and remonstrate with him concerning the behaviour of
the Spaniards at the Council, 2 for these had adopted a course,
with regard to the question of reform, which could lead to no
real improvement in the ecclesiastical position. 3 They claimed
that the bestowal of almost all benefices was to be in the hands
of national authorities, and the chapters to be brought into
complete dependence on the bishops. Julius III., while
emphasizing his honest intention of proceeding energetically-
concerning the question of reform, bitterly complained of such
a limitation of the power granted him by God, and also
deliberated on the matter with the Cardinals. They were all
of the opinion that if the Papal authority were attacked under
the pretence of a reform, energetic measures must be adopted
against such a proceeding. The instructions for Achille de'
Grassi (dated February 20th, 1552), contained the following
sentence : " should, moreover, the reports current since
yesterday in Rome, of an alliance between the French King
and the Lutheran princes of Germany, and of a revolt of the
latter against the Emperor, prove correct, then one can hardly
see what good purpose the Council can serve, or of what use
it can be, even should its continuance be possible." 4
In consequence of the disquieting news from Germany, the
Elector of Treves had already left Trent on February 16th. 6
1 The instructions for Grassi of February 20, 1552, in Ray-
naldus, 1552, n. 18 seq. Cf. Le Plat, IV., 534 seq. ; Pieper,
37, 154 seq.
2 Julius III. to A. Perrenot, in Raynaldus, 1552, n. 17; Le
Plat, IV., 533 seq. The journey did not take place until after
Crescenzi had come to an understanding with the Imperial
ambassador ; see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 223.
3 That the opinion of Pieper (p. 38) is justified, is shown
elsewhere, as well as in the letter in the Corpo dipl. Port., VII.,
108.
4 See the letter of Julius III. to Cardinal Crescenzi of January
16, 1552, in Pieper 38 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lxv. seq.,
363 seqq.
6 Theiner, Acta, I., 652 ; cf. Raynaldus, 1552, n. 2.
A SUSPENSION INEVITABLE, 125
Eight days later the Emperor also thought that in the present
position of affairs, the Electors would be better at home. 1
As the news from Germany was daily becoming more threaten-
ing, the Electors of Mayence and Cologne also left the seat of
the Council on March nth. Two days later the Saxon
ambassadors left the town quite quietly in the early morning.
On March nth two new ambassadors of the Duke of Wurtem-
berg appeared in Trent, and on the 18th four Wurtemberg
theologians, Brenz, Beuerlin, Heerbrandt and Vannius, as
well as two from Strasbourg, Marbach and Soil. Negotiation
with these proved quite hopeless. 2 It was clear that the
Protestants, after having made an appearance, for a time, of
submitting to the Council, now intended to refrain from any
real participation in its deliberations. 3 Even the Emperor
was at last convinced that a profitable continuation of the
Council under such difficulties was not to be thought of. On
March 5th he therefore instructed his ambassadors to induce
the Curia, in a diplomatic manner, to propose a suspension of
the deliberations. When the Electors- of Mayence and
Cologne reached Innsbruck on their return journey, the
Emperor declared that he was agreeable to a suspension.
When he gave the nuncio, Bertano, assurances to the
exactly opposite effect, on March 26th, it was only to
1 To Queen Mary, February 24, 1552, in Druffel, II.,
151.
2 Cf. Theiner, Acta, I., 653 ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 233 ;
Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 445 ; Postina, Billick, 123.
F. Nausea died on February 6 in Trent. On March 5 three more
ambassadors of the King of Portugal arrived in Trent. A dispute
between them and the Hungarian ambassador concerning a
question of precedence, was provisionally settled in the General
Congregation of March 19. At the same time the next session
was postponed until May 1, as the work had to be stopped on
account of the fruitless waiting for the Protestants, who were still
expected, and it was also desirable to await further developments
with regard to the danger of war. Theiner, Acta, I., 652,
653 seq. Raynaldus, 1552, n. 25.
3 This is the opinion of Maurenbrecher (p. 284).
s
126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
avoid the appearance of the proposal having emanated from
him. 1
The uncertainty as to what would now happen was soon
brought to an end. News of the Elector Maurice's traitorous
dealings with France against the Empire had already arrived
in Rome in the last week of January, 1552, which dealings were
actually taking place at a time when it was firmly believed,
at the Imperial court at Innsbruck, that the Saxon theologians
would soon appear in Trent. 2 Indeed, Melanchthon did
arrive in Nuremberg on January 22nd, while the private
secretary of the Elector of Saxony went to Charles V. at
Innsbruck to excuse the delay in the arrival of his master. 3
The Emperor had not the slightest idea that all this was
being done to deceive him, until Maurice had completed his
preparations for war. By the middle of March the necessary
preliminaries had been arranged, and the mask could be
dropped. While Maurice and his fellow conspirators were
beginning a predatory war on German territory, their French
allies appeared on the western frontiers of the Empire. 4
A correspondent of Cardinal Farnese tells us on March 20th,
from Rome, that the whole of Germany was in arms, and any
doubt as to the alliance between the French King and the
Protestant princes could no longer exist. 5 It therefore appeared
all the more incredible to the ambassadors at the Curia that
the Emperor had taken no measures to oppose the warlike
1 Cf. ibid., 283 seq., 161 seq. ; Lanz, III., 136 seq. ; Nuntiatur-
berichte, XII., Ixvi. seq.
2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lxxi., 153 n. 4.
3 Melancthon remained until March 10 in Nuremberg, awaiting
orders from his Elector; see Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen,
437 seq., 443.
4 See Jannsen-Pastor, III. 17 " 18 , 724 seq., 739 seq.
5 *Noi vediamo che tutta la Germania e in armi a 1'impensata.
May God help us. Le cose che si dicono sono tali ch'io non
oso scriverle ; unum est che la lega tra Francesi et Mauritio
et gli 2 marchesi di Brandenburg e chiara. *Nove da Roma
of March 20, 1552 (Carte Fames, in the State Archives, Naples).
Cf. also Cocciano's letter of March 26 in Druffel, II., 295.
THE DECREE OF SUSPENSION. 127
preparations of his enemies j 1 no one there understood the
masterpiece of hypocrisy and cunning with which Maurice
had ensnared his benefactor.
It seemed certain that to continue the Council in the present
state of affairs would be highly dangerous. The Pope, how-
ever, in spite of the alarming news, still hesitated to suspend it
until the middle of April. 2 The decision was made imperative
by the news that Augsburg had fallen into the hands of the
enemies of Charles V., whereby the safety of Trent was very
gravely threatened. Julius III., after deliberation with the
Cardinals, only decided on the suspension on April 15th, to
obviate the danger of the Council dissolving itself. The
courier who brought the brief in question to the Legate,
arrived in Trent on April 20th. 3 It was, however, not yet
made public, as the presidents considered it wiser to allow
the suspension to be decided by the Synod, in order to avoid
irritating disputes with regard to the relations of the Council
with the Pope. This took place in the General Congregation
of April 24th, in which, indeed, some of the Spanish prelates
opposed the suspension ; a majority, however, was found for
the proposal of Cardinal Madruzzo, who suggested a suspension
for two years. A commission of seven prelates was entrusted
with the drafting of the decree. A proposal made, in accord-
ance with the wish of the Pope, by the second president, to
send a number of the members of the Council to Rome, to
co-operate there at further reform work, was negatived on
April 26th. 4
The decree of suspension was published on April 28th, at
the sixteenth session of the Council. Twelve prelates, mostly
1 See the *letter of Ipp. Capilupi to Cardinal E. Gonzaga,
dated Rome, March 29, 1552 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 It is therefore erroneous when Ranke says (Papste, I., 180) :
" Julius III. hastened to decree the suspension."
3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lxvii. seq., 302 ; Raynaldus,
1552, n. 25 ; Carte Strozz., I., 393 seq.
4 See Theiner, Acta, I., 655 seq. ; Raynaldus, 1552, n. 26 ;
cf. de Leva, V., 356 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lxviii.
128 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Spanish, had protested against it. 1 These remained alone in
the city of the Council, but were compelled to make a very
hasty exit when, through the capture of the Ehrenberg
mountain pass by Maurice of Saxony, the Emperor, who was
at that time ill with gout, had to flee from Innsbruck on the
evening of May 19th. The Legate, Cardinal Crescenzi, who
had been ill since March 25th, withdrew from Trent to Verona
on May 26th, where he died on the 28th. 2
1 See Theiner, Acta, I., 659 ; Raynaldus, 1552, n. 27, 28 ;
cf. Le Plat, IV., 545 seq. ; Pallavicini, 13, 3 ; Mavnier,
750 seq.
2 See Theiner, Acta, I., 660 ; Firmanus, 497 seq. ; Hosn
epist., II., 211. The body of the Cardinal was first buried in the
Pantheon in Rome, and then in S. Maria degli Angeli ; see
Firmanus, 499, and Forcella, XL, 48.
CHAPTER V.
War in Upper and Central Italy. — Julius III.'s Efforts
for Peace. — Conclusion of his Pontificate and his
Death.
There is preserved in the Vienna archives a confidential letter
of Charles V., dated April 20th, 1551, to his ambassador in
Rome, Diego Mendoza, in which he openly declares that his
procedure in the dispute about Parma has for its object to keep
Julius III. completely in the channels of his own policy.
The ambassador is, therefore, enjoined to fan the Pope's
anger against his disobedient vassal and his protector Henry
II. to red heat by every means in his power. 1
It did not, however, escape the Pope that in the matter of
Parma, they wanted to bring him into complete subjection
to the Emperor, but he also recognized the dangers which
threatened his interests on the part of France, which faced
him with the menace of a schism, if he proceeded against
Ottavio Farnese. It was really like " a great labyrinth " in
which it was easy to lose the right path. 2 Hence the vacilla-
tion of the Pope and his repeated efforts, even at the last
moment, to avoid the fateful struggle. 3 All these endeavours,
however, proved vain. Julius III. had not decision of char-
acter enough to withstand the importunities of Charles V.,
1 Lanz, I., 177, with erroneous date ; cf. Druffel, I., 622 ; II.,
39o.
2 *" Aca no se habla en otra cosa si no en esta de Parma, en un
gran laberinto se han metido estos sedores S.S. d me parece que lo
toma de veras." Card. Pacheco to Card. Madruzzo, dated Rome,
April 9, 1 55 1 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
3 Cf. Supra p. 97.
vol. xiii. 129 9
130 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ferrante Gonzaga, and Diego Mendoza, and the eager desire
for war on the part of Giovan Battista del Monte. " The
right," he said to Ippolito Capilupi, " is on our side, as well as
the support of the Emperor, who will restore Parma to the
Church," 1 and in this manner he rashly and imprudently
resolved on war.
On May 22nd, 1551, Julius III. signed the document by
which Ottavio Farnese was declared to have forfeited his fief,
and communicated it to the Cardinals in a secret consistory. 2
Nevertheless, on the following day, the Florentine ambassador,
Buonanni, reports that the Pope was still hoping for an
arrangement, although no one else in Rome now considered it
possible. 3 Julius actually agreed to the proposals of Ottavio
regarding the exchange of Parma for Camerino, which he had
at first repudiated ; in the consistory of June 10th he invested
Farnese with Camerino, and assured him a yearly revenue of
8000 scudi. 4 This complaisance also proved vain, for Ottavio
1 Report of Ipp. Capilupi to F. Gonzaga of May 22, 1551, in
Chiesi. 223. Concerning the urging on of Julius III., who really
had leanings towards Farnese, see a characteristic assertion of
A. Caro in Ronchini, Lett, d'uomini ill., 330. G. Ricci says in his
♦Memorie (Ricci archives, Rome) quite candidly : " la guerra di
Parma e Mirandola ordita per D. Diego di Mendoza."
2 Sententia declarat. privat. contra O. Farnesium, dat. XI. Cal.
Junii, 1 55 1. A contemporary impression in the Rossiana Library,
Vienna ; a copy in the ""collection of Contelorius (see infra 131, n. 1)
21, 22 ; Spanish translation in the Archives of the Spanish
Embassy, Rome.
3 " II papa credo che sia solo a sperar che le cose di Parma
possino o habbino a comporsi." ""Letter of Buonanni, dated
Rome, June 1, 1551 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. also the letter
of Card. Medici in Campori, Lettere, 17 seqq.
4 See Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican) ;
""letter of Julius III. to Dandino, of June 10, 1551 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican, F. Borghese, II., 465 p. 61 seq.), utilised in the
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., n. 35 ; ""report of Serristori of June 10,
1551, as well as Card. Medici's letter of June 20, 1551, in de Lfva,
V., 154. Cf. the instructions for Grassi in Weiss, Pap. de Gran-
velle, III., 579-80, and Pieper, 23.
THE WAR IS BEGUN. . 131
Farnese, who had full confidence in the alliance he had con-
cluded with Henry II. on May 27th, was resolved that the
matter should be decided by an appeal to arms. On June 12 th
his adherents invaded the States of the Church from Mirandola,
reduced Crevalcore, and devastated the district of Bologna.
The Papal troops advanced against them, fought a victorious
battle, and then joined the Imperial troops under Ferrante
Gonzaga ; the war had therefore now begun. 1 It was all too
soon proved, however, that the Pope did not possess the
firmness necessary to deal with the rapidly succeeding
events with consistent resolution, or to direct them into
suitable courses. 2 In Rome itself the war had been highly
unpopular from the beginning. 3 The shrewdest men in
the Curia, Cardinals Morone and Crescenzi, knew only too
well that the Pope was not equal to such extraordinary
circumstances, and had, therefore, earnestly dissuaded him
from entering on such a dangerous and pernicious struggle,
1 Concerning the war about Parma, the different stages of which
are of little interest, cf. Adriani, VIII., 3 seqq. ; Segni, XIII. ;
Giul. Gosellini in the Miscell. di stor. Ital., XVII., 141 seqq. ;
Mem. stor. d. citta di Mirandola II., Mirandola, 1874 ; Balan, VI.,
420-1 ; Balan, Assedi della Mirandola, 25 seqq. ; de Leva in the
Riv. stor. Ital. I., 632 seqq. ; VIII., 713-4 ; and Carlo quinto V.,
113 seqq., 202 seqq. ; Chiesi, 224 seqq. ; Andrea da Mosto in
Quellen und Forschungen des Preuss. Histor. Inst. VI., 100-1 ;
Courteault, Blaise de Monluc, 190 seqq. Boselli treats of a
poem about the Parma war in the review Per 1'arte, XV., 5-6.
The work of F. Contelorius : *Bellum Parmense sub Julio III.
gestum (Cod. Barb. XXXII., 183, now 2392 of the Vatican
Library ; cf. Arch. Rom. II., 294 ; a copy in the Communal
Library, Piacenza, MS. Landi) gives, besides a collection of official
documents (especially on pp. 39-40 ; see also 61 seqq.) a full state-
ment about the war. De Turre, Bellum Parmense, MS. of the
Palat. Lib. in Parma, is still unpublished.
2 The opinion of Pieper, 23.
3 See Niceol6 da Ponte's report 01 May 30, 1551, in the Miscell.
di stor. Ital. XVII., 160.
132 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the successful issue of which his resources were wholly
inadequate. 1
Julius III. had, on June 6th, 1551, entrusted the supreme
command of the expedition against Parma to the Viceroy of
Milan, /Ferrante Gonzaga, with full confidence in the support
of the Emperor. 2 The Papal troops were nominally com-
manded by the nephews of the Pope, Giovan Battista del
Monte and Vincenzo de' Nobili ; in reality, however, the com-
mand was in the hands of Camillo Orsini and Alessandro
Vitelli. Cardinal de' Medici, 3 whose brother, the Marquis of
Marignano, was leader of the Imperial troops under Ferrante
Gonzaga, was appointed legate with the army on June 7th.
In the States of the Church all enrolment under foreign princes
was forbidden ; 4 Cardinals Alessandro and Ranuccio Farnese
received on June 16th strict orders to return at once to Rome ;
the Emperor deprived them of their rich benefices, also with-
drawing from Ottavio his fiefs in Lombardy and Naples. 6
1 Serristori mentions letters of Crescenzi, which urged the ending
of the war, and thus excited the Pope, although they did not make
him change his mind ; see *report of September 18, 155 1 (State
Archives, Florence). Concerning Morone, see Lett, di princ, 165
seq.
2 * Brief of June 6, 1551. Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 432. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
3 * Brief of June 7, 155 1, Ibid. n. 433. Card Medici was recalled
on November 28, 155 1 (for the reasons for this measure, see
Pieper, 153) ; the Abbate Riario took his place as Commissary
General ; see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., n. 114. Letter of Medici at
this time in Campori, Lett. 19 seqq.
4 As this prohibition was in many cases not observed, Bernardo
de' Medici was instructed to take steps against any disobedience.
•Brief of June 12, 1551, ibid. n. 461 ; cf. ibid. n. 523 for a similar
brief for Raynutio de Taranno, of June 24, 1551. (Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
6 See Raynaldus, 1551, n. 15. Card. Alessandro was allowed,
by a brief of July 1, 155 1, to repair to Florence. (See Nuntia-
turberichte, XII , n. 32. The original brief is in the State Archives
Naples). From the brief of September 17, 1551, quoted here, it
appears that Alessandro was by no means so quiet in Florence as
ACTION TAKEN AGAINST THE FARNESE. 133
Orazio Farnese, who had hastened from France to support his
brother, and had taken a prominent part in the invasion of the
district of Bologna, was likewise severely punished ; Julius
III. caused the territory of Castro, which belonged to him,
to be invested. 1 The mother of the Duke, who directed the
government there, offered no resistance, whereupon the Pope
was satisfied with the military occupation of the country ;
the administration, jurisdiction and revenues remained in the
hands of the Duchess. 2
An attempt was next made to maintain the fiction that the
Peace of Crepy had not been broken by the outbreak of hos-
tilities in Italy, and this was based on the assertion of Henry
II. that he had only taken up arms as an ally of Farnese,
while the Emperor declared he was only acting as a protector
of the Church against a rebellious vassal, and at the express
desire of the Pope. No one doubted, however, that war
between the two princes was inevitable, and unfortunately
the Turks at once endeavoured to gain an advantage from
the strife between the two chief powers of Christendom.
News of the threatening movements of the Turks reached
Rome as early as June, and against these the Pope had now
to take preventive measures. 3 In July a large Turkish fleet
Segni (XIII.) would have us believe. Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese
was sharply enjoined by a *brief of September 17, 1551, (ibid.,
n. 828), under threats of the most severe punishment, to return to
Rome, but finally he was allowed to remain with his relatives in
Urbino.
1 Cf. *Briefs for Barthol. de Alba and Didaco de Mendoza of
June 23, 1551, in Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 517, 520 ; ibid., n. 561 the
♦penal Bull of July 1, against all who took part in the invasion of
Bolognese territory (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. also
Nuntiaturberichte XII., n. 39.
2 See the orders for Ascanio della Corgna of June 25, 1551, in
Arm. 41, t. 60, ibid., n. 532 ; cf. ibid., n. 534 the *brief for Hier.
Farnesiae of June 25, and n. 587 for Rod. Ballione of July 10, 155 1
(Secret Archives of the Vatican) .
3 A Commission of Cardinals was formed to arrange measures
for the protection of the coasts of the States of the Church (see
Serristori's *report ol June 17, 1551. State Archives, Florence).
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
appeared in the Ionian Sea, which, however, had to give way
before the resistance of the Knights of St. John from Malta,
whereupon the Turks turned their attention to Tripoli, which
fell into the hands of the infidels on August 14th. 1
The state of affairs in the field of war in Upper Italy had
proved unfavourable to the Pope from the very beginning.
The invasion of the territory of Bologna, where the enemy
had caused great devastation, threatened to bring about an
insurrection in the whole of the Romagna and to tear away
Ravenna from the States of the Church. 2 To this danger to
the temporal jurisdiction of the Pope was added a still graver
threat to his ecclesiastical power ; a schism of the French
Church was by no means impossible, especially at that time,
when there was so great a defection from Rome. 3 The un-
satisfactory financial position of Julius III. did not weigh less
heavily in the scale, and already on June 22nd, the treasurer,
Giovanni Ricci, had sent to the court of the Emperor to urge
the payment of the pecuniary assistance promised. Charles
V. declared he was prepared to pay 200,000 scudi down, if the
Pope would grant him the revenues of the Spanish bishoprics
to the amount of 500,000 scudi. Ricci could grant this, but
received provisionally only 50,000 scudi. 4
The Bishop of Nepi, P. A. de Angelis, was appointed commissary
for this purpose by a *brief of July 4, 1551, Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 573 ;
ibid., n. 589, *Bull of July 11, 1551 : Imposition of four-tenths in
the Sienese district, so that Mendoza may protect the coast
against the Turks, and n. 754, *Bull of September 2, 155 1 : Impo-
sition of four-tenths in Savoy for the fortification of Nice (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
1 Cf. Raynaldus, 1 551, n. 68 ; Zinkeisen, II., 875-6 ; Romier,
41-2.
2 Cf. Adriani VIII., 3 and Brosch, I., 194. Count G. F. de
Balneo received orders in a * brief of July 9, 155 1, to assist the
legate of the Romagna in the protection of the province. Brevia
Arm. 41, t. 6i, n. 585 ; cf. ibid., n. 827 the *brief for Camillo
Orsini of September 17, 1551 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See Pieper, 25.
4 See Miscell. dj stor.Ital., XVII , 337-8 ; Nuntiaturberichte,
XII xlviii n. 37, 41 ; cf. PlEPER.l 44.
DIFFICULTIES OF THE POPE. 1 35
The Pope, who had allowed himself to be drawn into this
war out of deference to the Emperor, was soon to discover
that the conquest of Parma, as also of Mirandola, was not such
an easy matter as had been represented to him. He had also
to learn by experience that the expenses of the undertaking
were to exceed the original estimate by more than double the
amount. He sought in vain to improve the desperate financial
straits in which he found himself by imposing special taxes,
and was also forced to pledge many valuables and jewels. All
this, however, was not sufficient to cover his requirements.
Julius complained bitterly that the Emperor neither gave him
the financial aid promised, nor did he send the number of troops
arranged by treaty. Charles V. was, however, all the less able
to fulfil his pledges as he was soon obliged to protect Milan
against the French, who were threatening it from Pied-
mont. 1
The appearance of the French in Piedmont frightened the
Pope and intimidated him. Cardinal Crescenzi, who was
painfully conscious of the reaction of the war on the Council,
again earnestly urged the Pope to make peace, while the
fathers of the Council joined him in warnings to the same effect.
On September 4th, 1551, the Pope addressed a long letter to
the King of France, and frankly offered him his hand in peace. 2
Four days later followed the appointment of Cardinal Verallo
as special legate to Henry II. 3 Pietro Camaiani was sent to
the Emperor on October 10th to explain the mission of Verallo,
which the Pope had ordered as giving the highest proof of his
love of peace, but at the same time to emphasize the fact that
no agreement was to be thought of without the consent of the
Emperor. Camaiani, however, did not obtain the success
wished for, since the question of subsidies, " the great obstacle
1 Cf. Pallavicini, 13, 1.
2 *F. Borghese, II., 465, p. 174 (Secret Archives of the Vatican)
in the translation of Romier, 44-5.
3 See Acta Consist, in Pieper, 27 ; ibid. 145-6 emendation of
the text of the instructions, dated October 3 in Druffel, I, 757-8.
Concerning Verallo's unsuccessful legation, a most detailed
account in Romier, 47 seqq, 53.
I36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the war from the beginning," was again not solved 1 to the
satisfaction of the Pope, which was all the more painful to
him as his financial position was daily becoming more hopeless ;
He complained, indeed, that he had not only already pledged
all his jewels, but even his usual rings. 2 In Rome everyone
was at this time calling for peace. 3 The Emperor himself was
also in great want of money, as was Ferrante Gonzaga ; neither
of them could any longer pay their mercenaries. The Pope,
however, was undoubtedly in the worst position of all, for which
reason he was also the first to grow weary of the war. 4 In the
middle of December he informed the Emperor, through
Bertano, that he was no longer in a position to keep up the
full number of his troops in Upper Italy. 5
Meanwhile Cardinal Verallo had been negotiating with
Henry II. The Pope on December 21st instructed Pietro
Camaiani to inform Charles V. of the stage which these negotia-
tions had reached. He by no means trusted the French King,
and begged the Emperor also not to let himself be deceived,
but to make all arrangements for continuing the war, as an
imposing display of arms is more effective in securing peace
than a victory in the field. 6 Julius had been quite correct
in his estimate of Henry II. Although the Pope was quite
prepared to fulfil the conditions proposed by the King, Ottavio
and France continued to make fresh difficulties ; they knew
very well that two such strong places as Parma and Mirandola
1 Concerning the dispatch of Camaiani, for which mission
Card. Carpi had at first been chosen, cf. Pieper, 28, 146-7 and
Nuntiaturberichte XII. li, 88 seqq.
2 Druffel III., 240.
3 Cf. Cugnoni, prose ned. di A. Caro, 109.
4 Opinion of Kupke in the Nuntiaturberichte, XII., li.
6 Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lv., 112 ; cf. Gosellini in the
Miscell. di stor. Ital., XVII., 198.
8 See Pieper, 150-1 ; Pallavicini, 13, 1, and Nuntiaturber-
ichte, XII., 115, n. 1. Cf. also Serristori's reports of November
11 (Cama'ani tarda a partir), December 4 (Camaiani kept back
by the Pope, as news is expected from France), December 20,
1551 (Camaiani will start to-morrow). State Archives Florence.
MISSION OF CARDINAL TOURNON. I37
would be very difficult to take by force, and trusting to this,
they hoped to get still more favourable terms. For this
purpose Cardinal Tournon, who was then in Venice, was sent
to Rome. 1 He arrived there on February 5th, and at once
began negotiations. 2
Tournon, who had world-wide experience as a statesman,
and was an accomplished courtier, conducted these with great
shrewdness. He specially drew the Pope's attention to the
fact that the Holy See could not reckon on the Emperor, on
account of his bad health and the difficulties in which Germany
was involved, representing to him, at the same time, the
gravity of the position which was developing in the Council,
as Charles V.'s sole idea was to increase his own authority at
the expense of that of the Pope. 3 In spite of the fact that the
Emperor was imprudent enough to leave his Papal ally in
doubt as to his own intentions, 4 the French had the greatest
difficulty in attaining their end, and after fully two months
time they had not yet come to any arrangement. In the
meantime the impossibility of continuing the war was daily
becoming more apparent. In addition to the direst need
of money, 5 there was the fear that Henry II., who was allied
1 The instruction of December 23, 1551, for Tournon, in Ribier,
II., 360 seq. According to Pallavicini, 13, 2, it might be sup-
posed that the asked for letter of safe-conduct had been refused ;
the Salvus-Conductus for him, dated December 24, 1551 is, how-
ever, in Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 62, n. 1046 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
2 Concerning Tournon's journey and negotiations, see Legaz.
di Serristori 296-7 ; Drufeel, II., 122-3, I 7^ _ 7. 2I 4> 2 ^5- 4 2 3 :
Masius, Lettere, 97, 100-1 ; Chiesi, 228-9 ; Nuntiaturberichte,
XII., lvii seq. 175-6, 198, 217 seqq., 230-1, 241, 292 seqq ; cf.
Maurenbrecher, 281-2 ; de Leva, V., 312-3, 359-60.
3 See Desjardins, III., 297-8.
4 See Nuntiaturberichte., XII, lviii.
5 Julius III. had already tried to alleviate the financial difficulties
on October 20, 1550, by the establishment of the Monte Giulio {cf.
Acta Consist in the Consistorial Archives, and Buonanni's *reports
of October 21 and 25, T550. State Archives, Florence. Cf., also
138 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to the Protestant princes of Germany, might fall away from
the Church. In Rome itself consternation and excitement
prevailed on all sides ; the city was defenceless and the rest of
the States of the Church were not safe. 1
The conditions which Tournon at last laid down were as
follows : Parma was to remain in the hands of Ottavio Farnese,
an armistice with a suspension of all the censures issued was
to be concluded for two years, and after this the Duke was to
be at liberty to come to a final agreement with the Holy See,
while his engagements to France would then cease ; the
territory of Castro was to be returned to the Farnese Cardinals
for their brother Orazio, but the Farnese family were to keep
no larger number of troops there than was required to guard
the territory. Finally, Henry II. was prepared to meet the
Pope in ecclesiastical matters, and again to permit the bulls
for the bestowal of benefices in France to be drawn up in the
Dataria in Rome.
Charles V. naturally endeavoured to dissuade the Pope from
the agreement suggested, and Giovan Battista del Monte also
used all his influence to the same end. 2 All their representa-
tions, however, proved vain ; the misery of the position was
so great that the Pope had finally to submit. On April 15th,
1552, he announced his resolve to the Cardinals in the con-
Endemann, Studien, I )but in vain. G. Ricci, who was recalled
from Spain to Rome in order to manage the finances, found them
in the most dreadful state, and he was unable to be of any assist-
ance. (See *Mele, Genealogia d. famiglia Ricci, 203. Ricci
Archives, Rome) ; in a *letter to G. B. del Monte of April 2, 1552
(*Inf. polit. XIX., 51. Royal Library, Berlin), .Julius III. des-
cribes the financial distress which had never been greater for
centuries. Ranke, I., 269 cites a passage from the letter, without
giving its origin.
1 Cf. del Monte's letter of April 13th, 1552, in Nuntiaturberichte,
XII , 294-5. Julius III. also points out the fact that nothing was
settled in his *letter to Card. Crescenzi of the same date, which is to
be found in the Inf. polit. XIX., 59, 60, Royal Library, Berlin
2 See Pallavicini, 13, 2; cf Maurenbrecher, 287-8-
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lviii.
CONCLUSION OF AN ARMISTICE. 139
sistory in which the suspension of the Council was also dis-
cussed. 1 Everyone agreed without reserve. Cardinal Cervini
was of opinion that if the Pope had had recourse to arms on
righteous grounds, he now laid them down from still more
righteous motives. 2 On April 29th the armistice was con-
cluded on the said conditions, and it was left to the discretion
of the Emperor to be a party to it as well. 3 On the following
day the Pope, in a detailed letter to Camaiani, explained to him
the reasons which had induced him to come to terms with
Cardinal Tournon. It had no longer been in his power to
hesitate, as the population of Rome and the States of the
Church would have been driven to despair ; the impossibility
of conquering Parma and Mirandola was obvious, for after a
ten months' siege they had not yet succeeded in completely
investing the latter fortress. He also pointed out that, in
addition to this, there was the danger on the part of the Turks
and the Lutherans, and the no less real danger of France falling
into schism and becoming Lutheran. 4 The Emperor did not
conceal from Camaiani his displeasure at the one-sided pro-
ceeding of the Pope, but the outbreak of revolution in Germany
forced him also to agree to the conditions of peace on May
10th, a step to which even Ferrante Gonzaga had urged him.
The news reached Rome on May 15th and caused universal
jubilation. Three days later the Abbot Rosetto was sent to
1 See *Acta Consist, in the Consistorial Archives.
2 Capilupi announces this on April 16, 1552 ; see Nuntiaturbe-
richte, XII., lx., cf. 303.
3 The capitoli dell' accordo di Parma, dated April 29, 1552, were
printed in the XVIth century in the Lett, di princ. III., 211-12.
Kupke has taken no notice of this ; he prints them once more from
a copy with the erroneous date April 25 in the Nuntiaturberichte,
XII., 365-6. Cf. Coggiola, Farnesi, 7 n. 2. In the *brief of
May 18, Silvester de Giliis received orders to arrange for the
honourable reception of Cardinal Tournon in the States of the
Church, on his return from France (Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 64, n.
330. Secret Archives of the Vatican) .
4 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 324-5 ; cf. also the letter of G.B.
del Monte in Chiesi, 226-7.
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Lombardy to press forward the conclusion of the armistice. 1
The exile of Cardinal Alessandrc Farnese also came to an end
at he same time, and on June 7th, 1552, he returned to Rome,
where the Pope received him very graciously. On June 25th,
Lanssac appeared as special ambassador of France, and
brought with him the ratification of the armistice by Henry
II. 2 Soon afterwards the diplomatic representation of the
Holy See at the French court was restored and Prospero Santa
Croce was entrusted with the office. The new nuncio was able
to report to Rome as early as September that Henry II., by his
proceedings against Charles du Moulin, had renounced the
anti-papal policy which he had shown in his edict of Sep-
tember, 1551. 3
Notwithstanding the universal jubilation at the ending of
the costly 4 and dangerous war, the Pope must have been
forced to acknowledge to himself that the two questions, for
the solution of which he had worked so earnestly during the
first two years of his pontificate, had both remained unsolved ;
that relating to ecclesiastical matters through the suspension
of the Council, and the other through the result of the war.
This depressing realization began to undermine his energy
to a marked degree. 5 It is false to say that " the Pope no
longer took any active interest in political questions " and
that he led " a harmless pleasant life " in his lovely villa
outside the Porta del Popolo, " heedless of the rest of the
world." 6 Quite apart from the very important, though
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lxi., 327, 334-5, 349-5°. 354"5 .'
cf. Pieper, 32 and Coggiola, Farnesi, 9-10. R. Baglione received
orders to evacuate Castro in the *brief of May 18, 1552 (Min. brev.
Arm. 41, t. 64, n. 333. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See Romier in the Mel. d'arch. XXXI. (191 1), 11-12.
3 Cf. Pieper, 42-3, and Romier, La crise gallicane, 55.
4 The pay of the troops alone cost 300,000 scudi ; cf. Balan,
Mirandola, 48.
5 See Pieper, 40, 41.
6 So says Rankf, Piipste, I., 180-1 ; also Beaufort, Hist, des
Papes, IV., 191 and all later historians, especially Brosch, I., 145,
and last of all Lanciani, III., 133. It is still more incorrect when
THE POPE S NEUTRALITY. 141
unobtrusive, activity which Julius III. displayed in ecclesias-
tical matters in the direction of a Catholic reformation,
especially in the latter half of his reign, 1 he also set to work
at vital political questions, and strove diligently, if ineffec-
tually, for the restoration of peace in Christendom. His
neutral attitude gave offence alike to the French and to the
Imperialists, as both these parties expected to draw great
advantage from a participation of the Pope in the struggle. 2
The accusation, therefore, that the Pope fled from all business
in order to lead an inactive life in peace in his beautiful villa,
originated with them. 3 There can be no doubt that the Pope
had very good reasons for not mixing himself any further in the
Italian disturbances ; the war about Parma had shown the
results of such a course sufficiently plainly. Since the painlul
experience which Julius III. had then had, he had been very
careful not to be again led into participating in such a struggle,
while higher motives also weighed in the balance. The Pope
knew that as Father of Christendom he must as far as possible
de Leva, V., 114 represents Julius III. as an " alieno dai negozi di
stato " from the beginning. Reumont, III., 2, 511 judged
Julius III. much more justly in 1870. Concerning the by no
means unobjectionable version of Muratori, see G. Catalini,
Preface to Muratori's Annali X. (1764), XXXV.
1 Cf. Chapter VI. infra.
2 Both sides addressed bitter reproaches to the neutral Pope ;
the same thing occurred in a congregation of Cardinals on Septem-
ber 4, 1553, when the Imperial Cardinals, Alvarez de Toledo and
Carpi endeavoured to induce him to adopt an anti-French policy,
by pointing out the alliance of Henry II. with the Turks (See
Serristori's *report of September 5, 1553. State Archives,
Florence). In the May of the following year Cardinal du Bellay
and the French ambassador, Lanssac, made complaints. See
Nonciat. de France, I., 51, n. 1.
3 See the Florentine reports cited in the Nonciat. de France,
I., xliii., n. 2, an echo of which is found in Adriani (VIII. , 1), who
was commissioned by Cosimo I. to write (see Mondaini, Adriani,
41-2, Florence, 1905), as well as in Segni (XIII. , 829), and in
Panvinio (Merkle, II., 148) who was friendly with the Farnese
family.
142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
stand aside from party feeling, as then only could he be success-
ful as a peacemaker. 1 How greatly the activity which he
displayed in this direction proceeded from himself personally is
proved by the fact that the greater part of the instructions lor
the ambassadors and legates were now drawn up by himself,
and that he, for the most part, dictated personally to his
secretaries. 2 In the midst of all this, his old enemy, the gout,
was afflicting him to an increased extent. 3
1 See Ancel in the Nonciat. de France, I., xliii. In the instruc-
tions for Gir. Muzzarelli of January 21, 1554, Julius III. speaks
very openly about his having been led astray into making war over
Parma ; see Pieper, 174.
2 Cf. del Monte's letter of July 7, 1552, in Pieper, 41,
n. 3.
3 The reports of the ambassadors bear witness to the frequency
of the painful attacks of the gout, to which were added catarrh and
other disorders caused by errors of diet. Cf. especially the ""letters
of A. Serristori of June 7, 14 and 20, and of October 10, 11, and 24,
1552 ; also of January 4, March 29, June 9, July 6, and 9, 1553 ;
♦letters of the archbishop of Trani, Bart. Serristori, of October 19,
22, 23, and 24, and November 2, 1553 ; *letter of B. Justo of
November 16, 1553 ; *letters of A. Serristori of February 7, 17, 18,
19, and March 3, 8, 14, 15, 27, 1554 ; *letters of B. Justo of
February 24 and 26, 1554 ; *letters of A. Serristori of June 10 and
July 21, 1554 ; *letter of B. Justo of September 15, 1554 ; all in
State Archives, Florence. Concerning the physicians of Julius III.
see, besides Marini, I., 393 seqq., Haser, II., 26 ; Carus, Gesch.
der Zoologie, 359 ; Gratz, IX., 345, 350-1 ; Rieger, II., 144-5 ;
MASius.Briefe, 67 ; Atti per le prov. di Romagna, Ser. 3, 1., 422.
In the Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 456 : *appointment of Aug.
Ricchi of Lucca as physician in ordinary, with a yearly salary of
200 scudi, May 21, 1550 ; n. 513 : *appointment of Theoder. de
Sacerdotibus (Hebreus) as physician in ordinary, June 7, 1550 ; t.
59. n - 39 : summons of Jo. de Aguilera, thesaur. Salamant. mag in
medic, to Rome, January 26, 1551 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Ibid., Arm. 44, t. 4, n.' 25 : summons of Franc. Fregimelia,
doct. medic, to Rome, January 5, 1555. In the *Intr. et Exit, of
1554-1555, payments to the three physicians of Julius II. : A.
Ricchi, Giambatt. Cannani and Damiano Valentini are entered
THE POPE S EFFORTS FOR PEACE. 143
The grave state of the Pope's health, which, in the November
°f 1 553> made the possibility of a conclave in the near future
apparent, 1 as well as the increasing hopelessness and confusion
of the political position, had the effect of gradually depriving
Julius of the fresh animating energy of the first years of his
reign, and finally of paralysing his endeavours to make peace.
Soon afterwards, however, zealous activity was displayed by
the Pope in the direction of an attempt at mediation between
the Emperor and France, although the prospects of success
seemed most unfavourable.
Soon after the conclusion of the armistice, Julius III.
addressed himself to Henry II., by a letter in his own hand,
on May 6th, 1552, and begged him to make peace with Charles
V. 2 The French King, however, had not the faintest idea
of complying with this request, but hoped, on the contrary,
that he could, just at that time, inflict a decisive blow on the
Emperor by means of his conspiracy with the Tuiks. 3 In
spite of this, the Pope sent nuncios to bring about an armistice
between the bitterly struggling rivals. As ordinary nuncio,
Prospero Santa Croce went to Henry II., while Achille de'
Grassi was sent to Charles V. The representations of
both, however, fell on deaf ears. 4 The fury of war raged
worse than ever ; in the middle of July, a Turkish fleet
appeared before Naples, commanded by the corsair, Dragut,
and the French envoy, Aramont ; fortunately they could
(Cod. Vat. 10,605 of the Vatican Library). The Ravenna physi-
cian, Tommaso Rangoni, in 1550 dedicated to Julius III., his work,
De vita hominis ultra CXX. annos protrahenda ; see Ildebrando
della Giovanna, Come l'uomo pud vivere piu di CXX. anni.
Piacenza, 1897. (Nozze-Publication).
1 See Nonciat. de France, I., 68.
2 See the text in the *Inf. Polit., XIX., 79 (Royal Library,
Berlin).
3 Cf. Charriere, II., 201-2 ; Zinkeisen, II., 876.
4 Concerning both missions cf. Pieper, 41-2, 156-7. Prospero
Santa Croce was a close friend of Cardinal A. Farnese ; his being
chosen was, therefore, very significant ; see Romier, in the Mel
d'Arch., XXXI., 13.
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
do little damage, as the French fleet arrived too late. 1
Another undertaking of Henry II. had all the more brilliant
a success. The inhabitants of Siena rose on July 27th, 1552,
with the cry of " France, Victory, Freedom ! " and forced the
Spanish garrison to retire. 2 The new Republic at once placed
itself under the protection of France. Nothing could have
been more pleasing to Henry II. than this turn of affairs, as
it not only threatened the position of the Emperor in Italy,
but served the purpose of keeping the Pope, as well as Cosimo
de' Medici, in check. 3
The reaction of the troubles which had arisen in Tuscany
was at once seen in Rome; In the middle of August, 1552,
the wildest reports of an intended sack of the city by the
Spaniards were in circulation, originated solely, as was sup-
posed, for the purpose of putting the Pope into a false position
with regard to the Emperor. 4 As the disturbances in Siena
were a grave danger to peace in the States of the Church, the
Pope, whose treasury was completely exhausted by the war
about Parma, found himself in a very critical position. Deter-
mined as he was to remain neutral in the impending struggle,
his only thought was to prevent war, with its attendant
horrors, from spreading over the States of the Church. He
therefore ordered the enrolment of 4000 men. 5 The anxiety
and dismay increased in Rome when the end of the month
1 Cf. Charriere, II., 209 seqq. ; Julius III. supported by his
♦brief of August 25, 1552, the preparations of Charles V. for war
against the Turks (Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 565, Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
2 See Reumont, Toskana, I., 181-2.
3 See Reumont, III., 2, 508.
4 Cf. Serristori's *report of August 15, 1552 (State Ar-
chives, Florence). Camillo Orsini is also declared to be the
originator of these rumours by Ipp. Capilupi, in his *report
to Cardinal E. Gonzaga on August 18, 1552 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
6 See Serristori's *report of August 21, 1552 (State Archives,
Florence) .
THE AFFAIR OF SIENA. ' 145
brought the worst news regarding the advance of the Turks
in Hungary. 1
On August 13th, 1552, Julius III. had sent Cardinal Mig-
nanelli to Siena to co-operate in the organization of the new
constitution in such a manner as to preserve the peace and
independence of the Republic, and assure it against the danger
of interference by foreigners. Mignanelli, as a native of Siena,
seemed more suited for this difficult task than anyone else
could be, but in spite of all his good will, he could arrange
nothing, 2 and, on September 28th, Julius III. had to recall
him. 3 It was quite clear what turn affairs were taking, when
Cardinal d'Este, who was entirely devoted to French interests,
arrived in Siena on November 1st, 1552, as governor for Henry
II. 4 A defensive and offensive alliance, and the transfer
of additional French troops to Siena, showed how determined
the French were to establish themselves firmly there. 5 Pedro
de Toledo, Viceroy of Naples, was preparing with all his might
to drive them out, and thus, while the flames of war were hardly
extinguished in Parma, another outbreak in Central Italy
was threatened.
At the end of September, 1552, Julius III. had entrusted a
commission consisting of four Cardinals with the task of
deliberating upon measures for bringing about peace between
Charles V. and the French king. He still hoped he would at
least succeed in preventing this new disturbance of the peace
of Italy, and repeatedly deliberated to this end with Cardinals
1 See Serristori's *report of August 28, 1552 (State Archives,
Florence). With regard to this matter, cf. Huber, IV.,
173-4-
2 See Legaz. di Serristori, 311 ; Adriani, IX., 3; Reumont,
Toskana, I., 187.
3 *Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 05, n. 636 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
4 According to a coded *report of Ipp. Capilupi to Card. E.
Gonzaga, of October 19, 1552, Dandino is supposed to have said
that Card. Farnese had endeavoured to obtain the post which was
given to Este (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
5 Sozzijni, 92-3.
VOL. XIII. 10
146 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
de Cupis, Pacheco, Verallo, Puteo, Cicada and Mignanelli. 1
As he was well aware that the Viceroy of Naples was urging
the Emperor to undertake an expedition against Siena, he
sent Bernardo de' Medici to Pedro de Toledo at the end of No-
vember and advised him to wait a little longer before dispatch-
ing his troops. Pedro, however, persisted in his intention. 2
In Rome, where the recollection of the dreadful sack of
1527 still lived in the memory of the people, new fears concern-
ing the inimical intentions of the Spaniards again arose in
December. The Pope, in consultation with the Cardinals,
took precautionary measures, whereupon the Spanish party in
Rome, as well as the Viceroy, made complaints. They should,
however, have been pleased, as far as that was concerned, for
the Pope, making the best of a bad bargain, allowed, in spite
of his " neutrality," the Spanish troops to march through the
States of the Church. The precautionary measures which
he adopted served only to prevent deeds of violence and
disturbances in his own territories. 3 He sent Achille de'
1 See Serristori's ""reports of September 16 and 28, and October 3,
1552 (State Archives, Florence) ; Raynaldus, 1552, n. 44 ;
Druffel, II., 766-7, 778, 790-1. Cardinal Pacheco emphasizes
the great desire of the Pope to mediate for peace, in a *letter to
Card. Madruzzo, dated Rome, September 20, 1552 (Vice-regal
Archives, Innsbruck).
2 Regarding this dispatch, see Pieper, 45.
3 Cf. besides Lasso's letter in Druffel, II., 831, 840, the
♦Diario di Cola Coleine (he. cit., supra, Chigi Library, Rome) ;
Caro, Lett, pubbl. da Mazzuchelli, II., 98 ; Serristori's *reports
of December 17, 18, and 19, 1552 ; in that of the 19 he says :
" Torno S.B ne a alterarsi grandemente sopra l'haverle questa
mattina in consistorio replicato il card. S. Jacomo et Burgos che la
faceva male a armare dolendosi del modo che si era proceduto seco."
(State Archives, Florence). The *brief for the episc. Nepes. [P. A.
de Angelis] et abb. Breregno, regarding commissariatus ad hospi-
tandum pedites et equites, quos vicerex Neapolis in Hetruriam
mittit, is dated December 15, 1552 (Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 66, n.
811. Secret Archives of the Vatican). Concerning the prepara-
tions for war at that time, see also Quellen und Forschungen des
Preuss. Histor. Inst., VI., 101.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE VICEROY. 147
Grassi to Naples again at the last moment, at the end of
December, once more to beg the Viceroy to come to a peaceful
arrangement, but again in vain. 1
In the first days of the new year, 1553, Garcia de Toledo,
the son of the Viceroy, started from Naples with the greater
part of the Spanish army, and marched through the States of
the Church to Cortona ; his father proceeded with 30 galleys
and 2500 Spaniards past Civitavecchia to Leghorn, 2 while
Camillo Orsini had put Rome in a state of defence. 3 The
Pope, who, just at that moment, was lying ill with an attack
of gout, endeavoured to protect his subjects from the very
severe hardships which the passage of the Imperial troops
had brought in its train. 4 He commissioned Cardinal Alvarez
de Toledo to persuade the leader of the Spanish army to agree
to an armistice ; 5 this attempt, however, was unsuccessful,
while the Emperor gave his approval to the arbitrary pro-
ceedings of his Viceroy. As the Venetian ambassador declares,
Charles V. allowed Pedro de Toledo to do as he pleased, so as
not to give rise to the idea that he was wanting in courage and
military skill since his failure before Metz. 6
1 Cf. Raynaldus, 1553, n. 23, and Pieper, 45.
2 See Adriani, IX., 4 ; Sozzini, 93 ; Galuzzi, 200-1 ; Reumont
Toskana, I. 189.
3 See Serristori's *reports of January 4 and io, 1553 (State
Archives, Florence) ; Firman us, 499-500 ; cf. also the *reports of
Cristof. Trissino to Card. Madruzzo, dated, Rome, January 8 and
x 5. I 553 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck), and *Diario di Cola
Coleine (loc. cit., Chigi Library, Rome).
4 Cf. the * briefs to Orvieto of January 9, and to Card. Savelli,
legate of the Marches, of January 13, 1553, in Min. brev. Arm. 41,
t. 67, n. 15 and 27 ; ibid., n. 30 to Abb. Brisegno : Charge of lodg-
ing Imperial army, January 14, 1553. Cf. n. 42, 43 to the episc.
Nepes. and Card. S. Clementis of January 19. The Pope excused
himself in a very friendly brief of January 10, 1553 (n. 18), for not
having been able to greet him on his unexpected arrival in Civita-
vecchia (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 *Cardinal Burgensi, dated January 14, 1553, loc. cit. n. 31.
6 Venet. Dispatches, II., 593-4.
148 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The benevolent neutrality which the Pope observed with
regard to the Emperor afforded Charles the less satisfaction as,
on the representation of the French ambassador, a captain
of Henry II. was not prevented from marching through the
Papal States with his mercenaries. 1 Those who knew the
character of Julius III. thoroughly, believed that he would
not take up a decisive position, until victory had unmistakably
declared itself for one side or the other. The adherents of the
Emperor thought it hard that there should be no qualified
Spanish ambassador in Rome, who would have kept the very
disunited Spanish Cardinals together. 2 To the joy of the
French party a violent dispute arose between the Pope and
Cardinal Juan Alvarez de Toledo in March, 1553. This
quarrel, indeed, was settled, but had as a consequence the
temporary withdrawal of the Cardinal from the Curia. 3 The
fortification of the city was, meanwhile, so far advanced that
it seemed assured against any attack, and they hoped to render
the Borgo quite impregnable in two months. 4
At the beginning of February, 1553, it had transpired at the
Curia that two envoys were about to be sent, who were to
arrange for a peace between the Emperor and the French king.
At first they contented themselves with the sending of couriers
to the nuncios who were at the courts of the said
1 See *briefs to Asc. della Corgna and Card. Fulvio della Corgna,
of January 15, 1553. Min. brev., t. 67, n. 32-3. Secret Archives
of the Vatican.
2 See the coded **report of Serristori of February 1, 1553 (State
Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. Masius for this, Lettere, 121 ; and Serristori's *reports of
March 11, 13, and 21, 1553 (State Archives, Florence).
4 See Serristori's *letter of January 4, 1553. On January 11,
he *writes : " Qui si attende a fortificar Borgo con far bastioni e
fossi, dove ci sono a lavorare da 400 guastatori ; " on March 14 he
*says : " Ogni giorno il s. Camillo Orsini va crescendo il numero
delli guastatori per la fortificatione di Borgo, il qual vuole che in
duoi mesi sia inespugnabile." According to his ""report of March
23, the number of " guastatori " amounted to 700. (State
Archives, Florence).
LEGATES SENT TO BELLIGERENTS. 149
Princes. 1 A month later Onofrio Camaiani was sent to Florence,
and Federigo Fantuccio to Siena, for the purpose of arranging
a peaceful issue of the troubles in the latter city. 2 In a con-
sistory of April 3rd, 1553, the appointment of the two Cardinal-
Legates took place, which had already been planned during
the summer and autumn of the previous year. 3 Dandino was
to go to the Emperor and Capodiferro to Henry II., and they
were instructed to declare, in the name of the Pope, that the
latter only wished to fulfil his duty as Father of Christendom,
and that he had no other interest in the establishment of peace
than the well-being of all. For these reasons he offered
himself as a mediator for the purpose of bringing about an
agreement. 4 Dandino left the Eternal City on April 14th,
and Capodiferro two days later. 5
In May the Pope made still further attempts, by means of
repeated missions to Siena, to bring the " miserable and
barbaric war " which raged there between the Imperialists and
1 *Serristori on February 1 and 6, 1553 (State Archives,
Florence) .
2 Concerning both dispatches see Pieper, 46. The *Memoriale
for Camaiani in Cod. Ottob., 1888, p. 1-2 of the Vatican Library.
The departure of Camaiani took place on March 2 (see Serristori's
♦letter of that date. State Archives, Florence). The *briefs to
Siena, Termes, and Card. Este with regard to Fantuccio, are of
March 28, 1553. Min. brev., t. 67, n. 231-233 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
3 See Raynaldus, 1552, n. 44 ; cf. Pieper, 50.
4 Concerning the dispatch of the two legates, see, besides
Serristori's *reports of March 29 and April 3, 6 and 8, 1553 (State
Archives, Florence), and Capilupi's *letter of April 3, 1553 (Gon-
zaga Archives, Mantua), Raynaldus, 1553, n. 18 seqq. ; Firmanus
500 and especially Pieper, 50-1, 161-2, 166 seqq. A rare impres-
sion of the Bulla facultatum H. card. Imolensis (dated 1553,
April 3) Lovanii, 1553, is in the British Museum.
5 See Firmanus, 500 and *letter of Serristori of April 14, 1553
(State Archives, Florence). Cf. Nonciat. de France, I., 28, and
Kupke in Quellen und Forschungen des Preuss. Histor. Inst., IV.,
82 seqq.
150 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the French to an end. 1 At the beginning of June, Julius III.,
who at that time appointed the Duke of Urbino as Captain-
General of the Church, 2 went to Viterbo, in order to discuss
matters with the Sienese representatives there. 3 The hopes
which were entertained of the success of this step 4 were not
realized, as Cardinal d'Este was opposed to it. He had
already received news that a turn in the position of affairs was
imminent, 5 which soon, indeed, proved to be the case. The
threatening of Naples by a Turkish fleet forced the Imperialists
to strengthen the garrison there, and they were consequently
obliged to raise the siege of Siena on June 15th. 6 The Sienese.
question, however, which had assumed such unexpected
importance, had by no means thereby found a solution.
In the meantime the two peace legates had reached the end
of their journey, but they did not manage to come to any
arrangement. 7 It seemed, indeed, at that time, as if the
1 Concerning the dispatch of G. A. Vimercato and Card. N.
Gaetani see Sozzini, I3r, 135, 137-8, and Pieper, 47-8. Numerous
♦briefs concerning the dispatch of G. A. Vimercato in Min. brev.
Arm. 41, t. 68, n. 326, 340-1 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See Firmanus, 501.
3 Cf. besides Sozzini, 139-140, Adriani, IX., 4, and Carte
Strozz., I., 500, the *report of Serristori dated Rome, 1553,
June 2 (the Pope goes to Viterbo to-day ; va con speranza grande
di concludere 1'accordo perche 1'ambasciatore Franzese gle lo
prometto certo ; oltre che per una lettera che scrive un agente del
card, di Ferrara da S. Germano al legato S. Giorgio si vede che il
re lo desidera), and the *letters from Viterbo of June 6 (conference
with the Cardinals), 9 (the Pope's attack of gout), and 17 (to-
morrow we return to Rome). State Archives,
4 See Serristori's ""report of July 3, 1553, concerning the consis-
tory on this date (State Archives, Florence).
5 See Pieper, 49.
6 Sozzini, 143-4. The Pope allowed the march of the Imperial
troops through the States of the Church. Min. brev., t. 67, n. 406,
415, 427 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
7 Cf. Gachard, Archives du Vatican, 52-3, and Biogr. Nat., III.,
864-5. Masius, Letterc, 122-3 > Venet. Dispatches, II., 603-4 !
Pieper, 52-3.
FAILURE OF THE LEGATES. 151
exasperation and eager desire for war which filled the hearts of
Charles V. and Henry II. with hatred against each other, had
assumed a more intense character than before. The news
from the legates sounded so hopeless that the general congre-
gation of Cardinals proposed their recall. On July 31st, by
command of the Pope, the affair was once more discussed by
a special commission of six Cardinals : Carpi, Puteo, Pighino,
Alvarez de Toledo, Sermoneta and de Cupis. De Cupis, on
this occasion, spoke strongly in favour of recalling them, but
Carpi opposed him, pointing out the Emperor's increasing
success in the war, which would force Henry II. to come to
terms. Most of the Cardinals approved of this view, 1 and on
August 1st, the Pope decided in this sense, the peace mission
of the legates being extended for two months longer. 2
It was only with great difficulty that Dandino succeeded
in inducing the Emperor to formulate his conditions of peace
with greater exactitude ; these, however, went so far that
Henry II. utterly refused an answer. Thereupon the legates
started on their return journey to Rome at the beginning of
October. 3
They travelled slowly ; on again reaching the Eternal City
on December 3rd, 4 Dandino could see the harmful effects
consequent upon the Sienese war. In the very populous
Florentine colony which had long existed in Rome there were
many exiles and other opponents of the Medici. The
hopes of these people, who clung with the greatest tenacity
to their old ideals, were strengthened when Piero Strozzi, 5
who had been appointed French commandant in Siena,
instead of Termes, reached Rome at the end of the year, where
1 See Serristori's detailed **report of July 31, 1553 (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. Turnbull, Queen Mary, n. 4.
2 " Ha giudicato S.S. 1 ^ doppo d'haver udito i pareri et voti delle
due congregationi generale et particulare esser meglio che i legati
restiho che richiamarli." *Serristori on August 1, 1553 (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. Pieper, 54.
3 See Pieper, 54-5.
4 See Firmanus,' 501.
5 Cf. Coppini, P. Strozzi nell' assedio di Siena, Florence, 1902.
152 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he discussed with the Pope the prolongation of the armistice
in connection with the affair of Parma. 1
The year 1554 brought with it the decision as to the fate of
Siena. The shrewdest of all the politicians in the Italy of
those days, Cosimo de' Medici, who had been reconciled to the
Emperor by a secret treaty of November 25th, 1551, overcame
the neighbouring Republic by means of a base act of violence.
On January 26th, 1554, his troops took forcible possession of
the fortress of Camullia, situated immediately in front of the
gates of Siena. His undertaking, as he declared to the Sienese,
had no other object than to restore to them their freedom and
independence, of which the French had robbed them. The
Republic was not deceived by such hypocritical good-will.
With fierce determination the Sienese prepared to defend their
independence, and thereupon an inhuman war at once broke
out, which was waged on both sides with almost unexampled
stubbornness and barbarity. 2
When, in May 1554, a new nuncio, in the person of Sebas-
tiano Gualterio, was sent to France in the place of Prospero
Santa Croce, he received, in addition to his principal mission of
urging Henry II. to make peace with the Emperor, special
directions to offer the Pope as mediator in the Sienese struggle.
In the instructions, the very great injury which the Sienese
war was causing to the States of the Church is emphasized.
The Pope had been obliged to pay 150,000 scudi for putting
Rome and the other possessions of the Holy See in a state of
defence ; the salary of the Duke of Urbino as Captain-General
of the Church necessitated an annual outly of 30,000 scudi ;
moreover, the dislocation of traffic and commerce by land
1 The prolongation of the armistice (see *Barb., 2,392, p. 166-7.
Vatican Library) was signed by Card, du Bellay and Lanssac on
February 3, 1554, ratified by Henry II. on March 3, and delivered
to the Pope on April 26 (see Sauze, 374-5 and Coggiola, Farnesi,
J 4-5) I Julius III. communicated it to Ottavio by a *brief of April
27, 1554 (Man. brev. Arm. 41, t. 70, n. 233. Secret Archives of the
Vatican). On April 29, the Breve assolutorio for Ottavio Farnese
was issued ; see Coggiola, 15-6, 254-5.
2 See Reumont, Toskana, I., 199 seqq.
WEAKNESS OF THE POPE.' 153
and sea had also to be taken into consideration. In these
instructions stress is also laid on the neutrality of the Pope,
who had allowed the partisans of France to draw military
stores from the States of the Church and enrol troops there. 1
That was to the point, 2 but on the other hand it could not be
denied that on the whole the Papal " neutrality " had a more
or less Imperialist tendency. This was the result, not only
of the old weakness of the Pope for Charles V., but was much
more due to the very friendly relations that had all along
existed between him and Cosimo I. 3 These had, however,
been very much disturbed in July, 1554, when Julius III. had
been weak enough to allow the French auxiliary troops,
destined for Siena, to march through the States of the Church.
Besides this there were also serious differences with the
Florentine ambassador, Averardo Serristori. 4 The former
friendly relations were, however, at once restored when the
Pope's brother, Baldovino, congratulated the Duke on the
brilliant victory which bis troops had gained over Piero
Strozzi at Marciano on August 2nd, 1554. 5
Julius III. again made several vain attempts, from October,
1554, to the end of January in the following year, to bring
1 See Nonciat. de France, I., 22 seqq.
2 Concerning the incredibly weak behaviour of Julius III., and
his curious neutrality, see Reumont, III., 2, 509.
3 With his *brief of December 27, 1551, Julius had sent the Duke
a blessed Cap and Sword. Min. brev. t. 62, n. 1054. Ibid., t. 66, n.
763 a * brief characteristic of their intimate relations, to Cosimo I.,
on November 29, 1552 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 Cf. concerning this Desjardins, III., 343-4 ; Gori, Arch., I.,
28 ; Riv. Europ, VI. (1878), 629 seqq. ; Stor. Ital. Ser. 4, II., 12-3 ;
Nonciat. de France, I., n. 55, 81. That Julius III. had previously
suggcsled the recall of Serristori is evident from the **brief to
Cosimo 1. of June 10, ^54, unknown until now, (Min. brev. Arm.
41, t. 71, n. 342. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
5 See Nonciat. de France, I., 84 n. 2. Baldovino and the
Governor of Rome illuminated their palaces at the celebration of
the victory ; see *Diario di Cola Coleine, Chigi Library,
loc. ctt.
154
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the vexed Sienese question to a peaceful solution. 1 He did not
survive till the fall of the Republic ; his old trouble, the gout,
and an unwise starvation cure brought his life to an end on
March 23rd, 1555. 2
1 See Nonciat. de France, I. xlix seqq. A. Agostini, who was
sent to the Emperor in January, 1555, was to impress on him the
necessity for a peace with France (see Pieper, 68). Cf. also
Palandri, n. 83, concerning the complaints of Julius III. with
regard to the conduct of Cosimo I.
2 The state of health of Julius III. was so grave that Serristori*
was of opinion, as early as the Autumn of 1554, that a slight
attack would bring about his death (*Report of September 29,
1554. State Archives, Florence). On February 12, 1555, the
Pope was again attacked by gout, and had to take to his bed
(See Massarelli, 247). His strength gradually decreased, as the
doctors ordered a very low diet, a drastic measure which his
stomach, accustomed to rich food, could not withstand (see
Panvinio in Merkle, II., 248, n. 1). The Bishop of Pavia *writes
on March 18 : " S.S U gia sono 32 giorni che sta in letto senza
periculo, ma debole et senza appetito et come esso dice in termine,
se gli sopragiungesse alcuno accidente che forse la fariano male "
(State Archives, Florence) ; however, it was still hoped on March 9,
that he would soon recover (*N.S. tuttavia continua nella sua
indispositione, ma non pero piu grave sperandosi che presto sia per
convalersi. G. Maggio on March 9. State Archives, Bologna) ;
and on the 16, Serristori *writes : " N.S. se bene e assai battuto sta
pero assai quieto in modo che presto si dovera levar da letto." On
March 19 the Pope's state was grave, and on the 21, hopeless. See
concerning this, besides Massarelli, 247, the "letters of Fulgenzio
Gianettini of March 21 and 22 (State Archives, Bologna) and the
* reports of Serristori of March 19, 21 and 22 (State Archives,
Florence) ; the passage from the letter of the 22, relating the
disappointment of the relatives whose requests the dying Pope did
not grant, is printed in the Nonciat. de France, I., xliv., n. 4.
On March 22, " a hore 20." F. Gianettini announces : " La notte
passata, alle 7 hore S.S tA udi messa et confessd et reconciliato pig-
li6 il s t0 sacramento della communione et li a poco chiedi l'estrema
untione, which he received. To-day all the Cardinals went to the
Pope, whom no one could any longer understand." State
Archives, Bologna ; Ibid, the announcement of the death,
VACILLATION OF JULIUS III. 155
In the crypt of St. Peter's, the simple sarcophagus, dis-
tinguished only by the words 'Pope Julius III.," which
contains his remains, can still be seen. 1 It is not by chance
that this Pope has no special tomb, for his reign has left no
deep traces. He did not realize the expectations to which his
activities as Cardinal, and the zeal he displayed at the begin-
ning of his pontificate, gave rise.
He had nothing in common with the great Pope after whom
Giovan Maria del Monte was called, but the name. And this
is not only true in the sense of his not being the patron of art
and letters, but in other respects as well, as the very qualities
which specially distinguished Julius II., independence of
character, energy and power, were totally wanting in him. He
was of a sanguine temperament, with rapidly changing moods,
easily influenced and exceedingly nervous and timid, and was
constantly in a state of vacillation and indecision. The times,
full of the harshest contrasts, called for a strong unbending
character ; such a man as Julius III. was quite incapable of
dealing with the particularly difficult conditions. Paul IV.
afterwards described his compliance and dependence on the
Imperialists in the sharpest terms ; he said that Julius III.
had no longer been master in Rome, and had been obliged to
do what the Spaniards wanted. 2 It is at all events certain that
Julius made a fatal mistake when he allowed himself to be
led into making war on Ottavio Farnese, the consequences of
which caused great financial and moral injury to the Holy See. 3
written immediately afterwards, " a hore 19." Cf. also Acta
consist, in Gulik-Eubel, 34 ; J. v. Meggen in the Archiv. fur
schweiz. Reform-Gesch., III., 514 ; the Portuguese reports in
Corpo Dipl. Port., VII., 375-6.
1 See Dionysius, Crypt. Vatic, tab., LV. ; Turrigio, 387 ;
FORCELLA, VI., 70 ; DUFRESNE, 91.
2 See *report of Navagero, dat. Rome, July 25, 1556 (St. Mark's
Library, Venice).
3 See supra p. 140. In consequence of his friendly attitude to
the Emperor, satires on the dead Pope continued to be published,
especially in France. Cf. Favre, Olivier de Magny, 59 seqq.
Concerning the scarcity of money at the death of Julius III., cf.
Mitteil. des Ostr. Inst., XIV., 544.
156 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It is also undeniable that the Pope by no means drew the
correct inferences from the exceedingly grave position in which
the Church was placed by the serious defection in the north ;
he never sufficiently realized how greatly the times had
changed. The Church, already bleeding from a thousand
wounds, was daily receiving new blows from incensed enemies
and undutiful children. Julius III. gave the painful impres-
sion that, instead of retiring within himself in prayer and
contemplation, he gave himself up in a more ingenuous manner,
like the great nobles of the Renaissance period, to the amuse-
ments of comedies, court jesters and card-playing. The
" Hilaritas publica " which one of his medals extols, 1 was
not in place at a time when the faithful Catholic chronicler,
Johann Oldecop, had this inscription placed on his house in
Hildesheim : ' Duty has ceased, the Church is convulsed,
the clergy has gone astray, the devil rules, simony prevails,
the Word of God remains for all eternity." 2
One must not, however, go too far in accusing Julius III.
He has been unjustly made responsible for the interruption
of the Council, and the unfortunate sudden change of affairs
in Germany ; he is also not to blame for the short duration of
the reconciliation of England with the Church. It was, how-
ever, unavoidable that a deep shadow should have been thrown
over his pontificate by all these events, and that this should
dim his very remarkable activity within the Church, and
especially his efforts for reform. Because this activity was not
sufficiently known, and was therefore underestimated, the
dark side of his pontificate is more evident to us, while the,
at any rate weaker, bright side has fallen too much 'into the
background. 3
1 See Venuti, 91.
2 Cf. Jannsen-Pastor, VIII., 427.
3 All that Julius III. had done for Rome and the States of the
Church was almost entirely forgotten. In this respect his care for
strict justice is especially worthy of remark. Cf. thereupon
Buonanni's *report of September 20, 1550, and Serristori's of
September 16, 1552 (State Archives, Florence) ; see also the
" Bulla deput. card. Tranen. et de Puteo ac S. Calixti et S. Clemen-
VACILLATION OF JULIUS III. 157
tis ad superintendendum rebus urbis et audiendum quaerelas,"
dat. 1553 VI. Id. Oct. ; printed copy in the Colonna Archives,
Rome ; Ibid, the *brief of May 29, 1554, against the " banditi
dello stato Romano." See also in Appendix No. 15, the *brief of
May 6, 1552, concerning the work of making the Upper Tiber
navigable. On March 3, 155 1, Julius III. appointed Paulus de
Tarano as commissary " super dessicatione paludum " of the
States of the Church to the borders of Siena and Florence. Arm. 41,
t. 59, n. 219 ; ibid. t. 64, n. 388, the *brief for Bernardus Machia-
vellus Florent. of June 22, 1552, concerning the continuation and
rendering safe of the drainage of the marshes at P'oligno, Trevi and
Montefiascone, begun by Paul III. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Concerning his care for the defence of Rome and Civitavecchia, cf.
infra Chapter XIV. To the brighter side of the character of
Julius III., which is overlooked, belongs also his great benevolence.
His almoner, the worthy Francesco Vanuzzi (cf. Forcella, XII.,
514), paid 245 scudi monthly to the poor. The " Ospedale degli
Incurabili " and the institution " delle orfanelle " each received
100 scudi a month ; besides this, convents and other needy
establishments were generously and regularly aided. See *Intr.
et Exit., 1554-1555, Cod. Vat. 10605 of the Vatican Library.
CHAPTER VI.
Efforts of Julius III. for Reform— Creation of
Cardinals.
At the very beginning of his reign, in March, 1550, Julius III.
had taken in hand the carrying on of the reform work begun
by his predecessor, and, in order to deliberate on this most
important matter, in which the reform cf the abuses in the
Dataria was especially to be considered, he appointed a com-
mission, consisting of Cardinals de Cupis, Carafa, Sfondrato,
Crescenzi, Pole and Cibo. 1 Cibo soon fell dangerously ill, and
died on April 14th. 2 As other members of the commission
also fell ill or had to be absent from Rome, the matter came
temporarily to a standstill, but the Pope re-opened it by urging,
in a consistory of July 21st, 1550, the energetic resumption of
the work, in view of the near approach of the Council. He
submitted the question to the Cardinals, whether it would be
better to form a new commission, to wait for the arrival of the
absent members, or to summon them. The College of Car-
dinals decided on the latter course, and resolved that new
members should be appointed in the place of those who were
prevented from returning. 3 As gross abuses had become
apparent during the last conclave, the Pope at the same con-
sistory of July 2 1st 4 commissioned Cardinals Medici and
1 Cf. supra p. 57 and Appendix Nos. 7 and 8.
2 See the *reports of Buonanni of April 9 and 14, and that of
*Serristori of April 13, 1550 (State Archives, Florence).
3 See *Acta consist, cancell., VI., 54 ; and Schweitzer, Re-
formen unter Julius III., 53-4. As Schweitzer is preparing a
special publication, I have purposely refrained from entering into
many particulars.
4 Cf. Sagmuller, Papstwahlbullen, 18-19 ; Schweitzer, 54.
158
COMMISSION FOR REFORM. 1 59
Maffei to consider proposals for reform. By the beginning of
August, as we are informed by a Florentine correspondent, 1
Julius III. had reformed his own entourage, and had also
spoken of a reform of the College of Cardinals. 2
How zealously the Pope intended to carry out his campaign
of refoim, even before the meeting of the Council, is shown
by the fact that on September 7th, 1550, he commissioned
the former secretary of the Council, Massarelli, to prepare a
summary of such reform proposals as had not yet been delib-
erated on at Trent. These were now to be finally dealt with
in Rome, for which purpose three of the most experienced
members of the Sacred College, Cervini, Pole and Morone,
were summoned to return to the Curia at the end of September. 3
On October 3rd, the Pope was in a position to announce that
the labours of Cardinals Medici and Maffei were proceeding
most favourably, and that they had already drawn up a Bull
for the reform of the conclave. De Cupis was to communicate
this document to the different Cardinals, so that they might
say whether they had anything to add or to delete. 4 The
Florentine ambassador sent a copy to Cosimo I. on October
13th, telling him to keep it secret, and above all, to take care
that the officious humanist, Giovio, did not get a glimpse of
it and prematurely make it public. 5
1 " Ha fatto la reforma della casa sua." *Buonanni on August 6,
1550. Concerning the Conclave reforms, the latter thinks :
" L'opera e santissima, ma chi la fara metter in esecutione ?
(State Archives, Florence).
2 See in Appendix No. 9., Buonanni's *letter of August 2, 1550
(State Archives, Florence).
3 See Massarelli, 190, 193.
4 See Acta consist, in Laemmer, Melet., 206 ; cf. Gulik, 34 and
Sagmuller, Papstwahlbullen, 20.
5 " As'pettonsi i rev mi S. Croce et Inghilterra perche possa essere
vista da loro et poi dagl' altri cardinali la minuta della bolla del
conclave, che sara presto espedita a fine che di poi possa mandarsi a
S.M.t 6 sopra l'indicatione di detto concilio di Trento
Con questa sara la copia della riforma che S.S.^ vorebbe dare ai
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
When, at the end of October, Cardinals Cervini, Morone and
Pole had arrived in Rome, decisive steps with regard to the
question of reform were expected in the immediate future. 1
In November and December the most exhaustive deliberations
were repeatedly held in the consistory and elsewhere concern-
ing this important question. 2 Even the sceptical Florentine,
Buonanni, no longer doubted as to the sincerity of the members
of the commission. 3
A compilation of the dispensations which hitherto had been
granted by the Dataria, and which had given rise to much
scandal, of itself shows the difficulties which had to be over-
come. 4 Seventeen of these, which were to be duly discussed
and examined, were specially called in question. Cardinals
de Cupis, Carafa, Cervini, Crescenzi, Pisani and Pole were
entrusted with this work in December. The Pope, says the
Florentine ambassador, Serristori, by his reform of the Dataria,
wishes to show that in his efforts for reform, he is beginning
at home. 5 The same object was served by the continued
conclavi a venire, la quale prega i rev mo de Medici che non sia
publicata et sopratutto non vada in man del Jovio, poiche S.S 1 *
come pare giusto vuole prima ch'ella sia vista dal collegio et
ritoccata dove paresse bene et poi publicata, passata ch'ella fusse
per consistorio." *Buonanni, Rome, October 13, 1550 (State
Archives, Florence).
1 " Poiche si trovano qui i rev mi S. Croce, Morone et Inghilterra
si mettera mano alle cose della riforma, la quelle dicono che sara
fuori inanzi del Natale." *Buonanni, Rome, October 25, 1550
(State Archives, Florence). See also Buonanni's *report of October
30, and the letter of Masius in Lacomblet, Archiv, VI., 165.
2 Cf. Massarelli, 198, 199, 202, 204.
3 " Di qua s'attendera al presente alia reforma, la quale si trova
in man d'alcuni reverendissimi, che la faran piu stretta che potranno
per quanto stara in loro." *Buonanni on November 14, 1550
(State Archives, Florence).
4 See Schweitzer, 55.
5 Serristori announces the *installation' of the commission " in
ultimo concistorio, accid che nella reforma si cominciasse prima di
quel tocasse all'utile di S.S tA " on December 20, 1550 (State Ar-
chives, Florence).
REFORMS IN THE CURIA. l6l
retrenchment in the expenses of the court, already begun in
February. 1 On February 27th, 1551, the work on the reform
of the Dataria had already progressed so far that the Pope
could indicate to the delegated Cardinals the principles accord-
ing to which the decrees to be promulgated were to be drawn
up. 2 Julius III. had already, on February 12th and 16th,
gone minutely into tne question of a reform of the system of
preaching and confession, with Cardinal Crescenzi, the Bulls
in connection therewith being laid before the Inquisition. At
the same time a reform of the Penitentiary was being planned. 3
Julius III., in a secret consistory of February iSth, ordered
that a further commission of eleven Cardinals should assemble
twice a week in the apartments of the Dean of the Sacred
College, and that a report as to the progress of their work
should be submitted to him every Saturday. 4 It appears
from a note in the Pope's own hand, that he was also employed
upon a reform of the Signatura gratice, by which the dispen-
sations were very substantially limited. 5 On February 23rd
the Pope again discussed the question of reform for the whole
day with Cardinal Crescenzi, and for this purpose had the old
Bulls in the archives of the Castle of St. Angelo examined, 6
1 See Matteo Dandolo's "report of February 12, 1550, in State
Archives, Venice (cf. de Leva, V., 139) and the *letter of Buonanni
of December 1, 1550, in which he says : " S.S. tA o per meglio dir
il suo maiordomo ha fatta una reforma bestialissima di persone e di
bestie che mangiavano in casa, et dicono che fra tutte sono state
300, per le quali prova il detto maiordomo che si avanzeranno
l'anno 30,000 scudi." (State Archives, Florence). Concerning
the Ruoli della famiglia di Giulio III., see Moroni, XXIII. , 63-4.
2 See Massarelli, 217, and Schweitzer, 55.
3 " lam tempus est, ut ad Nos et ad tua penitentiariae, de cuius
reformatione agendum est, officia redeas." *Brief to Card.
Ranuccio Farnese of February 27, 1551 (Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 97.
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 See *Acta consist, cancell. VI., 72a (Consistorial Archives), and
Massarelli, 216.
5 See Schweitzer, 55.
6 See Massarelli, 216.
VOL. XIII. 11
l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and at least part of the reform work prepared which was to be
made ready before the opening of the Council. 1 Then the
political troubles which arose through the question of Parma
came to prevent progress in the matter. However much these
may have interfered with the peaceful continuation of the
work, the opinion of an expert of the time is justified, who says
that an important beginning had already been made in this
direction before the opening of the Council. There can be no
doubt that Julius III. was not afraid to take the work in hand
with determined energy, and with clear insight to fix on
precisely those institutions which were chiefly in need of
reform : the Dataria, the Signatura gratia and the conclave.
The immediate result of his endeavours was, certainly, not
great, but that was not the fault of the Pope, since he did not
fail in admonitions ; but it was, above all, a consequence of
" the difficult times and of the immense amount of work called
for by the re-opening of the Council." 2
How very sincerely the Pope was animated by this wish to
abolish abuses in the Church, wherever he found them, is also
shown by his various reform statutes. It appears from these
still unpublished documents, that his care was extended to the
secular as well as the regular clergy. The statutes, which
were issued immediately after his election, were concerned
chiefly with Italy, but there were also others for Germany,
Spain and Portugal. 3
The reform decrees, published by the Council in its 13th
and 14th Sessions, were to secure the official jurisdiction of the
bishops and to render possible the punishment of bad ecclesi-
astics. In the further deliberations of the Council, the old
dispute regarding the authority of the Pope over the Council,
1 "Attendesi alle cose della reforma, parte delle quali si pub-
lichera di qua et parte si manderanno alia resolution del concilio."
♦Buonanni, February 26, 1551 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Opinion of Schweitzer, 56 ; cf. Sagmuller, Papstwahl-
bullen, 22-3.
3 For France only one document. See summary of * Briefs
which are in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, in Appendix No.
28.
FURTHER REFORM DECREES. 163
which had been so fateful to the synods of the XVth century,
again showed itself. Julius III. declared with outspoken
candour, in view of the dangerous advance of the Spanish
pretensions, that, although it was his greatest wish to proceed
energetically with the work of reform, the authority with
which God had invested him must, at the same time, not
be impugned. 1 Events would prove, after the conclusion of
the Council, and the end of the war concerning Parma,
whether he was really determined to carry out his work of
reform. The plan of continuing this in Rome, with the help
of the members of the suspended Council, was not approved
of by them, 2 and he was therefore obliged to take up the
laborious task alone.
How earnestly the Pope felt about this matter is shown by
the fact that during the whole of May, 1552, his mind was
occupied with the idea of degrading the unworthy Cardinal del
Monte, whose elevation had so severely compromised him, and
of setting him back into the lay state. 3 Unfortunately, the
idea came to nothing, but, on the other hand, the work con-
cerning the reform of the conclave was again taken up. The
draft of a Bull drawn up by Maffei and Medici concerning this
matter was placed in the hands of Cervini for final revision.
The latter handed the Pope his work at the end of July, and
the decisive steps were to be taken after the summer vacation. 4
During the vacation, Julius III., in a consistory of August
24th, published a salutary restriction of the giving of benefices,
which were frequently asked for on the most frivolous grounds.
Henceforth only the canonical grounds were to be regarded
as valid, and the association of any definite condition, in
connection with the grant, was also forbidden. 5
1 See supra p. 124. 2 See supra pp. 127 seq.
3 " II card, di Carpi mi ha detto sapere di buon luogo che S.S t&
ha in animo di far tornare al seculo il card, de Monte et darli per
moglie la sig ra Ersilia." Coded *report of Serristori of May 10,
1552 (State Archives, Florence).
4 See Cervini's letter in Druffel, II., 669 ; cf. Sagmuller,
Papstwahlbullen, 26.
5 See Acta consist, in Schweitzer, 56.
164 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A consistory of September 16th, 1552, in which the Pope
produced a comprehensive plan for carrying out the work of
reform, caused a great sensation. This was to begin with the
new regulations about the conclave, so that the candidate
whom God desired should be chosen, and the election not be
hampered by human cunning and trickery. The one chosen,
continued the Pope, should be admonished to observe the
commandments of God and the Church with fidelity. It was
to be impressed on the Cardinals that their most sacred duty
was to assist the Pope with such counsel as they considered
wholesome and salutary ; they were not to possess more than
one bishopric, which they were to visit in accordance with their
duty, and they were forbidden to hold pastoral offices in
commendam. Julius III. recommended to the bishops a strict
observance of their duty of residence, from which only those
were to be exempt who had to hold a fixed office in Rome or
elsewhere. The bishops were to invest with benefices only
such priests as were worthy, and no one was to receive Holy
Orders in Rome or elsewhere without the permission of his
ordinary. After the confirmation of these regulations, the
reform of the Dataria, of the Penitentiary, and lastly, of
worldly princes, was to be carried out. 1
The Pope had spoken so earnestly that even the Spaniards,
such as Pacheco, believed in the sincerity of his intentions. 2
The representative of King Ferdinand I., Diego Lasso, was of
opinion that even the Council could undertake no greater
reform. 3
At the end of October, 1552, the Cardinals of the reform
commission began their deliberations under the presidency of
Cervini, who had been summoned to Rome ; two protocols
1 Schweitzer was the first to draw attention (p. 57) to the
speech of Julius III. preserved by Massarelli. Serristori refers
in his *report of September 16, 1552 (State Archives, Florence),
to the consistory, but just as briefly as do the Acta consistorialia
of the Consistorial Archives.
2 See the ""letter of Card. Pacheco to Card. Madruzzo, dat.
Rome, September 20, 1552 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
3 See Druffel, II., 767.
WORK OF THE REFORM COMMISSION. 1 65
inform us of the progress they made. One, that of Cardinal
Maffei, includes the months of October and November, while
the other, drawn up by the president, begins with the Novem-
ber of 1552, and continues until the April of the following
year. 1
At the first sitting, which took place on October 26th, 1552,
Cardinals Pacheco, Puteo, Pighino, Cicada and Maffei assisted,
as well as the president. From other reports it appears that
Cardinals Verallo and Carafa were also present at the sittings
of the commission from time to time. 2 They all worked in
accordance with the programme laid down by Julius III.,
and, in addition to the reform of the conclave, were also occu-
pied with that of the consistory. With regard to the latter,
Cervini proposed that every bishop, or other prelate, should,
on his election, make a profession of faith, and that bishops
should be pledged to the observance of their duty of residence
by the formula of their oath. In November the Cardinals
dealt chiefly with those abuses which prevailed in the Signa-
tura gratia. One reason for the state of things existing there
was, it was said, to be found in the large number of officials,
in consequence of which things happened for which the term
used, " exorbitant," seems only too fitting. Complaints were
especially made with regard to the laxity in the examination of
1 Schweitzer has also been the first to bring these two pro-
tocols to light (57, 58) of which one (Concilio, LXXVIII., 72
seqq.) is in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, the other (Carte
Cervini, XXXII., 17 seqq.) in the State Archives, Florence. In
the Maffei Archives, Volterra, which, unfortunately are not well
arranged, there are only a few unimportant letters of the Cardinal.
Besides Cervini, Card. Mignatelli was also summoned to Rome by
the *brief of September 28, 1552 (Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 636. Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 See Lasso's report in Druffel, II., 825, and Masius, Lettere,
121. The commission does not seem to have possessed more
than six members (see the Portuguese report of November 2, 1552,
in the Corpo dipl. Port. VII., 193). When the names of the
Cardinals are changed, this is explained by the fact that each of
them had a representative.
1 66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
candidates for Holy Orders in Rome, the acceptance of presents
by the ordaining prelates, the non-observance of the canonical
age, the bestowal of benefices on youths, connivance at the
concubinage of higher clerics and other evil practices. 1 In
December the views of the Spanish bishops were laid before
the commission, 2 and on December 20th the Pope deliberated
in a Congregation concerning the reform of plenary indul-
gences, desired by the commission of Cardinals. 3
The work of the commission in January and February,
I 553» was chiefly concerned with the duty of residence of
the bishops, and it was not until the middle of March that
the matter was so far arranged, that canons could be drawn
up, whereupon the reform of the Penitentiary was next taken
in hand. 4
On April 17th, 1553, the Pope informed the members of the
Sacred College, assembled in consistory, of the proposals of the
reform commission, which were then read out, and he gave it
as his opinion that a beginning should be made with the Bull
concerning the conclave. All the Cardinals were to submit
their views, so that after these had been examined, the final
text of the Bull could be drawn up. 5 That the Pope himself
took a personal share in the work may be seen from the fact
that he himself prescribed the subjects for the further delibera-
tions of the commission, which lost a valuable member in July,
1 See Schweitzer, 58-9.
2 See Cervini's letter in Druffel, II., 828.
3 See Camillo Capilupi's ""report to Card. E. Gonzaga, dated
Rome, December 21, 1552, in which he says :" Hien si
fece una congregatione inanti S.S^ dove si parl6 del modo che
che si ha a tenere nel concedere queste indulgenze plenarie che
vengono ogni di dimandate a S.S^ da questi r mi , parendo ad
alcuni card ll della riforma, che quest' usanza che si tiene del
publicare dette indulgenze sia per essere cagione che vengano in
dispreggio, attacandosi per i cantoni delle strade stampate."
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 See Schweitzer, 59-60 ; cf. Masius, Lettere, 118-9.
5 See Acta consist, in Raynaldus, 1553, n. 46; cf. Sagmuller,
Papstwahlbullen, 26.
WORK OF THE REFORM COMMISSION. 167
1553, through the death of Cardinal Maffei. 1 Two of the
documents which the Pope dictated to Massarelli at the end
of December, 1553, are still in existence. 2
The year 1554 is described by experts as being the most
fruitful period of work in the pontificate of Julius III. 3 How
fully this opinion is justified is shown by the collection of
drafts, proposals and protocols concerning the reform negotia-
tions of that period preserved in the Papal secret archives. 4
From these we can understand with what true zeal this difficult
task was handled in the numerous sittings. The deliberations,
begun on January 1st, 1554, dealt with the entrance into the
clerical state and the granting of benefices. From January
10th the commission was also occupied with the reform of
monasteries. On January 14th the Florentine ambassador
wrote of the favourable prospects for the realization of reform ;
the disputes which had arisen in Spain concerning the meaning
of several of the decrees of the Council of Trent also contributed
to the acceleration of the work. 5 In the later deliberations,
the settlement of the duty of residence and the reform of the
Signatura were more fully discussed than any other subjects
before the commission. On February 12th the Pope personally
took part in the deliberations, and declared that although the
matters of reform were nof yet fully settled, he considered it
better that a part of the resolutions should now be published.
To this end, a Bull should be drawn up, which was' to introduce
1 The Pope's sorrow at the loss of this man is brought out by
Serristori in his *report of July 17, 1553 (State Archives, Florence).
The death of Card, de Cupis (December 10, 1553), was a * so a S ie&i
blow to him.
2 More details in Schweitzer, 61. The Pope also speaks of
the continuation of the reform work already begun, in his instruc-
tions for Delfino oi December 1, 1553, see Pieper, 183.
3 Schweitzer, 61.
4 *Concilio, LXXVIII., 248-9 (January, 1554), 285-6 (February,
J 554). prepared by the indefatigable Massarelli, first used by
Schweitzer (62).
6 See in Appendix No. 21a, Serristori's *report of January 14,
1554. (State Archives, Florence).
l68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the matter, the draft of which should be sent to the Cardinals
for their approval. Eight of these documents, among which
are the opinions of Cardinals Morone and Carpi, are still
preserved. 1
With regard to the summer of 1554 we have, unfortunately,
up to the present, no detailed information, although there is a
decree of Julius III. of this time, which ordains that no member
of a religious order may, for the future, accept a bishopric
without the consent of his Superior and the Protector of his
order. At the end of November the Pope addressed earnest
admonitions to the Cardinals to keep their dwellings and
entourage in all modesty and propriety, and to distinguish
themselves by well-doing and generosity to the poor. 2 In
the same month the deliberations concerning the reform of the
Papal election were also finally concluded. The Bulls to be
issued on this matter, the improvement in which had been
repeatedly discussed, remained as drafts, and their publica-
tion, in the opinion of the Florentine ambassador, would
take place before the end of January, 1555. 3 As, however,
the work was taken in hand in the most painstaking
manner, and the intention was to abolish all possible hin-
drances to a conscientious election, the new Bull concerning
the conclave could only be read aloud in the consistory of
November 12th, 1554, after which it was sent to the different
Cardinals. 4
The commission was above all occupied at that time with
the question of the reform of the bishops. This part of the
programme was so far worked out by the end of November,
that it outlines could be read in the consistory and handed
1 *Concilio, LXVIII., 226a, 353-370 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican). Cf. Schweitzer, 62.
2 See *Acta consist, in Consistorial Archives ; Schweitzer,
°4-5-
3 *Letter of Serristori of January 26, 1553 (State Archives,
Florence) .
4 See *Acta consist, in Consistorial Archives ; Raynaldus,
1554, n. 23 ; Sagmuller, Papstwahlbullen, 27-8, 291-2 ; Schweit-
zer, 63.
A REFORM BULL DRAWN UP. 169
to all the Cardinals for approval. 1 In December a draft for
the reform of the seculars and regulars was also prepared, to
which the Cardinals likewise gave their sanction. 2 A draft
from the hand of Julius III. himself proves that he was also,
at this time, engaged upon the reform of the College of Car-
dinals. 3 At the end of January, 1555, the Pope was able to
inform the King of Spain that he had succeeded, in spite of the
opposition of clergy and laity, in preparing a comprehensive
Reform Bull, which would soon appear. 4 The death of the
Pope intervened and prevented this ; the official document
is preserved in the Papal secret archives. 5 It begins, in
accordance with the original plan drawn up by Julius III.
himself, with the Pope and Cardinals, then passing on to the
bishops, the ordination of the clergy, the bestowal of benefices,
the Signatura, the Penitentiary and the regular clergy. Besides
these points, the explanation of the Holy Scriptures, and the
nature and preaching of Indulgences, are also dealt with. A
special Reform Bull for the Penitentiary had already been
drawn up, which had not yet been made public, but which,
it seems, had already in many respects been carried into
practice. 6
When the work of Julius III. for reform is impartially
considered, it becomes quite clear to us that it must in no way
be judged in such a depreciatory manner as was done by
his contemporaries, 7 and the investigators who followed
1 See *Concilio, LXXVIII., 331-2 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) ; Schweitzer, 63-4. In Appendix No. 24 Serristori's
♦report of December 1, 1554 (State Archives, Florence).
2 See *Concilio, LXXVIII., 339-40 ; Schweitzer, 64.
3 See *Concilio, LXXVIII., 344.
4 See the instructions for A. Agostino in Laemmer, Mantissa,
169-70 ; cf. Sagmuller, Papstwahlbullen, 28-9.
5 * Reformatio, quae addenda erat per Julium III. Pont. Max.,
*555. sed non conclusa. Concilio, LXXVIII., 374 seqq. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
6 Cf. Goller, II., 1, 121-2.
7 Especially by Seripando, whose judgment was first published
by Hofler in the Abhandlungen der Munchner Akademie, IV., 3,
I70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
them. 1 It is absolutely false to say that Julius 111. had done
nothing with regard to this most important question. As a
matter of fact, he once more took up the reform work of Paul
III., showed the most lively interest in it, and employed himself
in the most painstaking way with the reform of the College of
Cardinals, the conclave, the Dataria, the Signatura and the
Penitentiary. If conclusive results were not attained this
was in no way owing to any unwillingness or want of activity
on the part of the Pope ; there can be no possible doubt as to
his earnest desire and efforts to attain the desired end. It is
also due to him that a great deal of preparatory work was
done, without which the later reforms could not have been
carried out. The appointment of new Cardinals holds a much
more important place in the diplomatic correspondence of the
times of Julius III. than the work of reform in the Church.
As Cosimo de' Medici and Charles V. both knew the compliant
disposition of the Pope, they at once began to urge him to
put an end to the preponderance of the adherents of France
in the Sacred College, at one decisive blow, by a great creation
of Cardinals. The Florentine ambassador, Serristori, was,
above all, active in urging this. He had already, immediately
after the election of Julius III., drawn the attention of Cosimo
de' Medici to the danger of the hopes of the hated Cardinal
Salviati being in all probability crowned with success in the
next conclave. As he found little sympathy for his schemes
on the part of the Pope, the ambassador endeavoured to win
over the influential Cardinal Crescenzi. 2 Cosimo de' Medici
pointed out to Julius III., by a letter in his own hand, of
February 10th, 1551, the danger that would result from a
53, and afterwards printed by Calenzio (Documenti, III., 222).
Canto has already noticed (Eretici, II., 8) that the document on
reform made public by O. Gratius is a forgery.
1 As is the case with Ranke, Druffel, Maurenbrecher and
even with Reumont (III., 2, 512). Schweitzer (51-52) was the
first to state the truth from the original documents, after Sag-
mOller (Papstwahlbullen, 24-25) had already disputed the tra-
ditional opinion.
2 Cf. Legaz. de Serristori, 241-2, 254-5.
CANDIDATES FOR THE CARDINALATE. 171
Pope following him who would be quite devoted to France,
and that only a corresponding increase in the Sacred College
could obviate this disaster. 1 Even should the Pope raise
strong objections to such a proceeding, Serristori still believed
that the war about Parma would force him to this step, 2 and,
indeed, Julius III. addressed a letter to the Emperor on July
27th, 1551, in which he complained of the intrigues of the
French party with regard to the Papal election, and declared
that he would, and that before All Saints, appoint new Car-
dinals. Charles V. thereupon requested that the four Spanish
Cardinals already in the Sacred College should be strengthened
by the appointment of eight new ones. To the remark of the
nuncio, Bertano, that eight was too many, he agreed that four
would be sufficient. 3 No special names were referred to at
this time by the Emperor, but serious difficulties arose when the
quesdon had to be treated in detail. Julius III. was agreeable
to the appointment of Pighino and Bertano, but was strongly
opposed to the elevation of the Archbishops of Palermo and
Otranto. The matter was still further complicated by the
demand of Charles V. that four Cardinals should be reserved
in petto, upon whose names the Emperor should decide later. 4
This last proposal Julius III., with perfect justification,
refused to accept. His irresolution and the difficulty of his
position were further increased by the threats of the French,
who craftily represented that the restoration of peace would
only be possible if their king were not irritated. 5 To the fear
of a French schism was added the consideration which had to
be shown with regard to the prelates of the Council, besides
the fact that other powers also were urging the claims of their
candidates in a creation of Cardinals. While the representa-
tives of France were working for the advancement of Louis
1 Desjardins, III., 241-2.
2 Legaz. di Serristori, 264 ; cf. 279.
3 See Druffel, III., 252 (cf. I., 732) ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII.,
75-6.
4 See Druffel, III., 243-4, 2 54-
5 Legaz. di Serristori, 288.
172 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
de Guise, a brother of the Cardinal of Lorraine, Serristori, was
actively engaged on behalf of Luigi and Giovanni, sons of
Cosimo I. 1
It is no wonder that the Pope, irresolute by nature as he was,
deferred the decision of the matter. A letter of Bertano, of
November 12th, 1551, urging him to wait no longer, and thus
avoid new complications, 2 at length put an end to his hesi-
tation, and on November 20th the first great creation of
Cardinals of Julius III. took place. 3 All the eleven who were
1 See Legaz. di Serristori, 285. In his *letter to Cosimo L on
November 27, 155 1, Julius III. made excuses for the non-appoint-
ment of Luigi (Addit. MSS. 8,366, p. 17b., British Museum).
2 Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 102.
3 Only two Cardinals had been appointed previously : Inno-
cenzo del Monte on May 30, 1550 {cf. supra p. 69 seq.), and on
October 12, 1551, the Croatian Paulist monk, George Utissenich
{cf. Druffel, III., 253-4 ; Raynaldus, 1551, n. 71-2) who enjoyed
his dignity but a short time as he was put to death by the autho-
rized agent of Ferdinand I., on December 17, 155 1, on a false
suspicion of carrying on traitorous dealings with the Turks (see
Bucholtz, VII., 283 ; Krones, Ostr. Gesch., III., 216 scqq. ;
Huber in the Archiv. fur Ostr. Gesch., LXXV., 528-9, 539, 541 ;
Platzhoff, Mordbefugnis, 41, Berlin, 1906). The news reached
Rome on January ,14, 1552 (Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 138; cf.
also Serristori's *reports of January 19, and 22, 1552 (State
Archives, Florence), where the representative of Ferdinand 1.,
Diego Lasso, did not succeed in gaining anything further than
that his master was absolved, on January 30, until a stricter
examination " ad cautelam " took place, from the eccles-
iastical punishment to which the murderer of a Cardinal was
liable. Ferdinand had to take an oath before the nuncio, Marti-
nengo, " de parendo nostris et ecclesiae mandatis " (see Theiner,
Mon. Slav, merid., II., 30 ; Druffel, II., 86-7). A very searching
examination followed, in which 116 witnesses were heard, and then
long negotiations ensued. It was not until February 14, 1555.
that the Papal sentence was finally pronounced, that the King and
the murderer of the Cardinal were not liable to punishment, and
deserved none (see Bucholtz, IX., 612-13, and Utiesenovic,
Lebensgersch. des Kard. Georg, Vienna, 1881, Append. 73). Con-
cerning the Cardinal's relations to the Reformation in Hungary and
THE NEW CARDINALS. 173
appointed were Italians ; Sebastiano Pighino was added to
these, but out of consideration for his position at the Council,
he remained reserved in petto, and his creation was only
published on May 30th, 1552. 1
The most able of the new Cardinals 2 were undoubtedly the
Papal private secretary, Girolamo Dandino, and the Arch-
bishop of Bari, Jacopo dal Pozzo, known under the name of
Puteo. Besides Pozzo, Giammichele Saraceni and the Bishop
of Albenga, Giambattista Cicada, distinguished themselves
among the new Cardinals by their learning, while Pietro
Bertano, then acting as nuncio at the court of the Emperor,
and the Sienese, Fabio Mignanelli, were experienced diplo-
matists. The two nephews of Julius III., Cristoforo del Monte
and Fulvio della Corgna, were also worthy of the purple.
Corgna displayed, as Bishop of Perugia, very remarkable
activity in the cause of Catholic reform. Two of the other
Cardinals appointed at this time, Giovanni Poggio and Aless-
andro Campegio, proved clearly, like Corgna, the ecclesiastical
spirit which animated them, by their protection of the Jesuits.
Giovanni Ricci, originally from Montepulciano, owed the red
hat to his skill in business affairs, by which he had made
himself indispensable to Julius III. ; his manner of life was
not blameless, but later he entered on a better course. 3 In
Siebenburgen, see Schwicker, in the Oestr. Vierteljahrsschrift fur
Kath. Theologie, 1867, 397-8.
1 See Firmanus, 499.
2 Concerning the promotion of November 20, 1551, see Acta
consist, in Gulik, 35-6; Druffel, I., 81 1-2, 820, III., 239-40;
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., n. 108. Concerning the personality of
the different Cardinals, see *ConteIorius in the Secret Archives of
the Vatican, XL, 49, and Ciaconius, III., 768, seqq. ; Cardella,
IV., 306-7 (with wrong date December 20th) ; cf. Pallavicini, 13,
1-2.
3 Friedensburg and Kupke give an account of Bertano's previous
life in the Nuntiaturberichte, XL, xviii. ; XII., xix. seq. ; cf.
Merkle, II., 321 n. 2, and Lauchert, 671. After the death of
Bertano, Claudio Malopera* wrote on March 12, 1558, to Card.
Madruzzo : " Era un huomo da bene et molto dotto " (Vice-regal
174 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the year 1557 he interested himself greatly in bringing the
Jesuits to Montepulciano. 1 In the appointment of Gianandrea
Mercurio the Pope took into consideration the important
services which he had rendered him as secretary, 2 while Julius
III. was still a Cardinal, and in the case of the Venetian
patrician, Luigi Cornaro, the recommendation of the Republic
of St. Mark had great weight.
As far as the political views of the new Cardinals were
concerned, the experienced agent of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga
gave it at once as his opinion that most of them would incline
more to the French than to the Imperial side. 3 The complaint
of the French, that Julius III. had only undertaken the
increase of the Sacred College in the interests of Charles V.,
proved to be quite unfounded. 4
Requests that the Pope would undertake a further creation
were repeatedly made in the time that immediately followed ;
the French were especially active in endeavouring in every way
to get their former candidate, Louis de Guise, appointed, 6 and
Archives, Innsbruck). Concerning Mignanelli see Nuntiatur-
berichte, III., 41, 42; VIII., 10, n; Merkle, I., 162, and
besides the eye-witnesses, quoted in previous note, also Azzolini,
Le Pompe Sanesi, I., 83, 84, Pistoia, 1649. Concerning Cicada, cf.
also Marocco, Monumenti, IV., 89, 92, concerning Poggio,
see Garampi, 286 ; and Hinojosa 87 ; concerning Ricci, see
Garampi 289 ; Merkle, I., 149, 194 ; MacSwinev, Portugal, III.
216, and especially L. Mele, *Genealogia d. famiglia Ricci (Ricci
Archives, Rome). F. della Corgna afterwards built himself a
magnificent palace near Perugia, now the Villa Umberto I., which
Zuccaro embellished with paintings.
1 Cf. Vol., V. 109 of the " Istromenti e lettere " in Ricci Archives,
Rome.
2 Cf. Boglino, 45 seqq., Campori, CIII. d.s. pontefici, 7.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 94, n. 1.
4 See Ribier, II., 357-8; Romier, 52; Adriani, VIII., 5;
Sagmuller, Papstwahlen, 199.
5 See in Appendix No. 20, the *report of C. Titio of March 14,
J 553 (State Archives, Florence).
THE NEW CARDINALS. 175
in the Curia itself there were only too many aspirants. 1 Julius
III. was repeatedly offered large sums from this quarter, but,
great as the need of financial aid was at this time, the Pope
would have nothing to do with such shameful bargains. 2 It
need hardly be said that the relatives of Julius were also active
in begging for consideration. As the Pope often changed his
mind, it was, however, difficult for the ambassadors to foresee
what would actually take place. The well-informed Serristori
was, at anyrate, in a position to report to Florence on October
26th, 1553, the promotion of Guise, of two relatives of the
Pope, and of an Imperial candidate not yet definitely settled,
as being extremely probable. 3 This promotion was confi-
dently expected by many on November 29th ; Serristori
learned at the last moment from the Pope's brother that the
settlement of the matter had been postponed, but certainly
not over the Ember Days, and that the number was pro-
visionally settled at four. 4 This proved to be the case, and
the creation of four Cardinals finally took place on December
22nd, 1553. Besides the Imperialist Archbishop of Palermo,
Pietro Tagliavia, two very youthful relatives of the Pope,
Roberto de' Nobili and Girolamo Simoncelli, received the
purple on that day, while Henry II. ought to have been satisfied
by the elevation of Louis de Guise. 6 Tagliavia, renowned
1 The Pope complained of this ; see the *letter of Ipp. Capilupi
to Card. E. Gonzaga of November 22, 1553 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua) .
2 See Serristori's **report of November 26, 1553 (State Archives,
Florence).
3 **Letter of October 26, 1553 (State Archives, Florence). Cf.
Report of the Portuguese Ambassador of October 22, 1553, in
Corpo Dipl. Port., VII., 266.
4 Serristori's **letter of November 28, 1553 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. Report of the Portuguese ambassador of Novem-
ber 11, 1553 in Corpo Dipl. Port., VII., 272.
5 Concerning the creation of December 22, 1553, see Serristori's
♦reports of December 21 and 22, 1553 (State Archives, Florence) ;
Acta consist, in Gulik, 36-37 ; Ribier, II., 480-1 ; Corpo Dipl.
Port., VII., 306-7 ; * Contelorius, loc. cit. ; Ciaconius, III.,
176 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
far and wide for his boundless love of the poor, is universally
acknowledged to have been an admirable man. Roberto de'
Nobili was a Cardinal upon whom the representatives of the
Catholic reform party could rest their greatest hopes. Highly
gifted trom an intellectual point of view — he is said to have
spoken Latin and Greek at ten years of age — he distinguished
himself still more by his great piety. Like Aloysius of Gonzaga,
whom he specially resembles, he was most scrupulously pure
of heart. He could never do enough in his ascetic exercises ;
he fasted strictly, slept on a board, wore a hair shirt, assisted
at Mass every day, listened frequently to sermons and often
received Holy Communion, and from motives of humility
would not allow his portrait to be painted. A beautiful letter
of consolation which he addressed to a sick friend testifies,
among other things, to the depth of his sincere piety. The
favour which he enjoyed from Julius III. was only used to
assist the needy. He repeatedly thought of renouncing the
dignity of Cardinal and of retiring into a religious order, but
his confessor, the Jesuit, Polanco, dissuaded him from this
784-5 ; Cardella, IV., 331-2. Concerning Tagliavia, cf. also
Massarelli, 325, and Boglino, 46-7 ; concerning Simoncelli, see
Merkle's note to Firmanus, 502 ; concerning the appointment of
Guise, a *brief of Julius III. to the Cardinal of Lorraine, dat. 1553,
December 22, in the Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 69, n. 809 ; ibid. n. 812,
a *brief to R. de' Nobili of same date, in which the Pope makes the
following remark, as a postcript, concerning the reason for the
promotion : " quamquam et ingravescentis nostrae aetatis cogi-
tatio et charissimorum consanguineorum nostrorum quotidianae
flagitationes, non nihil nos, ut humanos, ut idipsum maturaremus
perpulerunt." It was originally intended that Ambrosius Catha-
rinus should also have received the purple at that time ; Julius III.
had in 1552 appointed him Archbishop of Conza, but he died on
November 8th, 1553 (see Schweitzer, A. Catharinus, 229-230,
Munster, 1910). Ipp. Capilupi also names Mons. dArras in the
♦letter of November 22, 1553, quoted supra p. 175 n. 1, as a probable
candidate (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). A Bull issued on January
26, 1554, forbade two brothers to be Cardinals at the same time ;
see Bull., VI., 475-6.
FRANCIS BORGIA. " 177
step. Assisted by him, he died, after a painful illness, with
the most perfect resignation to the Divine Will, on January
18th, 1559. Men like Charles Borromeo, Bellarmine and
Baronius venerated this Cardinal so early called away to a
better life as a Saint. 1
Julius III. would gladly have welcomed another man, who
possessed the same distinguished qualities as de' Nobili, into
the Senate of the Church. This was the Duke of Gandia,
Francis Borgia, a great grandson of Alexander VI. Borgia
had come to Rome on October 23rd, 1550, stayed with the
Jesuits, 2 and several days later was received by the Pope.
It was believed that he had come to Rome on account of the
Jubilee, and only very few were aware that Francis Borgia
had already entered the Society of Jesus as early as 1548, but
had received permission from Paul III. to retain his position
as prince for three years longer. 3 This period he employed to
marry his elder children, to arrange his affairs, and to conclude
the theological studies he had begun in 1546 by passing his
examination as doctor on August 20th, 1550. As his eldest
1 Besides the biographies of Turigio (1632) and Bartolucci (1675),
see especially Nardo, Vita del card. Rob. Nobili, Urbino, 1728.
Parigi (Notizie del card. R. Nobili, Motepulciano, 1836) gives
hardly anything new. The letter of condolence, which merited a
place in the collection of Reumont, in Naro, 20-1. Julius III.
gave Nobili excellent teachers in Giulio Poggiano and Ottavio
Pantagato (Cf. Tiraboschi, VII., 1, 28 [Roman edition].). As to
the Cardinal's death, see Massarelli, 329, who bestows the
greatest praise on him, and " *Avviso di Roma " of January 21,
1559, in Cod. Urb. 1039 of the Vatican Library. The epitaph of
Nobili in Forcella, V., 254. A. Cervini also says, in the *Vita di
Marcello II. (cf. Vol. XIV. of this work) of R. Nobili : " Questo
mirabilmente risplende in tutte le virtu morali come christiane, ma
il mondo non fu degno di cosa si pura " (Library in Ferrara).
For the laudatory inscription which was placed in the Palazzo at
Montepulciano, see the Miscell. Montepul. of the Ricci Archives,
Rome.
2 See Cartas de S. Ignacio, II. , 534-5.
3 Cf. our statements in Vol. XII., p. 96 seq. of this work.
VOL. XIII. 12
178 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
son had attained his majority in August, 1550, he intended
handing over his dukedom to him and placing himself in Rome
at the disposal of his superior, Ignatius of Loyola. 1
After Borgia had received, on January 5th, 1551, the neces-
sary consent of the Emperor to the carrying out of his plan, he
informed the Pope of the vows of his order, by which he was
bound, and of his intention to renounce all worldly honours.
Julius III., nevertheless, formed the plan of making this
distinguished prince a Cardinal. This, however, Borgia
evaded, by flying at the approach of darkness on the night of
February 4th, 1551, to the little Basque town of Ofiate in
Guipuzcoa. 2 Here he relinquished, after the arrival of the
Emperor's permission, all his estates, rents and titles, by a
notarial document of May nth, 1551, and began his new life
by going about the streets of Ofiate, clad in the simple habit
of the Jesuits, and carrying a beggar's sack to collect alms.
This change of life, in the case of a man of such high rank,
caused the greatest sensation. Julius III. had granted a
plenary indulgence for the devout assistance at Borgia's first
public Mass, which he had to say on November 15th in the
open air ; 12,000 persons had flocked together for this occasion
and he distributed Holy Communion to more than 1240 of the
faithful.
Borgia afterwards rendered his Order the greatest services,
first as a preacher, and then as General, through the reputation
in which he was held as well as through his talent for admin-
istration. By two large donations, he rendered it possible
for Ignatius of Loyola to found the Roman College of the
Society of Jesus, an educational establishment which soon
overshadowed the University of Rome, in the wealth of its
teaching power and the excellence of its curriculum. 3
1 P. Suau, Hist, de S. Francois de Borgia, 210 seqq. Paris, 1910.
Astrain, I., 290 seqq. The doctor's diploma for Borgia, of August
20, 1550, in Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, II., 703 ; his will, of
August 26, 1550, ibid. I., 537 seqq.
2 Mon. Ign. Ser. I., iii., 353 ; iv., 257, 430.
3 Polanco, September 14, 1555 ; Mon. Ign. Ser., I., x., 608.
BORGIA REFUSES THE CARDINALATE. 179
When Charles V. again proposed this eminent Spaniard for
the cardinalate, in March, 1552, Julius III. was inclined to
grant his request, 1 but Ignatius of Loyola went himself to the
Pope and represented to him that it would be of far greater
service to the glory of God if the former Duke of Gandia were
to remain in the humble position he himself had chosen. 2
Julius III. allowed himself to be persuaded, and even remarked
that he also would prefer the position of a simple Jesuit to his
own, for " you only require to think how you can serve God
best, while we have many obstacles which distract us." 3 The
Pope, however, would not decide the matter against the
wishes of "Borgia ; the latter remained silent and thus the
affair appeared to be settled.
It was, nevertheless, the general opinion that a grandee of
Spain could not remain a simple priest. Already by 1554
the former Duke was repeatedly proposed for the red hat by
Charles V. and Philip II., while a report of unknown origin was
current among the Roman as well as the Spanish Jesuits in
that year that he would this time accept the purple. 4 These
rumours, however, proved to be unfounded, and Borgia
induced the Spanish king to abandon his plan, through the
influence of the Princess Juana, the sister of Philip II., and
his representative during her brother's absence in England,
while Julius was again turned from his purpose by Ignatius. 5
At the latter's instigation, Borgia was at that time the first
of the Society of Jesus to take that vow, through which the
Constitution of the order endeavoured, as far as possible, to
prevent the aspiration after places of honour, and the wish
to mitigate the poverty imposed by the Rule. 6
1 Cf. Suau, 270.
2 Mon. Ign. Ser. L, iv., 255 seqq., 283 seq.
3 Ibid. 257.
4 Polanco to Nadal, May 15, 1554 ; Mon. Ign. Ser. I., vi., 712
seq. ; Nadal to Borgia, June 17, 1554 > Nadal, Epist. I., 265 seq.
5 Polanco, IV., 494-5.
6 Ibid., 592. S. Franc. Borgia, III., 174.
CHAPTER VII.
Spread of the Society of Jesus. — Their Reforming
Activities in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Germany.
The friendly relations of Julius III. with the Jesuits dated
from the time of the Council of Trent, where the Pope, as
Legate, had become acquainted with the distinguished quali-
ties of several members of the Order, and had learned to appre-
ciate them. Except for a temporary misunderstanding in the
year 1553, x he remained more favourably inclined to the Society
of Jesus than to any of the other reform orders, 2 during the
1 Cf. O. Manareus, De Rebus Soc. Jesu, 121 seqq., Florence,
1886.
2 Julius III. confirmed and increased the privileges of the
Barnabites, by two Bulls, of February 22 and August n, 1550 (see
Litt. et constit. cleric. S. Pauli, 17 seqq., 25 seqq. ; the second Bull
in Bull. VI., 426-7. Cf. also Barelli, 232 seqq., 235, 245-6, 249).
On the recommendation of Card. Carafa, Julius III., also con-
firmed, by the Bull of June 10. 1551, all the privileges of the
Theatines. (Original in the General Archives of the Theatines in
Rome. See Silos, I., 308 seqq. ; cf. also Maggio, Vita di Maria
Carafa, 279, Naples, 1670). By the *brief of October 4, 1552, for
Ludovico infante Portug., Julius III. gave permission that the
congregation founded by Martinus, O. Min. in the diocese of
Lisbon, and confirmed by the Holy See, should wear the cuculla of
the Italian Capuchins. Arm. 41, t. 66. n. 651 ; ibid. t. 67, n. 13 a
♦brief for Card. Messanens., that Bernardus Balbanus, O. Cap.,
who had expounded the gospel during the past year amid a great
concourse of people, and whom the public also wished to have for
this year, might continue his mission of preaching, dated January 8
: 553 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). According to Marocco,
Monumenti, I., 140-1, the Capuchins founded a mission in Colle-
180
NEW CONFIRMATION OF THE SOCIETY. l8l
whole of his pontificate. By a Bull of August 21st, 1552, he
instituted and delivered to the Jesuits the German College, of
the increasing importance of which mention will often be made.
A Bull of October 22nd of the same year not only confirmed
all the privileges of the Order, but added important ones
thereto, especially the authorization bestowed on the General
and on the superiors of the order to invest the students of
their colleges with the degree of doctor. The greatest benefit,
however, which Julius III. conferred on the Society of Jesus
consisted in the Bull, already published on July 21st, 1550,
which confirmed the Order anew, supplementing anything
that might be wanting in the bull of Paul III., and completing
everything in the sense and spirit of the holy founder. 1
That a new confirmation of the Society of Jesus would have
to be sought from the Apostolic See was very soon apparent. 2
Many things were not so clearly expressed in the Bull of
foundation as to exclude the idea that it would be advantage-
ous to supplement and explain it more fully, but the draft for
the new Bull was not seriously taken in hand till 1547. ^ was
clear that this must possess four qualities ; first, completeness,
so that it might show forth all the essential points of the
constitution of the Order ; secondly, it must possess a certain
breadth of expression, so as not to render useful alterations
impossible ; thirdly, clearness, and fourthly, a really devotional
•
vecchio in the Sabine district in 1552. Concerning the promotion
of Peter of Alcantara by Julius III., see the Freiburger Kirchlex.,
IX., 1862. Proofs of favour for the Dominicans in Ripoll-
Bremond, V., 15 seqq. On January 30, 1551, Julius III. approved
of the reformed statutes of the Augustinians (see Empoli, Bull. ord.
Erem. S. Aug., Romae, 1628, 214-215 ; cf. Paulus, Hoffmeister,
168). On October 24, 155 1, Julius confirmed the indulgences for
the devotional exercise of the Forty Hours Prayer (Quaranf Ore)
introduced by the new Reform Order; see Sala, Docum. di S.
Carlo Borromeo, II., 117 seq.
1 The three documents in the Bull., VI., 422 seqq., 459 seqq., 464
seqq. See also Inst. Soc. Iesu, I., seqq., 29 seqq., Florence, 1892.
2 Constitutiones Soc. Iesu latinae et hispanicae, App. 306,
Madrid, 1892.
l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
chai*acter, so that of those who read it, and felt drawn to the
Order, those whose vocation was genuine might remain, while
those who were not suitable might be frightened away. Much
work was necessary in order to meet these requirements, as the
Bull had to be altered or supplemented in more than a hundred
places. 1 The draft finally accepted contained, indeed, all
the principles peculiar to the Jesuit Order, so as to make it
for ever its foundation stone. 2
This matter, which was, in essential points, briefly outlined
in the Papal Bull, Ignatius now began, in the same year 1547,
to elaborate in the constitutions of his Order. By 1550 these
points were dealt with in the first draft, and fully completed by
1552 in the second, which Ignatius never altered, except
superficially, before his death in 1556. They were at once
published in the Order, and introduced, by way of experiment,
first by Nadal in Sicily in the year 1552, in the following year in
Spain and Portugal, and by Ribadeneira in North Germany. 3
1 Ibid., 330 seqq., Astrain, I., 126, seqq.
2 An enumeration of the most important deviations from the
text of the Bulls of Paul III. in Astrain, I., 133.
3 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 59 seqq. In many handbooks of
Church history and in the reference books (Ersch & Gruber,
Allgemeine Enzyklopadie der Wissenschaften und Kiinste, Sect. 2,
XLI., 195 seqq., Leipsic, 1887 ; cf. XV. 433-4) Lainez is represented
as the organizer of the Jesuit order, and described as the co-founder
who was the first to draw up the constitutions of the order in their
final form. This view is not tenable according to the information
afforded by the authorities. It is true that Ignatius consulted
Lainez, as he did others ; Ignatius himself says that the idea of
establishing colleges originated with Lainez (Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, I.,
220) ; his influence, however, is not authenticated beyond this.
The first general congregation in 1558 makes it quite clear that the
constitutions introduced in 1552 and confirmed by it, were drawn
up by Ignatius (Deer. post, elect., 15, 53, 78). The same convic-
tion is also frequently expressed by those in the confidence of
Ignatius : Polanco, Nadal, Goncalvez, Ribadeneira, and Cani-
sius ; through these one can learn all the details of the history of
the development of the constitutions. The contrary view, which
makes Lainez the co-founder or the real founder of the order. a rose
LAST YEARS OF ST. IGNATIUS. 183
Full authority was given to them in the first General Congrega-
tion of the Order in 1558.
After the publication of the constitutions the life work of
Ignatius was essentially completed. At the death of Julius
III., the last year of his own life was drawing near, and during
this he could not undertake much that was new. Under Paul
IV. he was to see, not only the Roman and German colleges,
but his whole work, threatened with annihilation, without
having any other defence to offer than his own heroic trust in
God. Ever-increasing illness warned him of the approach of
death ; indeed, he had already believed that the end had come
very late and is supported by nobody who has really studied the
sources of Jesuit history. As the constitutions confirmed in the
first general congregation contained the declarations as well (Deer,
post elect., 24, 25, 31, 38, 41, 42, 54, 55, 57, 58, 68, 69, 78) there can
at least be no idea that these originated with Lainez and were
added to the constitutions at the first general congregation (as in
Herzog-Hauck, Realenzyklopadie fur protestantische Theologie
und Kirche, 1900, VIII., 747, 769). Theoph. Raynaud was of
opinion that the declaration to the Const. P., 4c, 14, 1, was
composed by Lainez during the life of Ignatius and sanctioned by
him (Opera, XVIII. , 167, Lyons, 1665). Bayle understood this to
mean that Lainez had drawn up the whole of the declarations
(Dictionnaire, III., 139, Basle, 1741). This assertion of Bayle was
taken up by others, but of late non-Catholic historians seem to be
again giving up these views. Gothein, 405-408, does not mention
any co-operation in the composition of the constitutions, and
Herzog-Hauck, Realenzyklopadie, VIII. , 746 names Ignatius
alone as " creator " of the organisation of the order, although he is
not credited with the declarations. Herm. Muller endeavoured
(Les origines de la Compagnie de Jesus. Ignace et Lainez, Paris,
1908) to prove from an Arabian text (of the XlXth century) that
Ignatius had drawn from Islamic sources, especially in his precepts
concerning obedience, and that Lainez had altered the constitu-
tions after him, and had therefore become the real organizer of the
order. F. Hubert wrote against him in the Theol. Literatur-
zeitung, 1899, 310-1 ; Jos. Brucker in the Ftudes, December 5,
1898, 705-709 ; H. Thurston in the Month, XCIV. (1899),
518-526.
184 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in 1550, and he joyfully awaited his dissolution. 1 On January
30th, 1551, after the first draft of the constitutions had been
sanctioned by the members of the Order assembled in Rome,
he expressed the desire to relinquish the dignity of General. 2
He was confined to his bed during almost the whole of the year
1554, so that a representative had to be chosen for him on
November 1st, in the person of Nadal. 3 He quickly recovered,
however, after his unskilful physician, whom Ignatius obeyed
implicitly, had been replaced by a better one, 4 but in the
middle of July, 1556, he gave up temporary affairs for ever,
and in the morning of July 31st the soul of the saint, who had
spent himself for the greater glory of God, passed to the vision
of its Creator. 5
Sixteen years had not yet passed since the life work of the
dead Saint had been first crowned with the approbation of the
Holy See, on September 27th, 1540. Ten unknown strangers,
whom the people had mocked at a short time before on account
of their broken Italian, and spitefully designated as heretics,
had at that time been named in the Papal brief as members of
the Society of Jesus. Now, the new order was spread over the
four quarters of the globe, as far as Japan, Brazil, Abyssinia
and even the Congo ; the members of the Order numbered some
1500 6 as early as 1554, and in the following year the number
of missions amounted to 65.' Among the members, doctors
1 Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, I., 56.
2 Ibid. Ser. 1, III., 303. Cartas de S. Ignacio, II., 295.
3 Mon. Ign. Ser. 1, VIII., 42 ; Ser. 4, I., 169.
4 Ibid. Ser. 4, I., 169.
5 See Polanco, VI., 35. The exceedingly simple rooms in
which Ignatius of Loyola lived from 1544 till his death (cf. Tacchi
Venturi in the Studi e docum. XX., 316-17), have been spared
at the building of the professed house, out of veneration for the
holy founder of the order, and converted into chapels, and are in
existence at the present day. The low narrow rooms contain
countless inscriptions and costly mementoes. Further details
in the interesting pamphlet " Les chambres de S. Ignace de Loyola
au Jesus de Rome." Rome, 1900.
6 Polanco, IV., 476. 7 Ibid. V., n. 6.
ORGANIZATION OF THE ORDER. 185
from the first universities, and nobles from the greatest families
were to be found. As Papal nuncios, they had penetrated to
Ireland, Poland, Egypt and Japan ; as theologians they had
shone at the Council of Trent ; as preachers they had attracted
great notice at the universities of Louvain and Salamanca,
and at the courts of Valladolid, Brussels and. Vienna ; as
missionaries they had reawakened Christian life in districts
where it had seemed extinct, and as instructors of youth they
had, with unostentatious activity, raised up a new generation
of zealous Catholics. The outward organization of the Order
had also made much progress. Portugal could, as early as
1546, be constituted as a separate province, 1 with its own
provincial superiors. Spain followed in 1547 2 , and after that
one or more new provinces were added every year, until, in
1556, these numbered twelve, including Abyssinia. The
whole of this mighty edifice, had arisen as a logical develop-
ment of the resolution, formed thirty-five years before on a
sick bed in Loyola by a knight who had hitherto led a worldly
lite, and who was, till that moment, completely uneducated
and untrained from an intellectual point of view. From such
an insignificant germ had this wonderful development come,
in spite of continual opposition, persecution and calumny.
The strongest response to the idea of Loyola was naturally
to be found in Spain. The old Catholic ideals, for the most
part untainted by the innovations in religion, were still para-
mount there, and, unlike the Catholics in other lands, people
still had the courage and enthusiasm to fight for them. The
struggle for the defence and propagation of the faith had been
a powerful incentive, not so long before, in the wars against the
Moors, and in the voyages of discovery, and when Ignatius
showed how this fight could be continued with spiritual
weapons, it was bound to meet with an enthusiastic response.
As a matter of fact, among the first six followers of Loyola,
we find, besides one Portuguese and one Savoyard, four
Spaniards, and for a long time to come, the founder's own
1 Mon. Ign. Ser. 1, I., 449.
2 Polanco, I., 247.
l86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
country provided him with those able disciples who were all the
more valuable to their master, as many of them only placed
themselves at his disposal after they had completed their
studies as doctors of theology or law, or as experienced preach-
ers or spiritual directors. One finds Spaniards, therefore, in
almost every place where the new Order was at work. 1 The
Spaniard Domenech planted it in Sicily, d'Eguia in France,
Francis Xavier and Cosmo de Torres in India and Japan.
Spaniards accompanied the Papal Legates to Poland and
Germany, and were as eminent as theologians at the Roman
College and in Paris as at Trent. The principal counsellors
of Loyola were Spaniards, viz. : Polanco, Nadal and Lainez,
while the first three Generals of the Order were also Spaniards.
The friendly reception which the creation of Loyola met with
in his native land is evidenced by the large number of colleges
which arose there within a very short time. Under Paul III.
Valencia already had one in 1544 ; in 1545 Valladolid, Gandia
and Barcelona followed ; in 1546 Alcala, in 1548 Salamanca ;
after the accession of Julius III., Burgos was founded in 1550,
Medina del Campo in 1551, Onate in 1552, and Cordova in
r 553- ln the year 1554, missions were established in Avila,
Cuenca, Placencia, Seville, Granada, Simanca (noviciate) and
Sanlucar de Barameda, in 1555 in Murcia and Saragossa, and
in 1556 a college in Monterrey in Galicia. 2 In the year 1554
139 Jesuits 3 were already resident in these colleges, and in the
first four months of the same year, nine able men entered the
order in Alcala and ten in Valencia. At the end of March
Nadal received eleven students at Salamanca. 4 Under Julius
III. Ignatius had, by 1552, established two. and in 1554, three
additional provinces of the Order in Spain, in accordance with
a new classification : Castile, Aragon and Andalusia. He
appointed a common superior for all the provinces of the
peninsula in the person of Francis Borgia. 5 The golden age of
1 Astrain, II., 567.
2 Ibid. I., 257 seqq., 298 seqq., 412 scqq.
3 Inventory ibid. 409-411.
4 Ibid. I., 413 ; cf. 312-3, 315, 435 ; II., 244 seqq.
5 Ibid. I., 401. Cartas de S. Ignacio, IV., 9-10.
THE JESUITS IN SPAIN. 187
the Spanish provinces is, in no small degree, to be attributed
to the zeal of Borgia and the esteem in which he was held. 1
What gave most edification in Spain on the part of the first
Jesuits was the new life which they brought into the care of
souls. There was at that time, a great deficiency of religious
instruction for the people in the Iberian peninsula ; preaching
was regarded as the prerogative of the monks, parish priests
devoting so little attention to it that it actually gave offence
if a secular priest made an appearance as a preacher. 2 It was,
therefore, very much appreciated when the Jesuits made it
their business to announce the Word of God in their churches,
many of them passing through the country as travelling
preachers, and taking up their abode for shorter or longer
periods in different towns, to open out the way for a moral
renovation of the people. 3 Wonders are related of the success
of the missionaries. In Alcala, during the carnival of 1558,
Antonio de Madrid, in an address lasting a quarter of an hour,
induced all the prostitutes who, by order of the authorities, had
to assemble before the doors of their houses, to give up their
sinful calling. 4 In Granada, Bautista Sanchez preached so
impressively concerning the neglect of the poor in the hospital,
that the audience at once offered gold rings, ear-rings and
costly raiment for their relief, and, on the following day, sent
generous alms to the institution and personally took part in the
duty of attending to the poor. 5 One result of their preaching
was that religious life, and especially the reception of the
Sacraments, was greatly improved. The number of confes-
sions, not by any means very large, which is quoted as a proof
of this, 6 witnesses to the depths to which matters had sunk in
this respect. 7
1 Astrain, II., 104-5. 2 Ibid. II., 502, 512, 519.
3 Ibid. 502 seqq. 4 Ibid. 506.
6 Ibid. 509.
6 In four months of the year 1564, 3500 confessions were heard
in Valladolid, 5265 in Avila, 6300 in Salamanca. Ibid. 503.
7 It is significant that the Archbishop of Toledo forbade the
faithful to communicate more frequently than once a year.
Polanco, II., 121 n. 287.
l88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The new Order won all hearts, however, through its work in
connection with the instruction of youth. Hitherto it had
been quite unheard of that members of a religious order should
engage in such an unlearned occupation. 1 It touched and
affected people when the Jesuits, with a bell in their hands, now
collected the children in the streets and took them in procession
to the church to give them religious instruction. In Toledo,
the people rushed to the windows at such an unusual sight,
and gave praise to God. 2 The visits of the Jesuits to the prisons
and hospitals, as well as their heroic self-sacrifice at the time
of the plague, also served to win for them general respect and
esteem. Many Jesuits lost their lives in the service of the
sick. 3
The teaching activity of the new Order in its colleges was of
the greatest importance for ecclesiastical reform. As soon as
instruction for externs began in these institutions, pupils
flocked to them. The college of Murcia numbered 140 of these
in the first two years of its existence. Belmonte in 1569 had
some 400, Seville in 1561 about 500, Cordova 650 at the same
period, and Monterrey in the fourth year of its existence 800. 4
Such able clerics came from the college of Monterrey that it
became a sort of proverb among the bishops : " He comes
from Monterrey ; therefore we can ordain him with full confi-
dence." 5 The college of Medina gave different Orders such
able members that one superior said : " Let us leave aside our
theological lectures and sermons, and confine ourselves to
teaching grammar ; we shall attain more in this way." 6
If the Society of Jesus nowhere found more numerous
friends than in Spain, it also nowhere else met with such
violent opposition. The dislike of Archbishop Siliceo of
1 ASTRAIN, II., 553.
2 Ibid. II., 522-3.
3 Ibid. 525 seqq.
4 Ibid. 587-8.
5 Report of Father Valderrabano S. J. of the year 1562, Ibid.
II.. 574-
6 Report of Father Olea S. J. of the year 1563, Ibid. 576.
OPPOSITION TO THE SOCIETY. 189
Toledo was clearly expressed in the reign of Julius III. 1 In
October, 1551, he forbade all members of the new Order to
practise their official priestly duties, and this prohibition was
solemnly announced in all the churches of the archdiocese
during High Mass. By this step, however, the archbishop had
attacked the Papal privileges of the new Order, and thereby
the honour of the Holy See. Julus III., therefore, addressed
to Siliceo, on January 2nd, 1552, a letter in which he highly
praised the Jesuits, 2 and the nuncio, Poggio, defended the
oppressed Order most warmly. As Philip II. also declared
himself against Siliceo, there was no other course open to him
than to withdraw his decree.
A privilege of the older Orders, to the effect that no other
monastery might be built within a radius of 140 yards, led to
stormy manifestations in Saragossa against the Jesuit college
opened there on April 17th, 1555. 3 The Augustinians especi-
ally declared that their rights were infringed upon by the
erection of the college. The archbishop took their part and
the Jesuits were looked upon and treated as if they were
excommunicated, the populace getting into a state of the
greatest excitement against them. Matters went so far that
the Jesuits had to leave the city on August 1st ; the struggle,
however, was decided in their favour on September 8th, and
it became possible to re-open the college.
The attack on the book of the Exercises also continued
during the whole pontificate of Julius III. In 1553, Siliceo
appointed a commission for the examination of the accusa-
tions, which censured nineteen propositions. 4 As, however,
Paul III. had already confirmed the Exercises in 1548, the
attacks did not succeed in winning much support.
The Order developed in Portugal even more rapidly than in
Spain. Nothing under the sun was prized more highly in that
1 Ibid. I., 351-365. Documents concerning the struggle,
in the Cartas de S. Ignacio, III., 455-475.
2 Cartas de S. Ignacio, III., 460.
3 Astrain, I., 438 seqq.
4 Ibid. I., 366-384. The censure is printed in Polanco, Chron.,
III., App. 501 seqq.
190 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
country, says a shrewd observer, 1 than the king's favour, and
the fatherly care of John III., 2 whose relations with Julius III.
were very friendly, was always accorded to the Jesuits, while
his royal brothers, the Infantes Louis and Henry, followed the
example of the king ; the former, indeed, would willingly have
entered the Order himself. 3 The Cardinal and Grand In-
quisitor, Henry, also interested himself in all the affairs of the
Jesuits, " as if they had been his own." 4
The enmities and difficulties with which the rising Society
of Jesus had to struggle in Spain, did not, happily, assail them
in the neighbouring country of Portugal. By the year 1552,
the number of those who had entered the Order had risen to
318, 5 among whom were to be found the sons of the Governor
of Lisbon and the Grand Captain of Madeira. 6 In the year
1551, the Cardinal-Infante, Henry, gave up his college in
Evora 7 to the Jesuits, which, by 1554, possessed 300 pupils ; in
1555, the Order received the so-called Royal college of Coimbra, 8
from John III., which formed part of the University ; the
Jesuits, however, soon relinquished this. In 1553, a second
mission in Lisbon, the so-called professed house of St. Roch,
1 Polanco, IV., 558.
2 This was expressly mentioned in the concessions with regard
to the great military orders {cf. Schafer, III., 85 ; V., 150,
156 ; and Corpo Dipl. Port., VI. and VII. passim). In the year
1551 the Pope sent the Golden Rose to the eldest son of the King
(see MacSwiney, Portugal, III., 228 seqq.) and also made him
other presents ; see Ant. de Portugal de Faria, Portugal e
Italia, 203-204, Lisbon, 1901 ; cf. ibid. 78-79 concerning the
ecclesiastical relations with the Holy See. For the beatification
of the Portuguese Gundisalvo, see Novaes, VII., 91.
3 Cartas de S. Ignacio, IV., n. 268.
4 Polanco, VI., 751, n. 3250.
5 Epist. mixtae, III., 25.
6 Astrain, I., 586-7.
7 Polanco, II., 377 ; III., 422 ; IV., 543. Paul IV. confirmed
the granting of the college to the Jesuits on April 15 and September
20, 1559 (Delplace) Synopsis actorum S. Sedis in causa Soc.
Iesu, I., 17, Florence, 1887.
8 Polanco, V., 588-9.
THE SOCIETY IN PORTUGAL. ' igi
was established, 1 while in the same year instruction for extern
students was begun in the college of Lisbon, 2 at which the
attendance in 1554 was 600. 3 In the opinion of the public
there was nobody like the Jesuits, and they had so much work
to do in the care of souls and in imparting instruction that
their numbers were not equal to the task. 4
The opposition of the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal Henry,
preserved them from the heavy burden of being obliged to
undertake the work of the tribunal of the Inquisition at
Lisbon, thereby rendering, according to Polanco, a great
service to the Order. 5 Ignatius was put into great perplexity
by the wish of the king in this matter, not, indeed on account
of any principle being involved, but rather because the office
of Inquisitor would be regarded as a sort of prelacy, and his
Order was not permitted to accept any such dignities. He
caused six of the most able Jesuits to consult on the matter
for three days, and then resolved to submit the question to the
decision of the king. When the answer reached Portugal the
office of Inquisitor had, however, already been given to a
Dominican. 6
In spite of all this outward success, however, it was precisely
in Portugal that the Order had to pass through a crisis such
as had presented itself in no other country. 7 There was no
firm guiding hand there ; Simon Rodriguez had proved
himself inefficient in his position as provincial. In the
reception of novices the selection was not sufficiently
careful, and a striving after independence and a tendency
towards worldliness began to make itself felt among
the members of the Order, which, in the end, would
1 Nadal, Epist., I., 197 seqq.
2 Polanco, III., 394, 402-3.
3 Ibid. IV., 524.
4 Ibid. II., 135-6, 676 ; IV., 527 ; V., 566.
5 " Prorsus de Societate benemeritus fuit, quod impedivit, ne
id fieret." Ibid. V., 603, n. 1663.
6 Ibid. Mon. Ign. Ser. 1, IX., 226; Ser. 4, I., 320, 327. Epist.
Mixtae, IV., 702.
7 Astrain, I., 585-629.
192 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
have led to the most evil consequences ; in addition to this,
Rodriguez himself was endeavouring to make his province
independent of the rest of the Order, and to form it according
to his own ideas. The dissatisfaction of the insubordinate
elements found open expression when Rodriguez was deposed
in 1552. However, it was precisely in this crisis that Ignatius
and his disciples showed in the clearest manner that they were
determined to oppose the threatened disaster with inflexible
energy. Some 130 members of the order, who refused to
submit, were at once expelled, and Ignatius gave his sanction
to this step on the part of his delegate, Torres. 1 In July,
I 553. there only remained 105 Jesuits in Portuguese terri-
tory. 2
Peace was again threatened in the beginning of 1553, when
Rodriguez returned to Portugal and endeavoured to win over
the court to his reinstatement. It was only in June, 1553,
that he obeyed the order of Ignatius to repair to Rome. He
thereupon insisted that his case should be formally and justly
examined. After some hesitation, however, he submitted to
the decision of the judge, which proved to be unfavourable to
him. 3 In the meanwhile the constitutions of the order had
been published in Portugal, and on this foundation the Portu-
guese province took a new lease of life.
In Italy, a specially wide field of work was displayed for the
reforming activities of the order. The reports of the Jesuit
missionaries, as well as other sources, show how neglect of
religion had increased in that country to an almost incredible
extent. The missionaries often complain that the people are,
for the most part, ignorant of the commonest prayers, 4 and
that persons are to be met with who have not been to confession
1 Brief of December 18th, 1552 : Mon. Ign. Ser. i, IV., 559
seqq.
2 Epist. Mixtae, III., 397.
3 Letter of Luis Gon^alvez of May 20, 1554 : Epist. Mixtae,
IV., 180 seqq. When an old man, Rodriguez in 1574 returned
to Portugal and died in Lisbon in 1579.
4 Polanco. II., 175, 503. Tacchi Venturi, 267 seqq .
tt __ »__.-- ,...,..^,.__, >J
ITALIAN INDIES. I93
for seven and eight, and indeed for thirty or forty years. 1
However much the neglect of religion may be attributed to
the consequences of the almost incessant feuds and wars which
ravaged Italy, the state of affairs was undoubtedly in part an
inheritance from the Renaissance period, in which not a few
bishops and Popes neglected their duties in the most repre-
hensible manner. The injury to religious worship by neglect
was especially noticeable in the most remote parts of the
peninsula. The ignorance in the Abruzzi, in Calabria and in
Apulia was still so great in the period between 1561 and 1570,
that the Jesuit missionaries named those districts the " Italian
Indies." 2 The people, were, however, by no means inimical
to religion ; whenever worthy priests took them in hand,
they nocked to them and were easily led to adopt an exemplary
Christian mode of life. Landini writes in 1551, from the dis-
trict round Modena, that he could clearly see the moral
improvement which had taken place since his first visit ; the
people now came to hear sermons, even on week days, who
formerly did not understand even what the ringing of the bells
meant ; no one left the church before he did, and some went
to other places in order to hear sermons there ; the people
would not let him go until he had promised to come back,
and they would come to meet him when he approached a
place, while the priests from distant neighbourhoods would
beg him to visit their parishes. 3
Conditions in the island of Corsica were particularly bad,
and, at the request of the Signoria of Genoa, Pope Julius III.
on August 5th, 1552, appointed two Jesuit missionaries,
1 Polanco, II., 19-20 (Tivoli), 224, 226, 245 (Sicily), 483
(Venice). Tacchi Venturi, 268; Buschbell, 12 (Verona).
When, as in Camerino in 1556, a Jesuit summoned anyone to
confession, outside Lent, the people at first laughed ; the women
were, however, so astonished that people should speak of sermons
and of going to the sacraments at such a time, that they almost
thought the end of the world had come. Polanco, VI., 84.
2 Tacchi Venturi, 269-270.
3 Brief of May 16, 1551 : Epist. Mixtae, V., 700 ; cf. Epist.
quadrimestres, L, 311.
VOL. XIII. 13
194 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
endowed with full authority for the visitation of churches
and monasteries. 1 The reports of these two Papal commis-
saries, Silvestro Landini and Emmanuel Gomez de Monte
Mayor, afford a by no means gratifying picture of religious
conditions. 2 The island was divided into six bishoprics, but
for 60 or 70 years none of the said bishops had been seen in
Corsica. The priests were so ignorant that, at the beginning
of February, 1553, not one of those whom Landini had ex-
amined, even knew correctly the formula of consecration for
Mass ; they went about in secular dress and worked the whole
day in the woods in order to gain a living for themselves and
their children. The churches were in ruins, and were often
used for the shelter of cattle. The people were in the greatest
poverty and suffered greatly from the corsairs, while in all
religious matters the grossest neglect prevailed. Landini,
who, in his missionary journeys in the Modena and Genoa
districts in 1551 and 1552, had experienced the most incredible
things, writes on February 7th, 1553, 3 that he had never seen
anything to equal the state of affairs in Corsica ; what had
been written to him from Rome was, indeed, true, that he
would find his Indies and Abyssinia here, for the greatest
ignorance prevailed concerning God, the most dreadful super-
stition, countless feuds, the most bitter hatred, murder in all
directions, satanic pride, unceasing immorality, and to all this
was added usury, fraud, perfidy and outbursts of ungovernable
fury. Some were secretly infected with heresy, many did not
know how to make the sign of the cross, and grey-haired men
and women could not say the Our Father or the Hail Mary.
In spite of all this it was easy, here as well, to bring the
people back to the practice of their religion, and to a change in
their morals. The missionaries were besieged by the people
from morning till night. The church in Bastia was daily
1 Extract from the Brief in (Delplace), Synopsis actorum
S. Sedis in causa Soc. Iesu, I., 13 ; cf. Appendix, Instructions
for reform.
2 Polanco, II., 464 ; III., 80 seqq. The letters of Landini
and Gomez in the Epist. Mixtae, III., 62, 88, 91, &c.
3 Epist. Mixtae, III., 114 seqq.
LANDINI IN CORSICA. I95
thronged at the sermons of Landini, and more than six Fran-
ciscans had to assist him daily with the confessions, while
there were from 60 to 150 Communions every day. People
who had lived for twenty years in enmity were reconciled, and
countless cases of concubinage were either dissolved or the
parties married. 1 Landini compared the newly inflamed zeal
with that of the early church. 2
While several bad priests were endeavouring, through
calumnies in Rome, to obtain the recall of the Papal com-
missaries, the members of the senate in Bastia, the governor
of the island, and numerous influential Corsicans bore splendid
testimony to the Pope and Ignatius of Loyola concerning the
activities of the missionaries. 3 The mission had, however,
to be abandoned in the following year, 1554, because the
Corsicans, trusting to help from France, had risen in rebellion
against the suzerainty of Genoa, and the whole island was filled
with the tumult of war. Landini succumbed there to the
effects of his hardships and privations, on March 3rd, 1554 ; 4
in Corsica he was venerated as a saint. 5
The cause of the deplorable state of religious life in the
island was, above all, to be found in the ignorance of the
priests. It was a quite unheard of thing, even in Italy, that
parish priests should preach ; many of them never heard
confessions, while numbers were hardly able to read. 6 For
this reason Ignatius of Loyola was anxious, above all things, to
establish colleges, since religious reform could only be built
up on the basis of instruction, and there were no adequate
means of providing such. Domenech writes from Palermo
on July 4th, 1547, that a Jesuit college was much required
there " because such crass ignorance prevails here among the
clergy that it would hardly be credible, did one not have it
1 Ibid, in, 114, 168-9.
2 Ibid. 114, 167, 173.
3 Printed in Epist. Mixtae, III., 182-201, 210 seq.
4 Polanco, IV., 36 seqq.
5 Ibid. Appendix 681 seqq. : Processo intorno alia santita
del P. Silv. Landini.
6 Tacchi Venturi, 27 seqq.
I96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
before one's own eyes. The reason for this is to be found,
for the most part, in the fact that there is no opportunity for
learning, as here, in the capital of the kingdom, there is not
even one public grammar school." 1
Jesuit colleges were, therefore, urgently required. To the
missions of the Order in Rome, Tivoli, Padua, Bologna,
Messina, and Palermo, which had already been established
under Paul III., there were added, apart from the Roman
College, during the reign of Julius III., Venice, 1550, Ferrara,
Naples, Florence, 1551, 2 Modena, Parma, Bassano, 1552,
Monreale, 1553, Argenta near Ferrara, Genoa, Syracuse,
Catania, and Loreto in 1554. In the year of Loyola's death,
there also arose colleges in Siena and Camerino. So many new
foundations were, naturally, only possible because of the
numbers of those who applied for admission into the Order.
Julius III. asked, in astonishment, when the candidates
destined for the colleges of Florence and Naples were presented
to him in 155 1 : " Will there then be anyone left in Rome ? '
They were, however, able to reassure the Pope on this
point. 3
The incentive to the establishment of these institutions were
usually the sermons preached by an important member of the
Order in a particular city. When the arrangements for the.
establishment of a college were completed, however, Ignatius
did not send any piominent subjects, but merely several young
men from the Roman College, as he thought it more advantage-
ous for such a house to begin in a modest way, and then to
develop into a flourishing state, than that it should commence
with a great brilliancy which it could not afterwards retain. 4
It was also his principle that every college must be self-sup-
1 Litterae quadrimestres, I., 51.
2 Cf. ibid. Fueter, Das erste Auftreten der Jesuiten in
Florenz ; Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, XXVIII., 432-3,
Gotha, 1907. Concerning the protection of the Jesuits by the
Duchess of Florence, see Tacchi Venturi in the Civilta Cattolica,
July 16, 1898, and Arch. stor. Ital., Ser. 5, XXII., 217.
3 POLANCO, II., I73.
1 Ibid. 432.
FOUNDATION OF COLLEGES. I97
porting, 1 so that almost all these establishments had at first to
contend with great poverty. In Perugia the Jesuits lived for
a time only on bread, wine and soup, 2 and in other places, they
were also in very straitened circumstances. In Venice they
had to exercise the greatest caution, even before they got as
far as the foundation of a college. The Republic suspected
political intrigues everywhere, and the very fact of the Jesuits
writing to Rome every week awakened suspicion. It was a
dangerous thing to hear the confessions of ladies of the aris-
tocracy and to admonish them as to the frequent reception
of the Sacraments, a thing tor which the Barnabites had shortly
before been driven from the city. When the college really
was founded, many of the students did not persevere, for the
commercial spirit of this centre of trade was not favourable
to learning. 3 In Messina, people wanted a college, it was true,
but they were not provided with the necessary capital ; in
Modena the Jesuits were reviled as hypocrites and ignorant
men ; 4 gradually, however, the new Order struck firm roots,
in spite of all difficulties. The instruction of youth was the
chief weapon which the Jesuits employed in Italy to fight the
incursions of Protestantism.
Looked at from a literary point of view, the reform work
of the new Order vindicated itself in all directions, in scientific
as in everyday life, with the learned as with the unlearned, even
during the lifetime of its founder. Convents of nuns, which
had got into a depraved state, were again brought by the
Jesuits, by means of the Exercises, into a proper way of life. 5
Vagrant monks, who often had enlisted among the soldiery, 6
the Jesuits endeavoured to bring back to their monasteries. 7
They went to the prisons and galleys to bring spiritual con-
solation to the neglected prisoners. 8 Lainez and, later, Nadal,
as well as several Capuchins, accompanied, as military chap-
1 Ibid. 507. 2 Ibid% 43 g
3 Ibid. 480. 4 Ibid. 459.
5 Ibid. 175, 502. 6 Ibid. 238, n. 164.
7 Ibid. 29, 461.
8 Ibid. 37-8 (Palermo), 184 (Florence), 231 (Messina), 425
(Rome), 435 (Perugia), 458 (Modena), 483 (Venice).
198 history of the popes.
lains, the Christian fleets which sailed from Sicily against the
corsairs } Baptista Romanus, a converted Jew, made use of
his acquaintance with oriental languages to win over the
Mahommedans and renegades on Turkish ships for the Church. 2
The Jesuits fought against usury, 3 collected alms for the poor, 4
reconciled enemies, 5 endeavoured to procure refuges for
repentant Magdalens, 6 and were already making attempts to
train up Arabic speaking missionaries for the conversion of
North Africa. 7
By far the most thorny field of operations presented itself,
however, to the reforming zeal of the young Order, on the
other side of the Alps. Nadal, who knew the conditions in the
Iberian and Appenine peninsulas from his own experience,
went to inspect the German Jesuits as visitor in 1555, and he
openly declares that the work in Germany is considerably
more difficult and just as glorious as that in the Indies. 8
' It is an unspeakable misfortune that such a great, powerful
and noble nation should be in such a sad state. With the
grace of Christ, there is, however, much hope that she may be
helped, and I am persuaded that God will do so through our
Order, with the authority and favour of the Apostolic See." 9
" Woe to us " he says in another place, "if we do not help
Germany." 10 " There are neither members of religious orders
here, nor clergy, nor theologians, so that the Catholic princes
and bishops do not know where to begin. Good Catholics have
of necessity to put up with married parish priests, public
concubinage, and half-Lutheran preachers." One reason for
the terrible state of affairs was the fact that there was no
1 Ibid. 45-6, 237-8. Guglielmotti, Guerra de' pirati, II., 208.
2 Polanco, II., 484, n. 159.
3 Ibid. 36, 483.
4 Ibid. 233, 503.
5 Ibid. 225, and passim.
6 Ibid. 234.
7 Ibid. 51-2
8 Epist. IV., 214.
9 To Ignatius, Dillingen, April 22, 1555,; Epist., I., 298.
10 Ibid. IV., 215-6.
THE JESUITS IN GERMANY. 199
Catholic in Germany who did not read the books of the religious
innovators, and that other religious works were not sold at all.
" We found all the inns full of the works of Luther and other
heretics ; women and children read them, and we were only in
districts which call themselves Catholic." 1 There was hardly
any Catholic in Germany who wrote in opposition to these
books ; 2 the older Catholic works were no longer published
and could hardly be obtained, so that Catholics said they had
nothing to read except heretical books. 3 Catholic theologians
also read these works everywhere, and thus got into a state of
theological bewilderment. 4
This shrewd observer perceived that the cure of these great
evils could only be effected, in Germany as elsewhere, by the
foundation of colleges. Nadal also pointed out a means for
helping Germany, of which there was hardly any mention in
other lands, viz. : literary activity. He wished that Lainez
might come to Germany and write there against the Lutherans ;
he also discussed with the chancellor, Widmannstadt, as to
whether, on his application, a printing press might not be
established in Vienna, which would daily issue Catholic
pamphlets against the Lutherans. 5
During the lifetime of Loyola, however, they did not succeed
in founding any great number of colleges in Germany. The
German princes did not understand why establishments for
religious orders should be founded, seeing that it was not
monasteries, but bishops and parish priests that were required. 6
Only in 1552 did they manage to found a college in Vienna ;
by the year 1555, this already numbered 400 students, under
10 professors. 7 Besides this the city possessed a noviciate
1 Ibid. I., 301-2. 2 Ibid. 306.
3 Ibid. 309. 4 ifafi 303
5 Ibid. 305, 309.
6 Ibid. 289 ; Polanco, II., 262.
7 Duhr, Gesch. der Jesuiten in den Landern deutscher Zunge,
I., 49, Freiburg, 1907. The introduction of the Jesuits into
Trent, planned by Madruzzo, did not succeed ; see *letter of
Card. Pole to Madruzzo, dated Rome, February 27, 1553, in the
Arch. Trid. caps. LV., n. 25 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and a house of studies in the year of Loyola's death, while
three other colleges, in Cologne, Ingolstadt and Prague, arose
during the last year of the life of the founder.
The Order owed the college in Cologne, and still more those
in Ingolstadt and Prague, to the influence of that man who in
the tim 
