\v\^.
LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
PRINCETON, N. J.
BX
955
.P35
1891 V
14
Pas
tor
, Ludwig,
1854-1928
The
history
of
the
popes ,
from
the c]
.ose
of
the
'-:M'-^
HISTORY OF THE POPES
VOL. XIV
PASTOR'S HISTORY OF THE POPES
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from
the German of Llmhvig, Freiherr von Pastor. Edited, as to
Vols I. -VI., by the late Frederick Ignatius Antrobus, and,
as to Vols. VII. -XIV.. by Ralph Francis Kkrr, of the London
Oratory. In 14 Volumes.
Vols. I. and II. a.d. 1305-1458.
Vols. III. and IV. ad. 1458-1483.
Vols. V. and VI. a.d. 1484-1513.
Vols. VII. and VIII. a.d. 1513-1521.
Vols. IX. and X. a.d. 1522-1534.
Vols. XI. and XII. a.d. 1334-1549.
Vols. XIII. and XIV. a.d. 1550-1559.
T M
( NOVi.M9?4
HISTORY OF THE POPES,
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE ^HDDLE AGES
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES
FROM THE GERMAN OF
LUDWIG, FKEIHERK VON PASTOR
EDITED BY
RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY
VOLUME XIV
MARCELLUS II. (1555)
PAUL IV. (1555-1559)
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LTD.
BROADWAY HOUSE : 68-74 CARTER LANE, B.C.
1924
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY THE DEVONSHIRE PRESS, TORQUAY
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIV.^
Table of Contents ......
List of unpublisliecl documents in Appendix .
M.\RCELLUs II., 1555.
Election of Marcellus II. His family and previous
career - . . . . . .
The Pontificate of Marcellus II. .
PAGE.
vii
Paul IV., 1555-1559-
The
Election of Paul IV., His character and projects
Carafa .......
Commencement of the struggle of Paul IV. against the
supremacy of Spain
Events leading to the war with Spain
The war with Spain
Reform measures of Paul IV. Renewal of the Sacred
College .....
The fall of the Carafa
Further reform regulations. Tiie new Orders. Paul IV
and the Society of Jesus
Paul IV. and the Roman Inquisition .
The trial of Cardinal Moronc
Spread of Protestantism in the Netherlands, France
and Poland ....
The consummation of the schism in Germany. Dispute
of Paul IV. with Ferdinand I. .
Mary the Catholic and the legation of Cardinal Pole
Accession of Elizabeth and the establishment of the
English State Church. Last days of Paul IV
Appendix of uniJublished documents .
Index of Names .....
1-32
33-55
56-89
90-113
114-137
138-174
175-205
206-232
233-258
259-288
289-318
319-337
338-359
360-400
401-424
425-494
495 509
For Pibliography see Volume XIII.
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIV.^
CHAPTER L
ELECTION OF MARCELLUS II. — HIS FAMILY AND PREVIOUS
CAREER.
A.D. PAGE.
1555 The Cardinals meet after the death of the Pope . i
Arrangements for tlie safety of the city .* . i
Cervini and Este the most Ukely candidates . 2
State of the parties in the Sacred College . . 3
Question as to the validity of the bull of Julius III. 3
Composition of the Sacred College ... 4
The Catholic reform party .... 5
Zeal of Cardinal Carafa as the leader of this party . 6
Change of feeling since the last conclave . . 6
Cardinal Ippolyto d'Este and the worldly Cardinals 7
The candidature of Cervini put forward by Sforza
and R. Farnese ..... 8
Cervini s election assured. A dramatic scene follows 9
Cervini proclaimed Pope (April loth) . . 10
He takes the name of Marcellus H.. . . n
The Cervini familv . . . . ■ n
Ricciardo Cervini, the father of Marcellus H. . 12
His government of the Marches of Ancona . . 13
1 50 1 The birth and early years of Marcello Cervini . . 14
He is sent to Siena to pursue his studies . . 15
He goes to Rome and attracts the notice of
Clement VH. . . . . . 16
His friendship with the humanists in Rome . . 17
1526 He is recalled to hit home bv his father . . 17
1531 He returns to Rome and is received by Cardinal A.
Farnese' . . . . . . 18
The death of his father ; his care for his family . 19
1534 His return to Rome. Cardinal Farnese, now Paul
HI., entrusts him with the education of his
nephew Alessandro . . . . 19
He begins to take an important part in the affairs
of state ...... 20
1539 He is created Cardinal, and accompanies Farnese on
his legation to Charles V. and Francis I. . 21
' Unpublished documents are marked bv an asterisk (*) ; docum' nts to
be published in the " Acta Pontificum Romanorum " are designated by
two asterisks (**).
Vlll
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
His outspoken opinion as to the cause of the religious
decay ......
His piety, and his care for the dioceses entrusted to
him .......
His zeal and humihty .....
1 54 1 He accompanies the Pope to Lucca to meet the
Emperor ......
1545 Cervini becomes legate at the Council of Trent
His zeal in fulfilling this office ....
He is unmoved by the bribes and threats of
Charles V. .
1552 Cervini and Juhus III. His work on the reform
commission and the Inquisition .
His love for learning ; he becomes custodian of the
Vatican Library .....
His great work for the " Vaticana " .
His encouragement of youthful talent .
His strict manner of life .....
Joyful anticipations caused by his election .
23
24
24
25
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
CHAPTER II.
THE PONTIFICATE OF MARCELLUS II.
1555 The election is hailed with joy on every side .
But especially by the party of reform .
The testimony of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga .
Marcellus at once shows himself the champion of
reform . . • .
Curtailment of the coronation festivities
His intention of avoiding all outward pomp .
He exercises the greatest care in dealing with
petitions .....
His advice to the Cardinals
Regulations for his household .
He determines to publish the reform decrees of
Juhus III. .....
The ceremonies of Holy Week, Church music .
Marcellus II. and his relations .
His strict impartiality in this matter .
Strict administration of justice
Rigid economy in the expenditure
The Pope's exhortation to the princes to make peace
He begs them to assist him in his efforts for reform
Depression in the Curia at the Pope's strictness
His intention of again summoning the Council
Marcellus II. and the Society of Jesus.
The Pope's health causes an.xiety
But he refuses to spare himself, and takes part in
the long ceremonies of Holy Week
He continues to carry on the duties of his office
33
33
34
35
36
36
37
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
47
49
50
50
51
TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX
A.D. PAGE
On April 29th he grants audiences all day ; the next
day he has a stroke of apoplexy ... 52
And dies t)n May ist . . . • • 53
Paralysing effect upon his contemporaries . . 53
The sorrow of Charles V. His simple burial . . 54
The place of Marcellus II. in the history of Catholic
reform ...... 55
CHAPTER III.
ELECTION OF PAUL IV. HIS CHARACTER AND PROJECTS,
THE CARAFA.
1555 The Cardinals go into conclave (May 15th) . . 56
The parties in the conclave. Cardinal d'Este . 57
The candidature of Cardinal Pole ... 58
Cardinal Gian Pietro Carafa . . ■ • 59
The Imperialist Cardinals divided. The action of
Farnese ...... 60
The candidature of Cardinal Puteo ... 61
Farnese proposes Bertano, and then Carafa . . 62
Imperialist opposition to Carafa ... 63
The election of Carafa by adoration (May 23rd) . 64
Personal appearance of the new Pope . . . 65
His arrangement of his day ; strict observance of the
fasts ....... 66
Irregularity of his hours ; his quick temper . . 67
His exalted idea of the Papal dignity ... 68
This most noticeable in his attitude towards the
secular princes ..... 69
His volcanic nature ; his violent language and ges-
tures ...... 70
His genuine piety and varied learning. . . 70
A champion of the rights of the Church . . 71
A " man of iron "..... 72
Magnificent display at his coronation • • • 73
His conviction that he had been chosen by God to
restore the Church to her old position . . 74
His ideal the century of Innocent III. . . . 74
His mediaeval idea of the Papal authority over the
secular princes ..... 75
This brings him into conflict with the Spanish domi-
nation over Italy ..... 76
His mistrust of Charles V. . . . .76
He determines to liberate Italy from the Spanish
power ...... 77
His intolerance of foreigners in Italy ... 78
He fails to realize the difficulties of his undertaking . 79
And, politically s}K'aking, lives in a world of phantasy 80
His first care, however, is the cause of reform - 80
X TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
The promotion of Carlo Carafa to the cardinalate . 8i
The tragedy of the appointment of tliis unprincipled
man ...... 82
Reasons wliich led to the promotion of Carafa . 83
The nephew's control of political affairs . . 84
His secretaries and confidants .... 84
Other court secretaries and officials ... 86
Carafa's influence with liis uncle ... 87
His sagacity and self-assurance . , . 8.S
The Pope's entire confidence in his nephew . 88
Who all the time was working for his own ends . 8q
CHAPTER IV.
COMMENCEMENT OF THE STRUGGLE OF PAUL IV. AGAINST THE
SUPREMACY OF SPAIN.
1555 The Pope at once takes steps for reform . . 90
And appoints a commission of five Cardinals . 91
But his good intentions are soon overwliclmed by
his ill-will against the Spaniards . . 92
The Sforza seize two French galle3's ... 92
Protest of the French ambassador ; the Pope's
indignation ..... 93
He takes action against the Sforza ... 94
The Imperialists in Rome hold a meeting of protest 95
This only increases the Pope's anger . . 96
Farnese promises him the help of his house. . 97
Carafa seizes the opportunity to urge warlike
preparations ..... 97
Satisfaction of the anti-Imperialist party . . 98
A Franco- Papal alliance discussed ... 99
The Pope takes action against the Colonna and
Orsini . . . . .100
Carafa sends a secret mission to France and Ferrara loi
Annibale Rucellai at the French court . . 102
The stolen ships are restored . . . 102
But Carafa works upon the Pope's fears . . 103
Paul IV. informs the Cardinals that he has resolved
on war . . . . .104
And adheres to his determination in spite of all
protests . . . . .105
His speech to the ambassadors of England, Venice
and Portugal . . . . .106
A draft of an alliance with Henry II. is signed by
the Pope ..... 107
Terms of the agreement with the French king . 108
The Romans offer a body-guard to the Pope . 109
The anti-Hapsburg feelings of Paul IV. increased . 109
1556 The Count of Montorio appointed Captain-General
of the Church. . . . .110
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XI
A.D.
The escape of Giovanna Colonna leads to reprisals
The Pope finally decides on war
PAGE
III
112
CHAPTER V.
EVENTS LEADING TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN.
1556 The French conclude an armistice with the Emperor
at Vaucelles ....
This is a serious blow to the schemes of Carafa
But he quickly forms a new plan for the aggrandise
ment of his family
Counting pn the Pope's anti-Spanish feelings
Carafa enters into negotiations with Albert of Bran
denburg ....
Imprudence of the Imperial ambassador
Paul IV's indignation is again aroused
Cardinals to be sent as legates to Henry II. and
Charles V. .
Instructions for the legates
The Colonna are excommunicated and their estates
forfeited ....
Giovanni Carafa created Duke of Paliano .
His investiture ; the Pope's speech (May loth)
The Cardinals disapprove, but are silent
The legation of Cardinal Carafa to France (May)
Carafa at the court of Henry II.
Violent language of the Pope against the Emperor
The situation daily becomes more critical .
Arrest of an Imperialist spy (July 7th)
The arrest of Garcilasso de la Vega .
The Pope's threats against Charles V.
His fear of another sack of the city .
Rome put into a state of defence
The arrest of Cardinal della Corgna (July 27th)
The Marquis de Sarria leaves Rome
Antonio Carafa sent to urge the Venetians to aban
don their neutrality.
Alba's ultimatum to the Pope (August 27th)
Fortification works in Rome
Alba crosses the frontier with his army (September)
114
115
115
116
117
118
119
119
120
121
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
137
CHAPTER VI.
THE WAR WITH SPAIN.
1556 The hesitation of Charles V. and Philip II. to begin
hostilities ..... 138
Alba's successful advance into the Papal States . 139
Cardinal Carafa returns to Rome (September 7th) . 140
Xll
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Panic of the inhabitants ....
Commendone sent to Venice, Urbino, Ferrara and
Parma
Carafa's secret intrigues
Paul IV. agrees to negotiate with Alba, but changes
his mind
Preparations for a siege
Fresh successes of Alba's troops
Carafa's secret negotiations with the enemy
Ostia falls to the Spaniards .
Alba offers an armistice (November i8th)
The meeting of Carafa and Alba
Still seeking his own ends, Carafa hesitates between
France and Spain
The mission of Carafa to Venice (December 20th)
Morone warns Alba that the Pope will not submit to
force ....
1557 Carafa in Venice ; he fails to secure an alliance
The Papal troops retake Ostia ; the Pope's renewed
hopes of success ; Alba's offer rejected
The Duke of Guise in Rome
Return of Carafa ; he finds his influence undermined
Quarrel of Carafa with his brothers .
Divided counsels among the allies .
The Pope recalls all his representatives from the
dominions of the Emperor and Philip II.
Paul IV. will not allow himself to be intimidated
Arrival of French reinforcements in Rome .
Ill success of the Franco-Papal army
Paul IV. again endeavours to win over the Venetians
to an alliance
Heav3' taxation of the Romans
Cosimo I. obtains possession of Siena ; a heavy blow
to Carafa ....
Two thousand Swiss troops arrive in Rome.
Quarrel between Carafa and the Duke of Paliano
News of a great Spanish victory at St. Ouentin
Alba's troops reach the walls of Rome, but retire
(August 25th)
Reasons for Alba's reluctance to attack the city
The Pope is forced to enter upon negotiations
His representatives meet Alba at Cave
The terms of the treaty of peace (September 1 2th)
Carafa's secret treaty with Alba
The Pope signs the treaty (September 14th)
Great inundation of the Tiber
State entry of Alba into Rome ; his reception by the
Pope (September 19th)
Paul IV. has reason to be thankful for the modera
tion of the terms
Although his grand plan was entirely frustrated
He quickly adapts himself to the new conditions
PAGE
141
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Xlll
A.D.
And devotes himself
spiritual duties
henceforth entirely to liis
174
CHAPTER VII.
REFORM MEASURES OF PAUL IV. — RENEWAL OF THE SACRED
COLLEGE.
1555 Widespread hopes that the new Pope would carry on
the work of reform
He determines to enforce the existing decrees
His disinclination to re-open the Council
Strict measures taken during the summer of 1555 .
The Pope's ideas as to the renewal of the Sacred
College .....
He announces his views at a consistory on December
i8th ....
His determination to be guided solely by merit
Seven new Cardinals appointed (December 20th)
The new Cardinals.
Johannes Cropper ; his premature death .
1556 The Pope's plan for a thorough reform of the Curia
(January loth)
A special congregation of reform is formed .
Paul's IV's vigorous attack upon simony .
The Pope's zeal for reform ; he wishes to begin with
himself ....
And to carry out the work ruthlessly
The reform congregation numbers 200 persons
And is divided into three sections, "as if in
Council " .
The Pope summons all the members to the Vatican
(March nth) ....
He addresses them on the subject of simony
Paul IV. explains his reform intentions to Navagero
" The commission will have the powers of a Council "
The Pope becomes reconciled to the idea of re-open-
ing the Council in Rome
In spite of political troubles, the Pope refuses to be
turned aside from his programme of reform
His measures against absentee Cardinals
He sacrifices his own revenues from the Dataria
The prohibition of the " Ingressus " and
Regressus "
The bishops are forbidden to possess any other bene-
fices .....
The outbreak of war forces reform into the back-
ground .....
Ten new Cardinals appointed on March 15th
The new Cardinals. ....
Cardinal Alfonso Carafa ....
175
176
177
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187
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196
197
198
199
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201
202
XIV
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Extension of the powers of the Inquisition .
The Pope's determination to do away with the sale
of benefices .....
And to allow no consideration to stand in his way .
PAGE
203
204
204
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FALL OF THE CARAFA.
1557 The Pope turns with renewed vigour to the work of
reform ..... 206
He issues many strict decrees . . . 206
His intention of forming a commission of Cardinals . 207
His high ideal of the episcopal dignity . . 208
Congregations are held every day and decrees issued 209
1558 The Pope's health begins to fail ; business at a stand-
still . . . . .210
The return of Cardinal Carafa (April 23rd) . . 210
Carafa's legation in Brussels . . . 211
His plan of obtaining the Duchy of Bari ; oppo-
sition of Alba . . . .212
Philip IPs final offer . . . .212
Carafa's disappointment ; he starts on his return
journey ..... 213
The Pope eagerly welcomes him, in order that he
may hand over all political business to him . 214
The Pope's isolation ; scandalous living of Carafa . 214
Striking contrast between Paul IV. and his nephews ,215
Further regulations ; reform of the monasteries . 216
Decree against " vagrant " and " apostate " monks 217
Ruthless carrying out of the decree. . . 219
Severe punishments for unworthy secular priests . 220
Intrigues as to the next Papal election . . 220
Paul IV. issues a bull with reference to this (Decem-
ber i6th) ..... 221
The insolence and extortion of the Pope's nephews . 221
1559 A trifling incident opens the Pope's eyes
(January ist) .... 222
The Pope orders the Theatine, Geremia, to tell him
the truth ..... 223
He learns with horror the true state of affairs . 223
First steps taken against Carlo Carafa . . 224
All the Cardinals summoned to a consistory (January
27th) . . . . .225
The Pope's passionate denunciation of the " crimes
of his nephews " . . . . 225
All three are banished from Rome and deprived of
their offices ..... 225
Paul IV. forbids all representations in their favour . 226
The Carafa in exile. Carlo's vain attempts to regain
his uncle's favour .... 227
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV
A.D. ' PAGE
The Pope remains obdurate . . . 228
Reorganization of the Council of State . . 229
The Roman senators received by the Pope, who
aboUshes some of the taxes . . .229
The creatures of the Carafa removed from their
offices ..... 230
The administration of Camillo Orsini . . 230
His sudden death. Ascendancy of Alfonso Carafa . 231
Nevertheless a decisive blow had been struck at
nepotism . . . . .231
CHAPTER IX.
FURTHER REFORM REGUL.\TIONS. — THE NEW^ ORDERS.
PAUL IV. AND THE SOCIETY OF JESUS.
1559 Regulations concerning morality in Rome . . 233
Paul IV. takes in hand the question of the residence
of bishops ..... 234
His regulations on this point . . . 235
The Pope's health begins to fail . . . 236
But he refuses to relax his activities, and takes part
in many ceremonies . . . .237
Especially does he continue his work on reform . 237
1556 The report of Samson of Worein on the progress
made ..... 238
The personal example of the Pope . . . 239
His strict fasts ; his care for the house of God . 240
And for the solemnity of divine worship . . 241
His devotion to the Holy Eucharist . . 241
Introduction of the indulgence medal . . 242
1557 The feast of St. Peter's Chair in Rome . . 242
1555 Paul IV. and the Theatines . . . 243
He undertakes the direction of the Order himself . 244
The Barnabites ; the dispute between the Capuchins
and the Observants .... 245
Paul IV. and the Society of Jesus . . . 246
Previous act[uaintance between Gian Pietro Carafa
and Ignatius of Loyola . . . 247
The apprehensions of Ignatius at the election of
Carafa ..... 247
The Pope confers many marks of favour upon the
Society . . . . .248
P>ut does not lose his old mistrust . . . 248
He does nothing to help the Germanicum . . 249
Ignatius, however, holds fast to this, his favourite
project ..... 249
But sees his whole Order endangered at the end of his
life ...... 250
1556 The question of the General Congregation to elect a
successor to Ignatius . . , .251
XVlll TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D, ■ PAGE
Consternation in Rome. The case of Carranza,
Archbishop of Toledo . . . -315
Wide powers given to the Spanish Grand Inquisitor 316
Ghisheri supports the accused archbishop . . 317
The Pope's anger with Gliisheri . . . 317
First pubUc auto-da-fe in ValladoHd . . 318
CHAPTER XII.
SPREAD OF PROTESTANTISM IN THE NETHERLANDS, FRANCE
AND POLAND.
Spread of secret Protestant propaganda in the
Netherlands . . . . -319
Vigilance of Philip II. The Jesuits established . 319
Confused division of the bishoprics in the Netherlands 320
Philip II. asks for a re-organization . . 321
1559 A new hierarchy estabUshed (May 12th) . . 321
This means a strengthening of the royal power . 322
And contains the germs of future complications . 323
The vigilance of Henry II. of France ; his alliance
with the Protestant princes purely political . 323
1557 The Inquisition in France .... 324
Misuse of the royal prerogative ; spread of abuses . 324
Disunion of the Catholics ; the innovators make
great progress . . . -325
1559 Death of Henry II. Spread of Calvinism . . 326
1555 The Church threatened in Poland ; Lijipomano sent
as nuncio to King Sigismund Augustus . 327
The Polish Bishops wanting in decision and courage 328
Weakness of the king, who is ready to make conces-
sions to the Protestants . . -329
Difficult position of Lippomano . . . 330
Jealousy on the part of the CathoUc party . . 331
1556 Lippomano succeeds in bringing together a synod of
the Polish clergy . . . -331
The Diet at Warsaw .... 332
1558 Mentuato sent to Poland, accompanied by Canisius . 333
The report of Canisius on the state of affairs in
Poland . . . • • 334
1559 The Diet at Petrikau .... 335
Paul IV. appeals to the king . . . 336
Who, in spite of his weakness, remains true to the
Church . . . . -337
CHAPTER XIII.
THE CONSUMMATION OF THE SCHISM IN GERMANY. — DISPUTE
OF PAUL IV. WITH FERDINAND I.
1355 Germany tending more and more towards Protest-
antism ..... 338
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIX
A.D. PAGE
Lippomano sent to Germany on his way to Poland ;
his instructions .... 339
Paul IV. calls upon the Catholic princes to rally to
the Catholic cause .... 339
Ferdinand I. and Albert of Bavaria fail to reaUze the
danger ..... 340
The so-called Peace of Augsburg (September 25th) . 341
A great triumph for tlie Protestants . . 342
Paul IV. hopes to render it ineffectual . . 343
1556 Delfino's mission to Germany . . . 344
Ferdinand pleads necessity. The Pope's anger ; he
speaks of deposing Charles V. and Ferdinand I. 345
Bitter feehngs of Paul IV. towards the Hapsburgs . 346
1558 The Cardinals complain of his attitude ; the nuncia-
ture resumed ..... 347
Ferdinand swears to the Augsburg decisions, and is
proclaimed Emperor-elect (March 14th) . 348
Joy of the Protestants .... 349
Paul IV. not the man to submit to such proceedings 349
His unwillingness to accept the election . . 351
He claims the right to refuse conhrmation . . 352
And refuses to recognize the " Imperial " ambas-
sador ..... 353
A commission appointed to examine the legal aspect
of the affair (May) .... 353
This commission proves the invalidity of Ferdinand's
title ..... 353
Paul IV. refuses to Usten to counsels of moderation . 354
And lays down his conditions for recognizing the
election ..... 355
Ferdinand I. defends his position . . . 356
The death of Charles V. relieves the tension (Sep-
tember 2 1st) ..... 357
The Pope's attitude, though natural, is full of
danger ..... 358
CHAPTER XIV.
MARY THE CATHOLIC AND THE LEGATION OF CARDINAL POLE.
1555 Arrival of the " obcdicntia " embassy from England
in Rome ....
Activity of the Protestant party in England
Pamphlets aimed at undermining the royal power
The old laws against heresy are revived
Personal clemency of Queen Mary .
The revival of these laws approved by Parliament
Treasonable meetings in London
The " Prisoners of Christ "
Heretics condemned to death
Further conspiracies discovered
360
361
361
363
363
364
365
366
3(^7
3O8
372
XX TABLE OF CONTENTS.
-^•D. PAGE
The bishops inclined to leniency . . . 369
Bishop Bonner is reprimanded for his mildness . 370
Many Protestants are reconciled to the Church . 371
Mary takes but little part in these proceedings. Her
faiUng health causes her to retire from all public
events .....
Foxe's " Book of Martyrs " ; its inaccuracies and
exaggerations . . . -373
The accusation of cruelty against Ma.Ty quite
unfounded ..... 374
The proceedings against Cranmer, Ridley and
Latimer . . . . -375
Execution of the two latter (October i6th) . . 376
Cranmer signs seven declarations, in which he re-
cants the doctrines of Luther and Zwingli . 376
1556 The execution of Cranmer (March 2 ist) . . 377
English Protestants on the continent . . 377
John Knox at Frankfort on Maine ; his quarrels
with the other refugees . . . 37S
A fresh flood of Protestant pamphlets . . 379
This leads to outbreaks of fanaticism in London . 380
And many plots against the queen . . . 381
They are supported by France, and, though abortive,
damage the esteem in wliich the queen is held . 382
Pole's work for reform in England . . . 383
His work as a peacemaker on the continent . . 383
After the departure of Phihp, Pole acts as the queen's
adviser ..... 384
Tlie still unsettled question of church property . 384
Mary determines to renounce the tithes and first
fruits seized by her father . . . 385
Opposition in Parliament, which fears that restitu-
tion may be exacted . . . .386
Mary addresses the members of the Commons ; the
bill is passed (December 3rd) . . . 387
The death of Gardiner. Pole refuses the chan-
cellorship, and devotes himself to the restoration
of religion ..... 388
The filling of the vacant bishoprics . . . 389
The new bishops ; a learned and exemplary body . 390
Pole assembles a synod of the Enghsh bishops . 391
Pole's synodal decrees ; his " seminaries " taken as
a model by the Council of Trent . . 392
Restoration of destroyed monasteries . . 392
Pole's far-reacliing activity in all departments of
religious life ..... 393
1557 He is consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury (March
22nd) . . , . .393
In spite of the progress made, Mary finds it imposs-
ible to exterminate Protestantism . . 394
England's entry into the war Avith France ; a blow
to the restoration of Catholicism . . 394
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxi
A.D. PAGE
Pole finds himself in a difficult position . 395
He loses his office of legate . . . 395
Mary and Pole both explain the position of affairs
to the Pope ..... 396
William Peto appointed legate in the place of Pole . 397
155S The loss of Calais a serious blow to the queen's pres-
tige (January 8th) .... 398
Deaths of Alary and Pole (November 17th) . . 398
Mary pei'haps the best of the Enghsh queens . 399
But also the most unfortunate . . . 399
In spite of the libels of biassed historians, her life
was not lived in vain .... 400
And she has exercised a lasting influence on the
religious life of England . . . 400
CHAPTER XV.
ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
ENGLISH STATE CHURCH. — LAST DAYS OF PAUL IV.
1558 Elizabeth proclaimed queen . . .401
Her religious education always on Protestant lines . 401
Yet she liad professed to be a zealous Catholic under
Mary ..... 401
Her extraordinary powers of deception, and bound-
less love of power . . . . . 402
Her proclamation makes no mention of religious
matters ..... 402
Although she had fully determined on the course she
intended to adopt .... 403
At Christmas she takes her first steps . . 403
1559 The coronation ; difficulty of finding a bishop to
perform the ceremony . . . 404
The English ambassador in Rome is ordered to break
off relations with the Pope . . . 405
Yet Paul IV's attitude by no means unfriendly . 405
Proceedings in Parliament ; the cession of tithes and
first fruits to the crown . . . 406
Elizabeth does not use the title of Head of the Church 407
But leaves no room for doubt as to her intentions . 408
The attitude of Phihp II. . . . . 409
Steps taken for the abolition of Catholic worship . 409
The Mass to cease ; the^new liturgy ; penalties for
non-compliance . . . .410
The destruction of the hierarchy ; all the bishops,
save one, refuse to comply (July) . . 411
Serious illness of the Pope . . . .411
His extreme wealuiess ; he alone refuses to believe
that the end has come . . . .412
He stills grants audiences, and attends the Inquisi-
tion . . . , .413
XXll
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
The death of Paul IV. (August i8th)
Outbreak of the populace, who attack the building
of the Inquisition
They storna the Capitol, and destroy the statue of
the Pope ....
The city in a state of tumult and disorder .
The burial of the Pope
His subsequent burial by Pius V. at the Minerva
Paul IV. recognizes his own faults and failures
In spite of these faults, Paul IV. a remarkable man
He stands ruthlessly for the cause of strict reform
Paul IV. and art ....
His precipitation and want of knowledge of human
nature ....
His terrible severity
Yet his pontificate remains a landmark in the history
of Catholic reform
His personal piety and exemplary life
He breaks the evil tendencies of the Renaissance
And lays the firm foundations for the work of future
Popes .....
PAGE
414
414
415
416
416
416
417
418
418
418
420
421
422
422
423
424
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN
APPENDIX.
I. Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany . . . .
II. Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of
Tuscany
III. Provost Ghisi to Lodovico Strozzi .
IV. Bernardino Pia to Sabino Calandra.
V. Agostino Gonzaga, Bishop of Keggio, to the
Castellan of Mantua
VI. Cardinal E. Gonzaga to Francesco Gonzaga
VII. Camillo Capilupi to Ferrante Gonzaga
VIII. Girolamo Muzzarelli, Archbishop of Conza
to the College of Cardinals .
IX. Camillo Olivo to Sabina Calandra .
X. Pope Paul IV. to Girolamo Muzzarelli
Archbishop of Conza
XI. Consistory of June 5th, 1555
XII. Consistory of July 17th, 1555
XIII. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XIV. G. Muzio to Pope Paul IV. .
XV. Edict of the Governor of Rome, 1555
XVI. Consistory of January loth, 1556 .
XVII. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XVIII. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XIX. Proceedings of the Papal Reform Comniis
sion on January 2otli, 1556
XX. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXI. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXII. Proceedings of the Papal Reform Commis
sion on January 2gth, 1556
XXIII. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXIV. Proceedings of the Papal Reform Commis
sion on February 2nd, 1556
XXV. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXVI, Privilege of Pope Paul IV. for the oflicials of
the Roman Inquisition
XXVII. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXVIII. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXIX. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXX. Bernardo Navagero to Venice
XXXI. Michele Ghisheri to the Inquisitor, Girolama
da Genova
XXXII. Michele Ghislicri to the Vicar-General of the
Archbishop of Genoa
xxiii
427
427
428
428
429
429
430
431
432
433
434
435
435
437
439
445
445
446
448
450
451
451
452
453
454
455
457
458
458
459
459
460
XXIV LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX
PAGE
XXXIII. Michele Ghislieri to the Inquisitor, Girolamo
da Genova .... 461
XXXIV. Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Pole . . 461
XXXV. Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Pole . . 462
XXXVI. Bernardo Navagero to Venice . . 465
XXXVII. General Congregation of June ist 1557 . 465
XXXVIII. Avviso di Roma, July 24th, 1557 . . 465
XXXIX. Avviso di Roma, August 2 1st, 1557 . . 466
XL. Avviso di Roma, September 4th, 1557 . 466
XLI. Avviso di Roma, October i6th, 1557 . 466
XLII. Avviso di Roma, November 13th, 1557 . 467
XLIII.-XLV. Cardinal Vitelli to Cardinal C.Carafa . 467
XLVI.-XLVII. Concerning the proceedings of the Roman
Inquisition against Cardinal Morone . 468
XLVIII. Avviso di Roma, April 2nd, 1558 . . 479
XLIX. Pope Paul IV. to Joh. Manriquez, Viceroy of
Naples ..... 479
L. Avviso di Roma, September loth, 1558 . 480
LI. Avviso di Roma, December 24th, 1558 . 480
LII. Avviso di Roma, February nth, 1550 . 481
LI II. Pope Paul IV. to Pietro Donato, Bishop of
Narni ..... 481
LIV. Cardinal M. Ghislieri to the Inquisitor,
Girolamo da Genova
LV. Avviso di Roma, April 8th, 1559 .
LVI. Avviso di Roma, ISlay 20th, 1559 .
LVII. Avviso di Roma, June 3rd, 1559
LVIII. Cardinal M. Ghislieri to the Inquisitor, Giro-
lamo da Genova ....
LIX. Avviso di Roma, August 5th, 1559 .
LX. Report of Agostini Ricchi concerning the
mortal illness of Pope Paul IV. .
LXI.-LXII. Concerning the sources and composition of
the history of Paul IV.
483
483
484
484
485
486
486
CHAPTER I.
Election of Marcellus 1 1. — His Family and Previous
Career.
Discussions on the subject of the Papal election had already
begun among the Cardinals even before a fatal termination
of the illness of JuHus HI. was expected,^ whereas the Imperial
as well as the French diplomatists, who had been seriously
occupied with the possibility of a conclave a year earlier, ^
were now caught unawares and could take no decisive steps.^
On the morning after the death of the Pope the Sacred College
assembled in the Vatican ; Ascanio della Corgna was entrusted
with the protection of the city and the conclave, while Giro-
lamo Federici, Bishop of Sagona, who had been appointed
Governor of Rome by Julius III., was confirmed in his
office*
For the sake of safety, the College of Cardinals had 2000
additional men enrolled, besides the usual troops. The
tumult which broke out on March 27th, 1555, proved that
tliis precautionary measure was not unnecessary ; after
^ *Questa infermit^ del Papa anchor die non si giudicasse mortale
nondimeno ha mosso di molti humeri intorno al papato . . .
Bellai si lascia intendere che gli pare di poter pensar cosi bene
al papato come fa Morone, Ferrara, Mignanelli et Farnese. . . .
Fcrrara non perde punto di tempo. . . . Carpi, S. Jacomo non
ilormono. *C. Capilupi to Cardinal Gonzaga, dat. Rome, March
19. 1555 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantna).
- Cf. the reports in Druffkl, IV., 380.
^ Cf. the letter of Charles V. to Ferdinand I. on April 11,
1555, in Druffel, IV.. 651 ; sec also Rifss, 4.
■* Cf. Massarei.li, 248.
VOL. .\iv. I
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this was settled, however, there was no further disturbance,^
nor were there any risings of any importance in the pro-
vinces.^
It is characteristic of the worldly view of the Papacy which
was still taken at that time in important circles in Rome, that
the probable result of the conclave formed now, as on previous
occasions, the subject of betting in the banks ; but even in
these circles the distinguished Cardinal Cervini was considered
to have the best prospects of success. After him came the rich
Ippolito d'Este of Ferrara.^ It is clear from the dispatches of
the diplomatists how very excellent the prospects of Ceivini
were. Camillo Capiluli summed up his views on March 30th,
1555, in the following terms : " Although it is difficult to
predict anything, on account of the position, which changes
almost every hour, still Cervini, Bertano and Puteo appear to
have the best chances ; if Pole were here, he would stand by far
in the first place, but his absence, and the fact that he must,
just at this time, remain in England, have been disadvantage-
ous to him ; should Morone arrive in time, he would stand a
chance ; Este is doing everything in his power to secure his
own election."*
Cervini, Este and Bertano also figure as the most likely can-
didates in the reports of the other Mantuan agents on April
^ Cf. besides Massarelli, 248, and J. v. Meggen in the Archiv
fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., III., 515, the *letters of Bernardino
Pia to Calandra, dated Rome, March 27, 1555, and of C. Capilupi,
dated March 28 and 30 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and of
Ulisse Gozzadini of March 28 and 30, and April 3, 1555 (State
Arclxives, Bologna).
2 See the Portuguese report of April 6, 1555, in Santarem,
XII., 424.
3 See the statements of the *Avvisi (Vatican Library) in
Segmuller in the Zeitschr. fiir schweiz. Kirchengesch., III.,
I ; cf. also the report of Cocciano in Druffel, IV., 625, and
the *report of C. Titio of April 4, 1555, in the State Archives,
Florence.
4 See the *letter of C. Capilupi to the Duke of Mantua dated
Rome, March 30, 1555 (State Archives, Mantua).
PARTIES IN THE CONCLAVE. 3
4th and 5th, 1555.^ Giovanni Francesco Arrivabene re-
marked on April 6th that the position was such that no one
party could forward their aims witiiout the others, and that
the conclave would therefore cither be very short or of very
long duration.'"^ This opinion was so far justified in that the
sharply opposed Imperial and French parties were equally
strong ; the former worked for Bertano, the latter for Este.
The Cardinals of Julius III. had at first fixed their choice on
Puteo, but when his election aj^pcared impossible, they were
willing to support Bertano. The decision lay with the neu-
trals, and to these belonged the older Cardinals, who, however,
had a candidate of their own.^
During the obsequies of Juhus III., which were celebrated
in the simplest manner, owing to the want of money, ^ the
Cardinals assembled each day for consultation. Before the
beginning of the conclave the important question had to be
settled, whether the recent Bull of Julius III. had binding
force upon the Papal election. Opinions varied considerabh'^
with regard to this. Those who held the affirmative view
justified themselves by the fact that the Bull of Julius III. had
been sanctioned and signed by all the Cardinals, and had
already been provided with the leaden seal. Those who
denied that it had the force of law laid stress on the fact that
the document had not, as was customary, been affixed in the
Campo di Fiore, and on the doors of the Roman basilicas. As
the Cardinals could come to no agreement, experienced canon-
ists, at whose head was the Dean of the Rota, were called upon
for an opinion. Their view was that the Bull was not binding
on the Cardinals. The Dean of the Sacred College, Cardinal
^ See the *reports of B. Pia to Calandra of April 4, and of
Ipp. Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua of April 5, 1555 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
- * ♦Original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
^ C/. the reports in Pbtrucelli, II., 67, and Druffel, IV.,
625, as well as Ghisi's letter of April 8, 1555, in Appendix No. 3
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; see also Masius, Briefe, 199.
* *Report of U. Gozzadhii of March 27, 1555 (State Archives,
Bologna) .
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Carafa, announced this decision to his colleagues on April 3rd,
the day on which the obsequies, which had begun on March
26th, came to an end.^ The Mass of the Holy Ghost was
celebrated two days later, after which the learned scholar
and jurist, Uberto Foglietta, delivered the usual discourse.
Then the Cardinals proceeded to the conclave, which had been
prepared in the Vatican. ^
At the death of JuUus III. the Sacred College consisted of
fifty-seven members, of whom thirty were resident in Rome.
Only a few of the twenty-seven who were absent were able to
reach Rome in time. On March 28th, Crispi and Savelli
arrived, on April ist, Cervdni and Ranuccio Farnese, on April
3rd, Ercole Gonzaga, and on April 4th, Madruzzo and Pisani.^
No less than twenty Cardinals, therefore, would be absent from
the conclave. Of these, besides Alessandro Farnese, Bourbon,
Tournon, Givry, Lenoncourt, Meudon, Annebaut, Charles and
Louis of Lorraine, Vendome and Chatillon, in all no less than
ten Cardinals devoted to the interests of Henry IL, were in
France.* It was not to be wondered at, therefore, that the
French party strove to defer the beginning of the conclave.^
As the thirty-seven Cardinals present in Rome had already
entered the conclave on April 5th, the French members of the
^ Cf. Massarelli, 249 seq. and Acta consist, in Sagmuller,
Papstwahlbullen, 35, as well as Schweitzer, Reform unter
Julius III., 63.
2 Plan of the cells of the Cardinals in the Conclave factum in
Vaticano post mortem p. Julii III. A publication of the same
period in the Secret Archives of the Vatican ; there is a second
publication (Roniae apud Valerium et Aloisium Doricos fratres,
Brixien. 1555), which gives more detailed particulars.
^ These dates are given more exactly in the publications quoted
in the previous note than in Panvinio (Merkle, II., 249 n. 2).
Cardinal Gonzaga came with a train of 300 horses ; see *Ghisi's
report to the governor of the castle at Mantua, dated Rome,
April 3, 1555 (Gonzaga Arch. Mantua).
■* Morone and Truchsess were staying in Hermany ; see
Massarelli, 251 seq.
^ Legaz. di Serristori, 347.
THE REFORM PARTY. 5
Sacred College, as well as the instructions of Henry II., came
too late.^ The ambassador of Charles V., Juan Manrique de
Lara, was delayed in Siena, and chose to come by sea to avoid
falling into the hands of the French, and on April 5th no one
even knew where he was.^ His absence was especially re-
gretted by those Cardinals, such as Carpi, who were devoted
to the Imperial interests, and by the Florentine ambassador,
Averardo Serristori. Duke Cosimo I. was a strong opponent
of the French candidate, Cardinal d'Este.^ In this respect he
allied himself with the reform party, whose strictly ecclesias-
tical principles had, on this occasion, for the first time obtained
a decided influence on the Papal election. * The time had now
come, in the opinion of these men — as Cardinal Cerv'ini openly
declared in Perugia, during his journey to the conclave — when,
with the help of God, a Pope would be given to the afflicted
Church, who would vie with the holy and learned Popes of
former times, and be a true representative of Christ.^
The early opening of the conclave, in spite of the opposition
of the French, was in itself a victory for the men who desired,
in these days of grave danger, to give a new head to the Church
as soon as possible, and in so doing, only to look to the qualities
^ The instructions of Henry H. of April 4, 1555, to support
Este in the first place, then Tournon, du Bellay, Armagnac
and lastly Pole, in Ribier, II., 604 seqq.
- See the *letter of 1pp. Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua,
dated Rome, April 5, 1555 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 See Petkucelli, II., 70 seqq. Philip II., like the Emperor,
desired the election of Pole in the first place ; after him Bertano
or Morone would have l>een agreeable to them. On this occasion
Cervini was not expressly excluded by the Emperor. But in
any case all instructions from Brussels arrived too late [cf.
Sagmuller, Papstwablen, 202 seq.). Manrique did not reach
Rome until April 8 ; see the *report of B. Pia to Calandra,
dated Rome, April 8, 1555 (Gon/.aga Archives, Mantua).
■•See Ranke, I.*, 182; Sagmuller, loc. cit. 204; Herre.
15 ; Wahrmund, Das Ausschliessungsrecht, Vienna, 1888, 73.
^ Panvinio, Vita Marcelli II.; rf. also the expression in
Ciaconius, III., 801.
6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the candidate, without considering whether his elevation
would be agreeable either to the French king or to the Emperor.
No one pursued this object with so much zeal as Cardinal
Carafa, who, in this respect as in other things, maintained his
place as the leader of the Catholic Reformation. As Carafa
was not popular on account of his abrupt manner, Cervini,
Pole and Morone had the best prospects of being elected,
should a purely ecclesiastical point of view be taken into con-
sideration. Carafa expressed himself in the strongest terms
against the clandestine meetings and attempts at bribery by
which Este endeavoured to secure his election. ^
His remonstrances did not fail in having an effect. It is
evident that a change had taken place since the last conclave,
as well from the exclusion of all intruders from the enclosure, ^
as from Serristori's report of April 4th, 1555, in which he
describes how earnestly the unseemly interference of the secular
princes, in the election of Julius III., was now deprecated.
This feeling was so pronounced that the shrewd Florentine
thought it advisable to exercise the greatest caution on this
occasion.^ Very characteristic also of the reform movement
was the election capitulation, which declared that the Pope
would wage war with no Christian princes, nor enter into any
alliance against them, but would rather prove himself a com-
mon father to all and preserve a strict neutrality.*
Quite unlike the ambitious Este, who promoted his own
election by every means in his powcr,^ Cei-vini, who, after him,
was the most likely candidate for the tiara, maintained a
modest reserve. He declared that his only wish was that a
good Pope should be raised to the throne of St. Peter. This
1 See the report of A. Cocciano to Seripando in Druffel,
IV., 624 seq.
2 Cf. Lett, de' princ, III., 233.
3 Cf. in Appendix No. i the *letter of April 4, 1555 (State
Arch. Florence).
* See LuLVES in the Qiiellen und Forschungen des Preuss.
Histor. Inst., XII., 225.
^ The Portuguese ambassador also says in his report of April
6, 1555, that money was not spared. Corpo dipl. Port., VII., 383.
THE WORLDLY CARDINALS. 7
dignified behaviour gained for the representative of the reform
party the respect of all, and made it clearer than ever that he
was the man chosen by God to be the ruler of the Church. ^
His elevation, however, was not effected without considerable
difficulties. It was commonly known that he was favoured
neither by the French King nor by the Emperor, though the
Imperialists could not deny that Cervini possessed the most
excellent qualities, and that, as he was poor, the Emperor had
nothing to fear from him in Italy. ^ It is not, therefore, sur-
prising that Serristori reports on April 6th that Cervini, on
account of his blameless mode of life, was favoured by many of
the Imperialist Cardinals, as well as by those of Julius III.
Besides the Frenchmen, the Italian Cardinals Capodiferro,
Sermoneta, Giulio della Rovere, del Monte, and the other
younger Cardinals trembled before the severity of such a
representative of ecclesiastical reform and were steadily
opposed to Cervini. '^ These worldly Cardinals kept firmly to
Este. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga had also been won over to
his side by the Duke of Ferrara, while Cardinal Madruzzo, who,
on other grounds, was on bad terms with Cardinal Cervini,
did not appear inimical to Este. The prospects of the latter
were also improved because the Imperial Cardinals were at
variance with one another, and had not been able to fix on a
definite candidate. Este was therefore able to indulge in high
hopes at the beginning of the conclave, as it was exceedingly
probable that he would be able to attain to the necessary two-
thirds majority if, after the first scrutiny, the accession should
be allowed.'*
^ Cf. in Appendix No. 2 the *letter of Serristori of April 6,
1555 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. Sacmuller, Papstwahlcn, 202, 205,
^ See the *letter quoted supra n. i
* The principal source for the conclave of Marcolliis II. was
hitherto the very detailed report of G. Fr. T.ottini in the Condavi
de' ponlefici, I., 133 !^eqq. Q-Vench edition, Cologne, 1703, I.,
no seq.), the details of which cannot be verified, but concerning
which Sagmuller (Papstwahlen, 208) justly observes that he
descrilxis the political side of the conclave on the whole correctly.
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Fully recognizing the danger which a victory of the French
candidate would mean for the interests of Charles V. in Italy,
the leader of the Imperialists, the Camerlengo, Guido Ascanio
Sforza of Santa Flora and Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese resolved
to strain every ners^e to prevent the election of a candidate
with French sympathies. It was of great importance that
the Dean of the Sacred College, Cardinal Carafa, was, on
ecclesiastical grounds, a strong opponent of the worldly-
minded Este, and at once set to work against him. The
voting papers had hardly been read on the morning of April
9th when Carafa announced that in accordance with the
ancient custom, no accession would take place after the first
scrutiny. Nobody dared to gainsay him.
This first success against Este encouraged Cardinals Guido
Ascanio Sforza and Ranuccio Farnese to further proceedings.
In order to prevent-Este from forcing his way to success, they
proposed two candidates who, although always inclined to
French interests, were at the same time known as excellent,
thoroughly trustworthy and blameless men : Carafa and
Cervini. It is not astonishing that Cervini should have met
with more favour than the fiery Neapohtan. Savelli, Carpi,
Juan Alvarez de Toledo, de Silva, Cueva, Medici, Crispi and
To this may be added, as a most valuable supplement, the
description of Panvinio, which is founded on the testimony
of eye-witnesses and must be regarded as of supreme im-
portance. Sagmui.ler (Papstwahlbullen, 35) has since edited
this description and it is now published in Merkle, II.,
253 seq. With regard to the initiative given to the
election of Cervini, Sagmijller {loc. cit.) believes that Lottini
has represented the matter wrongly, in favour of his master,
Card. G. A. Sforza. It is, however, worthy of note, on the other
hand, that Agostino Gonzaga, in a *letter sent on April 9, 1555
(see Appendix No. 5, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) also names
Sforza as having brought about the change in favour of Cervini.
C. Capilupi also names Sforza in the first place in his *lettcr of
April 10 (see Appendix No. 7, loc. cit. and also tlie report in the
Lett, de' princ, III., 234, and Serristori in the *Jetter of April
10, 1555, given infra p. 9, n. 2. (State Arch. Florence).
CERVINl'S ELECTION ASSURED. 9
b'ulvio della Corgna at oiicc declared thciiisrlvcs for him ; to
these was also added, somewhat later, Carafa, who at first felt
hurt by the imiversal i)rcference shown for the younger man,
but who afterwards accepted the situation and indeed warmly
recommended his rival. It also weighed heavily in the scale
that Cei-vini, as far as the purity of his faith was concerned,
stood above suspicion, while Carafa was not free from it in the
opinion of several of the Cardinals who were zealous for reform. ^
Soon afterwards, Cesi, Verallo, Saraceni, Crispi, Tagliavia,
Putco, Mignanelli, Poggio, Cicada, Dandino, Pisani, Cornaro
and Nobili were also won over to Cer\'ini. Finally Madruzzo
also allowed himself to forget the unpleasantness which had
made him a personal opponent of Cervini in Trent. In com-
pany with Carafa he betook himself on April 9th, at break of
day, to Cerv'ini's cell, to conduct him to his assembled sup-
porters in the PauUne Chapel. A dramatic scene then fol-
lowed : Este personally confronted Madruzzo and violently
reproached him with breaking his word.^
^ Cf. the *report of B. Pia of April 8, 1555, in Appendix No. 4
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 *Sendosi declarati publicamente Mantova, Urbino et Monte
per Fcrrara si mcsse inanzi gagliardo per tutti i versi che poteva,
il che visto Carpi et il camarlingo ristrinsero la parte imperiale
con Ic creature di papa Julio et si congregarono in capella avanti
che Ferrara et la fattione Franzcse ne intendesse cosa alcuna,
quali con tutto clie si aiutasscro et facesscro ogni forza per rompere
la pratica fin col opporsi Ferrara in persona, mcntrc che il Teatino
. (Panvinio here means the Camerlcngo) et il car''^ di Trento
menavano S.S*'^ in capella, dicendo : " che volete fare " et ai
car"^ di Trento intcndo che disse : " a questo modo sig^^ ?
questa h la fede che mi havetedata ?" al qual dicono che S.S.R."^"'
rispose essere vero, che gl' haveva promesso di non lo fare Papa,
ma che adesso non poteva fare altro, comandandognene lo Spirito
S*^, in modo che visto che in capella erano gici circa 30 voti, tutti
si risolvcron a andarc adorarlo et in questo atto il car"'
camarhngo, Carpi, Perugia, San Vitale, San Clemente, Cornaro
et Saraceno si sono portati valorosamente nell' opporsi a' Franzesi.
Pcr6 r E. V. non lasci di scrivere loro et alii altri amorcvolmente,
reconoscendo questa loro prontezza che hanno mostrata i>er il
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Cardinals assembled in the PauHne Chapel were deter-
mined to proclaim Cervini as Pope ; they were only waiting
for Ranuccio Farnese and della Corgna, who had gone to the
adherents of Este in order to obtain from among them some
additional votes. As, after some time, they had not yet
returned, the cardinals assembled in the Pauhne Chapel grew
weary of waiting and declared that they would immediate!}'
proceed to the elevation of Cervdni. Thereupon Farnese and
della Corgna hurried on to the scene, while the adherents of
Este followed them. These came just at the right time to
witness the election of Cervini. In the general excitement
the conclavists had also rushed into the place of voting, where
the usual honours were paid to Cervini as Pope. Cardinal
Medici, however, who had also come forward at the drawing
up of the election capitulation, ^ opposed such tumultuous pro-
ceedings in the most determined way. Although an adherent
of Cervini, he declared that the election must be carried out
with due regard to legal procedure, and that the conclavists
must be removed. When this had been done, the Dean,
Carafa, arose first and declared that he elected the Cardinal of
Santa Croce as Pope. His vote and those of the others were
then recorded by a secretary. At seven o'clock in the evening,
when the voting had come to an end, the bell for the Ave
Maria was rung, and all said the Angelus. Thereupon Cervini,
in a fine Latin address, declared that he accepted the election,
although he felt that he was unworthy to wear the tiara, and
that his powers were hardly equal to bearing so great a burden.
He would, however, strive to do his duty, and would always
keep nothing but the general well-being of the Church before
servitio et honore di Dio, di S. M**^ et sue, perche invero, per
quelle che si intende, le cose di Ferrara erano tan to inanzi, che
se non pigliavano questo partite, portava pericolo di riuscire
Papa. Dio sia rigratiato, etc. *Letter of Serristori of April
lo. 1555 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. also the letter of
Madruzzo to Ferdinand I. in the Studien aus dem Bene-
diktinerorden, II., 3 {1884), 457.
1 Cf. as to this Quellen und Forschungen des Preuss. Histor.
Inst., XII., 224 ; see also MCller, Konklave Pius' IV., 234.
VICTORY OF THE REFORM PARTY. II
his eyes. Carafa then declared that, in order to comply with
the old regulation, the written " Scrutinium " with open voting
papers must be taken on the following morning, though without
prejudice to the election already made. This accordingly took
place early on April loth.
With one exception all the papers bore the name of Ccrvini.
He himself gave his vote for Carafa, thereby clearly proclaiming
that he adhered to the strict ecclesiastical reform movement.
Without changing his name, he announced that he would be
known as Marcellus 11.^
The reform party, which in the conclave of 1549-1550 had
not l)cen able to withstand the intrigues of S])ain and France,
had now won a decisive victory, for he who had now been
chosen to succeed Julius III. was the most eminent man that
the College of Cardinals contained.
The family of Cer\'ini originally came from Montepulciano,
in the territory of Siena, and w^as one of the noblest of that
beautiful little town, which had produced so many very dis-
tinguished men. 2
^ Panvinio loc. cit. 255. Massarelli, 253. FiRMANus, 507
seq. PoLANCO (c/., infra p. 37, n. i), 153. Lett, de' princ,
III., 234. Cardinal Nobili's account in Ciaconius, III., 804
seq. U. Gozaadini gives the hour of the election in his *report
of April 10, T555, as : " fra le 23 hore et 24 fu fatto papa per
adoratione " ; the confirmatory scrutiny took place on the
morning of April 10, between 9 and 10 o'clock (State Archives,
Bologna). Concerning his refusal to change his name, cf.
PaLLAVICINI, 13, II, 2.
^ Cf. Benci, Storia di Montepulciano, Firenze, 1641, loi
seq. ; Buschbell in the Histor. Jahrbuch, XXI., 423 seqq. ;
see also the still useful monograph of P. Pollidorus, De Vita
Marcelli II. (Romae 1744), written at the instigation of Benedict
XIV., which is taken from all the published sources available
at that time, as well as from several manuscript sources, among
others the Life of Marcel! iis II. composed by his brother Aless-
andro. Pollidorus complains that of this valuable authority
only the first part (up to 1538) remained, in consequence of a
fire which broke out in the palace of the Cervini at Montepulciano
in 1598. Pollidorus has rightly made frequent use of this *Vita
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The father ol the Pope, Ricciardo Cervini, born in 1454, had
received a most excellent education in Florence, of which city
his mother, Elisabetta Machiavelli, was a native, and he had
afterwards served Innocent VIII. as scriptor of the Apostolic
Penitentiary.^ His connection with the noble family of the
Spannocchi in Siena was of far-reaching importance for his
future career.
Ricciardo stayed so long and so frequently with Antonio and
Giulio Spannocchi that Siena became a second home to him.^
The influence of the Spannocchi w^ith Alexander VI, procured
for him the position of \ice-treasurer of the March of Ancona.
For nine years he managed this territory, which was admin-
istered by the Spannocchi, in the most admirable manner,
and also took part, in other ways, in everything that concerned
di Marcello II. scritta di propria niano del sig. Alcssandro Cervini,
suo fraiello. Ranke (Papste, III., Appendix 28) cites a copy
of the Vita in tlie Albani Library, Rome, but he only takes
from it one passage relating to tho improvement of the calendar
under Leo X. The Albani library was lost in 1857 with the
ship that was conveying it to Prussia {cf. Pastor, Le Bibliotheche
private di Roma, Roma, 1906, 5). We are therefore limited
to the copy of the Vita in Ferrara, from which some information
was given in 1849 in the Arch. stor. Ital., App. VII., 248 seqq.,
though without any details as to tlie manuscript. I was enabled,
by the assistance of Prof. Agnelli to find it again in the Communal
library in Ferrara in the Miscellanea Riminaldi, t. i (Ms. CI.,.
I., n. 264). Cf. besides Panvinio, Vita Marcelli II. (as a supple-
ment to the editions of Platina), which is valuable and reliable
on account of the close connection between the author and
hero. A short summary is in Merkle, II., 255 seqq. The
♦Vita di Marcello II. by A. Cervini is also to be found in the
Carte Cervini in the State Archives, Florence. Cf. Buschbell
in the Histor. Jahrb., XXL, 424.
^ He appears as such in 1487 ; see Del Lungo, Florentia,
Florence, 1897, 269 n. 2.
2 He was received into the ranks of the Sienese nobility in
1493, through the Spannocchi. (See (jIgli, Diario Sanese,
Lucca, 1723, 113, 141), hence the name Cardmal Spannocchi
Cervini.
THE CERVINI FAMILY. I3
the well-being of the province. In Macerata and elsewhere
one could long afterwards see the sign of his care in the arms
of the Cervini affixed to public buildings and the city walls.
Ricciardo Cervini took successful measures against internal
disputes, and also against the disorders caused by the bandits,
who were a real plague in that part of the country.^ While
he was at Montefano,- not far from Macerata, in the year 1501,
his wife Cassandra, who belonged to the noble family of tlie
^ *" Esercit6 qiieU' offizio con honore e fama e benevolenza
grandissima di que' popoli, di che si vede in Macerata, Montefano
et altri luoglii di quella provincia ancora segno e I'arme d'
Cervini ne torrioni delle muiaglie et altri luogiii publici in pietre
bianclic elegontcmentc scolpite. Qucsto offizio escrcito m.
Ricciardo nove anni continui per se et per la ragione delli Span-
nocchi . . . per mezzo de' quali m. Ricciardo hebbe principi
a questra grandezza ..." A. Cervini further on again returns
to Ricciardo's activity in the March of Ancona, and states
" oltre I'haver pacificato que' popoli che da gravi inimizizi
e sanguinose erano vessati, frenato le incursioni de banditi haveva
nel castigo de' rei et esaltazione de' buoni lassato di se memoria
e benevolenza grande in quel paese " (Library in Ferrara).
^ L. Cardauns has lately (Nuntiaberichte, V., x.\ii.) thrown
doubts on tlic statement made by most of his biographers that
Marcellus was born at Montefano, on grounds, however, which
are not very trustworthy. The passage in the dispatch in
Gentile, Politica di Paolo III. : " il rev'"*' Marcello da Monte-
pulciano " as well as the word " Politianus " on the tomb, are
explained by the fact that the family came from Montepulciano :
the passage in Panvinio, in his Epitome Pontif. Rom. of 1557,
is contradicted by the te.\t of his Vita Marcelli II. (loc. cit.) where
it is e.xpresslj'^ stated : "in agro Piceno oppido Montis Fano
natus." Two other contemporaries, who were on intimate terms
with Marcellus II., Massarclli (Mcrkle, II., 261) and A. Cervini
(*Vita di Marcello II. loc. cit.) say the same. In the letter about
the election of Marcellus in the Lett, de' princ. III., 234, it is
said : "II Papa, l)cnche sia nato a Monte Fano . . . pure 6
da Montepulciano." In addition to all this, there is also the
testimony of Marcellus II. himself in his letter to the inliabitants
f Montefano, in J'ollidorus, 110.
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Benci in Montepulciano, bore him, on May 6th, a son who
received the name of Marcello. An astrologer predicted, at
the hour of his birth, that the child would one day be a great
light of the Church. The fulfilment of this prediction, in which
his father believed^ (a thing not to be wondered at, considering
the views of those days), seemed at first very unlikely, as
Marcello's health as an infant was so delicate that his family
besieged heaven with masses, alms and fasting, to preserve the
life of the little one.^ Their constant prayer was heard, and
Marcello in time developed exceedingly, not only in body, but
also in mind. He showed at a very early age that mixture of
seriousness and gaiety which won all hearts to him. Lively,
without being talkative, he was at once friendly and modest ;
the love of God and his neighbour, qualities which also dis-
tinguished his excellent parents, were his in an eminent degree.
After the early death of his mother, who was well known for
her great piety, he clung with rare affection to his father.
His biographer tells us that even when he was a man of thirty
years of age he never took a step outside the door without
asking his father's permission and receiving his blessing, and
I)resenting himself before him on his return. This intimate
relationship between them owed its origin to the fact that the
father himself had directed the first steps of his son's education.
In Castiglione d'Orcia, near Montepulciano, where the family
possessed an estate, he gave him his first lessons in grammar,
rhetoric, arithmetic, geometry and astronomy. The father
possessed so great a knowledge of astronomy that Leo X.
^ " Ancorche poco attendesse alle cose pertinenti alia divin-
azione " (not devozione, as in the copy in the Arch. stor. Ital.,
App. Vll., 25."') is to be read in the *Vita di Marcello H.
2 *01tre a ogni costume ordinario de putti, relates A. Cervini
of his step-brother, non voleva in modo alcuno gustare latte,
pero la madre infinitamente dogliosa et 11 padre similmente non
si quietarono ne giorno ne notte sempre pensando e cercando,
come potessero aiutare il povero figliuolo che non mancasse
per diffeto di cibo, a fra gli altri rimedi si ricorse a Die nostro
signore e con messe e sacrifizi e con elemosine et orazioni e digiuni
(Library in Ferrara).
EARLY YEARS OF MARCELLO. 1 5
sought his advice to improve the calendar.* Methodical
instruction for practical worK in the mechanical arts and
agriculture was also imparted to him by his versatile father.
Marcello jiroved himself the most diligent pupil imaginable.
By a most careful arrangement of his day, and the cutting
down of his intercomse with society, which he seldom culti-
vated, and then only in so far as his health required recreation,
he succeeded in finding the time necessaiy for his studies, as
well as for his religious duties. He began his day by prayer ;
intercourse with the dead, he used to say, by which he meant
their writings, was the most useful pursuit and the safest. ^
He used the greatest moderation in play, in drinking and in
pleasure. One never saw him idle, and he knew how to fill in
his leisure hours with useful occupation, such as drawing,
carving, modelling, book-binding or forestry. ^
Marcello was sent to Siena by his father for his further
education, and there he studied Greek dialectics and mathe-
matics with great success. During the Renaissance peiiod this
city was notorious for the licentious manner of life which was
prevalent there. Marcello remained, however, quite untouched
by this, for he only sought out good company. He was just
as particular with regard to his studies ; in philosophy, as in
astronomy, he carefully avoided all that was evil. This model
student, staid beyond his years, gained universal love and
respect in Siena ; if his friends and contemporaries sometimes
indulged in frivolous or loose talk for amusement, they at once
ceased when Marcello came into their presence.*
iC/. Arch. stor. Ital., App. VII., 248; see also Vol. VIII.
of tins work, p. 398 seq.
- *Dicendo il ragionare con i morti era il piu utile e piii sicuro
esercizio. *Vita, etc. (Library in Ferrara).
3 The passage in the *Vita di Marcello II. , in the Arch, stor,
Ital., App. VII., 250, has escaped Cardauns (Nuntiaturberichte.
v., xxiv., n. 6.
■* In Siena, so says A. Cervini, *sotto la disciplina di m. Ugo
impar6 lettere grcche e sotto m. Giov. Batt. Politi dialettica
6 mattematica. ^uivi trovandosi il giovine hbero et in citti
licenziosa mostr6 grandissimo segno della sua natural prudenza.
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Marcello's studies in Siena included astronomy, mathe-
matics, architecture and archa-ology, but, above all, he
devoted himself to the classics, so that he was soon able to
express himself in prose and verse with equal ease and ele-
gance.^
After the election of Clement VII., Marcello was sent to Rome
for the completion of his studies, and there an opportunity for
distinguishing himself soon presented itself. At that time the
whole of Italy was greatly disturbed by the fear of an approach-
ing flood. A long spell of rainy weather, no less than the
predictions of celebrated astrologers, led even serious men to
share this belief ; even Clement VII. himself was sufficiently
impressed to be already thinking of taking flight to livoli.
Marcello alone, whose father had always combated this bug-
bear, was able to make the Pope understand how groundless
the general fear was. Clement VII. commanded him, in con-
junction with his learned father, to complete the treatise
concerning the reform of the calendar which had already been
begun in the reign of Leo X. Marcello returned to Rome with
the completed work at the beginning of 1525.^ He was treated
Prima fu alii precetl.ori carissimo, alii compagni carissimo.
Avertito a fuggire la converzazione de tristi etiam di alcuni
noti e dalla patria sua, che in quel tempo si trovarono a Siena
sapendo che la prattica e la consuetudine suol dare occasione
al vizio ed alia virtu, per6 sempre convcrs6 con uomini ottimi
e letterati . . . Dell' astrologia e filosofia lasciando quel che
era particolarmente pericoloso quel solo che era utile elesse
(Library in Ferrara). Cf. also Panvinio in Merkle, II., 255.
That Marcellus was not, however, free from the false astrological
beliefs of the age is shown in the letter in Card.\uns in the Nun-
tiaturberichte, V., xxiii., n. i.
^ *Negli studi di humanita fu veramente eccellente come ne
fanno ampia fede quclli che vivono e le sue scritture in prosa
et in versi con summa facilita et cleganza da lui formate. *Vita
etc. (Library, Ferrara).
- Cf. Arch. stor. Ital., App. VII., 249, 254 seq., and Marzi
in the Atti del congresso stor. di Roma, III. (1906), 649. Con-
cerning the predictions for 1524, sec Vol. IX. of this work, p.
378, n. 4.
CERVINI IN ROME. I7
with distinction by the Pope, who took a Uvcly interest in the
reform of the calendar, and was repeatedly allowed to assist
at the learned disputations which took place at the Pope's
tabled Marcello also took advantage of this stay in the
Eternal City to continue his scientilic studies with eagerness.
He visited the libraries, and was on terms of social intercourse
with the numerous humanists and scholars who lived in the
Curia. It was at this time that he formed an intimate friend-
ship with Lampridio, Tebaldeo, Lascari, Bembo, Angelo
Colocci and other humanists, ^ which he kept up with the
fidelity which was part of his character. In view of these
relationships, and the particular favour which the Pope always
showed him, an honourable position in the Curia seemed to be
assured to him, when the outbreak of the plague in Rome
caused his anxious father to call him home in May, 1526.^
^ Cf. the passages quoted by Cardauns in the Nutiaturber-
ichte, v., xxiii., from the letters of Cervini (Carte Cerv. in the
State Archives, Florence) which arc here drawn upon for the
first time to write his life. BusclibcU's question (Histor. Jahrbuch,
XXI., 423 n. 5), as to whether the whole of the family archives
had been brought to Florence, must be answered in the negative,
for there are several manuscripts in the Siena Library which
certainly belong to these archives, especially, for example, Codex
B.V. 18 and D.V. 13 {cf. Ilari, Bibl. di Siena, VI., 274, 491).
They probably got there with the literary remains of Archbishop
Aless, Cervini ; cf. Dkuffhl, Mon. Trid., I., 4. The hypothesis
here advanced, that Cervini intentionally gave up his papers
to his relative when he was elected Pope, is difficult to believe.
Their coming into the hands of his fan\ily is explained in the
most natural way, by the death of Marcellus II. before he could
carry out his intended reform of the Papal Chancery (see Laemmer,
Mon. Vatic, 461), in connection with which a reform of the
archives was also intended.
2 C/. A. Cervini, *Vita di Marcello II. (Library in Ferrara).
'According to Pollidorus, 12, Marcellus had left the Eternal
City after having gained the Jubilee Indulgence of 1525. This
is certainly wrong, as a letter of his from Rome of May 5, 1526,
is in existence, concerning which all documentary evidence is
wanting until 1528 (see Cardauns, loc. cii., xxiii). The worst
VOL. XIV. 2
l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This unwelcome period of leisure Marcello employed in literary
work. He translated Cicero's De Amicitia into Italian, as he
had already translated words of Euclid and other Greek authors
into Latin, and he also composed a poem about baths and
medicinal springs. He likewise assisted his now ageing father
in the management of his estates, a work in which he pro\'ed
himself to be an excellent farmer, as well as a careful protector
of the poor labourers.^
During the time of war, which followed the sack of Rome,
no return to the Eternal City was possible. The troubled
times caused Cardinal Alessandro Farncse to make long stays
in Castro. Wlien he visited the Farnese family estates from
there he met Ricciardo Cervini, who had once been his fellow
student in Florence at the Academy of Lorenzo de' Medici,
and whose distinguished work in the March of Ancona he still
bore in remembrance. The old friendship between the two,
which was now renewed, was to bear good fruit for the son of
Riccardo. Marcello returned to Rome in 1531, with a new
work by his father on the reform of the calendar, and was
received in the most friendly manner by Cardinal Farnese, with
whom he stayed for about a year. The following years, except
for a short stay in Rome in 1533, Marcello again spent at home.^
It is evident from one of his letters to his father, in February,
1534, that he had no intention of marrying ; he then propo.sed
to his father to leave him in his will a capital sum of 1000
ducats, as well as to give him an annual income of 100 ducat.s,
so that he could devote himself to science without pecuniary
anxieties, and live in a place suitable for that purpose, such
as Rome or Venice.^ It is not known, however, whether his
father made arrangements in accordance with this request,
time of the plague, which is expressly stated by A. Cervini to
have been the reason of his recall, can be determined by Sanuto,
Diarii XLI., 346, to have been after May 13, 1526.
^ See A. Cervini, *Vita di Marcello IL (Ferrara Library).
Concerning the translation of Cicero cf. Pollidorus, 13.
2 See Cardauns, loc. cit. xxiv.
3 Ibid.
CERVINI AND PAUL III. IQ
before his death, which took place on April 2nd, 1534.^
Soon after Rirciardo's deatii, his second wife, Leonora Egidi
Cacciaconti, who had borne him live daughters and two sons,
also died. The whole care of this large family now fell to
Marcello, as eldest son. He fulfilled this duty most con-
scientiously, but still held to his resolution of again betaking
himself to Rome, where his patron, Cardinal Farncse, had been
elected Pope in October, 1534. After the settlement of his
family affairs, Marcello entrusted his step-brothers, Alessandro
and Romolo, with the management of the estates, at the same
time arranging for the future of his sisters, one of whom
entered the Order of Poor Clares, while three married, one of
them, Cintia, becoming the mother of the celebrated Cardinal
Bellarmine. The most favourable prospects awaited Marcello
in the Eternal City ; Paul III. received the son of his old friend
all the more joyfulh', as he was well aware of his admirable
qualities. Marcello was admitted into the intimate circle
surrounding His Holiness, who entrusted him with the training
and education of his nephew, the youthful Cardinal Farnese.^
In this position he gained in an increased degree the confidence
and affection both of his pupil and of Paul III. When the
latter, at the beginning of 153S, entrusted the Cardinal-nephew
with the management of the affairs of state, Cerv'ini received,
as his principal secretary, one of the most influential posts in
the Curia, and was now api)ointed a Protonotary.^ Although,
up to this time, Cervini had had absolutely nothing to do with
political affairs, he took a very short time in acquiring a practi-
cal knowledge of his new sphere of work, which was as cxten-
^ The statement of Card.\uns {loc. cit.) that Ricciardo died at
the end of March is erroneous. Besides A. Cervini, *Vita di
Marcello II. (Ferrara Library), see also a *Biograpliia di Ricciardo
Cervini (Carte Cerv. [State Archives, Florence] ; cf. concerning
this work Buschbell in the Histor. Jahrbuch, XXI., 424) who
give the date as in the text.
2 Besides A. Cervini, ♦Vita di Marcello II., cf. the extracts
from letters in C.\rdauns, loc. cit. xxvi , n. i.
^ See Ehsbs, Cone. Trid., IV., 145, n. 2 ; cf. Vol. XI. of this
work, p. 34.
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sive as it was important. As secretary of the Cardinal-nephew,
he soon became also the most intimate secretary of the Pope.
The diplomatic correspondence was, it is true, addressed to
the Cardinal, and signed by him, but the drafting of it was
entirely in the hands of Cendni. How carefully he examined
the documents emanating from the Curia is proved by the
numerous corrections in his fine and characteristic hand-
writing. As adviser of the young Cardinal he was, at the same
time, the right hand of the Pope, for the furtherance of his
plans. In the Chancery his influence was unlimited ; in this
department he formed a school of able officials and diplomat-
ists, upon whom a conscientious performance of their official
duties as well as the careful preser\'ation of all documents was
impressed as the strictest of obligations. The carelessness
with which the documents received had been treated in the
negligent days of the Renaissance now came to an end, a thing
which was of the greatest advantage from the point of view
of historical research.^
The direction of the affairs of state made constant intercourse
with the Pope imperative, and Cervini therefore took up his
residence in the immediate neighbourhood of the private
apartments of Paul III., with whom he discussed current
affairs every morning.^ WTien Cardinal Alessandro Farnese
^ Cf. SicKEL, Romische Berichte, I., in the Sitzungsberichte
der Weiner Akademie, CXXXIII., 13 ; Richard m the Rev.
d'hist. eccl., XI., 518 ; cf. also Friedensburg, Das Preuss.
Histor. Institut : Abhandlungen der Berliner Akad., 1903,
74 seq.
2 *Hora COS! vivendo era molto grate a S.S.**^ e gi^ nell' opinione
universale stimato fra i favoriti di questa corte, dove dovendo
continuamente per rofficio, eh' egli esercitava e per la tenera
eta del cardinale sue padrone trattare col papa negozi gravissimi
gli fu date per camera proprio luogo da pochi scalini separate
da quelle dove dormiva S.S.*'"^ d'ordine dello quale ogni mattina
andava mentre S.B. era in lette a trattenerla ragionande di
varie cose per certo spazio di tempo. A. Cervini, *Vita di Mar-
cello 11. (Ferrara Library). Cf. also 1. Pogiani Oratie in funere
Marcelli II. ; Pogiani, Epist., I., 106.
CERVINI CREATED CARDINAL. 21
undertook his first legation to Spain in May, 1539, on the
occasion of the death of the Empress, he was accompanied by
Cervini. From this time onwards he devoted himself to
diplomacy instead of to the affairs of the Chancery, and in this
capacity proved himself to be one of the most active, able and
disinterested servants of the Holy vSee.^
How very much the Pope valued his services is shown by the
fact that he bestowed on him the administration of the bishop-
ric of Nicastro, in Calabria, at the end of August, 1539, which
Cers^ini exchanged for that of Reggio in September, 1540.-
Hc had already, received the purj)lc on December loth, 1539.^
Rapid as had been his advance in the course of a few years
from a simple scholar to the supreme senate of the Church,
there was, nevertheless, no jealousy displayed against him.
Nobod)' grudged the Cardinal of Santa Croce, as he was now
called, after his titular church, S. Croce in Gerusalemme, his
good fortune. Contarini, Sadoleto, Pole, Aleander, and
Bembo congratulated him in the warmest terms, in which is
evident the universal conviction that Paul III., with his pene-
trating knowledge of character, had, in this apjwintment,
raised merit and devotion to duty to the place to which they
had a right.'*
One reason for this appointment was that Ccr\'ini, as the
companion of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, when he was
appointed legate to Francis I. and Charles V. in November,
1539, might have imrcstricted personal intercourse with those
monarchs. The youthful legate left the management of the
actual negotiations to his former secretar5\ It is clear from
the reports of Cervini how difficult he felt this task to be. His
greatest talents did not lie in the sphere of politics, yet he
endeavoured by his diligent devotion to duty and his con-
^ The opinion of Cardauns (V., xxvii.).
2 Sec Acta consist, in Cardauns, loc. cit. xxvii. Cf. Taccone
Gallucci, Rcgest. d. pontif. Rom. per Ic chicsc dclla Calal)ria,
Reggio, 1902, 272 seq.
^ Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, pp. 191, 366.
'•See CiACONius, III., 806; Pollidorus, 26 seq. ; Cardauns,
loc. cit. ; Hefner, App. 4.
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
scientiousness to make up for his lack of diplomatic finessed
Even before Paul III. granted to Cardinal Farnese his
wished-for recall on April 24th, 1540, the report was current
that Cer\dni was to remain at the Imperial court. The Car-
dinal sought by means of urgent representations to his friends,
Bernardino Maffei and Dandino, to prevent this, but Paul III.
would not change his mind, nor would he grant a further
request for recall until the determination of the Emperor con-
cerning the final decision at Hagcnau was made known.
Cer\dni, therefore, could only leave Brussels, where the
Emperor was then staying, on September i8th, 1540, and he
did not reach Rome until the middle of October. In his final
dispatch he gave a report of the negotiations with the Emperor
concerning the religious question, and the position of the
Church in Germany. With characteristic frankness he assigns
the reason for tlie marked estrangement of the German nation
from Rome to the neglect of the very things which once had
won the Germans for the Church : the apostolic manner of life
which the Holy See had formerly followed, ferv^ent and reverent
public worship in the churches, the performance of the duties
of Christian charity and of zealous preaching. Finally he
emphasizes the degeneracy of the German episcopate, men
who, chosen merely on account of worldly considerations, left
their flocks to look after themselves. ^ While he had been away
Cervini had done all that was in his power to bring about a
change in the ecclesiastical manner of fife. It was owing to
him that Farnese took no money for the exercise of his very
extensive faculties, and he also gave warning, in his reports to
Rome, of the bad impression which the collection for the
building of St. Peter's was making, while at the same time he
urged the reform of the Curia. ^
Cardinal Farnese had once jokingly remarked that Cervini
1 Cf. Cardauns, loc. cit.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, pub. by Cardauns, V., xxx., 246
n. I, 405 n. I, 408 seq.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, V., xxix. ; cj. concerning Cervini's
legation, Vol. XI., of this work, pp. 366, 368 seq., 380, 385 seqq.
THE ZEAL OF CARDINAL CERVINL 23
was even more of a Theatine than Carafa,^ and this was an
absolute fact. Since Cervini had received Holy Orders, he
had been a model priest. He said mass with the most touching
devotion, recited the divine office on his knees, and his morning
and evening prayers with outstretched arms. Spiritual
reading, daily examination of conscience, strict fasting, gener-
ous alms-giving, and above all, constant prayer, were his rule
of life, which he did not allow to be interfered with by the most
urgent business or the most inopportune occurrences. ^
Although Cervini could not reside in his bishopric of Nicastro,
he nevertheless administered it with zeal and vigilance. He
appointed the best j)ricst he could find to be his vicar-general,
and, not content with this, he placed his diocese under the
supervision of the neighbouring bishops and of other rehable
men, and more especially of Galcazzo Florimonte, whom he
particularly valued on account of his love of the truth, since
for Cervini the truth came before everything else. His arch-
priest had feared at first to tell him eveiything openly, but
Cervini impressed upon him that much as wickedness might
displease him, he was nevertheless grateful to whoever pointed
it out to him.^ As Bishop of Rcggio, in the Emilia, Cervini
at once summoned the Jesuit Lainez to undertake the reform
of the clergy, as afterwards he sent Broet to Montepulciano'* ;
in the year 1543 he also ordered a strict visitation of the dio-
cese, as a result of which he afterwards issued statutes of reform
which were approved by Paul HI.^
In the spring of 1544 Cervini exchanged the bishopric of
Reggio for that of Gubbio ; here also he worked in the interests
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, V., 269, n. i.
2 Cf. POLLIDORUS, 20 SCq.
3 See PoLLiDORUS, 22-24, who made use of the episcopal
archives at Nicastro. How Cervini regarded the office of bishop
is reflected in a dedication to him by Gentian us Hcrvetus ; see
S. Chrysostomi, Opera L, Venetiis, 1583, 232.
''Sec Tacchi Venturi, L, 578, and Vol. XIL of this work,
p. 84.
^ See Vol. XL of this work, p. 587, from the episcopal archives,
Reggio.
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of reform. The diocese owed to him the extirpation of heresy
and a new division of the parishes, as well as the restoration
and decoration of the cathedral. He kept a book of his own
concerning everything that was done or that he intended to do,
and also, from time to time, obtained exact information with
regard to the carrying out of his orders. His ceaseless activity
met with such recognition among the citizens of Gubbio that
they erected a marble statue of him as a token of their grati-
tude.i
An especially fine trait in the character of Cerv'ini was that
he preser\'ed the greatest humility in the midst of all the hon-
ours that were conferred on him. He wrote to liis brother that
he looked upon every good thing that happened to him as a
benefit for which he had to thank God, the Church and the
Pope, and as a call to fulfil his duties faithfully and conscien-
tiously. " You, however," he continues, " if you love me
truly, must constantly pray to God that He may grant me
light and help where I need it most, so that I may not be found
guilty and unworthy of my hire, after I have received so much
for which I can never sufficiently thank the Giver of all good
things. "2
It is no wonder that such a man enjoyed the favour of Paul
HI. In the autumn of 1541 the Pope took him with him to
Lucca to meet Charles V. Before the conference at Busseto
^ See PoLLiDORUS, 49 seqq. ; Buschbeli,, 14, 207 seq. In
the chapter-room of the cathedral at Gubbio the silk chasuble
is still preserved which Marcellus II. presented to the church ;
it is an artistic piece of work, executed in Flanders, having
the Passion of Christ embroidered on it in circles. The division
of the parishes of January i, 1545, is entered in the *Lib. delle
Riforme in the communal archives in Gubbio ; ibid. Miscell,
II., a *Bando del luogotenente del duca d'Urbino of- 1549, issued
at the instigation of Cervini for enjoining rests on Sundays,
and against disrespectful behaviour in church. The *Synodales
constitutiones Eugubinae per card. S. Crucis (Episcopal Archives
in Gubbio) which are of value for the history of the Catholic
reformation, I intend to publish in another place.
"POLLIDORUS, 42-43.
CERVINI AT THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 25
in June 1543 he sent him as legate to the Emperor, vliile two
years later there followed his appointment as legate at the
Council of Trent. ^ With this, a new period of ecclesiastical
and diplomatic activity began for Cer\ini ; his task of repre-
senting the Head of the Church at the General Council, together
with Cardinals Pole and del Monte, was the most difficult that
can be imagined, but Cervini proved himself equal to it. His
pre-eminently ecclesiastical views, his learning and his upright-
ness of character, soon caused him to take the first place. With
a versatility that was characteristic of him, he gave thought
to the most various questions, and worked upon each subject
with as much zeal as though it were his only task. He
attacked the uncatholic Constance-Basle theory of the superi-
ority of the Council over the Pope with remarkable firmness, ^
while he knew how to settle the disputes which arose, and which
aroused the anger of his colleague del Monte, with mildness
and sagacity ; at the same time he devoted himself to the
theological questions with the thoroughness, the conscientious-
ness and the knowledge of the expert. In all questions of
dogma he stood out as the leading personality of the Council,
while del Monte seemed rather to devote himself to the sphere
of ecclesiastical law and the question of reform.^ Authentic
documents bear witness to Cervini's share in the drawing up
of the decrees concerning the Canon of Scripture and Tradition,
as well as to his very prominent share in that relating to
Justification. His activity was very marked with regard to
this most important question, which affected the very nerve
centre of the rehgious division, especially after the draft of
September 23rd, 1546, and he devoted all his powers to the
framing of this decree.'*
The delicate health of the Cardinal suffered from all these
* Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, pp. 162, 174, 209 scq.
2 Cf. Ehses' interesting essay in the third issue of the associa-
tion of the Ciorrcs-GcscU.schaft for 191 x, Cologne, 191 1, 13 ^cq.
^ See the testimony in Ensns, Cone. Trie!., V., 780, 961.
^ Cf. Ibid. 4, 8 seq., 11, 26 scq., 36, 420 seqq., 500 seqq. ; cf.
also Vol. XII. of this work, p. 315 ; Hefner, 33 ; Lauchert,
542 n.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES. •
exertions, particularly as he had a disease of the kidneys in
the summer of 1545, and he was again ill in May, 1546. ^ Dur-
ing the difficult state of affairs which resulted from the attitude
of the Imperialists in the summer of 1546 Cervini adhered to
the strictly ecclesiastical point of view ; he was determined
to remove the Council to another place where its safety would
not be threatened.- Charles V. had formerly tried to win the
Cardinal over by the grant of a large pension, but had received
a decisive rebuff from the incorruptible Cardinal.^ Now the
Emperor vainly endeavoured to intimidate Cervini by threats
of violence. The Emperor might, the Cardinal declared, do
violence to his body, but he had no power over his soul, while
he calmly left the judgment upon his attitude to God alone.*
When, accordingly, the Council was removed to Bologna,^
Cei'\-ini was looked upon in many quarters as the future Pope,
but, in order to prevent his election, the Emperor declared him
to be excluded from the candidates after the death of Paul 1 11.^
Although Cervini impressed upon the new Pope, Julius III.,
* See Massarelli in Merkle, I., 202 seq., 545, 548. Concerning
his later ilhiesses cf. ibid. 743, 869.
2 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 269 seq.
3 A. Cervini says, in an *account of Marcello's legation to the
Emperor, 1538-1539 : " Contro quello leggesi nel Platina nuova-
mente stampato, dove pare si voglia dar a Marcello qualche
taccia d'intcresse, stimo bene d'opporre oltre le qualita del suo
vivere sempre lontano di ogni sorte di studio d'accumular richezze
i refiuti di ricchi doni fatti da esso in piu occa^ioni sapendo per
cosa certa che nell' abboccamento che fece Carlo V. imperadore
col pontefice Paolo III. avendo il detto imperadore destinato a
Marcello allora cardinale una pensione di 10,000 scudi esso la
riscuso constantemente e solo ne accett6 scudi 1000 sopra la
cliiesa di Vagliadolid di commandemento espresso del pontefice."
In the Codex of the Ferrara library mentioned supra p. 11, n. 2.
* Cf. the list of authorities in Merkle, I., 565 seq. ; see also
Panvinio, Vita Marcelli, II.
^ Cervini openly declares liis reason for the removal of the
Council to Bologna on March 10, 1547 ; see Ehses, Cone. Trid.,
v., 1024.
6C/. Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 10.
CERVINI AND JULIUS III. 27
with the greatest freedom, a serious view of his duties, JuHus
nevertheless vaUied him highly and made an intimate friend
of him ; he constantly accepted his advice and help, especially
in questions of reform. ^ In 1552 he entrusted Cervini with
the presidentship of the reform commission, in the work of
which the Cardinal took an active part."^ In other respects,
however, he withdrew himself as much as possible, and did not
attempt to conceal his disajiproval of much that Julius III.
did. His sorrow was very great when the Pope, by assigning
Camerino to his brother, introduced an clement of nepotism
into his government ; Cervini had done everything in his power
to prevent this, and in order openly to show his disapproval,
he at once retired to his diocese of Gubbio.^
Cervini belonged to the Congregation of the Roman In-
quisition under Julius III., as he had already done under Paul
III. He devoted himself to this office with great zeal,'* but,
although he proved himself strict with those who spread the
new doctrines, he nevertheless avoided all exaggeration. The
burden of Cervini's duties was still further increased by his
protectorate of the Servite Order, a thing which he did not look
upon as merely a position of honour, any more than his pro-
tectorate of the Augustinian Hermits, but which he carried
out with that careful attention which he bestowed on every-
thing with which he was connected. His services to the
Augustinians were recognized in the terms of the highest praise
by no less a person than the General of the Order, Seripando.^
^ See Vol. XIII., p. 159, and Massarelli, 171 seq., 174, 193, 197
seqq., 202 seq., 207, 209, 211, 215, 216. Concerning the part
taken by the Cardinal in the reform of the regulars, see *Concilio,
LXXVIII., 188 seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2C/. Vol. XIII., p. 165.
2 See Panvinio, loc. cit. ; Poi.lidorus, 92 seq., loi.
*See, besides Vol. XII. of this work, p. 505 seq., Vol. XIII., p.
217; especially the fundamental work of Buschbell : Ref. und
Inquisition in Italien, 174 seq., 210 seq. ; of. also Tacchi Venturi,
I., 523 seq.
* Cf. Massarelli in Merkle, I., 845 ; Pollidorus, 93 seq.,
103 seq.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A special feature in the portrayal of the character of Cervini
would be wanting if no mention were made of his love of
learning. It was above all things as a scholar that he had been
attracted to Rome, and though he had been placed there in
quite other circumstances, he had always returned again to his
studies. Paul III., with the penetration that was characteris-
tic of him, had seen this and entrusted the learned Cardinal
with the care of the Vatican Library in 1548.^ Even as a
private scholar he had been a keen collector of manuscripts and
books, and now as Cardinal he profited by every opportunity
of adding to his library. ^ After the long years during which
he had been obhged to devote himself to ecclesiastical and
diplomatic affairs, it was like a renewal of his youth for him
to find himself once more among the interests of former days,
although these were now on a much more extensive scale than
before. He now devoted himself to the great collection under
his care with a truly burning zeal ; new catalogues of the Greek
and Latin manuscripts were a result of his enterprise.' As
custodian of the most extensive library of that time, he did not
lose sight of his own idea of making the most important of the
Greek manuscripts still unprintcd available to scholars by
means of publication.'* The register of expenditure for the
^ Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 545 seq., and the literature
mentioned there.
2 A. Cervini says concerning the time before 1534 [loc. cit.
Ferrara Library) : *" E sebbene Marcello era allora in privata
fortuna non mancava di ricercare libri rari e fame ricerca per
ogni via possibile." Concerning the purchase of books and
manuscripts made by Cervini as Bishop of Gubbio, see
PoLLiDORUS, 51 seq. Cervini's manuscripts afterwards came to
the Vatican Library; see Tiraboschi, VII., i, 210.
3 See Vol. XII. of this work, p. 546 seq.
'' Cf. DoREZ, Le card. M. Cervini et rimprimerie a Rome :
Mel d'arch^ol. XII., 289 scqq. Dorcz' monograph on Cervini,
announced as long ago as 1895, v/hich will deal with all the points
mentioned with the author's characteristic thoroughness, has,
unfortunately, not yet appeared. The essays in the Mel.
d'archeol. [supra) and the Rev. d. Bibl., V., 14 seq. (L'exemplaire
de Pline), 139 seqq., 153 seqq. (Romolo Cervini), are precursors
of tliis work.
THE VATICAN LIBRARY. 29
Vatican Library shows with what zeal and understanding
Cerv-ini sought, not only to preserve and increase the treasures
entrusted to him, but also to make them available for others. ^
Julius IIL, as an acknowledgment of his labours, confirmed
him in his appointment, and further decided that it should be
for life.2 Cervini had rendered such important services in the
Vatican Library, had shown such wide discrimination, and had
displayed such great generosity, that he far suqjassed all his
predecessors. As he added to the collection of manuscripts
in many different directions, including the acquisition of
Oriental manuscri])ts, so did he increase the number of offi-
cials ; at the same time he looked after the preservation of
damaged manuscripts. A decree of 1554 assured the opening
of the library to scholars at fixed hours. ^ He repeatedly
assisted the collection from his own means, and never content
with all that he had done, unceasingly thought of ways of
improving the " Vaticana," which he looked upon as the
greatest treasure which the Apostolic See possessed."*
Cervini had as great a love for good books as he had a horror
of those that were bad, and it is related that in the year 1541
the Cardinal bought up obscene books in order to have them
burned.^
A man of such varied interests and wide erudition that even
^ C/. DoREZ in the Fasciculus lo. W. Clark dicatus, Canta-
brigae, 1909, 142 seqq. The far-reaching wisdom of the Cardinal
is shown by his plan of publishing the complete original documents
of the Council of Trent, especially those of the Sessions ; see
Ehses, Cone. Trid., V., xiii., xxvii.
2 See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 327 and Appendix No. 5 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
^ Cf. DoREZ in the Fasciculus, loc. cit., 158 seq. ; Mercati,
Bibl. Apost., 38, 44, 57. According to Tiraboschi, VII., i,
221 (Roman edition), Cervini also laid the foundations of the
collection of antiquities connected witii the Vatican Library ;
Cf. PoLLIDORUS, 48.
* Letter to Card. Farnese of September 17, 1554, in the Mt4.
d'arch^ol., XII., 311.
^ C/. GoRi, Arch, stor.. III., 40.
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
such persons as Sangallo and Michael Angelo valued his attain-
ments in the sphere of architecture and archaeology,^ Cervini
by no means limited himself to the collection of books and
manuscripts ; he had also gathered together an important
collection of antiquities, ancient inscriptions and medals, ^
His house, which contained these treasures, was open to every-
one who gave promise of accomplishing anything of note.
The Cardinal especially loved to encourage youthful talent ;
without any pretension or condescension, and without allowing
the superiority of his own knowledge to appear, he would talk
with young students about their work. He often looked
through the work of young writers and found a publisher for
them ; he was generous where he saw signs of earnest endeav-
our, not only by pointing out books and manuscripts, but also
by giving valuable suggestions and advice. A whole number
of scholars, with whom he was in communication, either per-
sonally or by letter, were indebted to the Cardinal for similar
kindnesses. He took a special interest in the theological
works of Sirlcto and Seripando ; he encouraged Luigi Lippo-
mano to publish tlie Lives of the Saints, and the learned Pier
Vettori to prepare an improved edition of the works of Clement
* A. Cervini says : " Nell' architettura e cognizione delle
cose antiche non fu a nessuno de' suoi tempi secondo e sanno
ancora molti che oggi vivono che ne '1 San Gallo nc il Buonarrotti
si sdegnava d'intendere 11 sue consiglio." Vita di Marcello II.
(Ferrara Library) ; cf. also Merkle, IL, xxv. Cervini was
also a member of the Academy of Vitruvius, founded in 1542,
and had entrusted Sangallo with the plans of his villa at Monte
Amiata (see Muntz, III., 109, 240). His knowledge of architec-
ture tempted Cervini to mix himself up with the building of
St. Peter's, an action which Michael Angelo resented in his
abrupt way (see Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 334). In the time
of Clement VII. Cervini was so devoted to the study of
archaeology that he nearly lost his life in a visit to the sub-
terranean ruins of the Thermae of Trajan ; see the notice in
CoNTELORius, Vita Marcelli II. (Secret Archives of the Vatican,
XL, 48, p. 291).
2 C/. POLLIDORUS, 155; ReUMONT, III., 2, 695; DOREZ,
A. Eparque : Mel. d'archeol., XIIL, 322.
CERVINI AS A SCHOLAR. 3I
of Alexandria, while he encouraged Niccolo Beni in an Italian
translation of the celebrated Commonitorium of Vincent of
Lerins. He also persuaded Annibale Caro and Pier Francesco
Zeno to translate the Honiihes of Gregory Nazianzen and John
Damascene into Italian ; Genziano Erveto composed, at his
instigation, a Latin translation of the Commentaries of
Chr^'sostom on the Psalms. It was owing to Cervini that
Onofrio Panvinio turned to the study of Christian antiquities
and Church History. The indefatigable Cardinal must also be
thanked for the translation of the four Gospels into Ethiopian,
as well as for translations of Theodoret, Metaphrastes and
others. Cervini shrank from no sacrifice to secure the publi-
cation of the Commentaries of Eustathius on Homer, while
a proof of his versatility is to be found in the fact that he
assisted Ippolito Salvia ni in the production of his work on
fish.i
Among scholars Cervini loved most of all those of earnest
character, who united true piety with sound knowledge. Very
characteristic of him in this respect were his intimate relations
with Guglielmo Sirleto. Cervini had always been most careful
in choosing the members of his household ; he used to say that
people should be just as particular about having good servants
as they were about their own reputation and honour.^ He
showed in this respect that he not only preached reform but
also practised it. He presented a strict manner of life in its
most effective and attractive form ; to the purest morality, the
truest piety, and the strictest orthodoxy, he united a large-
hearted patronage of profane as well as of theological learning,
and to a shrewd moderation he joined a burning zeal for
reform. What hopes then, were not called forth by the ele-
vation of such a man to the Chair of Peter ! The good and
^ Cf. besides TiR.\noscHi, VII., i, 30 scq. (Roman edition)
and PoLLiDORUs, 75 ^eqq., Dounz in the Mel. d'archeol., XII.,
291 seq. ; Merkle, II., xxvii., seq., cxxiv. seq. ; Mai, Spice-
leg., IX., xvi. ; Freiburger Kirchenlex. XL, 359 seq. ; Mercati
in the Thcol. Revue, VIII. (1909), 61 seq. ; Hefner, 32.
2 See PoLLiDORUS, 22.
32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
pious members of the Curia were filled with joyful expecta-
tions, while the others trembled with fear.^
1 As early as April g, 1555, Ghisi writes: *Par che Roma
poco si rallegri di questa elezione. Agost. Gonzaga, Bishop of
Reggio, writes on April 12, 1555 : *It is hoped that Marcellus
II. will be a good Pope for the Christian religion, but at the
court they fear his strictness. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
See also Montesa in Druffel, IV., 652 n. 3. The great joy of
those who had the interests of the Church really at heart is
made clear in numerous utterances ; cf. besides the extracts
in PoLLiDORUS, 112 seqq., the Corpo dipl. Port., VII., 383 ;
letters in Gatticus 332 n ; L. Alamanni, Canzone a Marcello
II. in the collection of Atanagi, II., Venezia, 1565, 172. PoUi-
dorus mentions other poems (p. 113). Concerning the joy in
Venice see Studi stor., XVH., 528. The nuncio at the Imperial
court, G. Muzzarelli, *wrote on April 22, 1555, to the Cardinals
from Brussels : " Marcellus, velut alter Aaron," will look after
the " afflicta et desolata ecclcsia. Benedictus Deus, etc." (Lett,
de' princ. XV., n. 71. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
CHAPTER II.
Thp: Pontificate of Marcellus II.
It Iiad seldom l)ecn the case that sucli iinaniiiiily of opinion
had l)een sliown concerning a new Pope as was the case with
MarceUus II. The whole world was agreed that the most
worthy and most suitable man had been chosen to steer the
storm-tossed ship of the Church through the tempestuous
waves of the timcs.^ Even the French, to whom Cervini's
election had not been agreeable, could not do enough to
acknowledge his excellent qualities.- In consequence of this
the result of the conclave was well received at the court of
Henry II. The Emperor also forgot his former displeasure,
and his representative in Rome expressed himself in terms of
high praise of the new Pope.^
The loudest jubilation of all, however, came, as may easily
be understood, from the representatives of Catholic reform,
for they knew from the experience of many years, that Cervini
was the right man, by his example as well as by his firmness,
so tempered by mildness, to carry out the long desired reform
of ecclesiastical conditions.^ Never, wrote Seripando, had he
thought that the choice would fall on a Cardinal whose princi-
ples were so inflexible, that they were far more likely to bar
^ See, besides the testimony quoted supra p. 32, n. i, Masius,
Briefe, 200, the letter of congratulation of P. Manutius (Epist.
I., 7). Hosii epist., II., 1025, and the letter of Seripando s.d,
in the Miscell. Arm. 2, t. 60, p. 320 scq. (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
2 C/. RiBiER, II., 607 ; Druffel, IV., 660 seq.
^ C/. Brown, VI., i, n. 62, 64 : Druffkl, IV., 652 seq.
^Cf. the letter of Dionisio Atanagi in the Lett, dc' princ.,
I., 185.
VOL. XIV. 33 3
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for him the way to the highest authority than to smooth it.
Seripando therefore saw in the elevation of Cervini a special
dispensation of divine grace, which had directed the votes to
the man who would " save Israel." He had prayed that a
Pope might arise who would remove from the ideas of Church,
Council, and Reform, the despicable interpretation which had
become attached to these otherwise beautiful words. His
hopes had now been realized and his desires fulfilled.^
The representatives of the Catholic reformation could now
look forward with confidence to the completion of the import-
ant and difficult task which Paul III. and Julius III. had
begun, but had left unfinished because, apart from other
considerations, so much of the worldly spirit of the Renaissance
had still lingered in their hearts. But now, the man whose
name had become proverbial for the work of ecclesiastical
renewal was absolutely free from any such thing.-
The members of the Sacred College were also unanimous in
declaring that if Cervini remained the man he had always been,
everything would turn out for the best.
A valuable and beautiful testimony to this effect is contained
in a letter from Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga which was addressed
to Ferrante Gonzaga immediately after the close of the con-
clave. The Cardinal had been an adherent of Este, and had
spent a sleepless night between the gth and loth of April, and
was dead tired when he wrote the letter. " If Cervini," he
.said, "only remains as Pope what he has been as Cardinal, then
we may expect the greatest blessings for the Church ; on the
other hand, to those who wish to lead a dissolute life his election
must be most unwelcome. His pure manner of life is known
to everyone, as are his love of learning, his earnestness and his
dignity. It is but seldom that one has seen him merry ; as
soon as he sees or hears anything ridiculous he only smiles
faintly and passes it over in silence, with true Catonian gravity.
^ Lett, de' princ. III., 187^ seq.
2 Cf. the *letter of G. Florimente to Marcellus II., dated Sessa,
April 15, 1555 (Castel S. Angelo, VIII., ii., p. 160. Secret
Arch, of the Vatican).
CHARACTER OF THE NEW POPE. 35
He never takes any pleasure in magnificent banquets, feasts
or gay company ; he has always disapproved of the dissolute
life of the clergy, hated the vagrant monks, punished all who
were suspected of false doctrines, and always, under Paul III.
as well as under Julius III., carried on the work of reform.
He is the opposite of his predecessor, and God, in His mercy,
has given him to the Church so that there may be a hope of
abolishing countless abuses."^ Everybody in Rome who knew
the newly elected Pope at all intimately was of the same
opinion. 2 The Florentine ambassador, Serristori, a dispas-
sionate diplomatist, wrote as early as April nth that although
Marcellus II. would allow no interference on the part of secular
persons in the affairs of the Churcli, and would be very slow in
the bestowal of favours, he believed that in all other respects
everyone would be contented, for his whole behaviour, to put
it shortly, was that of a saint. ^
Even on the first day of his pontificate Marcellus II. .showed
himself to be a true representative of the cause of Catholic
Reform. As soon as the scrutiny was over, there followed his
consecration as bishop, and then the coronation in St. Peter's,
which ceremony he caused to be very much curtailed, in order
that he might carry out the functions of Holy Week, which had
already begun ; at the same time the unnecessary expenses of
the coronation festivities were to be saved.
All the Renaissance Popes had allowed the celebrations
which were customary at the coronation to develop into a
carefully prepared feast which cost the large sum of from
* See the text (University Library, Bologna) in Appendix
No. 6.
2 See above all Massarelli (p. 255 seq.)
^ *Credo bene che habbi a essere acerrimo defensore dell'
autoritci sua et cose ecclesiastiche et che chi vorrk stare bene
seco, bisogner^ che non metta mano nell' offitio suo, nh si impacci
molto di benefitii et cose di cliiesa, et in quanto alle gratie sia
per andare assai piu stretto che non hanno fatto molti del suoi
antecessori et nel resto credo che ogn' huomo da bene se n'hark
da contentare. In sustantia il modo, I'apparentia et demos-
trationi sono come d'un santo (State Archives, Florence).
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
20,000 to 30,000 scudi. Marcellus rightly looked upon this as
extravagance ; he wished to receive the tiara in apostolic
simplicity, and without the usual ostentatious display. He
even forbade the loud manifestations of joy, such as the
thunder of the cannon from the Castle of St. Angelo, and the
fire-works, so much loved by the Roman people, out of con-
sideration for Holy Week. Half of the money that was saved
he devoted to the needs of the Holy See, the other half to the
relief of the poor, for whom the day of his elevation was to be
a day of joy.^
The first actions of the Pope afforded further proof that he
intended to avoid all outward pomp, and that he wished to do
nothing which was not of benefit to the Church. He had
already, as Cardinal, allowed no doubt to exist as to his zeal
for reform ; he had always been convinced that this was a
work which would allow of no delay, and now that he had been
raised to the highest dignity, he wished to set to work at once.
Deeds not words was to be the programme of his reign. '^
Until now it had been the custom for the newly elected Pope,
in the joy of his accession, to grant with lavish generosity all
the requests of the members of the conclave for privileges and
favours. When Marcellus II. was presented with these peti-
tions for signature, he excused himself in his modest way, with
the reply that he could in no way act contrary to the reform
decrees, but that he had the intention, after careful considera-
^ Besides Massarelli, 253, cf. Avanson's report in Ribier,
II., 606 ; L. Latinii Lucubrat., II., 29 ; the account in Gori,
Arch., IV., 255 ; Masius, Briefe, 200 ; J. v. Meggen in the
Archiv fiir schweiz. Ref. Gesch., III., 516 ; *Letter of Passini,
dated Rome, April 10, 1555 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and
the detailed report of Polanco of April 16, 1555, to the Superior
of the Society of Jesus, in the Cartas de S. Ignacio V., Madrid,
1889, 152 seq. This report, which Spondanus (ad. a. 1555,
n. 5-7) seems to have had before him, appears in the following,
simply quoted by Polanco. In Polanco, Chron. V., 14 seq.,
there are several additions.
2 Cf. Massarelli, 254 seq., 261 ; Panvinio, Vita Marcelh
II; PoLLiDORUS. 115.
HIS ZEAL FOR REFORM. 37
tion, of showing himself benevolent in all that was right. The
same answer was given to the Cardinals, the conclavists, and
indeed to his most intimate friends. He would not sign a
single petition, but promised to consider everything carefully.
\Vlien a very prominent personage handed the Pope paper and
pen and urged him vehemently to confirm by his signature
several concessions, Marcellus replied : "If what you ask is
just, you will receive it after I have thought it over, if, however,
it is not, you will neither receive it now nor in the future. "^
The Pope received the congratulations seriously and se-
dately. When someone wished him long life, he answered : "If
my life should prove useful to the Church of God, may He pre-
serve it, if not, then I wish for a short life, so as not to increase
the number of my sins."^ Marcellus made use of the congratu-
lations of the Cardinals to work for reform. Worthy members
of the Sacred College, if thej' were young, like Nobili, were, he
said encouragingly, to continue in the good path they had
already entered on, while he reminded the w-orldly Cardinals,
with paternal earnestness, of their duties ; the unworthy
Cardinal del Monte was sharply reproved for his previous con-
duct, and Marcellus warned him that he would do everything
in his power to force him to reform his life.'^
The Pope also admonished the members of his household
to preser\'e a virtuous and modest demeanour ; they must not
assume airs of superiority because they were now servants of
the Pope, and at the least transgression he would dismiss them.
There would, moreover, be no change in the arrangements of
his household for the time being. Marcellus wished to examine
the financial position of the Holy See before he embarked upon
further expenditure. As this investigation proved most
unsatisfactory, he resolved to organize his household in the
* See PoLANCO, 155 seq.; Avanson in Ribier, II., 608 seq.
and the letters of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, April 10 and 24,
1555 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 PoLANco, 156.
•* See in Appendix No. 6 the *Ietter of Card. E. Gonzaga of
April 10, 1555 (University Library, Bologna).
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
simplest manner ; very few new officials were appointed, and
those already in office were kept with such simplicity and
economy that many complained of hardships. According to
Massarelli, the following arrangements were decided upon for
the maintenance of the officials : everyone, without regard to
their position or rank, must have only one attendant (except a
few higher officials, who were allowed two), they received every
day a certain quantity of wine and bread. Besides this, the
officials of the first class were paid a seventh part, those of the
second class a sixteenth part, and those of the third class a
thirty-fifth part of a gold florin. Barley was to be given to no
one, and hay only to a very few, and at most for two horses.
The common kitchen was done away with, as was the supply
of salt, oil, vinegar, barley and wood, which had hitherto been
customary. The Pope's table also was to be in no way differ-
ent from what it had been while he was a Cardinal, when he
had been distinguished for its simplicity. Luxury, Marcellus
was accustomed to say, was a source of great evils, and even
of the worst. Gold plate, which had hitherto been customary,
was no longer to appear at his table, while instead of the silver
kitchen utensils he ordered that copper ones should be pro-
cured. He was anxious to cut down expenses in every way,
in order to be able to pay the debts of the Holy See by his
economies. That he might be successful in doing so, he
declared that he would avoid war and all unnecessary building,
as well as the bestowal of princely revenues on his relatives.
In his humility he dreaded the temptations which had assailed
even the Saints when they had reached the height of power, and
had, in the case of many of his predecessors, rendered their
best intentions quite futile ; he well knew, as he told Cardinal
Gonzaga, that to be slow in speech and active in works was
the wisest course, although he, nevertheless, made many
promises, so that his word might from the beginning be associa-
ated with the right course and that the shame of breaking his
promises might save him from any vacillation. ^
* Besides Massareili, 261 seq., see also Polanco, 153 seq., as
well as Chron., V., 14 seq., and especially Panvinio, Vita Marcelli
HIS ZEAL FOR REFORM. 39
It was not in words alone, however, but in deeds also, that
he sought to carry his resolutions into effect. Angelo Mas-
sarelli was summoned to the Pope's presence as early as April
nth and was commissioned to look out all the documents
relating to reform which had been drawn up during the ponti-
ficate of Julius III, and especially the recent Bull concerning
the conclave ; these were to be once more thoroughly examined,
and to this end Massarelli was to put himself at once into com-
munication with Cardinal Putco. Two days later MassarelU
again received orders to bring to the Pope Cardinal Puteo's
opinion, as well as that of Cardinals Madruzzo and Gonzaga,
who were just about to set out on a journey, for the Bull was
to be pubhshed as soon as possible.^ It was also made known
during the first days of the pontificate that Marcellus II.
intended to require all bishops to fulfil their duty of residence,
and many of them were already preparing to return to their
dioceses after Easter.^ The Dataria was informed by the
Pope that he would allow no further compositions except in
the case of fines. ^ The Jews and prostitutes were to be ban-
II. Antonio Lorenzini, who was highly valued by the Pope
(see Cocciano in Druffel, IV., 662), became " Maestro di
Camera." Ant. Helius (Elio) Bishop of Pola, became his first
secretary, and under liim, Aug. Masserelli ; Serristori announces
these appointments in his *letter of April 13, 1555 (State Archives,
Florence). P. P. Gualterius was confirmed as secretary of
Latin letters (see Merkle, II., xxxviii.). Sirleto t)ecame
" referendario," Commendone was placed among the ofl&cers
of the household, and P. Vettori was also summoned to Rome.
PoLLiDORUs, 120.
1 Massarelli, 256 seq. ; cf. the *letter of A. Gonzaga to the
governor of Mantua, dated Rome, April 12, 1555 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
2 *Cf. the *letter of Card. Gonzaga of April 10, 1555 (University
Library, Bologna), and Lett, de' princ. III., 235.
^ *Qucsta sera ho inteso che ha imposto al Datario che non
vuole clie pigli compositione alcuna salvo di quelle cose dove
fussi colpa. Serristori's report of April ii, 1555 (State Archives
Florence) .
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ished to a corner of the city on the other side of the Tiber, and
the Jews were also to wear a yellow hat ; those of the prosti-
tutes who were married would have to return to their husbands
or be sent to a convent. Marcellus also spoke of placing the
crime of sodomy under the Inquisition. i That still further
reform regulations were to be expected could be drawn from
the fact that Cardinal Carafa had apartments assigned to him
in the Vatican. ^ The impression that was made by all this
was so deep that many at once changed their manner of life of
their own accord, without waiting for the appearance of any
regulations,^ which was certainly the best and most enduring
kind of reform.
Marcellus took part in the ceremonies of Holy Week with
the greatest devotion ; people were astonished to see that he
always went on foot to St. Peter's and to the chapel in the
Vatican where he said mass with great feivour.^ After the
function on Good Friday (April 12 th) the Pope made it clear
that he also proposed a reform in church music ; he had the
singers of the choir .summoned to his presence and ordered them
to be careful in future that the music was .suitable to a day of
mourning and was not of a joyful, noisy character ; he also
required of them such a performance of the vocal music that
the words could be understood.^
On Ea.ster Sunday the Pope celebrated High Mass in St.
Peter's, at which he distributed Holy Communion to the Car-
dinals and other prominent persons ; then followed the be-
1 PoLANCo, Chron., V., 14 scq.
2 *A1 card. S. Agnolo ha date in palazzo le stantie di torre
Borgia, dove stava il s. Baldovino, et al Tcatino quelle di giiard-
arobba, dove stava il card, di Monte. Serristori on April 13, 1555
(State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. the letter of Raverta in the Arcliiv fiir schweiz. Ref.-
Gesch., III., 518.
^ POLANCO, 154.
^ Massarelli, 256 seq. This testimony proves that in the
view which the learned writer of the essay " Die Kirchenmusik
und das Tridentinische Konzil " (Histor. polit. Bl., XLII.,
895 seq.) combats, there is nevertheless a grain of truth.
HIS ZEAL FOR REFORM. 4I
stowal of tlio solemn ])lessing. It had hitherto Ijcen the
custom on this occasion tliat coins should be thrown among
the assembled crowds, but when one of the reform party
happened to remark that it would be more pleasing to God if
this money were to be used for charitable works or given to the
poor, than that the people should scramble for it and many be
disai)pointc(l, the Pope at once appro\ed of the suggestion and
acted upon it. On the same day he drew the attention of the
bishops to the rule that they should have spiritual reading at
their tallies, a regulation that was hardly anywhere observed.
He was himself tlie first to carry out this rule, and after the
reading he introduced spiritual disjiutations.^
On the Monday and Tuesday of Easter week (April 15th and
i6th) Massarclli received orders to obtain the opinions of
Cardinals Carafa, Morone, Truchsess, Medici, Mignanelli,
Saraceni, Cicada, and Bertano with regard to the new conclave
Bull, for the Pope thought that the more this document was
discussed the better it would prove. -
The ideal personality of the new Pope had made such an
impression on the Romans that, as an ambassador reports,
they laid down their arms at once after his election.^ People
were exceedingl}^ anxious to see how Marcellus would behave
towards his numerous relations. The recollection of the
excesses of the Renaissance Po])es was still .so vivid that many
feared lest the love of his own flesh and l^lood, as well as the
great number of his relatives, should lead the Pope away from
the true jiath.'* These fears were increased when Marcellus,
clearly for the sake of his personal safety, appointed two mem-
bers of his family to important positions. Giovan Battista
("er\ini was made governor of the Castle of St. Angelo and
Biagio Cerv'ini caj^tain of the Vatican guard. ^ The idea that
^ See PoLANCO, 154 ; Massarelli, 257.
2 Massarelli, 257.
^ Second *letter of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, April 10, 1555
(State Archives, Bologna).
•* PoLANCO, 154.
^Massarelli, 258. Pagliucchi, Castellani, 127. Con-
cerning G. B. Cervini cf. Buschbell in the Histor. Jahrb., XXL,
423 seq.
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he was about to introduce a regime of nepotism was, however,
completely erroneous. Marcellus knew only too well the
disastrous effect of such weakness in the case of many of his
predecessors ; as Cardinal he had repeatedly admonished
Paul III. and Julius III. as to the evils of nepotism, and he
now wished all the more to apply in his own case the advice
he had given to others. He therefore declared from the first
that he would not aUow his brother Alessandro to come to
Rome ; it was his desire, he^ said, that he should remain at home
and live there, not as a great noble, but as a simple citizen, as
he had hitherto done.^ He wrote to Montepulciano that
neither Alessandro nor any others of his relatives should come
to Rome under the pain of his severe displeasure. ^ When a son
of one of his sisters, then in Orvieto, in spite of this prohibition,
appeared in the Eternal City in order to congratulate the Pope,
he was informed that he might return home, as no audience
would be given him.^ The two youthful nephews of the Pope,
Ricciardo and Erennio Cer\'ini, the sons of Alessandro, who had
till this time been ver}'^ strictly brought up in Rome by Sirleto,
and who gave promise of much talent, had no hopes of undue
preferment. In answer to the question whether they should
now take up their residence in the Vatican, the Pope answered :
" What have they to do with the Apostolic palace ? Have
they inherited it ? " Nor would he grant them the smallest
benefice until they had attained the age required by the
Church, and they were obliged to live in the same modest and
retired way as before, appointing no new servants and receiving
no visits. It troubled the Pope little that people reproached
him with being too strict, and even harsh with his family ;
when he learned that these two nephews had allowed them-
selves to be so far led astray as to put on purple hose and
silken mantles, he at once ordered these to be laid aside. In
^ Legaz. di Serristori, 350.
2 See Lett, de' princ. III., 235 ; Polanco, 154 seq. ; Mas-
SARELLI, 261.
^ *Letter of Serristori of April 13, 1555 (State Archives,
Florence).
HIS STRICT JUSTICE. 43
order to render all nepotism impossible, both now and in the
future, MarccUus resolved on drawing up a Bull which should
make any bestowal of church property on relations liable to the
severest penalties. Since Adrian VI. no Pope had shown such
a contempt of the ties of blood, and it was only on the repre-
sentation of the Cardinals that several of the Ccrvini family
who were in really necessitous circumstances received a little
help, and this only after their worthiness had been carefully
looked into. Merit alone, and not the ties of blood, was to
turn the scales in their favour.^
The Pope gave a proof of the manner in which he intended
to administer justice in Rome on the very first day of his
pontificate. The Spanish ambassador had begged mercy for a
murderer of high rank, but Marcellus refused this with great
decisiveness, remarking that he did not wish to inaugurate
his reign with the pardon of a murderer. Strict orders were
given to the Presidents of the civil and criminal courts that,
in the administration of justice, they were to allow themselves
to be influenced by no considerations whatever, even in the
case of relatives of the Pope, and that a strict account of their
proceedings would be required of them. To the Auditors who
came to pay their respects, in accordance with the old custom,
the Pope said that in future such forms of politeness were
unnecessary, and that they would do much better to devote
themselves to their business. ^
This attitude had such an effect tliat one writer reports that
the appearance of the city was quite changed, and that one
might now hope that justice would be the rule instead of
favour.' Marcellus II. at once turned his attention to the
wishes and needs of the Roman people. In order that he
might listen to all complaints, he granted audience to everyone,
even the least important, although the pressure of business was
^ Cf. PoLANCo, 155 ; Lett, de' princ. III., 235 ; I^gaz. di
Serristori, 350; Mass.\relli, 261.
2 C/. PoLANCO, 155 ; Panvinio, Vita Marcclli, II.
' PoLANco, 155. Cf. also the *letter of Filippo Zoboli to A.
Cervini, dated Rome, April 13, 1555, and that of Ottavio Graccho
to A. Cervini, dated Rome, April 23, 1555 (Carte Cerv. 52, State
Archives, Florence).
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
crushing in the first days of his reign. Five Cardinals, Carafa,
Carpi, Morone, Cicada, and Sforza di Santa Fiora, the Camer-
lengo, were commissioned to see that Rome was supphed with
grain and other provisions, and to dehberate about a miti-
gation of the taxes.i After such beginnings, it can easily be
understood that the complete abolition of all the abuses which
had crept into the government of the States of the Church was
looked for from such a " saintly Pope."^ As the money which
he saved, however, was insufficient to cover the requirements
of the Holy See and to pay off its heavy debts, Marcellus was
unfortunately obliged to revive the so-called " Sussidio "
which had been introduced by Paul III. He ordered that the
tax on the Jews, the so-called " twentieth " sliould be devoted
to the support of the poorer Cardinals.^
1 C/. Massauelli, 258; Lett, de' princ, I., 185. Two *briefs
to the Emperor and the nuncio Muzzarclli, dated Rome, April
26, 1555, are concerned with the alleviation of the scarcity of
corn in Rome by procuring grain from Sicily (Arm. 44, t. 6, n.
94, 95. Secret Arcliives of the Vatican). Concerning the
audiences, Serristori reports on April 11 : *Hieri stette tutto
il giorno fra la sala di Constantino et la prima camera che gl'
e canto a porte aperta, dove ciascuna persona di qualunque
qualitk ancorche minima gli possete parlare clie furono infinite ;
on April 13 he says : *Ha detto volere due volte la scttimana
dare audientia publica in moflo che qual si vogli minima persona
gli possa parlare (State Archives, Florence).
2 *Poiche non ho che dire molto a V.V.S.S. con questo spazzo
diro solo della grandc aspettatione nella quale si sta per il buon
nome et I'ottima fama sparta ch'ogni giorno piii augmenta con
gli effetti della bontk, bcnignita, dementia, virtu, justitia, et
santitk di N.S."^, dalle quale cose tutte si puo sperare ch'ogni
abuso, mala introduttione posta nelle cittk del stato ecclesiastico
per qual si vogUa causa et accidente sia per riformarsi et ridursi
ad una meta et ordine ottimamente salutifero et satisfattorio
a tutti li sudditi di S.B.°®. U. Gozzadini on April 20, 1555
(State Archives, Bologna).
3 See Panvinio, Vita Marcelli, II., who remarks : " Scdis
enim Apostolicae stabiles redditus sunt CL millia aureorum,
ex hoc subsidio reliqui et triginta millia qui ex censibus
hauriuntur." Concerning the " Sussidio " of Paul III., cf.
Vol. XL, of this work, p. 262.
HIS POLITICAL ATTITUDE. 45
As far as the attitude of Marcellus II. towards great political
questions is concerned, the Imperial ambassador at once
reported that the Pope would take no further part in them
than to admonish the Christian princes to peace. ^ Marcellus
himself spoke to the ambassadors in this sense, ^ and the briefs
in which he announced his election to the Emperor, the King
of France and the other Christian princes, were to the same
effect.^ He exhorted the nuncio in France, and Pole, the
legate in England, to do everything in their power for the
preservation of peace.* In the question of Siena, which was
daily becoming more acute, he endeavoured to mediate
between the two parties. He refused to grant the request of
the besieged for help against the Duke of Florence and the
Imperialists, and explained that as the common father of all
Christian nations it was impossible for him to take any side,
still less could he allow himself to be mixed up with any warlike
plans. The Sienese should not refuse to accept easy terms of
surrender, for necessity knows no law. The Pope then ex-
horted Duke Cosimo in several letters to show leniency. When
Siena fell, without any rioting or plundering, the satisfaction
of the Pope was very great.^
^ See the letters of April ii and 19, 1555, in Druffel, IV., 652.
-Cf. RiBIER, II., 606.
^ See the **Letters to Charles V., Henry II., Pliilip II., and
Mary (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
* The *injunction to the French nuncio (in ItaUan), dated
April 16, 1555, contains the admonition : " batter a la porta
de la pace fmche ci sia aperta," and always to harp upon this
point and to pray and have prayers said for peace. (Arm.
44, t. 6, p. 213. Secret Archives of the Vatican). Concerning
Pole see Pieper, 73, and infra, cap.
^ Besides Serristori's letter of April 14 (Legaz. di Serristori,
351), cf. his *Report of April 25, 1555 (State Archives, Florence).
See also the brief to Cosimo I. of April ig, 1555, in Raynaldus,
1555. "• 19- Marcellus II., by the *bricf of April 16, 1555 (Arm.
44, t. 4, n. 79) recommended his old friend Bart. Cavalcanti
to tiie Duke of Florence (concerning its success see the Atti
Mod., IV., 145) ; t. 4, n. 82, * brief for Manlio Marignani of April
i<) ; warm commendation of Siena. Sec also Adriani, XII. ;
POLLIDORUS, 118.
46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It is characteristic of the Pope's love of peace and his high
ideals that the plan of entirely doing away with the Swiss
Guard is attributed to him. He repeatedly said that many
Christian princes are better protected against their enemies
by the sign of the Cross than by arms, and that the Vicar of
Christ requires no swords for his defence ; it would be better,
he said, if such a misfortune were to occur, that he should be
murdered by wicked men than that he should give an unseemly
example to the Christian world. Panvinio, who records this
remark, also reports an example of the strict neutrality of
Marcellus II. Cardinal Madruzzo was very desirous of obtain-
ing the legation of Bologna ; the Pope refused this, as the
Cardinal was a devoted adherent of the Emperor, and an
enemy of the French. Instead of granting him his request,
he allowed him, on the advice of Cardinal Gonzaga, ten
thousand ducats to indemnify him for his expenses during the
Council ; the legation would not, in two years, have brought
him a greater sum.^
It is worthy of note that Marcellus united to his efforts to
observe neutrality, as being more advantageous to the cause of
reform, the greatest exertions for the promotion of ecclesiastical
interests. He begged and exhorted the Emperor as well as the
King of France to assist his efforts for reform on their part, by
proposing only worthy and suitable candidates for bishoprics,
and by seeing that the duty of residence was dulj' observed. ^
Marcellus II. showed great strictness with regard to all
* Panvinio, Vita Marcelli, II. It seems doubtful whether
Marcellus really entertained the plan about the Swiss, as the
captain of the guard, J. v. Meggen, reports on April 20, 1555,
that the Pope had said to him that they were to serve as before ;
see Archiv fiir schweiz. Ref-Gesch., III., 517.
^ The laconic observation of Serristori in his letter of April 14,
1555 (Legaz. di Serristori, 350 seq.) is supplemented by his *report
of April 22, 1555, in which he says : " Intendo come il Papa
ha mandato il Montemerlo (cf. Caro-Farnese, Lettere, II.,
161 seq.) in Francia con un breve al Re per far complimenti et
per pregarlo volere ordinare che i vescovi che sono in quel regno
vadino a le loro chiese, et quanto ai car^' hark piacere che S.M.*^
mandi a Roma, dove e la stantia loro, pur in questo non le la
ZEAL FOR REFORM. 47
appointments to spiritual offices, declaring from the very first,
quite clearly and openly, that he would favour no one except
on the sole ground of merit. A very characteristic example
of this is quoted. When Giovan Battista Cerv'ini a.skcd tha
Pope for a parish which had become vacant in the Spanish
diocese of Cuenca, he was refused with contumely, and the
parish was conferred on a Spaniard who had been born there,
and who had never attempted to obtain it, and indeed, had
never even thought of it.* The members of the Curia, mean-
while, became very much depressed ; everything was sad,
gloomy and disheartening, writes Massarelli in his diary, while
a few lines later he says that all in Rome are in great sorrow,
for the relations of the Pope, as well as his intimate friends,
have recognised that they have little or nothing to hope for
from him. Many members of the Curia, indeed, feared the
Pope's reform measures so much that they sold the offices
which they had bought at a high price for a mere trifle.^
The thouglits of the Pope were not only occupied with
plans of reform of all kinds, but he also entertained the idea
of again summoning the Council. He remarked that his
predecessors had been wrongly informed that reform would
lessen the esteem in which the Papacy was held, and that he
was of opinion that it could only gain by it. The best wa}^
moreover, of closing the mouths of the Lutherans was by
reform ; he would, therefore, not allow himself to be turned
aside by anything, and would, above all, require from those
who had the care of souls, that they should fulfil their duty of
residence and keep themselves free from the profane interests
of the world.^
In the carrying out of his plans for reform, Marcellus thought
vuol gravare piu che tanto, volendo che lei se ne sodisfaccia
et che S.M.^"' non habbi riguardo all'aspettarsi a S.S.^'^ la dispo-
sitione del benefitii de' car'' che morissino in qnesta corte, perchfe
occorrendo il caso ne provederebbe secondo la volonta di S.M.*^^
Christ'"*^, pure che la proponessi persona idonea et convenient e "
(State Archives, Florence).
^ See Massarelli, 261 seq.
2 Ibid. 262.
^ Cf. PoLLiDORUs, 122.
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
above all of making use of that new Order, which had already
spread so far, and which was so closely united with the Holy
See, the Jesuits. Cervini's connection with them was of long
standing. He loved the disciples of his friend, Ignatius of
Loyola, because he had known them in Rome in their early
days, because he had become convinced at Trent of their zeal
for reform, and because, as Polanco says, he knew what God
had effected by their means, even as far away as the Indies..
Jesuits had frequently been his confessors, and only a short
time before he arrived in Rome for the conclave he had been
to confession to the rector of the Jesuit college in Loreto, had
said mass there and had given communion with his own hands
to the fathers, and encouraged them to advance in virtue.
When Ignatius visited the new Pope with another father he
received a warm welcome ; Marcellus embraced them both
and gave them the kiss of peace. Then he discussed plans
of reform with Ignatius, expressing at the same time the wish
that two priests of the Society of Jesus should take up their
residence in the Vatican, so that he could always have the
benefit of their advice. In this audience the Pope expressly
bnde the General of the Order always to tell him quite freely
anything he considered advantageous for the glory of God.^
While the reputation of Marcellus 11.^ for love of duty and
holiness was spreading all over Christendom,^ and ever raising
greater hopes, the friends of reform in Rome were becoming
anxious about the life of tlie Pope.
^ See PoLANco, 157. The following are tlie words, as reported
by later writers, which Marcellus is supposed to have addressed
to Ignatius : Tu mihtes coUige et belle tuos instrue, nos utemur
(CiACONius, III., 804). which Gothein (Ignatius, 473 seq.) has
not accepted. Gothein always puts Marcellus III.
2 A. Gonzaga *wTites from Rome to the governor of Mantua
on April 17, 1555 : " Dio laudato poiche noi havemo un bono
et santissimo pastore." (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). U. Goz-
zadini also describes Marcellus II. as " pontefice santo " in a
letter of April 20, 1555 (State Archives, Bologna).
^Cf. besides the testimony in Pollidorus, 133, Oldecop,
Chronik, 382 scq.
THE pope's'J^ill-health. 49
The health of Marcelhis II. had been very delicate from his
earliest years, and his weak body had repeatedly shown signs
of not being able to endure the hardships which he demanded
of it. It was easy to see in the slight and wasted figure with the
pale and serious countenance, framed by a long black beard,
how weak was the bodily frame in which this strong spirit had
its dwelling.^ The labours of his office and his frequent severe
illnesses had brought Cardinal Cervini to the brink of the grave.
During the conclave which resulted in the election of Julius
III., he was already in a very suffering state, and in May, 1550,
he became so seriously ill that his death was looked upon as
certain. A long staj' amid his native mountains restored him,
but his strength was permanently impaired.^ There was,
therefore, grave danger lest the strong emotions and the great
physical and mental exertions which his elevation to the
Papacy made inevitable, should wear out his weak and delicate
body. Marccllus was repeatedly urged to preserve his strength
and to take care of his health. The Pope answered Cardinal
^ Cf. the remarks in the *lettcr of E. Gonzaga of April 10
1555 (University Library, Bologna ; see Appendix No. 6)
and in Lett, de' princ, IIL, 234*^- A splendid portrait by Pon-
tormo (Borghese Gallery, Rome, No. 408) shows Cardinal Cervin
seated at a table with an open book before him, very serious
and with penetrating eyes (see Burckhardt, Beitrage, 332)
A second portrait of him as a Cardinal is preserved in the Vatican
Library. Tlie face, which is full of expression, shows that the
picture belongs to his earlier years. On liis medal as Pope,
Marcellus appears as bald (Mijntz, TIL, 240). The portrait
of Marcellus by Vasari was in the cathedral at Naples (see
CiACONius, IIL, 808 ; PoLLiDOUus, 152). Another portrait
was in the council chamber of the castle at Caprarola. A marble
statue in the cathedral at Siena shows the Pope seated in the
act of blessing. The beautiful seal of Cardinal Cervini is repro-
duced by Pasini Frassoni, 37. Medals (see Ciaconius, IIL,
808 ; Venuti, 90 seq.) and coins of Marcellus II. {cf. Serafini,
263 seq.) are exceedingly rare.
^ Cf. Massarei.li, 10, 12, 44, 71 seq., 172, 174; Lett, de'
princ., L, 185.
vol.. XIV. 4
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Sforza, who had taken the Uberty of making such represen-
tations to him, in the following terms : " From the day on
which I took upon myself the charge of the whole Christian
Church, I consecrated myself entirely to the flock of Christ.
The high priesthood involves the highest obligations ; it is no
dignity and sovereign authority, but a burden and a ser\d-
tude."i
Marcellus II. not only felt exceedingly the burden of affairs,
but also the responsibility which his high office brought with it.
Weighed down by such thoughts, the zealous and earnest Head
of the Church cried out that he did not understand how a man
who held this highest of offices could save his soul. He re-
peatedly quoted the words of Adrian IV. that no one was more
to be pitied than the Pope, no one more miserable ; the Papal
throne was filled with thorns and stings, the joy of a Pope's
life was bitterness, and the weight of the tiara so great that it
would crush the strongest shoulders. ^ It was especially his
efforts for the reform of the clergy, with which Marcellus was
occupied day and night, under which his frail body threatened
to succumb. He had to contend with obvious weakness even
in the first days of his reign, but he nevertheless took part in
the long ceremonies of Holy Week, observing with his usual
conscientiousness the strict fasts and unceasingly granting
audiences. Even as soon as Maundy Thursday, April nth,
when he undertook the ceremony of the washing of the feet,
he was observed to be suddenly overcome with a feverish
trembling and to change colour.^ In spite of this he in no
way spared himself on the following days, but took part in all
the services of the Church, and celebrated the High Mass on
Easter Sunday, while working all the time on questions of
reform. On April i8th he blessed the Agnus Dei in the Hall of
' PoLLiDORUs, 131.
2 See Panvinio, Vita Marcelli II.
^ Cf. the report of Jacobus Riballus to A. Cervini about the
mortal illness of Marcellus II. in Pollidorus, 134 seq. Ant.
Lorenzini *reported on April 13, 1555, to A. Cervini that the
Pope was so " affannato che h una compassione a vederlo. "(Carte
Cerv. 52, State Archives, Florence).
ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 5I
Constantine, but on the igtli lie felt himself so exhausted and
ill that on the 20th he could not undertake the ceremony of
their distribution. ^ He was also obliged, on the advice of his
doctors, to cease giving the audiences of which he had been so
lavish. He was now suffering from a violent catarrh and
cough, to which was soon added a fever. On April 21st blood-
letting seemed to afford him some relief, ^ but as soon as he felt
better he would take no rest, although the fever and catarrh
had not left him, for the duties of his office, as MassareUi said,
occupied him day and night. On April 25tli he had MassareUi
summoned and commissioned him to inform Cardinals Puteo
and Cicada that it was the Pope's wish that they should, during
his illness, make a further examination of all the reform work
which had been prepared under Julius III., so that he might
be able to conclude the matter with them on his recovery. In
the matter of the Signatura, the Pope, on the following day,
impressed on the officials that the reform regulations which
he had given them were to be observed most exactly.^
The doctors had forbidden the granting of audiences, but
Marcellus could not refrain from occupying himself with urgent
matters. He hoped to move in a short time to the palace of
S. Marco and to be completely cured by the change of air.'* On
the 27th his condition was again considerably worse, and the
doctors forbade all serious work ;^ they did not yet think of
^ See Massarelli, 258.
2 See the detailed *report of U. Gozzadini of April 22, 1535
(State Archives, Bologna) and *that of A. Lorenzini of April
20, 1555 (State Archives, Florence).
3 See Massarelli, 259 ; cf. also the *report of Gozzadini of
April 24, 1555 (State Archives, Bologna) ; the * letter of O.
Gracchi of April 23, 1555 (see supra p. 43, n. 3) ; Schweitzer,
Zur Gesch. der Reform, 65.
'^ Cf. the ♦letters of A. Lorenzini of April 22 and 24, 1555.
loc. cit. the *report of Serristori of April 25, 1555 (State Archives,
Florence) concerning the physicians of Marcellus IL see Marini,
I,, 418 seq.
^ * Letter of U. Gozzadini of April 27, 1555 (State Archives,
Bologna) .
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
danger, nor did the Pope himself, though he felt very unwell
and was much troubled by the catarrh, ^ but in consequence of
pressing business he soon again completely neglected his health.
On April 29th he not only received the Dukes of Url^ino and
Ferrara, who had come to Rome to pay homage, but also
Cardinals Farnese, Guise, Este and Sforza, and other persons,
among them Massarelli, upon whom he enjoined the reform of
the Penitentiary. 2 The exertions of this day, during which
Marcellus had given audiences until evening,^ were too great.
On April 30th an unusual feeling of weakness overcame him
while he was at work, so he took a restorative and lay down.
As he was sleeping peacefully the doctors thought that the
danger was over, but at last the long sleep made the Pope's
attendants anxious, and they sought to revive him, at first with
mild measures but afterwards by stronger ones, but in vain.
A stroke of apoplexy had deprived him of consciousness. In
the evening Marcellus came to himself, but his condition re-
^ *Per ancora il Papa non si truova libero dal catarro, ma
rhanno atteso a purgare in mode, che sperano fra quattro o
sei giorni si habbi esser fuori, e poter dare audientia. Dicono
bene che si sente debole et stracco et in tutto senza febre et si
h di poi inteso che il mal suo b stato molto maggiore di quel che
si e detto. Piaccia a N-S.""*^ Dio renderli I'intera salute la quale
recuperata che har^ intendo che vuol spedire all' Imp'® et al
Re d'lnghilterra il sign""" Hier™° da Coreggio per rallegrarsi con
quelle M''^ dell' assuntione sua et per fare altri complimenti . . .
Serristori on April 27, 1555 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Massarelli, 260. Lett, de' princ, I., 187. Caro-Farnese,
Lett., II., 180. Cardinal A. Farnese had arrived in Rome on
April 16, 1555, and it was expected that he would play an im-
portant part in affairs of state [cf. Lett, de' princ, I.. 185, and the
♦letter of Ipp. Capilupi of April 16, 1555, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). According to Avanson, Marcellus offered him the post
of secretary of state, which, however, Farnese refused (see
RiBiER, IL, 608). Several authorities, including J. v. Meggen
(Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., III., 517), place the audience
of the Duke of Urbino on April 28, thus differing from Massarelli.
^ See the Memorie of Jacobo delli Herculani in the Cod. Gesuit.
170, p. 796 of the Vittoria Emanuele Library, Rome.
DEATH OF THE POPE. 53
mained hopeless, and in the early morning of May ist, he gave
up his noble soul to God.^
The paralysing effect wliich the sudden death of this admir-
able Po])e liad on his contemporaries is reflected in numerous
characteristic utterances. People could not understand why
such a man, from whom the much needed reformation was
confidently to be expected, should only have had a reign of
twenty-two days, during which he had not enjoyed good health
for more than ten. Panvinio applied to him the words s])oken
by Virgil of another Marcellus " Fate wished only to show
him. "2 Seripando saw in the sudden calling away of Mar-
cellus an indication that God did not mean to bring aljout the
reformation of His Church by means of human help, but by
His own divine power, at a time and by means cf which mortal
men knew nothing.^ Another contemporary saw in the death
of the Pope a divine punishment for the wickedness of the age,
which was so great that God would not allow the good to live
long in it.* " Oh, unhappy Pope, who hast hardly touched
the tiara," writes Massarelli in his diary, " unhappy we, his
servants, who have been so soon robbed of so admirable a
1 Besides Massarelli, 260, cf. J. Riballus loc. cit. ; Cocciano
in Druffel, IV. 668 seq. ; Lett, de' princ, I., 187 ; the two
♦letters of U. Gozzadini of April 30, 1555 (State Archives, Bologna);
the *reports of Camillo Titio and Serristori of April 30, 1555
(State Archives, Florence ; ibid. *Ietter of A. Lorenzini of May
I. 1555) a-nd Avanson's report in Ribier, II., 6og. The hour of
the Pope's death, " hora 7^ noctis " (Firmanus, 508 and most
of the reports of the ambassadors), is expressed by J. v. Meggen
after the German fashion, " dritthald stunden vor tag " (Archiv
fiir schweiz. Ref-Gesch., III., 517). The supposition that Mar-
cellus II. was poisoned is groundless (Druffel, IV., 679. Olde-
cop, 383) ; see Pollidorus, 137.
'•^ In the *correspondcnce of Olaus Magnus Avith CanUnal
Madruzzo there is an **account of the death of Marcclhis II.
with the remark : " cpii poterit dicere : dum adhuc ordirer
succidit me " (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
^ Lett, de' princ. III., 189.
■* Lat. Latinius in Pollidorus, 145.
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
master, unhappy all Christians, who justly expected from such
a holy Pope wonderful and great things for the honour of God ;
the restoration of the authority and majesty of the Apostolic
See, the reform, splendour and unity of the Catholic Church,
the spread of the faith, the furtherance of everything that is
good. Unhappy century, that was not permitted to rejoice
over such a shepherd, nor, indeed, even to see him ! "^ The
nuncio at the court of the Emperor describes the deep sorrow
which Charles V. experienced at the news of the death of the
Pope. The hopes which were buried with him in the grave
had been founded on his well-known holiness and his practical
talents, and had been strengthened at the beginning of his
pontificate by his zeal for the advancement of God's service
and the furtherance of morality.^
Marcellus II. had lived in ai)Ostolic simplicity, and so was he
buried. The Canons of St. Petei's bore his body into the
basilica,^ where a grave had been made ready for him, so modest
that the poet Faustus Sabaeus could write :
Non ut Pontificem Summum, Sanctumque decebat
Marcelle ; indigno conderis hoc tumulo ;
Parce ; ubicumque iaces, semper celebrabere : honorat
Non tumulus cinerem, sed cinis ipse locum.*
1 Massarelli, 260. Greek distichs on the death of Marcellus
II. in the Cod. Ottob. gr., 228, p. 76-82. Vatican Library.
2 See the beautiful *letter in Appendix No. 8 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican). Cf. also the letter of the Swiss nuncio Raverta
in the Archiv fiir schweiz. Ref-Gesch., III., 518; Reinhardt,
VIII. ; Caro-Farnese, Lett., II., 179, 180, 188 ; Pollidorus,
144 seq.
3 Cf. Massarelli, 260 ; Firmanus, 508 ; Panvinio, Vita
Marcelli II. ; Pollidorus, 160 seq. The following inscription
was put up in the town hall of Montepulciano : Marcello II.
Cervino Politiano Pont. Max. Tcrris tantum ostenso, coelis
repente asserto urbe et orbe prae desiderio lugente. *MiscelI.
in the Ricci Archives, Rome.
4 Ciaconius, III., 805 ; see Brunner, Italien, II., 8,
HIS PLACE IN HISTORY. 55
In the autumn of 1606, at the re-opening of St. Peter's under
Paul v., the remains of Marcellus II. were removed to the
crypt, where they are buried in a simple early Christian sarco-
phagus of marble, and only the short inscription, " Marcellus
II." indicates who lies there. ^ Nevertheless the memory of
this admirable Pope still lives to the present day. He is
assured of an honourable place in the history of the Catholic
struggle for reform. He occupies a high place in the esteem
of all scholars on account of the services he rendered to the
Vatican Library, and to the devotees of music his name will
always be familiar through the wonderful mass which Pales-
trina composed in honour of his memory, ^
^ Bellarinine's report on the finding of the body and its trans-
lation on September 15, 1606, in the Romischen Quartalschrift,
XV., 192. Concerning the tomb see Ciaconius loc. cit. ; For-
CELLA, VI., 71 ; Katholik, 1901, II., 543 seq. ; Dufresne, 97
seq., with illustration.
2 Concerning the Missa papae Marcelli see Ambros, IV. 2,
19 seq. ; Haberl, Musikkatalog der papstlichen Kapelle, Leipzig,
1888, 9, 58 seq. ; Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, XLVIL, 125.
CHAPTER III.
Election of Paul IV. — His Character and Projects.
— The Carafa.
At the death of Marcellus II., the Sacred College consisted of
fifty-six members, of whom thirty-nine were in Rome, while
of the seventeen absent members, only four arrived in Rome
in time for the beginning of the election proceedings ; Cardinal
Mendoza on the 3rd, Doria on the 9th, Madruzzo on the 12th,
and Taghavia on the 13th of May.^
The obsequies for Marcellus II., which had been begun on
May 6th, on a very simple scale, on account of the want of
money, ^ were concluded on the 14th. On the following morn-
ing the Mass of the Holy Ghost was celebrated, after which
Uberto Foglietta delivered the usual discourse, in which he
exhorted the members of the Sacred College to make a wise
choice. After this the forty-three Cardinals entered the
conclave, for which the same apartments were used as at the
previous election. The number of electors was increased to
forty-five by the arrival of Cardinals Gonzaga and Pacheco on
May i6th and 17th. The guarding of the conclave was en-
trusted to the Duke of Urbino,^ and the greatest tranquillity
prevailed in the city."*
^ See besides Panvinio in Merkle, II., 263, the contemporary :
Conclave factum in Vaticano post mortem papae Marcelli II.,
preserved in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.
2 See the *report of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, May 7, 1555
(State Archives, Bologna).
3 Cf. M.\ss.\RELLi, 263 seq. According to the *letter of Camillo
Capilupi of May 15 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) Cardinal E.
Gonzaga reached Rome on that date. Concerning the discourse
of Foglietta see I. Pogiani epist. I., 103 n. An exact plan of the
conclave, in which the cells of the Cardinals present are shown,
is in the publication cited supra n. i.
* See the *reports of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, May 4, 8, and
II. 1555 (State Archives, Bologna), and the *letter of C. Capilupi
of May 8, 1555 (State Archives, Mantua).
56
THE PRINCIPAL CANDIDATES. 57
In consequence of the many different ])arties in the Sacred
College, the Romans were prepared for a long conclave, but
the general opinion was that the representatives of the Catholic
reform party, Carafa, Morone and Pole had once more the
best prospects of success.^
The decision was again on this occasion in the hands of the
neutrals, for the Imperial party, led by Santa Fiora and
Madruzzo, was only twenty strong, while the French had at
most only fifteen votes, and they were not even united, as
their most distinguished members. Cardinals d'Este, du Bellay
and Alessandro F'^arncse, all had quite different objects in view.^
Cardinal d'Este had already done everything in his power,
even before the beginning of the conclave, to secure the tiara
at last. He met with the greatest opposition, however, on
the part of the Imperialists, for the Emperor objected to the
elevation of Este to the Papal throne as heartily as Henry II.
desired it. Duke Ercole IT., in particular, worked on behalf
of his brother. Cardinal d'Este ; he had come to Rome to
pay homage to Marcellus II., and was still staying there.
Both of the brothers sought, above all, to win the favour of
Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, who stood so high in the estima-
tion of all the members of the Sacred College that a great deal
depended upon his influence.^
^ See the *report of U. Gozzadini of May 7, 1555 [loc. cit.) and
the *letter of Ippolito Capilupi of May 9, 1555 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Cf. the reports in L. Latinius, Lucubr. II., 32 ;
KiBiHR, II., 609 ; Legaz. di Serristori, 354 ; Coggiola, Conclave,
68 seq., 79 seq. ; Segmuller, Wahl Pauls IV., 3 ; Masius, Briefe,
201. The opinion of Reumont (III., 2, 513) that no one had
thought of Carafa being elected, is quite erroneous. Atanagi
says expressly in his letter of ^lay i : " Teatino e in maggior
predicamento di tutti " (Tarducci, 73). Carafa is mentioned
even in the " Pa.squillc " as the most likely candidate ; see Padig-
LiONE, La Bibl. del Museo naz. di S. Martino, Naples, 1876, 308.
^ Cf. the report of Avanson in Ribier, II., 612.
^ Cf. the numerous contemporary reports in Coggiola, Conclave,
81 seq. Concerning tlie intrigues of Este see also the Portuguese
jeport in Santakem, XII., 425.
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Famese's candidate was his friend Pole, from whom he
looked for the advancement of his family interests. When
Farnese had started from France for the conclave of Mar-
cellus II. he had succeeded in winning over even Henry II.
for the Enghsh Cardinal, but he had arrived too late in Rome
on that occasion. All the more eagerly, then, did he now
wish to promote Pole's candidature, since he was also agreeable
to Philip II. and the Emperor. ^ He remained true to him
even though immediately before the beginning of the conclave
instructions arrived from the French king that he should
work in the first place for Este.^ The intrigues of the two
Este brothers to win over Farnese by tempting promises and
an agreement about an alhance between the two families
were also unsuccessful. In the same way an attempt of the
Este to win over, through Cosimo I., the Cardinals of Julius
III., to their side proved vain.^ The prospects of the Cardinal
of Ferrara were thus practically destroyed even before the
beginning of the conclave.
The candidature of Pole also soon proved to be impossible.
The fact that he was still in England, and that they did not
care to elect an absentee, stood in his way on this occasion as
it had done at the last election, and it soon became apparent
that some of the Imperialists, as well as the French, were
opposed to him. In this Cardinals Carpi, Alvarez de Toledo
and Carafa were especially prominent, as they doubted Pole's
orthodoxy, and accused him of erroneous opinions as to certain
controverted points of faith, such as the doctrine of justifica-
tion. This, which had already destroyed Pole's chances in
the conclave of Julius III., was not without effect on this
occasion also, even though the accusation was by no means
proved.*
^See Sagmuller, Tapstwahlen,2ii ; Coggiola, Conclave,209 seq.
2 Farnese had counter-representations made to Henry II.
through his agent in Paris ; see Caro-Farnese, Lettere, II.,
1 88 seq. ; Sagmuller, loc. cit. 215.
^ See the reports in Coggiola, Conclave, 83 seqq., 205 seqq.
■* See the reports in Coggiola, Conclave, 212 seqq. ; cf. Ribier,
II., 610 and the report of the Portuguese ambassador concerning
CANDIDATURE OF CARAFA. 59
The candidate with the best prospects of success, therefore,
was the Dean, Cardinal Carafa, whose orthodoxy could be as
little called in question as his distinguished qualities and his
blameless life, although he was generally feared, if not hated,
by the worldly Cardinals, such as Este and Santa Flora, on
account of his great severity. Some of the stricter Cardinals
also took offence at his peculiar character and abrupt manner.^
The fact that the other candidates had no chance of success
was in his favour, as was the goodwill of the reform party and
of the French. Henry II. had placed Carafa second among
his favoured candidates ;2 the Emperor, on the other hand,
had given instructions to the Spanish party to prevent the
election of this man, whom he had never liked. ^ Juan de
Mendoza, who was the ambassador-extraordinary for the
" obedientia " of Charles V. to Marceilus II., is said to have
gone so far as to tell Carafa to his face that he might as well
gi\e u]) all thoughts of the tiara, as the Emperor had excluded
him. To this Carafa made the dignified answer that the
the conclave dated Rome, June 18, 1555, in the Corpo dipl. Port.,
VII., 414. Coggiola (loc. cit.) emphasizes the fact that Carafa
boYia fide doubted the orthodoxy of Pole, but that the other two
Cardinals were only actuated by selfish motives.
' See L. Firmani Diaria caerem. in Merkle, II., 509.
2 See the report of Avanson in Ribier, II., 612.
^ The statement of Petrucelh (II., 94), that the Imperial
ambassador, Juan Manrique, had instructions to exclude Carafa,
but was not to make the fact pubUc except in case of need and
at the right moment, seems quite worthy of belief (see Sagmijller,
Papastwahlen, 212 seqq.) Manrique informed the Imperialist
Cardinals of the wishes of Charles V., and named the four candi-
dates of Philip II. and the Emperor (see his letter of May 15 in
Druffel-Brandi, IV., 674 seqq.) ; a number of the Imperialist
Cardinals did not act in accordance with this communication,
of which fact Manrique bitterly complained (see his letter of
May 24 in Druffel-Brandi, IV., 674, n, 3, and a second letter
from Manrique to Charles V., dated Rome, May 25, 1555, in
which he says : *Hemos acordado el Camarlengo e yo de embiar
una viva voz prcscnte a todo lo ciuc passo en conclavi. [The
ambassador was Lottino ; sec Ribier, II., 612 ; Brown, VI., i.
6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Emperor could not prevent his election if God wished it, and
that in such a case, he would have the advantage of having
only God to thank for his elevation. ^
It was of decisive importance that Cardinal Alessandro
Farnese, in view of the difficulties which made the election of
Pole impossible, showed himself more and more favourable
to Carafa, and at last used all his influence and skill on his
behalf.
Any united action on the part of the Imperialists was pre-
vented by the fact that Cardinals Alvarez de Toledo and
Carpi were working with the greatest energy for their own
election. These ambitious men, however, were soon obliged
to give up their hopes, as they did not possess the support of
Farnese, and, in addition, had a dangerous rival in the person
of Morone. I-'arnese absolutely refused to favour these can-
didates ;2 thereupon the Camerlengo, Guido Ascanio Sforza
di Santa Fiora, the acknowledged leader of the Imperialist
party, and Madruzzo, turned their attention to one of the
Cardinals of Julius III., the very distinguished Puteo, who was
eminent alike for his learning and his moral life, and who,
although he was a Provencal by birth, was nevertheless
n. 130; CoGGiOLA, Conclave, 472; Nonciat., II., 582 seqq.])
After a short account of the course of the election, Manrique
especially accuses Alvarez do Toledo and Carpi {cf. infra n. 2) and
praises Lottino, *el qual es persona que a estado en los dos con-
claves y en dambos a servido quanto a podido do bien y solicita-
mente y ingeniosamente (Archives at Simancas, Leg. 88^, n. 30).
1 See CiACONius, III., 824 ; Riess, 6, n. 14.
2 Cf. the reports in Coggiola, Conclave, 460 seqq., and Corpo
dipl. Port., VII., 414 seq. B. Pia reported on May 18, 1555 : *La
prattica di Morone va strettissima da questa sera in qua et in
banche le sue polize sono andate a 40 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) .
The fault of Cardinal Alvarez de Toledo and Carpi is sharply
commented on by Manrique in the *letter to Charles V. on May 25,
1555, mentioned above : *Estos dos fueron los que hizieron todo
el danno y dieron el exemplo y comensaron a romper los nostros
(Archives at Simancas, loc. cit.) Cf. also Pacheco's letter in
Druffel-Brandi, IV., 674.
CARDINAL PUTEO. 6l
devoted to the Emperor, so that he appeared to be agreeable
to all parties.! Not only all the Imperiahsts, but also the
older neutral Cardinals declared themselves in favour of
Puteo. Finally, Madruzzo informed I'arnese of this plan,
pointing out that Pole was made impossible by his absence
while Morone and Carpi had been excluded by the French,
and Carafa by the Spaniards. The shrewd Farnese would
not, however, make any promise ; he declared that he must,
at anyrate, await the arrival of Careiinal Bourbon ; otherwise
he considered Puteo vciy worthy of the triple crown, though
he would prefer Pole.
While the twenty-five Cardinals who had been won over
to the cause of Puteo were making preparations for the eleva-
tion of their candidate to the throne of St. Peter, without the
agreement of the French, great excitement prevailed among
the rival party. This group, which had assembled in the
Pauline Chapel, consisted, apart from the Frenchmen, du
Bellay, Armagnac, Guise, and Lenoncourt,^ of Cardinals
d'Este, Giulio dcUa Rovere, Capodiferro, Dandino, Scrmoneta,
Innocenzo del Monte, Nobili, Mignanelli, and Ranuccio
Farnese. Their fears were further increased when it was
rumoured that Alessandro Farnese had gone over to the side
of Puteo. This, however, was not the case ; on the contrary,
* For the following cf. the description by Panvinio in Merkle,
II., 268 n. who received very accurate information from those
who had taken part in the conclave ; his account was later con-
firmed by the letter of the Bishop of Pola to Duke O. Farnese
on May 23, 1555, published by Coggiola (Conclave, 466 seqq.)
The decisive i^art taken by Farnese in the election of Paul IV.
had already been emphasized by Segni (Storie fiorent., IV., 898).
The report of Lucretio Tassonc to the Marchese Sigismondo
d'Este, published by Motta in the Miscell. d. stor. Lomb., Castello
Sforzesco, 1903, 112 seq., maintain quite erroneously that Este
had been the principal person in deciding the election in favour
of Carafa ; there is not even mention of Farnese in this biassed
account 1
- Lenoncourt had arrived in the conclave on May 22 ; cf.
Massarelli, 265 and Coggiola, Conclave, 467.
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Farnese was deeply offended by the attempt of the ImperiaHsts
to make Puteo Pope without his co-operation, and he declared
to the Cardinals assembled in the PauHne Chapel that there
could be no question of his agreement to his candidature.
He said, at the same time, that the only way of preventing
Puteo's election was for Este to give up his own candidature
and to set up a rival candidate, which Este himself eventually
admitted. Farnese then proposed his old friend, the worthy
Cardinal Pietro Bertano. Capodiferro, however, declared
that Bertano would not accept the election, to which Farnese
replied : " Then elect Carafa, the holy and venerable Dean of
the Sacred College, who is worthy of being Pope." Every-
one present declared that they would agree to this. Although
the proposal seemed, in view of the great unpopularity of
Carafa, even among those of French sympathies, and of the
open enmity of the Spanish-Imperial party, added to his
exclusion by Charles V., to have hardly any prospect of
success, he nevertheless received the tiara. The author of
the history of the Papal elections^ can only explain this by
declaring that we must see in it a striking example of " the
wonders of the conclaves, and how true it is that God makes
the Popes."
Saraceni was sent to Carafa to. ask if he would accept the
election. He declared himself willing to do so, but only if
the proceedings were all in due order. He was then con-
ducted to the Pauline Chapel, and during the next two hours
Farnese was feverishly employed in obtaining for him the
votes still required. He succeeded first in winning over
Truchsess and Morone, and then others, such as Doria, Cor-
naro. Carpi, Alvarez de Toledo, Savelli and Medici. ^ At last
^ Conclavi de' pontefici Rom., I., Colonia 1691, 264 seq.
2 For these changes to the other side, cf. besides Panvinio loc.
cit. the letters of Truchsess in the Histor. Jahrbuch, VII., 195
seqq., and the letter of the Bishop of Pola quoted supra p. 61, n. i,
in which likewise Truchsess is named in the first place. See also
L. FiRMANUs, loc. cit. GoTHEiN (Ignatius, 475) lays great stress
on the fact that the " Spaniards of the Congregation of the In-
quisition " declared themselves for Carafa. This is, however.
carafa's opponents. 63
Famese had collected twenty-eight votes, so that only three
more were wanting to make the required majority of two-
thirds. The sixteen who remained true to Puteo (Madruzzo,
Santa Fiora, Mendoza, Cueva, Pacheco, Cristoforo del Monte,
Corgna, Ricci, Mercurio, Bertano, Poggio, Cicada, Tagliavia,
Gonzaga, Comaro and Simoncelli) had assembled in the Hall
of Consistories and unanimously persisted in their opposition
to Carafa. Pacheco would rather, he said, give his vote even
to a Frenchman than to this enemy of the Emperor !^ The
two parties remained obstinately opposed to one another
during the night between May 22nd and 23rd, and negotia-
tions were carried on in all directions without any result. At
this critical moment Carafa showed himself the strict church-
man he had always been. Dignified and free from ambition,
he exhorted his adherents to refrain from all disorderly pro-
ceedings ; he would rather, he said, relinquish his hopes of
election than consent to anything that was not in accordance
with the law. 2 In the meantime, Carafa's opponents, and
especially Madruzzo, Santa Fiora and Pacheco, were again
making a supreme effort against the hated candidate.^ They
endeavoured in every way to bring Farnese round to their
way of thinking. The Imi)erialists even declared themselves
ready to elect Farnese himself, or his friend Pole ; they
pointed to the numerous relations of Carafa, and to his con-
nection with the Neapolitan and Florentine exiles. It was all,
however, in vain, for Farnese would not give way.
wrong, for only one Spaniard (Alvarez do Toledo) belonged to the
Inquisition.
1 See the report of Avanson of May 24, 1555, in Favre, Olivier
de Magny, 436.
^ See L. Firmani Diaria caerem. in Segmuller, 6, n. i, and
the Portuguese report in the Corpo dipl. Port., VII., 415.
^ For this cf. besides Panvinio loc. cit. the reports in Coggiola,
Conclave, 465. Manrique, in his *report to Charles V. of May 25,
1555, gives the highest praise to Madruzzo : Non ay que hablar
que jamas huvo hombre tan declarado, que taiT travajasse y se
afatigasse en que V.M.** fuesse servido (Archives at Simancas,
loc. oil.)
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the morning of May 23rd, Famese and Morone were
sent to the Imperialists, who consented, on the threatening
representations of the former, to open the door of the Hall of
Consistories. Morone then entreated the minority, in order
to avoid a schism, to give their votes to the candidate for
whom the majority of the Sacred College had declared them-
selpes. His entreaties were supported by Farnese, but
remained without success, while Corgna and Cicada in par-
ticular answered him in the most violent terms. Farnese
and Morone thus had to return to their party without having
gained their object. They now resolved to make an attempt
to gain the three votes still necessary by means of private
negotiations. Este was to go to Bertano, Pisani to his rela-
tive, Cornaro, and Farnese to Poggio. Bertano and Cornaro
were soon won over, but Farnese had greater difficulty with
Poggio, though he at last succeeded in getting him also to
agree.
The necessary majority of two-thirds was now reached,
but Farnese desired, if possible, a unanimous vote. He
applied therefore to Ricci, and induced him to hold a con-
sultation with Carafa. Ricci then besought the Cardinal
Dean to pardon Santa Flora and his other opponents, which
Carafa at once agreed to do. Then Farnese once more begged
the remaining members of the Spanish-Imperial party to
concur with the choice of the other Cardinals, but refused the
hour for consideration asked for by Santa Flora. The Imper-
ialists then at last agreed to withdraw their opposition. At
noon on May 23rd, the Feast of the Ascension, the election of
Carafa was confirmed by a unanimous " adoration. "^ Out
of gratitude to Paul III. and Cardinal Farnese he assumed
the name of Paul IV. He announced that he wished to
^ See Panvinio loc. cit. 270. The Cardinals had already de-
liberated before the conclave concerning the legality of an election
pey adorationem {cf. as to tliis Wurm, Papstwahl, Cologne, 1902,
113) without, however, coming to any decision (see Massarelli,
263 scq.) On May 22, it was already current in the city that
Carafa had been elected ; see the * letter of U. Gozzadini of May
22, 1 515 (State Archives, Bologna).
THE NEW POPE. 65
devote the first day of his reign entirely to prayer and spiritual
exercises, and that then only should the festival of his corona-
tion take place. ^
The new Poj)C, whose election was contrary to the general
expectation,'^ enjoyed great vigour, in spite of his seventy-
nine years. Tall and spare, he was, as the Venetian am-
bassador, Bernardo Navagero, points out, full of activity,
and still so strong and healthy that he seemed scarcely to
touch the ground with his elastic step.' It was said that he
had never taken any medicine in his life ;'* rheumatism and
catarrh were the only troubles of which he had sometimes to
complain. His massive head was sparsely covered with hair,
and his face, framed in a heavy beard, although not beautiful,
was of expressive gravity ; lines indicative of an unbending
will-power lay round about his mouth, while out of his deeply
sunk dark eyes there shone the glow of the fires of southern
Italy. 5
^ See the *letter of C. Olivo of May 23 (State Archives, Mantua)
and that of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, May 25, 1555 (*volendo
S.S.'^^ celebrare et confessarsi questa mattina et stare tutto hoggi
in spirito). State Archives, Bologna.
■^ " Gintra la comuue opinione," says the Bishop of Reggio in
his *report of May 25, 1555, speaking of Este : "II. buon Fer-
rara non 6 ne sari papa mai, ma ne fari. de questi et a questo modo."
Gonzaga Arch. Mantua).
^ See for the following Navagero's narrative of 1558, one of
the principal sources for the character of Paul IV., in Alb^ri,
Ser 2, III., 379 scq. Cf. besides the *Apologia alia relatione del
Navagero by Antonio Carafa, commented on in Appendix No.
61-62 (National Library, Naples), Panvinio in Merkle, II., 333.
Andreas (Die venezianischen Relationen, Leipsic, 1908, 114-
T 15) shows that he greatly misunderstands Navagero when he says
that Paul IV. said " Mass as far as Vespers " in the forenoon, and
" the rest of the Mass, Vespers and Compline " after dinner.
'' See in Appendix No. 9 the *letter of Caniillo Olivo to Sabino
Calandra, dated Rome, May 23, 1555 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
^ The t)est known portrait of Paul IV. is that of the third year
of his reign. Through the engraving by Nicholas Beatrizet
(Romae, 1558. Cf. concerning this artist HOhner, I., 35) it
VOL. XIV. «;
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The very arrangement of his day betrayed his hot-blooded
temperament. He did not like to be disturbed in the morning,
as he wished to say mass and recite his ofifice slowly and with
great devotion. He would not be tied down to any fixed hours
for his meals, ^ though he wished his table to be served very
generously, in accordance with his high position. He himself
ate very little, and in spite of his advanced age, kept the rules
of fasting and abstinence in the strictest manner. Of the
different wines which were served he always took one glass
only of the dark, thick Neapolitan wine, and at the end of
the repast a little malvoisie to rinse his mouth. ^ After dinner
he liked to sit for a time in animated conversation with his
guests ; these were for the most part only the Cardinals,
though, as an exception, the Venetian ambassador would
sometimes be invited. In such conversations after dinner,
things sometimes escaped the lips of the youthfully lively old
passed into most of the works containing portraits, as, for example,
the continuation of Platina and Ciaconius. The portrait of Carafa
at the time when he was raised to the cardinalate is admirably
true to life ; it is in the council-chamber of the castle of Capra-
rola. The beautiful bronze bust of Paul IV. in the passage to the
sacristy of St. Peter's, is a pious bequest of the Canons there,
but is not yet reproduced (see Forcella, VI., 71). The statue
on his tomb in the church of the Minerva is somewhat idealized.
A later bust of Paul IV. is in the cloisters of St. Paolo Maggiore at
Naples. Fine examples of the bronze medals of Paul IV. are in
the Vatican collection of coins, and in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum
Berlin (Hall, 16, Case 3). The medal of the de Rossi collection of
coins in the National Library, Paris in Govau-Perate-Fabre,
Der Vatikan, Einsiedeln, 1898, 141.
1 Up to his last illness, says Navagero, loc. cit. Cf. Masius,
Brief e, 235.
2 According to the remark of Navagero it might seem (see
Ranke, I^., 186) that Paul IV. had been a great drinker. This
has been correctly contradicted in the *essay of Antonio Carafa,
quoted supra p. 63, n. 3. On the contrary, all contemporaries
praise the great moderation of Paul IV. in eating and drinking.
The Pope only gave banquets on account of his position, and did
not himself even touch most of the dishes. Cf. Bromato, II., 219.
HIS DIVISION OF THE DAY. 67
man which would have l)ecn better unsaid. At this hour also,
audiences were granted, which were, however, of very limited
duration, for Paul IV. was always fond of retirement, and did
not like to see many people.^ He received the Cardinals and
ambassadors in the course of the afternoon ; they alone were
permitted to enter the private apartments, but it sometimes
happened that even such highly placed personages were not
received, or only permitted to enter after midnight, when they
had been waiting for four, five, six or seven hours. ^ This was
the result of the irregularity in his di\ision of the day, for the
Pope allowed himself the necessary time for repose at quite
different hours. Paul IV. frequently got up at night when
he could not sleep, and set about reading or writing until
fatigue forced him again to seek his bed. The coming of day
did not disturb him in the least, for no one was allowed to enter
his room until he gave the signal with a bell. It was con-
sidered a sign of his asceticism that he despised the help of a
valet in dressing, a thing that seldom occurred in the case of one
of the princes of the Church, and was quite unheard of in the
case of a Pope.^
To those who dealt with him, Paul IV. proved very difficult
to manage ; the more anyone begged him to do a thing, the
less inclined he was to do it, but when he was not urged he
would yield quickly and easily.'' He could endure no contra-
diction and lost his temper very readily. It was in kce])ing
with the majestic, stern and peremptory manner which was
characteristic of him,^ that he always took the leading part in a
^ *Item qualiter d. Paulus de sua natura erat secretus et, ut
vulgo dicitur, ritirato nee in eius cameram et cubiculum admitte-
bat multos homines, says a defender of the Cardinal of Naples (Cod .
Barb, lat., 2630, p. 3. Vatican Library). See also Skgmuller, 26.
2 See Mocenigo-AlbiiRI 49 ; cf. Masius, Briefe, 235, 267, and
the ♦report of Navagero of February 22, 1356 (Cod. Marc, 9445.
f. 123''- Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
^ See Bromato, II., 221.
* Cf. the ambassadorial reports in Ribier, II., 815.
^ *Ha una mirabil gravita et grandezza. Questa grandezza et
gravitk I'ha mostrata in tutti gli stati. *Apologia cit. (National
Library, Naples), where striking examples are given.
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
conversation, and whoever wished to get anything from him
had to be very careful not to interrupt him ; on the other hand,
he was very fond of interrupting others, and in so doing gave
free expression to his natural eloquence, which Hosius com-
pared to that of Cicero. 1 Navagero says : " In dealing with
him, as much patience as adroitness is necessary ; if one is
successful in soothing him, he does not hghtly refuse any-
thing." Those attained most who could adapt themselves
to his ways, and the shrewd representative of Venice never
went to an audience with a definite object in view, but each
time adapted himself to the circumstances.
In the matter of his dress, Paul IV. laid great stress on
everything being in exact accordance with the ceremonial; as
he attached great importance to official dis])lay.2 He had
always had a very high idea of the ecclesiastical office, and he
had a still higher one of the Papal dignity ; now that he sat
on the throne of St. Peter, the self-assurance which the remem-
brance of his always blameless priestly life, and his unswerving
severity and activity as a churchman, as well as the experience
of many years had given him, was visibly increased. He
repeatedly declared that he would rather be torn in pieces than
do anything unworthy of his exalted office,^ and all who knew
him could testify that these were not mere words.
Cardinal Pacheco, at a critical moment, drew the attention
of the Duke of Alba to the fact that Paul IV. would never allow
himself to be influenced by fear, for he was a man who would
rather permit the destruction of the city of Rome and suffer
death himself than do anything unworthy of his high position.*
^ See the report in Ribier, II., 715 seq. ; cf. Masius, Briefe, 271.
~ See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 766, 768. The famiglia
of Paul IV. consisted, according to his " Ruolo " of 421 actual
famigliari, and 313 servi, in all 734 persons, besides 247 horses
(see Moroni, XXIII., 66-73). This was by no means excessive,
for every great house had, at that time, about 100 famigliari ; see
MuNTZ, Art., III., 78.
3 See the report of Navagero of June 4, 1557 in Brown, VI., 2,
n. 919.
4 Ibid., n. 1030.
" THE REPRESENTATIVE OF CHRIST." 69
Cardinal Morone expresses himself in similar terms in a letter
to his friend Pole. In this he declares that the Pope would
rather suffer martyrdom than allow the dignity and honour
of the Holy See, for which he felt himself responsible before
God and Christendom, to suffer in the slightest degree ; in the
opinion of Morone, he was so penetrated with the idea of being
the representative of Christ, that he considered an offence
against his own dignity as an insult to God.^
The consciousness that, as the representative of Christ, he
stood above everyone, made itself very noticeable in his
attitude towards the princes. Fully conscious of his own
dignity, he did not regard them as his sons, but as his subjects. ^
He was so far removed from the world in his ideas, that he was
accustomed to look at political questions from a very one-sided
point of view, and to judge of them very harshly. He told the
ambassadors that the place of kings and emperors was at the
feet of the pope, from whom they should receive their laws as
if they were his pupils.^ His rigid ecclesiastical principles
rebelled against the tendency, at that time very prevalent even
among Catholic sovereigns, to assume control even in the
domestic concerns of the Church. He declared that he would
put an end to the shameful subservience of his predecessors to
the princes. He therefore considered it right to make no secret
of his deep distrust of them, and to act towards them with
increasing irritability, as well as with extreme severity and
inflexibility. The conflicts into which such sentiments, joined
to the vivacity and impetuosity of his nature, led this old man,
who was still filled with youthful ardour, may easily be
imagined.
As a true son of Naples, Paul IV. was very susceptible to
^ See the original text of the *Ietters of November 28 and
December 12, 1556, in Appendix Nos. 34 and 35 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
2 See the report of the French ambassador in Ribier, II., 716 ;
cf. in Appendix No. 18, the *letter of Navagero of January i8tli,
1556 (Library of St, Mark's, Venice).
' See Navagero-Alb^ri, 380, 409, and Mocenigo-Alberi, 48 ;
cf. Ribier, II., 716 seq.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sudden impressions, hasty and changeable in his decisions,
and not infrequently impolitic in his expressions, as well as
unnecessarily sharp and abrupt. Just as he bound himself
by no fixed rules in his daily life, so was he also fond of giving
way to the impulses of the moment, and bestowed his confi-
dence as easily as he withdrew it. The iitterances of his
volcanic nature were as sudden as the eruptions of Vesuvius ;
hke all his fellow-countrymen, he spoke eagerly and at great
length, and the words flowed like a torrent from his lips.
WTiencvcr any event stirred his blood, he broke out, after the
manner of southern Italians, into the most violent and rough
language, which he accompanied with highly descriptive
gestures ; sometimes he so far forgot his dignity as to permit
himself to proceed to actual acts of violence. ^ All his ascetic-
ism had not been able to teach him moderation in the ex-
pression of his passionate feelings, or calmness and self-posses-
sion in his actions. Consequently, as Caidinal, he had had
disputes with many people, and had also been at variance with
men who, like Ignatius of Loyola, were stniggling for the same
object as himself, the regeneration of the Church. He grappled
with each ta-sk with iron energy and passionate fire ; there was
nothing underhand and no trace of hypocrisy in his character.
His piety was genuine, as were his lo\e for Church and country,
his wide view of life and his idealism ; equally genuine were his
stormy eloquence and his extensiv^e knowledge. He was well
versed in the most varied branches of learning, but above all
in theology. He .spoke Italian, Greek and Spanish fluently ;
unusually well read, he remembered everything he had ever
learned, and was intimately acquainted with the Latin and
Greek classics, while the Scriptures he knew almost by heart.
Among theologians his favourite author was St. Thomas
Aquinas.^
1 Cf. Serristori's report of July 6, 1555 in Coggiola, Capitola-
zione, 27 n.
2 Cf. Navagero loc. cit. Carafa's letters show his familiarity with
the Holy Scriptures, as they consist almost entirely of passages
from the Bible. Many of them are still unprinted ; see especially
*Cod. Barb. lat. 5697. Vatican Library.
HIS IRON WILL AND CHARACTER. 7I
For sixty years Gian Pictro had devoted all the gifts of his
intellect, the strength of his iron will, and the firmness of a
character which brooked no opposition to one aim alone :
to infuse new life into the authority, the power, the purity and
the dignity of the Church, which was now so sorely beset by
enemies, both from within and without. This aim had been
steadily before his eyes as Bishop of Chieti, as nuncio in Eng-
land and vSpain, as a member of the Oratory of Divine Love,
as head of the Theatine Order, which he had founded in con-
junction with S. Gactano di Tiene, as a member of the reform
commission of Paul III., and as Cardinal. ^ In all these offices
he had .shown himself to be a man of strong and decided
character, and an indefatigable fighter in the interests of the
Church, as well as the strictest of the strict, especially in all
that concerned the purity of morals and of the faith. No
respect of persons could restrain his frankness ; he always
declared his opinions openly and without reserve, before
Cardinals and Pope alike. The history of Paul III. as well
as that of Julius III. often tells of cases when measures had
to be carried out, even by those in the highest positions, which
were not in accordance with the interests and dignity of the
Holy See. On such occasions Cardinal Carafa was to be
found, either in direct opposition, or, if further resistance
appeared to ha\'e no prospect of success, at any rate protesting
by his absence from the consistory. ^ If, in such cases, Carafa
drew down upon himself the displeasure of the Pope, he
troubled as little about it as he did about the actual material
disadvantages which he had to suffer.^ He bore it all in silence
and calmness of spirit, and kept unswervingly to his own strict
principles.
' Cf. Vol. X. of this work pp. 401 scqq. and Vol. XI., pp. 147,
155. 157. 161, 169.
2 C/. Panvinio in Merkle, II., 271 n. ; see also Sii-os, I., 316
seq. and Vol. XII. of this work, p. 232 seqq., and Vol. XIII., p. 71.
^ A. Carafa relates in the * Apologia the opposition of Carafa
to the bestowal of Parma and Piacenza on Pier Luigi Famese
(see Vol. XII. of this work, p. 233) : *Onde venne in disgratia del
papa et gli tolse la provisione di cento scudi il mese, die se li
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Whereas most people relax in old age and begin to feel
inclined to rest, Carafa's energy, fire, and strength of will
seemed to increase from year to year.^ " The Pope," writes
the Florentine ambassador, " is a man of iron, and the very
stones over which he walks emit sparks which cause a con-
flagration should his wishes not be carried out."^
It is easy to understand that such a man had few friends
and adherents ; people recognized his pure life, his incorrupt-
ible honesty, and his learning, but all blamed and feared his
exaggerated severity, his abruptness and his obstinacy. There
had been no lack of titles and honours in the life of this man,
who had risen to the dignity of Dean of the Sacred College, but
he had won the affection and love of very few.^
The new Pope was quite aware of this, and he felt the
necessity of making some little concession to public opinion,
if he was not to make himself hated from the outset, and thus
destroy all his influence. The more the Romans had feared
the ascetic Theatine, the more agreeably astonished were they
when Paul IV. also brought into prominence the brilliant and
princely side of the Papacy. They learned with satisfaction
how this man, who as Cardinal had led such a frugal and retired
life,'* had ordered the officials of the palace, when they asked
dava come cardinale povero, restandogli da vivere mille soli scudi
d'entrata Tanno. Ne percio ne fece mai parola o alcuno risenti-
mento. Anzi perch^ quando usciva a palazzo negli atti publici
non era salutato, come si suole faie con cardinali, dalle musiche
di castello et tronibe di palazzo, se ne rideva con ogni serenita
d'animo (Cod. X., F. 55, p. 6., National Library, Naples).
^ Cf. Panvinio loc. cit.
* Legaz. di Serristori, 375.
3 See MocENiGO-ALBiRi, 46.
* One of the Cardinal's defenders, Alfonso Carafa says : *Item
ponit et . . . probare intendit qualiter praedictus Paulus quar-
tus fe. re. ante papatum fuerat per viginti annos in circa cardinalis,
habebat redditus competentes adeo quod tempore sue assump-
tionis ad pontificatum habebat in redditibus circa duodecim
milia scuta annua, et erat parens in expedendo et non amplam
familiam retinebat, adeo quod verisimiliter et unus quisque recti
SPLENDOUR OF THE CORONATION. 73
for instructions, to make arrangements "on as magniticent a
scale as is fitting for a great prince."^
No expense was spared for the feast of the coronation, which
took place on May 26th. The banquet which was given on
this occasion to the Cardinals and ambassadors was exceedingly
briUiant. " Although only four days have elapsed since the
election," writes Angelo Massarclli in his diary, " the new
Pope has already given so many proofs of his generosity,
benevolence, magnanimity and splendour, that one can easily
form an. opinion about the new reign. "^ The Bolognese am-
bassador expressed himself in a similar manner in a letter of
May 29th, 1555 : " His Holiness will be an excellent Pope,
full of goodness and magnanimity."^ When Paul IV. left
the Castle of St. Angelo on June 4th, for his summer residence
at the palace of S. Marco, such magnificence was displayed that
it might have been thought that the days of Leo X. had again
returned.*
This beginning, which no one had expected from the stern,
a.scetic Pope, was imdoubtedly intended to make an im])ression
on the Romans, who were dazzled by the outward pomp and
iuditii ita diceret et iudicaret, quod deductis expensis quolibet
anno potuerat conservare et congregare quatuor aut quinque
milia scuta (Cod. Barb, lat., 2630, f. 3 ''., Vatican Library).
' See H. Seripandus, ed. Hofler 53 ; cf. Bromato, 1L, 218.
2 See Mkrkle, IL, 270. Concerning the coronation, cf. the
♦report of Franchino to Ottavio Farnese, dated Rome, May 27,
1555 (State Archives, Parma).
3 *Letter of U. Gozzadini (State Archives, Bologna). Cf. also
tlie reports in L. L.minius, Lucubrat., IL, 35, and Segmuller,
Wahl Pauls IV., 9.
* Besides Massarelli, 272 scq. L. Firmanus, *Diaria XII., 29
(Secret Archives of the Vatican) and Corpo dipl. Port., VII.,
423 acq., the *report of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, June 5, 1555.
who remarks in his description of the brilliant procession : *et da
Leone in qua non si e fatto una tal cosa (State Archives, Bologna).
Concernmg the Possesso of Paul IV. see Cola Coleine in Cancel-
LiERi, 108 ; Massarelli, 284 ; Masius, Briefe, 232 ; L. F'irmanus,
*Diaria loc. cit.
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
lavishness ; besides this, the high conception of the Papal
dignity which animated Paul IV. did not fail to have an effect.
He had not sought for this, the highest position of which
ambition could dream, and the astonishing fact that he, the
hated and dreaded Cardinal, who had always displayed the
greatest severity, and had never shown the least favour to
anyone, should, in spite of his exclusion by the Emperor, have
received the tiara, could, he felt, only be explained by seeing
in it the inter\^ention of a higher power. He was, and he
remained, firmly convinced that, not the Cardinals, t)ut God
Himself had chosen him for the furtherance of His designs. ^
He was also as firmly persuaded that these designs could be
none other than those upon which the whole of his previous
aims and thoughts had ever been fixed : the defence and revivi-
fying of the Church, her liberation from the domination of every
secular power, and her victory over heresy. He was entirely
permeated with these ideas, and now that he was raised to the
supreme pontificate, he intended to carry them out with all the
inconsidercd idealism which had always been characteristic
of him, and to employ all his powers in restoring to the Catholic
religion its former splendour and might. -
The Church, and above all her centre, the Holy See, had for a
whole generation suffered unheard-of attacks and great
humiliations. Now that he was in possession of the supreme
power, Paul IV. meant to reverse this state of affairs, and once
more to restore to the Holy See its old position of domination.
With his ideas rooted, as were all his views, in the Middle Ages,
he saw the ecclesiastical ideal in the century of Innocent III.,
when the Papal power was at its zenith. Nothing, therefore,
was so far opposed to his ideas as the great drifting apart of the
spiritual and the temporal which had come to pass in later
times ; to him, everj^thing should be looked at from the point
of view of the Church. He accordingly considered it to be his
^ See MOCENIGO-AI.BERI, 46-47.
2 Cf. the coronation day *brief (May 26, 1555) to the Kings of
Portugal and of the Romans (Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 104 and 106. Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
MEDIAEVAL IDEALS OF THE POPE. 75
duty to take up once more the attitude which the Holy Sec
had adopted at that time towards princes and peoples, and
again, with all the power of his will, and quite regardless of the
consequences, to revive it, even in the domain of politics. In
his fiery enthusiasm, it quite escaped^ him that all the rights
to which in the course of centuries the Popes had laid claim did
not arise from the divine law or from the nature of the primacy,
but that many of them, and especially the political ones, were
the result of historical development and were human in their
origin, and might therefore once more have to be relinquished.
No less did it escape the notice of this idealist, who thought
only of what ought to be, that the vast changes in the ecclesi-
astical and political condition of Europe rendered a vindication
of such Papal authority over the Christian princes as had
existed during the centuries of the Middle Ages an utter
impossibility. Untroubled by the falling away of half the
world, and regardless of the far-reaching changes which had
taken place even in those states which had remained Catholic,
Paul IV. lived and worked in those days when the Popes, as
fathers and leaders of Christendom, had also exercised a wide-
spread power, even in the sphere of pohtics. Although there
existed no ecclesiastical definition with regard to the power of
the Holy See in secular matters, ^ he clung rigidly to all the
claims which his predecessors had made under quite different
conditions and in quite other circumstances.
With such \'iews, matters might very easily come to a hostile
encounter with the great power of the House of Hapsburg,
all the more as the Spani.sh- Hapsburg monarchy was as great
a menace to the freedom of Italy as to that of the Papacy. Not
only was the reihembrance of the one-time independence and
extensive power of the Holy Sec firmly rooted in Carafa's soul,
but so also was the memory of the splendour of Italy, of which
he had received the deepest impressions in his early youth.
He compared this Italy of the past to a perfectly tuned instru-
• The statements made to the French ambassador are very
characteristic of this in Ribif.r, II., 716, scq.
2 Hergenrother, Staat und Kirche, 749.
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ment,of which the four strings were the States of the Church,
Naples, Milan and Venice. He detested the memory of
Alfonso of Aragon and Ludovico Moro, through whom this
harmony had been thrown into discord.^ The domination of
the Spaniards in the Appenine peninsula, the yoke which they
had imposed on his beloved Naples, and the heavy pressure
which they had brought to bear on the Holy See, appeared
to hini all the more intolerable, as he entertained the gravest
doubts as to the Catholic sentiments of Charles V.^ Already
as a Cardinal he had watched with growing indignation the
numerous encroachments of this monarch in the domain of
domestic ecclesiastical affairs, and it had even then become
a fixed idea with him that the possessor of the Imperial
authorit}^ secretly favoured the German Protestants, in order
to destroy the temporal power of the Holy Sec, and thrrs rule
alone in Italy. To this policy he ascribed the sweeping pro-
gress which the enemies of the Church were now making.
Above all, the recollection of the horrible devastation which
Rome, the capital of Christendom, had had to suffer from
the troops of the Emperor, was indelibly fixed in his memory,
nor could he ever forget that attempt of this prince to set up,
by his own power, an " Interim " rehgion in Germany, without
the consent of the Holy See. He therefore detested and
opposed^ this monarch as a Neapolitan, as an Italian, and above
all as a Catholic, and had regarded the complaisance of JuHus
III. towards him with ever-increasing displeasure.
Now that he was in ])Ossession of the supremiC power, Paul
IV. made no secret of his dislike for the Spaniards, and of his
' Navagero in Alberi, Ser. 2, III., 389.
2 Navagero repeatedly made reports concerning this ; see
especially Brown, VI., r, 392, 453, 622, 669, 674, 798 ; cf. also
infra, Cap. IV.
3 The well-informed maintain that Cardinal Carafa advised
Paul III. in the year 1547 to an imdertaking against the Spanish
domination in Naples (see GrANNONE, Storia di Napoli, 33, i ;
cf. the note to Nores, 304 and the remarks of several Cardinals,
which Bruzzone published in the Cultura N.S.i [1891] 434 seq.)
Julius III. officially disavowed the matter ; see Silos, I., 311 seq.
OPPOSITION TO THE SPANISH POWER. "]"]
leaning towards France, whose king had promoted his election. ^
The thought of opposing the domination of the Spaniards in
Italy urged him to take action all the more strongly as the
political situation appeared to be \Qxy favourable to his j)ur-
pose. The Emperor's star was no longer in the ascendant, but
was irresistibly set on the downward path. The haughty
monarch, on whose dominions the sun never set, felt, in view
of the menace to his domination in Germany and the Nether-
lands, and his far from assured position in Italy, the failure of
his far-reaching plans all the more deepl}' as his bodily infirmi-
ties weighed more and more upon him.
Under such circumstances it was very tempting to make
use of this moment to free Italy and the Papacy from the
pressure of the Spanish power. Men now saw the rare specta-
cle of a man who had hitherto been exclusively occupied with
the reform of the clerg;^^ the struggle against heresy, and with
works of Christian charity, plunging with all the impetuosity
of his ficr^' nature into international politics and embarking
on a great war. Anyone else would have drawn back in fear
before the rashness of an encounter with the Colossus of the
Spanish power, but not so Paul IV. He, who had never known
fear, was now filled with a double confidence, and was per-
suaded that God would assist him, an idea which he expressed
in the words of his motto, ^ where it was written : " Thou shalt
walk upon the asji and the basilisk, and thou shalt trample
under foot the lion and the dragon."^ The monarch who had
allowed Rome to l)e devastated, and had attempted to intro-
duce a mixed religion into Germany, he considered as abetting
the worst enemies of the Church in an even greater degree than
a schismatic and a heretic. It was unbearable to him that the
Spaniards, whom he looked upon as a mixture of Jews and
Marani, should rule the north and south of Italy and thereby
tlireaten the freedom and the great position in the world of
* See the letter of Avanson of May 24, 1555, in F.\vre, Olivier de
Magny, 436 ; cj. also the report in Skgmuller, Wahl Pauls IV., 6.
■•* " Dominus mihi afljutor " ; see Ciaconius, III., 813.
^ Psalm XC, 13. Cj. Navagero-Alb£;ri, 390.
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Holy See. He would no longer tolerate a state of affairs,
to end which his great predecessor had undertaken a mortal
combat with the Hohenstaufen.
Besides these ecclesiastical reasons, Paul IV. was no less
animated by national motives when he resolved to enter upon
a struggle with the tremendous power of Spain. This poor
Italy which, even though the golden age of the Renaissance
was now over, still stood at the head of the European nations as
supreme in literature and art, should no longer languish under
the yoke of a foreign power, the ancient home of culture
must be freed from the " barbarians." Not as masters,
thought the Pope, must these strangers be suffered in the
Hesperides, but rather as stable-boys and cooks, or, at the
most, as shop-keepers.^ The idea of freeing Italy from every
foreign influence was so deeply engrained in Paul IV. that he
regarded the help of the French in driving out the Spaniards
as a merely temporary expedient. He once said to the Vene-
tian ambassador, Navagero, in whom he had si)ecial confidence:
" They are all barbarians, and it would be a good thing if they
remained at home, and nothing but Italian were spoken in our
country. "2 On another occasion he reminded the same
ambassador of a Neapolitan proverb, to the effect that the
Spaniards were good as a beginning, but the French for later
on, as the Spaniard was very polite, and with hat in hand was
lavish in compliments and flattery, but as soon as he had
obtained a grip he would play the host ; the Frenchman, on
the other hand, in accordance with his hot-headed nature, was
impudent at first, but calmed down later on, so that one could
at last get on with him very well.^
This idea of liberating the Holy See from foreign influences
by bringing about the downfall of the Spanish domination in
Naples and Milan reminds us of the plans of Julius II. Indeed
^ Cf. Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 813.
2 See the letter of Navagero in the Appendix to Nores, 308 ;
cf. Navagero-Alberi, 405 seq.
^ See the report of Navagero in Ancel, Sienne, 28, n. 4, and also
Brown, VI., 2, n. 813.
LACK OF POLITICAL CAPACITY. 79
there was something of the spirit of the Rovere Pope in Paul
IV., and a contemporary ^ described the entrance of the new
Pope into diplomatic affairs by the same word " terrible " —
powerful, grand, which the Venetian ambassador of the time
had used in speaking of Julius 11.^ However, quite apart from
the political and ecclesiastical differences between the two
times, Paul IV. could not undertake such a bold enterprise as
the expulsion of the Spaniards from Italy with any prospect
of success, because he was entirely lacking in the political and
military capacity which had been characteristic, in such a
marked degree, of his great predecessor. In consequence of the
direction which the development of his powers had always
taken, Paul IV. had more and more lost touch with political
matters, while of military affairs he had never had any ex-
perience. The difficulties, therefore, with which his colossal
undertaking would confront him, the new condition of political
affairs caused by the religious divisions, the insufficient number
of the troops at the disposal of the States of the Church, and
the unwarlike nature of the Italians, were as little reahzed by
him as the unfavourable state of the Papal treasury.^ To all
this must be added his own temperament, which was as little
suited to a diplomatist as to a commander of armies.
The nature of the Pope was also to a great extent responsible
for the silence of those who would have warned him before
beginning a conflict with Spain. It is especially the fate of
princes that they seldom or never hear the truth, and much
more is this the case with those of hasty disposition. Anyone
who frankly explained the true state of affairs to Paul IV. fell
^ It is thus expressed in a *letter of a Mantuan agent, dated
Rome, September i, 1555 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. Vol. VI. of this work, 274 seq.
3 See, concerning the financial state of affairs, the complaints
in the * brief to the vice-legate of the provinces of the States of the
Church of June 4, 1555 (Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 116. Secret Archives
of the Vatican). Cf. Navagero-Alberi, 375 ; Brosch, I., 202
i,eq. Abundant details of the receipts and expenditure in the
States of the Church under Paul IV. are collected in a volume
in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Miscell. Arm. II., t. 45.
80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
into disfavour, while, on the other hand, he wiUingly lent his
ear to those who agreed with his ideas, although they often
withheld from him just what was most important.^ Conse-
quently the Pope lived, as far as political and military matters
were concerned, in a world of phantasy, which was in glaring
contrast to the actual state of affairs.
It was a great misfortune that such a man should have
entered into the maze of politics, a misfortune alike for the
Papal States and for the Church, which was in need of nothing
so much as a thorough reformation. To neglect this for
political activity was by no means the intention of Paul IV.,
all the more so as the liberation of the Holy See from the Span-
ish yoke was also part of his plan of reform. In accordance
with this, in his first consistory, on May 29th, 1555, he laid
stress on his fixed intention of maintaining his own dignity and
the authority of the Holy See, as well as of reforming the bad
moral state of the clergy, and he besought the Cardinals to
assist him in this, and to give an example by their own good
lives. The same members of the Sacred College were appointed
to deliberate upon the necessary reforms as had been chosen
for this task by Marcellus II. ^ The Pope expressed himself
in such a manner on this occasion that it wj.s generally recog-
nized that he intended to devote his first care to this difficult
task.^ It was announced at the same time that the seventy-
nine-year-old Pope would depute Cardinals for the government
^ Cf. Navagero-Alberi, 405 seq. Even P. Strozzi, who was
able to speak very openly to Paul IV. (see ibid. 407), often had to
conceal the full truth from him ; an example of this in Angel,
DisgrS,ce, 20, n. 5.
^ Besides Massarelli, 272 see *Acta consist. (Consistorial
Archives) and the report of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, May 29,
1555 (State Archives, Bologna).
^ U. Gozzadini reported in a *letter of May 29, 1355 : S.S.*^
ha fatto una exortatione a tutti li cardinali a dovere vivere da
cardinali et con molta efficacia con accennare che vuole che si
attendi alia reformatione et che ha delle prime cose che si facciano
al darle fine (State Archives, Bologna).
PROMOTION OF CARLO CARAFA. 8l
of the States of the Church and for the administr,ation of
poUtical business.^
This last plan was soon after carried into effect in a manner
that was as fateful for Paul IV. as it was for the Church. Filled
with distrust of the Cardinals who had elected him almost
against their wills, the Pope thought that he M'ould find the
necessary qualities for the direction of political affairs — the
later secretaryship of state — more surely in a member of his
own family. In a consistory on June 7th, 1555, Carlo Carafa,
the youngest son of Giovan Alfonso, Count of Montorio, the
deceased elder brother of the Pope, was appointed a Cardinal
Deacon. 2 On July 15th Carlo Carafa received the position
which Alessandro Farnese had filled under Paul III., and
Innocenzo del Monte under Julius III. : the nuncios were
enjoined to have the same confidence in him as in the Pope
himself.^
The Pope looked upon such an arrangement, which was
similar to that of so many of his predecessors, as a matter of
course, without having been led to this choice by any ex-
aggerated love for his family, for his nepotism was not founded
on personal or family aftection, as had been the case with so
many of the Renaissance Popes.*
It is, therefore, all the more tragic that his choice should have
^ See the *letter of U. Gozzadini of May 29, 1555 (State Archives,
Bologna).
2 See Ada comist. in Gulik-Eubel, III., 38 and Massarelli,
273. Carata did not receive ordination as a priest, and he knew
nothing of Latin. See Nouciat., IL, 362.
^ See the **brief to Cardinal Carafa of July 15th, 1555, which
has escaped the notice even of Ancel (Secret, pontif., 6). Secret
Archives of the Vatican, Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 168.
* Ranke (Piipste, I.'', 195) and Susta (Mitteil. des Osterr. In-
stituts, Erg.-Bd., VI., 551) are justified in emphasizing this. I
cannot, however, estimate the consideration for the anti-Spanish
policy as highly as they do. Susta shows very clearly how the
unfortunate system of nepotism was in a certain sense inevitable
in the States of the Church. Cf. also Felten in the Freib. Kirchen-
lex., IX., 104 seq.
VOL. XIV. 6
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES
fallen on one who could not have been more unsuited for the
dignity. Carlo Carafa was the type of an Itahan " con-
dot tiere " ; an able but unprincipled man, he had had a very
stirring and adventurous career.
Born in the year 1517 or 1519, he had been, as a boy, page
to Cardinal Pompeo Colonna, and had then entered the service
of Pier Luigi Farnese, finally devoting himself entirely to the
military profession, since, as the youngest son, and having no
prospect of the family possessions, he had to carve out his own
way with his sword. He fought for many years under the
banner of the Emperor, in Piedmont under Vasto, and in the
Schmalkaldic war under Ottavio Farnese. Disappointed in
his hopes, and badly treated by the Spaniards, he at last
abandoned the cause of the Emperor and fought for the French
under Strozzi in the Sienese war. At the time of the conclave
he was in Rome.^
At first sight it appears impossible to understand how the
Pope, so austere with regard to morals, could suddenly summon
this rough soldier, whose scandalous and licentious life was
known to him,^ into the supreme senate of the Church. It was
therefore supposed that the cunning nephew had deceived the
old Pope by a comedy of conversion.^ The truth, however,
was quite different. The bestowal of the purple on Carlo
Carafa was the result of a cleverly devised intrigue
of his elder brother Giovanni, Count of Montorio.* Concerned
above everything else with the splendour and greatness of the
1 NAVAGERO-ALBfeRI, 383. PeTRAMELLARIUS, 9I seq. ClA-
coNius, III., 842 seq. Duruy, 7 seq., 345 seq. Riess, 19 seq.
Angel, Disgrace, 12 seq. Nonciat., II., 258.
2 Cf. the Motu Proprio by which Carafa was absolved from his
former crimes, in Christofori, Paolo IV. (Miscell. stor. Romana,
1888, I., Ser. 2, p. 56), and Ancel, Disgrace, 15, n. 3.
3 The story of Carafa's comedy of conversion, which has been
widely circulated, chiefly through Ranke, (Papste, I^., 188), is
also repudiated by Riess (p. 23 seq.)
■* The source of proof for this has been furnished by Ancel
(Disgrace, 14 seq.) Cf. also Coggiola, Farnesi, 74, 75, and Corpo
dipl. Port., VII., 424.
GIOVANNI CARAFA. 83
family, Giovanni Carafa saw the means of promoting this by
a close connection with Spain. It is characteristic of the man
and his times that he could conceive the plan of detaching his
l)rothcr Carlo from the French service, which might cause seri-
ous embarrassments, and withdrawing this experienced soldier
from the calling of arms, by procuring for him the dignity of
Cardinal. Carlo himself, though it may be doubted whether
he was in earnest, showed but little incHnation for the change.
At first the Pope would not hear of such a promotion, but in
spite of this Giovanni Carafa contrived to bring it about ; he
was eagerly encouraged in his plan by the French Ambassador,
Avanson, who, fearing the great influence of Cardinal Alessan-
dro Farnese, favoured the cause of the nephew in every
way.i At last Giovanni won over the representative of the
Emperor to his plan, and the Pope, after some hesitation,
finally gave way to the general pressure put upon him.^ He
was destined, however, to regret nothing more bitterly than
this choice, which remains a great slur upon his reputa-
tion.
The first, however, to repent of the elevation of Carlo was
his brother Giovanni.^ In a very short time Carlo was able
to ingratiate himself to such an extent with the Pope that the
latter, after a few weeks, entrusted him with the entire direc-
tion of secular politics. Giovanni, who, since the beginning of
^ Cf. CoGGiOLA, Conclave, 474 seqq. Avanson also feared the
influence of the Imperialist Cardinal Carpi, who was very intimate
with Paul IV., see his letter of May 24, 1555, in Favre, 436.
2 * It is quite in accordance with the truth when Paul IV., in a
♦brief to Pole of July 16, 1555, says that he has appointed C.
Carafa as Cardinal : " non solum omnium consensu, sed hortatu."
(Min. brev. Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 169. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ The second brother, Antonio, Marchese di Montebello, was a
passionate man and not of any great talent, but, in spite of this
he was appointed to the command of the Papal troops (see the
♦brief to him of August 31, 1555 ; Brev. ad princ. Arm. 4^, t. 4,
n. 226. Secret Archives of the Vatican). Antonio played no part
in the time that followed. On the other hand his son Alfonso
became a favourite of the Pope {cf. infra p. 202).
84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
June, had had a decisive influence^ in this matter, found him-
self, to his great surprise, completely supplanted. The
change found outward expression in the fact that Carlo Carafa
now moved to the Borgia apartments, which had hitherto been
occupied by his brother. ^ The ambassadors and envoys of
the powers now crowded these rooms, especially as Paul IV.
granted audiences very unwillingly. The only person who saw
His Holiness every day was Carlo Carafa ; in his new position
as head of the actual secretaryship of state, he could confer
with the Pope as often and as long as he wished. The whole
of the pohtical correspondence with the nuncios and other
representatives of the Holy See, as well as with the kings and
princes, was directed by him. He alone had the right to open
and answer all letters, even those addressed directly to the
Pope. In addition to this, all political business, as well as
everything that concerned finance, law, and the administration
of the city of Rome and the States of the Church, was placed
under the superintendence of the Cardinal-nephew.^
In order to carry on such an amount of work Carlo Carafa
surrounded himself with a numerous and well-trained staff of
officials, who were entirely devoted to him. Giovanni della
Casa, his principal secretary, worked under him as his confi-
dential assistant and representative (segretario intimo or
maggiore). This Florentine humanist and open enemy of
the Medici was the most distinguished of the numerous Floren-
tines who had left their home and come to Rome. He alone
had cognizance of all the projects of the Cardinal-nephew, and
the whole of the diplomatic correspondence passed through his
^ See in Appendix No. 10 the *brief of June 2, 1555 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican) and the Portuguese report in the Corpo
dipl. Port., VIII., 431. As early as June 20, 1555, an agent of
Cardinal Madruzzo *reported from Rome : the new Cardinal
Carafa was indeed, "' privato del papa," but : " Chi adesso fa
tutte le cose e il conte di Montorio." Correspondence of Mad-
ruzzo in the Vice-Regal Archives, Innsbruck.
2 See Angel, Disgrace, 17 seq. and Secretairie, 10 ; cf. Coggiola,
Farnesi, 770.
^ See Angel, Secret., 7 seq.
CARLO CARAFA's SECRETARIES. 85
hands ; indeed, he alone was aware of the existence of many
of these documents.^
Positions similar to that held l)y Gio\anni dclla Casa for
political affairs, were held by Annibale Bozzuto for the affairs
of the States of the Church, and by the celebrated jurist,
Silvestro Aldobrandini, for fiscal and criminal causes. Every
morning, with the exception of that given over to the reception
of the ambassadors. Carlo Carafa received these men for the
delivery of their reports, and important questions were dealt
with by all four.- Aldobrandini, who belonged to a noble
Florentine family, had been bani.shed in 1531 as an opponent
of the Medici. Bozzuto was a banished Neapolitan, and the
appointment of these exiles who, full of spite and passion, were
awaiting their return home by means of the fall of the Spanish
power, counted for much in the warlike turn which affairs
took in Rome.^
1 See Angel, Secret. 5 seqq. Delia Casa (see concerning him
Vol. XII. of this work, p. 525) had already known Paul IV., in
\^enice ; he owed his new position to Cardinal Farnese (Caro-
Faknese, Lettere, II., 221). He was summoned to Rome by a
♦brief of May 30, 1555 (Min. brev. Arm. 44, t. 4, n. no. Secret
Archives of the Vatican) and definitely appointed on July 13
(see Studi storici, XVII., 592). After his death (November 14,
1556) he was succeeded by S. Aldobrandini. After the fall of the
latter in 1557 (see infra p. 154) A. Lippomano succeeded to his
important post, which he united to that of a " secretarius
domesticus " ; see Ancel, Secret., 15 seq.
2 See the *Summario dell' attioni di Mons. Ill™" in the minutes
of the trial of Carafa (State Archives, Rome), of which Ancel
justly remarks {loc. cit.) that it should not be attributed to Antonio
Carafa, as Coggiola has it (Sull' anno della morte di m. della Casa,
Pistoia, 1901, 8 seqq.) Passarini had already remarked (Aldo-
brandini, 118) this error of Nores (p. 272). Concerning the fall of
Bozzuto F. Pasoto reports from Rome on September i, 1557
♦Domenica mattina si disse la notte inanci N.S. havea fatto levar
di let to Mousig. Bozzuto cosi amalato com' era et fattolo mettere
pripione in castello, dove e ancora. La cau.sa non si dice. His
successor was Annibale Brancaccio (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.)
^ See Navagero-Alberi 391, 405. The apologetic counter-
remarks of Passarini (Aldobrandini, 118) prove nothing.
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Five secretaries were appointed in addition to della Casa
to carry on the Italian correspondence. Of these, Antonio
EHo, Bishop of Pola, and Giovanni Francesco Commendone,
Bishop of Zante, held the first place. There were also three
other secretaries, Girolamo Soverchio, Angelo Massarelli and
Trifone Bencio, the latter for the cypher letters. All of these
highly placed officials of the department of the secretary of
state had a corresponding number of lesser officials at their
disposal. Besides these, Cardinal Carafa employed various
private secretaries and agents, who were partly made use of
for purposes of his own. Among these a great part was played
by Annibale Rucellai, although he had no special title ; he
was a nephew of Giovanni della Casa, and was initiated into
many secrets of the policy of his master. ^
The secretariate of briefs was strictly separated from the
secretariate of state, and had its own archives. This depart-
ment, which was exclusively occupied with ecclesiastical affairs
and the administration of the States of the Church, was
directly under the Pope. Giovanni Barengo held, as first
" segretario domestico," a similar position in this department
to that of della Casa in that of the secretariate of state. Like
Barengo, who composed all the important briefs and bulls, a
second " segretario domestico," Giovanni Francesco Bini,
lived in the Vatican. The latter, a humanist of the school of
Sadoleto, had to draw up the briefs to the princes. Besides
those mentioned, there also appear, as highly placed officials
of the secretariate of briefs, Antonio Fiordibello, once secretary
to Sadoleto, and Cesare Grolierio. All of these, who in their
turn had many officials under them, are distinguished from
the great functionaries of the secretariate of state principally
by the fact that they did no independent work of their own,
but had only to carry out the orders they received, these being
given by the Pope himself, or by those to whom the head of
the Church had transferred some part of his authority. ^
^ See the thorough investigations of Ancel, Secret., 14 seqq.
25 seqq., 32 seqq. ; concerning Elio cf. Merkle, I., 377.
2 See Ancel, Secret., 47 seqq. Concerning Barengo cf. Masius,
Briefe, 244,251 for Bini (died September, 1556) see Merkle, II.,
carafa's influence with the pope. 87
It is characteristic of Paul IV. that he placed a limit to the
powers of Carlo Carafa, as far as the actual inner administration
of the Church was concerned.^ The nephew, however, ruled
all the more freely in the matter of politics ; in this department
he eventually got such a grip that he managed the Pope like a
child. 2 Cardinal Alessandro Famese, in whom the Pope, at
the beginning of his reign, had shown, in the fullness of his
gratitude, an almost unhmited confidence, was now put on one
side, as had been the case with Giovanni Carafa.^ The crafty
and intriguing Carlo, who could adapt himself to every situa-
tion, understood perfectly how to lead the unwary old Pope.
The unusual capabilities of his nephew, and his hatred of
the Spaniards, had made Paul IV. forget everything which
he had formerly blamed in him. He bore all the more willingly
with the warlike natuie of Carlo, which was quite opposed to
his principles as a strict churchman, because their characters
were in reaUty much akin ; both were true NeapoHtans,
passionate, credulous and rash in their resolves.'* Carlo
possessed, moreo\'er, a wonderful skill in managing his old
uncle, and in accomodatiig himself to his weaknesses and
favourite theories. Paul IV. became more and more persuaded
that the Holy See possessed no more faithful, honest and
capable servant than his nephew. So completely was he
xxii. Bini's successor was A. Lippomano ; when Barengo died
in June, 1559, he was suceeded by Francesco Aragonia.
^ See Navagero-Alb&ri, who twice emphasizes this hmitation
of authority (384 and 411). It cannot therefore be said with
Ranke (I.^, 188) that the Pope entrusted his nephew with " the
whole, not only of secular, but also of ecclesiastical affairs." In
the report of Salvago (Atti Lig., XIII., 755) he says distinctly
that Cardinal Carafa had possessed the " suprema authority, et
cura de' negotii appartenenti a stato et a giustitia."
2 See Masius, Briefe, 222.
^ Cf. CoGGioLA, Conclave, 476 seq., and Farnesi, 81 seq. ;
Ancel, Secret, 14 seq. Concerning the great influence of Farnese
at the beginning see also the report of the Portuguese ambassador
of June 18, 1555, in the Corpo dipl. Port., VIII., 420.
* Cf. the opinion of Cardinal Farnese in Riess, 53.
88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
beguiled, that he did not hesitate repeatedly to assure the
Venetian ambassador that Carlo excelled all his predecessors
as a statesman. The nephew, who was soon overwhelmed with
tokens of favour, ^ was able to make himself so indispensable
that the Pope longed for him when he was absent, and put off
all important business until his return. As Navagero points
out, Carlo was able, with wonderful sagacity, to find out
exactly what pleased the Pope, and to make use of every cir-
cumstance for the attainment of his own ends. He was
exceedingly jealous of his own influence, and wanted to be
recognized everywhere as the master, and to see others in a
position of dependence ; he also treated the representatives
of the powers with abrupt self-assurance. In the same way as
he promoted his friends and adherents, he revenged himself
on his rivals and opponents. He had reached an age when
he had come to the full vigour of his powers, and he devoted
himself with indefatigable energy to the affairs of state.
Sagacious and skilled in all manner of plots and intrigues, a
master of the art of always having irons in the fire, unprinci-
pled, double-faced and calculating, like a true follower of
Machiavelli, full of bold and far-reaching schemes, which he
was exceedingly skilful in carrying into effect, and entirely
possessed by an insatiable ambition, Carafa's fiery nature was
more and more inflamed by his unexpected good fortune, of
which he was determined to make full use as long as his aged
uncle lived. It was only in appearance that he was working
for the noble end of liberating the Holy See and Italy from
the oppressive yoke of foreign rule, in reality his activities
^ C. Carafa received the legation of Bologna, as well as all the
offices connected with it on October 26, 1555 (see the *brief of
that date in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. 44, t. 4,
p. 143). This office brought in to the nephew 8000 ducats. Con-
cerning this and other revenues see NAVAGERO-ALBiRi, 384-385.
In February, 1556 Cardinal Carafa also received the ' governo
d'Ancona ' (see the *letter of Card. Medici to Card. Carafa of
February 5, 1556. Cod. Barb. lat. 5698, p. 8. Vatican Library),
in July, 1556 he received the bishopric of Comminges ; see Mel.
d' arch^ol., XXII., loi seq.
carafa's selfish aims. 89
were wholly selfish and unscrui)ulous, and directed to his own
advancement and that of his family. ^ Such was the man who,
in these exceedingly dangerous times, was to direct the secular
policy of the Holy See.
^ For a character sketch of Cardinal Carafa, cf. of contempor-
aries, especially Navagero-Alberi, 384 seq., and Charles Marillac
in Vaissiere, Charles de Marillac, Paris, 1896, 327 ; of later histor-
ians Pallavicini, 13, 12, 6 ; Marcks, Coligny, 81, and especially
Angel, Secret, 11 seqq., and Disgrace, 13 seq. In his admirable
work. La question de Sienne, Ancel remarks : " Entre les bas
calculs de Carlo Carafa et I'idcal du pape qui voudrait soustraire
rfiglise et ritalie a la tutelle qui va desormais peser si lourdement
sur elles, il y a un abime." (p. 90).
CHAPTER IV.
Commencement of the Struggle of Paul IV.
AGAINST THE SUPREMACY OF SpAIN.
On the same May 29th, 1555, on which Paul IV. had announced
his intentions concerning reform in his first consistory, he
signed a Bull in which he solemnly promised to devote the
whole of his powers to the restoration of peace in Christendom
and the renewal of the ancient discipline in the Church.^
The Pope had already taken steps towards securing peace, ^
and he now set about putting his plans for reform into im-
mediate execution. A decree was therefore issued in a
consistory on June 5th that in future, those who had the right
of patronage should only present for bishoprics and abbeys
those who were thoroughly fitted for such positions, and who
were absolutely free from any suspicion of ambition or simony.^
A decree of July 17th forbade dispensations being granted
for the occupation of bishoprics by those who had not reached
the canonical age.^ On the same day an important con-
sistory was held, in which three bulls were published ; the
first concerned the proclamation of a Jubilee Indulgence for
all those who prayed for the peace of Christendom ; the
second imposed the severest restrictions on the Jews in the
^ See Massarelli, II., 272 ; Bromato, II., 224.
2 See the briefs to the Emperor and Ferdinand I. of May 24 and
26, 1555, in Raynaldus, 1555, n. 24 seq., the *letters to the nuncio
G. Muzzarelli, to *Phi]ip II. and Queen Mary, as well as to ♦Car-
dinal Pole, all of May 24, 1555. Brevia ad princ, Arm. 44, t. 4,
n. 98, 99, 100 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ Cf. *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives) ; see Appendix,
No.ii.
^ Cf. *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives) ; see Appendix
No. 12 and Bull., VI., 496 seq. ; cf. *Report of Camillo Titio to
C. Pagni, dated Rome, July 18, 1555 (State Archives, Florence).
90
A REFORM COMMISSION. 9I
States of the Church ; the third was directed against all
alienation of the property of the Roman Church. After these
documents had been read, the Pope exhorted the Cardinals
to reform, blamed such as had not lived up to their high
dignity, and repeated his intention of employing all his powers
for the improvement of the condition of the whole Church.
He accordingly appointed five Cardinals who were to
superintend the work of reform in the different countries.
These were : du Bellay for France, Pacheco for Spain, Truch-
sess for Germany, and Puteo and Cicada for Italy. ^ A
constitution of August 7th provided for the strictest regula-
tions against heresy. ^ A few days later a correspondent,
who was inimical to Paul IV., reported that the Pope was
thinking day and night of the amendment of morals of all
classes, and that a great reform and a thorough purification
were awaiting the clergy.^ Ignatius of Loj^ola expressed a
similar opinion when writing to the rectors of the Jesuit
colleges.* With how little consideration Paul IV. proceeded
is shown by the painful dismissal of Palestrina from the Papal
choir, which took place on July 30th, 1555, on the ground
that married members would, in future, no longer be allowed.^
In a consistory of August 23rd, Paul IV. spoke about the
appointment of a commission of Cardinals for the examination
^ How incomplete the official *Acta consist, are is best shown
by the fact that the important events which we learn from Mas-
SARELLi (p. 276) are not even mentioned. Cf. also the report of
G. Grandi of August 7, 1555 in Ancel, Concile, 9.
- See Ravnaldus, 1555, n. 54.
^ Report from Rome on August lo to Kurpfalz, in Druffel-
Brandi, IV., 704 seq. Cf. also the letter of Cardinal du Bellay
of July 26, 1555 in Ribier, II., 613, that of Carafa of July 27
and of Serristori of August 27, 1555 (State Archives, Florence) ;
Nonciat. I., Ixi., n. 248 ; Masius, Briefe, 515. A brief of
August 2, 1555 concerning the reform of monasteries in Ferrara
in FoNTANA, 433.
* Of August 13, 1555. Cartas, V., 288 seq. Mon. Ign. Ser. I.,
IX., 463 seq.
^ Cf. Ambros, IV., 9.
92 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of those who were to receive bishoprics.^ At the beginning
of September he expressed his displeasure in the sharpest
terms against those princes who delayed in making appoint-
ments to vacant bishoprics.^
It can therefore be seen that the beginning of the reign of
the new Pope was fully in accordance with the idea of the
strict zealot, from whom the whole world, good as well as bad,
had been led to expect an era of ecclesiastical reform. Un-
fortunately, a state of affairs was soon to supervene which
seriously endangered the work so auspiciously begun, entirely
turned the thoughts of the head of the Church away from the
attempts at securing peace, which had hardly been begun,
and entangled him in a disastrous war.^
It was a thing quite trifling in itself which first fanned the
ill-will which Paul IV. had for years entertained against the
Spaniards, to such an extent that at length a disastrous break
occurred.
The Count of Santa Flora, the head of the Sforza family,
had, as well as his brother Alessandro and the Cardinal, Guido
Ascanio, always belonged to the Imperial party. After the
occupation of Siena by the Spaniards, the Count succeeded
in prevailing on his other two brothers, Carlo and Mario, to
give up their military ser^dce with the French and enter that
of Charles V. They both treacherously resolved to hand over
the two galleys which they commanded into the hands of the
Imperialists ; they succeeded in inducing the French captain
of the galleys to put into Civitavecchia in order to have some
repairs carried out, but hardly had they arrived there when
Alessandro Sforza took forcible possession of the vessels.
The Papal harbour-master opposed the departure of the ships,
as he would take no responsibility for this act of violence
committed before his verj^ eyes. The Sforza, however, found
^ *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives).
2 See the report in Santarem, XII., 431.
^ The clear sighted C. Olive expressed apprehension about the
future as early as May 23, 1555. See Appendix No. 9 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
THE POPE AND THE SF0R2A. ^3
a way out, for Alessandro at once informed his brother the
Cardinal, who procured, through his crafty secretary, Giovan
Francesco Lottini, a letter from the Count of Montofio to the
harbour-master, who then allowed the vessels to sail. Aless-
andro could now get his spoils in safety to Naples ; to a
counter-command from the Pope (who had meantime learned
the true state of affairs), which reached him while he was on
the way, he paid no attention at all.^
While the Imperialists in Naples and Rome were rejoicing,
the French ambassador complained to the Pope of this breach
of neutrality, and represented to him the insult which his
authority had suffered at the hands of the Sforza. Such
representations were not required to put Paul IV. into the
greatest state of excitement. He had already, at the begin-
ning of his reign, formed the plan of breaking down the arro-
gance of the powerful nobles, and especially of the Sforza.
This family had been accustomed, as being near relatives of
Paul III., and on account of their importance to Juhus III.
in his struggle with France, to observe no other law than their
own will.^
^ Cf. Casa, Opere, II., 17, 31 ; Caro-Farnese, Lettere, III.,
19 seq. : Legaz. di Serristori, 358 ; Pacheco's letter of August 17,
1555 in DoLLiNGER, Beitrage, I., 209 ; Druffel-Brandi, IV.,
308, n. 2 ; Doc. incd., II., 446 ; Arch. stor. Ital., XII., 372 seq. ;
Nonciat., II., 259 seq. ; sec also the letter of the Count of Santa
Flora of August 11, 1555 in the BoUct. Senese, X., 124 seq., and
that from Rome of August 17 in the *reports of Lasso to
Ferdinand I. (State Archives, Vienna). Concerning G. F. Lottini
cf. Maffei in the Rassegna mensile di storia per la cittk di Vol-
terra, I. (1898), 10 seq., 41 scqq., 56 seq., 83 seq. This work, which
is unfortunately incomplete, is based principally on the docu-
ments preserved in the State Archives in Rome of the legal pro-
ceedings against Lottini, concerning which Bruzzone was the first
to make several extracts in the Fanfulhi della Doinenica, II.,
n. 28, and also on Acta in the rich Inghirami Archives at Volterra.
^ A Sforza had murdered a financial official in the middle of
Rome ; see Ribier, II., 617 ; cf. Pallavicini 13, 14.
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Paul IV., who, just at that time, was taking proceedings^
against some unworthy officials of Julius III., eagerly seized
upon this opportunity of beginning to subdue the insub-
ordinate nobles. Lottini, upon whom the Count of Montorio
succeeded in fixing the guilt, was imprisoned in the Castle of
St. Angelo on August loth, while Carlo Carafa was ordered to
inform the Cardinal of Santa Flora that if the vessels were not
brought back to Civitavecchia within three days, legal pro-
ceedings would be taken against him also. Santa Flora
sought advice from the Spanish Cardinals and from the
representative of Charles V., Fernando Ruiz de Castro,
Marquis de Sarria, who had arrived in Rome on July 6th. ^
The latter, an honest Basque, but quite without experience in
politics,^ had requested an immediate audience with the Pope,
but had received the answer that he was to present himself
on the following day. The Imperialists then resolved that
Sarria should, at all costs, endeavour to secure an immediate
audience and represent to the Pope that he had no reason to
feel himself offended ; he was also to complain of the im-
prisonment of Lottini and of the order given to Cardinal
Santa Flora, which the Emperor would not readily endure.*
1 Besides Massarelli, 278 seq., cf. the *letter mentioned supra
p. 93, n. I, dated Rome, August 7, 1555 : " Francesco d'Aspra
thesoriere sotto papa Giulio III. mercodi serk fu menato m torre
di Nona dal bargello et hieri and6 in castello, al qual sono im-
putate grandissime rubbarie fatte nella thesoreria " (State Arch.,
Vienna) .
2 See Massarelli, 276 ; cf. Druffel-Brandi, IV., 702. The
*letter of credence of Charles V. for Sarria, dated Brussels, June 4,
1555, in the Arch. S. Angelo, VIII. -II., Vol. I., the letter to
Paul IV., Secret Archives of the Vatican ; ibid, also a *]etter of
Philip Il.of June 7, in which he also accredited Sarria for his affairs.
^ Cf. SoMMARio, 350 ; Druffel-Brandi, IV., 707 n. ; Cog-
GiOLA, Farnesi. 149.
^ See the report of Serristori of August 10, 1555 (Legaz. 358
seq.) Concerning the proceedings against Lottini see GoRi,
Archivio, I., 209 seq. ; cf. Bruzzone in the Turin Stampa, 1900,
n. 51.
PROTEST OF THE IMPERIALISTS. 95
Arrived at the Vatican, Sarria penetrated as far as the
anti-camera, and renewed his request in an excited manner.
The Pope, however, remained inflexible, and did not permit
the entrance of the ambassador. The excitement among the
Imperialists now knew no bounds ; they dehberated as to
whether, not Sarria only, but Santa Flora as well, should
leave Rome.^ The character of Paul IV. was so little under-
stood by them that they believed they could force him by
threats to withdraw from his position.
That very night Cardinal Santa Fiora arranged a meeting
of protest at his palace, of the adherents of the Imperialist
party, at which, besides the Colonna, Cesarini and other
barons, Sarria and the " obedientia " envoy of Philip II.,
Count Chinchon, were present. ^ They then proceeded to
attack the dignity and honour of the Pope in the most violent
and unworthy terms, Marcantonio Colonna declaring himself
ready to stir up a revolt with his followers, for which purpose
a collection was actually made.^
This meeting of protest was not concealed from the Pope,
but, instead of frightening him, as the Imperialists had hoped,
it enraged him more than ever. The documents found in the
house of Lottini had also given him grounds for serious thought
with regard to the intentions of Spain ; in these he found
mention of the calling together of a Council and other things
which deeply offended the head of the Church,^ who had
1 See Legaz. di Serristori, 360.
2 The autograph *letter of Philip II. of June 8, 1555, by
wliich Chinchon was accredited, is in the above-mentioned
(p. 94, n. 2) collection of letters in the Secret Archives of the
Vatican.
^ See the report of Farnese to Henry II. of August 14 (not 24,
as Pallavicini, 13, 14 gives it) in Caro-Farnese, Lettere, III.,
20 seq.
4 Cf. the *brief to Charles V. of July 15 and that to *Alba of
July 20, 1555 (Brevia ad princ. Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 164 and 170.
Secret Archives of the Vatican). See also Nonciat. de France, I.,
l.xi. seq.
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hitherto, officially at anyrate, been on friendly terms with
Charles V. and Alba.i
It is no wonder that Cardinals Carpi and Mendoza, who
repaired to the Pope on August nth, could come to no arrange-
ment with him, although they negotiated with him for four
hours. Paul IV. was determined that the ships seized must
be returned to Civitavecchia. In the event of this not having
been done within three days, he threatened Alessandro Sforza
in a monitorium with the loss of his position as a chamberlain
and a fine of 20,000 scudi ; the Pope, however, declared that
he would see that the ships did not get into the hands of the
French.^
In face of this determined attitude, the representatives of
the Emperor had misgivings about plunging their master into
a conflict, the consequences of which could not be foreseen,
about a comparative trifle, and they requested the Neapolitan
authorities to return the ships. The Sforza, however, would
only give up their booty on condition that Lottini should be
set at liberty, and Alessandro Sforza escape all punishment.
This demand only embittered the Pope still further ; he felt
it intolerable that those whose duty it was to obey him as
their lawful master should make such conditions. He under-
stood, moreover, that the Sforza had secret designs of their
own, from the fact that they were putting their fief in the
States of the Church into a state of defence, while, at the same
time, he heard of suspicious movements of the Imperial
partisans on the southern boundaries of the Papal dominions.^
Paul IV. was, as Cardinal Farnese points out, exceedingly
hot-tempered and extraordinarily strong-willed, especially
when his honour and dignity were concerned, yet he realized
his helplessness, in view of the exhaustion of his treasury,
and the limited number of troops at his disposal in Rome.
It is just such fiery natures as his which often break down
after the first outburst. Cardinal Carafa and the French
^ See " Extractus processus card, Caraffae " in Riess, 35.
^ See Serristori's report of Aug. 12, 1555. Legaz. 364 seq.
^ Cf. CoGGiOLA, Farnesi, 113.
WARLIKE PREPARATIONS BEGUN. 97
knew this very well, and they, therefore did all in their power
to encourage him. The ambassador of Henry II. promised
him assistance to the amount of 100,000 scudi ; the old friend
of France, Cardinal Farnesc, came to an understanding with
Carlo Carafa ; he appeared before the Pope on August 12th,
and assured him of the support of his whole house, at the
same time specially pointing out that an alliance with France
would offer perfect security to the Pope. Paul IV. received
this significant encouragement with great pleasure. Farnese,
who immediately reported matters to Henry II., declared
that although he could not promise that tlie Pope would
decide on such a course, the inclination to do so was present
in his mind to such a degree, that he considered it advisable
that his majesty should, in any case, send full authority to
act in accordance with it. When the Imperial ambassador,
who had an audience on the same day, presented the con-
ditions demanded by the Sforza, he received a decided refusal
to accept them.i
During the time that followed, the Imperialists took no
serious steps to settle the affair ; accustomed to the weakness
of Julius III., they were unable to realize the character of the
new Pope, whom they thought to put off with empty promises.
Under these circumstances, it was not difficult for Carlo
Carafa to obtain permission from his master to proceed with
the preparation of an extensive armament. As early as
August 15th Carafa was able to call upon the Duke of Urbino,
as Captain-General of the Church, to hold himself in readiness
to appear at once in Rome, when summoned, with from 5,000
to 6,000 infantry and a corresponding number of cavalry.^
The fact that Marcantonio Colonna was fortifying Paliano,
not far from the NeapoHtan frontier, and Paolo Giordano
Orsini the fortress of Bracciano, seemed to point to a renewed
^ See Caro-Farnese, Lettere, III., 19 seqq. ; cf. Riess, 36 seq.
and CoGGiOLA, Farnesi, 109 seq.
2 Casa, II., 19. The appointment of the Duke as Capilaneus
generalis of the Church was made in a *brief of June 20, 1555
(Brevia ad. princ. loc. cit., 132. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
VOL. XIV. 7
gS HISTORY OF THE POPES.
outbreak of the old party struggles in Rome and its neigh-
bourhood.^
The Pope informed the Bolognese ambassador on August
28th that he was to raise troops, the number of which might
amount to about 3,000 men. He had already surrounded
himself with a special bodyguard for the defence of his own
person ;2 it was also said that Ottavio Farnese would provide
an additional body of 3,000 men. The Imperial ambassador
was so imprudent as then to say that if the Pope raised ten
men he would raise twenty. The Florentine envoy declared
that Paul IV. had said after dinner that he intended to ad-
minister justice in his States, and that in punishing the evil-
doers, he would take care that the big fish did not swallow
the small ones ; should the Emperor dare to interfere with
him in so doing, he would have cause to repent it.^
The news that the Sforza were continuing to make prepara-
tions for war, was bound to strengthen the Pope's resolve to
protect himself. When Cardinal Mendoza took the liberty
of remarking in an audience that armaments were unnecessary,
as there was nothing to be feared from the Emperor, he re-
ceived the angry answer that he, the Pope, intended to main-
tain his authority, and to punish those who were disobedient.
" No one " writes the Florentine ambassador, " dares to
contradict His Holiness, but everyone keeps silent."*
Cardinals Carafa and Farnese, who were so friendly to the
French, had reason to be pleased. " The honour of His
Holiness," wrote Farnese on August 28th to his trusted
friend Tiburzio, who was then at the court of Henry II.,
" no longer allows him to turn back. As events are them-
selves driving us to war, we may calmly await further develop-
ments, while we are fanning the righteous anger of His Holi-
ness." Farnese, confident of victory, then proceeds to
^ See Legaz. di Serristori, 373,
2 *Letter of U. Gozzadini, dated Rome, August 28, 1555 (State
Archives, Bologna).
^Report of Serristori of August 31, 1555. Legaz. 372 seq.
4 Ibid 371.
A FRENCH ALLIANCE DISCUSSED. 99
discuss in detail the manner of such an alliance. He also
further advises that a pension of from 3,000 to 4,000 scudi
should be settled on Cardinal Carafa, who is as zealous in the
cause of France as he is powerful with the Pope ; should the
influential Datary be won over in the same manner, then they
would have the advisers of the Pope at their disposal. The
actual decision, indeed, was dependent on the Emperor, to
whom the Pope had applied in the matter of the ships, but
whatever his answer might be, friendly relations between the
Pope and Charles V. were impossible, since their aims were
so different, and if a breach did not take place now, it would
not be long before it occurred.^
As appears from the report of the French ambassador,
Lanssac, of August 28th, the latter promised the Pope, in the
name of the king, energetic help against his rebellious subjects,
and encouraged him in every way in making a determined
stand against the Spaniards. The Franco-Papal alliance,
and the inclusion of Venice in the league, were then discussed
in great detail.^
Nothing was more opposed to the Pope's character. than to
yield to rebellious subjects. As soon as the time fixed for
the return of the ships by Cardinal Santa Flora had passed
without result, he took a decisive step. On August 31st, the
Cardinal was taken to the Castle of St. Angelo ; his fate was
shared by Camillo Colonna, who had expressed himself in a
very threatening manner against Paul IV. The Colonna
and other suspected barons, such as Giuliano Cesarini, re-
ceived orders not to leave the city.^
^ Cako-Farnese, Lettere, III., 51 seqq.
"^ See RiBiER, II., 615 seq. ; Corresp. de Lanssac 473 seqq.
^ See Massarelli, 279-280; Caro-Farnese, Lettere III.,
57 seq., and Riess, 38 seq., who rightly repudiates the statement
that Santa Flora was taken by surprise ; also Nohciat. II., 261
n. 1 (report of Serristori). C/. also Docum. ined., II., 448 and the
♦Diario di Cola Coleine Romano, which is to be found in many copies,
as in the Corsini Library, Cod. 128 (sec Lammek, Zur Kirchengesch.,
143), in the Archivio Capitolino, XIV., 7, and in the Chigi Library,
N. II., 32. The copy in the Chigi Library was before me. C.
Coleine is mentioned in Forcella, V., 253.
100 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Paul IV. was quite aware of the difficulties which he had to
face, in consequence of his attack on the relatives and followers
of the masters of the Campagna, the Colonna and Orsini. In
order to assure his own safety, he ordered that the castles
which these families possessed in the neighbourhood of the city
should be delivered up to him. While the Orsini submitted,
and gave up Bracciano, the Colonna refused to admit the
Papal troops, trusting in the Emperor's protection ; this
powerful Ghibelline family was therefore now mixed up in
the dispute between the Pope and the Sforza. Marcantonio
Colonna, who was also to have been arrested, intended to
fortify himself at Paliano, but eventually, not venturing to
make any resistance, he took to flight. Monitoria were issued
against him and his father, Ascanio Colonna, on account of
various acts of violence of which they were accused, and when
they failed to appear, judgment was given against them by
default, according to which they forfeited their estate. This
sentence was immediately put into execution by force of arms,
and Papal troops invested Paliano, Genazzano, and other
fortresses belonging to them. All the adherents of the Im-
perial party, as well as those who were merely suspects, were
expelled from the Papal dominions ; this measure affected
even several relatives of the Pope.^
" As far as His Hohness is concerned," Cardinal Farnese
triumphantly announced on August 31st, " the die is cast.
We must now keep quiet, and await the next move of the
Imperialists." A Mantuan correspondent in a letter of
September ist thought that very little more would have led
to the arrest of even the ambassador of Charles V.^
Relations with the Imperial ambassador were still further
strained just at this moment, because the latter refused to
^ See Massarelli, 280 seq. ; Bromato, II., 300 n. ; Coggiola,
Farnesi, 118 ; cf. also the letters of Marcantonio Colonna in the
Delizie degli eruditi bibliof. ital., VII, Florence, 1865, and Gori,
Archivio, I., 221 seq. The *Acta of the process against M. Col-
onna are in the Colonna Archives, Rome.
'^ *Letter of Ippolito Capilupi in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
CARAFA S SECRET INTRIGUES. lOI
deliver three fortresses of the Colonna, of which he was admin-
istrator, in consequence of a law-suit then pending between
the Colonna and the Prince of Siilmona. Letters from Alba
were also intercepted at this time, in which he advised the re-
tention of the ships which had been seized, as energetic meas-
ures should be adopted in dealing with such a Pope.^ This
language was quite in keeping with the news of extensive pre-
parations for war on the part of the Spaniards in the Neapoli-
tan territory. 2 Rome seemed to be threatened from the
South.3
In spite of all this, Paul IV., at that time, had by no means
made up his mind to such a hazardous enterprise as a break
with the great world power of Spain. The best proof of this
is that Cardinal Carafa thought it advisable to conceal from
his uncle a political move of the greatest importance which
was made at that time. Quite on his own initiative, the
nephew on September 14th and 15th, dispatched envoys,
invested with full powers, to Ferrara and France, in order to
win over those states to an anti-Imperial league. In order
that the old Pope should hear nothing of this before the proper
time, the crafty Carafa concealed the true object of this mis-
sion, and even kept the fact of his having sent it from the
French nuncio and his friend Cardinal Farnese.'*
How little the Pope was aware of what his nephew was doing
behind his back, is best seen from the fact that he banished
Cardinal d'Este from the Papal dominions on Septem.ber 5th^
for simoniacal intrigues concerning the Papal election, thereby
^ Caro-Farnese, Lettere, III., 70 seq.
2 Cf. CoGGioLA, Famesi, 120 seq.
3 See Cavalcanti, Lettre, 105.
* See RiF.ss, 54 seqq.; cf. Coggiola, Farnesi, 124 and Arch,
stor. Ital., Ser. 3, XXV., 56 ieq.
^ * See, Massarelli 281 ; Masins, Briefe, 222 ; Coggiola,
Asc. d. Cornia, 140 n. i and Farnesi, 123 seq. Duke Ercole of
Ferrara sent a special envoy to intercede for his brotlier with the
Pope ; see the autograph *letter of Ercole, dated Ferrara, October
2, 15.55, in the second volume of the collection of letters in the
Secret Archives of the Vatican mentioned supra p. 94, n. 2.
102 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
doing, as far as he was concerned, everything in his power to
make an alHance with Ferrara impossible.
Annibale Rucellai, the envoy sent on September 14th on a
secret mission to the French court, was to decide Henry II. to
imdertake the protection of the Holy See against the Imperial-
ists. The king was begged to confirm immediately the pro-
mises of his ambassador with regard to troops and monej^ and
also to draw up instructions giving full authority for the con-
clusion of a defensive and offensive alliance. Besides this,
Henry II. was begged to induce Ferrara and Venice to enter
this anti-Imperialist league. ^ Carafa had expressly instructed
his envoy to make the proposals quite independently of the
settlement of the disputes then pending, as he could foresee
that sooner or later a rupture would inevitably come.
The ships that had been seized were, as a matter of fact, at
last brought back to Civitavecchia on September 15th, and the
Pope then released Cardinal Santa Flora from his imprison-
ment on September 19th, after he had given a security of
200,000 scudi, and promised not to leave Rome without
permission. Three days later Camillo Colonna was also set at
liberty. 2
The restoration of the ships removed the actual cause of
dispute ; this, however, had been so long delayed that a strong
feeling of resentment remained in the mind of the Pope, and
there was in addition to this, the great massing of the Spanish
troops on the southern frontier of the States of the Church.
As Duke Cosimo I. of Florence was a firm adherent of the
^ The memorandum and instructions for Rucellai in the Nonciat,
II., 255 seq., 267 seq. ; cf. Casa, II., 27 seqq. ; ibid. 21 seqq. the
instructions for Andrea d'Agubbio, who was sent to Ferrara,
which, in the Neapolitan edition V., 48 and in the *Inf. polit.
XXIV., 269 (Royal Library, Berlin) as well as in the *Cod. 33 — E.
18, p. 7-1 1 of the Corsini Library, bears the date of September 10.
The brief to the Duke of Ferrara of September 15, 1555 in the
Arch. stor. Ital., Ser. 3, XXV., 57 seq. Concerning Rucellai in
France see Nonciat., I., xxxvii., Ixix. ; II., 277 seqq., 286 seqq.
^ Massarelli 281-282. CoGGioLA, Farnesi, 122, 262. Non-
ciat. II., 278 seq.
CARAFA WORKS ON THE POPE S FEARS. IO3
Emperor, Paul IV. feared, more than ever, to find himself
between two fires. ^ Cardinal Carafa made use of this state of
affairs to work upon the excitable Pope to come to an open
break with Spain. " Matters," reports Cardinal Famese on
September 27th, " are advancing even more quickly than we
could wish, as they are being hurried on by Carafa with a zeal
which nothing can surpass. "^ Qn the same day Famese
represented to the Pope that neither Alba nor the other
officials of Charles V. were the cause of the enmity between
them, but no one else than the Emperor himself, who was
intent on gradually destroying the power of the Holy See. The
soil on which these remarks fell was all the more fruitful as
Paul IV. had heard reports, just at this time, which filled the
lively imagination of the old man with terrifying visions,
giving him the impression that his life was threatened by the
Imperialists, and leading him to form the desperate resolve
to break with the all-powerful Spaniards. It was said that a
plot of the Imperialists to poison the Pope and Cardinals
Carafa and Famese had been discovered. This affair, in spite
of legal proceedings which were instituted later on, has never
been satisfactorily cleared up. It is highly probable, however,
that the whole storj'' of the plot was only a cunning intrigue
on the part of Carafa, in order to win over his uncle more
easily to his disastrous plans. ^
Old people are readily inclined to mistrust and suspicion, and
so was it in the case of Paul IV. He had alwa^-s had a preju-
dice against the Spaniards, and had been repeatedly and greatly
irritated by them. He therefore believed all that he was told
^ Cf. Serristori's report of September 17, 1555 in the Nonciat.,
I., Ixix. seq.
2 Caro-Farnese, Lcttere, III., 89.
^ This view, already expressed by Pallavicini (13, 15), is
confirmed by Riess' investigations (p. 48 seqq.) Lamanski
(Secrets d'dtat de Vcnise, St. Petersburg, 1884, 363) still believes
in the truth of the poisoning story ; Platzhoff (Die Theorie von
der Mordbefugniss, Berlin, 1906) thinks (p. 75-76) that the truth
cannot be stated with certainty. Concerning the legal proceed-
ings taken with regard to the matter, see Gori. Arch. I.. 218 seqq.
104 historV of the popes.
about them, and that all the more readily as, just at that time,
letters from Brussels told of threatening rem.arks of the
ImperiaHsts, which had been made with regard to the arrest
of vSanta Flora and Camillo Colonna.^ On September 30th the
Pope summoned the French ambassador and Cardinals Farnese
and Carafa to his presence, and deliberated with them as to
how he could best defend himself against the plots of the
Imperialists. 2
The Pope was so busy and so fatigued on this day that all
audiences were refused.^ On October 20th he held a consis-
tory, in which he inform.ed the Cardinals that he had resolved
on war, so that he might not be taken by surprise. Cardinal
Medici thought it his duty to make counter-representations
and to urge him to preserve peace. Paul IV. answered :
" What business is it of the Emperor's, if I punish one of my
subjects ? " Medici answered that consideration must be
shown to princes, and advised him to appoint a commission
of Cardinals to consider the difficulties.* Realizing the weak-
ness of his military position, the Pope agreed to this proposal,
and at once named a commission of seven members, who were
all adherents of the Emperor, with the exception of Carafa.
He himself assisted at the first meeting ; he defended his
position in a long speech, permitted the commission to deliber-
ate with the Imperial ambassador, and declared that if the
1 Cf. CoGGiOLA, Farnese 127 ; Nonciat. I., Ixx.
2 Cf. Caro-Farnese, Letters, III., 93 ; Casa, II., 39 seqq. ;
RiBiER, II., 618 seqq. ; Coggiola, Farnesi, 127 seqq. Duruy
(p. 72 seqq^ has already compared the sonorous speech of the Pope,
given in Nores (63 seqq) with the rhetorical essays in the style
of the ancient historians, which does not prevent Brosch (Mitteil.
des Osterr. Inst., XXV., 475) from considering the address as
authentic ! Rtess (p. 45, n. 11) points out, with perfect justice,
that one must not believe with Duruy, that there were ten hearers
(instead of three).
3 *Fetter of G. Aldrovandi, dated Rome, October 2, 1 555
(State Archives, Bologna).
4 See the report of Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 234 and the
report of Serristori in Coggiola, Farnesi, 144 seqq.
THE POPE RESOLVES ON WAR. IO5
Imperialists showed themselves inclined to meet him half way,
they would find him also ready to forgive, but that if they
should take up a hostile attitude, he would fear no monarch,
as God would be on his side.^
The Duke of Urbino also worked for the preservation of
peace. In an audience on October 4th, he made earnest
representations to the Pope. He soon saw, however, that it
was impossible to prevail against the influence of Carafa and
his clique, wliich was made up almost entirely of Neapolitan
and Florentine exiles, such as Bozzuto, della Casa and Silvestro
Aldobrandini, who were working with all the power and means
at their disposal to bring about a rupture. ^ The alleged
attempt at poisoning had given Carafa a better pretext for
inducing the Pope to begin hostilities than any other that he
could have devised. The demands of the Imperialists, as well
as news of the continued preparations for war in Naples, where
Marcantonio Colonna was zealously inciting the people against
the Pope, finally overcame his reluctance, and he resolved on
taking decisive steps. ^
On October 8th the Pope summoned Cardinals Mendoza,
Carpi, Mignanelli, Saraceni, Medici, Cueva, Truchsess, Puteo,
Juan Alvarez de Toledo and Carafa, as well as the ambassadors
of England, Portugal and Venice, to his private apartments,
and made the following announcement to them in fluent
Latin : it had always been his first thought, as it still was, to
endeavour, with the help of the Cardinals, to find the means
of carrying out the much needed reform of the Church, but
that while he was devoting himself with his whole heart to this
object, the devil had set all the powers of evil to work, and had
^ Besides Navagero, loc. cit. see also Massarelli 283 ; cf. also
CoGGiOLA, Farnesi, 145 seq.
^ See the report of Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 236. Con-
cerning the instigation to war made by the exiles see Navagero-
Alb^ri, 301, 405 seq., 427 and Sommario, 352 seq. ; cf. also
Bagui:nault de Puchesse, J. de Morvillier (Orleans, 1870), 87.
•"^ C/. CoGGiOLA, Farnesi, 151, and Nonciat. de France, I., Ixxi.
Concerning the incitements of M. Colonna see his ** letters to
Madruzzo of October 4, 1555 (Vice-Regal Archives, Innsbruck).
I06 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hatched plots, not only against the Holy See, but also against
his own life and that of his relatives. " We cannot say this,
my lords ambassadors," he continued, " without pain and
grief, but it is the actual state of affairs, which admits of no
doubt, and which will be revealed at the proper time. They
have forced us to take up arms, and nothing will induce us to
lay them down again, as we well remember what happened to
Pope Clement, to whom the Emperor's ministers that day had
made fine promises, but who had hardly disbanded his troops
when the terrible capture of Rome, with all its terrible and
frightful devastation took place, which, indeed, was the most
awful and godless that ever occurred." The Pope then drew
a vivid picture of the atrocities then committed in Rome.
" This example," he cried, " moves us deeply, and is ever
before our eyes, and we do not intend, like Pope Clement, to
be taken unawares and deceived. We are well aware of the
weakness of our army, but our cause is the cause of God, WTio
has founded this Holy See, and Who will defend it." He said
he was firmly resolved to maintain the ecclesiastical supremacy
of Rome, but that he would not begin a war unless challenged
and forced by necessity to do so. He then requested the am-
bassadors to communicate all this to their masters. The
reasons which the Portuguese ambassador then brought for-
ward in defence of the Imperialists, he would not listen to.^
This sensational declaration proves how greatly Paul IV.
feared an attempt on his life. Nevertheless, some days
elapsed before Carafa and the ambassador of Henry II. suc-
ceeded in inducing the Pope, who was again wavering before
taking the last decisive step, to sign the draft of an alliance
with France. The imprudence of the Imperialists, however,
rendered the attainment of the nephew's aim much easier.
They demanded information from the Pope as to the number
1 See the *report of Navagero of October 8, 1555 (State Archives,
Venice, translated in Brown, VI., i, n. 242, and used by Segre
in the Mem. d. Accad. di Torino, Ser. 2, LV., 388) and the Portu-
guese report in Santarem, XII., 434 ; cf. Caro-Farnese, Lettere,
III., 105, and Serristori in Coggiola, Farnesi, 151.
THE FRENCH ALLIANCE. 10/
of troops he intended to raise. " As many as I choose ; "
answered the Pope angrily, " I shall not allow mj'self to be
dictated to ; I am free, and acknowledge no master over me
save God alone. "^ The Pope signed the draft of the alhance
on October 14th, and on the same day it was also signed by the
French ambassador, a period of forty days being allowed for
its confirmation by Henry II. ^
All this was done with the greatest secrecy, and even Car-
dinal Famese learned nothing of it. The Pope did not seem
to have fully realized the importance of this too hasty signing
of the draft. WTien the situation temporarily improved on
October 15th, owing to the agreement of the commission of
Cardinals with the Imperialists,^ it disturbed Carafa as greatly
as the fact that Paul IV. got on very well with the unassuming
ambassador-extraordinary^ of the Hapsburgs, Garcilasso de la
Vega, and again seemed inclined to peace.* The final decision,
however, did not lie in Rome, but in Paris and Ferrara.
Should the alliance with Henry II. and Duke Ercole become
an accomplished fact, then affairs would develop of themselves
in the sense desired by Cardinal Carafa.
In this, however, the patience of the nephew was sorely
tried, for it was not until November 20th that Cardinal Guise
and two days later, Cardinal Toumon, arrived in Rome with
full authority for the conclusion of the alliance. Both took up
their residence in the Vatican.^ They were able to announce
^ See in Appendix No. 13 the * report of Navagero of October 12,
1555 (Library of St. ^Lark's, Venice). C/.Cavalcanti, Lettere,i26 scq.
2 Casa, Opere, V., 77 (Neapolitan edition). Nores, 35. Duruy'
78 seqq. RiESS, 60 seqq. Coggiola, Farnesi, 158 seqq. Nonciat.,
IL, 325 seq.
^ See Massarfxli, 284.
* See Legaz. di Serristori, 378 seq. The instructions for Gar-
cilasso de la Vega, who was to announce the abdication of the
Netherlands in favour of Philip II., in the Archives of Simanca,
Leg. 882 seq., 193 seq., and an extract in Rifss, 69 seq.
^ See Caro-Farnese, Lettere, III., 115 ; Navagero in Brown,
VI., 3, App. n. 134 ; *Avviso di Roma de 23 Nov., 1555 (Cod.
Vat. 8223, p. 23. Vatican Library) ; cf. Riess, 72 seq. and
Nonciat., I., Ixxiv ; II., 278, 298.
I08 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that Duke Ercole II. also had been won over to a Franco-
Papal alliance against Spain. ^ During the course of the
negotiations, which were held in profound secrecy, they came
to an agreement as to an offensive and defensive alliance,
which was signed on December 15th by the Pope and both
the Cardinals.
By this treaty, which was signed by the Pope's own hand,^
and contained several changes from the text agreed upon in
October, the French king pledged himself to assist the Holy
See against everyone ; he should only have the right to with-
draw from the league in the event oi his own dominions being
attacked. Henry II. took Cardinal Carafa and his brothers
Giovanni and Antonio under his protection, and promised
that, for the property which they would lose in Naples, he
would grant them corresponding indemnification, either in
Italy or in France The defensive and offensive league
between the King and the Pope should only be entered upon
with regard to Italy, exclusive of Piedmont A sum of
500,000 gold scudi, of which the Pope was to pay 150,000, was
to be deposited in Venice or Rome within three months, to
defray the expenses of tlie war. The French auxiliary army
which was to be sent to Italy was fixed at 12,000 men, and, in
addition to this, the Pope was to provide 10,000 infantry and
1,000 cavalry. The war was to be directed, according to the
desire of the Pope, either against Naples or Tuscany, from
which the Medici were to be expelled. With regard to the
conquests that were to be made, it was decided that Siena and
its territory should fall to the Holy See, or, if the inhabitants
should be agreeable, to the Count of Montorio or another ruler
1 See MuRATORi, Antichiti Estens., II., 381 ; Arch. stor. Ital.,
Ser. 3, XXV., 52 seqq. ; Baguenault de Puchesse in the Rev.
des quest, hist., V., 501 ; Nonciat. II., 313 n. ; cf. Ercole d'Este,
Due lettere al re Enrico II. di Francia e al conestabile di Francia
del 22 Novembre, 1555, relative alia convenzione stipulata in
Ferrara 11 16 (15) Novembre 1555 fra il duca di Ferrara e 11 re di
Francia per unlrsl Insieme col papa al danni della Spagna {Per
nozze Sarro Ferragutl con A. Menegatti, Agenta, 1896).
2 See the report of G. Soranzo In Brown, VI., i, n. 343.
TERMS OF THE TREATY. IO9
of the Pope's appointment ; Naples and Milan were to belong
to the sons of Henry II., but not to the Daui^hin. The French
prince who received Naples was to hold it as a fief of the
Church, was to pay an annual subsidy to the amount of 20,000
gold scudi, and was not to interfere in ecclesiastical matters ;
all the territory to the west of the line which runs from S.
Germano to the mouth of the Garighano, the right bank of
this river, the town of Gaeta, and that part of the Abruzzi
which is north of the river Pescara, were to be incorporated into
the States of the Church. The Count of Montorio and Antonio
Carafa were to receive endowments in the Neapolitan
territory which would yield them 25,000 and 15,000 gold
scudi respectively. Entrance into the league was to be
kept open for the Duke of Ferrara, the Venetians and the
Swiss.*
This treaty was concluded with so much secrecy that Car-
dinal Farnese, with all his craft and skill, was not able to learn
anything about it. The Imperialists were completely deceived
and their suspicions were not even aroused.^
The good terms on which Paul IV. stood with the Romans,
who were highly delighted at the reduction of the taxes, found
expression at the beginning of December, when they offered
the Pope a body-guard^ of 100 young men of good family, for
the defence of his person. On November 3rd a review of the
Roman troops, consisting of about 8000 men, had been held
in St. Peter's Square, and an immense sensation was caused
1 See SuMMONTE, Hist, di Napoli, IV., Naples, 1675, 278 seq. ;
Casa, Opere, V., 73-83 (Neapolitan edition) ; Nores, 36 seq. 41 ;
DuRUY, 88 seq. ; Gori, Arcliivio, I., 26 seq., 193 seq. (with wrong
date). The decision regarding Siena was made in a separate
article, which could, according to circumstances, be kept secret ;
see Nonciat. I., Ixxvii seq., II., 368 seq.
'^ Cf. Nonciat., I., Ixxiv. seqq., Ixxvili. seq.
3 See Massarelli, 289, 285. This guard was the origin of the
so-called " Lanze spczzate " (see Moroni, XLV., hi ; see also
Crostarosa, Le milizie urbane di Roma, Roma, 1897, 31). Con-
cerning tlie reduction of tiic taxes see Navagero's *letter of Novem-
ber 30, 1555 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
no HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at the beginning of December by the arrest of the Datary,
Giovan Battista Osio, who had hitherto been a man of very
great influence ; it was said that he was accused of having an
understanding with the Imperiahsts.^
The anti-Hapsburg feehngs of Paul IV. were still further
increased by the news of the far-reaching concessions granted
by Ferdinand I. to the Protestants, in the religious peace at
Augsburg, and of the intention of Charles V. to abdicate in
favour of his brother, without having first obtained the consent
of the Holy See. The Pope, who adhered strictly to the
mediaeval idea of the Imperial dignity, saw in this intention
of Charles V. a serious encroachment upon his rights. Charles
had, on October 22nd, 1555, surrendered the government of
the Netherlands to his son, Philip II., and on January i6th,
1556, he prepared the documents by which he also resigned
the kingdoms of Leon, Castile and Aragon in Philip's favour.
Charles, who was still only fifty-five years of age, but was worn
out by trouble and illness, was also firmly resolved to resign
the title of Emperor.
A document, dated December 29th, 1555, conferred the
office of Captain-General of the Church on the Pope's eldest
nephew, Giovanni Carafa, Count of Montorio, which office the
Duke of Urbino, who did not approve of the war, had just
resigned. The preamble of this document explained in detail
the necessity for arming the Holy See, on the ground that many
only obeyed from motives of fear.'^ The Count of Montorio,
as to whose mihtary capacity grave doubts were entertained,
received the baton of commander-in-chief on January ist,
^ See the *report of Navagero of December 3, 1555, which
emphasizes the " meraviglia d'ognuno sendo (il Datario) di quella
autorit^ che era appresso di lui che potea quasi al pari et piu del
card. Carafa " (Library of St. Mark's, Venice). Rodocanachi
(St. Ange, 159) gives a wrong date for the arrest. The Dataria
was now placed under Cardinals Scotti, Motula and Reumano ;
see Navagero's *report of January 4, 1556, loc. cit.
2 See *Brevia ad princ. Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 312 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
MEASURES AGAINST THE COLONNA. Ill
1556, in the Sixtine Chapel, from the hands of the Pope, and
then rode in solemn procession to the Capitol.^
In the midst of the great festivities which were then held in
honour of the Pope's nephew, ^ the news arrived that the con-
sort of Ascanio Colonna, the once famous beauty Giovanna
d'Aragona, who had been forbidden to leave Rome on her own
initiative, or to celebrate the betrothal of one of her daughters,
had fled from the palace adjoining the Church of S.S. Apostoli.
Giovanna escaped in disguise with her daughters by the Porta
S. Lorenzo, through Tivoli into the Abruzzi.^ As she was very
much beloved by the people, who were adherents of the Colonna
famil}^ the Pope feared a rising and took miUtary measures of
precaution for the night. The captain of the gate paid for his
carelessness or his corruptibility with his life, while the soldiers
of the guard were sent to the galleys, and Giuliano Cesarini
was imprisoned in the Castle of St. Angelo, on suspicion of
comj)licity.* At the same time the most severe measures were
adopted towards the insurgent nobles in the States of the
Church, and Marcantonio Colonna was summoned to appear
in Rome under pain of being declared a rebel. ^
When Sarria and Garcilasso de la Vega once more spoke on
behalf of Colonna in an audience on January 7th, 1556, a
^ See Massarelli, 268 and the letter of G. Aldrovandi, dated
Rome, January i, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna). Card. Medici
congratulated the Count of Montorio in an autograph* letter of
January 7, 1556 (Cod. Barb, lat., 5698, p. 7). Concerning the
difference with the Duke of Urbino see Duruy, ioi, 406 seqq.
2 Cf. the report of G. Aldrovandi, dated Rome, December 28,
1555 (State Archives, Bologna).
^ See, besides Navagero in the Atti. Mod., Ser. 3, II., 158 seqq.,
and Masius, Briefe, 233, the detailed statements in the *Avviso
di Roma 1556, Gennaio I. (Cod. Urb., 1038, p. 119, Vatican
Library) .
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., r, n. 337, 347 and the *Avviso
of January 11, 1556 loc. cit., 121 ; cj. also Arch. d. Soc. Rom., IV.,
333 seqq.
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 347 and the *Avvisi of
January 18 and 25, 1556 loc. cit., 124 ^\ 128.
112 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
violent scene took place. The Pope would brook no interfer-
ence with his affairs, and declared that the Colonna had always
been the enemies of the Holy See. The Marquis de Sarria
then also adopted a haughty tone and requested a plain answer,
as he had so far only had fair words, with which the Pope's
actions did not agree. Thereupon Paul IV. next morning
instructed his nephew to send fourteen officers out to enlist
3000 men.^
It was every day becoming more evident that things were
drifting towards war. On February 7th, 1556, the Pope said
to the Venetian ambassador, Navagero, in whom he had full
confidence, that he would speak openly to him. " We are
obliged," he continued, " to put up with so many and such
great insults from these Imperialists, that we have surpassed
Job in patience. We possess so many proofs of their plots and
traitorous practices that we could astonish you with their
recital, if we had the time." He then again referred to the
poisoning story, in which he firmly believed. The Pope fin-
ished with the significant declaration " We greatly fear that
we must have recourse to that most dreadful measure (ad
ultimum terribilium) — war. We shall wage it against our
will, but it may, perhaps, be the best way of punishing our
enemies for their sins, and of freeing poor, unhappy Italy.^
On February 12th, 1556, followed the dispatch of Antonio
Carafa to the Duke of Ferrara, for whom was destined the
position of a general in the anti-Imperial league.^ Before
^ See the report of Navagero of January 11, 1556 in the Atti
Mod., Ser. 3, II , 160.
2 See the letter of Navagero of February 8, 1556 in Brown, VI.,
I, n. 381 ; cf. also Navagero's report of December 19th, 1555 in
Angel, Sienne, 27.
3 The instructions for A. Carafa ni Casa, II., 60 seq., the *letter
of credence for Carafa of February 7, 1556 in the State Archives,
Modena. The appointment of Ercole as dux et capitaneus gen-
eraiis was made in a secret brief of February 26, 1556 (see Pieper,
81, n. 4 ; cf. Bromato, II., 293 ; Duruy, 106 5^^. ; Ancel,
Secret., iS), which the Duke received on March 2 ; he immedi-
ately thanked the Pope (see Fontana, II.. 417 seq.) By the
MISSION TO THE FRENCH COURT. II3
this, on January 20th, the Duke of Somma, a relative of the
Pope, had been sent to the French court, to beg Henry II. to
lose no time in carrying out the terms of the treaty of alUance,
which he had ratified on January i8th ; he was also com-
missioned to find out definitely what were the real intentions
of the French sovereign, concerning which some anxiety was
felt in Rome.i
♦brief of March 14, 1556, Paul IV. ratified the directions of
Henry II. for Ercole as a general of the league (State Archives,
Modena). Ibid the *brief of September 15, 1556 by which the
appointment was made public, and a * brief of December 30,
1556, which announces the dispatch of the consecrated stocco et
cappello.
^ * See the instructions in Casa, II., 48 seq. ; cf. Pieper, loc. cit.
and Nonciat., I., Ixxx. ; II., 324 seq. The *brief, dated January
22, 1556, then addressed to Henry II. in the Brevia ad princ.
loc, cit., n. 317 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
vol . XIV.
CHAPTER V.
Events Leading to the War with Spain.
While everything in Rome was assuming a warlike appear-
ance, ^ a dispatch sent by special courier from the nuncio in
France, Sebastiano Gualterio, arrived during the night of
February 14th, 1556, with the news that an armistice for five
years had been concluded at Vaucelles between the French,
the Emperor and Philip II.^ The far-reaching plans of
Carafa were thereby completely upset, and the States of the
Church delivered over to the revenge of an irritated and
powerful enemy. The dismay at the Vatican was all the
greater as Henry H.'s ratification of the league had only
arrived a few days before.^
The French ambassador only received news of the great
change effected by the Constable de Montmorency on Feb-
ruary 2ist ; on the same day a letter from Henry II. reached
the Pope, who received the communication with very mixed
^ Cf. Masius, Briefe, 233, 234 seq. An *Avviso of February
15. 1556, announces the strengthening of the Papal army ; 12,000
infantry and 1,000 cavalry had been raised, all the gates were
closed except four, and nobody was allowed to pass without strict
inquiry. (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 138. Vatican Library).
2 See the * report of Bongianni Gianfigliazzi to Cosimo I.,
dated Rome, February 18, 1556 (State Archives, Florence) ;
the despatch of Seb. Gualterio to Cardinal Carafa, dated Blois,
February 6, 1556 (Nonciat., II., 337). The text of the armistice
(in GoRi, Arch., I., 193 seq. ; cf. also Duruy, De pactis a. 1556
apud Volcellas indutis, Paris, 1883) was made known in Rome
on March 4, 1556, in a pamphlet ; see *Diario di Cola Coleine
(Chigi Library, N. II., 32).
^ On February ii, according to the instructions for A. Carafa
of February 12, in Casa, Opera, V., 102 (Neapolitan edition).
114
CARAFA S NEW PLAN. II5
feelings. 1 Cardinal Carafa felt the blow most keenly, for all
his plans and all his schemes had rested on the alliance with
France. The astute politician was, however, able to pull
himself together very quickly. He considered the changed
situation in detail with his trusted friend, Giovanni della
Casa, and a new ])lan was soon formed, wliich shows that the
freedom and independence of the Holy See was not the
lofty aim which the Cardinal had in view in his dangerous
policy, but only the aggrandisement of his own family. In
order to gain Siena for his house, no effort was to be spared
to induce Henry II. to repudiate what had been arranged at
Vaucelles ; if, however, he would not agree to this, the negotia-
tions were to be continued all the same, and everything done
to form an anti-Imperial coalition. After the anxiety of
the Imperialists had been aroused by this scare, Carafa in-
tended to whisper to them that the best way to put an end
to these dangerous proceedings would be to cede a state, for
example, Siena, to the family of the Pope's nephew. ^
Such were the aims, and such was the course of the Machia-
vellian policy of the man to whom Paul IV., ignorant as he was
of the ways of the world, had imprudently entrusted the
secular affairs of the Holy See. While the Pope looked upon
^ S.S.*^^ ne haveva fatta allegrezza con le lagrime," we are
told in the *Avviso of February 22, 1556 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p.
131, Vatican Library). Cf. Navagero-Alb^ri, 392. We learn
from Navagero's reports of February 15 and 21, 1556, in Brown,
VL, L, n. 392 and 405, that Paul IV. persuaded himself that
he had, by his unbending attitude, forced the arrangement
of an armistice which was unfavourable to the Imperialists.
G. Aldrovandi mentions the arrival of Henry II. 's letter in his
♦report of February 22, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna).
" See the Discorso all' ill. et rev. Card. Caraffa per impetrare
dalla M''^ dell' Imp. Carlo V . lo stalo et dominio di Siena, first
printed in Casa, Opere, IV., 35 seq. (Neapolitan edition). Ancel
(Sienne, 3 seqq. and Nonciat., I., Ixxxii. seq.) explained the
circumstances under which Casa drew up this record and pub-
lished it in the Nonciat. II., 593 seq., after the original in the Secret
Arcluves of the Vatican.
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the liberty of the Church and Italy as his highest aim, his
nephew was only thinking of the advantage of the house of
Carafa. What the Borgia, the Medici and the Farnese had
attempted with more or less success, the acquisition of prin-
cipalities for their families, Carafa also wished to accomplish,
quite regardless of the dangers into which he would plunge
the States of the Church and the Holy See. It is indeed a
tragedy that he succeeded in leading his uncle, who, in virtue
of his whole character and his former activities, belonged to
the strictly ecclesiastical party, to enter upon such a tragic
course.
Carafa felt himself, at that time, so completely master of
the situation, that he had no doubt of being able to manage
the Pope, in a political sense, in this new state of affairs. One
thing is very significant in this connection. The document
drawn up by della Casa, containing an outline of the above
political programme of Carafa, shows that Paul IV. was not
initiated into the secrets of his nephew. It is, on the contrary,
clear from this document, to what an extent Carafa looked
upon the head of the Church, in political matters, as a factor
which he could pass over with impunity. ^ Indeed, Carafa
knew so well how to take advantage of the weaknesses of his
uncle that, thanks to his cunning and skill, his most daring
enterprises succeeded only too well.
He also showed the greatest craftiness in his dealings with
the French. As soon as he had recovered from his indescrib-
able astonishment at the conclusion of the armistice of
Vaucelles, he pretended to accept it as an accomplished fact,
but all the time worked secretly and with all his power, to
have it annulled, and also, in the event of his not being .success-
ful in this, to attain, all the same, his principal aim, the
acquisition of Siena. ^
Carafa was of opinion that such a difficult task could neither
be accomplished by tedious negotiations in writing, nor by the
^ See the excellent details in Ancel, Sienne, 8.
2 See the instructions for the Duke of Somma of March 5,
1556, in Casa, II., 67 seq. and also Ancel, Sienne, 11 seq.
ANTI-SPANISH SENTIMENTS OF PAUL IV. II7
use of intermediaries. A successful issue seemed to him
possible if he were to go himself as ambassador, and come
into direct contact with Henry II. He therefore very soon
decided upon a French legation, and it was only necessary
to obtain the Pope's consent to such a plan ; this he easily
succeeded in getting.
It had troubled Carafa very little when Paul IV., who was
very susceptible to sudden impressions, had embraced the
Imperial ambassador on February 17th, 1556, and had con-
gratulated him on the armistice,^ for he knew very well how
easily his long and deeply rooted anti- Spanish sentiments
would be again aroused at the sHghtcst imprudence on the
part of the Imperialists. ^ This feeling was so strong that
Paul IV. took no offence at the secret negotiations which
Carafa was carrjdng on with a confidant of the Protestant
Albert Alcibiades of Brandenburg, who was known as the
bitter enemy of the Emperor, and it was only when Cardinal
Tnichsess unmasked the agent as a Lutheran and an in-
triguer, that the Pope ordered him to leave. ^ The position
is again reflected in a report of the Venetian ambassador on
March 14th. " The Pope," explains Navagcro, " wishes to
remain armed, for he is convinced that this is the only way
to keep the Imperialists in check. It is known in the Vatican
that during a conference of the Imperial generals the cry was
raised : ' To Rome ! ' to which the more thoughtful answered :
' To what purpose ? ' Do you not know that the Pope
is armed, and that ever^'one in Rome would fight for
^ See the report of Gianfigliazzi of February 18, 1556, in Ancel,
Sienne, 3.
2 Cf. for this, Navagero's letters of February 15 and 28, 1556,
in Brown, VI., i, n. 392, 415.
3 Cf. Rtess, 87 seqq., 425 seqq., in which, however, the im-
portant statements which Ancel (Disgrace, 115 seq.) had already
made with regard to this matter are overlooked. The dis-
agreements in which Carafa entangled the Pope through his
machinations can be seen from the **brief of September 5, 1555
(Secret Archives of the Vatican) .
Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
him ? "^ The strictness with which the Pope maintained his
authority in Rome had made the deepest impression ; no one
dared to move, not even the Cardinals. ^
Instead of taking into account the self-assurance of the
Pope, the Imperialists, just at that moment, committed
another of their imprudent actions. The Marquis de Sarria,
who was an ardent sportsman, had obtained the privilege,
through the Count of Montorio, of leaving the city during
the time that the gates were closed. When he was about to
make use of this permission, before daybreak on March 25th,
he met with determined opposition. The officer who was
in command of the Porta S. Agnese had not been informed,
through carelessness, of the permission granted to the am-
bassador, and refused to open the gate. Thereupon the
arrogant suite of Sarria used force, disarmed the guard and
broke open the gate.^ While the weak Count of Montorio
1 Brown, VI., i, n. 425. Concerning the preparations for
war by the Pope who feared a new Sack see Hosii epist. II.,
n. 1568, and Pray, Epist. proc. regni Hung., III., Posen, 1806,
85. The strict control exercised at the gates is emphasized by-
Lasso in his *letter to Ferdinand I. on April 11, 1556 (State
Arclaives, Vienna).
2 See Masius, Briefe, 241, 243, 258.
^ Cf. concerning this occurrence, the *report of Gianfigliazzi
of March 30, 1556 (State Archives, Florence) ; also the letter of
E. Carne (ed. Turnbull, n. 494) and Navagero (Brown, VI.,
I, n. 447) and Summarii 350. Sarria protested (see Nonciat.
I., Ixxxv. n. 3) against Carafa's version of the event (in Casa,
II., 75 seq.). According to Carne the circumstance took place
on the " Wednesday before Palme Sunday," but Riess (p. 96)
gives it as March 18, in doing which he takes it for granted that
the Easter of 1556 fell on March 29. This is, however, a mistake,
for Easter in that year fell on April 5, Palm Sunday on March
29, and the occurrence, therefore, on March 25. Ipp. Capilupi
reports in a *letter to Cardinal E. Gonzaga dated Rome, March
25, 1556, concerning the discovery of a plot to murder Cardinal
Carafa, for which a German was executed (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
QUARREL WITH THE MARQUIS DE SARRIA. II9
was endeavouring to arrange the affair amicably, Cardinal
Carafa very skilfully made use of it to bring to the Pope's
notice the arrogance and insolence of the Spaniards. Paul
IV., who held jealously to the maintenance of his authority,
took a serious view of the matter, and when Sarria came to
the Papal chapel on Palm Sunday to take part in the function,
he was ordered out of the palace. In order to make his peace
with the Pope, he begged for an audience, which was granted
to him for March 31st, but when some one (probably the
Count of Montorio, who wished to avoid a scandal) told him
that he would, this time, be taken to the Castle of St. Angelo,
he failed to appear at the audience. In the meantime, legal
proceedings were instituted against the guilty parties, and
several members of the ambassador's suite were arrested. ^
All the attempts of Sarria to soothe the irritated pontiff
proved vain, as we are informed by a correspondent on April
nth, 1556.2 On the same day the suit against Cesarini was
also brought to an end.^
On the previous day, April loth, the Pope had astonished
the Cardinals and the whole world by appointing two legates
for the arrangement of peace.* Cardinal Carafa was destined
for France, and Scipione Rebiba, who had recently been
raised to the purple, for the Emperor and Philip II. It was
rumoured that Cardinal Famese would also go to France. ^
* See Navagero's report in Brown, VI., i, n. 459 ; cf. Riess,
97-
2 *Avviso di Roma of April 11, 1556 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 133,
Vatican Library).
3 Ibid.
*See Acta consist, cancell. VII. (Consistorial Archives). Cf.
reports from the Carteggio Famesiano in the State Archives,
Parma, in Coggiola, A. d. Cornia, 234, and the *letter of Lasso
to Ferdinand I. of April 11, 1556 (State Archives, Vienna).
^ See the *Avviso cited supra note 2. On May 30, 1556,
Andrea Calegari wrote to Commendone, then staying in Venice .
*Si dice chel card. Famese non andra piii in Francia, che N.S.
non gli ha voluto dar licentia con dirli che non vole che I'abbandoni
(Lett, de' princ. XXIII., n. i. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
120 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The verbose instructions for the legates announced the
intention of the Pope to summon a General Council to Rome,
to deal with the question of reform, and contained orders to
work for the bringing about of peace, as a necessary pre-
liminary to such an assembly. The French king had made
over to Paul IV. the right of arbitration in all matters, and he
trusted that a corresponding readiness to meet his advances
would be shown by the other side.^ Should the Imperialists
really refuse peace — and that was the Pope's firm conviction,
in view of Charles V.'s pride and thirst for new territory —
then there would be plain proof that it was they who had
destroyed the tranquillity of Christendom. ^
While preparations were being made for the mission of
Carafa, who was to proclaim by his outward pomp the great-
ness of the sovereign whom he represented, on May 2nd
^ See PiEPER, 194 seqq. ; cf. Ancel, Sienne, 15 seqq. and Non-
ciat. I., Ixxxvii. seq. concerning the secret Insiruitione vulgare
del card. Carafa (published in Nonciat., II., 603 seq.), a memor-
andum drawn up by Casa in May, 1556, with regard to the legation
of his master, which has already been printed, a fact which has
escaped the notice of Ancel, by Martinetti in the Riv. Europ.,
1877, IV., 228 seqq. There are also two instructions for Rebiba.
The first, beginning : " Quamvis antequam pontificatum
inivimus " (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Varia Polit,.
LXXVIIL, 145 seq., and Court Library, Vienna, 6621, p. 21
seq.), this is the one from which Pallavicini has made extracts
(13, 17). The second, in which the Council is not mentioned,
but which in many places exactly coincides verbally with the
first, had been published by Campana in the work A.V. Cian
i suoi scolari, Pisa, 1909, 125 seq. ; the first instruction, however,
is not known to this investigator, although not only Pallavicini,
but Pieper also {loc. cit) discuss it. In the *Brevia ad princ.
Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 347 seqq., the briefs to the respective princes
regarding the dispatch of the legates, all dated April 22, 1556
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). The Bull for Carafa of April
10, is now printed in the Nonciat., II., 599 5^17. ; this was only
intended for the public ; see ibid. I., Ixxxvii.
2 See Navagero's report of April 11, 1556, in Brown, VI., i,
n- 453 ; cf. also Nonciat. I., Ixxxvi.
COLONNA ESTATES FORFEITED. 121
further friction arose between the Papal officials and the
members of the Imperial embassy ; the anger of the Pope
against Sarria, which was already violent enough, was so
much increased by this that he even spoke of having him
executed.^
Two days after this occurrence, the Cardinals were informed
in a Bull that, as the final result of the long drawn out suit
against Ascanio and Marcantonio Colonna, these nobles were
declared to be excommunicated and their estates forfeited.
In the preamble to this document, mention was made of the
anti-Papal proceedings of the Colonna family since the time
of Boniface VIII., and the misdeeds of Pompeo and Ascanio
under Clement VII., Paul III. and Julius III. Marcantonio,
it stated, had followed in their footsteps, opposing the orders
of the present Pope since the beginning of his reign, hindering
the importation of grain into Rome, and entering into a plot
with the enemies of the Holy See.^
On May 9th all the Cardinals were summoned in the Vatican
for the following day. The Pope then informed them, in few
and terse words, that he had resolved to bestow Paliano, and
the remainder of the fiefs of the Colonna, together with the
title of Duke, on the Count of Montorio, who would certainly
prove himself a tnie and obedient vassal of the Holy See.
He had not summoned the Cardinals in order to ask their
consent and advice, for he was determined to drive the enemy
out of his house, so that, in future, no one would have any
cause for fear. The members of the Sacred College received
in silence this declaration, so pregnant with direful con-
sequences, of a Pope who, at one time, when he w^as a Cardinal,
^ See Navagero's report of May 5, 1556, in Brown, VI., i,
n- 475 ; cf. RiEss, 103 seqq. ; Masius, Briefe, 279.
2 Sec the text of the bull in Passarini, 189 scqq. and in Duruy,
359 scqq. ; cf. ibid., 130 scqq. and Navagero's report in the Atti
Mod. Ser. 3, II., 165 seq. In the *Acta consist, canccll. VII.
it says : " Romae die hinae 4 Mali, 1556, fuit consistoriuni, in
quo lecta fuit sententia privationis Paliani et aliarum terrarum
Ascanii et Marci Antonii de Colonna assistentibus ibidem rev""."
{Consistorial Arcliives).
122 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
could not say enough in condemnation of the nepotism of the
Popes, but who now had himself fallen into exactly the same
fault. They then proceeded to Mass in the Sixtine Chapel,
where Giovanni Carafa, already clothed in the gold embroi-
dered mantle of a duke, had taken his place at the foot of the
throne. The Pope blessed him, and handed him the sword
and spurs, the red velvet cap, richl3^ set with pearls and jewels,
and the gilded sceptre. He touched the shoulder of his
nephew three times with the sword and received from him
the oath of fealty and the tribute for the fief. Those assembled
gathered from the bull of investiture, which was very in-
distinctly read by the secretary, Barengo, that the Count of
Montorio and his descendants were raised to the dignity of
Dukes of Paliano, and that the eldest son, in this case Diomede,
should bear the title of Marchese di Cave. The annual tribute
to be paid on the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, was fixed at
1,000 ducats.
After this ceremony, the new duke, accompanied by the
notabilities of Rome, and part of the Papal troops, repaired
to the Capitol, the thunder of the cannon welcoming him on
his arrival at the Castle of St. Angelo. Rome was illuminated
in the evening and a banquet was held at the Vatican, to
which the Venetian and Polish ambassadors were invited, as
well as the Cardinals. When the guests had risen from the
table, the Pope declared, in a speech which he made to them,
the very great pleasure which it afforded him that God should
have inspired him to this act just in this month, and almost
on the very day of the sack of Rome in 1527. " Your country-
men," he added, turning towards Cardinals Pacheco and
Cueva, " were the scoundrels who committed that ruthless
deed." He said that he would next day deliver the cross to
the peace legates, and declared that, on the whole, he had
confidence in the French king. " I do not know," he con-
tinued, again turning to the Spanish Cardinals, " what is to
be expected from your nation ; I shall, however, clear up all
doubt on this point, and I shall not fail to do my duty."
Then the Pope proceeded to enlarge, in his rhetorical manner,
on the unhappy times, in which heresy was always bringing
SEIZURE OF COLONNA TERRITORY. 1 23
new kingdoms into danger. The ambassador of the King of
Poland, who very well understood the reference to his sover-
eign, now became as embarrassed as the Spanish Cardinals,
who scarcely dared to raise their eyes. We also learn from
the report of the Venetian ambassador, who describes this
painful scene, that when he was signing the bull of investiture,
Cardinal Tournon remarked that his signature would not be
considered valid in France, as he had not taken part in any
of the deliberations concerning the matter. Cardinal Juan
Alvarez de Toledo refused to sign, as he had not been present
at the meeting of the Cardinals, and, moreover, did not think
the act was salutary, either for the Holy See or for Carafa.^
The seizure of the Colonna territory was effected quite
quietly under the protection of the Papal troops ; neverthe-
less, not only Rocca di Papa, but Paliano as well, were
strongly fortified, regardless of Alba's protest that he could
not allow such a proceeding in the neighbourhood of the
Neapolitan frontier. ^
After both the legates had received the cross on May iith,^
Carafa left for Civitavecchia on the 19th, and set sail from
there two days later.'*
* Besides Navagero's letter of May, 16, 1556, in Brown, VI.,
1, n. 484, cf. in the *Avviso di Roma of May 11, 1556, (Cod.
Urb. 1038, p. 137 seqq. Vatican Library) and the *report of
Camillo Paleotti of May 13, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna) ;
see also Masius, Briefe, 258 ; Cola Coleine, *Diario, in the
Chigi Library N. II. 32. The text of the bull of investiture in
Passarini, 197 seqq.
- See Brown, VI., i, n. 484 and 492 ; cf. also Riess, 107 seqq.,
who erroneously places Rocca di Papa, which is in the Alban
hills, at the entrance to Civitavecchia !
^ See Massarelli, 291.
* The statement of Massarelli, that Carafa started on the nth
(M^l. d'archtol., XXII., 100), or i8th of May, is erroneous;
Navagero (in Ancei., Sienne, 15), the *Avviso di Roma of May
23 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 139. Vatican Library), a letter of C.
Paleotti, dated Rome, May 20, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna),
and Gianfigliazzi in liis *letter of May 23 (State Archives, Florence),
all give the 19th.
124 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
He had received 10,000 scudi from the Pope in cash, and
as much in bills, for the expenses of his mission. His suite
consisted of about 250 persons, many of them being Florentine
and Neapolitan exiles. The most distinguished members
were Pietro Strozzi and his brother Roberto, Paolo Giordano
Orsini, the Archbishops of Cosenza and S. Severino, and
several other prelates, such as the Bishop of Pola, and the
auditor of the Rota, Ugo Boncompagni.i
The legate, whose place in Rome was filled by the Duke of
Paliano,^ was to present to the king a consecrated sword and
hat, and to the queen the Golden Rose ; he also made several
other presents, among which were some pieces of antique
sculpture.^
Diplomatists in Rome at once concluded that the mission
of Carafa was by no means intended to bring about peace,
but was, on the contrary, undertaken with a view of leading
to a repudiation of what had been decided on at Vaucelles.*
^ See besides Navagero's letters of April 18 and 23, 1556
(Brown, VI., i, n. 459), the reports in Coggiola, A. d. Cornia,
240 seqq., Angel, Sienne, 16 and Nonciat., I., xxxiv. seq. ;
also the *Avviso di Roma of May 23, 1556 [loc. cit.) and the
♦report of Sarria, dated Rome, May 21, 1556, where P. Strozzi
is described as " principal consultor del card. Carafa " (Archives
at Simancas, Leg. 883).
2 See Nonciat. II., 438 n. 2.
3 Besides the reports taken from Ancel see also the * letter of
Sarria cited supra note i. The *brief to Carafa concerning
the presents for the French royal family (c/. for this Barbier de
MoNTAULT, Oeuvres compl., I., 269, where for Paul III. we must
read Paul IV.), dated April 22, 1556, in the original in the State
Archives, Paris, and in draft in the Brevia ad princ. Arm. 44,
t. 4, n. 352 Cf. ibid n. 353 a corresponding *brief to Henry II.
of April 22, 1556, to the following effect : Ad eam enim inter vos
concordiam et pacem, quam praesentes indutiae nobis poUicentur,
tuto conservandam, nihil esse opportunius videtur contra eos,
(]ui eam perturbare atque omnia miscere conantur, quam iustitiae
gladius et salutis galea. Cf. ibid., n. 355, the *brief to the queen
on the same day (Secret Archives of the Vatican) .
^ Lasso gives this view as early as April 11, 1556, in a *report
to Ferdinand I. (Secret State Archives, Vienna),
CARAFA IN FRANCE. 125
There is, however, so far, no proof that the legate had, at that
time, received any instructions to that effect. Carafa him-
self declared later on, during the course of his trial, that it was
only after his arrival at the French court, that he received
any such orders. As it would have been very advantageous
for him, who had been made responsible for the violation of
the armistice, to be able to point to such instructions, his
statement seems worthy of belief. The first reports of the
legate, who reached Fontainebleau on June i6th, concerning
his preliminary negotiations, also bear out his statement. ^
It was only when threatening news arrived from Rome with
regard to the intentions of the Imperialists and the Colonna,
that the position was altered, and that Carafa began to work
assiduously to bring about a military invasion of Italy by the
French. As Henry II. seemed to lend a favourable ear to
his proposals, Carafa reported somewhat prematurely to
Rome, on June 25th, that he would soon return accompanied
by 30 galleys and 3,000 infantry. ^ When the French king
begged the Duke of Ferrara to assist the Pope against the
Colonna, in an autograph letter of June 2gth, Carafa so far
lost sight of all idea of seemliness, as openly to attack Philip
II. on July 5th, before all the ambassadors, as the accomplice
of the rebelHous Colonna. As early as July 13th, the legate
announced that he intended to return.^ Cardinal Rebiba, who
had only left Rome on May 30th, and had then travelled very
slowly, received orders to return home, as his mission to
Brussels now had no object.'*
^ The above is in accordance with the excellent details given
by Ancel, Sienne, 17 scqq. Carafa's reports from France have
now been published by Ancel in the Nonciat., II., 405 seqq. ;
the first report of June 17 had already been made known in its
essentials by Lammer (Melet., 173 seq.).
'^ See Ancel, Sienne, 20 seqq. Concerning the threatening
intentions of the Spanish cf. Nonciat., II., 422 n. 2.
^ Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 537 ; Riess, 120 seqq. ; Ancel, Sienne,
20 seqq. Ancel has corrected the date (July 13 instead of June
13) of the first letter of Carafa, published by Duruv (p. 366).
■* Sec Pieper, 88-89; HiNOjosA, 98; cf. Riess, 115, who
maintains strongly that Rebiba started on his journey on June
126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The decisive crisis took place in Rome on June 20 th. On
that day the Pope again indulged, in the presence of the
Venetian ambassador, in the most violent language against
the Emperor, " this heretic and schismatic who has always
favoured false doctrine in order to oppress the Holy See, and
make himself master of Rome, for he not only regards this
city as his own, but the whole of the States of the Church,
and indeed all Italy, Venice included." It was certain, he
said, that Charles V. had the intention of again reinstating
the Colonna in their possessions, of making open war on the
Holy See, and, finally, of refusing his obedience even in
ecclesiastical matters. " Woe to him, however, if he attempts
this ! " continued Paul IV., " we shall then raise the whole
world against him, deprive him of his Imperial dignity and
his kingdom, and let him see what we are able to perform by
virtue of the authority of Christ."^
A few days later the Pope again broke out, to Navagero, into
the most violent complaints about the " treachery " of the
" heretical " Emperor. No worse man, he declared, had lived
for a thousand years, and the devil had chosen him as his tool
in order to paralyse the Papal efforts at reform. " The Im-
perialists," continued the Pope, " may deceive others, but
not us, for we have taken precautions, and God's protection
will not fail us ; we have friends, for when the liberty of Italy
is at stake, there can be no doubt as to the unity of all Italians.
We also possess a great following in Naples. We shall only
call upon Venice when events seem to promise a favourable
9 ; according to the *report of Giovan Andrea Calegari to Coin-
mendone, dated Rome, May 30, 1556, Rebiba started on May 30
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). Masius, Briefe, 263, also
agrees with this. Concerning Rebiba's recall see Nonciat.,
II., 447 n. I.
1 See Navagero's report of June 20, 1556, in Brown, VI.,
I, 518 ; cf. also G. Aldobrandini's letter to Carafa, of June 21,
1556, used by Angel (Sienne, 20) in a translation, to which
CoGGiOLA (A. d. Cornia, 249) drew attention. Both have over-
looked the fact that it had already been printed in Passarini,
124 seqq.
FEARS OF THE POPE. 127
and certain result, for we are aware of the discretion which
the Signoria has to exercise." In this audience, which lasted
for two hours, the Pope kept on repeating his assertion that
his hope was fixed on God, Who would not abandon his
cause. ^
The reconcihation which Cardinal Alvarez de Toledo had
brought about at that time between the Pope and Sarria,^ no
longer sufficed to alter the course of events. The attitude of
the Imperiahsts and the Colonna seemed so threatening to
Paul IV. that he believed that precautions must be taken to
ensure his own safety. The terrifying picture of the events
of 1527 was always before his eyes, and the fear that he might
suffer the fate of Clement VII. had taken complete possession
of his imagination. "As an attack by the Imperiahsts is
expected here," writes Navagero on June 27th, " fresh troops
have arrived in Rome." When the ambassador had another
audience with the Pope on July 3rd, the latter again made
use of the strongest expressions against Charles V., " this
miserable and sorry creature, this cripple in body and soul."
If the Emperor should really begin a war against him, repeated
the Pope, he would be forced to have recourse to the last and
most terrible weapon which Christ had bestowed on him,
that of withdrawing aU ecclesiastical revenues from Charles
v., and declaring his throne forfeited.^
The situation was daily becoming more critical. Just
as the Pope was disturbed by the warhke preparations
of Alba, so was the latter irritated by the precautionary
measures taken by Paul IV., not only in Rome, but
also on the Neapohtan frontier.* On July 5th, 70,000
1 The *letter of Navagero of June 24. 1556. overlooked by
Brown, is in the Library of St. Mark's, Venice, loc. cit.
2 Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 518 and 528, as well as the *Avviso of
June 27, 1556 (Q)d. Urb. 1038, p. 145. Vatican Library).
^ See Brown, VL, i, n. 529 and 534 ; cf. Masius, Briefe, 267.
* Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of June 20, 1556, according to
which thirteen pieces of artillery were sent to Paliano (Cod.
Urb. 1038, p. 141'', Vatican Library); ibid. p. 146 an *Avviso
of July 4, 1556, concerning the prohibition of undertaking miUtary
128 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ducats were deposited as a war fund in the Castle of St.
Angelo.i
During this state of tension between Rome and Naples,
which was continually being aggravated'^ by the encroach-
ments of the Spanish government on purely ecclesiastical
affairs, the following incident occurred on July 7th. The
governor of the frontier town of Terracina caught sight of a
man who was known to him as a Spanish courier, trying to
steal across the frontier on foot, and without the badges of his
office. He had the suspect brought before him, and as he
bore none of the distinguishing marks which, in accordance
with international law, would have protected him, the governor
had him searched. They found on him a petition from the
Imperial post-master, Juan Antonio de Taxis, to Alba, asking
him to procure for him the post agency between Terracina
and Velletri, and two letters from Garcilasso de la Vega, also
addressed to Alba. One was in cypher, but the other con-
tained the statement that Sarria had been stupid enough
to let himself be won over by a few friendly words from the
Pope, whereas the proper way to attain anything was to send
the cavalry, together with 4,000 Spaniards and 8,000 Italians,
by forced marches on Rome, and to have the war-ships set
sail for Nettuno and Civitavecchia.^
service under foreign princes without permission from the Pope ;
this prohibition was issued when Camillo Orsini declared " esser
ubligato al duca di Ferrara." Concerning the fortification of the
Borgo see Bull. bas. Vat., III., 26.
^ Massarelli 292 ; cf. Studi e docum., XIII., 304.
2 The well-known theologian M. Cano was accused in Rome,
and in a sharp letter of April 21, 1556, ordered to appear before
the court within 60 days under penalty of severe punishment.
The Spanish government declared, however, that this summons
had not been served on Cano, and that he and the Bishop of
Lugo, who had likewise been summoned to Rome, were to remain
in Spain ; see Caballero, M. Cano, 502 seqq., 506 seqq. ; cf.
Histor. Zeitschrift., XXXIX., 288.
^ Cf. the *report of G. A. Fachinetti to Cardinal Farnese of
July 8, 1556 (State Archives, Parma) and that of Navagero of
ARREST OF GARCILASSO. 129
This important document was handed to the Duke of
Paliano in the late evening of July 7th, when the Pope had
already retired. The Duke therefore, on his own responsibility
had the jDOst-master de Taxis arrested during the night, and
his possessions seized ; he hoped in this way to be able to
decipher the code letter, which was afterwards sent to experts
in Venice.^
The Duke of Paliano informed the Pope of the discovery
which he had made. While the two were deliberating on
July 9th, Navagero, with Garcilasso and Sarria, arrived in the
anti-camera ; the two latter were only aware of the arrest
of de Taxis, but had not yet learned of the capture of the
courier. The Pope received only Navagero and Sarria, and
when Garcilasso was about to leave the Vatican with the
latter, he was arrested and taken to the Castle of St. Angelo i^
his fate was shared by Girolamo Capilupi, the agent of Cardinal
Ercole Gonzaga,^ on July loth. The palace of Cardinal
Pacheco, where Garcilasso lodged, was thoroughly searched.^
" It is believed that war has already broken out," writes the
Venetian ambassador, Navagero, after Garcilasso's arrest,
and when he had an audience on the following day he found
July 9, in Brown, VI., 1, n. 540 ; see also Nores, 71 seqq. ;
RObsam, J. B. von Taxis, Freiburg, 1889 19 ; Coggiola, A. d.
Cornia, 266, 268 seqq.
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 540 ; Fachinetti in the
Nonciat. II., 426 n. 4 ; Turnbull, Cal., n. 522 ; cf. Roseo,
I., 6, p. 304.
2 See besides the report of Navagero mentioned supra p. 128,
n. 3, and the letter of Fachinetti in Coggiola, loc. cit., 271 seqq.
and Nonciat. II., 427 n. 2, as well as the *Avviso di Roma of
July II, 1556, Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 143*^ (Vatican Library).
^ See the report in Intra, Ipp. Capihipi : Arch. stor. Lomb.,
XX. (1893), and in Coggiola, loc. cit. 272 seq. ; cj. also Quellen
und Forschungen d. Preuss. Inst., III., 134 seq. and the *Avvisi
di Roma of July 15 and di Bologna of July 18, 1556, in the corres-
pondence of Madruzzo in the Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck.
* See the *Avviso di Roma of July 11, 1556, mentioned supra
n. 2.
VOL. XIV. Q
130 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Pope, who had just then received good news concerning
the help of France, determined to proceed to all lengths,
" We have discovered their treachery " said Paul IV., " and
we shall learn yet more from those who have been arrested.
They have recommended a march on Rome, and a division
of our territory, but the Lord God still lives ! They will
perhaps be forced to defend their own dominions ; mighty
princes are on our side, and should the Spaniards attack us
they will repent it ; the tyrant, the Emperor, need no longer
be taken into consideration, for his possessions are like an old
house, which, when a single stone is removed, falls to pieces ;
when we, here in Italy, give him a slight blow, everything will
be laid in ruins." Amid the most bitter complaints of the
devilish wickedness of Charles, the Pope made much of his
hope that Venice, too, would not fail to join in the struggle
against the tyranny of Spain. ^
On July nth, all the Cardinals and ambassadors were
summoned to the Vatican. The Pope, who spoke in Italian
on this occasion, gave praise to Providence for having dis-
covered the designs of his enemies, dwelt on the guilt of
Garcilasso, and justified his proceedings against the Colonna,
and the elevation of his nephew to the Dukedom of Paliano.
On the advice of the Cardinals, he then appointed a com-
mission to deliberate anew concerning a peaceful issue to the
matter. The Pope declared that greatly as he detested war,
he must, nevertheless, in any case take measures for his
defence, especially after the discovery of the treasonable
designs of the Imperialists. "If we must venture on war,
which, in view of the deceitful nature of the Spaniards, is very
much to be feared," he said to Navagero two days later," then
we shall pronounce such a fearful sentence that the sun shall
1 See Brown, VI., i, n. 540 ; cf. n. 540 and Romanin, Storia
di Venezia, VI., 234 n. ; the letter of Buoncambi in Coggiola,
A. d. Cornia, 277 seqq. ; Navagero's report in Brown, VI., i,
n. 541 ; Summarii, 347 ; *letter of C. Paleotti, dated Rome,
July II, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna) ; the *Avviso di Roma
of July II, he. cit. and the *Acta consist (Consistorial Archives).
THE POPE FEARS ANOTHER SACK. I3I
thereby be darkened, and the Emperor and his son, who have
been found guilty of felony and rebellion, shall be made our
vassals, deprived of all their kingdoms, their subjects released
from their allegiance, and their dominions divided among
those who occupy them. We shall then invest the French
king with Naples, and besides that give back to the Republic
the ports which she formerly possessed in Apulia and Sicily."^
Paul IV. was, at this time, more possessed than ever by the
fixed idea that the Spaniards, these Marani, as he called them,
were threatening Rome with another Sack. He declared,
however, that he would anticipate them ; he intended to
conquer Naples, even should he have to go there in person,
with his cross borne before him ; he would, moreover, have
the " devilish " secret letter printed, so that everyone should
recognise the treachery of the Imperialists. Those who had
been arrested should be tortured until they named their
accomphces.^
On July 25th the Pope again gave free vent to his passion
against the Spaniards in the presence of Navagero. He would
not, he declared, allow these traitors and heretics to do to him,
under the cloak of peace, what they had permitted themselves
to do to Clement VII. He had discovered their attempts at
murder ; they had intended to perform even worse acts than
in 1527. He would rather die than suffer such humiliations
as his predecessor, Julius III. It was impossible to endure
meekly such tyrannical oppression from the lowest nation on
earth. " Once," he continued, " we saw in these ultra-
montanes in Italy, nothing but cooks, bakers and ostlers, but
now, to our ruin and disgrace, they are the masters. Where-
ever they rule, as in Naples and Milan, we see lamentable
tragedies. The Emperor, the tyrant and schismatic, is
striving after a universal monarchy. He has promoted
heresy in order to crush the Papacy and make himself master
of Rome, that is to say, master of Italy and the world." Then
^ Brown, VI., i, n. 546 ; cf. Nonciat. II., 456 n. 2.
2 See Brown, VI., i, n. 549. Taxis had an arm broken under
torture. See RiEss, 124, n. 35 ; cf. M.^sius, Briefe, 277, 291.
132 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Paul IV. pointed out to the ambassador the dangers which
threatened Venice from the Spaniards. Tuscany was already
in their hands, and now they intended to seize upon the rest
of the peninsula. Should Venice enter the war on the side
of the Pope, she would thereby gain great advantages and
win much celebrity, and the celestial harmony which once
had existed would be once more restored, and the whole world
would tremble at the name of Italy. The mom.ent was
favourable, and he himself would make every sacrifice to free
Italy from her oppressors. The reserve with which Navagero
received these confidences did not damp the ardour of the
Pope, and he returned again and again to the dangers which
accompanied the rule of the Imperialists in Naples. The
Sack and the ruin of Italy had resulted from it. " But God
will help us," he cried, " whosoever makes war on the Pope
loses, as a schismatic, all the benefits he has received from the
Holy See. From those benefits the King of Spain draws a
greater revenue than from all his other kingdoms, but we shall
deprive him of all those revenues. We know that the same
thing cannot happen in Spain as has happened in Germany ;
there are very many good people there, who will not follow
him."^
Meanwhile a protest had arrived from Alba against the
arrest of Garcilasso.^ This and the admissions of the two
prisoners increased both the anger and the fear of the Pope.
He continued his preparations for war with feverish activity.^
Camillo Orsini, who had arrived on July i8th, was ordered
to put the capital into a state of defence. The Borgo was
fortified, the city walls repaired, new troops for the garrison
1 *Letter of Navagero of July 25, 1556 (St. Mark's Library,
Venice, loc. cii.).
2 Brought by G. de Urea ; see Brown, VI., i, n. 550.
^ Cf. for the following especially the *Avvisi di Roma of July
II, 18 and 25, 1556. In that of July 25 it is stated : *Si fortifica
11 Borgo et si riparano le mura di Roma (Vatican Library). See
also the report in Coggiola, A. d. Cornia, 282, 284 seq. and
the *letter of A. Capilupi, dated Rome, July 18, 1556 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
CARDINAL DELLA CORGNA ARRESTED. I33
levied, the export of gold and precious metals forbidden ; and
the war-chest in the Castle of St. Angelo increased to 100,000
ducats. People wondered how the Pope could get so much
money together, considering the expense of the 10,500 soldiers
already in his service.^ The Duke of Urbino received orders
to raise a further lo.ooo men.^
Among those accused of having treasonable relations with
the Emperor, Ascanio della Corgna, to whom the defence of
Velletri had been entrusted, had been named. On July 23rd,
the Pope ordered him to come to Rome, in order to vindicate
himself. As he delayed in putting in an appearance, the
suspicion against him was increased, and orders were at once
issued to arrest him and bring him to Rome. Cardinal Fulvio
della Corgna heard of this in good time, so that he was able to
inform his brother of the threatened danger ; the latter, there-
fore, succeeded in escaping to Nettuno, which he delivered
to the Colonna, and thence by sea to Naples.^ Paul IV. was
not the man to suffer this from a member of the Sacred College,
and when Cardinal Fulvio appeared at the consistory of July
27th, he was taken to the Castle of St. Angelo. In the con-
sistory, the Pope spoke first of this occurrence, after which
the advocate and the procurator of the Apostolic Camera,
Alessandro Pallantieri and Silvestro Aldobrandini appeared
and read a legal document to the following effect : It is
notorious that several persons in the Kingdom of Naples have,
with the knowledge of Philip II. or Charles V., conspired
against the Holy See, which is a transgression of the oath of
1 See Massarelli, 292 ; cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 558 and Turn-
bull, n. 522.
2 Sec the *Avviso of July 25, loc. cit., p. 148 ^.
"' See, besides the important reports in Coggiola, A. d. GDrnia,
293 seqq., Massarelli, 293, the *report of C. Paleotti of July 29,
1556 (State Archives, Bologna) and the *Avviso di Roma of
August I, 1556 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 150. Vatican Library),
which gives many details concerning the fliglit. According
to the thorougli investigations of Coggiola the suspicion against
the Condottiere was unfounded and the proceedings against him,
to say the least, too hasty.
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
allegiance sworn by the rulers of Naples before Popes Julius
III. and Paul IV. It is also notorious that the Spanish king,
as well as the Emperor, have assisted the excommunicated
Colonna, who are condemned for high treason, with money
and troops against the Holy See, whereby they have ipso
facto laid themselves open to the penalties of the major ex-
communication, and of high treason, and to the loss of all their
dignities. The Pope took note of this pronouncement, but
declared that he would not come to a decision until he had
discussed the matter with the Cardinals. ^
After this demonstration, Sarria informed the Pope that he
had received instructions from his government to leave Rome,
Paul IV. was much embarrassed by this announcement, as he,
so far, had received so few definite pledges of sufficient help
from France, that Carafa was obliged to prolong his stay there.
Pope, therefore, endeavoured to postpone the rupture and to
retain the ambassador. When Sarria left the city on August
8th, his departure took the form of leave of absence for the
arrangement of his personal affairs.^
To the complaint presented by the Count of S. Valentino in
the name of Alba, the Pope gave a reply which had been laid
before the consistory on August 7th, and which Domenico del
Nero, who was sent to Naples five days later, took with him.
This denied the truth of all the accusations of the Viceroy,
and, with regard to Garcilasso, declared that the latter, by
his plotting against the Pope, had forfeited the inviolability of
an ambassador.'
Although eight French galleys, with 600 Gascons, had
1 See *Acta consist, cancell., VII., ^1-39^ (Consistorial Archives);
cf. Navagero and Massarelli loc. cit. ; LtJNiG, Cod. Ital. dip!.,
IV., 255 seq. ; Nores, no seq. ; Passarini, 137 seqq. ; Riess,
132 seq. ; Nonciat., II., 453.
2 Cf. Massarelli, 293-294 ; Brown, VI., i, n. 572 ; Coggiola,
A. d. Cornia, 310, n. i ; Riess, 135 ; Nonciat,, I., xcii. ; II.,
452, n. I ; cf. also the *report in the Acta consist., VII. (Con-
sistorial Arch).
3 See the instruction of August 11, 1556, in Nores, 394 seq. ;
cf. Massarelli, loc. cit. ; Brown, VI., i, n. 572.
A. CARAFA SENT TO VENICE. 135
arrived at Civitavecchia on July 25th, and the preparations
for war in Rome were being carried on with the greatest
activity,^ Paul IV. did not by any means feel himself secure
and sought in every way to induce Venice to ally herself with
him. Antonio Carafa, who had, a little time before, been
raised to the dignity of Marquis of Montebello,^ was sent, with
this object, to the city of the lagoons, but was not successful
in accompHshing anything.^ Nevertheless, Paul IV. still
hoped to persuade the Venetians to abandon their neutrality.
On August 13th he discussed the matter after dinner with
Navagero, and again complained in the most excited terms
of the treasonable practices of the Imperialists. Should these
schismatics and heretics succeed in driving him out of Rome,
he would take refuge on an island, and carry on his office from
there. He hoped, however, to witness the downfall of the
Spanish tyranny ; Venice must know best what she ought to
do, for " on our ruin, yours will necessarily follow. We, how-
ever, shall not be the slaves of the Spaniards hke former Popes,
but we shall bravely fight against them, be the consequences
what they may."*
Now as before, Paul IV. considered himself personally
threatened by the Spaniards, and he caused precautions to be
taken against any attempt to poison him.^ Being in such a
1 Cf. concerning this the reports in Coggiola, A. d. Cornia,
292 and 318. Card, du Bellay discusses the military position of
Rome in a letter of July 25, 1556, in Ribier, II., 650 seqq.
2 See Massarelli, 292. Antonio Carafa received, on his
elevation to the marquisite, the lands confiscated from the in-
subordinate Count of Bagno. *Acta consist, cancell. VII.
(Consistorial Arch.) Cf. Coggiola, loc. cit. 98, 120 seq., 127
seq., 136 seq., 143 seq.
3 Cf. Note I in Nores, 69 and Nonciat., II., 438, n. 3.
* See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 578.
^ *Da tre giorni in qua si h ristretto molto il servitio che si fa
al pontefice alia tavola, perche vogliono che tre soli camerieri
soi parenti portino le vivande. Si dubita che habbi suspition
di veneno. Navagero on August 15, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's,
Venice) ,
136 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
frame of mind, it was in vain that Cardinal Medici again
advised him, in the strongest terms, to refrain from war,
above all on account of the insufficiency of his troops, for the
Paj)al army would take to flight at the mere sight of the
enemy, for, since the invasion of Charles VIII. not a single
battle had been won by an army composed entirely of Italian
troops.^
Every prospect of a peaceful solution of the disjDute dis-
appeared with the answer which Alba signed on August 21st,
and sent to the Pope by special courier. It was to the effect
that after the unjust statements in the consistory of July 27th,
nothing else was possible for the Emperor and the King of
Spain except to do what was permitted to every obedient
son, whose father attacked him with a naked weapon, which
was to take the weapon out of his hand.^
This ultimatum was handed to the Pope on August 27th
by Pirro dell' Offredo, the third ambassador of Alba. As
Offredo expressed himself in terms still stronger than those
of the document, such a violent dispute arose that the maestro
di camera closed the outer doors, so that those outside might
not hear the quarrel.^
The preparations for war had, in the meantime, advanced
in Rome, and the Pope dreamed of being able to raise his army
to as many as 30,000 men.^ On August 15th, 1,200 more
Gascons arrived in Rome, brave but dissolute and thieving
soldiers.^ New taxes had to be imposed in order to meet the
expenses. This, as well as the ruthless destruction of the
' See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 582.
^ This letter, in Spanish and French, is in Reiss, Pap. de
Granvelle, IV., 666 scq., in Italian in the supplement to Nores,
400 seqq. ; ibid, a similar letter to the College of Cardinals. Cf.
RiESS, 138 seqq. ; Balan, VI., 467.
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 589 and the **Avviso
di Roma of August 29, 1556 (Cod. Urb. 1039, p. 156, Vatican
Library) .
^ See the **Avviso mentioned in the preceding note.
^ Cf. Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 577, and in Alberi, 401
seqq.
ALBA CROSSES THE FRONTIER. I37
villas and vineyards lying outside the city walls, caused great
dissatisfaction among the people. In this work, carried out
under the direction of Camillo Orsini, neither churches nor
monastries were spared. As had been done in the Borgo,
fortifications were also constructed in Trastevere, and new
outworks were added to the Castle of St. Angelo.^ All this,
however, was not sufficient to resist a serious attack, for,
although so many defences had been begun, none of them were
finished. Tt was still more unfortunate that the Papal troops
were completely scattered all over the Campagna, since the
Pope, inexperienced as he was in the art of war, refused to
leave any fortified place without a garrison, or to risk any-
thing that belonged to him.^
In a consistory on September 4th, 1556, the Pope and the
Cardinals continued to discuss the answer to be given to Alba's
letter, and to consider the possibility of a peaceful solution.^
The news arrived, however, during the following night that
Alba had crossed the frontier with his troops, and had already
invested Pontecors'^o.'*
^ Besides Massarelli, 295, cf. Navagero in Brown, VI.,
1, n. 588 ; Siimmarii, 350 seqq., and especially the **Avvisi di
Roma of August 8, 15, 29, and September 5, 1556 (Vatican
Library, loc. cit.). Cf. also Bicci, Not. d. famiglia Boccapaduli,
Roma, 1762, 112, and Pagliucchi, 128 seq., concerning the works
on the Castle of St. Angelo at the time, and also at a later period.
As to the cost, Navagero *reports on August 22, 1556 : '" Qui
si fa conto chel pontefice habbi una spesa di c. 80,000 scudi al
mese ne si vede come possa lugamente sostenerla " (Library
of St. Mark's, Venice).
^ See the reports of Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 646 ; VI.,
2, n. 685, as well as in RiEss, 146.
^Massarelli, 295. Brown, VI., i, n. 596, 600. Bonfig-
liazzi in Nores, 122, n. i.
* Massarelli, 295. Brown, VI., i, n. 603. M. Roseo,
519 seq. Nonciat., II., 470.
CHAPTER VI.
The War with Spain.
The decision to proceed against the Pope by force of arms
had not been easily arrived at by Charles V., Philip II. and
Alba, for not only political, but religious considerations as
well, had stood in the way of their making it. The Spanish
government had caused a special legal opinion to be obtained
from the University of Louvain ; this confirmed Philip II.
in his view that he would neither sin against his duty as a loyal
son of the Church, nor against the obligations appertaining
to his title of Catholic King, if he anticipated a threatened
attack by beginning the war.^ Even then, however, Alba
1 Cf. Michiel's report of 1557 ^^ Brown, VI., 2, n. 1062 ; ibid.,
n. 687 ; Balan, VI., 468-469, and RiESS, 134. The (incorrectly
printed by Riess, p. 440 seqq.) " Memoriale date da parte de
S.M.t'* alii teologi circa 11 procedere di Paolo IV. sopra il regno
di Napoli," is moreover identical with the Spanish " Consulta
a los teologos sobre el procedere de Paolo IV.," which has long
been printed in F. Caballero, M. Cano, Madrid, 1871, 508 seq.
The same document, under the title " Memorial que da parte
de la M*^ cath. del Rey Felipe II. se di6 a los teologos " is in
manuscript in the archives of the Spanish embassy in Rome.
Riess does not mention that Philip II. laid this complaint against
Paul IV. before the Spanish theologians and jurists in a meeting
summoned to Valladolid, and that he asked their opinion as to
whether he would be allowed to carry on a war against the Pope
under the existing circumstances, and what means he should
employ in so doing. Almost all of them answered the question
in a sense favourable to the king. The opinion of M. Cano,
dated November I., 1556, was especially pleasing to the latter,
as it drew a sharp distinction between the Pope as head of the
Church, and as a secular prince, though it also contained words
138
THE ADVANCE OF ALBA. 139
still hesitated, and it was only on the third order of Phihp II.,
who somewhat blamed him for his disobedience,^ that he at
last started from Naples on September ist, 1556. His force
only amounted to 12,000 men, but these were well-disciplined,
and were commanded by generals who were bent on vengeance,
among whom were Marcantonio Colonna and the Count of
Popoli, who, although a relative of the Pope, had been dis-
missed from the Papal army on account of his Spanish sym-
pathies. It made a great difference to the rapid progress made
by Alba's troops that they advanced in a single body, whereas
the Papal army was divided among many places. In this way
Frosinone, Veroli and Banco were soon lost. Alba then
marched against Anagni, whereupon Piperno, Terracina,
Acuto, Fumone, Fcrentino and Alatri also surrendered. The
Spanish Viceroy took possession of the places conquered in
the name of the College of Cardinals, with the express declara-
tion that he was prepared to deliver them up again to the
Sacred College, or to the future Pope.^
The action of Alba, who had thus suddenly invaded the
States of the Church without any declaration of war, placed
Paul IV. in a position of the greatest danger, for he was unable
to cope with the power of Spain either from a military or a
financial point of view. At his advanced age, and with his
imperfect knowledge of business, which made him unsuitcd
for all political affairs, he was even less fitted to direct a war.^
and expressions little fitted to a Dominican (see Caballero,
277 seqq., 395 seq., 513 seqq. ; cf. also Langwitz, Carranza,
42). Cane's opinion is printed in the Jugement impartial sur
des lettres de la Cour de Rome en forme de Bref, II., Madrid,
1770, 491 seqq.
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 758.
2 Cf. Massarelli, 297 ; Summarii, 355, 357 seq. ; see Nores,
125 seq. : ibid., 405 seq., the letter of du Bellay, Dean of the
Sacred College, to Alba on September 13, and Alba's answer on
September 16.
^ Cf. Pallavicini, 13, 19, and especially Brosch, I., 201
seqq. regarding the unsatisfactory state of the Pope's financial
and military affairs. On September 6 Paul IV. assembled the
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
More acutely than ever did he now miss his experienced
nephew, and he was therefore exceedingly glad when Cardinal
Carafa left the French court on August iith,i ^^^ arrived in
Rome in the evening of September 7th. He brought great
promises from the French king, as well as a considerable sum of
money, and was also able to announce the arrival of 1500
Gascons, who had come with him by sea.^
Carafa found the Eternal City in a state of indescribable
confusion. Had the gates not been closed, most of the in-
habitants would have fled.^ Great dissatisfaction prevailed
in Rome on account of the stern measures which the outbreak
of war always brings, and the people complained bitterly of
the new impositions and the want of consideration shown by
Camillo Orsini in the construction of the new fortifications.
As the Porta del Popolo appeared to be especially threatened,
on account of the Pincio, about a hundred buildings were pulled
down there, among others the Augustinian convent in which
Cardinals, complained of Alba's invasion, of the attitude of the
commission of Cardinals, and called Offredo to account because
of the breach of the peace ; when the latter was about to depart,
he was arrested and placed in the Castle of St. Angelo. See
Massarelli, 295 seqq. ; Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 607 ;
Summarii, 358 seqq. and the *letter of C. Paleotti of September
7, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna).
^ See the report of Lanssac, ed. Sauze, 488-.
2 See Massarelli, 296, where details are given of Cardinal
Rebiba's entry on September 9 ; cf. also Brown, VI., i, n. 607 ;
Ancel, Sienne, 22 and Nonciat., I., xxxvi. (the date of his
return is here erroneously given as September 11).
3 See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 609, and the *letter of
C. Paleotti of September 14, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna).
Many Romans had already left the city by the end of August.
Navagero writes on August 29, 1556 : *In somma siamo qui tra
li tambnri et le armi et ogni di si sentono natural et proprie
insolentie delli soldati di questi tempi et molti dicono palesamente
die tra la ruina che portera seco la fortification et la spesa et le
ingiurie die fanno li soldati Roma si potra reputar mezza sacche-
giata et che dalli inimici non si potra espettar peggio (Library of
St. Mark's, Venice).
PANIC IN ROME. I4I
Luther had once hved ; at one time, indeed, they even thought
of demolishing the costly church whicli was the burial place
of the Rovere !^ The arrival on September I5tli of the soldiers
from Gascony, who had sailed with Carafa, somewhat raised
the hopes of the Romans^, but their disappointment was all the
greater when the whole of the troops at their disposal were
assembled in review ; on paper they had 17,000 men, but in
reality, howe\'er, there were only 9000. In addition to this,
the news arrived that on September 15th the fortified town of
Anagni had been taken and plundered l)y the Spaniards. Rome
was seized by panic, for the inhabitants well knew that the
feeble garrison was not to be depended on, and that many of
the mercenaries would be the first to take advantage of the
opportunity of plundering together with the enemy. " The
terror of the inhabitants," writes Massarelli in his journal,
" is everywhere very great ; the women have received
permission to leave the city, while the men, who are
obliged to remain, are bringing all their valuables into a place
of safety."^
The only person who kept his head amid the general con-
fusion was Cardinal Carafa. He displayed during those
critical days an extraordinary activity in carrying forward his
warhke preparations, in drawing up manifestos to the Christian
^ Cf. the **Avvisi of August 29, September 5 and 19 (Anagni
lost. " La cittk sta in gran spavento et si fa un gran sgombrar."
Vatican Library) as well as Massarelli, 297 ; Bonfigliazzi
in NoRES, 125 n. i; Navagero-Alberi, 394; Summarii, 359;
M. RosEO, 515. The report that they were about to pull down
the basilicas of St. Paolo and S. Croce (see Brown, VI., i, n.
631) was also current. Concerning the works of that time for
the fortification of Rome see Rocciii, 52 seq., 59 seq., and tav.
8 ; RoDOCANACHi, St. Ange, 157.
■■^ See the *letter of C. Paleotti of September 16, 1556 (State
Archives, Bologna).
^ See Massarelli, 297 ; Turnbull, n. 538 ; Summarii, 359 ;
Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 609 and in Alb^ri, 394 ; cf.
also Andrea, 41 seq. ; Riicss, 142 seq. ; Arch. stor. Napolit.
XXXV., 562.
142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
princes in justification of the action of Paul IV. .^ in making
efforts for the definite conclusion of an alliance with France,
and in attempts to obtain new allies. In order to win over the
Signoria of Venice, who still adhered to their neutrality, one
of the most talented members of the Papal chancery, Francesco
Commendone, Bishop of Zante, was deputed to go there. This
envoy also received instructions to ask for help in Urbino,
Ferrara and Parma. ^ As had been the case before, however,
Carafa was eagerly employed in attempting to secure a princi-
pality for his family. The very man who was stirring up
people all over the world against Spain, and who was working
with feverish energy for the formation of a great anti-Imperial ,
coalition, and who even aimed at getting help from the Turks, ^
^ Cf. concerning the manifestos, Propugnatore A. VIII., 1875,
I., 345 seq., 347 seq. ; II., 153 seqq. ; see also Passarini, 213 seq.,
226 seqq.
2 Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 6t6 ; Gratianus, 57 seq. ; Angel,
Sienne, 31 seqq. The correspondence of Carafa with Com-
mendone in the Lett, di princ. XXII. '^ (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) ; cf. Nonciat., II., 480 n. i, 495 n. i.
^ The advantage which an attack by the Turkish fleet would
give at the outbreak of the war against Spain was pointed out
in the secret memorandum drawn up by Casa in May, 1556
(see Martinetti in the Riv. Europ., 1877, IV., 229 and Ancel,
in the Nonciat., II., 602). Nothing was at first said to the Pope
about the matter (see the details by Ancel in the Nonciat.,
I., Ixxxviii., whereby the statements of Brosch [Mitteil. des
Osterr. Inst., XXV., 483"], that the idea had originated with
the Pope are contradicted). Paul IV. only heard of it in Septem-
ber, 1556 (see Ancel, Disgrace, 120). In consequence of the
uncertainty of French help the position had become so grave
that a second sack was feared for Rome. Cesare Brancaccio, who
had been sent to France at that time, therefore received instruc-
tions from Cardinal Carafa on October 23, 1556, that he was to
tell Henry II. to have the Turkish fleet advance quickly in case
of need (Duruy, 377. Nonciat., II., 479). Later on, in the
legal proceedings, Carafa endeavoured to deny everything ;
it was, however, proved that he had repeatedly called for the
assistance of the Turks (see the documents of the case in the
THE INTRIGUES OF CARAFA. I43
was at the same time carr^'ing on secret negotiations with the
enemy in order to gain his own personal ends, in the event of
his plan of a great war falling through, owing to the fickleness
of Henry 11.^
Circumstances had been for some time very favourable to
Carafa in the carrying out of this most difficult part of his
programme. In view of the actual occupation of the greater
part of the Campagna, which had been as rapid as it was easy,
appendix to No res, 483 seqq., and especially 500). In a letter
written during his imprisonment in February, 1561, to Pius
IV., Carafa acknowledged that he had not only begged help
from the Protestants, but had also proposed to the Sultan,
Soliman I., in March, 1557, that he should give up his war against
Hungary, and throw himself with all his power against Naples
and Sicily ; he maintained, however, that all this had been or-
dered by Paul IV. (Bromato, II., 369 n.). In reality the Pope
had begun by remonstrating with the French ambassador on
account of the alUance with the Turks (Ribier, II., 615), but he
afterwards became more reconciled to receiving indirect help
from them as his position grew more critical on account of Alba's
invasion, and as the representations of Carafa became more
urgent [cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 600 ; Riess, 161). Often as the
Pope afterwards spoke of getting help from the Turks, it was
always only a question of indirect help, through the alliance
of France with them, which Paul IV., in his blind passion against
the Spaniards, undoubtedly sanctioned and promoted, because
he hoped by this means to bring about an improvement in his
own painful position (see Brown, VI., 3, n. 1163; Ribier,
II., 718). I have been unable to find any trace of a direct
alliance between Paul IV. and the Turks, a thing which is main-
tained by many, but denied by Bromato (II., 308). I am assured
that the latter is right by Ancel, who is the best authority on
the history of Paul IV. The rumour that the Pope had eagerly
sought after and had obtained help from the Turks was soon
circulated in all directions (see Hosii epist., II., 801, 845). These
were actually the horrenda of which Canisius writes on July
28, 1557. that they were being spread everywhere against the
Pope (see Braunsberger, II., 108).
^ Cf. Ancel, Sienne, 35 "^eqq. ; see also Riess, 180.
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the peace party in Rome gained adherents every day. Not
only Cardinal Juan Alvarez de Toledo, but also the Frenchman,
du Bellay and the French ambassador, who was by no means
satisfied with Henry II. 's resolve to enter upon a great war,
exhorted the Pope to come to an agreement. ^ As Carlo
Carafa and his brother Giovanni, as well as Pietro Strozzi, were
also working for the same end, Paul IV. consented to negotiate
with Alba. The Dominican, Thomas Manrique,^ repaired to
Anagni on September i6th. In order to examine the pro-
posals of Alba, the Pope appointed a commission of Cardinals
consisting of seven members on September 17th. On the even-
ing of the same day Manrique again went to Alba, to return
again on the 19th, accompanied by Pacheco, the secretary of
the Viceroy, with new proposals. The commission of Car-
dinals deliberated on these on September 20th, 21st, and 22nd,
on the last occasion in the presence of the Pope. Paul IV.
agreed that Cardinals Juan Alvarez de Toledo and Carafa should
personally confer with Alba at Grottaferrata on the 26th. ^
It appeared to Carafa that his object of securing a princi-
pality in any case for his family had been brought much nearer
through his negotiations with the Imperialists ; he had not,
however, reckoned with the sudden changes in his uncle's
character. At the last moment Paul IV. withdrew his consent
to the conference with Alba.^
^ See Brown, VI., i, n. 621. On September 14, 1556, C.
Paleotti states : *Tutto hoggi sono stati con S.S.*"''' li rev'^i S.
Jacomo et Parisi per tal effetto (Peace negotiations). State
Archives, Bologna. Cf. also Cavalcanti, Lettere, 206.
^ Professor of theology at the Roman University ; see the
** Rotulo dello studio of 1559 in the Secret Archives of the
Vatican, Arm. 11, t. 45, p. 84.
^ Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 616, 620 ; Massarelli, 297 seqq, ;
Siimmarii, 360 ; *Letter of C. Paleotti of December 21, 1556
[loc. cit.) ; NoRES, 129 seqq., 360 seqq. ; Cavalcanti, Lettere,
207 seq. ; Coggiola, A. d. Cornia, 235 ; Ancel, Sienne, 36 seqq. ;
RiEss, 150 seqq. ; Nonciat., II., 466, 482 seq.
^ Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 630 ; *Avviso di Roma of September
26, 1556 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 162 ; Vatican Library) ; Ancel,
Sienne, 37.
PREPARATIONS FOR A SIEGE. I45
In Rome, where great hopes had been built on the result of
this meeting,^ the disappointment at its frustration was very
great. 2 They now prepared themselves more than ever for a
siege : all the members of the religious orders were obliged
to work at the fortifications. " One can scarcely describe
in words," writes Massarelli in his diary, " how the Romans
are trembling ; they think only of flight."^ In order to
reassure the people, Carafa removed on September 24th to the
palace of S. Marco, inconvenient though he must have found
its distance from the Vatican, where he had to work every day
with the Pope. The Cardinal was assisted by Pietro Strozzi
and the Duke of Somma.* On September 25th, 350 mer-
cenaries arrived in Rome from Montalcino, under Blaise de
Montluc, the brave defender of Siena ; they were well exercised
in war, but were mostly German Lutherans, who mocked at
the Mass and the pictures of the Saints, and only saw in the
Pope the prince who paid them. Paul IV. had to endure
things from these " defenders " which he would otherwise have
punished in the most severe manner. The Romans also had
to suffer greatly from these mercenaries, and when they kept
their windows lighted all through many nights, this measure
of defence was not only directed against the enemy before the
walls, but also against possible attempts at pillage on the part
of the garrison.^
^ *Si sta in speranza grandissima cli pace, writes C. Paleotti,
when he announces the impending conference on September
23, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna).
^ See the *letter of C. Paleotti of September 26, 1556 (State
Archives, Bologna).
^ Massarelli 298. *Letter of C. Paleotti of September 26
1556 loc. cit. Brown, VI., i, n. 63 r. *Avviso cli Roma of
September 26, 1556, loc. cit.
* These three, as it states in an *Avviso of November 7, 1556,
" sono quelli che fanno et governano ogni cosa." loc. cit., p. 173.
•* See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 620, 631 and in Alb^ri,
401, 408 ; Massarelli, 298 ; *Avviso di Roma of September
26, 1556 ; cf. Duruy, 193 seq. Concerning Montluc see Court-
EAULT, Blaise de Montluc, Paris, 1910.
VOL. XIV. 10
146 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Further discouraging news from the seat of war brought
fresh terrors to the Romans. On September 26th Alba had
invested Tivoh, while on October ist, Vicovaro, which was
important owing to its situation, fell into his hands. Soon
afterwards Palombara and Nettuno were also lost.^ The
enemy's troopers were now skirmishing up to the very gates of
Rome, which was sure to fall if it were seriously attacked. The
country people had the worst to suffer from both friend and
foe. 2
With the exception of Paliano and Velletri the whole of the
Campagna had now fallen into the hands of the enemy, while
the same fate threatened the Sabina. Even more bitterly
than these blows, however, Paul IV. must have felt the fact
that the entrance of France, with all its power, into the war,
seemed doubtful even now, while in October the Farnese went
over to Spain. Ottavio Farnese received back Piacenza and
Novara, with, however, a reservation as to the Spanish right
of investiture, while Cardinal Alessandro recovered his Sicilian
revenues.^
While Paul IV. did not weary of giving vent in his conver-
sation to his bitter ill-will against the Emperor and his son,*
Cardinal Carafa was carrying on further negotiations, through
intermediaries, with Alba. At the end of October and the
beginning of November he had meetings for this purpose with
Cardinal Santa Flora, which were kept absolutely secret.
Venice also was working for peace through a special ambassa-
dor ; the secretary Febo CapeUa negotiated during the first
^ Cf. TuRNBULL, n. 545. Concerning the fate of Nettuno see
ToMAssEiTi, Campagna, II., 331 seq.
^ Cf. Massareli.i, 298 seq. ; Navagero in Brosch, I., 203,
210; Summarii, 365 seq; *Letter of C. Paleotti of September
30 and October 7, 1556 (State Archives, Bologna). According
to the *Avviso of October 3, 1556, the news of the fall of Vicovaro
arrived at midnight, loc. cit., p. 148 ; ibid., p. 169 an *Avviso of
October 24, in which it is stated : ' La Campagna anderk vacua "
(Vatican Library).
^ See Ancel, Sienne, 30 seq.
* Cf. Navagero's report in Brown, VI., 2, n. 669, 674, 695.
ALBA OFFERS AN ARMISTICE. I47
half of October with both All)a and the Pope, but without any
success.^
On November iSth, the battles round Ostia ended by this
strong fortress falling into the hands of the Spaniards, thereby
cutting off Rome's connection with the sea.^ Alba then
offered a ten days' armistice, which Carafa accepted, without
informing the French ambassador in Rome of the fact.^ It
was not without difficulty that he succeeded in getting his
uncle, who was filled with the deepest distrust of the Spaniards,
and who was, just at that time, indulging in the bitterest
denunciations against them, to agree to fresh peace negotia-
tions, by representing to him the necessity of gaining time until
the French assistance came. Paul IV. did not himself believe
in the success of these attempts,'* but the Romans, on the other
hand, flattered themselves that the end of the war was in
sight. ^
The Isola Sacra, situated between the branches of the Tiber
near Ostia, was the place chosen for the meeting between Alba
1 Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 659 !;eq. ; VI., 2, n. 684, 701 ; Ancel,
Sienne, 38 seq. ; RiEss, 165 seq.
^ Cf. Massarelli, 299-300; Brown, VI., 2, n. 701, 711, 713 ;
Cola Coleine, *Diario (Chigi Library) ; Andrea, 61 seq. ;
72 seq. ; Cabrera, Filipe II., 11. 2, c. 15 ; Carinci, Lett, di
O. Caetani Roma^, 1893, 212 seq. ; Prates: in Arte e Storia,
XXVIII. ; RiEss, 174 seq. ; ibid., 156 seq., concerning the pro-
visioning of Rome. Jacopo Beinnissio *reported to Cardinal
Madruzzo on November 21, 1556, that the city " mezo assediata
sta molto male " (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
^ Cf. RiBiER, II., 668 ; *Avvisi of November 19 and 21, 1556,
loc. cit. 175'' 176 (Vatican Library) ; Report of Alf. Fantuzzi,
dated Rome, November 21, 1556 1 State Archives, Bologna) ;
see also Coggiola, A. de Cornia, 339 seq. The text of the
" Tregua " in the Appendix to Nores, 410 seq.; Passarini,
135 seq. \ cf. Nonciat., II., 502 n. 2.
* See Brown, VI., 2, n. 695, 707, 713, 714. Distinct promises
from Henry II. arrived in Rome on October 18, 1556 ; see
Corresp. de Lanssac, 515 seq.
^According to the *Avviso di Roma of November 21, 1556,
they were betting 7 to 3 in favour of peace.
148 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Carafa. The negotiations were carried on with the greatest
assiduity on November 24th; 25th, and 27th, and there is not
the least doubt that, in the discussions with regard to the
return of Paliano to Marcantonio Colonna, Carafa demanded
Siena as compensation for it ; in this respect he was quite
wilHng to take the part of the Spaniards. As Alba declared
that he had no power to conclude a transaction of such import-
ance, it was agreed that his secretary, Pacheco, and a confi-
dential representative of Carafa, should go to PhiHp II. In
order to give time for an answer, the armistice was prolonged
for forty days, i.e. from November 28th to January 9th. ^
While the Romans were once more losing hope of peace, ^
France and Ferrara, the powers who had so far been on the
side of the Pope, were filled with grave misgivings.^ At this
critical moment Carafa displayed aU the cunning of his
MachiavelUan policy. Hitherto he had worked with so much
skill that friend and foe alike were eager to win his favour,*
but the time was now at hand when his double-dealing might
be exposed. The Cardinal did everything he could to avoid
this. He declared to the ambassadors of France, Ferrara and
Venice that the negotiations and the armistice had been
arranged in order to gain time for the arrival of help from
Henry 11.^ When Federigo Fantuccio left on December nth
^ See the extracts from Alba's reports from the *originals in
the Archives at Simancas in Riess, 446 seq. and Nonciat., I.,
XCVII. ; II., 502, 504, 645 seq., 647 seq. The statement of
PiEPER (p. 90) that Carafa had at that time " suddenly " thought
of the acquisition of Siena, proves that this investigator, other-
wise so trustworthy, has not seen through Carafa's plans. The
Cardinal's demand is sharply and justly criticised by Pallavicini
(13, 20). Cf. also Pratesi, Un storico incontro tra il card.
Carafa e il duca Alba : Arte e Storia, 1910.
2 See the **Avvisi of December 6 and 12, 1556 (Vatican
Library) .
^ See Corresp. de Lanssac, 533 seqq. ; cf. Ancel, Sienne, 41
seq. and Nonciat., i., XCVI. seq. ; II., 507, n. 515, 523 seq.
^ Cf. Ancel, Sienne, 46, n. 3.
^ Ibid. 41 seq.
CARAFA GOES TO VENICE. I49
as the representative of Carafa at the court of Phihp II., in
accordance with the arrangement made between Alba and the
Cardinal, Giulio Orsini had already started on the previous
day for France, in order to set the fears of Henry II. concerning
the armistice at rest, to gain assurance with regard to the inten-
tions of France towards Spain and in the matter of Siena,
and to come to a decision between war and peace in accordance
with what he should learn there, for Carafa himself did not
yet know whether it would be more advantageous to direct
his intriguing policy towards the one or the other. ^
The mission of Fantuccio was not made in the name of the
Pope, but in that of Carafa ; his official instructions for con-
cluding peace, based on the negotiations at Ostia, were only
drawn up for form's sake ; in reality, his task was to find out
whether Philip II., in view of the danger of an anti-Spanish
coahtion, was willing to invest the Cardinal's brother with
Siena. In the event of an answer in the affirmative, Carafa
and his whole family were prepared to go over to the side of
Spain. ^
At the same time Carafa, who liked to have tMo irons in the
fire, prepared another scheme. On the morning of December
15th he left Rome with a large suite ; nobody knew what he
was about to do.^ Only on the following day did the Pope
inform the Sacred College that his nephew had gone to Venice
to thank the Signoria for their good offices in furthering the
armistice, to beg their continued mediation, and to find out
whether, as was reported, Philip II. had called upon the Vene-
tians to arbitrate. In a meeting of the Cardinals, which took
place on December 20th, Carafa was appointed as legate for
^ Concerning the mission of Fantuccio and Orsini see Pif.per,
91 seq. ; Riess, 454 seq. ; Angel, Sienne, 45 seq., 49 seq. and
Nonciat. I., xxxviii. seq. ; 11., 520 seq.
2 Cf. the thorough investigations of Ancel, Sienne, 49. The
official instructions for Fantuccio in the publication of Norfs
(p. 412 5^^.).
^ Cf. the reports of the ambassadors of Bologna and Ferrara
in An'chl, Sienne, 50 and Nonciat., II., 537.
150 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the whole of Italy, and especially, according to the consistorial
records, for the bringing about of peace I^
This was, however, not generally believed, especially as the
Pojie, in spite of all his assertions that he was longing for peace,
continued to emphasize the fact that the dignity of the Holy
See must, at the same time, be maintained. Of this dignitj'
Paul IV. had such an exaggerated idea that he considered every
offence against it as an insult to God, and would rather have
suffered martyrdom than forego one jot of it.
Cardinal Morone therefore informed Alba's secretary before
his departure that he must always bear three things in mind :
first, that the Pope, even should he be taken prisoner and a
knife held at his throat, would never consent to the Colonna
being reinstated at Paliano, for it appeared to him unfitting
that he should, as a prince, be faced with force in his own
house, or that a King of Naples, the vassal of the Church,
should offer him, as Pope, such an insult ; secondly, that Paul
IV. felt himself, both as an ecclesiastical and a secular ruler,
so deeply offended by the invasion of the territory of the
Church, that the Spanish king ought to send a special ambassa-
dor to ask for pardon ; and thirdly, that the restoration of the
places belonging to the States of the Church, which had been
seized, was an absolute necessit5^ If the dispute could not be
arranged on these terms, then, according to Morone, the worst
was to be expected, the excommunication and deposition of
Philip II., in spite of the fact that the defection of Spain and
England would follow. Even should the French help not
arrive, said Morone in a letter to P(51e, and the Pope be aban-
doned by everybody, he would not give up the claims which
he considered his due ; even the influence of Carafa would be
of no avail in this matter. In the same letter Morone lays
stress on the fact that Paul IV. had no confidence in the
Spaniards, for, he says, he looks at deeds, and not at words,
^ See Navagero's report in Brown, VI., 2, n. 763, 766, 767,
768 and Acta consist, cancel]., VII. (Constitutional Archives).
*A letter of credence for Carafa, addressed to the Duke of Ferrara,
of December 14, 1556, is in the State Archives, Modena.
VENICE REMAINS NEUTRAL. 151
and is always afraid, now as ever, that the negotiations are
only for form's sake, in order to get possession of the remainder
of the States of the Church. ^
In order to prevent matters from getting into a desperate
condition, Paul IV. took great pains to gain the powerful
alhance of Venice. Peace, he exclaimed on November nth,
to the representative of the Republic of St. Mark, would only
be possible for Italy when the barbarians were driven out ;
Venice and the Holy See alone were capable of effecting this.
Hundreds of years might pass, he continued, without another
Pope appearing who would be as intent as he was on the
liberation of Italy. ^
It was in keeping with this aim that Carafa, who had arrived
in Venice on December 21st, had instructions to propose an
offensive and defensive alliance to the Signoria. The shrewd
Venetians, however, clung fast to their neutrality, tempting as
were the offers which were made to them. When Carafa left
the city of the lagoons on January 12th, 1557, he was obliged
to admit to himself, that although he had heen honoured there
as though he had been a crowned king, he had not attained the
object with which he had been sent.^
Giulio Orsini, who had arrived at the French court on Janu-
ary 2nd, 1557, had great trouble in allaying the misgivings of
Henry II., and in spite of all his efforts did not completely
succeed in doing so. On the other hand he was able to induce
the still hesitating king to take decisive action. At the end
of January Henry broke off diplomatic relations with Philip
II., and prepared to make war on the Spaniards in Italy, as
^ See in Appendix Nos. 34 and 35 the important *letters of
Morone of November 28 and December 12, 1556 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
2 Cf. the reports of Navagero and F. Capella in Brown, VI.,
2. n. 755.
' Cf. Corresp. polit. de Dominique du Gabre, ed. A. Vitai-IS,
Paris, 1903, 204 ; Nokes, 156 n. i ; Duruy, 208 seqq., 382 scq. ;
Mitteil. des Osterr. Inst., XXV., 482 ; Ancel, Sienne, 51 seq. ;
RiESS, 184 seq., 189 scqq. ; Nonciat., I., xcix. ; ii., 539 seq.,
544 5^?.
152 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
well as in Flanders. Philip was completely taken by surprise
at this sudden turn of affairs. ^
So few precautions had been taken by Alba during the
armistice, that Pietro Strozzi, who was henceforth commander-
in-chief of the Papal troops, easily succeeded in retaking Ostia,
and soon afterwards Tivoli, Vicovaro and the Marittima,^
This astonishing success made such an impression that
Alba's peace offers were declined, especially as Paul IV. did
not trust the Spaniards.^ He hoped, with the help of France,
to win a complete victory over them, and to drive this mixture
of Jews, Marani and Lutherans, as he called them, out of
Naples, and indeed, out of the whole of Italy. On February
I2th, 1557, he appointed a special congregation to institute a
suit against Charles V. and Philip II. on a charge of felony and
rebellion.*
The French auxiliary army, under the Duke of Guise, had in
the meantime, advanced through Piedmont, and, while the
Farnese were observing a doubtful neutrality, through the
Duchy of Parma, and Piacenza, as far as Reggio. Here the
Duke of Ferrara received from Guise, on February i6th, the
baton of commander-in-chief of the allied army. Cardinal
Carafa, who was now forced to abandon his double dealing,
and to place himself definitely on the side of the French,
although he had little confidence in them, was present at this
^ See Ancel, Sienne, 55 ; Riess, 207 seqq. ; Nonciat., I., c.
seq.
2 Cf. Massarelli, 302 ; Turnbull, n. 572, 573 ; Roseo,
535 seq. ; the *Avvisi di Roma of January 9, 16, 23, 30, and
February 6, 13, 20, 1557 (Cod. Urb. 1038, Vatican Library)
and the *reports of Alf. Fantuccio, dated Rome, January 27 and
February 12, 1557 (State Archives, Bologna). Concerning the
state of the war at Ostia, cf. the rare engraving, II vero disegno
del sito di Hostia e di Porto con li forti fatti dal campo di S.S.^^
et delli Imperiali, qiiali si resero a di 2^ Gennaio ; see Norden-
sKioLD, Facsimile-Atlas (1889), p. 21, n. 114.
^ Cf. Soranzo in Alb£;ri, Ser. i, II., 449.
* See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 798, 812 ; Navagero-
A.'LBi.Ya, 397 ; Massarelli, 303 ; Ancel, Sienne, 57 seq.
GUISE IN ROME. 153
ceremony. 1 At Reggio a council of war was held, in order to
consider which point the army should attack first. Opinions
were very divided, but at last it was decided, to the great
vexation of the Duke of Ferrara, who was thus left without
defence, that the French army should advance into the
Romagna ; whether it should then turn against Tuscany,
as Carafa strongly urged, or advance through the Marches
on the Kingdom of Naples, was to be decided by the
Pope. 2
While the troops were being set in movement for the
Romagna, Guise and Carafa hastened to Rome, and arrived
there on Shrove Tuesday, March 2nd. A magnificent recep-
tion awaited the honoured guest, who took up his residence
in Carafa's apartments in the Vatican. In spite of the violence
with which Carafa now expressed himself against Spain, and
the determination of the Pope to ally himself with France,
Guise found that the preparations for the war fell far below
his expectations ; many differences of opinion and personal
disputes also soon became apparent.^
Carlo Carafa was destined to experience a disappointment
of another kind. The nephew had returned to Rome in the
belief that the powerful influence he had formerly exercised
over the Pope was unchanged. Very soon, however, he dis-
covered that he no longer possessed the same power over his
uncle, who was so susceptible of new impressions. The Car-
^ Cf. Ancel, Sienne, 56, 58 and Nonciat., I., cii.
2 See Corresp. de D. du Gabre, ed. Vitalis, 155 ; Nores,
162 seq. and the excellent details in Ancel, Sienne, 61 seq.,
64 seq. ; cf. also the briefs to Ercole in Ravnaldus, 1557,
n. 6 (also in Fontana, Renata, I., 554 seq.) and Duruy, 356
seq.
^ See Massarelli, 303 seq. ; Ribier, II., 678 seq. ; Brown,
VI., 2, n. 825 ; TuRNBULL, n. 580 ; the *reports of the " vcscovo
di Anglona " dated Rome, March 3, 6, and 7, 1557 (State Archives,
Modeiia) and Cola Coleine, *Diario (Chigi Library). Con-
cerning the fortifications ordered on March 6, 1557, for
the protection of the gates of Rome, see Lanciani, III., 153
seq.
154 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dinal should never, in the opinion of his best friends, have gone
so far away from the Pope.^
The first discovery which Carafa made in Rome was that
Silvestro Aldobrandini, who had been, since the death of della
Casa, his first private secretary and the confidant of all his
plans, had completely lost the Pope's favour. Carafa tried
in every way to save his faithful assistant, but Paul IV. was
inexorable. " When I have given an order," he informed his
nephew in an imperious manner, " there is good reason for it.
You, my lord Cardinal, have to carry out my wishes." On
the following day the Pope held a conference, at which, besides
Carafa and Guise, Strozzi and the French ambassador were
present. On this occasion Paul IV. again referred to Aldo-
brandini, whom he accused of having sown discord between
Giovanni and Carlo Carafa, and also of not having said a word
to him about certain legal proceedings which he had instituted
against persons guilty of grave immorality. " Yes, yes," he
said, " certain persons take too much upon themselves, and
forget that I, who have elevated them, can again degrade
them." Speaking still more clearly, he then turned in an
excited manner to Carafa, exclaiming : " You are perhaps
one of those persons ! " Although the Pope and his nephew
were reconciled the same evening, the fact remained that
Aldobrandini lost his office.^
Carafa found the Pope just as firm regarding the question
where the war should begin, regardless of the fact that his
nephew wished for an expedition against Tuscany, on account
of .Siena. Paul IV. insisted that the Kingdom of Naples
should be the point of attack.
It was no less bitter for Carafa that his brother, the Duke
of Paliano, and the other members of his family, should, just
at this time, have rebelled against his authority.^ Friendly
^ *Letter of the Bishop of Anglona of March 7, 1557 (State
Archives, Modena)-; see Ancel, Sienne, 72.
2 Cf. the cypher report of Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 831,
and for details of AlJobrandini's fall Angel, Secret, 22 seq.
^ Ancel, Sienne, 72, 78. Brosch's (I., 213) view that Carafa
had urged the Neapolitan enterprise is quite erroneous.
CARAFA S WANING INFLUENCE. 155
relations had never existed among the brothers ; Giovanni, as
well as Antonio Carafa, could never reconcile themselves to
the fact that their younger brother, although they were
obliged to admit his superior talents, should far excel them in
influence and authority. Cardinal Carafa had hoped to con-
ciliate them and attach them to himself, by persuading his
uncle to elevate the one to the dignity of Duke of Paliano, and
to name the other Marquis of Montebello. Things showed that
this hope had been vain, for now, as before, they grudged their
younger brother his great influence, and their old love for Spain
was not long in being re-awakened. As he had already done
in September, 1555, so now in February, 1557, did the Duke
of Paliano openly urge an agreement with Philip II. ; he had
also taken a great part in bringing about the fall of Aldo-
brandini.i
Even at the time when Carafa enjoyed the full confidence
of the Pope, the latter had kept purely ecclesiastical affairs
out of his hands. Nevertheless, he hoped that consideration
for the necessity of the help of France would decide Paul IV.
to fall in with the rather extensive wishes of Henry II. at the
impending creation of Cardinals. He was destined, however,
to be disappointed in this matter as well, when the appoint-
ment took place on March 15th, 1557. This was all the more
painful for Carafa as he had, on his own responsibility, made
the most lavish promises to the French king with regard to
this very matter.^
The dissatisfaction of Henry II. at the non-fulfilment of his
wishes at the creation of Cardinals on March 15th, was increased
by the reports of Guise from Rome. Everything, he said, was
lacking, and above all money for the troops ; the supply of
provisions, too, was very badly organized. In addition to this
there were differences of opinion with regard to the plan of
campaign which completely divided the allies. While the
1 Cf. Navagero-Alberi, 386 seq. and the important embassy
reports in Angel, Disgrace, 20. Duruy (p. 46) makes much
less of these disputes, and even speaks of a " triumvirat fraternal,"
which, however, only existed in the imagination of this author.
2 Ancel, L'activite reformatrice, 22 seq.
156 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Duke of Ferrara wished to proceed against Milan, and Guise
to attack Tuscany with the whole of his army, Paul IV. in-
sisted, above everything else, on first assuring the safety of
Rome by an immediate attack on the Kingdom of Naples.^
By reason of these differences of opinion and their mutual
recriminations, much valuable time was lost, of which Philip
II. and Alba made good use in taking decisive measures for
resistance, 2
By the end of March they were at last of one mind in Rome ;
the Pope's view had been accepted. The joy of the Spanish
king was great, says Navagero, that they had adopted the very
plan of campaign which was the least dangerous for him.
On April 5th, Guise, discouraged, and without feeling any
certainty of success, repaired to the army ; on the 9th he was
followed by the Marquis of Montebello, Antonio Carafa.^ On
the same day, April gth, Paul IV. announced in a consistory
the recall of all his agents, nuncios and legates, including
Cardinal Pole, from the dominions of Charles V. and Philip II.*
This very decisive measure, as well as the preliminary
arrangements for the legal proceedings with regard to the
deposition of Philip II., which caused the greatest sen-
sation, was in answer to the recall, which had been ordered
by the Spanish king, of all Spaniards from Rome. In
accordance with a decree of the Council of State, these
^ Ancel, Sienne, 65 seq., 71 seq. and L'activit^ reformatrice,
27 seq. ; cf. also Riess, 236 seq. A long report from Rome of
March 31, 1557, about the conduct of the war in upper Italy
is in FiLLON, Invent, d'autographes, Paris, 1877, n. 2658.
2 See DuRUY, 223 seq. and Riess, 227 seq., 251, who very pro-
perly emphasizes the importance of gaining over England.
^ See Navagero-Alberi, 396, and Massarelli, 306. The
♦Avviso di Roma of April 10, 1557, announces that the Pope said
to Guise, who was dining with him on Sunday evening : " Va
figliulo mio, che tu sia benedetto, va pur, che altro cavallier mai
non tento la piii santa ne la pifi honorata impresa et dopo molte
invective contra heretici gli dono un diamante di 3000 scudi "
{Loc. cit. p. 213. Vatican Library).
^ See Pieper, 102 ; Biaudet, 24.
SEVERITY OF PAUL IV. 157
were in future to apply to a supreme ecclesiastical court,
which was about to be set up in Spain, instead of the
Papal Rota, while the jurisdiction over all revenues, first fruits
and " spolia " accruing to the Curia was to be withdrawn from
the Holy See. Paul IV. did not allow himself to be intimi-
dated by such measures. On Maundy Thursday the Bull
In Coena Domini included some additions against the assail-
ants of the Holy See, while, on Good Friday, the usual prayers
for the Emperor were omitted from the hturgy.^
On April 27th Paul IV. gave a fearful example of his severity,
when he ordered the destruction of a place called Montefortino,
in the neighbourhood of Velletri, the inhabitants of which had
long been notorious as rebels and bandits. ^ Shortly before
this, 1500 Frenchmen had arrived at Civitavecchia as a first
reinforcement. They were intended to serve for the protection
of Rome,^ but were very soon taken to strengthen the army of
Guise.
During the long hesitation of the enemy. Alba had com-
pleted his preparations for the impending attack.'* When
1 Cf. Brown, VI., 2, n. 855, 856, 859, 865 ; the Portuguese
report in Santarem, XII., 451 ; *Avvisi di Roma of April 17
and 24, 1557 (Vatican Library) ; Massarelm, 306-307 ; Riess,
2x8 seq. Concerning the legal proceedings against Philip II.
see GoRi, Archivio, I., 209. The consistorial decision with regard
to the recall of the ambassadors is erroneously placed by Gulik-
RuBEL (III., 37) on March 30. All other authorities give April
9th as the date, as do the *Acta consist, cancell., VII. (Con-
sistorial Arch.).
2 R. DE LA Blanchere in the Rev. hist., XXII. , 364. Rebuilt
later, Montefortino received the name of Artena in 1873. The
change of name was of little avail, for the place remained a nest of
robbers (see Sighele in Ferrero's Mondo Criminale, 1897).
The concjuest of Montefortino was effected, according to Cola
Coleine's *Diario (Chigi Library) on April 22, 1557 ; see also
RosEO, 539 seq.
^ Cf. the *report of Dclfino of April 17, 1557 (Secret State
Archives, Vienna).
'• *Discorso sopra la guerra di p. Paolo IV. con M. A. Colonna
(Cod. D. 21 of the Santa Croce Archives, Rome).
158 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this at last took place, it was evident that the Papal-French
army was no match for the Spaniards. Since April 24th the
struggle had turned on the siege of Civitella, which had been
effectively fortified by Alba, and was bravely defended by the
Count of Santa Flora. He had aroused the enthusiasm of the
inhabitants, even of the women, for the defence, and had been
successful in repulsing repeated attacks.^
As is usually the case in disastrous operations in war, there
was no want of mutual recrimination, ^ and on May ist Guise
and Antonio Carafa had so violent a dispute that the latter
left the camp the same evening.
Sittings of the Inquisition were being held in Rome at the
same time, in which the Pope wished to proceed at once to
pronounce excommunication and deposition against Philip
II. ; it was, however, pointed out to him that such penalties
could not be inflicted without previous citation.' The Duke
of Paliano and the Papal commander-in-chief, Strozzi, were
ordered to proceed to the seat of war on May 12th, in order to
get a clear understanding as to the state of affairs there. The
prospects before Guise soon became so unsatisfactory that he
raised the siege of Civitella on May 15th, thereby relinquishing
the enterprise against Naples. At the end of May the Pope
learned that the French commander had very nearly betaken
himself to Ferrara. The ambassador of Ferdinand I.
in Rome thought the Pope would have to conclude peace,
1 See Andrea, 222 seq.; Roseo, 541 seq. ; Cabrera, Filipe
II., 1.3, c. 9 ; cf. PiTTALUGA in the Riv. milit. ital., XLI. (1896)
and Fedele in the Riv. Abruzzese, XI. (1896) ; see also the re-
ports mentioned in the Nonciat., II., 569, n 3.
2 See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 878 and the *Avviso of
May 8, 1557 (Vatican Library).
' See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 879, 888 ; VI., 3, n. 167 ;
cf. Mitteil. des Osterr. Inst., XXV., 485, n.i. The draft of the
Bull of deposition which was prepared at that time in Dollinger,
Materialien, I., 218 seq. Philip II. had already taken steps to
prevent the circulation of the bull in his dominions ; see ihid.
217, and the letter of July 10, 1557, in Cabrera, I., 79.
THE POPE AND VENICE. I59
as the military superiority of Alba was now evident.^
Paul IV. could not yet grasp the fact that his noble aim of
liberating Italy and the Holy See from foreign domination,
from the " barbarians," had miscarried. The representations
of both his secular nephews, especially those of the Marquis
of Montebello, who spoke very bitterly of the French, and
very violently against the war policy, fell on deaf ears. Paul
IV. still beheved in the success of his policy, if only the great
power of Venice would enter the war on his side. He em-
ployed all his eloquence at this time to win over the repre-
sentative of the republic ; in his usual way, he went far back
and referred to the times of Charles VIII., " when that unlucky
gate was opened to the barbarians, which he now wanted to
close." " We shall not regret," he exclaimed in excited tones,
" to have done what we could, and perhaps even more than we
could." For all future time those who did not assist him would
be disgraced, when it should later on be told how there had
once been a weak old man of eighty years of age, who, when
people had thought that he would run into a corner to bemoan
his feebleness, had come forward as the champion of Italy's
freedom. " You will repent it, my lords of Venice," he
exclaimed, " as well as all you others, who did not make use
of this opportunity of ridding yourselves of this past. It
began under a king who was bearable on account of his good
qualities, but then came this new race, a mixture of Flemings
and Spaniards, in whom there is no trace of royal dignity or of
Christianity, which sticks like a burr, wherever it gets fast.
The French are different ; they break off in the middle of a
work, and would not remain, even were they bound. We have
seen them as masters of Naples and as masters of Milan, and
then they were gone ; they are inconstant. Noble ambassa-
dor ! we speak to you in confidence as we should speak to his
magnificence the Doge, and to the councillors and heads of
^ Cf. Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 889 ; Massarelli, 309 ;
the letter of the ambassador of the Kste in Anckl, Secret, 52,
n. 3, and the *report of Delfino of May 29, 1557 (Secret State
Archives, Vienna) .
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Christendom, for we know that we have laboured through
these short remaining years of our hfe for the honour of God
and for the salvation of this poor Italy, and that we have led
a life of drudgery, without rest or repose." On another
occasion the Pope again said to Navagero : " Mark well what
I say to you ; we are old and we shall one of these days go
hence, when God shall will. But the time will come when you
will recognize that we have told you the truth ; God grant
that it may not be to your hurt ! They are barbarians, both
of them. Frenchman as well as Spaniard, and it would be a good
thing if they remained at home, and that no other language
were spoken in Italy than our own."^ At the beginning of
June it transpired that Guise had already received orders from
his king to return to France, whereupon Strozzi was once more
sent to the French camp. The result of this was the dispatch
of Strozzi to the French king. On June 15th, the marshall left
Rome ; he took with him the only son of the Duke of Paliano,
for the French had demanded the child as a hostage, because,
in consequence of Carafa's intrigues to acquire Siena, they no
longer trusted their ally.^
The depressed state of feeling in the Eternal City was some-
what relieved by the news that several thousand Swiss were
about to arrive on June 12th. Paul IV. declared to Cardinal
Carpi, who courageously stood out for peace, that he could
agree to nothing without his ally, the King of France.^
In the meantime the burden of the war was pressing more
and more heavily. On May i8th, the Pope decided, in spite
of the opposition of certain Cardinals, such as Carpi, that a tax
of one and a half per cent, should be levied on all real estate in
the States of the Church. He had chosen this tax out of con-
sideration for those who had only small means, but although it
had been introduced long ago elsewhere, the subjects of the
^ See the letters of Navagero of May 21 and June 28, 1557,
in the Appendix to Nores, 307-308.
2 See DuRUY, 229 ; Angel, Sienne, 82 seq. ; Nonciat., I.,
xxxix. ; II., 573 n.
^ Cf. the *report of Delfino of June 12, 1557 (Secret State
Archives, Vienna).
COSIMO I. AND SIENA. l6l
States of the Church seemed to look upon it as something
unheard of, and there was the greatest difficulty in collecting
it ; here and there, indeed, the attempt met with violent
opposition. The Romans endeavoured to protect themselves
by proposing that, instead of this tribute, a meat tax should
be introduced, which would yield 100,000 scudi. The Pope
considered this sum too small, and at length they agreed upon
130,000 scudi ; the clergy had also to pay 50,000 scudi.*
While the position at the seat of war was getting more and
more hopeless for the Holy See, Carafa was continuing his
former intrigues for the acquisition of Siena. And end, how-
ever, was put to all his plotting by the action of Cosimo I.,
who, at the beginning of July, succeeded in obtaining Siena
from the Spaniards, though not without a considerable sacri-
fice. The first news of this turn of affairs, which was a most
painful blow to Carafa, reached Rome on June 25th ; on July
3rd, the agreement was signed by which the Duke of Florence
was invested with the territory of Siena as a Spanish fief.^
A very dangerous enemy of the Romans had arisen in the
person of Marcantonio Colonna. He conquered Valmontone
on June 29th, and also invested Palestrina ; in the first days
of July, he advanced to within five miles of the Eternal City.^
* Cf. Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. n. 893, 907, 932, 941 ;
Raynaldus, 1557, n. 8 ; Massarelli, 309, 311 ; *Letters of
Tommaso Cospio to Bologna, dated Rome, June 9 and 12, 1557
(State Archives, Bologna) ; *Awisi of May 29, June 5, 12 and
18, 1557 (Cod. Urb., 1038. Vatican Library) ; Cola Coleine,
♦Diario (Chigi Library'). A copy of the rare publication the
Bulla Pauli IV. suhsidii dimidii et uniiis scuti respective pro
centenario, dated Romae, 1557, XV., Cal. lun. A.° 2°, in the
Colorma Archives, Rome. It begins with the words : " Ubique
terrarum . . . notissimum credimus quam impie et violenter
superiori anno hostes Romanae ecclesiae, qui se christianos
profitentur, re vero Turcis immaniores et eflferatiores existunt,
statum ipsius ecclesiae invaserint, etc."
2 Cf. Reumont, Toskana, I., 222 seq. ; Ancel, Sienne, 85 ;
Nonciat., I., cvi.
'See Massarelli, 312, and *Avviso di Roma of July 3, 1557
(Vatican Lib).
VOL. XIV. II
162 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
" Rome is in danger," wrote the ambassador of Ferdinand I.
on July 3rd, " but in spite of this the Pope fears nothing ; he
is waiting for the answer which Strozzi is to bring back from
France." It then transpired that Alba had offered peace on
the basis of the conditions considered in the previous Novem-
ber, but the Pope declared that he could settle nothing without
Henry 11.^ The people of Rome longed for the speedy return
of Strozzi. On July 19th the 2000 Swiss whose coming had
been announced some time previously by the nuncio Raverta,
arrived in Rome ; they were fine soldiers, though badly armed.
The Pope welcomed them as angels sent by God for his libera-
tion, and invested their leaders with gold chains and knightly
rank. 2 He sent them, strengthened by Italian troops, to the
relief of the sorely pressed Paliano. The expedition ended on
July 27th in the utter defeat of the Papal troops. ^
On July 30th, almost at the same time as this terrible news,
1 See the *report of Delfino of July 3, 11, and 17, 1557 (Secret
State Archives, Vienna).
2C/. Plon, Cellini, 394 seq.
3 See the Spanish *account in the State Archives. Naples.
C. Fames : the *report of Delfino of July 24, 1557 (Secret State
Archives. Vienna) and the *Avviso di Roma of July 24, 1557
(Vatican Library) ; Brown. VI., 2, n. 969, 972, 976, 978 ; Mas-
SARELLT, 312 ; Andrea, 273 ; Nores, 201 ; Cabrera, III.,
139. The statement contained in Cabrera, and accepted by
Ranke, that all the standards of the allies were lost in the en-
counter; with the exception of two, is erroneous ; five were saved,
and one was torn in pieces by the ensign to prevent its falling
into the hands of the enemy (see Lutolf, Schweizergarde, 58.
and Feller, Ritter Melchior Lussy, I., Stans. 1906, i ; cf. also
Wymann. Aktenstiicke aus dem Romerkriege von 1557 :
Schweizer Geschichtsfreund, LXIV. (1909, 277 seqq.) It is an
exaggeration to say as does Brosch (Mitteil. des Osterr. Inst.,
XXV. 485) that the Swiss auxiUaries amounted to 4,000 men.
Navagero-Alb^ki (p. 401) says distinctly " quattro milla
Svizzeri in voce et forse in pagamento ma non piii di due milla
in essere." *Cola Coleine (Chigi Library) also gives 2,000 ;
Bernardino Pia says in a *report to Cardinal Gonzaga, dated
Rome, July 30, 1557, that the " rotta " of the Papal troops
QUARREL OF CARAFA AND HIS BROTHER. 163
Strozzi returned to Rome ; he brought a much more favour-
able report than anyone in the Curia had dared to hope.
Henry II. was prepared to hold out on the Pope's side, and
the latter was to decide how long Guise was to remain in Italy. ^
Paul IV., like Carafa, now again placed all his hopes in the
French. The Duke of Paliano, who had always hated the
whole war, thought otherwise. He spoke more decidedly than
ever in favour of peace, and fearlessly blamed even the Pope,
and much more so the dangerous policy of his brother. He
had a violent scene with the latter at the beginning of August,
at the vigna of the Carafa in Trastevere, concerning the pro-
visioning of Paliano. Strozzi was present when this took
place. The Duke, who was enraged at the double-dealing of
the Cardinal, accused him of being the cause of all their misfor-
tunes, because he thought only of himself. When the old Pope
died, he would still remain a Cardinal, but what was to become
of him, and all the other members of the family ? The excite-
ment of both of them kept on increasing. " Monsignor,"
cried the Duke, " you are deceiving the Pope, and the King of
France and his ministers. You are ruining the world, devas-
tating Italy, destroying our family and especially myself, for
to me you have done the worst of all possible things, you have
robbed me of my only son. Hitherto I have restrained myself,
but I can do so no longer. I shall tell the Pope everything
and show him the sort of person you really are." Carlo an-
swered him furiously, " You need not imagine that my Car-
dinal's hat will cause me to show you any consideration ; I
shall throw it off, and expose you as the stupid brute that you
are." The Duke then stepped back in order to draw his sword,
whereupon the Cardinal, casting his hat on the ground, was
about to seize his brother by the throat, when Strozzi succeeded
in separating them. The Duke of Paliano then went away,
bursting with rage, and crying out : " This traitor was born
on July 27 has ensued " piii tosto per impcritia et deUi capitani
et de soldati che d' altro " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). P.
Segmiiller is preparing a special work at Einsiedeln concerning
the battle of Paliano.
^ See Ancel, Sienne, 85 ; Nonciat., I., cvii.
164 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the ruin of the world ! " The Cardinal begged Strozzi to
hurry after him, to prevent the Pope hearing of the occurrence.
Strozzi succeeded in calming the infuriated Duke, so that only
a very mild account of the v/hole scene was commimicated to
Paul IV. " One sees," writes the Florentine ambassador,
" how the truth is kept from the Holy Father. "^
As Henry II. had expressly ordered Guise to comply with
all the Pope's requests, he was forced to pay attention to the
latter's cry for help. As soon, however, as the French army
was set in motion, Alba left the Abruzzi and advancing through
the valley of the Sacco, marched on Rome for the second time.
It therefore appeared as if a decisive battle was to be fought
near the Eternal City, where a painful scarcity of provisions
was already beginning to make itself felt.^ Then, like a flash
of lightning from a clear sky, the news arrived on August 23rd
of a great victory which the Spaniards had won against the
French on August loth at St. Quentin. Next morning a
courier from Guise announced that he had received orders to
take his troops back to F'rance as soon as possible. The
principal counsellors of the Pope, Cardinal Carafa, the Duke of
1 Cf. the report of Navagero of August 3, 1557, ^^ Brown,
VI., 2, n. 980 and the letter ol Gianfigliazzi of August 18 in Ancel,
Disgrace, 20, n. 5.
2 According to an * A wise di Roma of February 13, 1557,
the imports of provisions were even then so hmited, that orders
were issued that no married man, and no one with a household
of his own, was to take meals in an osteria, as otherwise those
who had nowhere else to go for their food would suffer. Paul
IV. said at the time to the Romans who were complaining :
" cose incredibili " (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 194). An *Avviso of
August 7 speaks of the fear of a " gran carestia," for which
reason the Pope should have corn brought in : "Si ragiona che
si caccierano di questa cittk le cortegiane, il poveri et gli giudei
et ogni altro sorte di bocche inutili." An *Avviso of August
21 announces : " Qua si patisce d'ogni sorte de viver ne si puo
comprar cosa alcuna senza bolettino et e andato il bando che
tutte le genti inutiU scombrino . . . et si ragiona di cacciar
ancora una parte delle famiglie de cardinali " [Loc. cit., p. 253,
257. Vatican Library).
ALBA AT THE GATES OF ROME. 165
Paliano and Strozzi had met for a conference in the night
between August 23rd and 24th, which lasted until four o'clock
in the morning. Then the Duke and Strozzi hastened to
Guise ; they only succeeded, however, in getting from him a
promise that the French army, under the command of the Due
d'Aumale, should remain from ten to twelve days longer, in
order to give the Pope time to conclude peace with Alba.^
At that time it seemed as though very little would be
required to plunge Rome once more into the horrors she had
suffered in the fatal year of 1527. On August 25th Alba had
advanced as far as La Colonna, situated on one of the last spurs
of the Alban hills. During the following night 3000 Spaniards
started for the Porta Maggiore, taking with them ladders in
order to scale the walls near the gate. When they approached
the city, however, they found Rome all lit up, and heard the
cries of command and the beating of drums. They were
prepared for an attack inside the city, for a spy had given
warning to Carafa ; thereupon Alba resolved to return to La
Colonna, and afterwards marched on Paliano. ^
It is very much open to question, however, whether Alba
refrained from the attack solely on account of Carafa's pre-
paredness for defence, especially as there was all the more
likelihood of success from the fact that the Romans were very
1 Cf. Brown, VI., 2, n. 999 ; Ancel, Sienne, 87-88 ; Nonciat.,
I., cviii. ; Malaguzzi, La battaglia di S. Quintino, Modena,
1890 ; RoMiER, Jacques d'Albon de St. Andre (1909). According
to a letter of the Cardinal of Lorraine of August 21 (see Revue
des quest, hist.. XXXIL, 477), Henry IL was wiUing to leave a
portion of the troops for the protection of the Pope.
2 Besides Massarelli, 313, see Navagero-Alberi, 398 seq. ;
Carafa in DuRUV, 390 ; Andrea, 306 seq. and Nores, 336 ;
cf. the *Awiso of August 28, 1557 (Vatican Library). *I1
sig. duca d'Alba, writes Delfino on August 28, 1557, to Ferdinand
L, " si h molto avicinato con le genti sue a questa citta et se
I'altra notte buona dihgentia non ci aiutava questa citta rimaneva
in preda degl' inimici " (Secret State Archives, Vienna). Accord-
ing to Cola Coleine, *Diario (Chigi Library) the Imperialists
advanced as far as Acqua Bulicante.
l66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tired of the war and longed for peace at any price. It is much
more probable that Philip II.'s generalissimo was also kept
back by rehgioiis^ and political reasons from inflicting on the
capital of Christendom the terrible fate of being sacked and
pillaged, which in those days was always the consequence of a
victory by force of arms. As Charles V. had done thirty
years before, so now would Phihp II. draw down upon himself
the hatred of the whole Catholic world. The restrained manner
in which Alba had hitherto conducted the war — his own soldiers
complained that they were led into the field against smoke or
a mist — agrees very well with the supposition that the Viceroy
merely wished to show the Pope, by a demonstration of his
strength, how completely he held him in his power. ^
However difficult it was for such a self-assured man as Paul
IV., who was so unshakably convinced of his right and of God's
protection,^ to enter upon peace negotiations, he was forced
to do so, as he stood almost defenceless before a well-armed
and powerful enemy.* The war, indeed, was voluntary, as
Navagero wrote, but the peace was enforced.^ It was due,
above all, to the skilful mediation of Venice, that an agreement
was reached in a comparatively short time. On September
^ Cf. Navagero-Alberi, 407. According to this well-informed
authority. Cardinal Juan Alvarez de Toledo, Alba's uncle, is
said to have pointed out to his nephew the bad end to which
all those came who had taken part in the Sack of 1527.
^ That was the opinion of Navagero ; see Samm, Une question
italienne au XVI. ^ sifecle, 258 ; Duruy, 239 ; Cf. Arch. stor.
Napolit., XXXV., 561, 566.
^ Cf. his remarks at the end of July in Brown, VI., 2, n. 963,
972 ; see also ALBi;Ri, 390, and Manareus, 125. Concerning
the scene \vith Cardinal Ghislieri see, in Appendix No. 40, the
*Avviso of September 4, 1557.
* According to Massarelli, 314, the withdrawal of the Gascons
from Rome began on September 4, which caused Paul IV, the
greate.st excitement ; see the report of the Este of September
7. 1557. in the Annales de S. Louis, IX., 251.
^ Navagero-Alberi, 400. Concerning the peace negotiations
cf. S.\MM, Question 262 seq. ; Duruy, 241, 390 seq. ; Riess,
271 seq., 463 seq.
THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 167
8th Cardinals Carafa, Santa Flora and Vitelli repaired to the
town of Cave, situated on a vine-clad hill about a mile from
Palestrina. Under one of the large walnut trees, in which that
neighbourhood is specially rich, they met the Duke of Alba.
The moderation and compliance which the victors displayed
in the negotiations at Cave showed how very strongly the
Spaniards considered it desirable to effect a reconciliation with
the Pope ; it was also no doubt of advantage to Paul IV. that
the French army had not yet gone. The principal difficulty
lay in the return of the confiscated estates of Marcantonio
Colonna and Ascanio della Corgna, demanded by Alba, but to
which Paul IV. w^ould not agree. A final decision was hastened
by the news, which arrived on September nth, that the
fortress of St. Quentin had fallen into the hands of the Span-
iards. This announcement made the deepest impression on
all, including the Pope. Should the news be confirmed, said
Guise, then all the chains in the world would not be strong
enough to keep him back.^
The treaty which was agreed upon on September 12th,
settled the following conditions : Alba was to make, in the
name of the Spanish king, that act of submission and obedience
which was necessary for the forgiveness of the Pope. For this
purpose Philip was also to send a special ambassador. On his
part the Pope promised to receive the Spanish king once more
as a good and obedient son, to give up the French alliance, and
to remain neutral. Philip was to restore the cities and terri-
tories belonging to the Holy See. All punishments were to be
remitted, except those pronounced against Marcantonio and
Ascanio Colonna, the Marquis of Bagno, and other rebels.
Paliano was to be handed over to a trusted agent of both
parties, Bernardino Carbone, who was to take an oath of
allegiance both to Paul IV. and to Phihp II., and to observe all
the arrangements which Alba and Cardinal Carafa had specially
drawn up regarding this matter. This latter clause referred
to a secret sub-treaty, of which, as Carafa informed his brothers
^ See the letter of the Duke of Paliano to Carafa of September
12, 1557, in RiESS, 468.
l68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and confidants, the Pope was unaware. According to this
secret agreement, which was signed only by Alba and Cardinal
Carafa, the Spanish king was to buy from Giovanni Carafa,
against suitable indemnification, the right of naming the future
possessor of Paliano, who, however, must not be an enemy of
the Holy See. Should this indemnification not be paid within
six months, then Bernardino Carbone was to deliver up the
place to Giovanni Carafa. In any case the fortifications were
to be demolished. 1
Cardinal Vitelli brought the peace treaty to Rome on Sep-
tember I2th. The Duke of Paliano went to meet him at S.
Croce, and then informed the Pope of all that had been done.
Paul IV. then at once signed the public treaty, and the secret
agreement on September 14th. ^ On the same day Cardinal
Carafa returned to Rome, where the people v/elcomed him
^ The public capitulation in Nores, 216 scq. and Theiner,
Q)d. III. 539, seq., Pallavicini, had the secret treaty before him.
CoGGiOLA (Paolo IV. e la capitulazione segreta, 10 seq.) procured
a copy from the *Cod. 468 of the Palatine Library, Parma, com-
parison with which shows that Pallavicini has reported correctly,
and that the statement of Duruy (p. 246 seq.) who believes with
Ranke (I.^ 194) that the secret agreement was kept hidden
from the Pope is not founded on fact. Even the letters written
during the negotiations by the Duke of Paliano to Cardinal
Carafa (in the *Cod. Pal. 468 Parma) show that Pallavicini
is right (CoGGiOLA, 14, 20 seq.). Riess has overlooked the work
of Coggiola as well as all the researches of Ancel. The latter
differs considerably from Coggiola, while acknowledging his
indebtedness to him. Concerning the supposed keeping secret
of the treaty, he sums up the result of his investigations as
follows : " Carafa donna connaissance au pape de la capitulation
secrete mais il laissa croire k ses freres et a ses plus intimes
amis que le pape n'en savait rien. Ce fut une confidence qui
n'eut pas de temoins qui ne fut divulguee que lors de rinstruction
du proces " (Disgrace, 21 ; cf. ibid., 126 seq., 136 seq.) . The
inscription concerning the peace at Cave in Marocco, Monu-
ment!, VIIL, 169.
- Cf. Coggiola, loc. cit., 30, 35 seq.
INUNDATION OF THE TIBER. 169
joyfully ; he at once went to the Pope, who fixed a consistory
for the following day.^
This consistory, howe\er, could not be held, for at midnight
the Tiber broke its banks and inundated a great part of the
unfortunate city. The catastrophe took place quite suddenly,
so that no one had time to save their possessions. In the vine-
yards near the Castle of St. Angelo, many houses, the inhabit-
ants of which had taken refuge on the roofs, were carried away
by the rush of the river. Verj' little more was needed to raise
the inundation to the level of that of 1530 ; in St. Peter's
Square, the people were getting about in boats. After 24
hours the water began to subside, and then the damage done
could be estimated. The Ponte S. Maria (Ponte Rotto) and
nine of the mills on the Tiber were completely destroyed ; the
Ponte Fabricio, the passage leading from the Castle of St.
Angelo to the Vatican, and the new fortifications of the city
had also suffered greatly ; the church and monastery of S.
Bartolomeo on the island in the Tiber, as well as very many
houses and palaces were threatened with destruction, while
such quantities of grain, wine and oil had been destroyed that
a famine was to be feared. The streets and squares w^ere full
of mud and filth, in many places the M'ater was standing, a
pestilential stench poisoned the air, and disease of all kinds was
rife. The Venetian ambassador thought that the catastrophe
would hardly have been greater had the city been sacked. ^
1 See Massarelli, 314. Guise left Rome during the night
between September 14 and 15 (see Brown, VI., 2, n. 1034).
The brief addressed at the time to Henry II. in Raynaldus,
1557, n. 16.
'^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 1036, 1042 ; Carne in
TuRNBULL, n. 664 ; *Avvisi di Roma of September 18 and
25. 1557 (Vatican Library) ; *letter of T. Cospio, dated Rome,
September 16, 1557 (State Archives, Bologna) ; *letter of B. Pia
of September 22, 1557 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; Lett, de'
princ, L, 193 seq. ; Taruucci, 79 seq. ; L. Latinius, Lucubrat.,
II., 57; Massarelli, 315; Masius, Briefe, 299, 300; Cola
Coleine in Cancellieri, Mercato, 21 ; Adriani, V., 267 seqq. ;
NoREs, 219, n. I, 339; P'abricius, 166; Bacci, Del Tevere;
170 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A further result of the inundation was an alteration in the bed
of the Tiber, which was now more than a thousand metres
distant from Ostia.^
On the evening of September 19th, Alba, accompanied by
Cardinal Carafa, the Duke of Paliano and the Marquis of
Montebello, rode into Rome. He crossed the Ponte S. Angelo,
where he was greeted by the thunder of the cannon, and pro-
ceeded straight to the Vatican. He was conducted through
the Loggie of Raphael to the Hall of Constantine ; here the
Pope, surrounded by twenty-one Cardinals, received his con-
queror. Alba knelt and kissed the Pope's foot, and with great
reverence and humility begged for pardon. The Pope bade
him rise, and then they both occupied themselves in courtesies
and reciprocal apologies. After Alba had sahited the Sacred
College, he retired to the apartments of Cardinal Carafa, which
had been magnificently decorated for him.^
251 seq. ; Oldradi, Aviso della pace tra la S. di N. S. Paolo
IIII. ed il re Philippe con la narratione del Diluvio clie e state
in Roma, con le gran ruine dei ponti, chiese, palazzi, vigne et
11 numere delle gente morte et le perdite de fromenti, vini et
olii con altri succesi e particolarita. In Rome, per Ant. Blade,
stam pater camerale, 1557 (German translation : " Warh. neue
Zeitung," etc. s.l., 1557, 4*", 811.). See further, in Forcella,
I., 146, the inscription, still preserved, en the fa§ade of S. Maria
sopra Minerva. C?oncerning the annotation to Bufalini's plan,
cf. Riv. Europ. XXII. (1880), 8 seq., 361 seq. See also Fanfani,
Spigol., 141 seq. ; Bidl. arch. com. (1895), 299 seq. ; Lanciani,
Scavi, II., 23 seq. ; de Waal, Campo Santo, 87 ; Atti dei Lincei,
v., 5, p. 5 ; Rodocanachi, S. Ange, 157 ; Pagliucchi, 132.
A. F. Rainerio published a Sonetto sopra I'inondatione del
Tevere, s.l., 4*°. Concerning the letters of Andrea Speciale
see Tessier in the publication Buonarotti, Ser. 3, I., and Giorn.
stor. d. lett. Ital., I., 511.
^ GuGLiELMOTTi, Pirati, II., 317, and Spiaggia Rom., passim.
2 See Navagere in Brown, VI., 2, n. 1039 ; Carne in Turnbull,
n. 666 ; Nores, 219, n. i ; Massarelli, 315 seq. ; Report of
A. Babbi, dated Rome, September 20, 1557, in Ancel, La nouvelle
de la jjrise de Calais k Rome : Annales de St. Louis, IX. (1904),
252 seqq. ; *Avviso di Roma of September 25, 1557 (Vatican
ALBA IN ROME. I7I
The official intimation of the reconciliation with Spain was
made to the Cardinals in a secret consistory on September 20th.
On this occasion, the Pope announced his intention of sending
legates in the interests of a general peace to the two monarchs ;
to Philip II. Cardinal Carafa, and to Henry II. Cardinal
Trivulzio.* On the same day, Garcilasso de la Vega, Camillo
Colonna, Pirro Offredo, Juan de Taxis, Capilupi, Giuliano
Cesarini and others were released from their captivity in the
Castle of St. Angelo, Next day there was a Te Dcum in the
Papal chapel, after which the Pope gave a banquet to the
Cardinals, at which Alba was also present. On September
22nd the Viceroy, to whom every possible honour was shown,
left Rome, the Pope bestowing on his consort the Golden Rose.^
Paul IV., who had been compelled to seek for peace at all
costs, could indeed, be thankful that Alba had made such
moderate use of his victory. It can, however, easily be under-
stood that he suffered greatly in seeing the frustration of his
grand plans for the liberation of the Holy See and Italy from
the Spanish yoke. The war had lasted a whole year, and a
great part of the States of the Church, and especially the Cam-
pagna, had been devastated,^ the finances and the status of
Library). The numerous statements that Alba entered the city
without any pomp is contradicted in the last named publication,
B. Pia also states expressly in his *report to Cardinal E. Gonzaga :
" Domenica a sera et quasi di notte entr6 in Roma il s. duca
d'Alba con mons. ill. Caraffa accompagnato da tutta Roma a
lume con torcie." He also mentions the heavy thunder of the
cannon, such as had not been heard for years, and the reception
by the Pope " alegrimente " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
^ See Acta consist, in Piepek, 97. See here also (p. 197)
the instructions for both Cardinals.
^ Massarelli, 316-317. Brown, VL, 2, n. 1039, 1041.
♦Avviso of September 25, 1557, and the report of the ambassador
of Bologna, T. Cospio of September, 22, 1557, in the State
Archives, Bologna.
^ Cf. MocENiGO-ALBiRi, 47, and de Cuns, 144. The French
allies had ravaged almost as badly as the enemy ; see the com-
plaints from the Marches in the Docum. di storia ital. publ.
d. deput. di storia patria per Toscana, IV., 198.
172 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Pope as a secular power^ greatly injured, ^ and the very
thing which Paul IV. wished to prevent, had been brought
about.
Marcantonio Colonna, whom the Pope specially hated, had
won so great renown in the war, that he was looked upon as one
of the first commanders in Italy. The domination of the Span-
iards in Milan and Naples was stronger than ever, and they
could now reckon on the Farnese, who had received Piacenza,
as surely as on Cosimo de' Medici, who, now that he was in
possession of Siena, was in a position to make things very
dangerous for the Holy See.^
Paul IV. had begun the struggle in the style of a great power ;
at the conclusion of peace, he must have been glad that he had
been successful in keeping at least the territory previously
possessed by the Holy See. But this could now only constitute
him a power of the second rank ; no Pope could again think of
adopting a policy of war for the overthrow by force of foreign
domination.
^ Cf. Soranzo in Alberi, Ser. 2, IV., 89, who brings out the
fact that the Pope's enterprise had displayed the weakness of
the States of the Church to the whole world.
2 According to Navagero-Alb^ri, 400, the war had cost
i^ million ducats ; cf. also Brown, VI., 2, n. 707. The national
debt was considerably increased by the erection of new Monti.
In 1556 the Monte Novennale was established, and in the same
year the Monte Religione and the Monte Allumiere. See Coppi,
Finanze, 4. The figures given there are not correct (200,000,
200,000 and 60,000 sc), for in a presumably authentic *inventory
in the Secret Archives of the Vatican (Arm. 11, t. 91 : De reform,
curiae) we find (p. lib.) : Monte Novennale non vacabile, by
Paul IV., paga 400,000 scudi. Monte delle Lumiere vacabile,
by Paul IV., paga I'anno 7,000 sc. Concerning the first Monte
cf. Nonciat., II., 417 n ; ibid. 418 n. concerning the financial
operations during the summer of 1556 ; concerning the erection
of the Monte Religioite, not mentioned there, see the *report of
Navagero of October 12, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
With regard to the sums taken from the Papal treasure hi the
Castle of St. Angelo see Studi e docum., XIII., 304.
^ Cf. Navagero-Alberi, 406 seq.
THE POPE RECOGNIZES HIS MISTAKE. I73
However greatly the private feelings of Paul IV. rebelled,
he quickly accommodated himself to his new position. The
old ideas, indeed, appeared now and again, but he no longer
dared to attempt to meddle with the unavoidable fact of
Spanish supremacy.^
Secular affairs, as far as the Pope was concerned, took for the
future a quite subordinate place. Although he was deter-
mined to heal, as far as it lay in his power, the heavy wounds
which his mistaken policy had inflicted on the States of the
Church, he wished alcove all in future (as he had already
pointed out in the consistory of September 20th, 1557^) to
^ Ancel (La nouvelle de la prise de Calais h Rome, loc. cit.,
254 seq.) shows how the Spanish almost completely kept the upper
hand in Rome even after the departure of Alba, and how quickly
the Imperialist Cardinals, della Corgna, Fano and Santa Fiora
were again received into favour. At this time the suppression
of the Rime of the poet Pasquale Malespini, who was friendly
to the French, took place ; it is commented on by S. Bongi
in the Atti d. Accad. di Lucca, XXX. (1898). Better times
for the French did not come until the end of January. 1558, The
news then reached Rome that Guise had succeeded in capturing
Calais from England, which was allied with Spain. The French
party in Rome celebrated the event with great pomp. The Pope,
who could not conceal his satisfaction at this blow dealt at his
old enemy, put no difficulties in their way, and the Spanish re-
action in Rome now came to an end. At the same time, however.
Paul IV., as well as his nephew, the Duke of PaUano, took good
care not to take the side of France (see Ancel, 264 5^^.). The
Pope no longer took any part at all in political affairs, even if he
did repeat his old view, in confidential conversation, that the
French kings had always been the protectors, and the Spanish
kings the enemies of the Holy See {cf. the report of the Bishop of
Angouleme of June 11, 1558, in Ribier, II., 744 seq.). The con-
clusion of the peace of Cateau Cambrcsis, which was unfavourable
to the French, must therefore have affected Paul IV. painfully
(see Ribier, II., 798) ; he also greatly lamented the unexpected
death of Henry II. (see ibid., 810 seq.).
2 *Affino che fusse poi piii facile mediante il concilio generale
riformar la chiesa ct estirpar le heresie. Avviso of September
25. 1557, loc. cit. p. 266. Vatican Library.
174 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
devote himself entirely to the spiritual duties of his high
priestly office, to the reform of ecclesiastical conditions, and
the eradication of heresy. All his care should henceforth be
devoted to these weighty matters.
CHAPTER VII.
Reform Measures of Paul IV. — Renewal of the
Sacred College.
In many of the letters of congratulation which Paul IV.
received from all parts of Christendom on his elevation to
the Supreme Pontificate, the hope was strongly expressed,
while they deplored the premature death of Marcellus II.,
that his successor would not fail to show his zeal in beginning
and carrying into effect that most important work, the reform
of the Church from within. ^ Most of these hopes were
founded on the fact that Gian Pietro Carafa had been the
first to enter upon the right way of carrying out an improve-
ment in ecclesiastical conditions, and that he had steadily
pursued this high aim.^ A very religious Catholic lajonan,
Girolamo Muzio, reminded Paul IV. of a saying of Marcellus
II., which embodied a profound truth. Marcellus, who had
always been of one mind with Carafa, had said to Muzio,
before he started for Rome for the conclave, that no Pope
who did not take the work of reform in hand at the beginning
of his reign, need hope to be able to effect anything later on.^
^ Almost all the *letters of congratulation addressed to Paul
IV. are preserved in the Papal Secret Archives, Castle of St.
Angelo, Arm. 8. ordo 2, t. I., n. 2. The first volume of this
priceless collection of autograph letters contains for the most
part the letters of the princes, the second the obedienlia addresses,
the congratulatory letters of the clergy as well as of the laity,
and several poems, as, for instance, *one by Lelius Capilupus
on p. 137, and *one by Franciscus Modestus on p. 139.
2 See Pole's letter of June 6, 1555, in the Nonciat. I., 232 seq.,
and *that of Paolo Sadoleto, Bishop of Carpentras, dated Id.
lunii 1555, in the above-mentioned collection of autograph
letters, II., 173.
^ See Appendix No. 14 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
176 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Paul IV. was himself deeply convinced of this. His first
steps in the direction of reform, in the summer of 1555, showed
that he was determined not to move a hair's breadth from
his old principles, and that he would, now that he was in
possession of the supreme power, display the greatest rigour. ^
One of the first questions which the new Pope had to decide
was whether the great legislative work which Julius III. had
prepared, but had not been able to bring to an end, should now
be completed. To make such use of the work of another did
not appeal to the self-assured character of Paul, and although
he did think of not doing so for a short time,^ he soon changed
his mind. It is certain that in doing so he was influenced by
very able friends of the reform movement, who represented
to him from the very beginning of his reign, that it was now
much less a question of issuing new decrees, than of the strict
and thorough application of those already in existence, an
idea which had already been expressed in the opinion of the
Cardinals in the year 1537.^ The Bishop of Sessa, Galeazzo
Florimonte, pointed out in his letter of congratulation, that
Marcellus II. had also been thoroughly persuaded that in
future practice should be preferred to theory, and that the
necessary reform measures must first be carried out, and that
only then should steps be taken to commit them to writing.
^ Cf. supra p. 90.
2 I infer this from the draft of a *bull which I found in the
Secret Arcliives (Castle of St. Angelo Arm. 5, caps. 2, n. 18).
In this document, which begins with the words : " Varietas
temporum," the " Bulla super reformatione conclavis " and the
" Constitutio Julii III. pro securitate episc. resident." are in-
serted. According to a presumably contemporaneous note on
the reverse side, the document belongs to the year 1555. It here
continues : " R^^is dom. Ostien. Portuen. Tuscul. Alban. mittatur
per manus." The contents have, however, been written in a
later hand : " Copia nonnuUorum canonum super ordinatione
cleric, et praelat. cum relat. qualit. quae in cardinalibus creandis et
in promo vendis ad cathed. vel alias ecclesias concurrere debent
ex decret. concilii et consist, excerpt."
^ Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 165.
PAUL IV. S IDEA OF REFORM. I77
Florimonte also reminded Paul IV. of a letter written to him
by Marcellus II., ordering him to make out a list of the men
best fitted for bishoprics, so that the most worthy could
easily and quickly be chosen to fill the vacant sees.^
Another friend of reform, the worthy Luigi Lippomano,
Bishop of Verona, who drew for the Pope an apj^alling picture
of the ecclesiastical corruption of the time, likewise remarked
that enough reforms had so far been most solemnly promised,
and that now it was, above all, a question of taking care that
these did not prove to be merely idle words. ^
These views exactly corresponded with those of the Pope.
The very earUcst measures that he adopted proved that he
intended to proceed in just such a manner as was demanded
by the most zealous friends of reform. There had already
been conferences, discussions and decisions concerning eccle-
siastical affairs on the most extensive scale, and it seemed to
the practical sense of Paul IV. that the moment had now
come to take the work in hand.^ He was therefore, from
the first, not inclined to continue the Council ; he considered
that such an assembly involved too many difficulties in itself,
and, in addition to this, proceeded much too slowly. He
also probably felt that his dominating nature was little suited
to such an assembly, which, moreover, necessitated an under-
standing with all the Catholic powers."* In accordance with
his impetuous character, the Pope, who had always been a
strong man of action, wished to begin at once with the aboli-
tion of abuses, and to insist, with the utmost rigour, on the
observance of the decrees already issut-d.
From the first days of his reign, the proceedings of Paul
IV. had been in conformity with this resolve. The very
^ See the text of the **letter, in the collection mentioned
supra p. 175, n. i (II., 156-157'', Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
2 See the letter (in a translation) in Ancel, Concile, 4-5.
^ See the Pope's speech in Navagero's letter of October 8,
I555> in Brown, VI., i, n. 242 ; cf. also Navagero's report of
December 7, 1555, in AnciiI., Concile, 5, n. 3.
* Cf. Dembinski, 13.
VOL. XIV. 12
178 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
strict measures of the summer of 1555,^ were followed by
others of a similar nature during the autumn and the winter.
The relaxed Conventuals in the district of Florence were
replaced by Observants, and the Bishop of Syracuse was
appointed to inspect the convents of Sicily, and a Jesuit
given to him as his assistant.^ Envoys were appointed for
Spain to bring about the reform of the Benedictine congrega-
tion of the Olivetans.^ The granting of marriage dispensa-
tions was limited,* as was also the method of holding
monasteries " in commendam," which was so harmful.^
The terrible severity of the new Pope was shown in an edict
of the governor of Rome, issued in the year 1555, which
threatened truly draconian punishments, such as the galleys,
hanging, scourging, loss of property and banishment, for the
moral abuses then prevalent in Rome. All participation in
conspiracies, as well as the carrying of arms, was threatened
with the gallows, while the right of sanctuary was
^ Cf. supra p. 90.
2 Cf. Mon. Ign. I., x, 220 seq. ; Polanco, V,, 103. Ignatius
was at that time promoting the reform of the Spanish Conventuals.
At Saragossa the Conventuals were afterwards replaced by the
Observants ; see Polanco, V., 407.
^ Besides the brief of November 8, 1555, tjuoted by Bromato
(II., 277), see the *briefs of December i, 1555, for " loannes
princ. Portug. gub. Hisp., Nunt. in Hispania and Consiliariis
regiis Hisp." in Arm, 44, t. 4, n. 280-282, and ibid., n. 283, *brief
of December 2, 1555, " generali et monachis O.S.B. congreg.
Vallis Oliveti " (Secret Archives of the Vatican). A brief of
September, 1555, concerning monastic reform in Ferrara in
Fontana, Renata, II., 549.
* See Bull. VI., 507 seq. ; cf. Bromato, II., 482 seq. To under-
stand how disinclined the Pope was to concessions of any kind,
see the characteristic *letter of G. Aldrovandi, dated Rome
December 24, 1555 (State Archives, Bologna). Paul IV. said
indignantly to Aldrovandi's successor, C. Paleotti : *Qui non
si coraprano le gratie de sudditi con vescovati. *Letter of C.
Paleotti of October 3, 1556, loc. cit.
^ See *Acta consist, cancell., VI., 277^-278 (December 16,
1555)- Consistorial Archives.
PAUL IV. AND THE SACRED COLLEGE. I79
suspended. 1 Special regulations aik^cted the abuses which
took place during the carnival, in connection with the im-
punity afforded by masks. ^
The great creation of Cardinals of December, 1555, is
significant of the manner in which Paul IV. intended to carry
out his ecclesiastical reforms. It appeared to him to be
much more important to procure fitting instruments for the
execution of the. ecclesiastical laws, to choose men who, in
their lives and actions, represented reform itself, than to
enter upon new discussions and to issue new regulations by
means of a Council. Paul III. had at first adopted this
course with great success, but under Julius III. several quite
unsuitable elements had succeeded in gaining admission to
the College of Cardinals.^ The great turning point had, in
this respect, now arrived with Paul IV. Purely ecclesiastical
considerations should, for the future, alone be taken into
account in the choice of the members of the Sacred College.
Regardless of all the claims of secular policy, the Pope re-
fused all the requests made by the Venetian, Imperial and
French anibassadors."* He also paid no attention to the
wishes of his nephews^ with regard to matters pertaining to
the government of the Church.
It is very remarkable that none of the candidates recom-
mended by the French were considered, although the whole
^ See the text of the *Bando generale (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) in Appendix No. 15. That these severe punishments
were inflicted is seen from tlie case reported by Calvi in the
N. Antologia Ser. 5, CXLII., 591, of the year 1556.
2 These Papal instructions to tlie governor of the city (not
mentioned in dementi's worlc) are cited by Padigi-ione, La
Bibl. del Museo naz. di S. Martino, Naples, 1876, 303.
^ C/. our particulars in Vol. XL of this work, p. 159 seq., 173
seq., 215 seq., and Vol. XIIL, pp. 70, 71.
* Cf. the *brief to Charles V. of December 24, 1555, in which
Paul IV. justifies his non-consideration of the Emperor's wishes
(Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 309. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ Cf. concerning this the *report of Navagero of December 14,
1556, (Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
l8o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
secular policy of Paul IV. was, at that time, directed to an
alliance with France. It is not to be wondered at, therefore,
that the requests made by the Imperialist Cardinals, Alvarez
de Toledo, Truchsess and Morone, were not granted. No
one knew upon whom the choice would fall.^ The Pope
expressed himself in merely general terms. ^
At the consistory of December i8th, Paul IV. made his
appearance with visible signs of excitement ; the ambassador
of the Este said : " His eyes flashed lire."^ The Pope de-
clared to the Dean, Cardinal du Bellay, that he would grant
no audiences before the beginning of the consistory. When
Cardinal Alvarez de Toledo endeavoured, in spite of this, to
obtain one, he was refused in violent terms. After the Car-
dinals had taken their places, the Pope laid before them,
with characteristic and unsparing bluntness, his reasons for
wishing to increase the Sacred College. It had come to his
knowledge, he said, that several Cardinals had declared that
he would not dare to appoint more than four new members,
because this would be contrary to the election capitulation,
which had been sworn to by him. In contradiction to this
view he explained at considerable length, appealing to the
Holy Scriptures and the opinions of standard canonists, that
the absolute power of the supreme head of the Church could
not be limited in any such manner, just as other persons were
not o1:)liged to keep their promises, if it should prove, in
coiirse of time, that these were disadvantageous to the com-
mon good. Should any of them fear excommunication, he
could absolve them from it. He, the supreme head of the
Church, intended to make use of his right to appoint Cardinals,
and he would not suffer any opposition ; the members of the
Sacred College possessed no decisive vote, but merely an
advisory one.
^ Cf. the reports of the ambassadors of Venice, Ferrara and
Florence in Angel, L'action reform., 7.
^ Concerning the early history of the promotion see Nonciat.
II., 274 seq.
^ See Ancel, loc. cit. 8, n. 4.
THE NEED OF GOOD CARDINALS. l8l
The Cardinals, already taken aback by this declaration,
were to hear something yet stronger. Necessity, Paul IV.
insisted, forced him to summon new members to the senate
of the Church, as he could see no suitable persons among them ;
had they not all their party and their following ? Therefore
he would, by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, appoint
several good, learned, and independent persons, in whom he
could place confidence, and whom he could employ for current
business, and above all for reform. He would be directed
in his choice of these, neither by ties of blood nor by any
recommendations made to him. If the Cardinals had any-
thing to say to him concerning this matter he would wilHngly
Hstcn to them, but only to each one by himself. He was
aware that new appointments were not desired by the Car-
dinals who were without means, as the maintenance of many
required more than that of a few. He would, however, take
the necessary steps with regard to this, and would not permit
the secular princes either to bestow or to refuse to bestow
benefices on members of the Sacred College, as this violated
the liberty of the Church.^
The Pope expressed himself in still stronger terms on the
following day to the Venetian ambassador, to whom he was
so fond of opening his heart. ^ He had never in his life, he
said, been so pestered with petitions and demands as now.
He was, however, resolved to appoint no one on the recom-
mendation of the princes or at the request of others ; he
would not hesitate to choose foreigners, if only they were
independent.^ " What a disgrace " exclaimed Paul IV.
" that princes should have servants in the Sacred College !
1 See the ♦•letter of Navagero of December i8, 1555 (Library
of St. Mark's, Venice) ; cf. Seripando, ed. Hofler, 354, Paul
IV. had confirmed the election capitulation by a bull, which
contained even more stringent measures ; see Lulves in the
Quellen und Forsch. des Preuss. Histor. Inst., XII., 225.
2 Sec the **letter of Navagero of December 19, 1555 (Library
of St. Mark's, Venice).
^ See the * ♦letter of Navagero of March i.\, 1556 (Library of
St. Mark's, Venice).
l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
How can secrecy be kept or impartiality be hoped for from
persons in such a dependent position ? To speak plainly,
what sort of people have already received the purple on such
terms ? As the removal of these unsuitable persons, all at
once, is impossible, we shall, by the appointment of good and
capable men, gradually provide a counter-weight to them.
Whenever we discover one who is worthy we shall appoint
him, unexpectedly and out of the usual time." In con-
clusion the Pope made much of the fact that the elevation
of capable Cardinals was of more value than a Council in
increasing the respect felt for the Church and in carrjdng out
the work of reform. The Pope also informed Cardinals
Tournon and Lorraine that, in the coming creation, he would
only consider the honour of God and his own conscience.
Carafa, who, in conjunction with the French, made incredible
efforts on behalf of his favourite, Giovanni della Casa, only
received from his uncle the reply : " No such people ! "^
The seven who were appointed on December 20th, 1555,
were, as Cardinal Armagnac had predicted, ^ for the most
part unknown men, partly belonging to the religious orders,
and partly theologians. They belonged to various nations,
were recommended solely by their virtues, were all far re-
moved from political intrigues, and, in the matter of reform,
were all true representatives of the views of the Pope.^ For
the most part they had been well known to Paul IV. in earlier
days, as for example, Giovanni Bernardino Scotti, the first
novice of the Theatine order, who had always been devoted
to study and prayer, and who still wished now to preserve
^ Cf. RiBiER, II., 622 ; Bromato, II., 259 seq. 284 ; Ancel,
L'action reform., 10 ; Studi stor., XVII., 197. The non-inclusion
of della Casa was perfectly justified, as his conduct left much
to be desired from a moral point of view.
2 See Tamizey de Larroque, Lett. ined. du card. d'Armagnac,
Paris, 1874, 79-80.
^ Cf. concerning the different cardinals, PetramellariUs,
23 seqq. ; Ciaconius, III., 845 seq. ; Cardella, IV., 342 seq. ;
GuLiK-EuBEL, III., 38 seq.
THE NEW CARDINALS. 183
his po\'erty.^ The same was the case with Scipione Rebiba,
who had been for many years in Carafa's service, and since
1549 his representative in the archdiocese of Naples, and
afterwards governor of Rome. Paul IV. had also closely
followed the activities of the Gascon, Giovanni Suario Reu-
mano. Auditor of the Rota ; he was chosen, as well as Giovan
Antonio Capizuchi, who also belonged to the Rota, because
there was a want of learned canonists in the Sacred College. ^
The fifth of the new Cardinals, Diomede Carafa, did not owe
the purple to his relationship to the Pope, but to the fact
that he had been managing his diocese of Ariano in the most
exemplary manner since 1511.
If France was represented in the new appointments by
Reumano, so was Germany by the learned Johannes Gropper,
the saviour of the church in Cologne against the assaults of
the rehgious innovators, and Spain by Juan Siliceo, Arch-
bishop of Toledo. The appointment of this learned and
zealous man,^ proves how thoroughly the Pope preserv^ed
his independence in spiritual matters in all directions, even
with regard to his French allies.
Scotti and Diomede Carafa were already dwelling in the
Vatican, and the Pope now assigned apartments there to
Cardinals Reumano, Rebiba and Capizuchi ;* he wished these
men, as well as Gropper, to be near him, for the settlement of
ecclesiastical affairs, and above all for questions of reform.
The honour of living in the Vatican was therefore also bestowed
^ Cf. the **letter of Navagero of January 4, 1556 (Library
of St. Mark's, Venice) and the statements in the Nonciat. II.,
275, n. 6. A *Vita B. card. Scotti by J. Silos is preserved in
the general archives of the Theatines in Rome.
2 See the letter of the Cardinal of Lorraine in Ribier, II.,
622. Concerning Rebiba cf. Masius, Briefe, 250 ; Boglino,
47 seq. and Nonciat. II., 405, n. i.
^ Cf. the *brief to Philip II. of December 24, 1555, in Arm.
44, t. 4, n. 310 and ibid, the *brief to the newly-appointed Cardinal
himself of December 2cj, 1555 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ See the **lettcr of Navagero of January 4, 1556 (Library of
St. Mark's, Venice).
184 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on Gropper when he came to Rome at the end of September,
1558. This worth}^ champion of CathoHc interests in Ger-
many,^ had hitherto, in his humihty, refused to accept the
purple ; he was now, however, forced to do so by Paul IV.
Cardinal Carlo Carafa had done everything in his power to
keep this eminent man away from the Pope. It was he who
set on foot, through Delfino, a wretched intrigue, and even
cast suspicion on the faith of the ardent apologist. Gropper
however, was able to defend himself so well before the In-
quisition that the case against him was quickly brought to
an end. This excitement, and the unaccustomed climate of
Rome, however, so affected his strength that his health broke
down, and he died on March 13th, 1559, aged only 56 years.
On the following day, the funeral took place in the German
national church, S. Maria dell' Anima. Paul IV. pronounced
the funeral oration himself, an honour which is unique in the
history of the Popes. He exclaimed repeatedly : " Gropper
has by no means departed from us, he has only gone before
us to God."^ Not content with this, Paul IV. referred again
to the merits of Gropper in the consistory of March 15th,
1559, sternly rebuking the calumniators of this admirable
^ See the praise in the letter of Adolphus, Elector of Cologne,
to Cardinal Farnese, in Schwarz, Der papstl. Nuntius K. Gropper,
Miinster, 191 1, 10, n. i.
2 Cf. Schwarz in the Histor. Jahrbuch, VII., 396 seqq. ; Gulik,
Gropper, 158 5^^. ; Masius, Briefe, 248, 315 ; Esser, S. Maria
deir Anima, Rome, 1899, 56 ; Schmidlin, Gesch. der Anima,
294 seqq. ; Rev. Benedict. XXIV., 285 seq. The slab covering
Gropper's grave, with coat of arms, Cardinal's hat, and a high-
flown inscription (Forcella, III., 458) had to be removed from
its old place in the imperfectly understood interests of the decora-
tion of the church of the Anima, and was lost ; it was renewed
in 1885 (see Loschi, II card. G. Gropper, Udine, 1896, 80) and
is now in the right aisle of the Benno chapel. Extensive literature
concerning Gropper in Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 166 ;
Jansen, VII. 1*, 575 ; Gulik, loc. cit. and in Herzog's Real-
enzyklopadie, VII. ^, 191.
REFORM OF THE CURIA. 185
man ; he also bestowed on his relatives all the benefices
rendered vacant by his decease.*
The attempt, which played so great a part in the creation
of Cardinals in December, 1555, to put an end to the undue
influence exercised by the secular princes in purely ecclesias-
tical affairs, was one reason for the disinclination of the Pope
to continue the Council. In addition to this, there was the
remembrance of the proceedings at Basle and Constance,
which were exceedingly hateful to Paul IV. ^ If it should
happen that a Council could not be avoided, it should, in
his opinion, under no circumstances be held in German terri-
tory, " in the midst of Lutherans," but under his own eyes
in Rome. This intention, as well as the almost complete
exclusion of the secular princes from such a meeting, appeared
to many of the Cardinals, as for example Medici, to lay the
Church open to the danger of a schism.^ Probably, however,
Paul IV. did not seriously think of holding a Council in Rome ;
he wished rather to arrange the necessary conferences in such
a manner that they would resemble a Council, without in-
volving the disadvantages connected vnth such assemblies
in the XVth century. This was clearly shown by the measures
which he adopted at the beginning of the year 1556.
In a consistory on January loth, 1556, the Pope, in a long
address, unfolded his plan for undertaking a thorough reform
of the Roman Curia. For sixty years, he said, this had been
talked of ; he was going at last to carry it out, energetically,
and without respect of persons, as one chosen by God for the
purpose, and he would make a beginning with the Roman
Curia itself. In witness thereof, he alluded to the orders
given a few days previously to Cardinals Scotti, Rebiba and
Reumano, for the reform of the Dataria. If, in doing this,
he closed his chief source of revenue, this did not trouble him,
and he would know how to stint himself. The others must
follow in his footsteps, as he did not intend to content himself
^ See the Diario in Laemmer, Melet., 210.
2 C/. AtiCKL." Concile, 7,
3C/. ibid., S-'g.
l86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with this one measure. He intended to reform in the same
way the Chancery, the Penitentiary, the Signatura, the
College of Cardinals, and the whole state of affairs with regard
to benefices, each one in turn, and without the least con-
sideration for the secular princes.^ It would be seen that
Paul IV. meant to proceed in accordance with his old motto,
that justice should begin with the House of the Lord.
In January, 1556, he formed a special congregation, con-
sisting of twenty Cardinals, seven prelates of the Curia,
twelve referendaries of the Signatura, six Auditors of the
Rota, the generals of the Dominicans, Franciscan Observants
and Conventuals, nine officials of the Curia, and five theo-
logians (Michele Ghislieri, as commissary of the Inquisition,
Lainez, of the Society of Jesus, Giovan Battista Calderini of
the Servites, and two secular priests) to confer about a com-
prehensive reform of the Roman Curia. ^
These sixty-two members assembled in the Hall of Con-
stantine in the Vatican in the afternoon of January 20th.
The Pope himself opened the first session of the reform con-
gregation with a speech in which he emphasized his wish to
abolish the abuses which had crept into the Church of God,
owing to the wickedness of the times, and enumerated the
troubles which former Popes had had to contend with in this
respect, even with the assistance of a General Council. Al-
though no success had crowned their efforts hitherto, he never-
theless hoped that this time, with the help of God, they might
attain some result. He himself would do all in his power,
^ The short statements in the *Acta consist. (Consistorial
Archives ; see Appendix No. 16) are supplemented by Nava-
gero's *report of January 11, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice,
see Appendix No. 17). Cf. the **report of Navagero of January
4j 15565 concerning the new arrangement of the Dataria ; see
also, the letter of Casa of January 8, 1556, in Coggiola, A. d.
Cornia, 125, and Masius, Briefe, 235.
2 See the list of persons in the * rough draft made by Massarelli
(Secret Archives of the Vatican, Conciho 79, p. 33^ , 34) Ancel
(Concile, 12), was the first to draw attention to this source,
overlooked by Merkle (II., 287, n.i).
WAR AGAINST SIMONY. 187
and would spare no effort, even to the loss of his life, to ensure
a favourable result to their labours. As, however, the whole
work of reform must start with the complete abolition of
the simoniacal evils which formed the chief obstacle, the axe
must be ruthlessly laid to the root of the evil.
MassarelH, who, in his official report of the session, gives the
speech of the Pope, records the statement of Paul IV. that the
head of the Church must eradicate simony, all the more so
as all calunmiators and heretics declared that this was the
actual and almost the only reason why no reform had been
effected hitherto, as the Popes had put difftculties in the way
on the account of the loss of revenue from the Dataria. The
present Pope, however, considered all gain and worldly
advantage as nothing, had only God and the salvation of
souls before his eyes, and was determined to carry out a
reform at all costs, and above all things to eradicate simony.
The justice of this report of MassarelH is evident from the
fact that Paul IV., in the same session, exhorted the Cardinals,
in the most earnest manner, in virtue of the obedience which
they owed him, to state the plain truth without any evasions,
especially concerning this most important question, whether
a temporal advantage or gain could be accepted for the
exercise of that power which Christ bestowed upon the Apostle
Peter as head of His Church. The answer to this question
was to be handed in by the Cardinals in writing.^ Navagero
relates that the Pope spoke with extraordinary power and
eloquence about simony ; his words made the deepest im-
pression on all present, and the justice of his view convinced
them that the real reform of the Church consisted above all
in bringing about a radical change in this respect. ^
The question which Paul IV. now laid before the new con-
gregation was one which had already occupied the attention
of the reform commission of the Farnese Pope. At that
* See the * rough draft (Secret Archives of the Vatican) in
Appendix No. 19.
^ See in Appendix No. 20 Navagero's *report of January 24,
1556 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
l88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
time, however, so many differences of opinion had arisen
between the strict and the moderate advocates of reform,
that the prudent Paul III. thought it better to refrain from
any drastic measures. ^ Paul IV. again took the matter up,
when it had come to a standstill, because he believed simony
to be at the root of all the evil.^ Although he held firmly, as
he had always done, to the strict conception of the Papal
power which he had always held as Cardinal, yet even he did
not venture to proceed in the matter without once more
carefully weighing it in the balance.
How very much the Pope was, at this time, filled with zeal
for reform is best seen in the letters of Navagero. The am-
bassador had an audience on January nth, in which Paul IV.
spoke with the greatest frankness about his political as well
as his ecclesiastical programme. He especially emphasized
his intention of beginning the reform with himself; by re-
nouncing the revenue which he received from the Dataria.
It was only on this very considerable sum that the Pope
could reckon for his personal expenditure, he said, nevertheless
it must be abolished. " Who can doubt that God will help
me, if I act in conformity with that saying of Christ : Freely
have you received, freely give. When I gave up everything^
and founded the Theatine order, I was able, without possessing
any guarantee for my maintenance, to lead a bearable life
for many years. As Cardinal I had for a considerable time
no revenues, the tyrants having prevented me from taking
possession of the archbishopric of Naples, but I would not
utter a single word in order to acquire it. In all these critical
positions the necessary means have never been wanting to
me. Why then should I fear that it will be otherwise now ?
Even should God allow me to come to a state of actual want,
I would rather beg alms than lead a comfortable life on un-
lawful revenues." " This very day," he remarked later, " I
have ordered several Auditors of the Rota to consider care-
1 Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, pp. 155 seqq.
2 See in Appendix No. 18 Navagero's *report of January 18,
1556, loc. cit.
THE POPE*S DETERMINATION. 189
fully with the other members of the reform commission what
needs to be done, and not to allow themselves to be deceived.
We have been thoroughly instructed by theologians and
canonists concerning simony, and the teaching of St. Thomas
has determined us to make truly Christian resolutions with
regard to this and all other matters. "^ On January 24th
Navagero speaks of a con.sistory in which Paul IV. showed
the Cardinals that a true and exhaustive reform would also
be of great benefit to themselves. On the following day the
the Pope declared to the Venetian ambassador his determina-
tion to carry out the reform, even if by so doing he should
ruin his bodily health. In his drastic manner he declared
that he would skin himself, and then, with equal ruthlessness,
would proceed to skin the others, priests as well as laymen,
if by so doing he could effect a reform. He particularly
insisted that he would not deceive the world with fine-sound-
ing bulls, nor with futile councils and useless conferences, but
would perform deeds by means of the reform commission.
He intended to strengthen the congregation by adding other
eminent persons, to such an extent that it would appear to be
a council, without bearing the name. Finally the Pope spoke
at length of simony, which might, he said, on account of its
consequences, be described as a heresy, in such impressive
terms, that it was clear, even to the cold Venetian diplomatist,
that his words came from the fulness of his heart.-
In accordance with this announcement, besides the sixty-
two actual members, many other persons took part in the
second sjiecial sessivon of the reform commission, which took
place on January 2gth ; all the prelates and generals of orders
then in Rome, mmierous ofiicials of the Curia and tlie city, as
^ C/. in Appendix No. 18 the * letter of Navagero of January
18, 1556. (Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
2 C/. in Appendix Nos. 20 and 21 the *letters of Navagero
of January 24 and 25, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice),
and the *Avviso di Roma of January 25, 1556 (Vatican Library).
In January, 1556, Paul IV. requested the King of Portugal to
inform him of the ecclesiastical abuses in his kingdom, as he wished
to abolish them all ; see Santarem, XII., 440.
190 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
well as many theologians — 200 people in all — were present.
Before the Pope proposed to those assembled the manner in
which the deliberations should take place, he spoke once more
of the evil of simony. To Cardinal Tournon's question, as
to which kind of simony he referred to, that forbidden by the
divine or the positive law, Paul IV., in view of the object
he was endeavouring to attain, energetically repudiated any
such distinction, and advised him in future to spare him such
empty remarks and to keep to the point. Then the method
recommended by the Pope for the discussions was sanctioned.
According to this, the members of the commission were
divided into different sections, as if in a Council, which were
to meet separately. Each section was to consist of a corres-
ponding number of archbishops, bishops, prelates and theo-
logians. The result of the deliberations of each section was
to be laid before the Pope in a general meeting, and he was
to arrive at the final decisions with the Cardinals alone.
On the following day, after consultation with the Cardinals,
the Pope decided on three sections, each with a Cardinal as
president. On February 2nd he caused the bishops present
in Rome to choose twenty-four of their number for the reform
commission in a secret election. Three days later he in-
dicated to the twenty- four Cardinals in Rome their place in
the three sections, the presidents of which were to be, accord-
ing to their seniority, Cardinals du Bellay, Cesi and Scotti.^
On February 24th, the Pope, who wished to carry on the
work of reform regardless of the clouds on the political horizon, ^
added twenty-one more prelates to the twenty-four already
chosen, and on March 2nd, he decided on the theologians,
canonists and officials of the Curia for the three sections, in
conformity with the proposals of the three Cardinal presidents.
^ See in Appendix Nos. 22, 23, 24, and 25 the information
contained in the rough draft of Massarelli, and the *letters of
Navagero of February i and 8, 1556 ; cf. also Angel, Concile
12, and the *Avvisi di Roma of February i and 8, 1556, in the
Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 116, 129. Vatican Library).
^ See the *letters of Navagero of February 15 and 16, 1556
(Library of St. Mark's, Venice). Cf. Appendix No. 27.
THE REFORM COMMISSION. I9I
The whole commission now numbered 144 members, 48 in
each section. Among the theologians of the first section
was James Lainez of the Society of Jesus ; among those of
the second, the Master of the Sacred Palace, together with a
member of the Society of Jesus, and Gughelmo Sirleto, the
custos of the Vatican Library ; among the canonists of this
section were Ugo Boncampagni and Ercole SeveroU. The
Capuchin, Francesco Soleto, sat among the procurators of
orders, in the third section, and Silvestro Aldobrandini among
the canonists.^
After the business arrangements for the deliberations of the
reform commission had been settled, ^ the assembly, which,
with its members amounting to almost 150, actually pre-
sented the appearance of a Council, could begin its work.
Previously to this, however, on March nth, the Pope
summoned all the members to the Vatican. The Cardinals
assembled in an apartment near the Hall of Constantine, and
here the Holy Father informed them that the moment had
now arrived to take measures against the " simoniacal
heresy " and therewith to exterminate, root and branch, this
source of all the evil ; he then proposed, amid universal
approbation, the following question for consideration : Could
an ecclesiastical superior accept voluntary gifts, or ask for
such gifts, or insist upon them by means of the withdrawal
of spiritual benefits, in return for the official use of his spiritual
powers, without falling into the sin of simony ? The#prelates
were then called in, and a similar communication was again
made to them by the Pope himself. They then repaired to the
Hall of Constantine, where the other members of the com-
^ See *Concilio, 79, f. 41'* seqq. ; cf. Angel, Concile, 13 seq.
Navagero says of the 21 newly appointed in his *letter of the last
day of February, 1556 : " Questi non sono stati elletti con le
fave come li primi, ma racordati dalli rev™^ decano, Cesis et
Trani, presidenti delle tre classe per etk al pontefice et dai
medesimo confirmati di modo die con tanto numero le cose
saranno piii longhe et havera forma quasi de concilio " (Library
of St. Mark's, Venice).
2 See *ConciIio, 79, f. 50-51 ; cf. Ancel, Concile, 14 seq.
192 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
mission were assembled. To these the Pope addressed a
third speech, in which he skilfully set forth, in other words,
what he had already said to the Cardinals and prelates. ^
The article for deliberation was then at once printed and
presented to all the members of the commission. Several of
them, as for example Lainez, at once began to draft out their
opinions. 2
We learn from a very interesting conversation which he
had with Navagero on March 13th, 1556, the motives which
actuated the Pope at that time. In this Paul IV. emphasized
the fact that he was spending sa much time on reform because
he wished it to be a success ; in such an important matter
he would not act solely according to his own ideas, but wished
also to hear the views of others. The more strongly these
expressed themselves the better he would be pleased, as he
desired to arrive at the truth. Then he again returned to
the subject of the extirpation of simony. " Illustrious am-
bassador," he continued, " this has been in our thoughts for
years, for we saw many things taking place in the House of
the Lord, which would horrify you. Everyone who desired
a bishopric went to a bank, where a list was to be found, with
the price of each, and in the case of an appointment as Cardinal
it was calculated how best to draw profit from every slightest
circumstance. As soon as God had bestowed this dignity upon
us, without any effort on our part, we said to ourselves : We
know what the Lord requires of us ; we must perform deeds,
and pull out this evil by the roots. If we did not do this at
once, it was because we wished first to appoint Cardinals who
^ See *Concilio, 79, f. 48^^ seqq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican) ;
cf. Massarelli, 289, the first letter of Navagero of March 14,
in Brown, VI., i, n. 424 and Ancel, Concile, 15 seq.
2 Cf. Lainez, Disput. Trid. (ed. Grisar), II., 325 seq. ; cf.
Histor. Jahrbuch, VIII., 725. The treatises on simony by
G. Sirleto and P. Draco, which Ancel (Concile, 16, n. 3) quotes,
belong to the same period. Sirleto was appointed protonotary
by Paul IV. (see Bromato, II., 485) and entrusted with the educa-
tion of his young relatives, Alfonso and Antonio. His treatise
on simony is also in the *Cod. Vat. 35 11 of the Vatican Library.
THE ARTICLE ON SIMONY. 193
were fitted to help us in this work. Now we shall carry out
this reform, even at the risk of our life. If people say that
in order to do so, we shall have to give up too much, and shall
not, in the event, be able to make both ends meet, that does
not frighten us in the least, as we are certain that He Who
created all things out of nothing, will not leave us in want.
It is marvellous, my lord ambassador, how this Holy See
has maintained its existence, although our predecessors have
done all in their power to destroy it, but it is built on so firm
a rock that nothing need be feared. Should we be granted
no complete success, we shall nevertheless be satisfied to have
at least purified this See, so blessed by God, and then to die.
To be absolutely frank with you, this new commission will
have the power of a Council. We have had the article con-
cerning simony printed, for then, although we disdain to
have it sent to the universities, as it is not seemly that the
Holy See should ask the opinion of others, it may stiU come
into their hands in the course of circulation, for we desire to
hear the views of everyone, so as to be able to arrive at a
better decision."
In the further course of conversation the Pope remarked
that his reform would entail great consequences, and that he
intended showing the princes that more simony was perhaps
to be found in their courts than in Rome. " But we shall
put an end to that," he continued, " for we have authority
over them as well as over the clergy. If necessary we shall
summon a Council, and, what is more, in this illustrious city,
as there is no need to go elsewhere, and, as is well known, we
were never in favour of holding an assembly of the Church at
Trent, in the very midst of the Lutherans."^
In a session of the first section of the reform commission,
which was held in the house of Cardinal du Bellay, on March
26th, the article on simony was very carefully discussed.
No fewer than sixteen speakers expressed their views, and
^ See in Appendix No. 28 tlie *letter of Navagero of March 14,
1556 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice). Cf. also Masius, Briefe,
239-
VOL. XIV. 13
1^4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
very great differences of opinion came to light. Several,
especially the Bishop of Feltre, Tommaso Campegio, defended
the view that the acceptance of pecuniary compensation for
the exercise of spiritual power was allowable. Others, such
as the Bishop of Sessa, vigorously combated this view. A
third opinion, that of the Bishop of SinigagHa, Marco Vigerio
della Rovere, was to the effect that the acceptance of pecuniary
compensation was indeed permitted, but not always and
only under certain conditions. It was night before the session,
which had lasted for fully four hours, was brought to a
close.^
The next meeting was to be held after Easter, but it never
took place. The Pope, who was burning with eagerness to
settle this important question as speedily as possible, found
this great divergence of opinion so undesirable that he sus-
pended the sittings of the commission. He thought for a
time of proceeding quite independently, ^ and of issuing an
absolute prohibition to the clergy to accept any gifts at all,
even from voluntary donors, for spiritual advantages. Finally,
however, the Pope appears to have become reconciled to the
idea of a Council, under the influence of the impression made
by the claims of the PoHsh king.^ The danger of holding a
General Council of the Church, from which the secular powers
should be completely excluded, had in the meantime been
made clear to him. At the reception which he held after the
banquet on the anniversary of his coronation, the Pope re-
marked, among other things, that he would cause the Council,
which he intended should be held in Rome, to be announced
1 See Massarelli, 289, and *Concilio, 79, p. 53 seq. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican) ; also Navagero's *letter of March
28, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice) ; see Appendix
No. 29.
2 Cf. the letter of Navagero of April 18, 1556, in the *Cod.
Marc. 9445, p. 162^ ; translated in Brown, VI., i, n. 459.
3 See the instructions for Rebiba in the Secret Archives of the
Vatican *Polit. 78, p. 145 seq.^ with which the " commessioni
publiche " for Carafa coincided ; see Laemmer, Melet. 173, and
Nonciat., II., 601 ; cf. also Hosii epist., II., 736.
NO CONCESSION TO POLITICS. I95
to the secular princes, although there was no obligation on his
part to do so.^
It was a great disadvantage for the work of reform, that
just now, in the summer of 1556, when some decisive steps in
this direction were generally expected, ^ the political troubles
should have been steadily growing more acute, and the war
with Spain becoming more probable. The Pope, however,
never lost sight of the question of reform during this critical
time. It deserves to be fully recognised that Paul IV. did
not make the slightest concession to political considerations,
either in this respect, or in the matter of the creation of
Cardinals. Important as was the support of the Duke of
Ferrara, and numerous as were the intercessors for Cardinal
d'Este, that unworthy prince of the Church had to remain
in exile. ^ In conformity with the principles of reform con-
tained in the opinion of the Cardinals in 1537, Paul IV. in
the summer of 1556 took measures against the absence of
Cardinals from Rome. It was enacted at the time that all
Cardinal Priests were to be ordained within three months.*
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 499, and also the *report
of the Genoese ambassador of May 28, 1556 (State Archives,
Genoa) .
2 On June 3, 1556, G. A. Calegari informs Commendone from
Rome : *Si aspetta da tutti la publicatione de la bolla rigorosa
de la riforma (Lett, de' princ. 23, n. 3. Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
3 As early as October 2, 1555, Ercole of Ferrara had addressed
an autograph letter to Paul IV. (in the collection of congratula-
tory letters in the Papal Secret Archives, II., p. 191, mentioned
supra p. 175, n. i) in which he announces the arrival of a special
ambassador to intercede for his brother. It was believed that
proceedings would also be taken against other unworthy Cardinals.
Navagero ♦reports on January 4, 1556 : " Si dice per cosa certa
che si attende a former processo contra la vita et costumi del
card, de Monte " (Cod. 9445 of Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
* Cf. Acta consist cancell. for July 17, 1556 (Consistorial
Archives) ; cf. Gulik-Eubel, III., 37 and Bull, VI., 513 seq.
I have found the ♦original briefs to the absent Cardinals, dated
Rome, July 16, 1556, begimiing : " Cogit nos " and all in similar
196 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope also made very searching enquiries concerning the
state of the monasteries, and the abuses in the hospitals,* as
he wished to make improvements in all these matters. The
firm determination with which he kept his great aim before
his eyes is pro\ed by the fact that he carried out a thorough
reform of the Dataria, which cost him two-thirds of his re-
venue, and that at a moment when the preparations for war
and for the defence of the States of the Church required more
money than ever. The Datary appointed in July, Francesco
Bacodio, received strict orders that all petitions for favours
were to be granted gratuitously. The Venetian ambassador,
as the representative of a commercial city, reckoned up the
large sums which were thereby lost to the Pope,^ but this
did not trouble Paul IV. in the slightest degree. He had
purposely made a beginning with the Dataria, the revenues
of which came to him personally, in order to show how seri-
ously he meant to keep his promise of beginning the reform
with himself, and because he had discovered simony in the
former proceedings of the Dataria, he introduced there a
rigorous change. Although he was fully aware of the danger
of such a diminution of his income, just on the very eve of
the war with Spain, he nevertheless carried out the measure,
for he trusted in God, Who had always helped him. He
reminded the Venetian ambassador how he had once arrived
in Venice quite poor, with his Theatines, and yet had made
his way. " And now," he exclaimed, " that we have been
terms, in the Papal Secret Archives, (Castle of St. Angelo, Arm.
5, caps. 3). In all there are 15 briefs, addressed to Cardinals
Alessandro and Ranuccio Farnese, Ricci, Mendoza, E. Gonzaga,
Durante, Tagliavia, Cicada, C. del Monte, Crispi, Dandino,
Madruzzo, Dona, Mercuric and G. della Revere.
^ See the *Memoria per la cura delle cose spirituali pertinenti
al vicariato di Roma in the Papal Secret Archives, Arm. 8, ordo
-, t. 5, p. 5 seq. ; see ihid. p. 23 seq., the *Informationi concerning
the hospital of S. Spirito.
^ See the letter of Navagero of July 11, 1556, in Ancel, Con-
cile, 18, n. 2 ; cf. Mocenigo- Albert, 29, and ibid. 87, the account
of Soranzo ; Roseo, III., 501.
THE " INGRESSUS AND REGRESSUS. I97
raised to the throne of St. Peter, are we to be brought to
want ? If we feared this, we should deserve to be punished
by God ! "i
On August 2ist, 1556, the Pope took a further step, which
showed with what constancy he pursued his aims of reform.
A decree, published in the consistory on that date, laid the
axe at the root of one of the worst abuses in the matter of
ecclesiastical benefices. Besides the uncanonical resignation
of ecclesiastical offices, against which Paul III. had already
taken steps, the so-called " Resignatio cum regressu " had
developed to an ever-increasing extent, especially since the
end of the XVth century. This was a resignation with the
reservation that the benefice resigned should, under certain
circumstances, as for example, the previous death of the
acquirer, again revert to the original holder. ^ With perfect
right, Paul IV. would not, under any pretext, allow of this
or of the similar acts of resignation, called the " Ingressus "
and the " Accessus." He looked upon them as merely in-
ventions of the devil. ^
He had already begun to take measures against such abuses
in the first year of his reign, but had been obliged to make
certain far-reaching exceptions in the case of the Cardinals.*
Now, however, (August 21st, 1556), every " Accessus " to a
benefice, by whomsoever it was made, or whatsoever con-
ditions it might contain, was completely done away with and
annulled. With regard to the " Regressus " it was decreed
that the Cardinals resident in Rome should, within fifteen
^ See Navagero's report of August 22, 1556, in Brown, VI.,
I. n. 583.
2 Cf. HiNSCHius, III., 283.
^ See the characteristic conversation of Paul IV. with Navagero
in his *letter of October 28, 1557 (Court Library, Vienna) ; see
also Brown, VI., 2, n. 937, 954.
* C/. the report of Navagero of September 7 and 11, 1555,
in CoGGiOLA, A. d. Cornia, 99, and Ancf.l, Concile, 25, also in
Appendix Nos. 43-45 the *lctter of Cardinal Vitelli of December
3. 1555 (Vatican Library) and the Acta consist, in Gulik-Eubel,
III., 37-
igS HISTORY OF THE POPES.
days, hand in to the Datary a hst of the resignations of this
kind possessed by them. The Cardinals who were Hving in
Italy were to do the same within a month, and those who
were beyond the Alps were given three months to comply
with the order. " When we shall have received all these
statements," declared the Pope, " we shall say to those who
possess more than one of these ' Regressus ' : This is not
lawful ; choose one of them, and give up the others. In this
way, and step by step, we intend to carry out the reform.
In spite of all its assaults, hell will not be able to do anything
to harm this good work, which will secure for us a place in
heaven, "1
This measure was carefully and rigorously carried out.
The Papal Secret Archives still preserve the lists of " Re-
gressus " which all the Cardinals had to hand in ; at their
head we find Alessandro Famese, with a terribly long list.^
The financial loss with which certain Cardinals were threatened
was considerable, and there was no lack of vigorous com-
plaints. The Pope, however, remained quite firm.^
At the end of September, Paul IV. announced further
reforms, especially a prohibition for the bishops to possess
any other benefice whatsoever. The objections which the
Cardinals made by no means convinced the Pope that it was
impossible to carry out such a measure. At the beginning
1 See Navagero in Brown, VI., i, n. 583, and Acta consist,
in GuLiK-EuBEL, III., 37. A copy of the *decree of August 21,
1556, in the *correspondence of Madruzzo in the Vice-regal
Archives, Innsbruck.
^ After the period fixed had been extended for 15 days on
September 4, 1556 {*Acta consist, in the Consistorial Archives)
all the Cardinals handed in the prescribed Usts more or less
quickly ; *most of them are contained in the Papal Secret Ar-
chives, Castle of St. Angelo, Arm. 8, ordo 2, t. 6 ; the *list of
Card. A. Farnese is dated 18 Cal. Octobr. 1556.
^ Besides Navagero's reports in Brown, VI., 2, n. 954, 1067,
see his **letters of August 14 and October 28, 1557 (Court
Library, Vienna) ; it is clear, at the same time, why the Acta
consist, for reform matters are insufficient.
THE WAR HINDERS REFORMS. I99
of October he again repeated that it was his fixed intention
to continue on the path of a \igorous reform. He would not,
like other Popes, act for form's sake, but would proceed in
earnest, a thing of which he had given proof by renouncing
the hundreds of thousands which the Dataria had brought
him in. The devil had brought about the war with Spain
in order to make any progress on the path on which he had
entered impossible. He was not, however, going to be led
astray, but would e\"ery day do away with some of the many
abuses.^
The Pope's intentions were certainly of the best, but cir-
cumstances were stronger than he. In September, 1556,
Alba invaded the States of the Church. The war with Spain
naturally pushed the reform question more and more into
the background, even though the Pope, with characteristic
tenacity, was, at its commencement, still occupied with the
extermination of the numerous abuses.^ New measures on
a more extensive scale, however, could not be carried out
during the war, but it should always be remembered that
Paul IV., at the time of his most desperate financial need,
always held fast to the reform of the Dataria, as weU as to
the limitation of the sale of offices, and preferred to impose
oppressive and unpopular taxes rather than give up any of
his reforming principles.^
How faithfully he kept tnie to these principles in other
respects is best seen in the creation of Cardinals of March
15th, 1557.
The French diplomatists and Cardinal Carafa had en-
deavoured, even more urgently than at the previous creation
of Cardinals, to influence the decision of the Pope on this
occasion. Although the French allowed it to appear that
the duration of their military aid was dependent upon the
* See Navagero's reports of September 30 and October 2, 1556,
in Brown, VI., i, n. 636, 641.
2C/. ibid.
^ See Navagero's despatch of May 8, 1557, in Brosch, I.,
202 seq.
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
consideration shown to their candidates, and aUhough Guise,
Cardinal Carafa and the ambassador of the Duke of Ferrara
left no means untried, they nevertheless did not attain their
end.^ The Pope preserved his complete independence and
would not be influenced by anything but ecclesiastical con-
siderations. " The dignity of a Cardinal is of such a nature,"
Paul IV. said to Navagero, " that a man who is fitted for it
should be begged to accept it. We should seek such men
with a lighted candle in our hand. Any recommendation of
candidates will be of no avail. "^
As had been foreseen by well-informed persons. ^ the
majority of those who were raised to the purple on March 15th
were representatives of reform, and men of lowly origin. The
most distinguished of the ten newly appointed Cardinals*
was the Dominican, Michele Ghislieri, who was considered a
saint, and whom Paul IV. had for many years learned to
value as Inquisitor. Virgilio Rosario and Consiglieri were
also old acquaintances of the Pope. Rosario, who was bom
in Spoleto, had served him faithfully in financial matters ;^
he became vicar-general of Paul IV., in which office he dis-
played great severity.^ The Roman, Giovan Battista Con-
^ Cf. Ancel, L'action reform., 22 seq.
^ See in Appendix No. 36 the *letter of Navagero of March
12, 1557 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
^ In the *Avviso of March 6, 1557, it says : " Questi Franzesi
dicono che 11 Papa fara buon numero di cardinali et alcuni
vogliono che la maggior parte siano Chietini di poca considera-
tione " (Vatican Library).
^ Cf. concerning them Petramellarius, 26 seq. ; Ciaconius,
III., 854 seqq. ; Cardella, IV., 353 seqq. ; Bromato, II., 352
seqq. ; Gulik-Eubel, III., 39 seq.
^ Cf. the *Diurnale di tutti danari et entrate dell' ill. et rev.
card, di Napoli che perverranno in mano di me Virgilio R° (Ms.
140 of the National Library in the Certosa di S. Martino at Naples).
^ As in the case of the Roman vicariate, that is to say the place
of representation of the Pope in Rome, the municipal offices of
the Inquisition, and of the regent of the exchequer were in future,
in accordance with the Pope's wishes, only to be bestowed on
NEW CARDINALS. 201
siglieri, was a relati\'c of that Paolo Consiglieri who, Uke
Carafa, belonged to the Oratory of Divine Love, had joined
with him in founding the order of Theatines,^ and had then
become his maestro di camera. The Pope offered this ad-
mirable man the purple, but the humble Paolo firmly refused
the honour, and recommended Giovan Battista Consiglieri
instead of himself. The latter had originally been a layman,
and had been twice married ; Paul IV. had known him for a
long time, and particularly valued his piety. ^
Lorenzo Strozzi had, as a layman, been the zealous op-
ponent of the Calvinists ; the same was true of the Arch-
bishop of Sens, Jean Bertrand, who was the only Frenchman
who at this time received the purple.^
Taddeo Gaddi, Archbishop of Cosenza, Vitellozzo Vitelli,
Bishop of Citta di Castello, and the nuncio in Venice, Antonio
Trivulzio, who had represented the Holy See in France under
Julius II L, all greatly distinguished for their learning, were
among those appointed on March 15th. Trivulzio and
Lorenzo Strozzi, Bishop of Beziers were the only two chosen
out of the long list of Henry II.*
Cardinals ; see Massarelli, 327 ; cf. Moroni, XCIV., 65, 67,
82, 94 (%vith wrong date).
^ Cf. Vol. X. of this work, pp. 407, 411.
2 RiESS (p. 238) calls G. B. Consiglieri a man of loose character,
^\'ithout giving any proof of his assertion. *Delfino says the
opposite; cf. infra p. 202, n. 2.
^ Concerning his appointment see the *brief to Henry IL of
March 16. 1557 (Arm. 44, t. 2, p. 61. Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
* Cf. Ancel, L'action reform., 27 and Nonciat., II., 342 n ;
cf. ibid., 357 seqq. Cardinal Vitelli (died 1568 ; cf. Anecd. litt.
I., 436 seqq.) has rendered great service to history since he was
one of the first to take in hand one of those collections of liistorical
manuscripts which afterwards became the fashion in Rome.
He received permission from Paul IV. to make copies in the
Arcliives of the Castle of St. Angelo as well as in the Vatican
Library (see Mercati, Bibl. Apost., 77 n.). Not a few of the
Italian manuscripts which reached German lil^raries, as, for ex-
ample, Berlin, Frankfort, Gotha, Wolfenbiiltel, and later on
202 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
To the eight named, the Pope added the learned general
of the Minorites, Clemente Dolera,^ who was very zealous for
reform, and Alfonso Carafa, the son of Antonio, Marquis of
Montebello. Alfonso was only eighteen years old, but as the
greatest expectations were built on the virtue of this youth,
the Pope considered his elevation justified. The young
marchese, who received the administration of the archdiocese
of Naples on April 9th, 1557, became the avowed favourite of
Paul IV., who always recited his office with him. The hopes
with which able critics welcomed the new Cardinals were
fulfilled, except in the case of Vitelli. That the latter followed
another path was, however, concealed from the Pope by his
nephew. 2
In the meantime the war with Spain was going on, and the
Pope felt very deeply the hindrances which this fact placed
in the way of his reforming activities. He allowed, however,
no doubts to be entertained as to his firm resolve to continue
his work for the improvement of the state of the Church,^
showing, at the same time, his readiness to listen to all the
Sweden (Stockhoh-n, Upsala, Lund) originally belonged to his
collection (Ranke, Fiirsten und Volker, I. [1827] x. seq. Dudik,
Forsch. in Schweden, 244). Vitelli was also a keen collector
of antiquities; see Lanciani, Scavi, III., 170 seq.
^ Cf. Soranzo in ALB:feRi, 102 ; Lauchert, 646 seq.
2 It is certain that Vitelli led an immoral life (see Graf, Cinque-
cento, 265). Paul IV. was unaware of the fact partly because
Vitelli favoured the Theatines, who were, therefore, very prodigal
in his praises (see Caracciolo, *Vita, 4, 13. Casanate Library,
Rome). Delfino sent, together with his *letter of March 22,
1557. a list of the new Cardinals, with remarks as to their char-
acters. Of Vitelli he only says : " e dotto et pieno di spirito."
Trivulzio is praised as " nobilissimo, dottissimo et modest-
issimo," Gaddi as " persona morigeratissima," Bertrand as
" homo di gran maneggio " ; Delfino gives prominence to the
good lives led by Rosario, Dolera and Consiglieri (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
2 See Navagero's *letter of May 15, 1557, and the report in
Brown VI. 2 n. 946, 954.
POWERS OF THE INQUISITION. 203
complaints and difficulties of his subjects, by a regulation of
January 23rd, 1557, which arranged for public audiences.^
In February, 1557, he issued new regulations against im-
morality in Rome, 2 and in June decreed that, for the future,
no fees should be tendered at the bestowal of the pallium.^
In the following month, in the midst of the greatest stress of
war, Paul IV. took a step from which the greatest hopes were
entertained in the matter of reform. The powers of the
Inquisition, which already extended beyond the actual domain
of matters of faith, and included the punishment of grave
offences against morality, now received a further extension.
Everything which the Pojje referred to as " simoniacal
heresy " was assigned to this tribunal on July 15th, 1557.
Orders were given at the Penitentiary, the Chancery, the
Signatura, and the office of the Auditors, that they were no
longer to occupy themselves with such matters. The Pope
wished, by the help of the Inquisition, to put an end, once for
all, to some of the worst abuses, such as the payment of
money for the administration of the sacraments, the ordina-
tion of those under age, the sale of benefices, and all unlawful
contracts. As Paul IV. trusted no tribunal as he did the
Inquisition, he was convinced that he had, by this regulation,
laid a firm foundation upon which he could afterwards build
with a sure hope of success.^
^ One would conclude from Massarelli (302 seq.) that the regula-
tion was decreed on January 27, on which day it was first carried
into effect. This was, however, not the case. According to the
♦Acta consist., VII., p. 56, a congregatio general is toolc place on
January 23, 1557, at whicli the institutio aiidientiae bublicae
was settled. Ibid, the *decree relating to this " Cupiens quor-
umvis, etc." (Consistorial Archives). Cf. also in Brown, VI.,
2, n. 799 and n. 807, the description of such a public audience.
2 Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of February 13, 1557 (Vatican
Library) .
^ See Acta consist, in Gulik-Eubel, 111., 37.
* See Navagero's *report of July 16, 1557, (Court Lib. Vienna),
and the *Avviso of July 24, 1557, "^ Appendix No. 38. In the
♦Acta consist, which are* very incomplete, the order is not entered.
204 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope allowed no doubts to be entertained as to his
firm determination to do away with the sale of benefices,
and the numerous abuses in the Chancery and Penitentiary.
He was quite aware that in so doing, the interests of many
persons would be seriously affected ; he, was, nevertheless,
of opinion that this bore no comparison to the advantages
which would follow from such a step, as the Lutherans could
then no longer refer to the abuses of the Curia. ^
In his reforms Paul IV. attached special importance to the
fact that he would make no exceptions, for he had convinced
himself that it had been owing to these that the many salutary
regulations of his predecessors had not borne the fruit ex-
pected from them.^ How firmly he clung to his rigorous
principles, the ambassadors were to learn only too frequently.
Among the reports of the Venetian ambassador is one which,
in this respect, is extremely characteristic of the whole pro-
cedure of Paul IV. An audience of Navagero on August i6th,
1557, is there described in detail. The ambassador, in accor-
dance with the instructions of his government, earnestly
begged the Pope's sanction for the resignation of a Venetian
bishop in favour of a candidate who enjoyed the fullest con-
fidence of the Signoria. The Pope refused the petition
immediately, on the ground that bishops are bound to their
church by a bond which is as indissoluble as that of marriage.
" In spite of this," continued Paul IV., " dispensations have
been issued by the Holy See in this matter, but my holy
teacher, Thomas, and others who agree with him, are of
opinion that Popes have, in such cases, no power to dispense."
The Pope then enlarged, with great detail, on the dignity of
the episcopate, and then, mentioning the Primacy, he quoted
the saying of Homer : " One is Master." He complained
bitterly of the carelessness shown in Rome, hitherto, in the
^ See in Appendix No. 38 the *Avviso of July 24, 1557 (Vatican
Library) ; cf. also the almost identical *Avviso from Rome of
July 24, 1557, in the Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck (with Mad-
ruzzo's correspondence of 1555).
- See Navagero's *letter of June 26, 1557 (Court Library,
Vienna) .
PAUL IV. AND NAVAGERO. 205
choice of the chief shepherds of the Christian flocks ; he
would not be found wanting in this respect, for he very well
understood how much the salvation of souls depended upon
it. Then, completely departing from the subject under dis-
cussion, the Pope launched forth into a long dissertation
concerning the destiny of the Church, which had, in the begin-
ning, to suffer so many persecutions at the hands of unbelievers,
and had, at all times, to fight against impious heretics and
other enemies, but in spite of this the little ship of Peter had
never suffered shipwreck, for Christ directed and guided it.
While the sectarians allowed their followers freedom from
all moral restraints, Christianity demanded all manner of
privations, and firm faith in such great miracles as the In-
carnation of Christ in the womb of the Virgin Mary, and the
transformation of bread into the true body of Our Lord.
Navagero, who understood the Pope's way, listened to him
quietly, and without interrupting him, as he went on to en-
large further on the mysteries of the Catholic faith, discussing
the ordination of priests and the sacraments, and explaining
that a Christian must make use of the means of grace pos-
sessed by the Church. After Paul IV. had given free course
to his eloquence, as he dearly loved to do, he suddenly re-
turned to the original subject of their conversation, explaining
that he would gladly render an^^ service to the Signoria, as
long as tliis did not affect the honour of God or lie heavy on
his own con.science. He would appoint bishops with whom
everyone in Venice, from the Doge to the humblest gondoher,
would be pleased. Only the best men, he said, were worthy
of receiving the mitre. The shrewd ambassador appeared
to be satisfied, and indeed thanked the Pope for the instruc-
tion he had given him.^
^ Sec Navagero's *report, dated Rome, August i6, 1557 (Court
Library, Vienna).
CHAPTER VIII.
The Fall of the Carafa,
The longer the struggle with Spain was drawn out, the more
keenly did the Pope feel the futility of his efforts for reform.
" Should God be so gracious," he said to the Venetian am-
bassador at the beginning of September, 1557, " as to deliver
us from this war, as we so earnestly desire, we would promise
to devote all the years of our life to the service of His Divine
Majesty, and to perform deeds which will give joy and comfort
to the world, for we wish to begin with ourselves and then to
reform others. "^
The unhappy war ended soon afterwards, and Paul IV.
returned with all the more vigour to his original and natural
activities. He concentrated, as much as possible, on purely
ecclesiastical matters, and made reform so completely the
central point of his endeavours, that one may almost say that
the actual reign of the Theatine Pope only began at this point.
On October ist, 1557, he assembled the Cardinals in con-
sistory, and explained to them, in a long address, that he looked
upon their previous sufferings, the war and the inundation of
the Tiber, as a punishment from God, and an earnest exhor-
tation to reform. He admonished the Cardinals as to the
whole matter of reform, and declared that it must now be
carried into effect, and that he himself would be the first to take
it in hand. A decree was then published by which the investi-
ture of monasteries in commendam was absolutely forbidden,
and no exemption with regard to this was to be allowed for the
future, even to the Cardinals.^ Soon afterwards a reform was
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 1015 ; cf. 1017.
2 See Acta consist, in Gulik-Eubel, III., 37 and Saniarem,
XIII., 3, as well as the *Avviso of October 2, 1557 (Vatican
Library) ; cf. also the second *letter of Navagero of October 9,
1557 (Court Library, Vienna).
206
REFORM DECREES. 207
also introduced in the Penitentiary.^ The abuses in the
Signatura were also abolished at the same time. To the con-
gratulations of the Venetian ambassador, Paul IV. replied that
all this was of only small importance, but that from now
onwards he would seek after notliing so much as a real reform. ^
It was understood that a strict bull for the removal of abuses
in the matter of the system of benefices was being prepared.^
This document was remodelled at the last moment, but was
finally drawn up on November 27th, 1557, ^^id was at once
made pubhc.^
Paul IV. had already announced to the Cardinals in the
consistory of October ist, 1557, his intention of forming a
commission from among their number, to examine into the
usefulness of the reforms already undertaken, and, under the
personal direction of the Pope, to make arrangements for those
still necessary.^ This plan, which had been first thought of
in August, 1556, was carried into effect in a consistory of
December 3rd, 1557, in such a manner that the Cardinals of
^ See in Appendix No. 41 the Avviso of October 16, 1557
(Vatican Library) ; cf. also Caracciolus, 88 and Goller, II.,
I, 125.
2 Cf. the second *letter of Navagero of October 9, 1557. The
words of the Pope were : " Magnifico ambasciatore qiiesto h
niente se bene e quel tanto che vol conoscete, nelle signature
non sono piu ammesse quelle cose che passavano per rordinario
et hora a nessun altra cosa pensamo piu che ad una vera riforma "
(Court Library, Vienna).
^ See in Appendix No. 42 the * Avviso of November 13, 1557
(Vatican Library).
* The Motu Proprio " contra eos qui pro obtinendis beneficiis
se ipsos pro aliis supponunt vel annuas pensiones offerunt aut
beneficia impetrant pro aliis, ut ab eis aUquid consequantur, vel
pro se ipsis, ut aliis postea cum pcnsione resignent " in the Bull.,
VL, 528 scq. Cf. also the *Avviso of December 11, 1557 (Vatican
Library) .
^ Concerning the consistory of October i, see the *report of
Navagero of October 2 (Court Library, Vienna) ; cf. the ** Avviso
of October 2, 1557 (Vatican Library).
208 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Inquisition found themselves also charged with the question
of reform. 1
In the same consistory of December 3rd, 1557, the proceed-
ings concerning the suppression of the Regressus for the
Cardinals were brought to an end. More than one such
Regressus was no longer to be allowed. It was ordained at
the same time, with regard to the filling of vacant bishoprics,
that nomination and appointment could no longer be made
in the same consistory. ^ In thus separating the two things
Paul IV. wished to have time to examine the candidates. In
so doing he proceeded with such scrupulous observance of the
decrees of the Council of Trent, that in October, 1558, no less
than fifty-eight bishoprics were unoccupied.^ The Pope, who
had such a high ideal of the episcopal dignity,* repeatedly took
occasion to exhort the newly elected bishops to perform the
duties of their office faithfully, and to be consecrated as soon
as possible. 5 Hosius, the eminent Bishop of Ermland, was to
be summoned to Rome in the interests of reform ; in the brief
concerning this, mention was also made of the holding of a
1 What Ancel (Concile, 19) shrewdly supposed, is proved
to be a fact by the *Acta consist, of December 3, 1557 (Consis-
torial Archives).
2 Acta consist, in Gulik-Eubel, III., 37 ; cf. Bull., VI., 530
seq. ; Massarelli, 318 and the *letter of Cardinal Vitelli of
December i, 1557 (Vatican Library), see Appendix Nos. 43-45.
The brief of December 4, 1557, concerning the Regressus in the
Casanate Library, Editti, I., 102.
^ See the report of Ces. Gonzaga in Ancel, Concile, 24, n. 6.
It had already been stated in an *Avviso di Roma of April 18,
1556, with regard to the application of the decrees of the Council
of Trent to the filling of bishoprics, that Paul IV. would make
no exceptions in so doing : *Et in queste concessioni questo
papa e il piu scrupuloso di tutti i passati (Cod. Urb. 1038, p.
134. Vatican Library).
* Cf. the conversation of Paul IV. with Navagero in the latter's
♦report of October 9, 1557 (Cod. 6255 of the Court Library,
Vienna). See also supra p. 204.
^ See Massarelli, 319.
REFORM DECREES. 209
Council,^ but Rome was the only place thought of in connec-
tion with this.^
On December 14th, secrecy regarding consistorial discussions
was decreed under threat of the most severe punishments.^
A thorough visitation and reform of all the secular and regular
clergy in Naples was arranged for and carried out.'* On
December ist Cardinal Vitelli informed Carlo Carafa, who was
staying with Philip II., that the Pope had arranged some most
excellent reforms, and was still continuing to do so ; he thought
and pondered on nothing else. On December 17th and 24th
Vitelli repeated the same statements ; congregations were
being held every day, and salutary decrees being issued ; the
Pope was quite indefatigable in this respect.^
Paul IV. marked the beginning of the new year 1558 with
fresh drastic measures against the keeping and dissemination
of lampoons and heretical writings, and in special cases pro-
curation was made punishable by death. ^ On January i8th
the Pope again exhorted the Cardinals to lead blameless lives.'
At the beginning of February he again spoke of holding a
Council in Rome to further the cause of reform ; he hoped by
means of this to adopt decisive mea.sures which would every-
where be accepted with approval. As he had been a resident
bishop himself, he well knew with what eagerness everything
was carried to Rome, where the bishops were hampered in the
exercise of their authority by the many exemptions in favour
of hospitals and confraternities, so that very often they were
unable to take proceedings against bad priests. This was, the
1 Cf. Raynaldus, 1557, n. 37 ; Eichhorn, I., 298 ; Hosii
epist., II., Q07, 931, 933.
2 Cf. as to this Bkown, VI., 2, n. 931.
^ See Massarelli, 319, and the *Acta consist. (Consistorial
Archives).
* Cf. Tacchi Venturi, I., 454 seq.
^ See these *letters (Vatican Library) in Appendix Nos. 42-45.
" See the *Avvisi di Roma of January i and 8, and February
5, 1558 (Vatican Library) ; cf. Bull., VI., 537 and also Hinschius,
v., 826 ; see also Clementi, 214.
' See Navagero in Brown, VI., 3, n. 1148.
VOL. XIV. 14
210 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope considered, one of the principal causes of the ecclesiastical
corruption.^ At the end of March a commissary was sent to
Istria, Friuli and Dalmatia to reform the clergy there. ^ Un-
fortunately, the eighty-five year old Pope, who, generally
speaking, 3 had hitherto enjoyed wonderful vigour and activity,
began, in an unmistakable manner, to feel, for the first time, the
frailties of old age. At the Curia they complained that all
business, with the exception of that of the Inquisition, was
at a standstill ; even the Datary and Barengo, who otherwise
had free access to the Pope, now often had to wait for twenty
days before they could get an audience. At the beginning of
April, the French ambassador was still waiting for the audience
which he had asked for four weeks before. The patience of
Cardinal del Monte was tried still more severely, for he was no
nearer his object of obtaining an audience with the Pope after
having waited for three months.^ In the middle of April it was
reported that the condition of the Pope, which had hitherto
been fairly satisfactory, ^ was causing anxiety. His strength
was decreasing, and people thought that he was only waiting
for the return of Cardinal Carafa in order to withdraw com-
pletely from political affairs and leave them entirely to his
nephew.® The longed for return of Carafa took place on April
23rd, 1558.'
^ Brown, VI., 3, n. 1162.
2 Besides the brief of March 24, 1558, in Fontana, 447, see
also *the brief to the Doge of April 2, 1558 (Arm. 44, t. 2, p. in.
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 The Pope had suffered in August from want of appetite
and sleeplessness, but had again recovered ; cf. the *reports of
Navagero of August 5, 7, 14, and 16, 1557, in the Cod. 6255
of the Court Library. Vienna.
^ See the *Avviso di Roma of April 2, 1558 (Vatican Library).
^ *Sta bene, Lipporaano announces to Cardinal Carafa from
Rome on April 2, 1558 (Cod. Barb, lat., 5715 of the Vatican
Library) .
" See the *Avviso of April 16, 1558 (Vatican Library).
■^ See Massarelli, 322, the report in Coggiola, Capitolazione,
103, and the *report of Jacobo Bannissio to Cardinal Madruzzo
dated Rome, April 23, 1558 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
CARAFA IN BRUSSELS. 211
Carlo Carafa had been fully six months absent from Rome.
Although he had received the legate's cross as early as October
6th, 1557, he had only set out on his way to Philip II. on the
22nd. 1 This delay was caused by the Cardinal's wish to take
measures so that he might not be in danger of losing ground in
Rome on this occasion, as had been the case with his legation
at the beginning of the year. He could not, however, take
such effective counter-measures as he had intended, but he
succeeded in obtaining what appeared to him to be the princi-
pal thing. Full of mistrust of his elder brother, Giovanni, the
Duke of PaUano, who was very discontented with the previous
course of politics, he succeeded in obtaining that Cardinals
Rebiba and Alfonso Carafa should be associated with the Duke
in the direction of political affairs. 2 To these were also added
Camillo Orsini, Luigi Lippomano, Bishop of Verona, and
several other prelates. This council of state, which was to
relieve the Pope, as much as possible, of the charge of political
business, held its first sitting on October 23rd. ^
In Brussels, where Cardinal Carafa arrived on December
12th, 1557, he was made welcome as far as the peace negotia-
tions were concerned, but with regard to his private aims,
which he considered of far greater importance, he found from
the first that he had very little to expect. This was all the
more the case, because his deadly enemies, Ascanio della
Corgna and Garcilasso de la Vega had been actively employed
in filling the mind of Phihp II. with mistrust of the Cardinal.*
^ See Massarelli, 318; cf. also Coggiola, Capitolazione, 46.
2 See the *reports of Navagero of October 16 and 23, 1557
(Court Library, Vienna). Riess, 288, must be amended in
accordance with this.
3 Cf. Massarelli, 318. Concerning the value of this alteration,
at that time only theoretical, see Susta, in the Mitteil. des Osterr.
Inst., Erg.-Bd., VI., 552 seq.
* Concerning Carafa's Brussels legation, cf. Pieper, 98 ; Cog-
giola, Cornia, 354 seq. and Capitolazione 70 seq. ; Riess, 288
seq. ; Ancel, Disgrace, 21 seq. As Cardinal Carafa was furthering
his own private interests in tlie first place, the peace negotiations
which he was carrying on at the same time in France were bound
212 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At the end of November, 1557, Bona Sforza, dowager Queen
of Poland, died at Bari, after having appointed Philip II. as
her sole heir. Carafa at once formed the plan of obtaining
the Duchy of Bari as a compensation for the Duke of Paliano.
An envoy, Leonardo di Cardine, pointed out to the legate that
he ought to take steps for this purpose in Brussels. ^ Cardine
had, on his way, communicated the plan to the Duke of Alba,
but found in him no advocate, but rather a bitter opponent.
It was owing to Alba's influence that Philip II. gave an evasive
answer when, on New Year's Day, 1558, Carafa made an
official application. It is true that during the time that
followed the Spanish court continued to overwhelm the
nephew with honours, but all this outward pomp in no way
corresponded to the treatment of the qviestion of compensation,
v/hich continued to develop in a more and more unfavourable
sense for Carafa after the arrival of the Duke of Alba in Brussels.
All the attempts on the part of the legate to procure a more
favourable consideration of his wishes remained without
success. This, however, did not prevent the worldly-minded
prelate from distracting his mind, after the trying negotiations,
with banquets, festivities and hunting parties. ^ The final offer
of the Spanish king was officially presented during the last days
of February. In accordance with this, Giovanni Carafa was
to receive, as compensation for Paha no, the Duchy of Rossano,
which would bring in an annual income of from 5000 to 6000
crowns, and besides this a yearly revenue of 10,000 crowns
to fail (see Pieper, 100 seq.). In correction of the statements
of GoTHEiN, Ignatius, 478 and 755, the following must be noted :
Paul IV. appointed Salmeron as adviser to Carafa ; Ribadeneira
attached himself to Salmeron, probably to make use of the oppor-
tunity of travelling (Astrain, II., 371. Epist. Salmeronis,
I., XV., where details are also given concerning the return journey).
Carafa took the Swiss nuncio Raverta with him to Brussels,
where his nunciature also came to an end ; cf. concerning the
latter, Reinhardt-Steffens, xiv-xx.
1 See the Duke of Paliano' s instructions for Cardine in the Ap-
pendix to NoRES, 432.
- Cf. Firmani Diaria, 512.
CARAFA S DISAPPOINTMENT. 213
from the silk duty in the kingdom of Naples ; Carlo Carafa
was to receive a yearly pension of 12,000 crowns. The Car-
dinal, who had dreamed of much greater things, refused this
offer. Even though Philip II. consented to refer further
negotiations concerning the possession of Paliano to Rome, the
legate was forced to admit to himself that his mission had been
a complete failure. As a skilful diplomatist, he avoided an
open rupture, but began his return journey in the middle of
March, a profoundly disappointed man.^
It was believed for a long time that this fniitless mission to
Brussels had destroyed Carafa's standing in the eyes of his
imcle ; the truth is that exactly the opposite was the case.^
Sick of political aftairs, and more than ever anxious to devote
all his powers to ecclesiastical reform, the aged Pope had
awaited with longing the return of his nephew. The latter^
had hardly arrived, when his brother, the Duke of Paliano,
had to retire into the background, which fact was outwardly
expressed by his removal from the Vatican to SS. Apostoli.'*
' See CoGGiOLA, Capitolazione, 102. L. Firmanus remarks
concerning the return journey: *I2 Martii 1558 legatus cum
tribus suis familiaribus incognitus nemine sciente discessit per
portas cum maxima diligentia quia transire opportebat per loca
suspecta Lutheranorum (Diaria, XII., 29. Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
2 The view that the fall of the nephews took place on poUtical
grounds, and that it was especially in consequence of the failure
of Carafa's legation to Brussels, has been so confidently put
forward by Ranke (Pilpste, I.,^ 195) that it has been followed
by all later writers. In contradiction to this Coggiola (Capitol-
azione, 104 seq.) proves, and still more does Ancel, (Disgrace,
23 seq.) who is supported by incontestable reports, that this is
quite erroneous, and that Cardinal Carafa was never more power-
ful than during the time between April and December, 1558.
^ This is especially evident from the *letters of Cardinal Vitelli
to Cardinal C. Carafa, dated Rome, November 8. December i
and 17, 1557 (cf. Appendix Nos. 42 to 45. Vatican Library),
and from the report of Buoncambi to O. Farnese, dated Rome,
March 26, 1558 (State Archives, Parma).
•* See the reports in Ancel, Disgrace, 27, n. 2 ; cf. Coggiola,
Capitolazione, 108.
214 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
All that concerned political, administrative, financial and
judicial affairs was now entrusted to Carafa by his uncle. He
surrounded the Pope with men who were devoted to his own
interests, so that the old man only learned what his nephew
wished him to know.^ Paul IV. limited his own activities
entirely to ecclesiastical matters. He appeared regularly
only at the consistories and the sittings of the Inquisition, and
devoted the remainder of his time to reform and his spiritual
exercises. His inseparable companion was the young Cardinal
Alfonso Carafa. Every morning the Pope went from his apart-
ments in the Vatican, through the long corridor of Bramante,
to the Belvedere, where he spent two-thirds of the day. Pri-
vate audiences were now much more difficult to obtain than
before, and the carrying out of current business was much
more tedious. People only knew of the Pope, who had become
almost invisible, that he was always occupied with the affairs
of the Inquisition and with matters of reform. ^
No one rejoiced more than Cardinal Carafa at this isolation
of the Pope, and the complete restriction of his activities to
ecclesiastical affairs, as he was able, in all other matters, to do
as he thought fit. The less chance of success there was for his
grand plans for the establishment of the Carafa family on a
princely standing, the more eagerly did he endeavour to enrich
himself and those belonging to him, and to enjoy life as a great
noble. He much preferred to stay at his vigna in Trastevere,
which he lavishly adorned with antique statuary, than in the
magnificent rooms of the Borgia apartments. At the vigna he
gave his friends, among whom were several worldly-minded
Cardinals, such as Vitelli, Sermoneta and Ranuccio Farnese,
splendid banquets, after which they gambled for high stakes.
One can recognize the old soldier, above all, in Carafa's passion
for the chase. Pleasures of this kind, however, were blameless
in comparison with others. There can be no doubt that Carlo
Carafa led a continuously immoral life.^
1 Cf. Gratianxts, 63.
2 See Angel, Disgrace, 23 seq.; cf. also Secret, 12 seq. and
CoGGiOLA, Capitolazione, 109.
^ Cf. contempory witnesses in Ancel, Disgrace, 25 seq. ; see
also Graf, Cinquecento, 265, 281 ; Studi stor., VIII., 254.
A GENERAL REFORM BULL. 215
What a contrast between the dissolute behaviour of a corrupt
Renaissance prelate, and the simple lonely monk's life led by
the Pope ! The activities of the two moved in entirely different
worlds ; the Pope li\'ed and had his being in the reform of the
Church, while his nephew returned once more to the worst days
of the Renaissance.^ Carlo, however, displayed great skill
in concealing his scandalous proceedings and his riotous living
in Rome^ from the Pope, and in immediately dispelling any
suspicion against him.
In the summer of 1558 Paul IV. was occupied with the issue
of a general reform bull, which was to include all the separate
regulations. The appearance of such a document had been
expected as early as June, 1556, but it transpired that it was
being once more redrafted.^ On August 8th, 1558, the Pope
again referred to it in a consistory.* A few days later he com-
plained in another consistory that the question of a Council
Carafa's passion for the chase was so great that he kept over
1,300 dogs, of which 400 belonged to the Cardinal, " il che da
da dire non poco in questa carestia che hora regna," says an
♦Avviso of December 3, 1558 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 355*^ . Vatican
Library) .
^ Even in reports which deal rather with external matters,
this often appears in glaring contrast. Thus an *Awiso di Roma
of October 8, 1558, first speaks of the reforming activity of the
Pope, and then continues : "Li signori Caraffa attendono alle
caccie et piaceri " (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 342^ . Vatican Library).
2 The taxes, complains the Portuguese ambassador on December
10, 1558, are increasing^ there is a want of provisions, justice
is almost at a standstill, and the Pope takes no steps ; see
Santarem, XIII., 13 ; cf. ibid. 8, 10, 22 concerning the isolation
of Paul IV., with whom it was exceedingly difficult to get an
audience. Concerning the " carestia " at the beginning of
1558 see Clementi, 214.
^ See the letter of G. A. Calegari in Ancel, Concile, 23, n. i.
* See *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives) : " S.D.N, primo
loco multa commemoravit quae sunt necessaria ut fiat reformatio
universalis ccclesiac, postca vocatus d. Barengus ad formandam
bullam super translatione festivitatis s. Dominici." Cf. concerning
this infra p. 242.
2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
could not be settled before on account of the war, but that he
would now take this matter up earnestly.^ Two measures of
reform, which caused quite a sensation, were adopted in the
late autumn. On October 21st, the Pope ordered that no one,
not even any of the Cardinals, should open any of the letters
addressed to him by the princes regarding questions of patron-
age. ^ On November 28th he decided that in future no money
should be taken for the pallium under pain of excommunica-
tion. ^ At the same consistory he united the auditorship of
the Exchequer with the office of Regent of the Exchequer,
recently established by him, and entrusted the virtuous Car-
dinal Alfonso Carafa with both these posts.* Further regula-
tions of reform were expected and spoken of.^
The reform of the monasteries gave Paul IV. a great deal of
trouble during the whole of his reign. ^ The dissolution and
1 *Avviso di Roma of August 13, 1558 ; " Lunedi si fece
consistorio, ma non si fece parola di dar la croce al r^^^ di Pisa.
S.S.*^ parl6 di reforma, dicendo che non havendo per le guerre
potuto congregar un concilio, non voleva piu tardar a farlo (Cod.
Urb. 1038, p. 330. Vatican Library).
2 See *Acta consist, cancell. (Consistorial Archives) and Mas-
SARELLI, 326,
^ See *Acta consist, cancell. in Gulik-Eubel, III., 37.
* See the *Avviso of December 3, 1558, in Gulik-Eubel,
III., 37 (Vatican Library), and Massarelli, 327, where details
are also given concerning the abolition of this post by Pius IV.
^ Beside the letter of Pasino di Giusti in Angel, Concile,
23, n. I, cf. especially the *Avvisi di Roma of November 19
(the Pope announces three bulls in this congregation, at which
he remains for three hours : against the " sfratati," concerning
the Inquisition, and against the sons of priests) and November
26, 1558 (the bulls are ready to be printed). Cod. Urb. 1038,
P- 351? 352. Vatican Library).
® Concerning the reform of the Dominicans in Naples, see in
Appendix No. 49 the *brief of July 25, 1558 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican). To this also belongs the *brief to Angelo de Medio-
lano et Augustino de Papia ord. praed. concerning the reform of
the " monachi hererait. S. Hieros. ordin." of April 4,1559 (Arm.
44, t. 2, p. 135) and that of December 2, 1558, in Fontana, 448,
VAGRANT MONKS. 217
corruption to which many of these had become a prey, is best
shown by the scandalous conduct of the " \'agrant monks."
who by means of dispensations partly obtained from the Peni-
tentiary and Dataria, and partly obtained surreptitiously
from their superiors, and often indeed without permission at
all, and under all sorts of pretexts, lived out of their monas-
teries, many of them even going about in secular dress. Most
of these people caused the greatest scandal by their loose
manner of hfe and their false doctrines. Paul IV. had already
met with this abuse in Venice in the time of Clement VII., and
had demanded that energetic steps should be taken against it;^
in the same way he had endeavoured to put an end to it under
Paul III. and JuHus III. The severe regulations of the latter,
and the special decrees issued by Paul IV. himself as Pope, had
not, however, proved effectual.'^ It transpired in June, 1558,
that decisive measures of the most severe kind were impending
against these " vagrant monks " or " apostates." On July
20th a bull relating to this abuse was considered, which was
published on August 3rd.^
In this document, which, together with the decree issued on
December i6th, 1555, against the bestowal of monasteries in
commendam, forms an important landmark in the history of
reform of religious orders, the Pope ordains as follows ; —
I. Whoever is bound by the vows of an order, and then under
any pretext, lives outside the monastery of his order, loses all
the benefices and revenues of the order, as well as all academic
degrees in any faculty, and all ecclesiastical offices. He shall
^ Cf. Vol. X. of this work, p, 420 seq.
2 Concerning Julius III. see Vol. XIII., p. 162 ; concerning Paul
IV. 's special regulations see the *lettcr of Navagero of May 22,
1557 '■ " Mando a V.S. la boUa in stampa contra li sfratati del
ordine dei frati minori ; il medesimo si aspetta anco dell' altre
religion! " (Court Library, Vienna) , Diario di N. Turinozzi, 8.
^ The *Avviso di Roma of June 25, 1558, says : " E commessa
una bolla gagliardissima contra gli sfrattati." On July 20,
1558, the bull (printed in Bull. VI., 538 seq.) was drafted {cf.
*Avviso of July 23, 1558. Vatican Library) and published on
A-ugust 3 ; see Gianfigliazzi in Anxel, Concile, 26, n. 3.
2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
be incapable in future of possessing any benefice, degree, etc.
He shall, moreover, be suspended from the performance of any
ecclesiastical duties, and especially those of a priest. The
benefices which he possesses shall be regarded as vacant, and
must be occupied by somebody else ; all reservations of bene-
fices must come to an end. By this decree, the " apostates "
could acquire no ecclesiastical benefice during their lifetime,
fill no ecclesiastical office, and receive no ecclesiastical revenues
or pensions ; they could have no cure of souls or perform any
ecclesiastical duties, dispense no sacraments and say no mass ;
their pensions, benefices in commendam, and reservations
became null and void, and they could draw no fruits from them.
Whosoever, in face of this prohibition, should exercise the duties
of a cure of souls, or any spiritual duties, dispense the sacra-
ments or say mass, would incur the punishment prescribed.
2. No one may shelter an " apostate " or maintain him, or
afford him assistance in keeping out of his monastery ; other-
wise, after previous admonition has proved ineffectual, he
becomes liable to excommunication.
3. No patron of a living may present an " apostate " to such,
otherwise, in this particular case, he forfeits the right of
presentation.
4. The competent superiors of orders, or the bishops, may, by
force, and with the assistance of the secular arm, compel the
" apostate " to return to his monastery, or afford him main-
tenance in a suitable place near his monastery, or in another
monastery of the same order, so that he may do penance.
Should the " apostate " refuse to obey, he thereby incurs the
sentence of the major excommunication.
5. The " apostate " must always wear a black cap with a
finger-wide white linen band.
6. Whosoever has renounced his vows and afterwards main-
tains that he was not properly a member of his Order, and
believes that he can live outside his monastery, or makes an
attempt to do so, must lay the permission he has obtained
from the Pope or the Penitentiary before the Cardinal-Pro-
tector at the Curia and the Procurator-General of his order, and
proceed with his case before them.
VAGRANT MONKS. 219
7. The permission to enter another Order is invaUd, even when
obtained from the Pope or the Penitentiary, unless it is a case
of entering another Order of equal or greater severity.
8. Wiosocver has entered another Order and refuses to return,
loses the administration of ecclesiastical benefices, offices and
prelacies. Whatever sums may have been obtained by monks
living outside their monasteries belong to their monasteries.
9. As experience has shown that the right, bestowed on almost
all the Orders, of receiving members of other Orders, has given
the " apostates " an opportunity of wandering about outside
their monasteries, especially as many superiors of Orders receive
such " apostates," give them the habit, and then permission
to live outside their monasteries, the right of doing so is with-
drawn from the Orders ; only the Carthusians and the Camal-
dolese Hermits, if they really live as hermits, may retain it.^
In accordance with his principle of at once and ruthlessly
carrying into effect the reforms decided upon, Paul IV. now
acted promptly. In the evening of August 22nd, all the gates
of Rome were closed, and during the night the police made a
comprehensive raid on all the vagrant monks. About a hun-
dred of them were arrested. ^ Although the Pope was very
unwell just at the timc,^ he insisted on the severe punishment
of those who persisted in disobedience ; some of them were
imprisoned, and some sent to the galleys, while many fled.
The position of the person concerned was no protection ; even
such a learned man as Basilic Zanchi, custos of the Vatican
Library, was thrown into prison.* On September 3rd the
1 Bull., VI., 538 seqq.
2 Cf. besides the reports quoted by Ancel (Concile, 26, n. 4),
the *Avviso di Roma of August 27, 1558 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p.
335^ • Vatican Library).
^ See the *Avviso of September 3, 1558, loc. cit., 333^ .
* Cf. Caracciolus, 84 ; Bromato, II., 491 seq. ; Pogiani,
Epist., I., 25 n. ; IV., 361. B. Zanchi died in prison (see the
♦Avviso of October 8, 1558, loc. cit. 342^^ .) Cardinal A. Carafa
reports concerning the proceedings against the " apostates." *Fece
darsene notamento da tutte le religioni per sapere quali non obedi-
vano, et se di questi tali alcuno se le fosse presentato avanti
220 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
number in Rome of those who shared his fate amounted to
more than 200. After the capital had been cleansed, the same -
stern measures were extended to the whole of the States of the
Church. 1
Draconian punishments of a similar kind were also to be
inflicted on unworthy secular priests. It was expected that
the bull relating to this would be so severe that many would
prefer to escape the penalties by voluntarily leaving Rome.^
The Pope, who had previously taken the reform of the breviary
in hand, ^ wished to bring this matter also to a conclusion by
the end of the year.'*
Owing to the great age of the Pope, and his unsatisfactory
state of health at this time,^ the question of the next election
had, of late, been very eagerly discussed. Cardinal d'Este in
particular was intriguing for his own election in a most scandal-
ous manner. Carafa, in his zeal for reform, had stood out
against him at the last conclave, comparing him to Simon
Magus. As Este, as well as other Cardinals, were at this time
taking all possible measures to secure votes at the next con-
clave, as they had done before, Paul IV. issued a bull on
December i6th, 1558, obviously with reference to these
intrigues, in which he forbade any kind of negotiations con-
cerning the future election during the lifetime of the reigning
Pope and without his knowledge, whether by the Cardinals or
che fosse state sue care amico mentre era in religione, lo ributtava
ne volea piii vederlo dicendo che non lo conesceva (Apologia
Cod. X.F., 55 of the National Library, Naples).
1 *Avviso of September 3 and October 8, 1558, loc. cit., 333'^
342^; cf. Bertolotti, Martiri, 21 seqq.
2 " S'aspetta boUa di riformatione contra li preti, la quale
si dubita die sar&, tanto strana et rigorosa che molti cercheranno
di partirsi da Roma." *Avviso of October 29, 1558, loc. cit., 348.
2 On August 8, 1558, Paul IV. forbade the breviary of Quinones
(see Massarelli, 325, and Tiib. Quartalschrift, 1884, 481 seq.).
Baumer, Gesch. des Breviers (Freiburg, 1895, p. 415) gives the
wrong date, August 10, 1555.
* See the *Avviso of November 26, 1558, loc. cit., 352.
5 Cf. infra p. 222.
REBUFF TO THE POPE S NEPHEWS. 221
l)y anybody else, whatev^er their rank might be, under pain of
the severest ecclesiastical and secular punishments.^
In his Christmas allocution to the Cardinals the Pope said
that they need not wonder that no new api)ointments had been
made at the Ember Days, for the Sacred College was well filled,
while, in addition, he had found no candidates who possessed
the necessary qualifications for such a dignity. ^
This was, at the same time, a direct rebuff to the Pope's
nephews who, just at that time, were importuning their uncle
with recommendations of their favourite candidates. As had
been the case before, Paul IV. would allow his family no
influence in purely ecclesiastical affairs. All the more incon-
siderately, therefore, did Cardinal Carafa and his brother use
the power bestowed on them in secular matters ; in this sphere
they ruled with a despotism that was all the greater as it was
absolutely without control of any kind. Their unscrupulous
baseness and insolent extortions were beyond all bounds.
Owing to the Pope's isolation, his own self-assurance and his
violent temperament, this state of things lasted for a very long
time before any of the shameful doings of his nephews reached
his ears. The first who had the courage to tell him anything
unfavourable of Cardinal Carafa was a Theatine, whose name
is unfortunately not known. The Pope was exceedingly
astonished, thanked him for his information, and caused the
accused Cardinal to be at once summoned to his presence.
Carafa showed the greatest coolness before his uncle, who
was breathing vengeance, and denied everything. He dis-
j)layed such skill in representing himself as the victim of
^ See Bull., XI., 545 seq. ; cf. Hinsciiius, V., 729 seq. ;
SagmCller, Papstwahlen, 14 seqq. and Papstwalilbullen,
40 seq. ; see also Lorenz, Papstwahl und Kaisertum, Berlin,
1874, 133 seqq. The bull was published on February 3, 1559
(see TuRiNozzi, 12), but the sale of it was forbidden ; see Awiso
of February 4, 1559 (Cod. Urb. 1039, p. 8. Vatican Library).
^ See in Appendix No. 51 the * Awiso of December 24, 1558
(Vatican Library). Cardinal B. de la Cueva informed Cardinal
Madruzzo of the continued reform work of Paul IV., in a *Letter
dated Rome, January 8, 1559 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
222 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
calumny that the aged Pope believed him once more. After
this occurrence, concerning which the Florentine ambassador
wrote home on August 13th, 1558, people feared, even more
than before, to bring any accusations against the Pope's
nephews.^
In September, 1558, Paul IV.was attacked by a severe illness,
and his life was despaired of, but his powerful constitution
overcame the crisis with a rapidity which astonished every-
body. ^ Cardinal Carafa could now enjoy his favoured position
undisturbed for a few months longer, and continue to abuse
it. But quite suddenly, in January, 1559, catastrophe over-
whelmed, not only the Cardinal, but also his brothers.
A comparatively trifling incident set the ball rolHng. On
New Year's Day, 1559, a scandalous dispute, which almost
ended in bloodshed, arose during a banquet between the
brother of Cardinal Carpi and the Duke of Paliano's nephew,
Marcello Capece. Cardinal Carafa endeavoured to conceal the
affair from the Pope, but it nevertheless reached his ears, and
on January 6th he had Capece incarcerated in the Castle of St.
Angelo.^
Another occurrence took place at the same time which led
to the Pope's eyes being fully opened. The Florentine
ambassador, Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, had endeavoured in vain
for a long time to speak to the Pope on important business ;
on making a fresh attempt to obtain an audience, he was on
January 6th, 1559, repulsed in an offensive manner by Cardinal
Carafa. On the following day Gianfigliazzi managed to get in
1 Concerning the first denunciation, and the tragedy of Plautilia
del Lante, see Ancel, Disgrace, 30 seq.
2 Cf. Massarelli, 326, and the *Avvisi di Roma of August 27,
September 3, 10, 17, and 24, and October i, 1558, in the Cod.
Urb. 1038 (Vatican Library ; cf. Appendix No. 50) ; see also
the reports in Coggiola, Capitolazione, 127, and the *letter of
Ansaldo Giustiniani to Genoa, dated Rome, Septembe rg, 1558
(State Archives, Genoa).
^ Cf. the *reports of Gianfigliazzi of January 6 and 13, 1559
(State Archives, Florence) also used by Ancel, Disgrace, 32
seq.. which differ from those in Nores ; cf. also Clementi, 216.
CARAFA UNMASKED. 223
to the Pope, told him of the insults he had received, and by
skilful hints raised doubts in the mind of the old man, who had
hitherto had blind confidence in his nephews. ^
Paul IV. had been made suspicious by Carafa's attitude with
regard to the scandal caused by Capece, and he began to make
inquiries as to the life of his all-powerful nephew. First of all
he summoned the Theatine, Father Gcremia Isachino, who was
honoured as a saint, and ordered him, under pain of excom-
munication, to tell him everything he knew concerning his
nephew. Father Geremia knew only too much, especially
through Cardinal Vitelli, who, until the autumn of 1558, had
been closely associated with Cardinal Carafa, but had after-
wards broken with him. The Pope now had to listen to things
which filled him with all the more horror and disgust as he had
not had the faintest idea of them. He then summoned
Cardinal Ghisheri, less to hear further details as to the dis-
graceful proceedings of his nephews, than to reproach him for
never having revealed the true state of affairs to him.^
^ See the *report of Gianfigliazzi of January 7, 1559 (State
Archives, Florence) used by Ancel, Disgrace, 34 seq., which is
confirmed by an Avviso of January 21, 1559 {ibid. 35. n, 2).
2 The statements of Campana, Thuanus and Adriani concerning
the part played by Father Geremia in the fall of Carafa, which
Silos and others have accepted, are quite incorrect. Ancel,
who was the first to throw light on these matters, has corrected
them from reports of the Florentine ambassador (Disgrace
29). The story in Nores, which is adhered to by many, as by
Ranke (Papste, P., 19G) and Duruy (p. 298) of a remark made by
Cardinal Paclieco on January 5, 1559, at a sitting of the Inquisi-
tion : " Holy Father, we must begin the reform with ourselves
..." is rejected by Riess (p. 365, n. 25) as a " later psychological
explanation of the astonishing occurrence." The Diario di
diverse cose notabili (Inf. polit., VIII., 401 seq. of the Royal
Library, Berlin, and Addit. Ms., 20,045 of the British Museum)
which is quoted by Riess (p. 363, n. 22) has already been highly
praised by Ranke. Riess also over-estimates it, and sees in
it " the best authority." The Diario, composed by the Roman,
Vincenzo Bello, is often to be found in manuscript, as in Florence
(Bibl. naz.. Cod. CXXI.) in Paris (Bibl. nat. Ms. Ital., 10,059,
224 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The revelations of Father Geremia put the aged Pope into a
state of feverish excitement ; he struggled with himself for a
short time, and then made up his mind. When Cardinal
Carafa, who was quite unsuspicious of anything unusual, made
his appearance on the morning of January 9th, 1559, for his
usual audience, he had to wait for several hours, only to learn
then that His Hohness would not receive him. The same
answer was given him on January i2th, when he made another
attempt to see the Pope, and at the same time orders were sent
to the treasurer not to honour any payments bearing the
signature of Cardinal Carafa.^
The news that the nephew who had, until now, been all-
powerful, had fallen into disgrace, caused the greatest sensation
in Rome. Everyone believed, however, that the Cardinal,
skilled as he was in the arts of deception and persuasion, would
soon succeed in again winning his uncle's favour. This, how-
ever, was not the case. On January 17th Cardinal Carafa was
ordered to leave the Borgia apartments, and on the 23rd he
was forbidden to appear in future at the consistory.^
From day to day the dreadful discoveries which the Pope
was to make concerning the conduct of his nephews increased.
It was said that a list had been given to him which contained
1300 unjust sentences which his relatives had pronounced.
Paul IV. was completely overwhelmed, and to bitter complaints
there succeeded hours of silent melancholy. The sorely tried
old man sought and found consolation in prayer ; he was to
be seen visiting the seven principal altars in St. Peter's with
streaming eyes.^
n. I, 10,075, n. 5 and 10,077 [Colbert] ; cf. Marsand, II., 167),
in Rome in the Corsini Library (Cod. 128) and the Library of S.
Croce in Gerusalemme. From this last manuscript it was in
part published by Lammer, (Melet., 207 seq.) which has escaped
Riess.
^ See the Florentine and Este reports in Angel, Disgrace,
33 seq.
^ See the ambassadorial reports, ibid.
^ See the *Avviso di Rome of January 14, 1559, in the Cod.
Urb. 1039, p. I, Vatican Library.
DISGRACE OF THE NEPHEWS. 225
All the Cardinals, with the exception of Cardinal Carafa,
were summoned to a consistory at the Vatican in the evening
of January 27th, 1559.^ On the appearance of the Poj)e at the
assembly, it could be seen from his face that something unusual
had taken place. In a long address he set forth with passionate
emotion the " crimes of his nephews," in doing which he made
not the slightest reference to their political activities, but only
stigmatized their moral conduct. He called God to witness
that he had not had the faintest idea of the wicked lives of his
relatives, that he had had a " veil before his eyes " since the
beginning of his reign, and had always been deceived ; he
would now, however, cleanse his house. He ordered all three
nephews to leave Rome within twelve days, and deprived them
of all their offices. Carlo Carafa retained only his dignity of
Cardinal ; he lost, not only the legation of Bologna, but also
his supreme position as director of all the political affairs of the
^ Concerning the consistory of January 27, 1559, cf.
Massarelli, 329 ; Firmani Diaria in Merkle, II., 513 seq. ;
Masius, Bnefe, 315 ; *Avviso di Roma of January 28, 1559,
in the Cod. Urb. 1039, p. 4 (Vatican Library) ; Diario di N.
Turinozzi, 10 seq. ; the Relazione in the Arch. d. See. Rom.,
XXXII., 222 seqq. ; the Relazione of G. Salvage in the Atti
Lig., XIII., 754 seq. and the reports of the ambassadors of
Florence and Ferrara of January 27 and 28, 1559, in drawing
upon which Ancel (Disgrace, 40) points out that ; " Dans
aucun de ces documents authentiques on ne trouve una allusion
permettant d'aifirmer que Paul IV. ait voulu punir ses neveux
en taut qu'hommes politiqucs, c'est-k-dire les punir d'erreurs
dans lesquelles il avait sa large part dc reponsabilit^." In the
♦Acta consist, cancell., VII., 144, the following entry is to be
found concerning the consistory of January 27, 1559 : "In dicto
consistorio fuerunt enunciate certe revocationes et decreta
privationuni que papa tribus secretariis vid. D. Bcrgomen.,
Barcngo et Lavellino iussit et commisit annotari et ad se deinde
adferri. Itaque dc liis nihil scribere potui neque iudicio meo
debui ad (pios tamen et eorum acta habeatur relatio." In the
♦Acta consist, earner., IX., it only says : " S.D.N. Paulus papa
IV. acri sermone usus est contra suos nepotes " (Consistorial
Archives).
VOL. XIV. 15
226 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Holy See and of the States of the Church. The Duke of
Paliano was, with the exception of his duchy, deprived of the
position of Captain-General of the Church, and of the command
of the troops and the galleys, as well as all his other offices,
which brought him in an annual revenue of 72,000 scudi. The
Marquis of Montebello lost the governorship of the Leonine
City, and the command of the Papal body-guard.
When the Pope, whose voice was almost inaudible from pain
and indignation, had finished, six cardinals approached the
throne, two from each order, led by the Cardinal Dean, du
Bellay, who petitioned for a mitigation of this severe sentence.
Paul IV. refused the petition most decisively, and forbade, for
all time, any such attempts. He then had Camillo Orsini,
Ferrante di Sanguine and the Marquis of Montesarchio brought
before him, and entrusted them forthwith with all mihtary
affairs. Then the Governor of the city, the Datary and the
first secretary were called in, and forbidden, in the strictest
terms, to obey the Pope's nephews in anything. Decrees
corresponding to all these matters were at once to be drawn up.
At the end of the sitting, which had lasted for two and a half
hours, the Pope said to Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese that his
father would not have been so foully murdered had Paul HI.
given a similar example of severity against his nephews. He
ordered Cardinal Vitelli, who had had intimate relations with
Carafa, to leave the Vatican, and caused a box to be placed
there, into which everyone could put his complaints in secret.^
Even before the expiration of the twelve days Carlo Carafa
had to go into banishment to Civita Lavinia, and his brothers
to Gallese and Montebello. The whole of their following, their
wives and children, and even their aged and quite guiltless
mother, were also sent out of Rome. No defence was allowed
to them, accused as they were of such grave crimes ; they
never saw their uncle again. Diomede Carafa also was
deprived of his office of castellan of the Castle of St. Angelo.^
^ See the *Avviso of January 28, 1559, loc. cit. and the *Ietter
of G. Aldrovandi, dated January 28,1559 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 See Pagliucchi, 133.
THE NEPHEWS IN EXILE. 227
Only one exception was made ; Cardinal Alfonso Carafa,
against whom nothing blameworthy could be proved, was
allowed to remain in the Vatican, but he had to be most careful
to make no attempt to intercede for his guilty relatives,
against whom the Pope constantly expressed himself in the
most severe terms, without, however, naming them.
The fall of the nephews had taken place so suddenly, and
the lot of the men who in one night had sunk to the position
of helpless and penniless exiles was so pitiable, that, especially
as ever}' sort of moral support was wanting to them, they
could not resign themselves to their fate. All three hoped that
the anger of their deeply offended uncle would, in time, pass
over, and that they would then obtain forgiveness. ^ They
had always been at variance with one another, and now, in
their day of misfortune, they were more so than ever. The
weak-minded Duke of PaUano lost his head completely and
spent his time in vain longing at his castle of Gallese, divided
between grief, fear and empty hopes. Carlo Carafa, who had
been hit the hardest, kept his presence of mind even now, and
before everything else, saw to the safety of his correspondence. ^
He had to live in a miserable Uttle house at Civita Lavinia,
a small place, in which all comfort v/as wanting. There, in
view of the melancholy Campagna, he had plenty of time to
enter into himself, but he did not think, even now, of doing so.
All his thoughts and plans were directed to regaining, by any
means, even the worst, his forfeited position. He still intended
to do his utmost in the attempt to again deceive his old uncle,
and move his heart to forgiveness ; but everything, the inter-
^ The view that the nephews had again been taken into favour
still prevailed in Rome at the end of February, 1559 (see a *letter
to Cardinal Madruzzo in connection with this, dated Venice,
March 4, 1559. Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck). Cardinal
Medici regretted in a *letter to Carafa, dated Milan, February 22,
1559, that he had not been present in Rome at the time, to pre-
vent a rupture : " hora io voglio ben sperare che le cose s'accomo-
dirio " ; he offers his help in doing so. Original in the Cod.
Barb. lat. 5^)98, p. 20. Vatican Library.
- Cf. the reports in An'CF.l, Secret., 40 and Nonciat., I., viii.
228 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cession of the great powers, and especially Philip II., a simu-
lated conversion, as well as a sham illness, were to prove
vain.i
Paul IV., whose health was much affected"^ by grief and ex-
citement, appeared to have completely effaced the remem-
brance of his nephews from his mind.^ He remained inex-
orable, and indeed was bound to do so, since he had brought
about the fall of his nephews, not on political, but on moral
groimds. The more thoroughly he investigated the matter,
the more convinced he became of the moral depravity of the
brothers, of their disgraceful insolence, and of the way in which
they had abused his confidence and compromised his govern-
ment, and, above all, his reform work. Instead of his anger
growing less with time, it, on the contrary, increased. The
strict party, which was now coming much more into evidence,
after having had so long to witness, with suppressed bitterness,
the proceedings of the nephews, confirmed him in his resolution
of leaving the guilty parties in banishment, of clearing out all
their supporters, and of completely reorganizing the whole
system of state affairs. Now only did he feel himself free from
all worldly considerations. It was in this sense that Paul IV.
remarked that the current year, 1559, was the first of his ponti-
ficate.* He wished to grant an audience every week to the
envoys from the States of the Church, in order that he might
hear all complaints himself. No one was allowed to write to
his nephews, and they were not to know what he was doing.
He provided himself with a special book in which he entered
all their misdeeds. He took away the keys of the Borgia apart-
ments, in order to keep them himself, and it was said that he
^ The above is according to the very excellent account of Ancel,
Disgrace, 42 seq., 55 seq. ; see also Riess, 368 seq. It is also
certain that Carafa continued to lead an immoral life after his
fall; see Studi stor., VIII., 255.
2 See the *Avvisi di Roma of February 4 and 11, 1559 (Cod.
Urb. 1039, p. 7 and 8. Vatican Library).
3 Cf. Salvago in the Atti Lig., XIII., 757.
* See Caracciolus, Collactanea, 65 ; cf. for this the remark
reported by Pacheco in Ancel, Disgrace, 182.
THE NEW COUNCIL OF STATE. 229
intended to bless these rooms anew with holy water, as evil
spirits had dwelt there. ^
A complete reorganization of the council of state, appointed
in the autumn of 1557, had already been effected by January
31st, 1559 ; at the head of this new body were Cardinals Scotti
and Rosario, as well as the aged and disinterested Camillo
Orsini, and to these were added distinguished prelates, such as
Luigi Lippomano and Ugo Boncampagni. The Pope
appointed bishop Angelo Massarelli as secretary. Orsini, who
was as energetic as he was distinguished, immediately pro-
ceeded to clear away the Neapolitan toadies and parasites,
with whom Carafa had filled all the offices ; most of these
richly deserved to be subjected to a criminal investiga-
tion. ^
On February 17th Paul IV. received the Roman Senators
and the representatives of the States of the Church in the Hall
of Constantine. In this assembly of about a hundred persons,
he once more frankly acknowledged his previous errors.
Incapable as he was at his advanced age of bearing the burden
of government alone, and having always been completely
ignorant of financial matters, he had allowed his nephews to
manage affairs freely and they had shamefully abused his trust.
Now, however, that he had been enlightened as to their cor-
ruption, he proposed to inaugurate a complete change ; those
assembled, therefore, should lay all their complaints before
him without fear. This was done in the fullest measure.
When the Pope learned the amount of the new taxes, he cried
out indignantly : " Dear sons ! I knew absolutely nothing
of all this. Do not, however, be astonished at this, for those
infamous nephews kept me shut up in my apartments, and only
allowed me to know what suited them." To show his good
will, he declared a part of the new taxes abolished. The
Romans, who had already, in October, 1555, erected a statue
^ *Avviso di Roma of February 8. 1557, he. cit.
2 Cf. Susta's excellent treatise " Der Versuch einer X'erfassung
sreform im Kirclicnstaat unter Paul IV." in the Mitteil. des
Osterr. Inst., Erg.-Bd. VI., 557 seq.
230 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in honour of the Pope on the Capitol, now caused this to be
adorned with a suitable inscription. ^
In the course of February, the council of state undertook
a thorough reorganization of the officials in Rome, and in the
following month the provinces also had their turn. All the
creatures of the nephews here also were replaced by new and
trustworthy persons. The vice-legates were the next to be
changed, a process which in many places was effected in a quite
unusual manner. For example, the new governor, Giam-
battista Castagna, Archbishop of Rossano, arrived in Perugia
at a late hour of the night, and without waiting for the dawn,
he instantly summoned the council, presented his letters of
credence, took the oath, and arrested the former governor.
The lower posts in the government were also everywhere filled
with new officials, most of whom enjoyed Orsini's confidence. ^
This admirable man did not propose to change the staff alone,
but also the system of administration ; he planned a complete
change in the constitution of the States of the Church, and a
thorough reform of the finances. The deficit, which, hitherto,
had been steadily increasing, was to be removed, partly by
a discreet increase of the revenues.^ Orsini, the soul of this
political reform, also had the duty of watching the banished
nephews. When he fell ill on March 31st, and died on April
4th, it was generally declared that his death had been caused
^ See Massarelli, 330 and the *report of Gianfigliazzi of
February 18, 1559, used by Angel, Disgrace, 44. Concerning
the statue on the Capitol, a work of Vincenzo de' Rossi, see the
Decrees, dated 1555, XVI. Cal. Oct. and 1558, V. Cal. Nov,
in the Cod. G-III.-58, p. 231 seq. of the Chigi Library ; cf. also
RoDOCANACHi, Capitole, in, and Lanciani, III., 206.
2 See Susta loc. cit. 557 seq., who has also made use of the in-
teresting *Diarium of an unknown member of the curia in the
Cod. Urb. 852 of the Vatican Library. See also the Diario
di N. Turinozzi, 13 seq. ; Bonazzi, Storia di Perugia, II., 224.
^ For this cf. the excellent details given by Susta, loc. cit.
The *Diminutione delle spese del state ecc'^'* fatte nel mese di
Marzo 1559 dal s. consiglio coram papa, in Arm. 10, t. 45, p.
100 seq. (Secret Arch, of the Vat.)
DECISIVE BLOW TO NEPOTISM. 23I
by poison, which Carlo Carafa had caused to be administered
to him. New suspicions were awakened on May 22nd, by the
sudden death of the strict Cardinal Rosario.^ Cardinals
Reumano and Consigheri, who were appointed on May 27th
as members of the council of state, in place of the deceased,
did not possess the necessary energy or expert knowledge.
The choice of Gian Antonio di Gravina,^ on April 3rd, as the
successor of Camillo Orsini as Captain-General of the Church,
was still more unfortunate. It is no wonder that the esteem
with which the council of state was regarded, grew visibly
less. This suited Cardinal Alfonso Carafa only too well ;
apart from a temporary break with the Pope, he still
enjoyed his uncle's confidence and an ever increasing
influence.^
Paul IV., therefore, did not gain a complete victory over
nepotism ; it is, however, owing to him, that nepotism on a
large scale, which had done so much harm since the time of
Callixtus III., and even more since Sixtus IV., received a
decisive blow. In this way, one of the worst growths of the
Renaissance days was uprooted, and the way laid open for the
^ Sc3 Ancel, Disgrace, 57 seq. In addition to the sources
given there, see also the Diario di N. Turinozzi, 15 seq., and the
♦Avviso di Roma of April 8, 1559 (Vatican Library, loc. cit.).
According to this, April 4 is given as the date of Orsini's death.
NoRES (p. 271) wrongly gives April 2, following Massarelli
(P- 330)- Rosario's grave is in the church of the Minerva;
see Berthier, 401.
2 See Massarelli, 331.
3 Cf. Susta, loc. cit., 563. During the Brussels legation of
Cardinal Carafa, Alfonso Carafa had already partly replaced
him as secretary of state (see Ancel, Secret., 25). Concerning
the temporary loss of favour by Alfonso Carafa at the end of
March, see Diario di N. Turinozzi, 15. The formal transference
of all functions seems to have taken place at midsummer. On
August 5, 1550, G. A. Aldrovandi reports : *I1 card, di Napoli
6 adesso al govcrno delle cose appartenenti al stato (State Archives,
Bologna) .
232 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Catholic reformation. The Pope, after the fall of his nephews,
worked for this with a lighter heart and undiminished zeal.^
^ RiEss (p. 373) disputes the view, also held by Ranke (I^.,
198) that Paul IV. after the fall of his nephews, " returned to his
former intentions of reform," and in the last six months of his
life " devoted himself passionately to the reform of the Church "
as " not being testified by contemporary witnesses." It is a
sufi&cient answer to this that Riess overlooked the treatise of
Ancel, Paul IV. et le Concile, which is so rich in matter, and which
appeared as early as 1907, and in which (p. 25 5^^.) proof is given
that Paul IV., precisely in March, 1559, carried out " une
reforme capitale," viz., that dealing with the duty of residence
of the bishops. Other proofs are also given in the present
account, infra, Chap. IX., pp. 233 seqq.
CHAPTER IX.
Further Reform Regulations. — The New Orders. —
Paul IV. and the Society of Jesus.
So strict a method of government was introduced into the
Eternal City after the fall of the nephews, that the Jesuit,
Nadal, was able to write that the reform of morals was accom-
plished.^ New regulations concerned the precept of fasting, ^
and the restriction of public immorality ;^ all offences of this
nature were made punishable, in the case of both clergy and
laity, with imprisonment and the galleys.^ Paul IV. even
forbade lawful pleasures, such as hunting and dancing, so that
a correspondent wrote on January 21st, 1559 : " AH pleasures
have ceased here, just as if we were in the midst of Lent."^
A Roman, who inquired of the Pope whether he would allow
them to wear masks during the days of carnival, was refused
with the remark : " Our nephews have put a mask on us for so
long, that it will require much time to take it off.^"
^ Nadal, Epheinerides,: Epist. P. H. Nadal, II., 64.
2 *Avviso di Roma of February 4, 1559 (Cod. Urb. 1039, p.
8. Vatican Lib.).
^ Cf. CoGGiOL.^, Capitolazione, 144.
^ An *Avviso of March 11, 1559, announce that three camerieri
were arrested in the Vatican with their paramours and were
condemned by the Pope to " perpetua galea " (which was after-
wards mitigated ; see *Avviso of Apiil 8). The Bishop of Poly-
gnano was convicted of immorahty, and was condemned in
April, 1559, to life-long imprisonment ; he had to fast on bread
and water for three months (see *Avviso of same date. Cod.
Urb. 1039, f. 15, 20, 24. Vatican Library). See also Carac-
ciOLUs, 68 ; RoDOCANACHi, S. Ange, 161 ; Massarelli, 334.
^ *Avviso of January 21, 1559, loc. cit., 2^* .
^ " Non vi pare egli che questi nostri nepoti ci habbiano messo
una mascara al volto che vi bisognera molto tempo a levarcela."
♦Avviso of February 8, 1559, loc. cit., 9 (wrong date in Clementi,
215)-
234 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The most important reform which Paul IV. prepared and
carried out after the fall of the Carafa concerned the episcopate.
He had, for a long time past, seen, in the neglect, on the part of
the bishops, of their duty of residence, a source of the gravest
abuses, and he had made the most urgent representations to
Clement VII. with regard to this very matter. In the great
memorial of the commission of Cardinals to Paul III., in the
year 1537, this part of the reform programme was also given
due prominence.^ The Council of Trent had next, in 1547, in
its sixth session, decreed that a patriarch, archbishop or
bishop who was absent from his diocese unless he were lawfully
prevented, or without proper and reasonable cause, should
ipso facto lose a quarter of his annual revenues for the benefit
of the poor or for repairs of churches ; should he remain absent
for a further six months, he was to forfeit, in a similar manner,
a second quarter of his revenues. Should his absence be of
still longer duration, he was to be denounced to the Pope in
writing, by his metropolitan, or by the senior suffragan bishop
of the province within three months, and the Pope would then
take severe measures against him, or even depose him.^
In spite of all this, however, this deeply-rooted abuse was
by no means eradicated. In the letter of exhortation, in
which Muzio demanded from the newly elected Pope the
reform of the College of Cardinals and of the episcopate, refer-
ence was made to the many bishops who were living at the
Curia without any proper reason, and the remark was made
that these were useless plants in Rome, which should be set in
other soil, where they might bear fruit. ^ How fully justified
this request was, is evident from the truly terrible fact that in
February, 1556, there were no fewer than 113 bishops staying
in Rome,^ although they had been ordered to return to their
dioceses in January, under pain of the most severe punish-
^ Cf. Vol. X. of this work, p. 422, and Vol. XI., p. 209 5^17.
2 Sess. 6, de ref. c. i.
^ See Muzio's *letter of November 3, 1555, in Appendix No. 14
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ See Ancel, Concile, 25.
THE RESIDENCE OF BISHOPS. 235
ments.^ In April, 1556, Paul IV. again made the most earnest
representations to these prelates, who were so forgetful of
their duty.^ As all this was of no avail, he determined to
adopt more severe measures.
On March 6th, 1559, all the bishops staying in Rome were
summoned to a secret consistory, when the Pope communi-
cated to tlicm a bull, in virtue of which all bishops not actually
sers'ing the Holy See in some fixed office, had to repair to their
dioceses within one month. Those who failed to obey were
subject to the penalty of deposition.^ The Pope made it
perfectly plain that he intended to act in accordance with this
bull. He remarked, in a threatening manner, that he would
punish the disobedient more severely than the vagrant monks.*
On March 21st he once more summoned the bishops, and again
impressed this order upon them.^ Only from ten to twelve
bishops, who were engaged directly in the service of the Holy
See, were allowed to remain in Rome ; all the others had to
leave. By April ist, a correspondent was able to announce
that this important reform had been really effected.^ Similar
^ *Et di piii che la S.S*''^ .... voleva che tutti i vescovi andas-
sino a risedere ai vescovadi loro sotto protesto non vi andando
privargli di vescovadi e d'ogni altra loro degnitk ecclesiastica.
Avviso of January 18, 1556, in the Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 125 of the
Vatican Library ; cf. also ibid, the *Avviso of January 25, 1556.
2 See in Appendix No. 30 the *report of Navagero of April
II, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's, Venice).
3 See *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives) ; cf. Massarelli,
330; Corpo dipl. Port., VIII., 103; Firmani Diaria, 514;
Diario di V. Bello in Laemmer, Melet., 210, and the *Avvi30
of March ii, loc. cit., 15.
■* *Se non obedirano ii tratter^. pegio di quello ha fatto li
sfratati. Avviso of March 18, 1559, loc. cit., 17'^ .
^ Ancel (Concile, 25), only knows of this assembly, which is
reported by V. Bello (loc. cit., 210 seq.) and *G. A. Calegari on
March 25, 1559, to Commcndone (Lett, di Princ, 23. Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
*See the *Avvisi of March 18 and 25, and April i and 15, 1559
(cod. Urb. 1039, p. ly^ , 19^ , 22^ , 26. Vatican Library) ; cf. also
236 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
rules were made for the parish priests, and the Inquisition
was already employed in carrying them out.^ In addi-
tion to this the reform of the Orders was being con-
tinued. ^
While Paul IV. was enforcing the duty of residence on the
bishops, the hand of death had already lightly touched him.
The excitement caused by the unmasking and fall of his
nephews had given a fatal blow to his iron constitution.^
Since then he had become feeble in mind as well as in body.
Nevertheless, he took part, in February, 1559, in the functions
of Candlemas and Ash Wednesday, held congregations and
granted public and private audiences.* He reformed the
expenditure of his court at this time by abolishing all unneces-
sary expenses, whereby very considerable economies were
effected.^ At the end of the month, the consistory did not take
place, as the Pope could not attend, on account of a swollen
knee.^ His condition was still more serious in March,' but
during Holy Week he had improved to a certain extent.
Although he was still weak on his feet, he was able to be
present at the functions and to pontificate in St. Peter's on
Easter Sunday. It could be seen, however, that he was suffer-
ing both in mind and body.^ His removal to the more airy
the *letter of Gianfigliazzi of March 29, 1559 (State Archives,
Florence) and Ancel, Concile, 25.
^ See Caracciolus, 87 ; Ancel, loc. cit.
^ Cf. supra p. 216 seq.
^ Cf. supra p. 224.
* See in Appendix No. 52 the *Avviso of February 11, 1559
(Vatican Library).
^ See Diario di V. Bello in Laemmer, Melet., 209.
^ See the *Avviso of February 25, 1559 (Cod. Urb. 1039, p.
II. Vatican Library).
' See the Portuguese report of March 18, 1559, in the Corpo
dipl. Port., VIIL, 103.
^ *I1 Papa ha asseso alii offitii con molta sollicitudine et benche
sia debole nelle gambe non ha vohito mancare. Si vede che
sta afflitto non meno della mente che dal corpo. Avviso of March
25> 1559} ioc. cit., 19b (Vatican Library) ; cf. Massarelli, 330.
ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 237
Ouirinal, from wliich his friends hoped great things, could not
take place on account of his feeble state. ^ In addition to all
his other troubles, an irritation of the skin,'-^ which so often
ajjpears in old age, now set in and deprived him of his rest at
nights. On the feast of the Ascension he had to be carried to
mass. All present were horrified to see him looking so ill.
"He is going out," a contemporary said, " like a burning
candle."^ It was astonishing to see how he always tried to
keep on his feet. Wlien, on May 7th, the solemn procession
ordered on account of the peace between France and Spain,
passed through St. Peter's Square, the Pope took part in it on
foot, which caused a great exhaustion of his strength.^ He,
however, was not thinking of death, as he wished to do a great
deal more,^ for he was just then issuing new and stringent
regulations against immorality in Rome,® which led to the
arrest of a great number of prostitutes.' On June ist the bull
against the vagrant monks, containing the strictest measures,
was again enforced.^ Paul IV. was occupied with reform
literally to the very end. At the beginning of July he issued a
decree to explain the last named regulation,'** and adopted
^ See the *Avvisi of April 15 and 22, 1559, loc. cit., 26, 28,
cf. Massarelli, 326.
2 The " resipilla " ; see *Avvisi of March 4 and April 22,
1559, loc. cit., 12, 28.
^ See the *Avviso of May 6, 1559, loc. cit., 30^ .
^ See the *Avviso of May 13, 1559, loc. cit., 34.
^ See the *Avviso of May 6, 1559, loc. cit. At the banquets to
celebrate the papal election and coronation, which were held as
usual and were very brilliant, the Pope begged the Cardinals
to pray for his recovery. *Avviso of May 27, loc. cit., 44^ .
^ See the *Avviso of May 20, 1559, loc. cit. 36'' . On April
22, 1559, B. Ha reported from Rome : *Mons. Fcrrantino e
incjuisito di simonia contratta nella risegna del vescovado
d'Amelia die cgli ha havuto et mi par die ci sia ordine ch'ei
sia posto in prigione (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
' See CoGGiOLA, Capitolazione, 144.
** See Editti, I., iii. Casanate Library, Rome.
^ See the *lcttcr of G. A. Calegari to Conmicndone, dated Rome,
July 5,i559(Lett.di princ. 23, n. 2. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
238 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
measures for the reform of the monasteries in Tortona.^ At
the end of the month he spoke of issuing a bull against those
bishops who sought to purchase a right to be present at the
Curia by relinquishing their bishoprics. ^ A month before his
death, Paul IV. issued a strict prohibition against members
of religious orders who had been consecrated bishops, receiving
offices and dignities on their return to their monasteries.
By this measure, strife among ambitious persons and many
other vexatious disputes, w^ere once for all done away
with.^
The indefatigable and many sided activities in the cause of
reform displayed by Paul IV. during his reign had been
reported in terms of the highest praise to Hosius at the begin-
ning of March, 1556, by the canon of Ermland, Samson of
Worein, v^^ho was then in Rome, and who was by no means
blind to the weaknesses of the Pope. He sets forth in a very
clear manner how the work of Catholic reformation had been
carried out, in spite of the fact that the Eternal City was, at
that time, converted into a place of arms. However much
Samson deplored the unfortunate war policy of the Pope, yet
the holy life of Paul IV., and his great severity against crime,
filled him with admiration. " Sodomites," he writes, " are
publicly burned ; on blasphemers and other criminals he
inflicts the most severe punishments. Abuses connected with
the disposal of benefices, such as reservations, the regressus
and expectancies, and similar pernicious growths, have been
completely abolished ; every kind of simony has been most
strictly forbidden, and thereby a very lucrative composition
removed ; different offices in the Curia, which had been
instituted merely as a means of providing money,* have been
either entirely altered or done away with. He has further
ordered that only worthy candidates shall receive benefices,
and that nobody shall possess more than one," The canon
^ See Font AN A, 451 seq.
2 See the *Avvisi of July 22 and 29, 1559, loc. cit., 62, 63 ; cf.
Santarem, XIII., 61.
3 See Ughelo, I., 763; Bull., VI., 565 seq.
IMPROVEMENT IN MORALS. 239
further speaks of the Pope's efforts for the reform of the
breviary, the strict punishment of such as sin against the laws
of fasting, rendered still more severe by the Pope, and the
decisive measures against the Jews, those who practise illicit
intercourse, usurers, actors and buffoons.^ Three years
later the Theatines, Geremia Isachino and Andrea AveUino,
could give the members of their Order in Naples a detailed
account^ of the success which had already crowned the in-
flexible severity of Paul IV. against simonists, usurers, liber-
tines, non-observers of the laws of fasting, and the vagrant
monks. The appearance of the city was completel}^ changed,
the people went more frequently to church and a moral
regeneration could be observed in all classes.^
All this was not due only to the severity of Paul IV., but also
to the example he gave. He was never absent from the sermons
which were given during Lent in the Hall of Constantine,
which all the Cardinals and prelates of the court were bound
to attend. "* In the latter years of his life he even went so far
as to forbid entrance into the Vatican to all women. He
^ Hosii epist. II., 673-674.
2 In Italian in Caracciolo, *Vita di Paolo IV., in Latin in his
Collectanea, 62 seq.^ and in Bzovius, Annales, 1559, n. 34 seqq.
A document bearing the date, Rome, April 17, 1559, and the
title : *De rebus novis urbis Romanae gestis in bona fide pre-
scriptis in aulum Caesaream, in the Monastery Library at Zeitz,
is to the same effect.
^ As in the first year of the reign of Paul IV., the regulation
issued by him that public prostitutes must attend sermons
bore good fruits, — 82 of these unfortunates were converted
immediately, and more later on, of whom noble Roman ladies
then took charge — concerning this see a report of March 28,
1556, in ZiBALDONE, Notizie, anedotti, curios, et. docum. ined.,
I. (1888), n. I p. 4 seq. In other cities as well, e.g. Milan,
Paul IV. helped the conversion of the " meretrices " ; see his
♦brief of May 2, 1558, in the Brera Library, Milan, Miscell. B. II.,
n. 32.
^ *Report of an unknown person to Cardinal Madruzzo from
Rome, March 12, 1558 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck).
240 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
observed the fasts most strictly, in spite of his great age.^ He
always took part in the festivals of the Church as far as his
health permitted him. The dignified composure and simple
piety which he displayed in doing so, made the deepest im-
pression on everyone.^ In truth he appeared on such occa-
sions, says the Venetian ambassador, Mocenigo, as a really
worthy representative of Jesus Christ ; greater care than he
displayed for the fitting observance of divine worship was
scarcely conceivable.^
The worldliness which had also crept into the house of God
during the age of the Renaissance found an inflexible opponent
in Paul IV. He forbade the disrespectful wandering about
in the churches, under pain of excommunication, and especially
the abuse of women being accompanied there by a following of
gentlemen. He forbade, under the pain of excommunication,
the begging of offerings for masses which poor priests carried
on in the churches. No one could say mass in any Roman
church without a written permission, which was bestowed
gratis, but only after a strict investigation. Whoever dared
to perform any spiritual function, without the necessary
authority, was at once to be handed over to the secular power
for severe punishment. The Pope had all offensive pictures
removed from the churches.* We are reminded of his activity
^ See *De rebus novis, etc. (Monastery Library, Zeitz) ;
Bromato, II., 489, 495, 500 seq. Concerning the Pope's strict
fasts cf Caracciolus, Collect., 72.
2 See *letter of Navagero of April 4, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's,
Venice) and *Avviso di Roma of January 22, 1558 (Cod. Urb.
1038, p. 287. Vatican Library).
3 MoCENIGO-ALBfeRI, 48.
■* Cf. Caracciolo, *Vita, 5, 8 ; Castaldo, 150 seq. ; Bromato,
II., 497 seq. The proceedings taken against the " crocifissi
in figura di vivi con quattro sole piaglie," and the removal of an
improper picture from S. Maria Maggiore, are only mentioned
here. There is no reference to the painting over of Michael
Angelo's Last Judgment [cf. as to this our remarks in Vol. XII.
of this work, p. 615 seq.). As tombstones in many of the churches
were executed in an offensive manner, Paul IV. ordered their
PAUL IV. AND THE H. EUCHARIST. 24I
in this respect by one of his medals, on which Christ is repre-
sented cleansing the Temple with a scourge.^
Paul IV. also endeavoured to increase the solemnity of
divine worship by positive regulations. For this purpose he
introduced a number of new arrangements, especially in the
Papal Chapel. The adornment of the Pauline Chapel during
Holy Week with a magnificent representation of the Holy
Sepulchre is to be traced to him, as is also the custom of cover-
ing the streets of the Borgo with an awning of white linen on
the feast of Corpus Christi, which was first done in the year
1557. ^^ this year, as well as in the two preceding ones, and
also in 1558, the Pope insisted, in spite of his great age,
on carr^'ing the Blessed Sacrament himself in the pro-
cession. ^
Paul IV. also manifested his great devotion to the Holy
Eucharist by giving orders to his fellow-countrj'man and court
architect, Pirro Ligorio, to design a magnificent ostensorium
for use at the Corpus Christi procession ; it was adorned with
vine leaves of pure gold, and grai>es formed of emeralds and
sapphires. The Pope had intended to have a number of his
ancient gold coins melted down for this purpose, had not
Ligorio, to whom the destruction of these precious relics of
antiquity caused the greatest sorrow, protested.^
The new tabernacle for the Pope's private chapel was to be
of special magnificence. Giambattista da Pietrasanta had
instructions to prepare four exceedingly beautiful columns
of cipolino, while the ornamentation abo\c was to be executed
in bronze, after a most artistic design."*
removal, an order which Pius IV. carried still further ; see
Castaldo, 150; Silos, I., 417; Rodocanachi, Capitole, 198.
^ See Venuti, 104.
^ See Massarelli, 274, 291, 322, 323 ; *Report of the Genoese
amba.ssador of May 28, 1558 (State Arcliives, Genoa) ; Bromato,
II., 499 scq. ; Rev. Benedict, XXV., 62 seq. Expenses for the
" Sepolcro " in the Pauline Chapel in the *Tes. segr., 1556,
February and March (State Archives, Rome).
^ Caracciolus, Collect., 138 seq.
* See ibid., 137 ; cf. also Rev. B^n^dict., XXV., 51 seq.
VOL. XIV. 16
242 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
To Paul IV., who for the most part granted very few indul-
gences, ^ we owe the introduction of the indulgenced medal. ^
The feast of St. Dominic, into whose order the Pope had wished
to enter as a young man, was transferred by him in 1558 to
August 4th, as the 5 th, the day on which this feast was cele-
brated, was that of Our Lady of the Snow.^ With regard to
the festival of St. Peter's Chair, Paul IV. issued a regulation,
to which he was partly led by his opposition to the false asser-
tion of the Protestants that St. Peter had not been in Rome.
Even in the days of Leo the Great the feast of the Roman
Cathedra Petri had been celebrated in the most solemn manner
on February 22nd, in the basilica of the Prince of the Apostles.
Later on, in accordance with the two episcopal sees of St. Peter,
a distinction had been made, and the two feasts, of the Cathedra
of Antioch, as well as that of Rome, had been instituted. The
Cathedra of Rome was, especially in the Prankish kingdoms,
kept on January i8th, while in Rome, now as before, it was
never celebrated until February 22nd, and indeed, strange to
say, for a long time as the feast of St. Peter's Chair at Antioch.
It seemed strange to Paul IV. that Rome, which owed its
unique position in the Christian world, above all, to the Prince
of the Apostles, should allow herself to be outdone in piety
and veneration for the first Pope by foreign churches. He
therefore, on January 23rd, 1557, ordered that, for the future,
throughout Christendom,' the feast of the Cathedra Romana
should be celebrated on January i8th, and that of Antioch on
February 22nd. A bull, issued a year later, solemnly fixed
this for all time.*
1 See Lea, Confession, III., 508 ; cf. 423, 555.
2 See Bromato, II., 499 n. On February 25, 1559, Paul
IV. again restored the old stations in S. Silvestro and S. Martino
ai Monti ; see Bull., VI., 556 seq.
3 Bull., VI., 543 seq. and Massarelli, 325. The statements of
CiACONius (III. 831) and Bromato (II., 500) concerning the feast
of the Assumption of Our Lady are erroneous ; see Moroni,
IX., 84.
*The bull " InefEabilis " (Reg. Vat. 1851, p. 417), with correct
date in the Bull., VI., 530 seq., and a wrong one in the Bull.
PAUL IV. AND THE THEATINES. 243
Paul IV. repeatedly showed^ how greatly he valued the old
Orders, and it can easily be understood that, among the new
ones, the Theatines were nearest to his heart. Marcellus II.
had intended to call them to Rome, a thing which was done by
Paul IV. in the first year of his reign. He assigned to them the
church of S. Silvestro on the Quirinal, which was then almost
entirely unbuilt upon, as a place specially suitable for the life
of a strict religious order. The Dominicans, who carried on
the services in this church, were removed to S. Niccolo in Campo
Marzo, the care of which parish was united to that of SS.
Apostoli. On November 17th, 1557, four distinguished mem-
bers of the Theatine Order, Giovanni Marinonio, Bernardino
Scotti, Paolo Consiglieri and Giovanni Antonio da Prato, took
bas. Vat., III., 34 ; cj. Kraus, Roma sotteranea, Freiburg,
1879, 577 seq. ; Freiburger Kirchenlex., II. 2, 2060 scq. ; Baumer,
Gesch. des Breviers, 416. The first ordinance from the Acta
consist. (Romae die sabbati 23 lanuarii, 1557, Congregatio gene-
ralis) in Raynaldus, 1557, ^- 2. The bull of January 6, 1558,
was decided upon in a consistory of January 7 (Massarelli,
320) and published on January 14, 1558. The *Acta consist,
previously announce : " Primo introductus fuit dom. Guill.
Sirleti [Ms : Ciurletti] protonotarius, qui legit libellibellum quen-
dam continentem multas auctoritates, quod divus Petrus fuit
Romae et ibi martirium sustinuit " (Consistorial Archives).
The Pope spoke very eloquently in the consistory about the
presence of St. Peter in Rome. See *letter of Cardinal Vitelli,
dated Rome, January 14, 1558 (Cod. Barb. lat. 571 1, p. 59.
Vatican Library) ; see also Navagero in Brown, VI., 3, 1143,
and the Avviso published by Baumgarten in the Rom. Quartal-
schrift, XXV., 53 *seq., but wrongly attributed to the year 1556.
Paul IV. allowed the Portuguese the veneration of their queen,
Elizabeth, who had died as a tertiary of St. Francis (Castaldo,
151). When it transpired, at the beginning of April, that the
body of St. Venantius had been found at Camerino, the Pope
spoke of going there personally, and on foot, to show his veneration
for this saint. B. Pia *reports this to Cardinal E. Gonzaga,
dated Rome, April 9, 1558 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
^ C/. Bull, VI., 490 seq. ; Ripoll-Bremond, V., 41 seq., 44
seq., 46 seq. ; Bromato, II., 276.
244 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
possession of their new home. The Pope bought a large garden
for the convent, and intended to rebuild the church, which was
to be joined to the Piazza SS. Apostoli by a great flight of steps,
similar to that of the Aracoeli. The work was only begun when
Paul IV. died.i There was no place where he liked to be so
well as with his Theatines on the Ouirinal, and as late as April,
1559, he wished to retire thither for a longer stay.^ On two
occasions he honoured the convent by holding consistories
there.
The direction of the Theatine order, the privileges of which
were confirmed and added to, was undertaken by Paul IV.
himself. On December 23rd, 1555, he dissolved the union with
the Somaschi, which had not stood the test of time.^ He liked,
especially in his reform work, to make use of the Theatines,
who, for the most part, kept modestly in the background.
Giovanni Marinonio was to have been made Archbishop of
Naples, but he refused so earnestly that Paul IV. had to give
way. Bernardino Scotti also held out for a long time before
he accepted the cardinalate ; the Pope thought a great deal
of him, and Scotti rendered him great service in the work of
reform. Paolo Consiglieri, one of the four founders of the
Theatines, was obliged to undertake the duties of maestro di
camera, but he persistently refused to accept the purple.* It
is scarcely necessary to mention here that Paul IV. also pro-
moted the interests of the houses of the Theatines in Venice
and Naples.^ The Pope especially valued the Theatine,
Geremia Isachino, as an outspoken counsellor, a man of prayer
^ See Silos, I., 325 seq. ; Castaldo, 147 ; Angel, Disgrace,
29. The inscription in S. Silvestro in Forcella, IV., 42.
2 Cf. supra p. 237, and the *Avviso of April 15, 1559 (State
Archives, Florence).
^ *Brevia Pauli IV. Arm. 44, t. 44, n. 170 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican) ; original in the General Archives of the Theatines
in Rome. Cf. Silos, I., 336 seq.
* Silos, I., 330 seq.; Bromato, II., 274 seq. Concerning
Scotti's relations with Paul IV. see Masius, Briefe, 234, 249.
^ Silos, I., 355. *Indulgenze di Paolo IV. per la casa de'
Teatini a Napoli. (General Arcliives of the Theatines in Rome).
THE BARNABITES. 245
and of the strictest penitential life. Paul IV. had summoned
him to Rome from Naples ia 1556,* and later on entrusted him
with the direction of the house of the Order. ^
After the conclave, the Barnabitcs resolved to send their
superior to the new Pope, and to offer themselves to him for
every kind of service. Paul IV., who had already supported
the new Order in every way in his po\\er, greatly appreciated
this proof of devotion, and promised them his protection in all
things. The reputation of the Barnabites had, at that time,
been so widely spread that the}' received invitations to found
colleges, not only from Italian cities, but also from Portugal
and Ireland. These invitations, however, were not accepted,
partly from want of members, and partly in accordance with the
principle of the founders of the Order, not to spread the con-
gregation outside Milan. Finally, however, in 1557, they were
induced to found a college in Pavia. Paul IV. confirmed this
establishment, which, to his great joy, worked entirely in the
spirit of Catholic reform.^
Paul III. had endeavoured to allay the continual disputes
between the Capuchins and the Observants. The Capuchins
could only accept Observants with the permission of their
superiors, and the same prohibition held good for the Observ-
ants with regard to the Capuchins. After the death of Paul
III. the Capuchins regarded this regulation as having lapsed ;
Julius III., however, renewed it for the Capuchins, and, on
their complaint, on February 15th, 1551, for the Observants
as well.*
^ See the *Ietter of Navagero of January 4, 1556 (Library of
St. Mark's, Venice.)
2 Ancel, Disgrace, 29; cf. Bromato, II., 222.
^ See Barellt, 256, 258 seq., 264, 266 seq. The attempt,
already made in 1552, to unite the Barnabites with the Jesuits,
was again renewed in August, 1559, but again failed ; cf. Arch,
stor. Lomb., XXXVllI. (1911), 152 seq.
* Bull. Capuc, I., 24. The Congreg. ord. min. Ulixhon. was
given permission by Julius III. on October 4, 1552, to
wear the " cuculla " of the Capucliins ; see Wadding, XVIII.,
514-
246 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Already, in the first year of the reign of Paul IV., ^ the differ-
ences between the two Orders had grown more acute. In
order to protect himself the better against the accusations of
his opponents, the Vicar-General of the Capuchins, who was
confirmed in his office in 1555, did not leave the Eternal City
for two years ; it was only in 1557 that he began the usual
visitation of his convents. ^ This Vicar-General, Thomas
Tiferno, did not succeed in gaining access to Paul IV. until
he had waited for six months ; he then, at last, in 1558, suc-
ceeded in getting the confirmation of the Order and of its
privileges which he asked for, but the Pope only granted them
orally, and without a brief. While he was absent from Rome
on his journey of visitation, proceedings against the Capuchins
were again going on at the Curia. His adversaries had gained
the powerful Cardinal Carafa on their side ; the bull which
pronounced the suppression of the Capuchins was already
drafted, and there seemed no reason to doubt that Paul IV.
would sign it, when the fall of the nephews took place. The
'chronicler of the Capuchins describes this storm against the
new Order as the most severe it ever had to face, for the
Capuchins had had no idea of the attack upon them, and had,
therefore, been able to make no defence.^
The Society of Jesus had also to pass through critical days
in the reign of Paul IV. On May 23rd, 1555, Ignatius of
Loyola was in the middle of a conversation with P. Gonial vez,
when the sounds were heard which told that the Papal election
was accomplished. It was soon known who the newly elected
Pope was : Cardinal Carafa. When this name was uttered,
Gon9alvez remarked that a cloud passed over the face of the
1 Concerning the earlier relations of Paul IV. with the Italian
Franciscan Observants, cf. the thorough and exact work of
Ed. d'Alen^on : G. P. Carafa, vesc. di Cliieti (Paolo IV.) e
la riforma nell' ordine dei Minori dell' Osservanza, Foligno,
1912, which is rich in documentary material.
2 BovERius, 1555, n. 3 seq., p. 527.
^ BovERius, 1558, n. 3, p. 552 seq. " Nulla hac saevior
tempestas, etc." (p. 553). The Cardinal is not named, but it
was certainly Carafa,
PAUL IV. AND ST. IGNATIUS. 247
founder of the Society of Jesus. Later on Ignatius himself
acknowledged to a confidant, that all the bones of his body
had trembled at that moment.^ This election might indeed be
the means of destroying the whole of his life's work.
Ignatius and Carafa had got to know one another in Venice,
as early as 1536, and had exchanged their views on many
points of the religious life. Many differences in their opinions
had thus come to Hght.^ Carafa conceived a deep prejudice
against Ignatius, which soon became still more bitter.^ These
two men, so essentially different in character, had yet another
hostile encounter when, in the years 1553-1555, the relatives
of a Jesuit novice of noble family sought to induce him to leave
the Order, and Carafa procured a Papal indult for them.
Ignatius, by counter-representations, succeeded in getting the
indult withdrawn. Carafa must have felt all the more hurt
as he had thus received a rebuff in a matter which caused a
considerable sensation in Rome.* Even before this, the list
upon which the Cardinals wrote down their contributions for
the support of the German College did not contain the name
of Carafa.^
It was, therefore, no wonder that the news of Carafa's ele-
vation filled Ignatius with apprehension. After a short
prayer, however, he quite regained his self-possession, and now
did all in his power to win the heart of the new Pope.^ On
May 25th he informed his brethren of the election, and praised
the very distinguished qualities of the new head of the Church.'
A few months later he gave an account of the Pope's zeal for
^ " Tod OS OS ossos se Ihe reuolu^rao no corpo." Men. Ign.
Ser. 4, I., 198.
2 C/. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 24.
3 Cf. AsTRAiN, II., 29 seqq. ; Nadal, Epist., II., 15.
^ A whole number of letters are concerned with this affair ; cf.
Mon. Ign. Ser. i, vols. 5-10, Register s. v. Cesari ; Epist. mixtae,
vols. 3-5 ; PoLANCO, vols. 3-6, Register s. v. Cesari.
^ Steinhuber, I., Tab. II.
^ See G0N9ALVEZ : Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, I., 198.
' Mon. Ign. Ser. i, IX., 75 seq.
248 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
reform, and of the kindness he had so far shown to the Society
of Jesus.i
Indeed, Paul IV. seemed as Pope to have forgotten the
irritability of Cardinal Carafa. The first Jesuit who visited
him was Bobadilla. The Pope received him in the most
friendly manner, and embraced and kissed him. He spoke
to Cardinals Morone and Truchsess in very favourable terms
of the new Order. He then summoned Ignatius, insisted on
his talking to him with his head covered, walked up and down
with him in friendly conversation, and granted the favour
which Ignatius asked. ^ His actions also corresponded to his
words. The Pope appointed Salmeron to accompany the
nuncio Lippomano on his mission to Poland, and discussed his
plans for reform with BobadiUa, who was ordered to give him
his opinion quite frankly. Paul IV. thought stiU more highly
of Lainez ; he forbade him to leave Rome, as he needed his
advice, had a special room prepared for him in the Vatican,
and thought of raising him to the dignity of Cardinal.^ As
members of the other Orders were allowed to preach in the
chapel of the Vatican on great festivals, before the Pope and
Cardinals, the Jesuits first received this honour under Paul IV.^
It specially pleased the Pope that the Jesuits gave instruction
in Christian doctrine to the poor people in the streets of Rome,
he used often to praise them highly on this account.^
In spite of all this, however, the mistrust with which Cardinal
Carafa's mind had been filled soon again got the upper hand.
While the relations between Rome and Spain were daily becom-
ing more strained, a report arose that the Jesuits, who were
nearly all Spaniards, were collecting arms, in order, under
certain circumstances, to come to the assistance of their
countrymen, and Paul IV. ordered a search to be made at their
house. Ignatius did not lose his head at this unexpected
1 Ibid. 463-468.
^Mon. Ign. Ser. i, IX., 359-363-
^ Ibid. X., 310 seq., 419.
* Ibid. X., 438 and Massarelli, 304, 320,
^ Nadal, Epist.j IV., 496;
THE GERMAN COLLEGE. 249
suspicion. The governor of Rome wished to refrain from
making the investigation, if Ignatius gave his word that there
were no weapons concealed in the house. Ignatius thanked
him for his confidence in him, but insisted that the house should
be thoroughly searched from top to bottom. The suspicion
was thereby proved to be quite unfounded.^
The fact that Paul IV. did not further his favourite under-
taking was a far greater trial to Ignatius than this occurrence.
The Pope did nothing for the Roman College, which Ignatius
cherished as the apple of his eye ; it is true that at first he made
promises to provide it with revenues, but all hope of getting
anj^thing from him soon disappeared. ^ Paul IV. had no sym-
pathy with the German College ;^ the support given by Juhus
III. was not continued, and in consequence most of the Car-
dinals withdrew the contributions they had promised. The
college therefore got into terrible difficulties, and was brought
by the high prices of 1555 to the very brink of dissolution.*
Even in September, 1555, Ignatius, being unable to receive
nine young Bohemians, whom King Ferdinand had sent for
the Germanicum, had to give them shelter in the professed
house of the Jesuits.^ The forty-eight young men who had
been promised in the autumn of 1555 for the German College,
had all to be refused. For two years no German entered the
college.^ As early as February in the same year even Cardinal
Otto von Truchsess, the zealous champion of the Germanicum,
was so discouraged that he wished to abandon the under-
taking.'
The inflexible firmness with which Ignatius, with steadfast
tnist in God, held fast to what he had once begun, was proved
in the most remarkable manner in this very difficult position
Prices were so high in Rome that the Cardinals and wealthy
1 ASTRAIN, n., 32.
2Mon. Ign. Ser. i, X., 533.
3 Steinhubek, L, 33 seqq.
^ Cf. Hosii epist., IL, 673.
^Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, L, 161 seq.
' Steiniiuber, I., 34.
' Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, I., 405.
250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
nobles had to dismiss some of their attendants. In addition to
the Germanicum, Ignatius had to support the Roman College,
and the professed house. He had no money, and could obtain
no loans from his friends or from the banks, on account of the
exhausted state of credit. In spite of this he declared to his
intimates that he would face the future with no less confidence
than when Julius III. and Marcellus II. had promised him
their support. The Roman College, he declared, would have
overcome the worst of the present difficulties within six
months,^ and as for the German College, the time would come
when it would possess too much rather than too little. Filled
with this trust, he caused it to be intimated to Cardinal
Truchsess that he would take the whole burden of the German
College on his own shoulders, if the Cardinal should withdraw,
and that he would sooner let himself be sold as a slave than
give up his Germans. ^ And indeed good friends were raised
up for him in his perplexities ; the German students whom
he could not receive in Rome, he distributed among the Jesuit
colleges in Italy and Sicily, and there they were maintained
Hke the other members of those houses.^ It is true that the
German students were, until 1558, reduced to a very small
number, but when, in that year, they began to increase, Lainez
combined a college for paying pupils of other nationaHties with
the Germanicum, and from the sums received from these the
German students could be maintained*
It must have affected Ignatius even more painfully than the
danger to his estabHshments in Rome, that he was to see his
real life's work, the foundation of the Society of Jesus, just
then fully completed, endangered at the end of his days. In
view of the peculiar ideas of Paul IV., there was always reason
to fear that he would unite the struggling Order with the
Theatines, or alter its constitutions in such a manner that the
special character of the Society of Jesus would be destroyed.
1 Men. Ign. Ser. 4, I., 352, 404-405.
2 Ibid. 257. Steinhuber, I., 36.
3 Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, I., 352, 404 seq. Steinhuber, I., 36.
^ Steinhuber, L, 45 seq., 49 seq.
THE POPE AND THE JESUITS. 25I
These fears only took a definite form after the death of
Ignatius.^ Pending the election of a new General, Lainez had
been chosen as his representative. When, in September, 1556,
he appeared before the Pope and begged his blessing for the
impending General Congregation of the Order, Paul IV. at first
received him in a very friendly manner, but soon adopted a
sterner tone ; the General Congregation had to understand,
he said, that they could decide nothing without the confirma-
tion of the Pope ; too much importance should not be attached
to former Papal guarantees, for what one Pope had granted
another Pope might repeal. ^ As the principal duty of the
General Congregation was, apart from the election of a Gen-
eral, finally to arrange the constitutions of the order, it was
quite plain what this remark portended. Harsh remarks of
the Pope regarding the founder of the Order, who, he said, had
been a tyrant, did not tend to improve matters.^
The Congregation had been fixed for the spring of 1557, but
the Spanish Jesuits were unable to come at that time, since, on
account of the war between Paul IV. and Philip II., all Span-
iards were forbidden to go to Rome. The idea, therefore,
occurred to the fathers assembled in Rome, of holding the
Congregation in Spain.'* This suggestion was \^ery necessary,
as it was of the greatest importance to the Order to have the
constitutions, and, with them, the legal basis of its existence,
* Cf. for the following, Astrain, II., i seq., 7 seqq. ; Nadal,
Ephenierides (Epist. II., 12-16, 50-59) and the documents in
Nadal, Epist. IV., 98-147, 729-734.
2 Astrain II., 7.
3 Nadal, Ephemerides (Epist. II., 50) : " Erat enim minatus
P. Ignatio : o colui, etc., Dixerat P. Ignatium tyrannice guber-
nasse societatem " {cf. ibid., 54). Ignatius, he said, had been
the idol of his followers {ibid., 15).
* Already on October 28, 1556, Francis Borgia had written
that they would rather have held the Congregation, say at Avignon,
as Rome was too far from Spain (S. Franc Borgia, III., 267).
At the beginning of February, 1557, the Portuguese and Spanish
Jesuits were all ready to start for Rome, when the fresh outbreak
of war compelled them to remain {ibid., 276, 279).
252 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
settled as soon as possible. On the other hand it was an
exceedingly hazardous thing, on account of the war with
Spain, to broach such a plan to the Pope. Paul IV., however,
had raised no great objections when Lainez, in conversation
with him, suggested the idea of a Congregation in Spain.
Although most of the Jesuits assembled in Rome were at first
decidedly opposed to the proposal, it was eventually almost
unanimously accepted, provided the Pope did not refuse his
permission.
In order to obtain this, Lainez again applied for an audience.
Paul IV. received him kindly, and listened favourably to his
reasons for the petition, but would not come to an immediate
decision. Lainez, therefore, again presented himself at the
Vatican after a few days. On this occasion, however, the
Jesuit, otherwise so much respected by Paul IV., was refused
admission to the presence of the Pope. He repeated his
attempt a second and a third time, but the Pope was never
able to receive him. At last, on June 20th, 1557, he met the
Pope in a corridor in the Vatican, but Paul IV. walked past
without deigning to cast a glance at him. Instead, he received
orders through Cardinals Scotti and Reumano, to hand over
the constitutions and rule of the Society of Jesus, as well as
the Papal buUs ; the Jesuits in Rome were, moreover, for-
bidden to leave the city withovxt permission.
These unexpected orders came like a thunderbolt upon the
house of the Jesuits, for the constitutions, the precious legacy
of the founder of the Order, were in danger. Prayers and
works of penance were ordered and readily undertaken, as if
at the approach of a great misfortune.
The reason for this sudden change of front on the part of the
Pope was to be found in one who was himself a Jesuit, Nicholas
Bobadilla.
Bobadilla, one of the first companions of Loyola, was a man
of difficult character, and had already caused considerable
trouble ;^ he did not approve of the constitutions of the order,
^ Characteristics in Nadal, Epist. II., 52 seqq. ; Astrain,
II., 12 seq.
LAINEZ AND BOBADILLA. 253
as drafted by Ignatius. They appeared to him to be a " laby-
rinth," and full of petty, unnecessary and over-difficult
requirements, 1 and he therefore thought that they must be
thoroughly revised and altered ; moreover, he was not pleased
with the election of Lainez as General- Vicar. He considered
that it was to be gathered from the Papal bulls that the govern-
ment of the Order was to pass, after the death of Ignatius, to
the whole of the original founders who were still alive. He
passed sharp criticisms on the manner of administration
adopted by Lainez in many of his regulations, and believed
above all that it had been highly indiscreet of him to keep on
returning to the proposal of transferring the Congregation to
Spain. Bobadilla found a supporter in the discontented
Frenchman, Cogordan, who caused a hint to reach the ears
of Paul IV. that they only wished to transfer the Congregation
to Spanish soil, in order to be better able to arrange the con-
stitutions and the election of the General as they thought fit.-
Hence the anger of the Pope, which was expressed by the
demand for the constitutions and the other docimients.
Lainez displayed great activity and zeal in meeting the
threatened storm. He had the arguments of Bobadilla
refuted by those who understood the institute of the Society
of Jesus best, and especially by Nadal.^ As Bobadilla desired
to have the matter settled by a legal decision of the Protector
of the Order, Cardinal Carpi, Lainez was quite ready to present
himself before the latter for judgment. It then appeared that
Bobadilla himself was beginning to lose confidence in his own
cause, and sought pretexts for not having to appear before the
judge. Lainez therefore claimed a decision from the Cardinal
Protector, apart from any question o law ; this he received,
to the effect that he was to remain General- Vicar, but with the
obligation of taking counsel with the professed members of the
Order in important questions. Nothing now remained for
Bobadilla but an appeal to the Pope. In order to be before-
^ Nadal, Epist. IV., loi, no.
2 Bobadilla's complaints ibid. 98 seqq., 729 seqq.
3 Ibid. 133-147.
254 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hand with him, Lainez went himself to Paul IV. and asked him
to let a Cardinal investigate the whole matter. The Pope
listened to him very kindly, and even wished to leave the choice
of the Cardinal to him. They at last decided on Cardinal
Ghislieri.
A better choice could not have been made. Ghislieri went
himself to the house of the Order, and personally examined the
different fathers. ^ Bobadilla and Cogordan did not wait for
the decision, but contrived to be sent to Foligno and Assisi on
different work.
Paul IV. was exceedingly astonished when Ghislieri informed
him of the petty nature of Bobadilla's complaints. The
prohibition to leave Rome was now removed, and the con-
stitutions and bulls were returned without alteration by the
Cardinals entrusted with their examination. The General
Congregation was postponed until May, 1558.
At length, after waiting almost two years, this assembly was
able to meet on June 19th, 1558, in order to give the Order a
new head. 2 At the very first ballot, thirteen of the twenty
votes fell to Lainez. Paul IV. had sent Cardinal Pacheco to
preside at the election. On July 6th, the Pope received the
whole Congregation at an audience, when he spoke most kindly
concerning the Order, and gave every father his blessing
individually.^
The Congregation next turned to the examination of the
constitutions of the Order. The question as to whether they
were to be altered was decided by their agreeing that the
statutes were "to be considered as fixed and binding, and
to be observed as they were entered in the original copy of
^ Bobadilla's judicial examination in Nadal, Epist. IV.,
109 seq.
^ Extracts from their documents (lost) in the Institutum Soc.
lesu, II., Florentiae, 1893, 151-188. Memorial for the Congrega-
tion by Francis Borgia in the Mon. hist. Soc. lesu : S. Franc.
Borgia, III., 342-353 ; Lainez' answer to it, ibid. 353-359.
^ Braunsbekger, II., 286-291. Nadal, Ephemerides in his
Epist. II., 62,
THE JESUITS AND OFFICE IN CHOIR. 255
Father Ignatius. "^ The Congregation even went so far as to
forego their right to alter any essential point in the work of
Ignatius. 2 The Congregation confined itself, therefore, to
unimportant details alone, and to several drafts of regulations
outside the constitutions, the sanction of which had not been
settled by the founder.^
The work of the General Congregation was already approach-
ing its end when, on August 24th, the Pope sent an order by
Cardinal Scotti that they were to consider whether prayer
made in common in choir should not be introduced into the
Order, and whether the term of office of the General should
not be limited to three years.
The fact that Ignatius had given up prayer in choir'* as being
incompatible with the object his foundation had in view, had
given offence to many people. Dominic Soto, of the Order
of Preachers, maintained that a religious body without prayer
in choir did not deserve the name of an Order. ^ Paul IV.
personally held similar views. During the audiences which
Laincz had had with him relative to the General Congregation,
the Pope had several times made reference to this point. When
the constitutions were handed back on June 20th, 1557,
Cardinal Scotti remarked that it would perhaps be advisable
to confer with regard to the introduction of a choir into the
Jesuit Order.
It was also not the first time that the life term of office of
the General had attracted attention. Not long before tHe
election of the General the Pope had been anxious to have an
alteration in this matter considered. As, however, he had
allowed perfect liberty with regard to it, the Congregation had
declared that they wished to keep to the constitutions. Car-
dinal Pachcco had expressly remarked before the election that
the General should be chosen for life, and Paul IV. had con-
firmed and praised the election.
^ Tit. 2 deer. 15.
2 Tit. 2 deer. 16.
^ Tit. 4 deer. 72 seqq.
4 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 77.
^ See AsTRAiN, I., 184.
256 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
As, therefore, no express Papal command existed, and the
bulls of Paul III. and Julius III. had confirmed the giving up
of the choir and the duration for life of the office of General, the
Congregation replied on August 30th to the renewed proposal
of the Pope that they were ready to obey, but that, in so far
as it rested with them, they wished to abide by the letter of
the constitutions. Lainez and Salmeron were sent to Paul
IV. with a memorandum which contained this declara-
tion.^
This, however, was never delivered, but an extraordinary
scene took place instead. Hardly had Lainez and Salmeron
been admitted when the Pope himself began to speak. At
first he spoke quietly, as if to himself : Ignatius had been a
tyrant ; he wished that, in future, the General's period of
office should only last for three years, as was the custom of the
Benedictines of S. Giustina, and those of Spain. With in-
creasing excitement he then went on to speak about prayer in
choir. The Jesuits were rebels because they would not accept
it ; they placed themselves in this respect, on the side of the
heretics (que ayudavamos a los herejes en esto) and he feared
that a devil would one day arise from among them. Prayer
in choir was essential for religious orders, and was founded on a
commandment of God, since it was said in the Psalms : Seven
times a day I have given praise to thee. He was therefore
determined to introduce the choir among the Jesuits. He
emphasized his intention in the strongest terms, and those
whom he was addressing declared : "he looked at us with
a curious expression of the eyes, and with visible excite-
ment."^
Paul IV. continued for some time in this tone, while the
fathers knelt before him, but at last he allowed the two envoys
to defend themselves, and visibly calmed down during the
explanations of Lainez, and at the end bestowed on the two
fathers, who were returning to their provinces, some objects
^ The letter is in the documents of the first General Congrega-
tion. Institutum Soc. lesu, congr. I., deer. 47.
^ Lainez has described the scene in a document signed by liim
and Salmeron ; copied in Astkain, IL, 613-614.
THE TWO REGULATIONS OF PAUL IV. 257
which he had blessed. Then he declared that Cardinal Alfonso
Carafa would communicate his orders to the Congregation,
which was done on September 8th. As the constitutions
appeared in print in the same year, 1558, the Papal order with
regard to the three years' duration of the office of General and
to the choir, had to be added on the last page.^
These two regulations, however, were not yet made per-
manent laws ; for this the forms required for the pubUcation of
an ecclesiastical law were still wanting. They were simply
orders which ceased to be in force with the death of the person
who issued them.^ On the advice of able canonists, they gave
up the prayer in choir after the death of Paul IV. After three
years of office Lainez declared that he was willing to resign the
generalship, but in this case also they acted on the principle
that after the death of Paul IV. his regulation was no longer in
force. ^ Besides this, Pius IV. expressly repealed the decree
^ Copy of this last page in Sommervogel, Bibl., V,, 76 seq.
After the death of Paul IV. tliis page was replaced by another.
2 Ecclesiastical law distinguishes between Jaws and (general
and particular) orders. A law, in the first place, relates to a
territortum and remains in force after the death of him who issued
it. A particular order relates, in the first place, to persons,
and according to the general opinion of canonists, lapses with
the death of the person who issued it. The proceedings of Paul
IV. in this case may be explained by the fact that he hesitated
to alter the bulls of Paul III. and Julius III., and therefore wished
to make the Jesuits adopt prayer in choir, and a three years'
period of office for the General, on their own initiative, and
that he expressed his displeasure by the order of September
8, that liis repeated hints to this effect had not had the desired
result. He certainly must have known that he could not alter,
by a merely verbal indication of his wishes, what had been con-
firmed by the bulls of Paul III. and Julius III., unless he first
expressly repealed the regulations of his predecessors.
^ AsTKAiN, II., 36 seqq. Mon. hist. Soc. lesii : S. Franc.
Borgia, III., 576. Bobadilla had now become quite reconciled
with Lainez, and to tlic Constitutions. He wrote to Lainez :
" My wish, with regard to the position of the General, is that
it may always be for life. In the case of your reverence, may it
VOL. XIV. 17
258 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Paul IV. and confirmed the constitutions of the Order.^
last a hundred years, and if you should happen to come back to
life after your death, may it last until the Day of Judgment ! "
AsTRAiN, II., 37.
^ H. Natalis, Scholia in Constitutiones, Prati, 1883, 275.
S. Franc. Borgia, III., 671 seq.
CHAPTER X.
Paul IV. and the Roman Inquisition.
The fiery zeal with which Paul IV. confronted the worldhness
and corruption in the Church was even surpassed by his care
for the protection of the true faith. From the very first, the
preservation in all its purity and the defence of this precious
gift seemed to be one of the principal tasks of the supreme
ecclesiastical authority. ^ Having been raised to the throne
of St. Peter, he meant, as the lawful shepherd and teacher
appointed by God for the preser^-ation of the full, pure and
unalloyed tnith, to use the whole of his power to defend it, all
the more as the dangers by which it was threatened on every
side became greater.
Even more than in his measures for reform, Paul IV. dis-
played, in his attacks on those who deviated from the true
faith, that pitiless severity and impetuous violence which were
characteristic of all his actions. If one should employ every
means to stamp out the plague, even to the destruction by fire
of infected houses and clothing, one should proceed in like
manner in fighting and extirpating the plague of the soul,
which is to be prized so much more highly than the body.^
^ Besides Vol. X. of this work, p. 371 seq., and Vol. XII.,
pp. 504-510, and supra Vol. XIII., p. 215, cf. the testimony of
Cardinal Ant. Carafa in his *Apologia (National Library, Naples) ;
see also the letter of Ignatius of Loyola of August 13, 1555, in
the Mon. Ign., Ser. i, IX., 465.
'^ Paul IV. spoke repeatedly to Navagero in this sense. See the
latter's *report of May i, 1556, in which he quotes the following
words of the Pope : " L'heresia h da esser perseguitata con ogni
rigor et asprezza come la peste del corpo, perche ella h peste
deir anima Se si appartano, si abbrugiano, si consumano li lochi,
et robbe appestate, perch6 non si dee con I'istessa severity
260 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The terrible weapons which the tribunal of the Roman
Inquisition, as reorganized by Paul III., opposed to heresy,
such as imprisonment, execution, and the forfeiture of the
estates of those condemned to death, had been, until now,
used in a comparatively moderate and merciful manner. As
no permanent success had been attained in this way, Paul IV.
determined to meet the efforts of the Protestant propaganda
to win over Italy to its side with all the means at his command.
He proceeded methodically and according to plan, displaying
in so doing, a severity that no less a person than the celebrated
Augustinian, Seripando, has described as inhuman.* These
ruthless proceedings had, as a consequence, the fact that, after
the death of the Pope, the fury of the populace broke out, and
vented itself principally on the buildings of the Inquisition.
In the course of the acts of devastation carried out there, the
documents of this tribunal were, for the greater part, destroyed.
The authentic sources have thus been lost, and Uttle enough
remains with which to replace them. Not even the number
of cases tried, or even of the executions which took place,
partly in the Piazza Navona, and partly in the Campo di Fiore
and the Piazza Giudea, can now be stated with any degree of
accuracy. 2
estirpar, annichilar et allontanar I'heresia, morbo deH'anima,
che val senza comparatione piii del corpo " (Cod. 9445, f- i8o
of the Library of St. Mark's, Venice). A similar utterance of
Paul IV. to Navagero in Jensen, G. P. Caraffa, Copenhagen,
1880, 137, n. I. Whether the four rules which, according to
Caracciolo, *Vita 3, 5 (aftenvards in Ranke, 1«., 137, with
inexact quotation) Carafa prescribed for himseh", in the treatment
of heretics, are authentic, appears doubtful. I consider them a
later compilation.
1 Merkle, II., 405 ; cf. our remarks in Vol. XII. of this work,
p. 508 seq. It is also quite wrong when Moroni (XXXV., 46)
maintains : " dolcissima e paterna fu sempre la condotta tenuta
dal tribunals di Roma."
2 The statements of Caracciola, *Vita di Paolo IV., 4, 8
(Casanate I.ibr.) are insufficient, and not always reliable ; they
stand greatly in need of a critical investigation {cf. Amabile,
I., 138 n.). The statements of the *Libri delle giustizie della
THE INQUISITION. 261
The general decrees of the Inquisition escaped destruction
in the troubles of August, 1559 ; they are preserved in the
confraternity, di S. Giovanni decollate (now in the State Archives,
Rome) upon which Orano (p. 4 seq.) has drawn, are thoroughly
reliable, but not complete. According to this source, there was
executed in Rome, on the 15 Juni, 1556, Ambrogio dc Cavoli
di Milano (c/. the *letter of G. A. Calegari to Commendone,
dated June 17, 1556 : " Domenica alii 14 fu una solenne abiura-
tione de' heretici ne la Minerva ; 11 lunedi seguente fu strangolato
et arso un frate Ambrosio da Milano sfratato gia piu anni, non
volse mai veder il crucifisso ne esser confortato." Lett, di
princ, XXIII., n. 8. Secret Arcliives of the Vatican ; cf. Arch,
stor. Napol., 593, n. 4), on August 19, 1556, Pomponio de Algerio
di Nola {cf. Brown, VI., 3, App. n. 155 ; Amabile. I., 166 seq. ;
DE Blasiis in the Arch. stor. Napol., XIII., 569 seqq. ; Bert-
OLOTTi, Martiri, 19 ; Volpicella, Racconti di stor. Napol.,
Naples, 1909, 27-88), on June 15, 1555, Gisberto di Milanuccio
Poggio di Civitk di Penne, on February 8, 1559, Antonio di Colella
Grosso della Rocca di Policastro, Leonardo di Paolo da Meola
da Pontecorvo and Giovanni Antonio del Bo ; one of these tlu-ee,
however, was no heretic, as is evident from the *Avviso of
February ii, 1559 (see Appendix No. 52). Cf. also Bertolotti,
Martiri, 26, and Turinozzi, 7. The burning of a Waldensian
in 1558 is mentioned by Bromato (II., 454). Carnesecchi was
summoned to Rome on October 25, 1557, and as he refused to
appear he was condemned in his absence on April 6. 1558. Par-
ticulars concerning him in a future volume of this work. With
regard to the action against Andrea Centani, Bishop of Limosso
and Cyprus, see, besides Buschbell, 81, n. 6, the *Acta consist,
cancell., VII., of February 4, 1558 : *R. Saracenus proposuit
unam causam contra episcopum Limosien. depositionis ipsius
ab episcopatu propter hcresim (Consistorial Archives). Con-
cerning the further course of this afiair see *Acta consist, of July
24 and August 9, 1559. According to Navagero (Amabile,
I., 141) about 60 prisoners were in the dungeons of the Inquisi-
tion at the death of Paul IV. (according to Bromato [II., 577],
there were 72). It can also be proved, not for Rome, but for
Bologna, that witches were burned there by order of Paul IV. ;
see Battistella, II S. Officio e la riforma religiosa in Bologna,
Bologna, 1905, 168.
262 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Archives of the Holy Office. ^ As these are, unfortunately,
still closed to scientific research, a fortunate find in a private
Roman library becomes all the more valuable. Two manu-
scripts of the princely house of Barberini contain the general
decrees of the Roman Inquisition since the year 1555, from
which the personnel of the tribunal and a number of important
decisions may be gathered.
At the accession of Paul IV,, four Cardinals, Juan Alvarez
de Toledo, Carpi, Puteo and Verallo belonged to the Holy
Office as Inquisitors-General. Of these, only Toledo and Carpi
took part in the sitting of the Inquisition which Paul IV.
held on September ist, 1555, at his summer residence in the
palace of S. Marco. On this occasion, the long trusted com-
missary-general, Michele Ghislieri, and the assessor, Giovanni
Battista Bizzoni, received from the Pope the same full powers
to conduct legal proceedings in questions of faith against all
persons, no matter how high their position, as those possessed
by the Cardinal-Inquisitors. ^
Paul IV. held a specially solemn sitting of this supreme
tribunal of the faith on October ist, 1555. Of the Cardinal-
Inquisitors, Toledo, Carpi and Puteo were present ; Verallo
was absent on account of severe illness. The Pope had also
summoned the highest officials of Rome to this sitting. Before
these he made the following statement : After God had chosen
him to be the head of the Church, he considered it his duty to
place matters of faith before all others, for faith was the essence
and basis of Christianity. He had arranged, therefore, that
the Commission of the Inquisition should take precedence of
all the other bodies in Rome, and its members should be
respected by all the other officials accordingly. They were to
^ Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 508. It is evident from a manu-
script in the Classense Library, Ravenna, that other documents
of the said archives also escaped destruction after the death of
Paul IV. This manuscript contains : *GabrieUs patriarchae
Alexandrini litterae ad Paulum IV. arabice scriptae ex ipsis
originaUbus quae cum sua versione latina in officio s. Rom.
et univ. Inquisitionis servantur transcriptae.
^ See Pastor, Dekrete der romischen Inquisition, 14.
THE pope's personal ATTENDANCE. 263
afford the members of the Inquisition every assistance, includ-
ing that of the secular armed force. The favour of the Pope
would depend upon the degree in which each of them promoted
the work of the Inquisition. ^
The three Cardinals named, as well as the commissary-
general and the assessor, had been for years tried members of
the Holy Office ; there seemed, therefore, to be every guarantee
that the tribunal would perform its duties with the severity
which Paul IV. considered necessary as a defence against the
religious upheaval. In spite of this, however, Paul IV.
insisted on being present at all the principal sittings. On
April 1 8th, 1556, the Thursday in each week was fixed for
these. 2 Nothing was allowed to interfere with the Pope's
taking part in these .sittings, an innovation which attracted
much attention.^ The fulfilment of this duty seemed to him
the most important of all. Navagero reports : "Of the three
days which are devoted to the consistories, Monday, Wednes-
day, and Friday, and the two days for the court, Tuesday and
Saturday, the Pope misses many, but he never fails to be
present at the Thursday sitting of the Inquisition, in which he
usually takes part personally, whatever may come in the way.
I remember that at the news that Anagni had fallen, everyone
in Rome flew to take up arms, and feared that their lives and
property were in danger. The Pope, however, remained calm ;
it was the day for the Inquisition, and he spoke quietly of the
matters that concerned it, as if there were not the slightest
thought of war, or as if the enemy were not before the gates."*
All the other correspondents are also agreed that nothing
lay so near to the heart of Paul IV. as his Inquisition. ^ In
^ Ibid. 15 seq.
^Ibid. 18.
^ Cf. the *report of the Genoese ambassadors, Giustiniano
Fiesco and Lorenzo Grimaldi, dated Rome, May 28, 1556 (State
Archives, Genoa).
^ Navagero-Alberi, 382.
^ Adriani. (V. 239 ; cf. 344) says that he devoted the greater
part of his time to it. *Il pontefice, writes Navagero on August
5, 1557, mangia ancor ritirato, pur vien detto che sta bene et
264 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
spite of the financial stress, he allotted 12,000 sciidi for the
renovation of the building in the Via Ripetta,^ which was
destined for it. By a Motu Proprio of February nth, 1556, he
invested this house with all the privileges enjoyed by the
palaces of the Pope and the Cardinals, and gave the officials
exemption from taxes. ^
The number of the members of the tribunal was increased,
in the autumn of 1556, to eight ; besides Toledo, Carpi and
Puteo, Cardinals Medici, Scotti, Rebiba, Reumano and Capi-
zuchi now belonged to it.^ The four last named, who had
been raised to the purple by Paul IV., fully shared his strict
views ; Rebiba had, as commissary of the Roman Inquisition
in Naples, given convincing proofs of this.*
It was decided on April 23rd, 1556, that whoever should
prejudice the Inquisition by the violation of its secrecy should
incur the sentence of excommunication, latae sententiae. A
year later it was decreed that the members of the Inquisition
who belonged to the clerical state, upon whose judgment and
sentence the shedding of blood under torture or death should
ensue, were liable to no censure or irregularity. On October
28th in the same year, the same exemption was extended to
all the officials of the Holy Office.^
A witness worthy of belief testifies that Paul IV., at a
sitting of the Inquisition, reminded the Cardinals how often
he had made representations to Julius III. concerning the too
hoggi h state nella congregatione suU' inquisitione fin 23 here
(Court Library, Vienna). This ardour was continually in-
creasing.
^ *De rebus novis urbis Romanae gcstis (see supra p. 238).
Manuscript in the Monastery Library, Zeitz.
2 Motu Proprio of February 11, 1559 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) ; see Appendix No. 26. Concerning the situation of
the house of the Inquisition see Arch. d. Soc. Rom.. I., 139.
^ Cf. Pastor, Dekrete 20. Massarelli, 302 must be rectified
in accordance with this ; he names only six Cardinal Inquisitors
until January, 1557.
* See Amabile, I., 214.
^ See Pastor, Dekrete, 18.
ITS SPHERE OF ACTIVITY EXTENDED. 265
lenient proceedings of the tribunal.^ Now, at any rate,
exactly the opposite was the case. The Inquisition acted in
such a manner that even strict Catholic critics expressed
disapproval, and reminded them that in all the proceedings
which their duty laid upon them charity to the sinner must not
be lost sight of, a thing which Christ Himself had taught and
practised. 2
Fateful above all was the extension of the Inquisition's
sphere of activity far beyond the domain of actual religious
doctrine, wluch was given to it by Paul IV. Political matters,
which, in Spain and also in many Protestant countries, were
often combined with religious questions in proceedings against
heretics, had hitherto been excluded from the Inquisition in
Rome. Paul IV. paid no attention to this. In the war with
Spain, Count Niccolo of Pitigliano, who belonged to the Orsini
family, and who had commanded the Papal cavalry, was sus-
pected of having an understanding with the enemy, and was
taken to the Castle of St. Angelo as a prisoner of state. He
was even kept there after the peace of Cave. The French
ambassador, who, in October, 1557, intervened on behalf of
the Count, learned that proceedings were to be taken against
him by the Inquisition because he had had a Jewess as his
mistress. On his asking whether he should be regarded as a
heretic on that account, he was informed that the Count was
accused of heresy because he had driven religious orders out
of his territory and had held heretical opinions. The ambas-
sador laid stress on the fact that the Count had proceeded
against the religious as political traitors, and for the safety
of his dominions, but not to promote heresy or to refuse respect
to religion. The accusation, however, could not be proved,
and the Count was eventually set at liberty.^
^ See the declarations of Cardinal Reumano taken from the
clociimcnls of the Carafa trial and quoted by Bruzzonk in La
Cultura, N.S.I. (1891), 434.
^ See Seripando in Merkle, II., 405.
' Cf. RiBiER, II,, 671, 710, 715, 720. It may be assumed
that the dispute with PliiUp II. also came before the Inquisition
266 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A whole number of immoral misdemeanours, which had
nothing to do with a court for the preservation of the Catholic
faith, were also given over to the Inquisition for treatment and
punishment, which necessitated a further increase of the
officials of the tribunal. As early as October 17th, 1555, Paul
IV. renewed the regulation of his predecessor, Julius III., that
the crime of blasphemy should be dealt with by the Holy
Office.^ A decree of February 1556 laid it down that all those
who had sinned against the commandment of fasting should be
punished by the Inquisition. ^ The authorities also inform
us that those guilty of outrages on maidens, procurers and
sodomites were to be brought before the same tribunal.^
Not only the punishment of these and other similar crimes,
but also everything which the Pope described as " simoniacal
heresy," such as the sale of the sacraments, the ordination of
those under age, and abuses in the matter of benefices, were
all to be dealt with by the Inquisition. " We are of opinion,"
said Paul IV., in July, 1557, " that no tribunal is more honour-
able or works with greater zeal for the glory of God than the
Inquisition, and we have therefore resolved to refer everything
to it that is connected with the articles of faith or can be
brought into relation with them."* The increase of the mem-
bers of the tribunal to fifteen Cardinals was certainly in con-
(see Brown, VL, 3, App. n. 167), as it was also connected with
ecclesiastical matters ; cf. supra p. 127.
^ See Pastor, Dekrete, 17,
2 Navagero reported on February 16, 1556 : *Sua S*^ a fatto
far un bando che siano commessi al inquisitione coUoro che
non farano la quadrigiesima, eccetti 11 amalati, a quail sia llclto
romperla con consenso de' medlci et con licentla delll deputatl
a tal cargo ; ha commesso slmllmente all' Inquisitione 11 blas-
tematorl (Cod. Marc. 9445, f. 120''. Library of St. Mark's,
Venice) .
^ See the *Avvlso of August 21, 1557 (Vatican Library) in
Appendix No. 39 and Nonciat. de France, I., xxlx seq. ; also
Orano, xlv. and Pastor, Dekrete, 18.
^ See Navagero's *report of July 16, 1557 (State Archives,
Venice), translated in Brown, VI., 2, n. 966 ; cf. supra p. 203.
" A SUPREME COURT OF MORALS." 267
ncction with this.^ On October 21st, 1557, all the powers
which the members of the Fabbrica di S. Pietro and the Peni-
tentiary possessed with regard to the absolution of simony were
recalled. On November 25th Paul IV. decreed that simonists
should in every case, even in questions of civil law, be treated
as heretics. 2 In December in the same year he transferred the
whole of the matters dealing with reform to the same dreaded
tribunal.^ On July i6th, 1556, it was ordered that in future,
no one was to found an Order without permission from the
Inquisition.^
The Inquisition was in this way overloaded with an immense
amount of business foreign to its work ; its functions were
chiefly to act as the supreme court of morals.^ Even a painter
^ In the e.xceedingly rare Index auctoriim et libronini qui ab
officio s. Rom, et ttniv. Inquisttionis caveri mandantiir (Rimini,
1559 ; cf. HiLGERS, 492), of wliicli only one copy (Rome, Bibl.
Alessandrina, N., f. 204) is preserved, it is stated on p. 27 that
tlie Nomina ill. rev. cardinalium inqnisit. general, per univers.
orb. Christ, contra haeretic. pravit. a S. Sede Ap. deputatorum are :
Carpi, Pacheco, Saraceni, Puteo, Scotti, Diomede Carafa (also
named again later on !) G. Savelli, G. Asc. Sforza, Rebiba, Re-
umano, Capizuchi, V. Rosario, Ghislieri, Dolera and Medici.
The oldest member of the tribunal on the list is Cardinal Juan
Alvarez de Toledo, who died on the 14/15 September, 1557.
As Cardinal Pacheco only received the title S. Balbinae, which he
bears in this list, on September 20, 1557, the list must have been
drawn up between September 15 and 20, 1557. -^t the end of
1558 the young Cardinal Alfonso Carafa was called into the In-
quisition, wlaich was considered a special mark of distinction :
" dove non si soleva admettere se non li vecchi." *Avviso
of December 3, 1558 (Cod. Urb. 1038, p. 355. Vatican Library).
2 See Pastor, Delcrete, 22 seq.
^ See supra p. 207 seq.
* See Pastor, Dekrete, 19 seq.
^ On November 20, 1557, Bernardino Pia reports to Cardinal
E. Gonzaga from Rome : *Non lieri I'altro in congregatione
d'inquisitione S.S.*''^ fece un ragionamento molto longo contra
a ruffiani di donne dishoneste et de' giovanetti, et vuole che
la S"*** Inquisitione severissimamente proceda contra quelli et
268 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
who had designed a crucifix which appeared improper, was
summoned before the Inquisition, and tortured 1^ The
greatest terror was aroused, as all the strict machinery which
was directed against heresy, was now set in motion against
the simonists.^ These terrors were increased when, not only
obstinate heretics, but also sodomites and polygamists were
liable to be condemned to death. ^
If the great extent of the moral corruption which the
Renaissance period had left in Rome,^ allows such sharp
measures on the part of Paul IV. to appear intelligible, it is
quite incomprehensible that he should also have had all matters
connected with reform placed under the Inquisition. What
required improvement in this connection had sprung from such
complicated relations, and had branched out into so many
ramifications, that the original character of the tribunal,
massimamente contra i padri, madri e fratelli che ne fanno
professione in servigio delle lore figliuole o sorelle (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
^ See the report of the Portuguese ambassador of December
ID, 1558, in the Corpo dipl. Port., VIII., 73.
2 The Acta consist, cancell. VII. for October 11, 1557, report an
example : *Commissio causae contra lo. Franc. Poliasca, epis-
copum Lunen. et Sarzan. . . , Et quia materia concernebat
materiam symoniacam S^^^ Sua cognitionem et decisionem causae
quoad symoniam commisit ofi&cio sanctissimae inquisitionis
(Consistorial Archives) .
^ See the *Avviso of February, ii, 1559 (Vatican Library).
This procedure against sodomites was transferred to the In
quisitors, Rebiba and Ghislieri, on November 25, 1557 (see Pastor,
Dekrete, 23). It is evident from the exceedingly rare work of
Albitius : De inconstantia in iure admittenda vel non (Amstelae-
dami, 1683, 349) that a decree of Paul IV. of June 17, 1559,
laid it down " quod miscentes in sortilegiis hostiam consecratam
debent etiam pro prima vice tradi brachio seculari."
^ Sodomy and blasphemy appeared to the Romans to be
habitual crimes, which ought not to be punished severely (see
the Avviso in Challoner's report in Stevenson, I., n. 1287).
Cf. Giom. stor. d. lett. Ital. II. 141 seq. to see what immoral lives
were led by the students of that period.
THE DOMINICANS AS INQUISITORS. 269
founded for the maintenance in purity of matters of faith, was
com])letely lost sight of by reason of these new measures, and
a quite unnatural preponderance in the ecclesiastical organiza-
tion had to be conferred on it. Besides, what might not be
understood under the tenn " simoniacal heresy ? " Was it
not possible for men to be persecuted as heretics, who had really
only been guilty of want of prudence ?
The right, already bestowed upon the Inquisitors by Paul
III., of delegating in all places far-reaching powers to clerics
who were experienced in theology or jurisprudence, was ex-
tensively employed by Paul IV. He particularly made use
for this purpose of the Dominicans, to whom the task of dis-
co\-ering heretics had long been entrusted. He sent out
Dominicans as early as June, 1555, and again in October, 1557,
with the title of Commissary-General, who, limited to no fixed
districts, were to take measures against the spread of
heresy. They had powers to proceed against anyone whose
opinions appeared to be open to suspicion, even against
bishops, archbishops and patriarchs ; they were also to rouse
the bishops and inquisitors who seemed to be inactive in the
discharge of their duties, to a more strict observance of
them.^
Paul IV. greatly valued the Dominican, Michele Ghislieri,
whom Julius 111., in 1551, had appointed as commissarj'-
general of the Roman Inquisition. Ghislieri did everything
that lay in his power to meet every danger which threatened
the purity of the faith. Of the correspondence which he
carried on with the Inquisitors, only that with the Inquisitor of
Genoa, the Dominican, Girolamo Franchi, consisting of about
fifty letters, from 1551 to 1559, has been preserved.- From
^ Sec, RiPOLi, Bull, praed., V., 43 seq. ; Bromato, II., 457.
2 I cliscovcrecl this important source, which Buschbeli. as
well as Rosi (La riforma religiosa in Liguria : Atti d. Soc. Lig.,
XXIV., 557 seq.) have overlooked, in the *Cod. E. VII., 15 of
the University Library, Genoa. The Code.x, which also contains
a number of documents from the time of Pius IV., to which I
shall return later, comes originally from the archives of the Genoese
270 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
these, mostly autograph letters of Fra Michele Alessandrino,
as Ghislieri was called, after his birthplace, we can see how
indefatigable he was in the discharge of his duties. This
correspondence was concerned principally with members of the
religious orders in the district of Genoa, who had wandered
from the faith ; one letter is concerned with disseminators of
heresy in the Island of Chios. ^ As soon as an investigation was
instituted, Ghislieri directed his attention, above all, to getting
acquainted with the accessories. The remark of Ghislieri's
biographer, that he was exceedingly severe in obstinate cases,
but mild to those who repented, ^ is borne out by these original
documents. A letter of June 20th, 1556, is of interest ; in this,
in agreement with the Roman Inquisition, and even with Paul
IV., the punishment of the galleys is only recommended for
those ecclesiastics whose flight cannot be prevented in any
other way. Those concerned should be made to wear the
yellow dress with the red cross for some years, deprived of the
power of hearing confessions and preaching, and enclosed in a
monastery, where fasting and prayer should be imposed on
them as a penance. The punishment of the galleys should
only be employed for the Marani, who had, for the most part,
only the intention of deceiving the credulous, and for incor-
rigible rogues.^
The future saintly Pope, Pius V., gives expression to his
sentiments in various letters, in which the patient bearing of
calumny is recommended, as the calumniator thereby injures
himself more than his victim. Whoever wishes to serve God
and the Holy Office, says Fra Michele, on September 3rd, 1556,
to the Inquisitor of Genoa, must not fear threats, but only
God, and must keep truth and justice before his eyes, come
Inquisition, which were dispersed in 1797. Rosi (loc. cit., 595)
only knew of the few fragments which have reached the State
Archives in Genoa; " le altre," he says, " presero vie che non
abbiamo potuto scoprire."
* See the **letter of November 11, 1557.
2 Maffei, Vita di Pio V., i, 7, p. 35.
^ See the *]etter of June 20, 1556, in Appendix No. 31,
GHISLIERI AS GRAND INQUISITOR. 27I
what may.i Wlien Paul IV. raised- this man, who was so
indefatigable in combating heresy, to the bishopric of Sutri
and Nepi, on September 4th, 1556, he took care not to with-
draw him entirely from his former activities.
As the office of commissary-general of the Inquisition could
not 1)6 united to that of a bishop, GhisUeri was appointed pre-
fect of the palace of the Inquisition."^ The reception of Ghis-
Heri into the Sacred College in March, 1557, brought with it a
further change in his position, and an extension of his authority.
On December 14th, 1558, Cardinal Alessandrino was raised to
the position of Grand Inquisitor of the Roman Church for life.
This office was, in future, hke that of the Grand Penitentiary,
■ only to be filled by a member of the Sacred College, and was,
moreover, to continue after a vacancy occurred in the Papal
throne. All the Inquisitors, delegates as well as bishops,
were to look upon the Grand Inquisitor as their supreme head,
in all matters connected with questions of faith.*
Anxiety for the preservation of the faith in all its purit}' was
also the reason for the exceedingly strict regulations which
Paul IV. enacted against the Jews, at the very beginning of his
reign. The natural reaction against the great, and in many
^ See the *letters of August 29 and September 3, 1556 (University
Library, Genoa) in Appendix Nos. 32 and 33.
'^ M. Gliislieri resists the acceptance of this dignity ; see Soriano
in Alb^ri, Relaz., Ser. 2, IV., 200 seq.
3 M.\FFEr, Pio. v., 38 seq.
* GhisUeri was not, as Ben rath (Herzog's Realenzyklopadie,
XV^., 439) states, appointed " Commissary-General " of the
Inquisition by Paul IV., but inquisitor maior et perpetuus. The
passage in question from the Acta consist, has already been
quoted by Maffei (Pio V., 45), but with the wrong date of Sep-
tember 14, which is also given by Bromato (II., 458). The
correct date : die mercurii 14 Decembris, 1558, is in the *Acta
consist, cancell., VII., 136'* (Consi.storial Archives). Die niartis
15 decemb., 1558, in Raynaldus, 1555 n. 23 is an error. The
taking of the oath by Ghisheri took place on December 16, 1558
(see GuLiK-EuBEL, III., 38). The statement of Firman us
(p. 512) is thus explained.
272 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cases certainly excessive, indulgence which the Popes of the
Renaissance period, especially Alexander VI., Leo. X., and
lastly Paul III., had shown to the Jews, was already making
itself felt under Julius III. Paul IV. went much further than
his predecessor. His bull of July 14th, 1555, ordained that,
for the abolition of the prevailing abuses, the Jews in Rome,
and in the other cities of the States of the Church, should live
quite apart from the Christians, in a quarter or street possessing
only one entrance and exit. It was further decreed that not
more than one synagogue should be allowed in any city ; the
Jews were not allowed to acquire any real estate, and were to
sell any such in their possession to Christians within a fixed
period. As a distinguishing mark they had to wear a yellow
head-dress. They were forbidden to keep Christian servants,
to work in public on Christian holydays, to enter into close
relations with Christians, to draw up mock contracts, to make
use of another calendar, or to use any other language in their
commercial affairs than ItaUan or Latin. Pledges on which
they had lent money were not to be sold until eighteen months
after the payment had become due. Finally the Jews were
not to trade in grain or any other article for human consump-
tion, they were not to treat Christians in the capacity of
physicians, they were not to allow themselves to be addressed
as Sir by poor Christians, and they were to observe strictly the
communal laws of any place in which they were living. ^
The carrying out of these strict regulations was taken in
hand at once. At the end of July, i555, the Jews first appeared
in their yellow hats, which they also had to wear in Venice.
Many of them preferred to dress entirely in yeUow, so that the
sign might be less noticeable. They had offered the Pope
1 Bull. VL, 498 seq. The contents of the bull are very frequently
not given correctly, even in Reumont, IIL, 2, 532. Cf. Erler
in the Archiv fiir Kirchenrecht, LIIL, 46 seq., in which Gratz
is justly reproached with having accepted the statement, which
is in such bad taste, of the Jewish historian, Joseph ha Cohen.
VoGELSTEiN-RiEGER (II., 152) date the bull on July 12, and com-
plain that Paul IV. has been canonized ! The wrong date is also
in Berliner, II., 2, 3 ; ibid. 5 the order for carrying out the
wearing of the head-dress.
THE ROMAN GHETTO. 273
40,000 scudi for the withdrawal of the bull, l)iit in vain.^ In
the autumn, a beginning was made in Rome with the marking
off of a strictly separate quarter of the city, such as already
existed in Venice. This Jewish quarter, which was enclosed
by walls, was situated in the low-lying river district, extending
from tlie Theatre of Marcellus and the Ponte Ouattro Capi up
the river as far as the palace of the Cenci, while its width lay
between the Tiber and the ruins of the Portico of Octavia.^
The bull was carried out in Bologna as early as August, 1555,
the Ghetto there receiving the name of Inferno.^ The sale of
^ See the contemporary report in the Rev. des etudes juives,
XX., 68 ; cf. Masius, Briefe, 515 ; Berliner, II., 2, 7 ; Rodo-
CANACHi, 40 seq. ; see also Cartas de S. Ignacio, V., 288 seq.
2 I find in the *Introitus et exitus 1555 (State Archives, Rome)
marked on p. 94 : "13 Sept. scuta 100 Silvestro de Peruzzis
architecto pro fabrica muri pro claudendo ludaeos " ; p. 99 :
9 Octob. " scuta 100 " to the same ; p. 108 : 14 November,
again " scuta 100 " to the same for the same purpose {cf. Ber-
liner, II., 2, 4-5 ; RoDOCANACHi, 41). In the letter quoted
supra p. 239, n. 2, *De novis, etc., in the Monastery Library,
Zeitz. it is stated on April 17, 1559 : " ludaei separatim vivunt."
Concerning the Roman Ghetto see Moroni, XXL, 23 seqq.,
who gives more details than Gregorovius, Wanderjahre, L,
95 seqq. Cf. concerning the Ghetto, also Histor.-polit. Bl.,
LVIL, 515 seq. Gregorovius derives the name Ghetto, which
came into use later — the old name is vicus iudeorum — from the
Talmudistic " ghet " separation. Others say it is an abbrevia-
tion of " traghetto " a side street, in which the idea of separation
is suggested. It is certain that the word is of Venetian origin.
The Ghetto there is supposed to be the oldest [cf. Zangwill,
Dreamers of the Ghetto, Leipsic, 1S99) ; it was far more enclosed
and separated than that of Rome, which was done away with
by Pius IX., and completely pulled down in 1887. The work of
Natali, II Ghetto di Roma (Rome, 1887) tells nothing new, but
RoDOCANACHi (43 seq., 49 seq.) makes many useful statements.
3 See Battistella, S. Officio in Bologna T48. A *letter of
the Bolognese concerning their Ghetto, dated January 18, I55^»
in the Papal Secret Archives, Castle of St. Angelo, Arm. 8, ordo
2, t. 3, p 62.
VOL. XIV. 18
274 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the real estate belonging to the Jews in the States of the Church
reahzed half a million scudi, which was only about a fifth of its
real value. ^
Paul IV. caused two learned Jewish converts, the Dominican,
Sixtus of Siena, and Joseph Moro, to preach to the Jews, so
that they might be converted. ^ As many Jews embraced
Christianity,^ Paul IV., in March, 1556, renewed the regulation
of Julius III., that a tax should be imposed on the munici-
palities of the States of the Church, for the support of the
Roman house of catechumens.*
Paul IV. had granted the Jews of Ancona some alleviations
in the interests of the trade of the city,^ As they seized upon
the fortunes of the Christians by means of usury, and com-
mitted deeds of violence at their expense,® he caused a Ghetto
to be erected there as weU in February, 1556.'^ The stricter
measures adopted against the Jews there^ were connected with
the proceedings of the Portuguese Marani. It had already
become evident in the autumn of 1555 that many of these new
Christians had only been pretended converts.^ The Inqui-
sition therefore decided, in a sitting of October ist, 1555, held
in the presence of the Pope, to take sharp measures against
those who relapsed. ^'^ A Neapolitan was sent to Ancona as
1 VOGELSTEIN-RlEGER, II., I54.
2 C/. GR.*rz, VIII., 366.
3 See the letter quoted supra p. 239, n. 2, *De novis, etc.,
in the Monastery Library, Zeitz.
* See the *briefs to the Duke of Ferrara and the Duke of Urbino
of March 20, 1556 (Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 343. Secret Archives of the
Vatican) and the bull of March 23, 1556. Bull., VI., 509.
^ See the *brief of September 28, 1555, in the Communal
Archives, Ancona ; cf. Leoni, Ancona ilJustr., Ancona, 1832, 291.
^ See the *brief to Genoa of December 11, 1555 (Arm. 44, t.
4, n. 258. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
' Cf. Rev. des Etudes juives. III., 95.
^ See the brief of March 23, 1556, in Ancona illustr., Ancona,
1870, 240.
^ See the brief (quoted supra n. 6) of December 11, 1555.
'" See Pastor, Dekrete, 16.
THE MARANI IN ITALY. 275
commissary, but he allowed himself to be bribed and then took
to flight. 1 On April 30th, 1556, the Roman Inquisition
decided that the Marani settled in Italy, who had become
converts only for show, should be punished as apostates. ^
A new commisary now made a thorough investigation in
Ancona, and arrested the guilty persons ; twelve of these, and
according to other authorities, twenty- four, were burned,^
forty-two others, who were less guilty, succeeded, by paying
considerable sums, in getting the death sentence commuted
to the punishment of the galleys for life. A letter of the
Sultan Soliman to the Pope, pointing out that there were
Turkish subjects among the prisoners, and threatening
reprisals on the Christians in Turkey, was not without effect.*
Many Marani from Ancona had fled to Ferrara and Pesaro,
which belonged to Guidobaldo dclla Rovere, Duke of Urbino.
The Duke hoped to divert trade to Pesaro by means of these.
At first this seemed likely to succeed ; the Levantine Jews
boycotted the port of Ancona, which suffered so severely in
consequence, that the city appealed to the Pope for protection;''
the Jews of the place also joined in the petition. Paul IV.,
who had already requested the Duke of Urbino to hand over
to the Inquisition the Marani who had fled to his dominions,
^ See the brief quoted supra p. 274, n. 6.
2 See Pastor, Dekrete, 18,
^ The attempt of C. Garib.\ldi (Un asserto autodaf^ sotto
Paolo IV., Bologna, 1876) to make out that this burning is a
fable, will not stand the test ; cf. Feroso in the Arch. stor.
per le Marche, I., 689 seq. and D. Kaufmann in the Rev. des
Etudes juives, XI., 149 seq. They have both overlooked Nava-
gero's statement (Brown, VI., i, n. 463) which gives the number
of those burned as 24. A brief of May 30, 1556, to the commis-
sary of the Inquisition in Ancona in Fontana, 440 seq.
* The Sultan's letter (dated 9 Marzo A° del profeta 963 [ — 1556],
in an Italian translation of the time, in the Secret Arcliives of
the V^atican, Castle of St. Angelo, Arm. 8, ordo 2, t. 3, p. 80 seq.,
printed in the Lett, de' princ, I., 190 seq. ; /. Makuscev, Mon.
Slav, raerid., I., 29 ; Nonciat. de France, II., 510 n.) gave rise
to the talk of a direct alilance with the Pope ; see supra p. 142.
* The Memorialc in I-'eroso, he. cit., O93 seq.
276 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
now made further representations to Guidobaldo della Rovere,
which were only successful in 1558. The Duke of Ferrara was
also requested in the same year to drive out these " faithless
and deeply detestable " renegades. At the same time the
Inquisitor, Ghislieri, requested the Duke to take steps against
a pamphlet being circulated in Ferrara in praise of those burned
at Ancona.^ Paul IV. had also ordered the destruction of
Talmudistic and anti-Christian books of the Jews. Not only
in Rome, but also in Cremona, great numbers of the Talmud
were seized and burned by an envoy of the Inquisition, with
the permission of the Spanish government. ^
1 See FoNTANA, 435 seq. ; Cibrario, Lett, di Santi, 11 seq. ;
Gratz, IX., 349 seq. ; Feroso, loc. cit., 707 seq. Kaufmann
has referred to the treatise in the Rev. des etudes juives, XL,
150 seq. t cf. ibid., XX., 47 seq. concerning the attempts of the
Marani in the territory of Urbino to flee to Turkey, There was
also a question of pretended Christians dealt with by the Portu-
guese Inquisition, with the affairs of which Paul IV. had been
much occupied since the beginning of his pontificate (see
Santarem, XII. , 431, 443 seq.). On April 18, 1559, Catherine,
the Queen Regent of Portugal, addressed a letter to Paul IV.,
begging him to institute a reorganization of the Inquisition in
Portugal (Corpo dipl. Port., VIIL, 142). In accordance with
this request the regulation issued by Paul III. (see Vol. XII.
of this work, p. 47) was to be repealed, as Portugal had already
vainly requested (see Santarem, XIII. , 19, 23). Paul IV. at
first refused absolutely (Corpo dipl. Port., VIIL, 193, 195 seq.) ;
finally, however, the Portuguese ambassador succeeded in in-
ducing him to change his mind. A brief in conformity with the
wishes of the Portuguese government had already been drawn
up {cf. Santarem, XIIL, 59) when the sharp eye of Paul IV.
detected a mistake in it, so that everything was once more in
doubt when Paul IV. died (see Corpo, VIIL, 195 seqq. ; Santarem,
XIIL, 62) ; Paul IV. repeatedly ordered ecclesiastical revenues
to be applied to the furtherance of the Portuguese Inquisition ;
see *Regesta Later. 1837, p. 240, 275 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
^ Cf. Caracciolo, *Vita, 4, n ; Erler, loc. cit., 49 ; Reusch,
I., 48 ; Vogelstein-Rieger, II., 156 seq. ; Berliner, II.,
FORBIDDEN BOOKS. 277
Gian Pietro Carafa had already recommended a war of
destruction on all bad books in his memorial to Clement VII.,
because they, in conjunction with bad sermons and an immoral
manner of life, were the real source of heresy. ^ Our infor-
mation as to the far-reaching efficacy of his work in this direc-
tion is not as complete as could be desired. It is evident from
a letter of Michele Ghishcri, the commissary-general of the
Inquisition, to the Inquisitor at Genoa on June 27th, 1557,
that Ghislieri had to urge moderation. To forbid such books
as Ariosto's Orlando, or the Cento Novellc, Ghislieri describes,
with perfect justice, as ridiculous. ^
In September, 1557, a very long list of heretical books, which
were to be burned, was prepared by the Inquisition. The
Venetian ambassador reported at this time that Paul IV. had
enjoined that the destruction of these books should only be
carried out by degrees, so that the booksellers should not
suddenly experience too great a loss. Two Cardinals were to
make inquiries into the rights of the booksellers. Among the
books to be destroyed immediately were all the works of
Erasmus ; also certain books not dealing with theological
2, 8 seq., and Zensur und Konfiskation hebraischer Biicher im
Kirchenstaat, Frankfurt, 1891, 4 seq.
^ See Vol. X. of this work, p. 421.
2 The very interesting letter is as follows : —
*Rev*^" padre. Li mando lo esamine di fra Eggidio . . . Di
prohibire Orlando, Orlandino, cento novelle et simili altri libri
pill presto daressemo da ridere ch' altrimente, perche simili
libri non si leggono come cose a qual si habbi da credere, ma come
fabule, et come si legono ancor molti libri de gentili come Luciano,
Lucretio et altri simili : nondimeno se ne parlara nella cougrega-
tione de' theologi et poi a S.S.^'^ 2t alii rev.°^i Pregate il Signore
che ne ispiri a fare quanto sii spediente et alle sue oratione mi
racommando.
Di Roma li xxvii. di giugno M.D.L. vii.
Di V. R. P'^''^ Fra Michele Alessandrino.
[Address] Al molto rev*^" padre fra Geronimo de Genova contra
I'heretica pravitk Inquisitore [padr.] oss°. Genova a S.*^"
Domiuico (Cod. E. VIL, 15 of the University Library, Genoa).
278 HISTOiRY OF THE POPES.
subjects, such as those of Machiavelli and Poggio's Facetiae. ^
A first copy of the Index was prepared in 1557 by Antonius
Bladus, but was not pubhshed.^ In February, 1558, a com-
mission of Cardinals discussed the matter. ^ On December 21st
a Papal bull appeared, revoking all permissions granted to read
forbidden books, the only exceptions being the Inquisitors-
General, and the Cardinals to whom a special permit had been
issued by the Pope.*
In the meantime Bladus had prepared a new and improved
edition of the Index. What had leaked out with regard to its
contents was of such a nature that all the booksellers were in a
state of the greatest consternation. Representations were
made to the Inquisition from various quarters, including the
Jesuit, Nadal, in consequence of which the Inquisition issued a
decree with the new Index, which somewhat modified its
extreme severity. ^ In spite of this, the decisions, which came
into force at the turn of the years 1558-1559, were so arbitrary
that no less an authority than Canisius described the list, on
account of its strictness, as a stumbhng-block.^ This judg-
ment was not too strong.
The new Index — " A List of Authors and Books against
which the Roman and Universal Inquisition orders all Chris-
1 See Navagero's report of September 7, 1557, i^ Brown,
VI., 2, n. 1024, which Reusch as well as Hilgers has overlooked.
Preparatory work for the Index in *Concilio LXXIV. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 296 seq.
2 See Hilgers, 490 seq. ; Reusch, The " Indices librorum
prohibitorum " of the i6th century, Tubingen, 1886, 176 seqq.
3 *Avviso di Roma of February 5, 1558 : *Si e fatto una con-
gregatione in casa del card, di Trani sopra le cose dell' here^ia
et libri heretici. (Vatican Library).
* ScHELHORN, Samml. fiir die Gesch., I., 143. Fontana,
448 seq. A similar regulation of April 14, 1559, with regard to
heretical books in the Editti, V., 30, 2 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
5 See Hilgers, 8 seq., 198, 489 seq. and Zentralblatt fiir Bib-
liothekswesen, XXVIII., (1911), 118 seq., where the statements
of Reusch are corrected.
^ Braunsberger, II., 380.
THE NEW INDCX. 279
tians to be on their guard, under the threat of Censure and
Punishment " — distinguishes three classes of books, each in
alphabetical order. The first class contains the names of those
authors who have, as it were, erred " ex professo," wherefore
the whole of their works, e\'en when they contain nothing
about the faith, are absolutely forbidden. Erasmus is
specially mentioned in this connection. In the second class
were the names of authors, of whose books only certain ones
had been condemned, because experience had shown that they
occasionally led persons to heresy, to a kind of insidious athe-
ism, or above all to intolerable errors. In the third class the
names of books were given, which contained pernicious doc-
trines, and had, for the most part, been composed by anony-
mous heretics. In the introduction it was stated that all
books which had been written by heretics, or should in future
be written by them, or published in the name of, or under the
designation of heretics, were forbidden. Further, in accord-
ance with the decree of the Council of Trent, of April 8th, 1546,
all writings which had appeared during the last forty years
without stating the author, printer, and the date and place
of pubhcation, even should they not treat of reUgion, were
forbidden ; moreover, for the future, the same was to apply
to all books that were published without ecclesiastical per-
mission. In a supplement to the Index it was decreed, with
regard to a number of Latin editions of the Bible, and all
translations of the New Testament into the vernacular, that
they were not to be printed, read or kept, without the permis-
sion of the Inquisition. Finally, a list of sixty-one printers
was added, the whole of whose publications were forbidden.^
1 See Reusch, I., 263 seq., where details are given concerning
the contents, compilers and sources of this first Roman Index ;
ibid., 369, concerning the prohibition of the writings of Savonar-
ola, and the deliberations before Paul IV. previous to th,:; pro-
hibition {cf. Arch. stor. Ital., Ser. 5, XXVIII., 288 seq.).
Machiavelli was published abroad, in consequence of the Index
of 1557 (see Arch. stor. Ital., XIX. [1896], 126 seq.). Boccaccio's
Decameron was forbidden with a similar formula " donee corri-
gatur " (see Reusch, 1.. 389). Concerning the proceedings
280 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The carrying into effect of these regulations, which un-
doubtedly went too far, was at once begun in Rome and
Bologna. In both cities the Inquisition caused a great number
of heretical books to be burned.^ Cardinal Ghislieri had
repeatedly to dissuade the Inquisitor at Genoa from measures
which were too strict and hasty ;2 he naturally insisted, how-
ever, on the carrying out of the Index. Where there was no
Inquisitor the bishops had to take the matter in hand.^
Not only the booksellers, but scholars as well, everywhere
against Erasmus see also Pirenne, III., 487, n. 2, and Histor.
Zeitschr., XC, 176. Cf. Joris in the Wissenschaftl. Beilage
der Germania, 1908, No. 48, to see how Lucian came on to the
Index of Paul IV. Two licenses of the Inquisition in 1559 with
regard to Italian translations of the Bible in the magazine,
Romania, XXIII., 416.
1 For Rome see Firm anus, 513, and Turinozzi, 6 ; for Bologna,
Serapeum, III., 155.
2 On January 7, 1559, Cardinal Ghislieri wrote from Rome to
G. Franchi : *I libri d' humanita de buoni autori, riconosciuti,
scholiati o commentati da altri reprobati nell' Indice, si possono
concedere deletis delendis, si come snche si concedono i libri
de santi dottori. On February 10, 1559, the following instructions
were sent to Franchi : *Rev'^° padre. Oltre I'altre cose mi sono
occorse scrivere a V. R.^^ con quest' ordinario, mi rimane hora
dirle che, per non illaqueare nelle censure molte anime circa
I'esshibition de libri prohibiti per causa di un termino troppo
repentino, potraa prefigerli uno over due mesi di tempo dalla
publicatione dell' Indice, et spirato quello, prorogarli poi anco
di piu quendici altri giorni, accioche non siano escusabili se in
detto tempo mancheranno di haver fatta la purgatione et cor-
rettione debita et ubedito in tutto all' ordine di esso Indice.
On February 25 Ghislieri wrote : *A quegli che V.R. conoscera
catholic! potra lasciare I'evangeliario et epistolario volgare
ecc. et potra anco lasciare la Biblia volgare a ms. Agostino
Pinello. Alia presentatione de libri debbano essere eguali,
et di lasciare quel che si possono concedere anco bisogna aprirvi
bene gli occhi (Cod. E. VII., 15, of the University Library, Genoa).
^ *Letter to G, Franchi, dated Rome, March 10, 1555, loc, cit.
THE INDEX ENFORCED. 281
complained of the great prejudice to their interests.^ The
number of suspected books deUvered up was in many cases so
great that those charged with their examination could hardly
cope with the work.- Paul IV. and the Inquisition every-
where watched over the strict carrying out of the new regu-
lations. These were published in Milan and were also carried
out in Naples. The number of books burned in Venice on
the Saturday before Palm Sunday was given as more than
10,000. In Florence, where there was no Inquisitor, the Duke
made up by his zeal for what was wanting.^ In the smaller
Italian states the governments naturally submitted, but in
some places, as for instance in Genoa, differences of opinion
arose with the Roman Inquisition.*
It was, however, not possible to fulfil the new regulations
completely outside of Italy. Not only the Sorbonne, but the
Spanish Inquisition as well, completely ignored the Index of
Paul IV. The Spanish Grand Inquisitor Valdes issued a list
of forbidden books of his own in 1559.^
In Rome and in the States of the Church Paul IV. could
make use of his own courts as he pleased, in his campaign
against the heretics.^ In the rest of Italy he very freely called
in the assistance of the governments. He applied to Duke
Ercole of Ferrara, as early as October ist, 1555, with a request
to arrest several persons under suspicion in questions concern-
^ Cf. PoGiANi, Epist., III., 149 ; Dejob, 74 seq.
2 See Tacchi Venturi, I., 316.
^ Cf. in Appendix No. 54 the very interesting letter of Cardinal
Ghislieri of March 31, 1559 (University Library, Genoa). Con-
cerning the burning of books in Naples (Sessa) see Arch. Napol.,
I., 645. For that in Tuscany cf. also Ciampi, I., 307.
* Cf. GhisUeri's *letter of July 21, 1559, in Appendix No. 5fi.
^ Cf. Reusch I., 298, 300 seq.
^ See the *brief of August 3, 1555, for the vice-legate Camillus
episc. Satrian. {iii transmittat gubernatori civit. Spoleti Hieronymum
Mediolan. qui oh haeret. pravit. caitsain tn carcere tyaditur. Ar-
chives of Briefs, Rome), the brief in Fontan.\, 435, and in
Appendix No. 53 that to the President of the Romagna of Feb-
ruary 27, 1559 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
282 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ing the faith in Modena, and to hand them over to the vice-
legate of Bologna, who would bring them before the Roman
Inquisition. Two members of the Valentini family, one of
whom was provost of the cathedral of Modena, the bookseller
Antonio Gadaldino, and the scholar Ludovico Castelvetro,
who translated the works of Melancthon into Italian, are
named in this document as suspects. ^ The Duke wished to
have the trial of the suspects conducted in Modena, but was
obliged, owing to pressure on the part of the Pope, to issue the
citation in July, 1556.^ The conservatori in Modena now
protested, while Castelvetro saved himself by flight. The
provost Valentini presented himself in Bologna, and was set at
liberty after he had abjured his errors. The bookseller,
Gadaldino, who refused to recant in any way, was condemned to
imprisonment for life.^ On November 24th, 1555, Duke Ercole
was ordered to arrest two teachers of heresy who were about
to come from Germany to Ferrara, and hand them over to
Rome. Similar orders were also given later on to the Duke,
as for example, on February'' 3rd, 1559, in the case of a phy-
sician who had been arrested at Reggio.* The government of
Lucca was summoned on March 31st, 1556, to assist the
inquisitors there in their procedure against the heresy preva-
lent in the city and diocese. The RepubHc of Genoa did not
need such admonitions ; on its own initiative it drove the
heretical Augustinian hermits out of its territory, for which it
received two Papal letters of eulogy. ^
1 The brief, in Tiraboschi, Bibl. Mod., VI., 59, has been again
published by Fontana (p. 434 seq.).
2 See the ambassadorial reports from Rome in Sandonini,
L. Castelvetro, 288 seq.
3 Tiraboschi, Bibl. Mod., I., 447 seq. Tassoni, Cronaca :
Mon. di stor. patria, XV., 341 seq. Fontana, Renata, II.,
420 seq. Sandonini, 295 seq. Cavazzuti, L. Castelvetro,
Modena, 1903, 210.
* See Fontana, 436, 451. This letter, however, has already
been printed by Raynaldus, 1559, n. 22.
^ Fontana, 437 seq., 443 seq. Concerning Lucca see Donadoni,
Di uno sconosciuto poema eretico, Naples, 1900 ; Giorn, stor.
PROTESTANTISM IN NORTH ITALY. 283
The continuation of the Protestant propaganda in north
Italy caused the greatest anxiety to Paul IV. ; the Duchy of
Milan was especially in danger on account of its proximity to
Switzerland. The representative of PhiHp II., Cardinal
Madruzzo, was therefore, on May 20th, 1556, exhorted to
increased vigilance. It is evident from this letter to what
means the heretics had recourse ; an Augustinian hermit,
convicted of heresy in Milan, had been handed over to the
secular power by the Inquisitor ; by means of a forged order
he had succeeded in getting out of prison, and had then been
assisted in his flight by some officials of the court ; the Pope
exhorted the Cardinal to more severe punishments. On
August ist, 1556, he was obliged to take steps on account of
the recent arrest of a heretic, who had escaped from the prisons
of the Inquisition in Milan. Two years later the Inquisition
in the capital of Lombardy was removed from the monastery
of S. Eustorgio and transferred to that of S. Maria delle Grazie.
The Inquisitor-General in the Duchy of Milan at this time was
the Dominican, Giovan Battista da Cremona.^
Protestantism was also by no means conquered in Venice.
The Pope repeatedly exhorted the representative of the
Republic to see that the government allowed no heresy to strike
root in its dominions. Paul IV. also pointed out on this
occasion the evil consequences which any toleration would
entail for the state. ^
d. lett. Ital., XXXVII., 420 ; Tacchi Venturi, I., 347 ; con-
cerning the Inquisition in Florence, cf. Le Bret, Magazin, VIII.,
549. According to a memorandum, of which I was informed by
Lammer, in the *Cod. A D 9(63) of the library of S. Pietro in
Viucoli, a number of citizens were, at the instance of the Bishop
of Lucca, on June 4, 15, and 25, 1556, " per commissione di Roma "
Eis " eretici publicamente citati in pergamo nella chiesa di S.
Martino a costituirsi nelle carceri di Roma ad istanza de quactro
cardinali inquisitori sotto pena della vita e confiscazione de'
bcni."
^ See FoNTANA, 438 seq., 448 and Fumi, L'Inquisizione, 211 seq.
2 *Scrivete a quella Signoria che non lascia firmar nel stato
I'heresie, perche dopo quella vicne la destruttionc come si puo
284 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In Bergamo, where even in the time of Clement VII.,
measures had had to be taken against the followers of Luther,
Bishop Vittorio Soranzo, who belonged to a noble family of
Venice, was suspended in 1552 on a suspicion of heresy, and
kept imprisoned in the Castle of St. Angelo. Two years later
he was declared innocent, and was reinstated in his bishopric.^
On this occasion Julius III. gave him Canon Giulio Augusto as
his coadjutor. The latter, however, incurred the penalty of
excommunication on account of disobedience to the Roman
Inquisition in 1556, whereupon Paul IV. deprived him of his
coadjutorship on June ist, 1556 j^ a year later Bishop Soranzo
was again arrested on an accusation of heresy, and proceed-
ings taken against him by the Inquisition. This ended in his
being condemned to recant his errors, and being deprived of
his bishopric. The sentence was pronounced by the Pope in a
consistory of April 20th, 1558.^
esser chiari a mille esempi. Report of Navagero of May i, 1556
(Library of St. Mark's, Venice). Cf. also the passage from
Navagero's *report of October 30, 1557 (State Archives, Venice)
in De Leva, Degli eretici di Cittadella, Venice, 1873, 61. Padua,
wrote the Jesuit, B. Palmio, on February 11, 1558, is full of here-
tics, who live almost unmolested ; see Tacchi Venturi, L,
549-
^ See Ughelli, IV., 292 seq. and Buschbell, 15.
2 FoNTANA, 441 seq.
3 See Ughelli, IV., 496 ; Bromato, II., 453 ; Amabile,
I., 140 ; cf. Acta consist, in Gulik-Eubel, 147. The efforts which
Paul IV. made to have Soranzo handed over to Rome (see
Brown, VI., 2, n. 920, 1156), were in vain. Soranzo died in
Venice in 1558. The brief to the nuncio in Venice was directed
against the preaching of a Spanish woman there, see Raynaldus,
1557, n. 52. At the visitation in Istria and Dalmatia proceedings
against the heretics were also to be arranged (see the * brief
to the Doge of April 2, 1558. Arm. 44, t. 2, f. in. Secret
Archives of the Vatican). A decree in support of the Inquisition
in Sardinia in Fontana, 433. Faculties for the absolution of
repentant Lutherans in Brescia were issued by Paul IV. on June
16, 1559 ; see Raynaldus, 1559, n. 22.
PROTESTANTISM IN NAPLES. 285
The dangers with which the Protestant propaganda threat-
ened the Cathohc Church in the Kingdom of Naples were very
grave. On July 20th, 1556, Paul IV. repealed a regulation of
his predecessor, according to which the property of heretics
in that kingdom could not be confiscated.^ When the war
with Spain broke out, the work of the Inquisition in Naples
was paralysed for a whole year, until the autumn of 1557.^
How dangerously the situation developed there is clear from
the autobiography of Giiilio Antonio Santorio. He had the
greatest difficulties to encounter as vicar-general of the Bishop
of Caserta, in repressing the Protestant agitation. Full of zeal
for the Catholic religion, Santorio used his utmost efforts, and
all the authority of his position, and endeavoured by fasting
and prayer, as well as by public and private disputations, to
preserve the unity of the faith in his native place, to strengthen
the weak, and to bring back those who had strayed. " By
doing so," he tells us, " I incurred a violent persecution from
the heretics, who insulted me and endeavoured to kill me, as I
have set forth in a little book of my own." Santorio endeav-
oured to strengthen himself for the struggle by prayer and
fasting.-^
After the conclusion of peace with Spain, the activity of the
Inquisition in Naples was again set in movement ; at the same
time it received a greater impetus in Rome than ever before.*
In October, 1557, the number of Cardinals who belonged to the
tribunal was increased by four ;^ in November the Governor
of Rome, the Archbishop of Conza and Bishop of Verona were
^ FONTANA, 442.
^ See Amabile, I., 223.
^ See Autobiografia del card. G. A. Santorio, ed. Cugnoni
in the Arch. Rom., XII., 335.
•* Cf. Amabile, I., 223, 226. Seripando was also in danger
at this time ; see ibid., 229.
^ *Heri poi in concistorio aggionse alii cardinali del inquisitione
li rev'"' Pacheco, S. Fiore et Savello et il giorno avanti ve haveva
posto Ariano [Diomede Carafa] et Triulci, 11 qual Triulci ha anco
fatto entrare in signatura. Navagero on October 16, 1557
(Court Library, Vienna).
286 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
also added. 1 All reports agree that the activity of the Pope's
work for the Inquisition reached its highest point in the year
1558.^ Heretics were now also sent from Naples to Rome
for punishment. Several of them died at the stake, for there
were many among them who obstinately refused to recant
their errors.^
Paul IV. did not content himself with taking steps against
undoubted heretics ; quite innocent persons were also pro-
ceeded against by the Inquisition. As the news concerning
the spread of heresy which arrived from all parts of the world,
even from Spain, was becoming more disturbing, whole families
in different parts of Italy falling away from the faith, as for
example in Cremona, and making their escape to Geneva or
Germany,* the fear and anxiety in Rome increased from day
to day. The lively southern imagination of the Pope mag-
nified to an immeasurable degree the dangers with which the
heretical propaganda threatened the security of the Church
in the south as well as in the north of Italy, and he therefore
more and more lost sight of the proper point of view, from
which he ought to have combated the enemy. His quite
justifiable anxiety for the preservation of the Catholic faith
degenerated into a kind of pessimism, which, for the most part,
^ *Giobbia nella congregatione del inquisitione il pontefice
fece entrare in essa al numero dell' altri consultori 11 reverendi
governatore di Roma, arcivescovo di Conza et vescovo di Verona.
Navagero on November 6, 1557 (Court Library, Vienna).
2 Cf. in Appendix No. 48 the *Avviso of April 2, 1558 (Vatican
Library). A *report of Claudio Malopera to Cardinal Madruzzo,
dated Venice, April 30, 1558, encloses a *report from Rome
of April 23, which says of the Pope : " Et ha precipua cura
delle cose pertinent! all' inquisitione et per meglio attendervi
dicono che rimetrk tutti i negotii al card. Carafa et lui attendea
solo a intervenire alle congregationi, qual si farano delli casi
de I'inquisitione " (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck). An
*Avviso of December, 31, 1558 (Vatican Library) also says how-
very near to the Pope's heart the Inquisition was.
^ See Amabile, I., 230.
* Cf. the **letter of G. Garimberto to Cardinal Carafa, dated
Rome, June 18, 1558 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
A REIGN OF TERROR IN ROME. 287
saw the greatest danger just where none at all existed. A
little want of care, or an ambiguous expression sufficed to give
rise to the suspicion of heresy. The hasty and credulous Pope
lent a willing ear to every denunciation, even the most absurd.^
Neither rank, nor dignity nor merit weighed in the balance in
the case of anyone suspected of heresy ; he would be treated
with the same ruthless severity by the Inquisition as if he were
the open and declared enemy of the Church. The Inquisitors,
constantly urged on by the Pope, scented heresy in numerous
cases where a calm and circumspect observer would not have
discovered a trace of it, however strictly it might be measured
by the standard of the doctrines of the Catholic Church. The
envious and the calumniator were kept hard at work snapping
up suspicious words fallen from the lips of men who had been
firm pillars of the Church against the innovators, and in
bringing groundless accusations of heresy against them.^ It
thus came to accusations being made and proceedings being
taken against bishops and even Cardinals, which are as incom-
prehensible as they were baseless. An actual reign of terror
began, which filled all Rome with fear.^
It is only with great sorrow that we can look back on that
time of terror, mistrust and confusion, when men were brought
by false arts under the suspicion of wandering from the Catholic
faith, to which they were in reality devoted, heart and soul.*
^ The pious Cardinal Alfonso Carafa, who was specially trusted
by Paul IV., complained bitterly in August, 1559, to the French
ambassador, about the " malice de ces cagots, desquels una
grande partie estoient eux mesmes heretiqucs et remplissoient
de calomnies les oreilles et le cerveau de S.S.*^." Ribier, II.,
815.
2 No less a person than Cropper (see Histor. Jahrb., VII.,
596) whom Cardinals Truchsess and Madruzzo praised as having
always been a firm pillar against the heretics in Germany ; see
Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengesch., V., 613 seq.
^ This is quite openly stated in the *Avvisi ; see e.g. the *Avviso
of December 31, 1558, (Vatican Library).
^ In consequence of the uncertainty and confusion, it also
occasionally happened that undoubtedly guilty persons were
288 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Many of the occurrences which took place in Rome at that time
remind one of those dreadful scenes which sometimes occur
in the fury of battle, when the soldier no longer distinguishes
between friend and foe, and mistakenly falls upon his comrade
and kills him.
interceded for by good Catholic authorities. The most striking
example of this is the case of P. Carnesecchi. He was cited before
the Roman Inquisition in 1557, and as he did not appear, was
condemned on April 6, 1558, in contumaciam. On April 11,
1558, Cardinal Madruzzo recommended this man to Cardinal
Carafa and the Bishop of Pola (Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengesch.,
v., 612 seq.). The *letter in which Carnesecchi is recommended
to Cardinal Madruzzo as the friend of Pole and Morone is dated
Venice, March 22, 1558 ; the signature is illegible. I found
this letter in Cardinal Madruzzo's correspondence in the Vice-
regal Archives, Innsbruck.
CHAPTER XI.
The Trial of Cardinal Morone.
It was on May 31st, 1557, that a report was circulated in Rome,
which occasioned the deepest sorrow in every quarter of the
city.^ One of the most respected and most virtuous members
of the Sacred College, as well as one of the most zealous for
reform, Cardinal Morone, had been arrested and taken to the
Castle of St. Angelo.
As nuncio and legate Morone had rendered the Church most
distinguished services, under the most difficult circumstances ;
as Bishop of Modena he had combated error, introduced re-
forms, and energetically supported the Jesuits.^ Under Julius
III. he had even belonged to the Roman Inquisition. All his
services, however, as well as his blameless manner of life, were
alike disregarded by Paul IV. With complete disregard of all
legal procedure, he caused a Cardinal to be thrown into prison
who was one of the best men in the Curia. No wonder that
such a proceeding caused the most painful impression, not only
in Rome, but everywhere else as well, even so far off as Poland.^
Already, on May 22nd, Morone's maggiordomo had been
arrested in his presence and thrown into the prisons of the
Inquisition.'* This proceeding was looked upon as being due
^ Delfino testifies to this in his *report to Ferdinand I., dated
Rome, June 5, 1557 (Court and State Aichivcs, Vienna).
^ Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 510, and infra p. 295 seq., also
Tacchi Venturi, I., 184, 284, 509 seqq., 541 n. 5. Morone
was also actively employed in reform as administrator of the
Bishop of Novara ; see Appendix Nos. 46-47 ; ibid. Morone's
care to have good Catholic preachers at Modena and Novara.
^ See the letter of A. Patricius, dated Cracow, July 6, 1557,
in MoRAWsKi, A. Patrycy Nidecki, Cracow, 1884, 105.
* See Navagero's report in Brown, VI., 2, n. 898, and Amabile,
I., 150-
VOL. XIV. 289 19
290 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to the fact that Morone was considered to be an Imperiahst,
and unfavourable to the Carafa. The Cardinal knew very well
that he had this reputation, nor did it escape his notice that his
orthodoxy was suspected. In his open and straightforward
way he spoke himself to Cardinal Carafa of the charges brought
against him, and pointed out to him how groundless were the
rumours concerning him ; at the same time he also expressly
reminded Carafa of the great share he had had in bringing
about the election of Paul IV. Cardinal Carafa answered that
he entertained no suspicions against Morone, that everyone
was free as to his political opinions, and that he was not con-
cerned with rehgious questions. ^ The conversation thus
ended to their mutual satisfaction. Consequently Morone,
who had nothing on his conscience, felt no anxiety when on
the morning of May 31st, Cardinal Carafa again asked him to
visit him, as he had an important communication to make to
him. Morone had hardly reached the anticamera when all the
doors were closed. Thereupon Cardinal Carafa appeared and
informed his colleague that the Pope had ordered his incar-
ceration in the Castle of St. Angelo. Morone rephed, without
a trace of excitement : " I am not aware of having failed in any
way ; besides, I should in any case have hurried here, even
from a great distance, to obey the orders of the Holy Father."
Then the Cardinal was taken in custody through the covered
passage which connects the Vatican with the Castle of St.
Angelo. They left him three of his servants, but placed in his
cell a guard of four soldiers, whom he had to pay out of his own
pocket. Morone preserved, in these painful circumstances,
that peace of mind which only true piety and the consciousness
of innocence can give. He caused his mother to be informed
by letter that she must have no anxiety on his behalf.^
1 See Brown, VI., 2, n. 913.
^ Besides Massarelli, 310, and the report of Navagero of
May 31, 1557 (translated in Brown, VI., 2, n. 910) and that of
Carne in Turnbull, n. 625, also Masius, Briefe 291, see especially
the report from a very well-informed source *Captura del card.
Morone in Roma all' ultimo di Maggio 1557 (Ambrosian Library,
Milan, R. 833) used by Sclopis (p. 22 seq.). Benrath (Herzog's
MORONE ACCUSED OF HERESY. 29I
On the same day the legal officials seized all the papers and
books in Morone's palace, which adjoined S. Maria in Traste-
vere, and took his private secretary to the prison of the In-
quisition. There was no doubt that an accusation of heresy
was in question. Nevertheless, it was believed that for the
arrest of so eminent a member of the Sacred College, who had
been repeatedly named by the Imperiahsts as the future Pope,
and who was highly esteemed by Philip II. and Mary of Eng-
land, other grounds must exist. In many quarters, therefore,
it was current that a question of some political offence, con-
cerned with treasonable relations of the Cardinal with the
poUtical enemies of Paul IV., was at the bottom of the matter.^
This view, however, was soon denied from an influential
quarter. On June ist, Paul IV. informed the Cardinals in a
General Congregation, that he had ordered the arrest of Morone
on account of a suspicion of heresy, which he had entertained
against him even in the time of Paul III. The Inquisition
would conduct the trial, and the sentence would be laid before
the Sacred College. ^ The Pope spoke to the same effect next
day to Navagero. It was not a question of a crime against
the state, but of one against the faith. It had come to his
knowledge that even in the Sacred College there were men
infected with heresy. He had been obliged to take measures
against the terrible danger which this involved. " To tell
the truth," he continued, " we wish to meet the dangers which
threatened in the last conclave, and to take steps during our
lifetime, so that the devil may not succeed in days to come in
placing one of his own on the throne of St. Peter." He said
Realenzj'kl., XIII. 3, 481) erroneously gives the date of Morone's
imprisonment as June 12, Bernabei (p. 70) says in June, Riess
(p. 249), May 30, Amabile, (I., 229), June 2. Navagero expressly
says in his letter of May 31 : " questa mattina " (State Archives,
Venice). The bad impression made by the arrest is testified to
by Delfino ; see Steinherz, I., xxxvii., n. 2.
^ See the report of Navagero mentioned in the previous note.
2 See in Appendix No. 37 the *Acta consist (Consistorial
Archives) and Navagero's report of June i, 1557, in Brown,
VI., 2, n. 913 ; cf. also Game's report in Turnbull, n. 625.
292 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that if he should be found wanting in this respect, reproaches
might justly be brought against him in a Council.^
On June 3rd the conduct of the suit against Morone was
entrusted to Cardinals Rebiba, Reumano, Ghislieri and
Rosario at the usual Thursday sitting of the Inquisition. ^
It then transpired that, as the Pope Iiad at once hinted,
another Cardinal as well was to be called upon to answer an
accusation of heresy, and that this was Morone's intimate
friend Pole, against whom, however, the Inqviisition could not
proceed directly, because he v/as still in England, under the
protection of Queen Mary. To the accusation against Car-
dinal Pole, they also joined the introduction of a suit, under-
taken at that time by the Inquisition, against the vicar of
Cardinal Carpi, as well as again summoning all the Cardinals
to Rome.^ It is evident that Paul IV. considered Pole as
guilty as Morone, from the fact that all the attempts of Queen
Mary to have the recall of Pole from his legation in England,
which had been issued on April 9th, 1557, revoked, were un-
successful ; on June 14th, 1557, his successor was appointed
in the person of the Franciscan, Peto.*
Two days before this the trial of Morone had begun in the
Castle of St. Angelo.^ The four Cardinals entrusted with this
^ See Navagero's report of June 2, 1557, in Brown, VI., 2,
R. 915.
2 *Nella congregatione passata dell' inquisitione [Thursday ;
see the *Avviso di Roma of June 5, 1557. Cod. Urb. 1038, p.
234. Vatican Library] il pontefice aggiunse alii tre cardinali
primi cioe Pisa, Reumano, Alessandrino il rev™° Spoleti a vedere
le cose del rev. Morone. Navagero on June 5, 1557 (Cod. 6255,
p. 427 of the Court Library, Vienna). The remark of Tacchi
Venturi (I., 539 n. i) with regard to the " rev. de Spoleto "
is erroneous. The Motn Proprio of June 11, 1557 (see Appendix
Nos. 46-47) also names four Cardinals.
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 914, 932, 933, 938 ; cf.
Bertolotti, Martiri, 20.
^ See *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives) ; Brown, VI.,
2, n. 937, 938 ; ZiMMERMANN, Pole, 330 seq. Cf. infra p. 300.
^ See the *Avvi,so di Roma of June 12, 1557 (Cod. LTrb. 1038,
p. 236. Vatican Library).
MORONE S REPLY. 293
painful duty expressed their regret that this task should have
been imposed on them, and called upon him to make an open
avowal, and thus find that the clemency of the Holy Father
would not fail him, sliould he stand in need of clemency.
Morone declared that he was willing to do so, and would tmth-
fuUy tell everything he could remember. As to this he
remarked to Cardinal Ghislieri that he had already, at the
beginning of the pontificate of Paul IV., declared that he was
ready to make such a statement, a thing of which the Pope
must be aware. ^
On June i8th, 1557, Morone gave an exhaustive written
answer, in which he refuted all the accusations brought against
^ Contemporary *copies of the documents in the process
against Morone at Milan, in the Archives of Duke Gallarati
Scotti, XLI., E. n. 5. The first to make use of these was Cantu,
who (Eretici, II., 176 seqq.) gives the complete Dijesa (more
properly confessione) of Morone of June 18, 1557, and points out :
" In tutto il processo non v'e menzione de tortura." Cf. also
CantCt, II card. G. Morone : Mem. dell' 1st. Lombard©, Ser.
3, I., fasc. 4 (i866), I seqq., where the Difesa is once more printed
on p. 24 seq. Tacchi Venturi (I., 533 seqq.) has given the
complete evidence of Salmeron. At the first glance the date
of the first part of tliis evidence, July 25, 1555, is startling. This
date is explained as follows. Soon after his accession, on June
26, 1555, Paul IV. had appointed a commissary, in the person
of the Dominican, Tommaso Scotti, to seek for witnesses for the
introduction of a process against Morone. Tliis procedure gave
the defenders of Morone later on, a reason for attacking the whole
action against Morone as invalid, because it was illegal. Cf.
in this connection the *original documents in Appendix Nos.
46-47 which I found in the Semmary Library, Foliguo. Concern-
ing the Compendium Inquisitorum, which Corvisieri pulilished
in the Arch. d. Soc. Rom., III., 261 seqq., 449 seqq., some perfectly
false views have been disseminated by Ranke (Papste, I.^,
92, 96). These have been corrected by Benrath (Histor.
Zeitschr., XLIV., 461 seqq.), who at the same time shows it to
be probable that it is a question in this document of an extract
from the process of Morone, which Santorio drew up about 1565-
1566 for his own instruction, as Consultor of the Inquisition.
294 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
him.i With regard to the reading of forbidden books he was
able to point to the extensive faculties which he possessed as
Papal nuncio, and also to the fact that he had taken proceed-
ings against the dissemination of such literature. As far as
the accusation that he had deviated from the doctrine of
justification defined by the Council was concerned, Morone
dealt first of all with his attitude towards the Ratisbon formula
of 1541. This he had advocated, but that was before the
Council had made any pronouncement. After the decision of
the General Assembly of the Church he had taken the decree
of Trent as his rule, although no authentic Papal confirmation
had yet been issued. With regard to his intimacy with Pole
and his close friend Flaminio, Morone could appeal to the fact
that they were considered good Catholics, even by Paul III.
The Cardinal excused himself for the mistake of circulating the
pamphlet " Del Beneficio di Christo " by sajnng that it had
not been, at that time, forbidden, and that he had found
nothing wrong in the pamphlet, while at the same time, he
pointed out the disorder prevailing in Italy at that time.
There had not been such strict supervision in matters of faith,
he continued, before the erection and strengthening of the
Roman Inquisition ; people had discussed religious dogma
everyn^here, and religious books were sold without restriction.
As many places were without an Inquisitor, and in many others
the Inquisitors were of no importance, everyone could trifle
with the theologians and say what they liked. With regard
to the dispute in which he, as Bishop of Modena, had been
involved with the Jesuit Salmeron, Morone acknowledged that,
in his excitement, he had made a remark concerning good
works which was open to great misconstruction ; he had made
amends for this by every means in his power, however, as he
^ " Articuli contra card. M. de Luteranismo accusatum et in
carcarem coniectum . . . 1558," first published by Vergerio
vnih a violent polemical " annotation " (see Hubert, Vergerios
publizist. Tatigkeit, 309), and later copied by Fricke in Schel-
HORN, Amoenit. lit., XII., 570 seqq. ; cf. Wolf, Lect. mem.,
II., 655 seq. ; Arch. Rom., III., 665 seq. ; see also Bertolotti,
Martiri, 19 seq.
morone's reply. 295
had done for everything of which he had been guilty in this
dispute, and had energetically supported the Jesuits in
Modena and the German College in Rome.
Morone also justified the distribution of presents to heretics,
as well as the clemency which he had shown years before to
several Lutherans in Trent and Bologna, by maintaining his
good intention in what he had done. As far as his orthodoxy
was concerned he could appeal to the testimony of his vice-
legates, as well as to his regulations in rehgious matters, which
e.xtended over a period of four years, and had had no other
object in view than the preservation of the faithful in the true
rehgion. The accusation of refusing to venerate the saints he
was also able to repudiate by pointing out his actual behaviour
in this respect. The accused also repeatedly touched upon his
relations to people whose mistaken views on religion had only
come to Ught later on. He maintained that the only reproach
which could be brought against him in this connection was a
want of discretion. As a special proof of the purity of his faith,
Morone finally stated that he had sacrificed his bishopric of
Modena to his zeal, since, as he was not sufficiently learned,
and could not fulfil the duty of residence, he had resigned the
episcopal dignity in favour of a learned Dominican, and had
exhorted him to take up the fight against the machinations of
the heretics in Modena.
In a supplement to his statement, Morone also drew atten-
tion to the fact that all the incidents by which he might have
aroused suspicion, or given scandal through ignorance or want
of care, had taken ])lace about ten years before, and that, as
nothing of the kind had occurred since that time, it seemed to
him right that His HoHness, in passing sentence, should take
into consideration, not only the suspicions of former days,
but also the state of affairs at the present time.
Morone's defenders could also point out that, in his bishop-
rics of Modena and Novara, he had only allowed pure Catholic
doctrine to be j)roached. Proof was given of this, not only
with regard to the doctrine of justification defined at Trent,
but also with respect to the Cathohc teaching as to the author-
ity of the Pope, good works, and the veneration of the saints
296 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and their relics. There were also authentic proofs that Morone
had, from the first, taken measures against heresy in Modena,^
and that he had drawn the attention of the Curia to the dangers
which were threatening there. ^ Attention was also drawn
to the fact that he had advised Paul III. to make a league with
the Catholic powers by means of which Protestantism might
be combated by force of arms. With regard to the pamphlet
" Del Beneficio di Christo " it should be taken into considera-
tion, in favour of the Cardinal, that this little book was on sale
everywhere, including Rome ; that theologians, indeed, even
Inquisitors, to whom Morone had given it to read, had ap-
proved of it, but that the Cardinal, after the treatise had been
condemned by the Inquisition, had also condemned it. Morone
could also point to the way in which, when one of his friends
^ How early Morone had taken proceedings against the in-
novators in Modena is evident from the *letter which he wrote
from Ghent to his vicar-general in Modena on May 9, 1540.
In this he says : " L'inquisitione contra li heretici mi place
somamente, ma 6 necessario sia fatta per homini prudenti, dotti
e vivaci che habbiano forza di poterla esseguire perch 6 altrimenti
non si farebbe buon effetto alcuno, anzi si perderebbe la riputa-
tione." Already on December 7, 1540, Morone *writes from Mons
to the same : "In queste travagli publiche mi rincresce fuor di
modo il pericolo di quella citt^ di queste nove sette et vi prego
vogliate esser diligente et aprir gli occhi, accioche si scoprino
questi principii quali, dubito siauo troppo radicate, ma sappiate
che di minor faviUa di questa s'6 eccitato questo gran foco di
Germania et se alcuna cosa bisognera ch'io possi far in questa
absentia avisatemi perche sto con I'animo tutto inquieto." On
♦December 29 Morone again wrote to his vicar and enclosed a
letter to Farnese (this is printed in Tacchi Veniuri, I., 509
seq.) with detailed instructions how he was to proceed in Modena.
How very much the religious innovators were on his mind in
Ratisbon is shown by his *letters to his vicar dated February
7, April 18, and May 3, 1541. These, and other *documents,
which go as far as 1545 (see Appendix Nos. 46-47) are in the codex
of the Seminary Library, Foligno.
^ See Nuntiaturberichte, published by Cardauns, VI., xvii.,
n. I,
INJUSTICE OF THE PROCEEDINGS. 297
had gone astray in matters of faith, he had persisted in making
him abjure his errors. It was also shown how Morone had
always supported the Inquisitors in Modena, Bologna and
Novara, and that he had himself punished two heretics in
Bologna. A suspicious utterance concerning the heretics in
Bologna, to the effect that he would warn them in time, was
explained by the defence as having merely been intended as an
expression of courtesy, which, in any case, could not weigh in
the balance against the measures actually taken by the Cardinal
against the heretics.^
The witnesses called to testify against Morone were remark-
able, several of them having entertained views that were heter-
odox, while others were openly hostile to him ; one of them
retracted what he had previously alleged. Their credibility,
therefore, was more than open to suspicion, and Morone justly
protested against such witnesses. Several others, such as the
Prior of the Dominicans in Modena and the Bishop of Civita
Castellana, ev^n testified in his favour, and spoke in praise
of him, but these favourable pronouncements were not entered
in the minutes of the trial ! This, however, was not the only
injustice in the legal procedure against the Cardinal. Morone
had also to complain of the fact that his defence was rendered
more difficult, and even to a certain extent impossible, because
the names of various witnesses and their guarantors were with-
held from him, although he had earnestly requested to be
informed of them ; the same appHed to the statement of where
and when he had been found wanting. ^
As had been the case with the witnesses, nothing damaging
to the Cardinal could be found among the books and papers
confiscated in his palace ; on the contrary, the superscriptions
with which Morone had provided the heretical books proved
that he condemned them, and did not wish them to be read.
^ See the extracts from the documents found by me in the
Seminary Library, Foligno, in Appendix Nos. 46-47.
^ See ibid. An *Avviso di Roma of March 30, 1560, states
that papers had been found wliich had been hidden by Paul
IV. because they testified in Morone 's favour (Cod. Urb. 1039,
p. 144. Vatican Library).
298 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The letters of Vittoria Colonna to the Cardinal proved to be
the merest business letters, in which religion was not even
mentioned. 1
It was clear from all this that there were no grounds for
accusing Morone of the crime of heresy. Only a few trifling
instances of want of prudence could be proved against him,
and these could very easily be explained by the fact that the
Cardinal had a generous and conciHatory nature, and that he
personally went as far as possible to meet the heretics, and
before adopting severe measures endeavoured to win them
over by kindness. Errors were in this way unavoidable, since
he, a prelate of the time of Leo X., had not had a thorough
theological training. Even though he may in consequence
have expressed himself, from time to time, in a materially
erroneous sense, he had never at any time been guilty of a
formal act of heresy, and therefore, according to the decision
of the Council, his conduct was free from all blame.
In spite of this Paul IV. was anything but satisfied of the
innocence of Morone, for a conviction to the contrary was too
deeply rooted in his mind. The Cardinal remained in the
strictest confinement, and was, from the first, treated more
like a convicted heretic than a prisoner under examination.
His request to be allowed to say mass was refused, indeed, he
was not even permitted to hear mass.^ In the middle of July
the Pope deprived him of his office as governor of Sutri,^
although so far none of the accusations against him had been
^ See Appendix, Nos. 46-47.
2 See Navagero's report of June 19, 1557, in Brown, VI.,
2, n. 941. An *Avviso of August 21, 1557, first mentions at
this time his deprivation of hearing mass ; this is, however, a
mistake for the refusal to allow Morone to gain the Indulgence
then published, which he had begged to do ; see Brown, VI.,
2, n. ioi8.
^ *I1 Papa ha levato il governo di Sutri al rev. Morone et
datolo al card di Napoli. Navagero on July 17, 1557 (Cod.
6255 of the Court Library, Vienna). The villa of Morone at
Sutri now belongs to the seminary there ; a mantelpiece (now
in the bishop's palace) bears the inscription : lo. Card. Moronus.
OTHER CARDINALS SUSPECTED. 299
proved. For this reason Morone refused to purchase his free-
dom by an abjuration of heresy in general. He rightly under-
stood that by so doing he would acknowledge that he had been
found wanting in matters of faith. ^
At the beginning of August the supporters of the Cardinal
requested that he might be set at Uberty. They were informed
that if he were to ask mercy of the Pope, a way of setting him
free would be found. Morone, however, could not be induced
to do this ; he declared that mercy presupposed a fault, and
that therefore he could not ask it ; the only thing he asked
was justice, even if they were to keep him in the Castle of St.
Angelo all his life.^
As Morone, in the consciousness of his innocence, persisted
in remaining firm on this point,^ he had to languish in the
dark dungeons of the Castle of St. Angelo until the death of
Paul IV. It appears that, besides Morone and Pole, other
Cardinals came under the suspicion of the Inquisition. In
the last half of August, 1557, the same tribunal ordered the
arrest of Cardinal Bertano's secretaiy, of a member of the
household of Cardinal Farnese, and also of a theologian of
Cardinal du Bellay. These arrests were made in connection
with a charge of heterodoxy, although this seems to have been
a mistake ; on the other hand the proceedings against them
were based on grave offences against morality, of which they
had been guilty.
For a long time nothing more was heard of Cardinal Morone ;
a contemporary states that it seemed as if he had been crossed
out of the book of the living.'* When Alba again drew atten-
^ See Carne's report of July 2, 1557, in Turnbull, n. 641.
The report of Masius (Briefe, 297) shows how right Cardinal
Morone was.
2 See the **report of Navagero of August 5, 1557 (Court
Library, Vienna).
^ See the letter of September t8, 1557, ^^ the Lett, de' princ.,
I-, 195-
^ See in Appendix Nt). 39 the *Avviso di Roma of August 21
1557 ; */• Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 996. Bernardino
Pia reports in a *letter of August 21, 1557, to Cardinal E. Gonzaga
300 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tidii to the prisoner, who was still being kept in the strictest
confinement, and interceded for him, he only succeeded in
getting the case taken up once more.^ The speedy termination
of the proceedings which was promised to him, ^ was not, how-
ever, realized. As the Cardinal had successfully repudiated
all the charges against him, and proved that he had taken
proceedings against the very persons whose heretical views
he was accused of sharing,^ his detention must be condemned
in the severest terms. Paul IV. was possessed by the idea
that Morone, as well as Pole, was infected with heresy, and
the terrible picture of a suspected heretic one day ascending
the throne of St. Peter left him no peace.*
Queen Mary of England had, in the meantime, offered
resistance to the recall of Pole which had been ordered by
Paul IV. As her earnest representations, that such a measure
would seriously interfere with the Catholic movement in Eng-
land, proved unavailing, she resolved to take a grave step ;
an order was issued that any bearer of Papal letters should be
arrested. The attitude of Pole himself was very different.
Although the Papal brief had not been delivered to him, he
was aware of it, and that was enough. He immediately
resigned his title and the insignia of legate, and at once re-
frained from every function connected with his office. In
order to learn what the head of the Church really wished, and
that Cardinal Bertano had been in great trouble at first, on
account of the arrest of liis secretary Adriano by tlie Inquisition,
" ma poicli'ella e chiarita che tal captura e per interesse partico-
lare del med°^° M. Adriano imputato per lieretico at d' haver
mangiato carne il venerdi ella si e consolato." The tcologo of du
Bellay, who was also arrested at that time by the Inquisition,
is not mentioned here by name (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
^ Cf. Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 1041 and 1042, the
**Avviso of October 9, 1557, and Tacchi Venturi, I., 538
seq., n. 3.
^ See the *letter of B. Pia to Cardinal E. Gonzaga of September
22, 1557 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
^ Cf. Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 1062.
* See ibid.
PAUL IV. AND POLE. 3OI
also to justify himself against the accusations that had been
made against him, he sent his confidential envoy, Niccolo
Ormanetto, to Rome. Omianetto, however, did not succeed
in accomplishing anything. Paul IV. insisted that Pole was
suspected of heresy, and that he must defend liimself in person
in Rome ; it was also necessary that he should at once be
confronted with Morone.^
Cardinal Carafa received orders, before he entered upon his
Spanisii legation in October, 1557, that he was to justify the
proceedings against the two Cardinals with Philip II., and to
urge the king to deliver up Pole. It is incredible that Paul
IV. could have supposed that the Spanish king would agree
to such a proceeding, as the whole world knew that, if he
returned to Rome, Pole could only expect the same treatment
as Morone, who had been imprisoned for months in the Castle
of St. Angelo, and was still kept there, although the Inquisition
could fix no guilt on liim at his trial.- Much as the Inquisitors
endeavoured during the time that followed to obtain proofs
against him, they could not succeed in doing so. On the con-
trary, documents were discovered which left no doubt as to
the Catholic sentiments of Morone,^ but in .spite of this, the
unfortunate Cardinal was not set at liberty.
Paul IV. looked upon Cardinal Pole as the more guilty of
the two. Morone, he considered, had only been a docile pupil,
who had become worse than his master. The Pope com-
plained to Navagero that Priuli, Pole's secretary, also belonged
to this accursed school, and to this house of apostates, as also
did Marcantonio Flaminio, who would have been burned,
had he not died. " We have had his brother, Cesare Flaminio,
burned in the piazza before the church of the Minerva."
Galeazzo Caracciolo had been a friend of Priuli, and at the
mention of his name Paul IV. would get into a terrible state of
excitement, for Caracciolo, a grandson of the Pope's sister, had
^ Cf. Beccadelli, Vita del card. R. Pole, in the Monum.,
n., 318 seq.
2 See TuRNBULL, n. 6.|i ; Pallavicini 14, 5, 2 ; Zimmermann,
Pole, 332, 337.
^ See Navagero in Brown, VI., 2, n. 1086.
302 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
fled to Geneva, leaving his family behind. " Let us be silent
about him," exclaimed Paul IV., " even if my own father were
a heretic, I would gather the wood to burn him ! "^ In view
of these fearful words, it is only too easy to believe that, as the
trial of Morone was prolonged into the following year, grave
fears were entertained as to his fate.^
In view of the terrible severity of Paul IV. it is not strange
that hardly anyone in Rome ventured to intercede for the
unfortunate Cardinal. Among the few who energetically took
up his cause were several members of the Society of Jesus,
No less a personage than Lainez, the General of the new Order,
had a letter written to P. Ribadeneira in Brussels on January
24th, 1558, asking him, together with P. Salmeron, to apply
to the confessor of Philip II., so that, through his media-
tion, the king might intercede for Morone, as well as for
Pole.3
The less were the solid grounds for imputing guilt to Morone,
the more did the fears of Paul IV. increase that this man, whom
he considered a heretic, might be destined to succeed him. An
obstacle must be put in the way of such an eventuality by the
issue of the most stringent regulations. At the end of 1558
it became known that Paul IV. had prepared a bull, according
to which any Cardinal who had been convicted of heresy, or
who had even been brought before the Inquisition on a sus-
picion of heretical tendencies, should be deprived of their active
and passive right of voting at the conclave.* On February
8th, 1559, the Pope did indeed lay such a document before the
consistory, but did not succeed in getting it approved, as the
Cardinals declared that even the best man might have an
enemy, who would say evil things of him ; before conviction
^ See the *ref)ort of Navagero of October 23, 1557 (State
Archives, Venice), translated in Brown, VI., 2, n. 1067 ; cf.
Bertolotti, Martiri, 20.
2 See the *Avviso di Roma of February 4, 1559 (Cod. Urb.
1039, p. 8. Vatican Library).
^ See Epist. P. Sahneronis, I., 235.
* See Game's report of December 31, 1558, in Stevenson, L,
54, and the Mantua report in Ancel, Secret., 53 n. i.
THE BULL ' CUM EX APOSTOLATUS. ' 303
a Cardinal could not be excluded from the conclave. * The
bull was consequently remodelled. In the form in which it
was signed by all the Cardinals, on February 15th, it only
declared that the election of a man who had actually, at any
time, lapsed from the faith, was invalid. At the same time the
old regulations concerning the punishment of heretics, lay as
well as clerical, even when they had held the highest dignities,
were solemnly renewed and rendered more severe, so that all
persons who were possessed of rank and dignities should, after
the first offence, be treated as having relapsed, because it had
been proved that the defection of such persons entails the most
disastrous consequences.^
^ MOller (Konklave Pius IV., 25) has found out the true state
of the case from Carne's report in Stevenson, I., 136, and from
the excerpt ex actis consist, et diar. in Laemmer, Mant., 209 ;
the only thing not correct is the date, February 15, which he
holds to. The Acta consist, cancell. VII. (Secret Archives of
the Vatican) from which the following extract is taken, clear
up this point : *Die mere. 5 [correctly 8] febr. 1559 Consistorium
S. D. N. primo iussit buUam legi per dom. Barengum secretarium
contra de heresi convictos et condemnatos vel qui convinci
aut condemnari poterunt, ad quem et eius totum tenorem prout
in ilia latius continetur me refero.
2 These are the essential points contained in the much dis-
cussed Bull Cum ex apostolatus officio (Bull. VI., 551 seq.). In
the battles which were waged before and after the definition of
Papal Infallibility, the adversaries of the doctrine, and especially
DoLLiNGER (Janus, 405 seq.) endeavoured to give a dogmatic
and ex cathedra character to this bull of Paul IV. There can
be absolutely no question of this. The exordium of the bull
only gives the motive for the supreme authorit}'^ of the Papacy.
Grounds for decisions, in themselves, are, however, never con-
sidered as actual authoritative standards in ordinary Councils,
but only the decisions themselves. In the document we are
considering, the essence is contained in the sanction of punish-
ment ; in the bull, it is true, we come upon the word definimus ;
however, this expression also occurs in non-dogmatic documents ;
see Hergenkother, Staat und Kirche, 767, where it is explained
in the clearest manner tl)at there is no question here of a dogmatic
304 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Paul IV., however, did not give up his original plan. On
March 6th he issued a decree that no one who had even been
accused of heresy, could become Pope, although such a one
would not forfeit his active, but only his passive right of
voting. 1 No one had any doubt that both regulations were
especially aimed at Morone.^
At the beginning of May, 1559, it was understood that the
Pope had once more offered Morone pardon, if he would ask
for it. Morone's answer was the same as before ; he asked
nothing but justice.^ The four Cardinal Inquisitors again
took up the proceedings against him.* When, on May 22nd,
the severe Cardinal Rosario, one of the four, died suddenly, it
was hoped that a favourable turn in the state of affairs would
come for Morone.^ On June 2nd, they did actually begin to
read the process which the Inquisition had instituted against
him, before the General Congregation of Cardinals. As daily
pronouncement, but only of a disciplinary act. The writer
of the criticism on Kraus, Kirchengeschicte in the Histor.-polit.
Bl. ,CII., 352 seq. emphasizes that the discover}' of the " Janus "
party that the bull was intended to sanction the " Roman princi-
ples concerning the connection of the two powers " is absolutely
false, since the document contains nothing more than simple
disciplinary regulations, which pre-suppose that the public laws
existing at that time had been issued for the protection of the
Catholic faith, and in the interests of public order against those
who infringed it. An after effect of DoUinger's error is the equally
unfounded view taken by Hugo Koch (see Histor.-polit. Bl.,
CXX., 849) that in the bull of Paul IV. the " hierocratic idea "
is put forward. Cf. also Fevre, Hist, de la Papaute, VII., 275
seqq.
1 Laemmer, Mant., 210. Muller, loc. cit.
2 See the **Avvisi di Roma of February 18 (Si crede fatto per
convincere et privarc Morone) and April 8, 1559 (see Appendix
No. 55). Vatican Library.
3 **Avviso di Roma of May 6, 1559 ; ibid.
^ See the **Avviso di Roma of May 20, 1559 (Appendix No.
56) ; ibid.
^ See the **Avviso di Roma of June 3, 1559 (Appendix No.
57) ; ibid.
MORONE STILL IN PRISON. 305
meetings of the Cardinals were now being held with regard to
this matter, a speedy termination was expected. On June
15th a month was given to the Cardinal to reply once more to
all the charges brought against him. He was also now
allowed to discuss the matter with others. ^ At the beginning
of July several defenders were appointed for him, among
others Marcantonio Borghese,^ and the Inquisitors conferred
almost daily as to the affair ;^ the Pope seemed to have time
for nothing else, and his proceedings inspired everyone with
fear.*
The difficulties which the affairs of the imprisoned Cardinal,
whose eyes had suffered a great deal from his confinement,^
had to encounter, are evident from a report of Bernardino Pia
to Cardinal E. Gonzaga on July 28th, 1559. Pia had shown
the prisoner a copy of the letter in which Cardinal Gonzaga
had begged the Emperor to interv^ene on behalf of Morone,
and had written to him a detailed report as to his position.
Morone, says Pia, was quite convinced that if the Pope died
before his case was decided, he could take part in the conclave.
Paul IV. and the Cardinal Inquisitors also knew this very
well, and therefore the Pope was now hurrying on the con-
clusion of the matter. Moreover, they were making difficulties
about returning to Morone the papers which testified in his
favour. Morone, continues Pia, recognized that Cardinal
^ See the *Avvisi di Roma of Jane 10 and 17, 1559 (Vatican
Library). G. A. Calcgari reports on June 10 to Commendone :
*E state ogni di congregatione d'inquisitione avanti S.S.**
dove si sono letti sempre i processi di Morone.
^ Al card*^^ Morone sonno stati dati advocati et defensori
ms. Marc' Antonio Borghese et altri, fa copiar il processo per
darglilo. *Avviso di Roma of July i, 1559 (Vatican Library).
^ So reports G. A. Calegari in a *letter to Commendone, dated
Rome, July 5, 1559 (Lett, di princ., XXIIL, n. 2. Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
■•See the Portuguese report of June 17, 1559, in tlic Corpo
dipl. Port., VII L, 150.
^ See in Appendix No. .)8 tlic *Avviso of April 2, 1558 (Vatican
Library) .
VOL XIV. 20
306 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gonzaga was right in his view that it would now be better if
the proceedings could be drawn out as long as possible, and he
therefore did not press matters, but he considered that the Pope
and the judges, especially Rebiba, were too vehement. Had
not the Pope, as Bernardino Pia goes on to relate in his report,
remarked a few days before, that a trial had not been at all
necessary, for he knew the true state of affairs, he was the
judge, and he could pronounce sentence without more ado ?
Such threats did not frighten a man Uke Morone, who was
conscious of his innocence. He had confidence in God, and
hoped that the Cardinals, and especially Pacheco and Puteo,
would not allow injustice to be done. Pacheco had the
minutes of the trial copied, in order to have them at hand at
any time. Morone hoped, if the affair followed a legitimate
course, to come out of it all completely justified.^
^ S. S. R. [Morone], writes B. Pia, e chiara che se 11 papa morisse
prima che fosse espedita la sua causa el potrebbe entrar in con-
clave et questo istesso lo sa S.S.*^ et i cardinali giudlcl et per
questo rlspetto 11 papa soUeclta respedltlone con molta fretta
et se gll fanno degll aggravll et fra gli altrl questo in non res-
tltulrll le scrltture che le tolsero fin da prlnclplo et che fanno
a sue proposlto talche non hlerl Taltro fu forzato a far una pro-
testa che 11 tempo non corresse fin che dette scrltture non fossero
Interamente restltulte. Conosce benlsslmo S.S.R. che cl5 che
V.S.I, dice che sarebbe bene che la causa andasse in longo et che
Tesempio che da dl p. Paolo III. et del card, dl Ravenna [B,
Accolti] serve alia pura verita et non e essa per affrettare, ma
trova tanta passione nel papa et nei giudici et fra gli altri primi
in M. Pisa [Rebiba] che non sa bene come poter ritardar la fuga
che le danno. Dice che el papa quattro di sono brav6 gagliard-
amente saper i casi suoi che non occorrevano tantl process!,
scrltture ne giustificationi ne servar termini che saveva benlsslmo
come si stesse 11 fatto, che esso era 11 giudice vero che senza altro
poteva et doveva dar la sentenza et altri simili et terribili parole,
pure spera in Dio che i cardinali habbino a non lasciar far torto
et massimamente Pacecco et Puteo, i quail hanno il processo
in mano et Pacecco lo fa copiar per tenerne copia appresso,
di se et poter vederla a tutt' hore. Se non se le fa torto e per
S.S.R. sicuro di giustificarsi benlsslmo (Gonzaga Archives,Mantua).
VINDICATION OF MORONE. 307
The hour of his hberation only came for the sorely tried
Cardinal, who continued to defend himself energetically, 1 as
he had done from the first, when Paul IV. died. Two days
later, the College of Cardinals resolved, although not without
some opposition, to allow him to enter the conclave, with,
moreover, the active and passive right of voting. ^ The new
Pope, however, at once ordered a revision of the case against
Morone. After a strict investigation by Cardinals Puteo and
Ghislieri, of whom one was celebrated as a legal authority, and
the other as a theologian, Pius IV. pronounced the fuial
sentence on March 13th, 1560. This blames the proceedings
of the Inquisition under Paul IV. on a number of points, both
with regard to the actual facts and to the procedure. The
imprisonment of Morone had been effected without the slightest
legitimate grounds for suspicion. The investigation itself, as
well as the whole conduct of the process, in which the pre-
scribed and necessary forms had not been observed, was
stigmatized as invalid, indiscreet and unjust. It was further
established that there neither existed any reason for the con-
demnation of the Cardinal, nor any suspicion, however .slight,
as to his orthodoxy, and indeed that the very opposite of the
accusation against him had come to light, and that the Car-
dinal must therefore be declared absolutely innocent.^
Such a vindication of Cardinal Pole could not take place,
as he had already died on November i8th, 1558. Gentle and
mild as the noble Englishman was, he nevertheless felt the
^ See the report of Ascanio Caracciolo in Muller, Konklave,
26 n. I.
2 See Massarelli, 334 ; Vargas in Dollinger, Beitrage, I.,
272 ; RiBiER, II., 829.
^See Raynaldus, 1560, n. 98; Massarelli, 343; Pal-
LAViciNi, 14, 2-3 ; Sickel, 8, lo, 46. In the *Vita di Morone
(Varia Polit., XIX., 502, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican)
it states that the Cardinal has been per false calumnie et maligne
persecutioni kept in prison for 26 months. How fully the sharp
criticisms on the procedure of Paul IV. are justified is clear from
the documents in the Seminary Library, Foligno, in Appendix
Nos. 46-47.
308 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
disgrace put upon him most deeply. He could not remember
that a Cardinal, during the time of his office as legate, had ever
been deposed without previous examination, on the mere sus-
picion of heresy. The charge brought against him appeared
to him all the more strange, as, before his departure for Eng-
land, he had had a long and confidential conversation with
Paul IV., then Cardinal Carafa, in which he had proved his
orthodoxy to the complete satisfaction of the latter. Besides
this, there was the honourable testimony which the Pope him-
self had bestowed upon him in the consistory when he was
created Archbishop of Canterbury. " Why," he asked him-
self, " should the Pope suspect my orthodoxy, when I have
been engaged in constant battles and disputes with the heretics
and schismatics, and have had great success in gaining advan-
tages for the Catholic religion ? Because my activities have
been so disagreeable to the heretics in England, nothing would
give them greater pleasure than to hear me stigmatized with
the name of " heretic " myself. Even supposing that I had
formerly considered false doctrines to be true, which is cer-
tainly not the case, that would be no reason for taking steps
against me, now that I have won such glorious victories over
the heretics, saved so many souls by my efforts and struggles,
and once again re-established the authority of the Holy See in
England. "1
A biographer of Pole justly remarks that he had to pass
through one of the hardest tests that can be imagined for a
true son of the Church, a test which was to prove whether he
placed the holy cause to which he had devoted his life before
his own interests and even his own person. ^ Pole stood this
test with the greatest distinction. In humble obedience to the
^ See Strype, Memorials, VI., 35, and Zimmermann, Pole,
341 seq. Concerning the conversation between P«le and Carafa
see the letter of F. Glierio to L. Beccadelli, dated Rome, April
29> 1553, in Beccadelli, II., 348 seq. The groundlessness of
the charge of heresy against Pole is emphasized by modern
writers, especially acutely and justly by Cuccoli, M.A. Flaminio,
Bologna, 1897, 107 seq.
2 Kerker, Pole 115.
pole's letter to PAUL IV. 309
supreme authority placed over him by God, he looked upon the
injustice shown to him as a blow from the hand of his father,
to be borne with respect and patience.
In his first excitement Pole had drafted a letter of self-
vindication ; in thinking this over later, however, he felt that
he had, in some j^kices, expressed himself too bitterly concern-
ing the weaknesses of the Pope. He therefore threw the letter
into the fire with the words : Thou shalt not uncover the
nakedness of thy father. ^
Pole did not despair, however, of inducing the head of the
Church to change his mind. It is characteristic of his genuine
Catholic sentiments that, in the letter which he addressed to
Paul IV. on March 30th, 1558, he first and above all took up
the cause of his friend Priuli, and also raised his voice on
behalf of the imprisoned Morone. In his own defence he
remarked : "I, more than anyone else, must be the opponent
of the heretics and schismatics, for, as your Holiness well
knows, among the many and heavy blows which have been
dealt against me, there was not one which did not come from
them, and solely for the sake of the Catholic Church. But,
people may say to me, what weight can your recommendation
have in a matter of this kind, if you yourself are accused of
heresy before the same court ? This much, at any rate, in so
far as manifest deeds on behalf of the Church and religion must
be of greater weight than the mere assertions of those who can
adduce neither w^ords nor actions against me, for none such
exist. But, they will say, this accusation against you was
already entered upon when your confidential friend Morone
was thrown into prison on the suspicion of heresy ; your
deposition is a proof of your guilt.
What shall I answer to this ? First, that the words of your
Holiness are more worthy of behef than any hints or strange
rumours. Your Holiness has declared to the English ambas-
sador and to my agent who was sent to Rome, that you had
' 13ECCADELLI, II., 325-326. A friend of Pole's had taken a
copy before it was burnt, and this is still preserved ; see Zimmer-
MANN, Pole, 338 seq.
310 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
withdrawn the legation from me, not because I had been guilty
of any fault, but because you did not consider it fitting to make
an exception in the case of England, and to leave me as legate
with a king who was carrying on war v/ith the Pope, when all
the other legates accredited to the King of Spain had been
recalled. I have accepted the explanation given by your
Holiness as to the reason for my deposition, although the cir-
cumstances of this kingdom are not quite the same as those of
Spanish countries. After the reconciliation with the king, the
legations in the different parts of the Empire were again
restored, and your nephew was sent as legate to the Spanish
court ; my reinstatement, however, in spite of the urgent
requests of the queen, the petition of the College of Cardinals,
and the demands of all the estates of this realm, has always
been postponed ; indeed, your Hohness has allowed the rumour
to be circulated that an action was about to be brought against
me for heresy. How am I to explain the proceedings of your
Hohness ? Am I to believe that there is here a question of a
matter concerning God, as you informed the English ambassa-
dor when he pressed for an answer ? Am I to beheve that your
present course of action is based on the conviction that you
are thereby fulfilling the command of God, and performing
your duty to Him, and honouring Him ? How can I do so ?
Does God order a son to be slaughtered ? He did so once,
when He commanded Abraham to sacrifice his son Isaac,
whom he loved, and with whom the promise was connected.
What else does your Holiness plan but my death, since you
are trjdng to rob me of the glory of my orthodoxy ? What
sort of life, I ask you, does one leave to the shepherd in the
eyes of his flock, when one has deprived him of the good name
of his orthodoxy ? The fatal axe which you have destined
for me, will destroy me much more surely than that destined
for Isaac, who at the sight of the preparations for the sacrifice,
asked : ' Father, behold fire and wood ; where is the victim ? '
As I see the fire and the sword in the hands of your Holiness,
and my shoulders are laden with the wood for the sacrifice, I
do not need to ask where is the victim, but must, on the con-
trary, inquire why your Holiness, prejudiced by false sus-
OTHER PRELATES ACCUSED. 3II
picions, is thinking of slaughtering me on account of religion,
me, the son who has always loved you, who is not conscious
of having done anything to deserve your present disfavour,
but much rather of having deserved your good will, as he has,
by the grace of God, carried out the work that was expected
of him, to the joy of the Church and the honour of the Holy
See. Why then, is your Hohness about to pierce my soul
with the sword of affliction ? If your Holiness does this in
order, as you say, to fulfil a duty to God, then let the fire be
laid to the victim. But I hope, if you act according to God's
commands in other respects, that He will not allow the sacrifice
to be accomphshed, as He did not allow it in the case of
Abraham."^
In his will, Pole solemnly declared once more that he per-
severed completely and firmly in the faith which his forefathers
had received from the Roman Church, that he was obedient
to the one, holy. Catholic Church of Christ, and to him who sat
on the Apostolic chair as Roman Pontiff, and that with all due
reverence he begged the blessing of Paul IV., whom he had
served to the best of his ability, by seeking, in all his dealings
with the Apostolic See, nothing but the honour of God and
the good of the Church. ^
There were two other prelates who, hke Pole and Morone,
were brought before the Inquisition to answer a groundless
charge of heresy : Egidio Foscarari and Gian Antonio San-
feUce. Foscarari belonged to the Dominican Order, and
enjoyed a great reputation as a theologian, no less than as a
priest. Paul III. had appointed him Master of the Sacred
Palace. In this capacity he had examined the Book of the
Exercises of Ignatius of Loyola, and his sanction of this
famous work could be seen at the beginning of the printed
editions. In 1550, Foscarari was appointed Bishop of Modcna,
1 QuiRiNi, v., 31-36.
2 See CiACONius, III., 637. Giulio Gonzaga and Carnesecchi
blamed this Catholic declaration as " superflua, per non dire
scandolosa, in quel tempo massimamente " (Amabile, I., 177).
The comments made thereon by Amabile betray a complete
ignorance of Catholic doctrine.
312 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in succession to Morone. In the following year he took part
in the Council of Trent and, after his return to Modena, dis-
tinguished himself as a bishop in every way. This pious and
learned prelate now fell under suspicion and was imprisoned
in the Castle of St. Angelo on January 21st, 1558, and pro-
ceedings against him were undertaken by the Inquisition. No
proof whatever of any guilt could be found, and Foscarari
therefore demanded a solemn declaration of his innocence.
This was refused him. He only regained his freedom on
August i8th, 1558, after he had pledged himself to appear
before the Inquisition whenever required. ^
The proceedings against the former Bishop of Cava, San-
felice, who was arrested at the same time as Morone, ^ can, at
any rate, be explained, in so far that this hot-blooded native
of south Italy had, in 1547, at the Council of Trent, during the
deliberations concerning the doctrine of justification, ve-
hemently advocated false views, at any rate, objectively.^ It
could not, however, be proved that Sanfelice had obstinately
held to heretical opinions ; he had not gone beyond the
freedom of discussion allowed by the Council, and he was
liberated in July, 1559, after an imprisonment of twenty-five
months.*
The Augustinian, Girolamo Negri, had attracted the hatred
^ Cf. Massarelli, 465; Pallavicini, 15, II, 2; 24, 13, 4;
Qu^TiF, II., 184 seq. ; Tiraboschi, VII., i, 271 seq. ; Bromato,
II., 452 seq. The absolution first pronounced by Pius IV. in
CANTtr, II., 193 seq.
2 See Massarelli, 310.
^ See Vol. XII. of this work, p. 341.
* See Massarelli, 350; Pallavicini, 15, 11, i; Ughelli,
I., 618 ; VII., 177 seq. ; Amabile, I., 146 ; Bertolotti, Martiri,
102, RoDOCANACHi (S. Ange, 160) wrongly names Sanfelice's
successor instead of himself. A well known man of letters,
Niccol6 Franco, who was arrested in the summer of 1558, for
mocking at the Inquisition, had also to be set at liberty in Feb-
ruary, 1559, as the advocacy of heretical doctrines could not be
proved against him. See Gnoli in the Raccolta di studi dedic.
a A.d'Ancona, 550 ; cf. Giorn. stor. d. lett. Ital., XXVI., 224 n. 3.
PERSECUTION OF INNOCENT PERSONS. 313
of the Lutherans by his successful sermons against them, and
at length they spread false reports that he advocated uncatholic
opinions. The consequence of these calumnies was that in
1556, by the command of the Pope, Negri was deprived of the
permission to preach. The heretics were triumphant at the
issuing of this prohibition, but to the Catholics it was a source
of annoyance. How hasty and imprudent this step had been
was proved when a thorough investigation took place, which
resulted in 1557 in a solemn declaration of Negri's innocence. ^
Paul IV. might well have said to himself that by the unjust
persecution of innocent persons, he had ^'ery seriously injured
his own reputation, as well as that of his much valued tribunal
of the Inquisition. 2 Such an idea, however, never occurred
to him. When representations were made to him on account
of his excessive severity, he only replied that it was in conse-
quence of the excessive consideration shown to others, that
the Church had lost nine-tenths of her adherents.^ Once only,
in February, 1559, did he put a stop to severe proceedings
against an innocent person ;* in this case there was question
of no less a person than Johannes Groppcr.
The exaggerated zeal and impetuosity of the Pope was, at
last, the cause of his having a dispute and quarrel with his
Grand Inquisitor.^ The circumstances were as follows : The
^ See TiRABOSCHi, VII., 1, 248 seq. (Roman edition).
^ It was supposed that in this case, as in others, he had only
been influenced by personal hatred ; cf. the opinions collected
by MuLLER (Konklave Pius' IV., 23, n. i), of which it should
indeed be said that they were absohitely unjust and inapplic-
able, as Pall.wicini (14, 5, 3-4) has brought out against Sarpi.
If anything is clear it is that Paul IV. honestly believed that
Pole, Morone, and the others whom he persecuted, were infected
by heresy. He had been convinced of this for a long time.
It is not, therefore, just when contemporaries attribute the treat-
ment of Pole and Morone to an intrigue of the nephews ; the
latter only fanned a feeling whicli already existed.
^ Castaldo, 118.
* Cf. supra p. 184.
^ There had been no lack of previous small differences of
opinion. Thus Gliislieri writes to G. Franclii on March n, 1558 ;
314 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Inquisition had been hitherto so severe in Spain that no
opinions at variance with the CathoKc faith could be found. ^
There now appeared to be a change for the worse. Already,
in the forties of the XVIth century a community of crypto-
Protestants had arisen in Seville, to which belonged several
priests and monks. The following is an example of the means
they employed : Constantino Ponce de la Fuente, who had
been preaching in the cathedral since the end of 1555, had
lately fallen under suspicion. In order to conceal himself
from the Inquisition, and to be able secretly to continue his
Protestant propaganda, he offered himself to the Jesuits, who
had possessed a college in Seville since 1554, as a candidate
for admission into the Order. He was, however, refused.^
The Inquisition had learned of this movement in Seville, which
was so dangerous to the Catholic faith, in spite of the cunning
of the innovators. When, at the beginning of 1557, inquiries
were made concerning several suspected persons, eleven monks
from the Hieronymite monastery, S. Isidore, left their house
in order to escape to Geneva. This remarkable step increased
the suspicions of the Inquisition, which, in July, 1557, suc-
ceeded in coming upon the traces of the Protestant community,
after the discovery of a number of anti-Catholic writings,
which had been smuggled into the city. About a hundred
arrests were eventually made, and five monks of S. Isidore were
also imprisoned ; similar events took place at Valladolid.^
Suspicion had also fallen on Bartolomeo Carranza, the Arch-
*Ho parlato a N.S. qual con suo solito santo zelo mi ribuffo
con dirme che senza dar altra dilatione si dovessi procedere ne
la causa (Cod. E. VII., 15 of the University Library, Genoa).
^ Concerning the severity of the Inquisition see the report
from the court of Charles V. of the year 1535 in the Histor. Jahrb.,
XIII., 194.
2 See AsTRAiN, II., 94 seqq.
^ See ScHAFER, Beitrage, I., 264 seqq., 348 seqq., 373 seqq. The
statements made hitherto concerning the large number of Pro-
testants in Spain, are here reduced to their proper proportion
by means of reasonable investigation. See also Schafer, Sevilla
und Valladolid, Halle, 1903.
PROTESTANTISM IN SPAIN. 315
bishop of Toledo, during the trial of the prisoners. This man,
who was distinguished for his learning and zeal for souls, had
rendered great services to the Church, and had himself re-
peatedly taken steps against the disseminators of false doc-
trine ; he had also published a book in the Spanish language in
1558, entitled " Declarations concerning the Christian Cate-
chism." In this book, it is true, he advocated Catholic doc-
trine on the whole, but on certain points expressed himself in
an erroneous manner, or at any rate in a way liable to be mis-
understood. Carranza mentioned indulgences in only one
place in his book, which contained over 800 pages, and then
in a contemptuous manner. ^
The very first news of the discovery of these Protestant
communities in Spain had aroused the greatest consternation
in Rome. 2 The Pope forgot all his old enmity towards Charles
v., and praised his watchfulness.^ Rumour magnified the
danger very considerably. The Spanish Grand Inquisitor,
Fernando de Valdes, in his report to Paul IV., himself dealt
with the discovery of the two communities in Seville and
Valladohd, in terms which, if the extent of the evil had not
been more clearly defined from another quarter, might have
meant that the whole of Andalusia and Castille had been
infected with the " plague of heresy."* As, at the same time,
it transpired that heretical passages had been discovered in a
work by one of the first dignitaries of the Church in Spain,
Paul IV. was overcome by even greater horror and amaze-
ment.
The Pope endeavoured to stem the threatened danger by
issuing a number of most severe regulations. On January
4 th, 1559, he bestowed on the Grand Inquisitor Valdes, the
^ See Laugwitz, Carranza, 29 seqq. The position which
Carranza held with regard to Protestantism, has, indeed, never
been made quite clear, but appears not to have been without
objection ; see Schafer, I., 265 n.
2 See the **letter of Garimberto of June 18, 1558 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
^ See the *Avviso di Roma of June 25, 1558 (Vatican Library),
•* See ScHAFER, I., 186 ; III., 104 seqq.
3l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
exceptional powers which he asked for, authorizing him to
hand over to the secular arm for punishment, all heresiarchs,
teachers of heresy, and other heretics concerning whom there
might be reason to suppose that they did not intend to abjure
their errors from earnest and honourable motives, but only
in order that they might be able, when once they were set at
liberty, once more to disseminate heresy, teach it again, or
otherwise promote it, thus doing injury to the work of the
Inquisition ; these special powers were also to be used in the
case of those who had relapsed.^ To this decree, which
superseded the usual rules, a regulation was added on the
following day, with regard to the discovery and destruction of
heretical books. ^ On January 7th, larger revenues were
allocated to the Spanish Inquisition,^ and on the same day the
Grand Inquisitor was authorized, for a period of two years, to
hold investigations concerning questions of faith, in the case
of all bishops, archbishops, patriarchs and primates, to take
proceedings against them, and, in the event of their being
likely to escape, to arrest them and hold them in safe custody,
on condition, however, that a report of everything should be
at once sent to the Pope, and the guilty parties as well as the
^ See Raynaldus, 1559, n. 18 ; cf. Llorente, II., 261 ;
ScHAFER, I., 316 seq.
2 See Raynaldus, 1559, n. 15.
^ See Raynaldus, 1559, n. 16. When the Spanish nunciature
was transferred to the Bishop of Chiusi in the spring of 1559,
the latter received a special admonition, besides the instructions
to protect the liberty of the Church against the encroachments
of the royal power, to promote the Inquisition by every means
in his power (see Laemmer, Melet., 174 seq. ; Pieper, 105).
Concerning a brief of 1555 to the Inquisition in Granada, see
Lea, Celibacy, Boston, 1884, 568. The same author remarks
(Confession, I., 385) that Paul IV. 's brief to the Spanish In-
quisition against sollicitation is not, as Llorente states, of 1556,
but of February 18, 1559. To the end, Paul IV. was against
the too great independence of the Spanish Inquisition. Accord-
ing to RiESS (p. 295), Paul IV. endeavoured, in the autumn of
i557> to bring to Rome all the suites of the Spanish monarchy
against heresy, especially those from Sicily.
THE POPE S QUARREL WITH GHISLIERI. 317
sealed acts of their trial, be sent, as soon as possible, to
Rome.^
This brief was directed against Carranza, for whose arrest
the Inquisition now made preparations. Much as Philip II.
was in agreement^ with the severe measures taken against the
heretics, it was only after great hesitation that he allowed steps
to be taken against Carranza, and he insisted that due respect
should be shown to the prisoner.^ The archbishop took great
trouble to have his case transferred to Rome, and sent a
Dominican* there for this purpose, who was received and sup-
ported by Cardinal Ghislieri. This excited the Pope, who in
his impaired state of health, was always growing more nervous
and violent,^ to such an extent that, for half-an-hour, he
hurled such violent reproaches in the consistory at the hitherto
highly esteemed Cardinal, that Cardinal Consiglieri remarked
that it was impossible to live or have dealings with the Pope
any longer. At a second consistory Paul IV. repeated his
reproaches against Ghislieri, declared that he was unworthy of
his position, and said that he felt remorse of conscience for
ha\'ing ever bestowed the purple on him. A report of August
5th, 1559, from Rome, states that it was feared there that the
Grand Inquisitor Ghislieri would be taken to the Castle of St.
Angelo as a prisoner !^ It was at this time that Paul IV. said
to the French ambassador that heresy was such a grave crime
that, were a person even shghtly infected with it, there re-
^ See Raynaldus, 1559, n. 19 ; ibid., n. 20, a brief to Philip
II. of January 11, 1559, in which the king is requested to support
the new Papal measures.
2 Cf. the *letter of tlic royal confessor, Bernardo de Frcsneda,
to Cardinal Carafa, dated Brussels, T'ebruary 12, 1559 (Lett,
di princ, XL, 269. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
■'See Laugwitz, 53.
* Fr. Hernando dc San Ambrosio ; see Colecci6n de doc.
ined., V., 505, and Dollinger, Bcitragc, I., 259 5^^.
^ Paul IV. 's physician, A. Ricchi, lays special stress on this
in his *account of the hist Mlness of the Pope (Vatican Library;
see Appendix No. 60).
* See Appendix No. 59.
3l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
mained no other remedy than to consign him at once to the
flames, no matter if he belonged to the highest rank.^ It is
also characteristic of him that during the last days of his life,
Paul IV. bestowed warm words of praise on his old adversary,
Philip II., because the latter took severe measures against the
heretics in Spain. ^ On May 2Tst, 1559, the first great public
auto-da-fe had taken place in Valladohd. In accordance with
the sentence pronounced, the greater number of the prisoners
were pardoned ; thirteen, among them three priests, five
women and one Jew, were handed over to the secular power for
execution. All these unfortunates repented of their errors,
with one exception, who, as a thoroughly obstinate heretic,
was burned alive. ^
^ RiBiER, II., 815.
2 RiBiER, II., 814 seq. According to the *Avviso di Roma
of June 24, 1559, Paul IV. summoned the Inquisitors to his
room on the Thursday, and pronounced a long panegyric on
Philip II., on account of his punishment of the Lutherans
(Vatican Library).
^ See ScHAFER, I., 324 seq. ; Riess, 371 seq. ; S. Franc Borgia,
III., 505 seqq. ; Atti d. See. Lig., XXXVIII., 104 seq.
CHAPTER XI 1.
Spread of Protestantism in the Netherlands, France
AND Poland.
In another part of the immense Spanish Empire, in the Nether-
lands, it happened, towards the end of the pontificate of Paul
IV., that the Papal and royal powers found themselves united
in common action in an ecclesiastical matter. The population
of this country, which was highly developed both from a
material and an intellectual point of view, held fast to the
religion of their forefathers in the middle of the XlVth century,
at least as far as the great majority was concerned.^ It had
not been possible, however, completely to master the Protest-
ant movement in a country that was so eminently cosmopoUtan.
The secret Protestant propaganda in the Netherlands had
become aU the more dangerous during the first fifty years of
the XVIth century, because the revolutionary Calvinism,
which had already been introduced into the southern Walloon
provinces by the English and French refugees, now began to
take root in the northern provinces as well.^ This change for
the worse in the state of affairs did not escape the notice of
Phihp II., and if he contented himself at first with the con-
firmation of the regulations issued against heresy by Charles V.,
he nevertheless showed clearly that he was not going to tolerate
the laxity with which these had hitherto been put into force. ^
^ According to the testimony of Heinrich Dionysius 1553 ;
see Hansen, (Akten zur Gescliicte des Jesuitenordens, Bonn,
1896, 247) and Badoer (1557 ; see ALBiiRi, Ser. I., ill., 291) which
are in agreement, there can be no doubt with regard to this ;
see PiRENNE, III., 452.
2 Cf. Racufahl, Oranien, I., 409 seq. ; Pirenne, III., 525
seqq.
^ See Bullet, de la Comm. Roy. d'hist., Ser. 2, XL, 231 ;
Pirenne, III., 461.
320 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Proceeding rightly from the point of view that repressive
measures alone would not be of much avail, he sought, by the
furtherance of the Catholic reformation, to remove the numer-
ous ecclesiastical abuses, from which not the least part of the
movement of defection had originated. He gave the Jesuits
permission to form settlements as early as August 20th, 1556,
although Viglius, the President of the Council, opposed it.^
The king also endeavoured in other ways to combat the grave
abuses in ecclesiastical matters, as well as the serious defections
from the Church ; at length he resolved to lay the axe at one
of the principal roots of the ecclesiastical state of chaos.
In the seventeen provinces, the population of which was
greater than that of any other European country north of the
Alps, 2 there were only two real bishops of the country, those
of Tournai and Arras. ^ The Bishop of Liege was an inde-
pendent Prince of the Holy Roman Empire in his bishopric,
and his diocese also included parts of the German Empire .'
like the Bishop of Utrecht, he was under the Elector of Cologne.
In the southern part of the Netherlands, Cambrai was depend-
ent on a French archbishop. The same was the case in other
parts of the Netherlands. These foreign bishops were too far
away to understand the conditions there, and, moreover, they
not infrequently exercised their powers there in an illegal
manner, and to the prejudice of the sovereign. In addition
to this, difficulties arose owing to the difference of the language,
which were further increased when people had to go abroad
to look after their rights or to appear before a judge. The
native dioceses did not correspond to the pohtical districts of
the country, and they were so extensive and so thickly popu-
lated that one bishop was not able to look after them. In
consequence of this, the gravest scandals, from a moral point
of view, were able to creep in among the secular and regular
clergy. Spiritual instruction, in the form of preaching and
1 Cf. Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 209.
^ Cf. PiRENNE, III., 358 seq.
^ Cf. concerning the organization of the dioceses before 1559
Laenen in the Annales de I'Acad. archeol. de Belgique, Ser.
5, VI., 67 seq.
BISHOPRICS IN THE NETHERLANDS. 32I
catechizing, was woefully neglected, and the sacraments very
carelessly dispensed. In some places the young people grew
up in a state of utter neglect. ^ Even the more earnest-minded
bishops were unable, in the unpractical and chaotic condition
of the spiritual jurisdiction, to remedy the state of affairs.
In order to do away with this confusion, Phihp II. asked from
Rome a complete reorganization of the hierarchy, so that by
an increase in the number of the bishops, and a diminution
in the extent of the dioceses, they might be in a position to
proceed, both against the ecclesiastical abuses, and the inroads
of heresy. The Pope entrusted this important matter to a
commission, consisting of Cardinals Pacheco, Saraceni, Puteo,
Reumano, Capizuchi and Rosario. This commission recog-
nized the good intentions of the Spanish king, who, even if he
were greatly influenced by political motives, nevertheless had
in view, above everything else, the futherance of the religious
needs of his provinces of the Netherlands. The proposed
reorganization would undoubtedly benefit them in the highest
degree. 2
After long and thorough consideration, it was decided in
Rome, that, for the future, the jurisdiction of the German and
French bishops should cease in the Netherlands, and that, in
addition to the old dioceses, fourteen new ones should be
established, namely, Namur, St. Omer, Malines, Antwerp,
Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, Bois-le-duc. Roermond, Haarlem,
^ See Jannsen, Ober die erste Periode der niederl. Revolu-
tion des 16. Jahrh., in the German edition of the Civiltk catt.
I., Miinster, 1855, 34 ; Holzw.\rth, I., 107 seq, ; cf. Rachfahl.
I., 306 seq., 610.
2 See MiRAEUs, Opera dipl. III., 523 seq. ; cf. A. Jansen,
Het advies der commissie van zeven Kardinalen : Archief v. d.
geschiedenis v. d. Aartsbisdom Utrecht, IX. (1881), 1-22 ; Brom,
Archivalia, II. (191 1), 147. The *Instructions for Sonnius,
the envoy sent to Rome, dated Brussels, March 8, 1558, in the
State Archives, Brussels. Concerning the plans of Philip II.,
and the justification of his proposal, see Gachard, Corresp.
de Philippe II., I., xciii. seq. ; Koch, Abfall, 44 seq. ; Holz-
WARTH, I., 69 seq. ; Pirenne, III., 501 seq., 504.
VOL. XIV. 21
322 ^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Deventer, Leeuwarden, Groningen and Middcll)urg. These
dioceses, which corresponded as far as possible to the frontiers
of the separate provinces, and to the divisions of the two
languages of the country, were placed under the three metro-
politan churches of Cambrai, Utrecht and Malines. According
to this arrangement, the Archbishop of Malines was to have
the dioceses of Antwerp, Bois-le-duc, Ghent, Bruges, Ypres
and Roermond under him ; the Archbishop of Cambrai was
to have those of Tournai, Arras, St. Omer and Namur, and
the Archbishop of Utrecht those of Haarlem, Middelburg,
Deventer, Leeuwarden and Groningen.
For this reorganization, which was very excellent from an
ecclesiastical point of view, the Pope had to make an important
concession to the exertions of Philip II. on behalf of his national
church. The Spanish king received the right to propose suit-
able candidates for the fourteen new dioceses, as well as for
those of Utrecht, Tournai and Arras ; the king was to remun-
erate the new bishops from his own treasury, until a fixed
income was allotted to them, and to choose the candidates
carefully from among the doctors or licentiates of theology.
In spite of this limitation, the measure meant an immense
strengthening of the royal power. Whether the natives of the
Netherlands, who were so jealous of their liberties, would
quietly accept it, was another question. Besides this, the new
bishoprics could not very well be endowed, except at the
expense of the monasteries and collegiate foundations.^
Consequently, there was considerable excitement among the
nobiUty of the Netherlands, which spread among the influential
clergy of the monasteries and foundations. Naturally, all
those who were inclined to the new doctrines, regarded the
prospect of an increased and more severe ecclesiastical super-
^, The reasons for this compensation are explained in the judg-
ment of the Cardinals cited supra p. 321, n. 2, that the " bona
monasteriorum hodie non Christo, sed privatorum commodis
et vitae voluptatibus serviant, eo quod in eis non admodum
regulariter vivatur."
THE REFORMERS AND FRANCE. 323
vision with great aversion. The new measure,^ which was
promulgated by a bull of May 12th, 1559,- proper and salutary
as it was in the abstract, nevertheless contained the germ of
grave complications.
In the neighbouring kingdom of France, which was so closely
associated with the Netherlands by so many intellectual and
material ties, Henry II. was watching, with no less decision
than Phihp II. was doing in his dominions, over the mainten-
ance of the external stability of the old Church, which had
brought so many advantages to the crown by means of the
concordat.^ The hopes which the reformers had built on the
alliance of the French king with the German Protestant princes
against the Emperor, had not been realized. Purely political
reasons alone had tempted Henry II. to this course, and the
persecution of the Protestants continued during the alHance
just as severely as before. After the death of Julius III. it
was again politics which had brought about a close union of
Henry II. with the Pope.
Paul IV. did not delay in making his alliance with France
useful for ecclesiastical purposes as well. If the nuncio,
Gualterio, had already been active in exhorting the king to
^ *Questa sera N.S. ha fatto congregatione di molti cardinali
sopra la divisione et erectione dei vescovadi di Fiandra. B,
Pia to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dated Rome, April 22, 1559 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
2 Bull., VI., 559 seqq. ; cf. Gulik-Eubel, III., 38 ; M.\sius,
Briefe, 318-319 ; Brown, VII., n. 75, Riess (p. 73) erroneously
places this bull of May 12, 1559, in connection with the auto-
da-f6 of May 31, 1559 ; he also maintains that Philip II. did not
obtain the right of appointment for Malincs and Antwerp, which
is contradicted by the text of the bull. Cambrai alone is not
mentioned there. As early as August 8, 1559, Philip II. addressed
a letter to the bishops of the Netherlands concerning the extirpa-
tion of heresy ; see Compte rendu de la Comm. d'hist., Ser. 3,
IX., 300 scqq.
^ Concerning the action taken against the innovators in France
since 1551, see Aubert in the Rev. des quest, hist., LXXXIII.
(1908), 107 seq.
324 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
take energetic steps against the innovators,^ Cardinal Carafa
lost no time, on his appearance at the French court, in propos-
ing, in the Pope's name, the introduction of the Roman Inqui-
sition into France. 2 The king willingly promised to do every-
thing to suppress heresy in his kingdom. He also promised
to observe the agreement regarding the concordat entered into
with Julius III., which had been so often broken. ^ On account
of the opposition of the Paris Parliament to the introduction
of the Roman Inquisition, Henry II. and Paul IV. arranged a
compromise, according to which three French Cardinals should
conduct the Inquisition in France, under the direction of the
Holy See. A brief of April 25th, 1557, entrusted Cardinals
Lorraine, Bourbon and Chatillon with the necessary powers
for so doing. ^ This arrangement, which the Parliament also
resisted, lasted for so short a time that the Pope revoked it as
early as June, 1558, and entrusted the work of the Inquisition
once more to the diocesan bishops. ^ They, however, as well
as the secular tribunals, were often wanting in decision. It
is no wonder that those of the new religion were always
growing bolder. Their number was constantly increasing,
especially because the unprincipled king misused the privileges
granted him by the concordat in the most shameful manner.
Ecclesiastical benefices were used for the reward of those who
had rendered services in war or at the court ; the younger
nobles received them for their maintenance, for which reason
the benefices were entered in a false name. It thus happened
that officers serving in the army were also receiving the
revenues of rich abbeys, and, what M'as still worse, several of
^ See Nonciat., II., 340.
2 See RiBiER, II., 677.
3 See Nonciat., II., 354, 415, 459 ; cf. Raynaldus, 1555, n. 41.
* Raynaldus, 1557, n. 29. Ribier, II., 677. The letter of
thanks for the brief from Cardinal Lorraine to Paul IV., in the
Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengesch., V., 611.
^ This fact, hitherto unknown to eill investigators, including
HiNSCHius (VI., 342), I have taken from an *Avviso di Roma
of July 2, 1558 (Vatican Library). Concerning the resistance of
the Parliament see Soldan, I., 252.
FRENCH CATHOLICS DISUNITED. 325
these holders of benefices also wanted to administer the office
assigned to them. A Venetian ambassador remarked with
astonishment how quickly soldiers and merchants in France
were often turned into bishops and abbots. The ecclesiastical
state consequently degenerated more and more, and it not
infrequently happened that dioceses were abandoned by their
bishops, or else possessed none at all. This neglect of their
duty on the part of the superiors had the most disastrous effect
on the lower clergy. In spite of all this, however, the Church
still had deep roots among the people, though the great evils
which had taken possession of them rendered them incapable
of offering an effective resistance to the innovators.^ A re-
generation of ecclesiastical conditions might have been intro-
duced by the Jesuits, but the University and the Parliament
just at that time put the greatest obstacles in the way of any
extension of their activities.^
The Catholics, therefore, remained weak, disunited and
badly organized ; the innovators, on the other hand, kept
firmly together, and steadily developed a methodical agitation,
under the direction of Calvin. It is not, therefore, to be
wondered at, that they were increasingly successful. Indeed,
in the spring of 1559, a minority in the Parhament of Paris
was favourable to them, and resisted the former severe measures
against them. The king, who was more than ever inchncd
to a decisive resistance to heresy,^ since the peace of Cateau-
Cambresis had been concluded with Spain in April, 1559,
endea\'oured to silence the opposition by appearing suddenly
in the Parliament on June loth. He had, however, to meet
with violent resistance. If Parliament had hitherto attacked,
in a thoroughly Galilean way, the Roman Curia as the source
of all the evil, they did not now fail to turn also against the
^ See Soranzo in Alb£:ri, Ser. I., II., 409 ; de Me.\ux, Luttes
religieuses, 46 seqq. ; M.\rcks, Coligny, 262 seq.
2 Cf. Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 203 seq.
^ Cf. SoLD.VN, I., 266 seqq., where the decisions on the religious
questions and the influence of the peace are made clear, and it
is shown that no secret article concerning the e.Ktirpation of
heretics existed.
326 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
king, whose loose manner of life afforded many points of
attack. With unmistakable allusion to him, Anne Dubourg
called out : " Adultery and debauchery swagger about un-
molested, but who are those who are condemned to death ?
Those whose crime consists in having uncovered the Roman
shame, and having striven to bring about a salutary reform."
Henry II. answered by ordering the arrest of Dubourg, and
addressing a circular to the Parliament and the courts of
justice, admonishing them to the most severe measures against
those who had fallen away from the faith. ^
It was expected that Henry II. would see to the carrying out
of his orders by making a tour of his kingdom, and, in alliance
with the Duke of Savoy, undertaking an expedition for the
destruction of Geneva, the head-quarters of Calvinism. All
plans of this kind, however, were destroyed by the sudden
death of the king, at the age of only forty-two ; he succumbed
in July to a wound he had received in a tournament. Two
months before this, the preachers of eleven heretical con-
venticles assembled secretly in the suburb of St. Germain, and
there drew up a confession of faith, and a system of church
government, both thoroughly imbued with the spirit of CaKdn.^
The number of the adherents of Calvin at this time in France
amounted to 400,000,^ if the Venetian ambassador, Soranzo,
is to be believed. Under such circumstances the Parliament
entrusted with the care of the country, and which was now
entering upon office after the death of Henry II., would be a
specially fateful one for France. Paul IV. feared that it would
prove indulgent to those who had fallen away from the faith,
and held up Philip II. before it as a model."*
^ See DE Meaux, Luttes relig., 56 seqq. ; cf. Soldan, I., 277
seq., and Ranke, Franzosische Geschicte, I.^, 187 seq., Ranke
erroneously makes the king appear in the Parliament as early as
March 10. See also Aubert, loc. cit., iii seq.
^ See Herzog's Realenzyklopadie, III.^, 784 seq. ; VI. 3, 232 seq.
^ See Albert, Ser. I, ii., 409 ; cf. ibid., iii., 425 seq.
^ Cf. besides Ribier, II., 811, 815, the report of B. Pia to
Cardinal E. Gonzaga, dated Rome, July 19, 1559 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
LIPPOMANO SENT TO POLAND. 327
The dangers which threatened the CathoUc Church in Poland
were no less grave than in France. The learned and eminent
Bishop of Verona, Luigi Lippomano, had already been destined
by Julius III. to act as nuncio at the court of the last Jagellon
king, Sigismund Augustus, whose weakness and instabiUty
gave cause for the worst fears. On June 13th, 1555, Paul IV.
ratified the appointment of Lippomano.^ The nuncio, well
proN'ided with letters of recommendation from the Pope and
Cardinal Farnese, who was then Protector of Poland, pro-
ceeded by way of Augsburg, where he was present at the Im-
perial Diet, on a special mission, from the end of July until
September 7th. The learned Jesuit Salmeron was appointed
by the Pope to accompany him to Poland.'- The journey
from Augsburg to Warsaw lasted thirty-two days, and from
thence to Wilna, where the PoUsh king then resided, and which
they at length reached on October 28th, another fifteen days.
Salmeron drew a vivid picture of the difiiculties of the long
journey, and of the depri\^ations which the travellers had to
endure, in a letter to Ignatius of Loyola. " Whoever has
travelled through this country," he said, " has not only done
penance for all his sins, but has also gained a plenary indul-
gence."^
When they were admitted to an audience at Wilna by the
king, the latter declared to the nuncio that there were only two
means of settling the religious confusion in his kingdom : either
the holding of a General Council, which, under the present
circumstances was impossible, or of a national council.'*
According to Catholic principles, a national council could not
' See Raynaldus, 1555, n. 56 ; ibid., n. 57-61 ; Theiner,
II., n. 662-664; Caro-Farnese, II., 314 seq. ; ^26 seqq. ; cf.
Dembinsky, Rzym, 191 ; Ehkenberg, 69 seq. ; see also L.
Latinius, Lucubrat., I., 50 seqq., and Hosii epist., II., 597> 606.
Concerning Lippomano, cf. also Lauchert, 570 seq.
2 See Polanco, V., 177. On July 12, 1555, Salmeron received
' scuta 60 pro itinere in regno Poloniae " {*Intr. et Exit., 1555-
State Archives, Rome).
3 Epist. Salmeronis, 130 ; cf. Hosii epist., II., 622.
* Salmeron to Ignatius on January i, 1556, loc. cit., 132.
328 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
make a definite pronouncement with regard to matters of faith ;
moreover, it contained within itself, under the circumstances
then prevaiHng, the danger of the rise of an independent
national church, and of a complete severance from the Holy
See. Lippomano lost no time in pointing this out to the king,
and in demanding that, instead of the previous negligence,
strict measures should be adopted against the enemies of the
faith. In his conversations with persons in authority, how-
ever, he found " all the doors closed."^ The bishops also were
wanting in decision and courage, and ecclesiastical conditions
were in great need of improvement in every way.^ With the
exception of the eminent Hosius, and the noble Nicholas
Dzierzgowski, Archbishop of Gnesen, most of the bishops were
without any zeal for their office, and full of weak compliance ;
several, indeed, were not free from the suspicion of having
leanings towards heresy.^ The Pope had already explained
to theni, on October 8th, 1555, in answer to their inquiry, that
dogmas of the Catholic Church could only be decided in a
General Council, but not in a provincial or national one, and
at the same time had admonished them not to shrink from any
danger in the defence of the faith. Repentant heretics should
be forgiven, but obstinacy should be punished with great
severity.* However, severity was not to be thought of, on
^ Ibid. 133 ; cf. also Lippomano's report in Dembinsky, Rzym,
191, n. 2.
2 Cf. Lippomano's report to Hosius of June i, 1556, in Cyprian,
Tabular, eccl. Rom., Frankfort, 1743, 67 ; Hosii epist., II., 713.
' Cf. EiCHHORN, Hosius, I., 205 seqq. Joh. Drohojowski,
bishop of Leslau (Kujawien) seemed to be especially open to
suspicion ; cf. Ehrenberg, 74. Lippomano examined witnesses
concerning him, and also concerning the bishop of Cracow,
A. Zebrzydowski, and sent their evidence to Rome (see Relacye,
I., 26 seq. ; ibid, a letter of vindication from Drohojowsld to Paul
IV.). The Catholic parish priest, Bukowski, is of opinion, in
his history of the Polish Reformation (Dzieje reformacyi w
Polsce, II., Cracow, 1883, n) that there were hardly three or four
bishops who upheld the dignity of their position, and that, for
the most part, the evil was increasing to an alarming extent.
* Raynaldus, 1555, n. 6i.
PROTESTANTISM IN POLAND. 329
account of the weakness of the good-natured king. Many
influential members of the court cherished the new doctrines,
some quite openly and some in secret, and used all their influ-
ence to support them. All efforts, therefore, for the defence
of the Catholic Church against the attacks of the innovators,
however illegal these might be, proved fruitless. The nobles
could take possession of church property without molestation ;
courage as well as unity were wanting to the Catholic party,
and the erection of a Jesuit college, which Salmeron had wished
to effect, proved quite impossible.^
Lippomano resolved to remain at Wilna for the present, and
sent Salmeron back to Rome, so that he might report to the
Pope concerning the state of affairs in Poland by word of
mouth. Matters were daily growing worse, since the king
allowed the nobles, in their private dwellings, to hold any form
of divine service based on the Scriptures, which suited them
best. It is clear from the instructions which Sigismund
Augustus gave at the beginning of 1556 to the ambassador,
Stanislaus Maciejowski, who was proceeding to Rome, that,
in spite of all the representations of the Pope and his nuncio,
the king still held fast to the idea that he could once more
restore peace to his kingdom by holding a national council,
and by making far-reaching concessions to the religious inno-
vators. ^ When the ambassador arrived in Rome, in May,
he was received with all due honour.^ On May 5th he per-
formed the solemn act of " obedientia " to the Pope.^ The
good impression which this had produced was completely
destroyed, however, by the demands which Maciejowski made
in the name of the king at a private audience : the marriage
of priests, communion under both kinds, the saying of mass
in the language of the country, and, finally, the holding of a
^ Salmeron to Ignatius on January i, 1556, loc. cit., 133.
2 Dembinski, Beschickung des Tridentinums, 55 seq., where
details are given of the weakening of the Instructions.
^ See Navagero's *report of May 2, 1556 (Library of St. Mark's,
Venice) .
* See *Acta consist, cancell. VII. (Consistorial Archives) ;
Masius, Briefc, 259 ; Massarelli, 290,
330 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
national council, in the event of a General Council proving
impossible, and should the Pope consent to it.^ Paul IV. was
most painfully affected by the idea that a Catholic king should
so far forget himself as to adopt as his own the demands of the
very people whom he should have punished most severely, but
he never for a moment thought of granting them. In a letter
to the king, he referred him to his nuncio, who was fully in-
structed on all points, at the same time warning him most
earnestly of the responsibility of the monarch, who would one
day have to render an account before the tribunal of God's
justice. 2
Lippomano had, in the meantime, had some distressing
experiences. Every day it was becoming clearer to him that
it was not the king who ruled, but the great nobles, and, above
all. Prince Nicholas Radziwill, who was related to the king by
marriage, and who promoted the interests of the innovators
in every way. In order to induce Radziwill to change his mind,
Lippomano addressed a very urgent letter to him. In reply,
he received a letter drawn up by the apostate Vergerio, which
was full of personal insults and abuse, especially against the
Pope, and was soon after circulated in print. ^ The nuncio's
position grew still worse when it became known, tlirough
somebody's indiscretion, that he had advised the king, quite in
accordance with the ideas of the Pope, to put an end to the
religious complications in his kingdom, by having from eight
to ten of the worst ringleaders put to death. Lampoons and
caricatures now jeered at the Pope's representative, whose
very life was threatened. Completely discouraged, Lippo-
mano, at the beginning of April, 1556, begged to be recalled
^ See the letter of the Duke of Paliano to Lippomano of May
30, 1556, in a Polish translation in the Relacye, I., 29 seq. ;
cf. Brown, VI., r, n. 484.
2 Raynaldus, 1556, n. 29 ; Turnbull, n. 508 ; Masius,
Briefe, 263 seq., 277 seq.
3 Krasinski, 121. Concerning Radziwill see Konifxki, Gesch.
der Reformation in Polen, Breslan, 1872, 47 ; Rostowski
Lituanicarum Soc. lesu historiarum libri lo, ed. Martinov Paris,
1877, 5, 7-
LIPPOMANO IN POLAND. 33I
from the " hell " in which he found himself. It was best, he
wrote, very hastily, to leave Poland without a nuncio, since he
could not remain with dignity in a place where monks and
cardinals were openly mocked at, and designs were entertained
against the life of the Pope's representative. ^ Lippomano
had, nevertheless, to remain for almost another nine months
at his very difficult post. It was especially painful to him
that he found, on the part of the Catholics, not only incredible
weakness, but also unfounded jealousy. When he finally
succeeded, in September, in bringing together a provincial
synod of the Polish clergy at Lowicz, they wanted to exclude
him from the conferences, and it required all his energy and
sagacity to prevent this. The synod made several salutary
decisions with regard to the improvement of ecclesiastical
discipUne, and for the protection of the Catholics against the
attacks of the heretics, and removed the immediate danger of a
national council. ^ This danger, however, was by no means
completely averted.
Lippomano, as well as the Pope, awaited the Diet, which was
to be held in Warsaw, with great anxiety. They both feared
that, in view of the weakness of the king, the fall of the Catholic
Church in Poland was inevitable.
At the end of September, 1556, Lippomano had once more
reported, in great detail, to Rome, the persecutions to which
he was exposed on the part of the innovators. He would, he
said, employ all his powers at Warsaw, for the defence of the
Church, and in accordance with the commands of the Pope,
but would then make use of the permission granted him, to
return to Italy. It sufficed him to have shown that it was
^ The letter of Lippomano to P. Contarini from Lowicz of
April 8, 1556, in the Cod. Barb. lat. 822, p. 329 scq. (Vatican
Library) ; also in the Library of St. RIark's, Venice, It. V., 16,
p. 279 seq. ; in Polish in the Relacye, I., 13 seqq.. Concerning
the lampoons against Lippomano and the Pope see Hosii epist.,
II., 670, 751 ; Hubert, 304 seq. ; Volki:r, 29 scq.
2 Cf. Krasinski, 116 seq. ; Eichhorn, I., 268 seq. ; Relacve
L, 33 seq., 40 seq. ; Troskolanski, Dzieje reformacyi polskiej,
1556-1560, Lwow, 1905-1907.
332 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
neither the Pope's fault, nor his own, if matters did not
improve. These matters Lippomano summed up by saying :
" Here in this country, everyone acts exactly as he pleases,
without fear of punishment. "^
The following occurrence at the Diet at Warsaw shows that
the nuncio was not too severe in his judgment. Paul IV., in
an encyclical of December 4th, 1556, had earnestly admonished
the Polish bishops to use every means to prevent disadvantage-
us decisions being arrived at in the assembly. ^ The result
of this was that the demand for complete religious liberty,
which was presented by the Prussian cities, in union with the
Polish knighthood, was refused, the king declaring that the
Diet must occupy itself only with the defence of the country.
Before his departure, Sigismund even issued a prohibition of
all religious changes ; this edict, however, was neither pub-
lished nor carried out !^
At the beginning of 1557 Lippomano left the Polish kingdom,*
^ " Ognuno fa cio che gli place nee est qui visitet aut qui cor
rigat." Lippomano to the Duke of Paliano, dated Lo\vicz>
September 22, 1556 (Cod. Barb. lat. 822, p. 355 of the Vatican
Library, and It., V., 16, p. 292 seq. of the Library of St. Mark's,
Venice). The letter in which Lippomano points out that he
had not made use of his faculties, as he did not wish to take a
certain Heller away with him from Poland, is in the Relacye,
I., 32-40, in a Polish translation.
2 Raynaldus, 1556, n. 41.
^ See EiCHHORN, I., 273-274 ; cf. Hosii epist., II., 879.
^ C/. EiCHHORN, I., 275 n. I. On March 7, 1557, Lippomano
♦reports to Paul IV. from Verona that he is very much fatigued
from the journey, and is also suffering from gout, for which reason
he sends his auditor to report for the time being (Original in the
Cod. Barb. lat. 5715 of the Vatican Library). In a *letter dated
Verona, May 18, 1557, he expresses the hope of soon being able
to go to Rome. Navagero reports concerning his arrival there
on June 26, 1557 : *Gionse qui domenica il rev. di Verona ;
" to-day he is only two leagues away from the Pope." ; (Court
Library, Vienna, loc. cit.). Lippomano's *Relatione di Polonia
(widely circulated in manuscript, e.g., in the Cod. Urb. 822,
p. 634 seq. ; Ottob. 2433, p. 172 seq., 2510, p. 69 seq. Vatican
A NEW MISSION TO POLAND. 333
which then remained without a nuncio for six months. ^
When, however, in the summer of 1558, another attack upon
the Cathohc Church in Poland was declared to be imminent,
Paul IV. recognized that Lippomano's advice, to leave Poland
without a Papal representative, had been a mistake. On July
14th, the eminent Cardinal Rebiba was appointed legate to the
Emperor and the King of Poland. As obstacles to his depar-
ture presented themselves, the appointment of a new nuncio
for Poland was made on August iith.^ This was Camillo
Mentuato, who had already been in Poland under Julius III.
His experiences were no better than those of Lippomano.
Paul IV. had decided that two members of the Jesuit order,
Peter Canisius and Theodoric Gerhard, should accompany the
nuncio. Gerhard had to be replaced by another Jesuit, owing
to illness. As the latter also fell ill on the way, Canisius
arrived alone with the nuncio in Cracow, after a most difficult
journey, on October 12th, 1558. He found the Catholic
Church there flourishing externally, but dangerously threatened
with an attack by the innovators. The powerful nobles had
almost all fallen away, but the great mass of the people were
Library. Copies also in the Cliigi and Corsini Libraries ;
translated in the Relacye, I., 64 seq.) is of no great import-
ance.
* WiERZBowsKi (Synopsis legal, nuntior., etc., in Polonia,
Rome, 1880. 59) also supposes that Pamfilo Strasoldo was only
intended as nuncio in 1557. The instructions for him in the
Altieri Library, Rome, MisccU. VI., 161 seq., printed in Ciampi,
II., 33. What horrible lies about Paul IV. were circulated in
•Poland in the summer of 1557, is evident from the letter in
the Opera ined. St. Orzechowsld, ed. Korzeniowski, I., Cracow,
1891, 481 seq.
^ See PiEPER, Legaten, 117 seq., where, however, the briefs
of Paul IV. concerning Mentuato's appointment, which are printed
in the Relacye, I., 69 seq., 71 seq., are overlooked ; of. also
L. Latinius, Lucubrat., I., 131 seq. ; Coggiola, Capitolazione,
126 ; Ehrenberg, 76 seq. ; the statements in Ciampi, I., 169
are quite erroneous. Concerning Rebiba see Dembinski, Rzym,
195.
334 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
true, to the old faith, and gave numerous proofs of their pious
dispositions.^
The nuncio was not found wanting in zeal,^ and Canisius
supported him faithfully.^ After a meeting with the Arch-
bishop of Gnesen, he betook himself, accompanied by Canisius,
to Petrikau, where the Diet was again to be held.
The longer Canisius remained in Poland, the more clearly
did he understand the danger threatening the Church and her
interests. " Everything here," he reports to Rome, " depends
on the king and the bishops. The king has fair words for us,
but nobody who knows his character more intimately expects
anything from him. He puts the whole blame for the religious
disasters of the last four years on the bishops ; they, in their
turn, complain of the king."* These complaints appear to
have been justified, for, as had previously been the case, no
deeds followed his words. ^ The bishops themselves, however,
were also much to blame. Canisius points this out, and says
that it almost appeared as if, despairing of anything being
possible, they had made up their minds for the worst, and
thought only of one thing, which was to save what they could
for themselves from the general shipwreck. Many of them,
moreover, were very old men, and several of them were not
to be trusted, especially a certain Uchanski, to whom the Pope
had very properly refused confirmation, and from whom more
was to be feared than was to be hoped from all the rest. The
heretics now dared to hold divine service quite publicly, and
hardly anyone, with the exception of the nuncio, raised any
protest. The representatives of the Pope met everywhere
with great mistrust ; Canisius had only one consolation : the
newly appointed Archbishop of Gnesen, Przezembski, the
^ Braunsberger, II., 294 seq., 301 seq., 303, 310 seq., 319 seq.,
831 ; cf. Zaleski in the publication Przeglad Powszechny, LI.
(1896), 155 seq., 326 seq.
2 Braunsberger, II., 325.
^ C/. Anz. der Krakauer Akad. der Wissensch., 1894, 228 seq.
^Braunsberger, II., 341.
^ Cf. Lippomano's opinion in the letter of September 30, 1557,
in Hosii epist., II., 879.
MENTUATO IN POLAND. 335
primate of the kingdom, came to him of his own initiative, in
order to confer with liim about the foundation of a Jesuit
college in Poland. ^
The principal duty of Mentuato was to prevent anything
happening at the Diet which would be disadvantageous to the
Church. 2 As the General Council was still in the distant
future, the idea of a national synod again sprang up. Canisius
endeavoured to rob the plan of its danger by proposing that
the synod should be held under the presidency of a Cardinal.
The fact that not only the nobles, but the cities as well,
demanded the exclusion of the bishops from the forthcoming
election of the king, on the ground that their oath to the Pope
was not compatible with their oath of allegiance to the king,^
shows the dangerous state of mind disclosed in the Diet.
When the latter was safely concluded without any injury hav-
ing resulted to the Church, the nuncio was very much to be
congratulated on the fact. He did not, it is true, succeed in
getting the king to prohibit heretical preaching. The reason
for this was that Mentuato had now to reckon with the jealousy
of the Catholic bishops, as had previously been the case with
Lippomano, for they endeavoured to exclude him from their
conferences, and, on the whole, adopted an ambiguous atti-
tude."* On February nth, 1559, the nuncio announced that
the Diet had closed in great disorder, without having arrived
at any dcci-sion.^ This much, at least, had been gained, that
the king had allowed no steps to be taken against the bishops,
nor any change to be made in the religion of the country ;^
in other respects, however, heretics like Lasco could continue
their propaganda undisturbed. Religious conditions, reports
^ See Braunsberger, II., 341 seq., 346, 351 seq., 359.
2 Cf. Zakrzewski, Powstanie i wzrost reformacyi w Polsce,
Lipsk, 1870, 260 scq. ; Dembinski, Rzym, 196 seq.
^ See Braunsberger, XL, 342, 355 ; Dembinski, 196.
'* Sec Mentuato's *report from Pctrikau of January 28, 1559
(Lett di princ. XL, 252 seq. Secret Archives of the Vatican) ;
cf. Dembinski, 197 seq.
^ *Letter of Mentuato, loc. cit., XL, 254-256.
^ Cf. Braunsberger, II., 361.
336 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Mentuato from Cracow on April nth, 1559, were steadily
getting worse ; he could accomplish nothing owing to the
weakness of the king,^ whom nobody wished to vex.
At the same time Paul IV. made application, in an extremely
outspoken letter, to the king himself. His duty, he said, as
chief shepherd of the Church, compelled him to speak frankly
concerning the things which were reported to him from Poland.
These were to the effect that the king favoured the heretics,
vdiom one should not even salute, according to the precepts
of the apostle, St. John ; he had them at his table, was in
correspondence with them, allowed their writings to be dis-
seminated, and permitted them to hold meetings and to preach
publicly against the Catholic faith. It fiUed him with the
deepest sorrow to think that the king, instead of defending the
Church, supported its adversaries with his favour. " Have
you then," said the Pope, " so far forgotten your parents and
your forefathers, those celebrated kings, that you take upon
yourself to favour heretics, and live on friendly terms with
those people whose writings should be avoided like the plague?"
The Pope specially reproached the king with having given the
bishopric of Kujaiwien to that Uchanski, Bishop of Chelm,
who was infected with the most detestable heresy, without
waiting for the confirmation of the Holy See, and with having
appointed Prince Radziwill, the open defender and leader of
the heretics, as his first minister of state. The dissemination
of heresy would bring about the downfall of his kingdom.
There was still time, however, to change, and remove the
innovations introduced into his dominions. The Pope con-
cluded by saying that he hoped his exhortations would be
listened to. Should they remain without effect, then he would
not only recall his nuncio, but would also employ such means
as God should inspire him to adopt. ^
^ *Tanto mite che difficilmente s'induce a dispiacere ad alcuno
(Lett, di princ. XL, 263-264. Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 The undated letter in Raynaldus, 1556, n. 34, belongs, as
the contents show, not to the year 1556, but to the spring of 1559.
(Kindly pointed out to be by Dr. Kuntze). With regard to the
dispute concerning the filling of the bishopric of Kujawien cf.
WEAKNESSTOF THE KING. 337
In Rome, where Hosius personally made a report,^ the
defection of the Polish king was already feared. Cardinal
Puteo, the vice-protector of Poland in the Curia, also addressed
to him an urgent letter of exhortation.- These fears, however,
proved to be groundless. If the king, from weakness and for
political reasons, did not earnestly protect the ancient church
against the attacks of the religious innovators, he, at any rate,
did not join them.^
WiERZBOwsKi, Uchanskiana, I. — V., Warsaw, 1885, and J.
KoRYTKowsKi, Die Ersbischofe von Gnesen, III., Posen, 1889
(in Polish).
^ Cf. EiCHHORN I., 303 seq. Accordliag to an *Avviso di Roma
of May 13, 1559, Paul IV. detained Hosius in Rome ; it was
thought that he would make him a Cardinal (Cod. Urb. 1039,
p. 35. Vatican Library).
^ L. Latinius, Lucubrat., II., 138 seq.
' Cf. Dembinski, Konzil, 62 seq. and Ryzm, 199.
VOL. XIV 22
CHAPTER XIII.
The Consummation of the Schism in Germany. Dispute
OF Paul IV. with Ferdinand. I.
While the scales were still trembling in the balance in Poland,
in Germany they were ever leaning more and more towards
Protestantism. The decisive step was taken at the Diet of
Augsburg. The Holy See was represented there by the nuncio,
Delfino, as well as by the Cardinal-Legate, Morone, who,
however, was summoned to Rome, together with Cardinal
Truchsess, at the- end of March, 1555, for the Papal election.
Truchsess had, clearly in agreement with Morone, entered a
protest on March 23rd, 1555, against the plan according to
which the religious affairs of the Empire were to be arranged
in favour of the Protestants. The importance of the influence
exercised by these two men is shown by the fact that the resist-
ance of the Catholics to the far-reaching demands of the Prot-
estants now began to weaken. ^ From the reports of Delfino
Paul IV. learned that the heretics did not even hesitate to
threaten that they would break down the resistance of the
Catholics by force of arms.^ Paul IV. had, even as a Cardinal,
watched the development of affairs in Germany very carefully,
p'j,^ See Maurenbrecher, Karl V., 332. Concerning the protest
of Truchsess see Steinberger, Die Jesuiten und die Friedens-
frage, Freiburg, 1906, 10. I take this opportunity of drawing
attention to a manuscript in the Seminary Library at Treves,
(IL, 14), which has not yet been examined in detail : *Proto-
collum actorum in Comitiis Augustanis, incipiens a. d. 31 Dec,
1554 et Aniens d. 25 Sept., 1555, scriptum a quodam qui interfuit
comitiis et cardinali legato ibidem praesenti fuisse videtur amicus.
2 See Deliino's report of June 2, 1555 in Maurenbrecher, 169*.
Paul IV. made much in his * brief of thanks for the congratulations
of Ferdinand L, dated June 19, 1555, of the hopes which he placed
in the King of the Romans concerning the interests of religion
(Brev. ad princ. Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 131. Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
LIPPOMANO S INSTRUCTIONS. 339
and with growing anxiety ,^ he now resolved to do everything
in his power to prevent the result of the Diet proving un-
favourable to the Church. He therefore commissioned Luigi
Lippomano, who was destined as nuncio to the Polish king,
and who, in the last part of the life of Paul III., had been with
Pighino for two years in Germany, and had a thorough know-
ledge of the conditions there, ^ to go first to Augsburg ; he then
recalled Delfino to Rome, to give him an oral account of all that
had taken place. ^
It was pointed out to Lippomano in his instructions that he
should work upon Ferdinand I. and the Catholic princes of
Genuany, so that the Diet might be dissolved without being
brought to a formal conclusion, and without its having adopted
any decisions unfavourable to the Catholics. The nuncio was
specially instructed to draw the attention of the King of the
Romans to the fact that if the aggressive Lutheran policy
should be successful in overthrowing the Catholic bishoprics,
the Protestants would before long proceed to the destruction
of the Imperial house of Austria.^ Paul IV. wrote himself
in this sense to Ferdinand I., on July 6th, 1555. At the same
time the Pope, in special briefs, called upon the Catholic
princes of Germany, Albert V. of Bavaria, Henry of Bruns-
wick, and William of Cleves, as well as the whole of the epis-
copate, to rally to the protection of Catholic interests.^ Paul
^ Carafa had been in the Netherlands in 15 15 (not, as Lessen
says, in 1514 ; Masius, Briefe, 250).
2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XL, xiii seq.
^ See the *briefs of July 9, 1555, to Delfino and Lippomano
and that of July 10 to Ferdinand I. (Brev. ad princ, loc. cit.,
n. 158, 159, 160. Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. Pieper,
109 ; Steinherz, L, xxxiv.
"* The instructions of July 3, 1555 in Maurenbrecuer, 169*.
^ The *brief to Ferdinand I. of July 6, 1555 in the Brev. ad
princ, loc. cit., n. 148, that to Albert V. in Raynaldus, 1555,
n. 44 ; the further *letters to the Archbishops of Mayence and
Salzburg, to Henry of Brunswick and William of Cleves, as well
as to different German bishops in the Brev. ad princ, loc. cit., n.
1 5 1- 156 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
340 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
IV. in particular set great hopes on Albert V., to whom he
addressed a special letter of thanks and praise on July 26th,
in which he acknowledged the growing importance of Bavaria
in Catholic matters.^
The two representatives of the Holy See at Augsburg were
not wanting in zeal, and if their indefatigable representations
to King Ferdinand, to Albert V. and to the bishops were not
more successful than was actually the case,^ this was in no
way their fault. Ferdinand I. and Albert V. by no means
realized the importance of the demands of the innovators.
They found themselves forced into such a position that one
may be glad that, chiefly owing to the exertions of the nuncio,
the worst was averted, and that those demands of the Prot-
estants which aimed at the handing over to the new religion
of the remaining parts of Germany, which were still true to the
Catholic Church, were refused. At the same time, those
things which the Protestants succeeded in. attaining were so
pregnant of results, that the victory of the religious rupture
in Germany was thereby assured.^
Wliile Deliino, on August 14th, was hurrjdng to Rome to
deliver his report, Lippomano remained at Augsburg until the
first week in September.'* He handed in a resolute note
setting forth that disputes in matters of faith could be decided
by no other court than that of the Holy See. When the
unfavourable outcome of the Diet could no longer be doubted,
he left Augsburg, in order not to be a passive witness while
regulations were being made which were, for the most part,
highly disadvantageous to the Catholic religion. ^
^ Raynaldus, 1555, n. 45 ; cf. Druffel, IV., 701, n. i.
^ See the reports of the nuncios in Maurenbrecher, 177* seq. ;
cf. Wolf, Deutsche Gesch., I., 728 seq.
^ Cf. Pastor, Reunionsbestrebungen, 466 seq.; Janssen-
Pastor, III., 17-18, 794 seqq.
•* See the reports of the nunciatures in Maurenbrecher, 178*
seqq. The arrival of Delfino in Rome was delayed by illness ; see
the *letter of Delfino dated Venice, September 7, 1555 in the Cod.
Barb. lat. XLL, 23 (Vatican Library).
^ See Delfino's Informazione infra p. 341, n. 2.
THE PEACE OF AUGSBURG. 34I
The Pope had, at the last moment, endeavoured, by means
of an urgent letter on September 6th, 1555, to induce the
Emperor to influence his brother, ^ but in vain. Charles V.,
who could not reconcile the concessions demanded by the
Protestants with his conscience, nevertheless considered them
inevitable, in view of the actual state of affairs, and allowed
the full powers which he had conferred on Ferdinand I. to
remain as they were. Exhausted by a struggle which would
have worn out a will of iron and nerves of steel, he was, just at
that time, making the final arrangements for withdrawing
completely from the affairs of the world. The so-called
religious peace of Augsburg was, therefore, arrived at on
September 25th, 1555 ; by this, Ferdinand I., placed as he was
in the greatest difficulties by the attitude of the Turks, the
French, and the Protestant princes," gave his assent to the
^ The brief, with passages missing, according to a manuscript
at Simancas, in Maurenbrecher, 183* seq., is in full in the *Brev.
ad princ, loc. cit., n. 232 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 This strained position was already brought out by both
nuncios in their report of July 31, 1555 (Maurenbrecher, 177*) ;
later on Delfino specially emphasized it in his Informazione. This
interesting report, which defends Ferdinand wherever possible,
is frequently found in Italian libraries ; in Rome, in the Secret
Archives of the Vatican, Cod. Urb. 851, P. i, p. 14 seq.. Vat. 5666,
Polit. 10, p. 264 seq. ; in the Altieri Library, Miscell. XI., p. 116
seq. ; in the Barberini Library, LVIII., 40, p. 38 seq. ; in the
Corsmi Library Cod. 677 (formerly 35 — B. 6), p. 415 seq. ; in the
Librarj'^ of St. Mark's, Venice (see Valentinelli in the Abhandl.
der Bayr, Akad. Histor., Kl. IX., 763) ; in the Graziani Archives
at Citti di Castello, Istruz. I., 389 seq., and also in the National
Library, Paris, St. Germain, 278 (see Marsand, II., 80) and Ital.
1 171 (see Pieper, 206). The copy in Dollinger (Beitrage, I.,
228 seq.) which is defective and full of mistakes, is the one most
frequently cited. This has already been pointed out by Reimann
(Forschungen, V., 323) Pieper {loc. cit.) Steinherz (I., xxxvi.)
and Postina (Zeitschr. fur Gescli. des Oberrheins, N.F., XV,
[1900], 366), but they have all overlooked the fact that long before
DolUnger's edition (since 18.^4) there was a fairly good copy from
a MS. in the Colonna Archives, in the pubUcation Saggiatore,
342 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Imperial recognition of the religious rupture. The princes and
states of the Empire, who professed the Confession of Augs-
burg, now obtained what they had so long striven after : the
indefinite duration of the peace, the undisturbed possession of
the church property seized before 1552, the suspension of
episcopal jurisdiction in their dominions, and full liberty in
the practice of the form of church government which they
claimed. Every State of the Empire, whether Catholic or
professing the Confession of Augsburg, now had the right to fix
the religion of its subjects ; whoever did not wish to conform
was at liberty to leave the country after the sale of his pro-
perty ; whoever could not or would not do so, must conform
to the religion of the authorities of the state. ^ The principle of
the new national religion was this : To whomsoever the
country belongs, to him also belongs its religion. Secular
absolutism had won the day in rehgious matters. The inno-
vators, however, in their joy at what they had gained, over-
looked the fact that this was a two-edged weapon, which might
at once be turned against themselves in the event of a prince
changing his religious opinions. The Protestants did not
consider themselves bound by the spiritual reservation, in
accordance with which those who adopted the new doctrines
must forfeit ecclesiastical offices and dignities, as this clause
had only been introduced into the text of the rehgious peace
as a regulation issued by Ferdinand I. in virtue of his plenary
Imperial powers, and had not yet been decided by the states
of the Empire. These and similar obscurities contained in
themselves the germ of new and serious disputes. The peace
was really rather a measure of expediency than a final agree-
ment ; in more than one respect it resembled an armistice,
which was used to gather fresh strength in order to renew the
struggle with still greater bitterness than before. This was
I., 2, 130 seqq. The time of its composition Reimann {loc. cit.)
rightly places at the beginning of 1559, (not 1557, as Dollinger
supposed).
^ Cf. Paulus, Religionsfreiheit und Augsburger Religionsfreide :
Histor-pol. BL., CXLIX., 356 seqq., 401 seqq.
DELFINO AND FERDINAND I. 343
the conviction both of the Protestants and the CathoHcs.^
It was also in this sense that Paul IV. acted. However
deeply he was pained by the injury inflicted on the Church by
the Augsburg decisions, he restrained himself after making a
solemn protest.^ He hoped to render this agreement, which
he considered invalid, ineffectual, by means of special negotia-
tions, or, if this should prove impossible, to combat its harmful
results by every means in his power. As a means to this end,
Delfino was again sent, towards the end of 1555, as a special
nuncio to Ferdinand I., who had ardently wished for the return
of this man, who was so devoted to him.^ Before he was sent,
^ Cf. RiTTER, Deutsche Gesch., I., 85. How the Protestants at
once made propaganda against Paul IV. in Germany by dubbing
him Antichrist is clear from the satirical publication : Newe
Zeytung aus Rom vom newen Babst Paul IV., A° 1555 (copy in the
Royal Library, Berlin).
2 I can find no solemn protest in the sharp expressions of dis-
approval, which are to be found in the letters to Ferdinand I.
and the Bishop of Passau (see Raynaldus, 1555, n. 51, 53) ; a
brief would have been required for this, such as that of 1648 later
on. It was not issued, probably because in Rome the Augsburg
decisions were not regarded as final. There is no doubt, however,
that Paul IV. repudiated this insulting agreement, which violated
the rights of the Church in so many ways, and regarded it as
invalid. The unfounded reproaches cast at the Pope on account
of tliis supposed point of view, have been contested by Hergen-
ROTHER (Staat und Kirche, 703).
3 See R.WNALDUS, 1555, n. 51 ; Steinherz, I., xxxiv-xxxv.
Besides the letters to Ferdinand I. and the Bishop of Passau of
December 18, quoted by Raynaldus, loc. cit., similar letters
were sent to Cardinal Madruzzo as prince bishop of Trent, to the
Archbishops of Cologne, Salzburg, Mayence and Magdeburg, the
Bishop of Brixen, Treves, Eichstatt, Wiirzburg and Bamberg,s
to Albert V. of Bavaria, as well as to several members of the
House of Hapsburg (Maxim, regi Bohemiae, Ferdinando archi-
duci Austriae, Carolo archiduci Austriae ; see Brev. ad princ.
Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 158, 165). Delfino left Rome on December 27 ;
see *report of Navagero of December 28, 1555, loc. cit. (Library of
St. Mark's, Venice).
344 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
there had been exhaustive dehberations with Morone, and it
was the Cardinal, who was so well acquainted with conditions
in Germany, who drew up the instructions for the nuncio.
The task assigned to Delfino in his dealings, first Math the
Prince-bishops of Trent and Brixen, and then with the Duke
of Bavaria, Albert V., the bishops of Salzburg, Eichstatt,
Bamberg, Wiirzburg and Passau, and, finally with the King of
the Romans himself, was, in each case, of a similar nature. In
the first place the nuncio was to make remonstrances against
their unlawful agreement to the fatal decisions of the Diet of
Augsburg, he was to endeavour to obviate their disastrous
effects, and, above all, to prevent still further decrees, un-
favourable to Catholics, from being issued at the impending
Diet at Ratisbon. In the second place, Delfino was to urge
the carrying out of a reform in accordance with Catholic
principles, in which they saw in Rome the best and most
effective means of placing an obstacle in the way of the increas-
ing defections from the Church in Germany. ^
Delfino was also given the special commission of giving to
the Duke of Bavaria, whose importance to the Catholic cause
was fully realized in Rome, reasons for the refusal of the Holy
See to grant the demands which the Duke had secretly laid
before the Pope in the name of his subjects. Bavaria asked
that the chalice might be granted to the laity, that married
persons might be allowed to fill ecclesiastical offices, and that
there should be a mitigation of the law of fasting. ^ If it was
believed by the Bavarians that a greater leakage from the
Church could be averted by the granting of these concessions,
an entirely different view was held in Rome. At the end of
February and at the beginning of March, 1556, Delfino ex-
plained the Pope's refusal to the Duke at Munich, and the
latter gave the most convincing assurances that he would
allow nothing contrary to the wishes of His Holiness, even if
he thereby lost his life and his territories. When, however.
^ See PiEPER, 199 seq. ; cf. ibid., no seq.
^ Cf. ScHWARZ ill the Histor. Jahrb,, XIII., 146 seq. ; Masius,
Briefe, 255-256-
PAUL IV. AND THE HAPSBURGS. 345
the states renewed their demand, the weak prince gave way so
far, on March 31st, that he declared, with many reservations
and clauses, however, that the dispensing of Holy Communion
to the laity under two kinds, and the non-observance of
abstinence, were not penal. ^
Delfino was by this time in Vienna. The experiences which
he there had with Ferdinand I. were much more disheartening
than those he had experienced with the Duke of Bavaria. The
complaints which, by order of the Pope, he made, with regard
to the concessions, so detrimental to the Catholic cause, made
to the innovators at Augsburg, were sharply rejected by the
King of the Romans ; he had been forced, he said, by necessity,
to grant these, as well as his concessions to the Protestants in
Austria. 2 The conflict then beginning between Paul IV. and
the House of Hapsburg was not without its influence on this
attitude. This dispute took such a grave form that, in April,
1556, the Pope spoke of the deposition of Charles V. and Fer-
dinand I., because they had agreed to the Augsburg decisions.^
No one rejoiced more at this unhappy strife than the German
Protestants,* to whom it was also of great advantage that the
Catholic princes of Germany had, either from carelessness or
optimism, neglected to see that the concessions made did not
receive a still wider extension than the strict working of the
^ Cf. RiEZLER, IV., 505 seq. Concerning the very vaccillating
attitude of Albert V. towards the religious question at that time,
see Jannsen-Pastor, IV., 15-16, 112, n. 6. A. Masius also sought
to obtain in Rome the granting of the chalice to the laity from
April to July, 1556, by order of the Duke of Cleves, for his domin-
ions, but in vain (see Masius, Briefe, 215 seq., 241 seq., 245 scq.,
266 seq., 271 seq., z'j'j seq.) Concerning the unfortunate develop-
ment of the state of affairs in the territory of Cleves see Histor.
Zeitschr., L., 16 seq.
2 Cf. the *report of Delfino, copies of wliich are preserved at
Simancas {Libras do Berzosa) and used by Maurcnbrecher in tiie
Histor. Zeitschr., iz seq. Several reports of July, 1556, are
printed in Pieper, 113 n.
^ See Badoer's report of May 31, 1556, in Brow.-j, VI., i, n. 501.
* See Broscii in the Mitteil. des Ostcrr. Inst. XXV., 477 n.
34^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Augsburg decision conferred on them. Delfino had a difficult
position in Vienna, and he realized more and more how little
he could accomplish. The whole question of the faith, as he
reported shortly before his return on September 21st, 1556,
was in the greatest danger all over the country, and especially
in the hereditary Hapsburg dominions. This was caused,
partly by the continued difficulties of Ferdinand I., and partly
by the indifference of almost all the prelates. He therefore
proposed to address an earnest exhortation to them, and also
to the King of the Romans, and to all the secular princes of
Germany, which, under certain circumstances, should be made
public by printing it.^ When, at the end of October, Delfino
informed the Pope and a congregation of Cardinals of the
impending ruin of the Catholic Church in Germany, Paul IV.
was so embittered against the Hapsburgs that, with great
injustice, he attributed to them all the blame for the unhappy
developments in Germany. ^ It was in vain that Cardinals
Medici and Morone, as well as Delfino, pointed out the evil
effects which the Pope's war against Spain must exercise on
the spread of Protestantism in Germany and Austria. The
answer of Paul IV. consisted in his calling out to Delfino, in
the presence of Morone : " Your King of the Romans is a
brother of that heretic. We only suffer him, because we do
not know whom we should put in his place. "^
^ **Report of Delfino to Paul IV., dated Vienna, September 21,
1556, in the Casanate Library XXI., i, 36, also a copy in Simancas,
Libros de Berzosa.
2 Steinherz, who (I., XXXV., n. 2) very significantly rejects the
words of Vergerio, so full of hatred towards Delfino's nunciature,
as incredible, represents the nuncio as returning to Rome as early
as July, 1556. That tliis is an error is plam from Delfino's **letter,
cited in the previous note, which shows that he was still in Vienna
on September 21, 1556. An *Avviso of October 31, 1556 (Cod.
Urb. 1038, p. 171. Vatican Library) reports distinctly in ad-
dition to this that Delfino arrived in Rome on Sunday (October 25),
and that the Pope lodged him in the Vatican ; on the Wednesday
the nuncio made a report in the Congregation of Cardinals.
^ See Navagero's report on January 2, 1557 in Brown, VI., 2,
n. 781 ; c/. ibid, n- 686, 695. At the beginning of December,
RELATIONS WITH FERDINAND I. 347
Under these circumstances it is not astonishing that the
nunciature at the court of Ferdinand I. remained unfilled. As
this unnatural state of affairs still continued after the conclusion
of peace with PhiHp II., open opposition sprang up in the
Curia. We learn from a report of the Venetian ambassador,
on November 6th, 1557, of the com})laints made by the Car-
dinals that the Pope assembled the Inquisition every Thursday
for the prosecution of a single heretic, while he overlooked
important matters, such as the loss of whole kingdoms, like
Poland and Germany, which he left without nuncios.^ These
complaints resulted in relations with Ferdinand I. being once
more resumed. On November 14th, 1557, the Papal notary.
Jacobus Linterius, was appointed special ambassador to
Ferdinand I., with instructions to call upon the king to close
the conference on religion at Worms. At the same time the
resumption of the nunciature to the King of the Romans was
suggested. 2 This, however, did not actually take place until
January, 1558 ;^ the prelate who was appointed, Antonio
Agostino, Bishop of Lerida, proceeded to Frankfort-on-Maine,
1556, Paul IV. appears to have thought of sending Delfino back
again (see Steinherz, I., xxxv.) Maurenbrecher (Histor. Zeit-
schrift, L., 37) erroneously supposes that he really did return to
Germany.
^ See Navagero's report of November 7, 1557 in Brown, VI., 3,
n. 1076.
2 See the brief to Ferdinand I., of November 14, 1557, in Ray-
NALDUS, 1557, n. 32 ; ibid. n. 33, a brief to the episcopns Laba-
censis (not Lubecensis as in Raynaldus), Urban Textor, who had
been confessor and court preacher to Ferdinand I. At the same
time Paul IV. wrote to Marti nits Gusninnus, prepos. rcgii cubic.
(see Brev. ad princ, loc. cit., f . 67. Secret Arcliives of the Vatican) .
G)ncerning the conference at Worms see, besides J annsen-Pastor,
IV.„^^-^' 21 seq. ; Braunsberger, II., 789 seq. and Cardauns,
Unionsbestrebungen, 281 seq.
■'The attitude of Philip II. liad an inlluence on the Pope's
decision (see Bromato, II., 421). On December 14, 1557, the
mission of Agostino was announced in the consistory ; see *Acta
consist., Consistorial Archives.
348 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
where he met King Ferdinand, who was staying there, on
March 6th, 1558.1
Besides general orders for the protection of the German
CathoHcs, Agostino was given the special duty of watching
over the Papal rights in the proposed assumption by Ferdinand
I. of the Imperial dignity, which had been resigned by Charles
V.2 How unwelcome the appearance of the nuncio was to the
King of the Romans may be gathered from the fact that he
had refused Linterius an escort to the assembly at Frankfort.^
As Ferdinand could not now send back the representative of
the Pope, who had so unexpectedly arrived at Frankfort, he
endeavoured to soothe him by declaring that the religious
question would not be dealt with in the assembly.* This was
not, however, true, for the election capitulation agreed upon at
Frankfort contained a very explicit obligation to hold to the
Augsburg decisions of 1555. On March 14th, 1558, Ferdinand
I. swore to these in the presence of the Electors, three of whom
belonged to the Protestant confession, in the electoral chapel
of Frankfort Cathedral, whereupon Joachim II. of Branden-
burg, as Arch-Chamberlain of the Empire, placed the golden
crown upon his head. They all then betook themselves to a
dais erected in front of the choir, v/here the documents con-
cerning the resignation of the Imiperial dignity by Charles V.,
and sanctioned by the Electors, and the acceptance of that
dignity by his brother, were read aloud to the people. The
proceedings were then closed by the solemn proclamation of
^ See Depeschen vom Kaiserhofe, III., 17 n.
2 As supplementary to the statements in Reimann, Streit
301 seq., and Pieper, 115 seq., see *Brevia Arm. 44, t. 2, p. 65 :
to Ferdinand I. ; ibid, p. 88 ; to the Bohemian Icing, Maximilian,
both dated December 18, 1557 '• P- 92 : to the Duke of Cleves,
dated January 4, 1558, all relating to the mission of Agostino ;
ibid. p. 105 : yet another *brief to Ferdinand I., dated Februarj'^
20, 1558, whereby Agostino receives powers for the negotium
ecclcsiae Aquilej (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
^ Cf. ScHMiD, Kaiseiwahl, 5 seq., 39 seq.
* Depeschen vom Kaiserhofe, III., 17 n.
THE ELECTION OF FERDINAND I. 349
Ferdinand as Roman Empcror-elect.^ All participation in this
very important act was refused to the representative of the
Pope, who found himself obliged to play the part of a merely
passive spectator, face to face with an accompUshcd fact 1^
The Protestants were jubilant. Peter Martyr wrote to Calvin
that by this event, the authority of the Roman- antichrist had
been more completely shattered than ever before.^
It is difficult to understand how Ferdinand I. could have
bcheved that a Pope, who was so penetrated with the idea of
his own position and rights, could tamely submit to such a
proceeding.* Had not Julius III. already declared in 1551,
that the transference of the Imperial dignity without the agree-
ment of the Pope was invalid, and that the right of election
belonged only to the Catholic Electors ? ^
When Maximihan, in February 1508, as the first to deviate
from the old traditional custom, assumed the title of Roman
Emperor-elect, he had acknowledged the Pope's right of
coronation by a special declaration, thereby making it possible
for Juhus II. subsequently to give his approval. Charles V.
had also assured himself of the consent of Leo. X. when he
assumed the title of Roman Emperor-elect in 1520, and at his
coronation at Bologna all the traditional formalities had been
scrupulously observed.^ Now, however, not only had the
resignation of Charles V. taken place, but also the proclama-
tion of Ferdinand I. as Roman Emperor-elect, and the Pope
had on both occasions been completely ignored. Nor was this
all. In 1531, at the accession of Ferdinand I. as King of the
Romans, a brief had been obtained from Clement VII., so that
the participation of the Protestant Elector of Saxony might
^ C/. J.W. HoFMANN, Sammlung ungcdriickter Nachrichten, I.,
Halle, 1736, I seqq. ; Haberlin, III., 404 seqq.
2 See Reimann' Streit, 301 ; Schmid, Kaiserwahl, 6.
^ Calvini Opera, XVII., 144.
* Ranke (Deutsche Geschicte, V., 420) poirits out that nobody
could wonder at the resistance of the Pope.
^ See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., xlv.
^ Cf. Vol. VI. of this work, p. 297, Vol. X., p. 92 seq., and Turba,
Beitrage zur Gesch. der Habsburger, III., Vienna, 1901, 86.
350 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
not invalidate the election. ^ But on this occasion, at the far
more important proceedings at Frankfort, three Electors had
taken part, who had fallen away from the Church, and were
engaged in a violent struggle with the Holy See. Thus a quite
abnormal situation had been created, which was quite un-
precedented. If the Pope had already assisted at the delibera-
tions concerning the election of a king, how much more should
he have done so at the proclamation of an Emperor, who was
bound to be the protector of the Holy See ! And now this new
Emperor, who had been proclaimed in such a way, had pledged
himself in his election capitulation to support the state of
affairs, so very unfavourable to Catholics, which had been
called into being by the decisions of the Diet of Augsburg.
This was, however, by no means the only reason why Ferdinand
could not be held to be a proper person to play the part of
protector of the Church. It was well known in Rome that he
had recently mitigated the severity of his former regulations
against the Protestants, and had appointed bishops in Hungary
and transferred them to other dioceses without seeking the
confirmation of the Holy See. Above all, Paul IV. reproached
Ferdinand I. with having suffered the heterodoxy of his son,
Maximilian. 2
All this makes it easy to understand why Paul IV., who had
always been filled with mistrust and ill-will against the Haps-
burgs, was greatly excited by the news of the proceedings at
^ See BucHOLTZ, IX., i8.
2 Cf. the despatches of Pacheco, used in the Histor. Zeitschr.,
XXXII., 266, and the decisions of the Papal commission in
ScHMiD, Kaiserwahl, 16 seq. A very detailed enumeration of the
objections regarding P'erdinand himself, originating from Delfino,
has been pubUshed by Sickel (p. 30 seqq.) " One can judge,"
says Reimann (Paul IV., 32), " among other things, how very
well informed Rome was concerning the religious conditions m the
Austrian countries, although there had been no permanent nuncio
in Vienna for years." A pendant to Delfino's report is the *Relatio
Aloysii Lippomani episc. Veron, quoad fidem in the Graziani
Archives at Citta di Castello, Instruz. I., 241 seq. The document
is unfortunately undated.
THE POPE AND THE ELECTION. 35I
Frankfort. It was clear to him that he could not recognize
such a renunciation of the Imperial dignity, performed in such
a way, and at the same time so one-sided, when the dignity
contained in itself very clearly defined duties towards the
Church, solemnly undertaken by oath. He was also of opinion
that he ought not to acknowledge the accession of such a man
as Ferdinand I. He never for a moment thought of making
a calm examination of the reasons which made it inadvisable
to bring the legal standpoint into too great prominence. Yet
there was not the smallest doubt that, in consequence of the
great dislocation of power which had come to pass in the last
twenty-five years in favour of the Protestants, no one in the
Empire would trouble their heads in the least about the oppo-
sition of the Holy See to the proceedings at Frankfort. On
the contrary, should the Pope wish to exclude the Hapsburgs
from the possession of the Imperial dignity, which they had
already seized, it could easily be foreseen that the Protestants,
out of pure spite against the Roman " antichrist," would
come in, with all their power, including force of arms, on the
side of Ferdinand. It was, moreover, clear that Ferdinand
would have to make still further concessions to the Protestants
if he should have to depend upon them for the preservation
of his Empire. Besides this, they had to take into considera-
tion in Rome, that, however much Ferdinand might have been
found wanting in certain respects, there was no doubt as to his
personally Catholic attitude, and finally, it was notorious that
all the concessions of this prince to the innovators had been
made under the pressure of the direst necessity.^
All these considerations pointed to the advisability of
limiting proceedings to a formal protest, and in other respects
showing an indulgent forbearance, in order to avoid still
greater evils. ^
^ Cf. supra p. 341. The demand made by the Protestant
electors, that they should no longer be obliged to pledge them-
selves in the coronation oath to protect the Church, was success-
fully opposed by Ferdinand.
2 Rkimann (Streit, 299) is of opinion that two courses might
have been taken : " the Pope might either have deferred the
352 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Unfortunately Paul IV. had not the slightest idea of doing
anything of the kind. Entirely regardless of the complete
change in the state of the world, and of all the evil consequences
of his action, he insisted, in the most uncompromising manner,
on the legal standpoint. With characteristic obstinacy, he
persisted in the view that the choice of the Electors and the
person chosen, were subject to examination by the Pope, and
to the right of confirmation or repudiation by him, and that
it was unlawful for the Emperor to carry on the government
of the Empire before having received this Papal approbation.
He claimed the right of sanction, not only as to the accession
of Ferdinand I., but also as to the abdication of Charles V.
In a secret consistory called together in March, he gave vent
to his indignation at the insult offered to the Holy See ; he
took up his position on the standpoint that the abdication of
Charles V. was invalid, as it had been done without the consent
of the Pope, and was, moreover, the act of a monarch who was
no longer in possession of his senses, and finally, that the
accession of Ferdinand had no legal foundation, on account of
the participation of apostates in the election.
He enjoined strict silence on the Cardinals, and told them,
at the same time, to consider what measures should be adopted.
His next communication to the Cardinals, that the learned
custodian of the Vatican Library, Guglielmo Sirleto, would
lay the documents relative to the matter before them,^ proved
that Paul IV. was determined once more to open, in the fullest
sense, the old disputed question of the relationship between
the Empire and the Papacy. The public, also, soon learned
discussion of the question of the right of the Protestant Electors
until the next election of a King of the Romans, or have at once
acknowledged the good Catholic, Ferdinand, as Emperor, on the
ground of the election of 153 1, or, in order to proceed more surely,
he might have done the latter, and made no concession to the
future, by a declaration corresponding to the second brief of
Clement VII. cf. supra p. 349), in which way the difficulty was
afterwards overcome."
^ See the report of du Bellay in Ribier, II., 623, with wrong date.
Cf. Reimann, Streit, 318 seq., also Schmid, Kaiserwahl, 7.
of the dispute between the Pope and the Emperor. On Good
Friday, April 8th, 1558, the usual prayer for the secular head
of Christendom was omitted. ^ A month later the recall of
Agostino, who had proceeded with Ferdinand to Vienna,
followed.- The chief chamberlain, Martin de Guzman, had
started from Vienna for Rome on April 22nd, and although he
learned of the Pope's attitude in Venice, he nevertheless con-
tinued his journey, and arrived in Rome during the night
between May 12th and 13th. The Pope caused a communi-
cation to be conveyed to him, through Cardinal Pacheco, that
he must refuse him a solemn reception as " Imperial " am-
bassador, and then refused him even a private audience.^
Matters continued in this position, all the more so as Paul
IV. was supported in his attitude of hostility by the most
distinguished among the Cardinals, theologians and canonists
at the Curia. A commission for the consideration of the legal
question had already been formed in May, and consisted of ten
Cardinals (Vitelli, Rebiba, Carlo and Alfonso Carafa, Puteo,
Reumano, Ghislieri, Scotti, Saraceni and Pacheco) and six
prelates (Lippomano, Agostino, Sirleto, Camerario, Ugo
Boncompagni and Restaur© Castaldo). These were able, with
more or less success, to put forward, in learned disquisitions, a
great array of mediaeval theologians and canonists to prove the
invalidity of Ferdinand's title to the Imperial dignity.*
^ *Avvisi di Roma of April 9 and 16, 1558 (Cod. Urb. 1038,
P- 299, 301. Vatican Library).
2 The *letter of recall for Agostino, dated Rome, Ma}'^ 9, 1558,
in the Brevia Arm. 44, t. 2, p. 114 (Secret Archives of the Vatican),
Concerning his departure see Depeschen vom Kaiserhofe, III.,
28 seq. ; cf. Schmid, Zeitschr. fiir Gesch., VIII., 4.
3 Cf. Reimann, Streit, 303, 321 ; Paul IV. und das Kaisertum
27 seqq. ; Schmiu, 8 seq. ; see also in the Depeschen vom Kaiser-
hofe, III., 51 seq.
* Cf. ScHMiD, Kaiserwahl, 13 seq., where three opinions in
accordance with Cod. Barb. XXXIII., 65, are given ; see also
Daunon, Essai hist, sur la puissance temp, des Papes, II., Paris,
1818, 156. The news in an *Avviso of May 28 {loc. cit. 310.
Vatican Library) of the beginning of the opposition in the cora-
VOL XIV. 23
354 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Taking their stand on the laws actually in force, they proved
that it was impossible to grant a public audience to Guzman
as " Imperial " ambassador, and that the proceedings at Frank-
fort had been null and void. Even had they been valid, such
a man as Ferdinand could not be entrusted with the position
of Imperial protector of the Holy See, for he had not only
allowed encroachments on ecclesiastical affairs, and brought
suspicion on himself by suffering the irrehgion of his son, but
had also broken his oath to protect rehgion by condoning the
defections from the Church, and swearing at Frankfort to what
was contrary to what his former oath had pledged him to.
But if Ferdinand had been in himself a suitable person, his
election was invalid owing to the participation in it of heret-
ical Electors, quite apart from the fact that the whole assembly
had not been entitled to proceed to the election of an Emperor
during the lifetime of his predecessor.
Among the proposals as to what had better be done at the
moment, there were only two, those of Cardinals Pacheco and
Puteo, which definitely advised that the altered conditions of
the times should be taken into consideration, and pointed out
the great dangers to which an unfriendly attitude on the part
of the Holy See might give rise. As it was only a question of
positive law, Puteo was of opinion that the Pope could accept
the " obedientia " of Ferdinand, in so far as Charles V. re-
mained firm in his determination to resign his jurisdiction,
and the ambassador was properly accredited. With regard
to the complaints made against Ferdinand personally, it would
be well to see whether some excuse could not be found for him.
Pacheco put forward such excuses in great detail, and entreated
mission to Paul IV., and of the questioning of learned jurists in
Padua and Bologna, is not confirmed elsewhere. On the other
hand, it is clear from a report from Paris of June 6, 1558, to
Cardinal Farnese (Bibl. de Tficole des Chartes, LXXL, 328) that
Paul IV. had applied to the Sorbonne for an opinion. As to this
opinion it does not depend, as Hergenrother (Staat und Kirclie,
222) points out, upon the actual reasons and arguments, but on
legal axioms. Commendone also composed a treatise at this
time on the disputed question ; see Gratianus, 63 seq.
PAUL IV. AND FERDINAND I. 355
the Pope, by a just recognition of the circumstances and of
the times, to show clemency. Philip II. also threw all his
weight into the scales in favour of his uncle. It was all, how-
even, in vain. The commission held firmly to the ancient
rights, and finally decided that confirmation must be refused
to Ferdinand, unless he proved his title and showed all due
honour to the Holy See.^ Guzman then received orders from
Vienna to start his journey home, whether he had accomplished
his mission or not, should he not have been granted an audience
within three days of the receipt of the letter. Only on July
13th was a semi-public audience granted to him. The Pope
was exceedingly gracious, and announced that he would send a
special embassy to Ferdinand I., but he did not give way on
the point at issue. In a consistory he laid down the following
conditions for his recognition of Ferdinand : the substantia-
tion of the abdication of Charles V., an examination into the
life and conduct of Ferdinand, a promise on the part of the
latter to abolish Lutheranism in his house and hereditary
dominions, and the exclusion of heretics from future elections
and aU similar assemblies.^
Guzman left Rome on Jaly 14th ; on the same day Ugo
Boncompagni was decided on as nuncio to Ferdinand I. On
July 20th, Cardinal Rebiba, who had been appointed legate
in Poland, received instructions to travel by way of Vienna.
The departure of both, however, was delayed, because the
arrival of the Spanish ambassador in Venice, Vargas, was
expected. Mcntuato, the nuncio destined for Poland, was, in
the meantime, the only one to report in Vienna as to the claims
of Paul IV.3
^ See ScHMiD, Kaiserwahl, 20 seqq. Sittings of the commission
are also mentioned in the *Avvisi di Roma of July 9 and 16, 1558
{loc. cit. 324, 327, Vatican Library) with the notice that nothing
can be learned concerning tliem, as silence is enjoined under pain
of excommunication. Concerning the intervention of Philip II.,
see ScHMiD, Zeitschr. fiir Gesch., VIII., 7 seq.
'^Cj. RiBiER, II., 759; RiciMANN, Strcit, 303 scq. : Schmid,
Kaiserwahl, 25 seq. ; Depeschen vom Kaiserhofe, III., 52 seq.
' See Massarelli, 324 ; Pieper, 117 seq. ; cf. supra p. 335.
356 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
All the hopes which had been built on the negotiations of
Vargas^ were now to prove vain. Ferdinand I., in the mean-
time, prepared to take earnest measures in his own defence.
On September 5th he made an official communication to the
Electors concerning his quarrel with the Pope,^ and invited
them to the impending Diet. At the same time the Imperial
chancellor, Seld, was instructed to draw up an official docu-
ment repudiating the claims of the Pope. It is evident from
this important paper to what bitterness and dangerous senti-
ments the attitude of Paul IV. had given rise at the Imperial
court. The chancellor, who undoubtedly wished to remain a
Catholic, employed in this treatise a manner of speech which
only slightly differed from that of the Protestants.^ " While,
in former times," he says, " the Papal ban was more feared
than death, it is now laughed at, and while formerly people
considered everything that came from Rome as being divine
and holy, Roman conduct and life are now known to the whole
world to such a degree, that everyone, no matter what he may
be, and whether he belongs to the old religion or the new,
spits at them." The weaknesses of Paul IV. are mercilessly
exaggerated, and all merit concerning the cause of reform is
denied to him by Seld, who sums up by declaring openly :
" His Holiness is, on account of his age and other circum-
stances, no longer responsible for his actions or in his right
senses ! " Seld advises strongly against any granting of the
claims put forward by Paul IV., because in that case the whole
country would rebel against both Emperor and Pope. The
best thing to do was not to trouble about the confirmation or
repudiation of Paul IV. Should it come to the worst, Ferdin-
and could, in accordance with the decisions at Basle and Con-
stance, appeal to a free Christian Council.*
^ See the *Avviso di Roma of October i, 1558, loc. cit. 341
(Vatican Libr.)
2 See Sattler, Gesch. Wiirttembergs, IV. Bell., No. 48.
^ So said Haberlin (III., 555).
* The opinion is printed in Goldast, PoHt. Reichshandel, V.,
167-199, RiTTER (I., 145s eqq.) brings into prominence the fact
that Seld decidedly takes his stand on the grounds of the Basle and
DEATH OF CHARLES V. 357
The tension had just reached its highest point when the
death of Charles V., on September 21st, 1558, put an end to
the difficulty with regard to his abdication. An end to the
whole unhappy dispute was very much to be desired, all the
more so as the highly influential Gropper pointed out the
dangers which a refusal to acknowledge Ferdinand would
entail.^ It was only the uncatholic attitude of Maximilian,
the principal cause of the scandal, which caused Paul IV. to
persist in his protest. Before the obsequies of Charles V. were
held, on December 12th, the Pope warned the Cardinals and
ambassadors that by holding funeral solemnities, the authority
of the Holy See in the question of the abdication of the Im-
perial would be prejudiced, and a right would be indirectly
deduced from it.- The nuncios were at the same time instructed
to communicate this protest to the Kings of France and
Constance decisions. Grauert has, with his usual thoroughness,
shown in the Histor. Jahrb., XVI., 519, and in the Histor.-polit.
BL, CXX., 643 seq., how the Protestants at that time brought
the name of Dante into the ecclesiastical and poHtical cUsputc.
^ See ScuMiD, Kaiserwahl., 29 seq. The supposition put for-
ward here that a more conciliatory tone prevailed at the Curia
is confirmed by the *Avvisi of October 22 and 29, 1558 (Cod. Urb.
1038, p. 346, 348. Vatican Library).
2 See RiBiER, IL, 774; M.^ssarelli, 328; Firmanus, 574;
Schmidt, Zeitschr. fiir Gesch., VIIL, 11. Concerning the rejection
of the ambassador, Juan Figueroa, sent to Rome by PhiUp IL
in November, see Massarelli, 327 ; Laemmer, Melet., 208 seq. ;
♦Avviso di Roma of December 10, 1558 {loc. cit. Vatican Library) ;
Reimann, Streit, 329 seq. ; Schmid, Kaiserwahl, 32. Concerning
the adjustment of this matter, hitherto unknown, B. Pia reports
to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga from Rome, on July 19, 1559 : *Fu
hieri quasi all'improviso fatta congregatione inanzi a N.S.
nell'anticamera dell'inquisitione per la cosa del s. Don Giov.
Figheroa, il quale con molta lode che la S. S. disse di Ini et col
voto dei cardinali fu rimesso et admesso nella gratia di S. H. ct
per ambasciatore della M^'^ Catt. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
The incident which led to the holding of the requiem for Charles V.
at S. Giacomo in Rome, on March 4, 1559, is treated in the Annales
de S. Louis, IX., 265 seq.
358 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Poland, as well as the non-recognition of Ferdinand. This
was the answer to Vargas' intimation that Ferdinand intended
to submit the dispute to the Electors.^ A sharp brief to the
King of the Romans had already been drawn up,- when the
fall of the Pope's nephews caused the dispute to recede into
the background ; no settlement, however, was arrived at, in
spite of a renewed Spanish attempt at mediation.^
Fortunately no further steps were taken by the Pope,
for a serious vindication of the law in this secular
question against the Empire would have had the
worst possible effects upon even the spiritual rights of
the Holy See.
It is natural that no one should be willing to part with any
rights he may possess, and therefore, from a purely human
point of view, Paul IV. cannot be blamed if, as the represen-
tative of an eminently conservative authority, he would not
abandon the ideally thought out relationship between the two
powers, and the position held by the Holy See in the Middle
Ages. Paul IV., however, should have realized that the
interests of the Church in Germany would not be served by
hi^ clinging to the mediaeval idea of the Imperial dignity, and
the pressing of claims, the granting of which must have the
effect of driving the Hapsburgs into the closest union with
everything hostile, and even into close aUiance with the Pro-
testant states of the Empire.* How great was the danger
that lay in this course of action, may best be understood from
^ See ScHMiD, Kaiserwahl, 31 seq.
2 It is in the *Vat. 6216, p. 301 (Vatican Library). Cf.
ScHMiD, loc. cit. 33-34, who rightly concludes that it was never
sent.
3 Cf. Reimann, Streit, 314 seq. In the Histor. Zeitschr.,
XXXII., 268 seq., Maurenbrecher maintains that Paul IV. at
last declared that he was prepared to refrain from official pro-
ceedinga in the matter, and would settle it amicably, and gives as
his authority the report of F. v. Thurns in Stckel, 27 seq., which,
however, refers to Pius IV. "'
* Cf. BUCHOLTZ, VII., 461.
DANGER OF THE POPE's ATTITUDE. 359
the hopes which the innovators built on the Papal opposition
to the head of the Empire, who, in spite of everything, was still
the most important support of the Church in Germany.^
^ See Jannsen-Pastor, IV., ^*-^^ 69 seq.
CHAPTER XIV.
Mary the Catholic and the Legation of Cardinal Pole.
The reproach of unwise severity, which may, with justice,
be brought against Paul IV. in his deahngs with Ferdinand I.,
has also been made with regard to his attitude towards the
Kingdom of England., In this case, however, the blame may
be said to be only partly justified.
In the second week after the coronation of Paul IV., on June
6th, 1555, the " obedientia " embassy, which had been
appointed in the time of Julius III., arrived in Rome.^ An
honourable reception was accorded to the ambassadors,
Thirlby, Bishop of Ely, Edward Carne, and Viscount Mon-
tague, by the members of the Pope's household, the Cardinals,
and the Roman nobility. The difficulty arising from the fact
that in the letters of credence, the royal title was used with
regard to Ireland, was overcome by the Pope's raising Ireland
to be a kingdom by a bull of June 7th. ^ Then the public
consistory was held on June loth, 1555, in which the repre-
sentatives of England made the solemn " obedientia " in the
Sala Regia of the Vatican. The Bishop of Ely, in his speech,
drew special attention to the repeal of the anti-papal laws by
Parliament, and begged for reunion with the Church. Paul
IV. answ'ered graciously, praised the zeal of the sovereigns and
of Cardinal Pole, and reminded his hearers that he had himself
been in England as a collector of Peter's Pence, and had thus
become acquainted with the generosity of the English people.
He ordered that a special service of thanksgiving should be
held in the church of S. Maria in Aracoeli. There was a
^ Cf. Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 288. Thirlby 's diary during his
journey as ambassador is printed in Hardwicke, State Papers,
I., 62-102.
2 Bull. VI., 489 seq. ; cf. Bellesheim, Gesch. der Kirche in
Irland, II., 108.
360
PROTESTANT PLOTS IN ENGLAND. 361
banquet to the ambassadors on the same day, and a magni-
ficent illumination of the Castle of St. Angelo in the evening. ^
Joyful demonstrations of this kind seemed to be justified,
in so far as England was now once more officially united to the
Holy See. Nevertheless the future of the Church there was by
no means assured. An active party was at work in England,
and was making use of every means, not only to drive the
Catholic religion once more out of the countiy, but also to
undermine the authority of Queen Mary, its principal sup-
porter.
The rebellions of Northuml^crland and Wyatt had been, to a
great extent, the work of the Protestants. ^ The calumnies
and fables related concerning the Spaniards and the Spanish
marriage were originated by the same party.^ When the
revolts failed, the battle against the queen was continued by
pamphlets. Even in the time of Henry VIH., the Imperial
ambassador, Chapuys, could report that the invectives of the
German Lutheran preachers were nothing in comparison with
the abuse of their English co-religionists,* whose printed
pamphlets now went to the greatest lengths in the insults
which they hurled at the queen and her ministers. These
publications were circulated everywdiere ; one such, which
bristled with aspersions on her Majesty and her ministers, and
threatened her with the worst in the event of Phihp's arrival,
was even found, in April 1554, on the table of the royal
kitchen.^
The principal question dealt with in these writings was the
lawfulness of women being in possession of the supreme power.
While the preachers had nothing to say against the sovereignty
of Lady Jane Grey, in Mary's case they found it to be against
the Word of God and the laws of the land, that the supreme
power over men should be in the hands of a woman. Mary's
1 Cf. M.vssARELLi, 273, 274, 275 ; CoGGiOLA, Farncsl, 76 ;
Pagliucchi, 13.4.
2 See Vol. Xin. of this work, p. 265.
^ See Ibid. 261 scq.
* Gayangos, v., I, n. 26, p. 83.
6 Breen ill the Dubhii Review, CXVIL, 118.
362 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
second Parliament, in April, 1554, had, therefore, to declare
that it made no difference, according to the laws of the country,
whether the supreme power was wielded by a king or a queen. 1
It was further widely asserted in these publications that no
obedience was due to the queen, as she was a worshipper of
idols. According to a treatise by Christopher Goodman, Christ
and His Gospel had been abolished, and antichrist set up in His
place, when the political power had been placed in the hands of
a woman, who worshipped idols. " By obeying her," wrote
Goodman, " you displease God, by disobeying her, you will
again win God's approbation . . . through resistance to her
and her godless decrees, you will again become true worshippers
of God, and loyal Englishmen. "^ John Bale, Thomas Becon,
and Bartholomew Traheron wrote in similar terms. The
number and violence of the abusive writings of the Scotsman,
John Knox, were especially remarkable. This man, who had
approved of the murder of Cardinal Beaton in his native land,
had in 1549 sought and found an asylum in England, but had
had to escape to the continent after Mary's accession. A
woman who rules over men is, according to him, a monster,
and the queen is either " a cursed Jezabel " or " the godless
Mary."^ Ponet, the deposed Calvinist bishop of Winchester,
who had taken part in Wyatt's rising, but soon fled, despairing
of success, wrote, on the continent, a quite revolutionary
treatise concerning political power,* in which he maintained
that Mary should, according to both the divine and human
law, be punished with death. ^
As little opposition was shown by the Protestant party to
abuse such as this, as to the action of those who actually
attacked Catholic preachers in the pulpit, oven\'helmed
Catholic practices with the coarsest abuse, or incited the
^ LiNGARD, VII., 169 seq.
2 In Breen, loc. cit.
^ Ibid. ; cf. Dictionary of National Biography, XXXI., 312.
* Gairdner, 332.
^ " So that now both by God's laws and man's she ought to be
punished with death." Ponet, Short Treatise on Pohtical Power,
96, in Breen, 119.
PENAL STATUTES RENEWED. 363
people against the queen by means of alleged spirit voices. ^
The government could not put up with such a state of affairs
indefinitely. Ever since Mary's marriage the question as to
the best measures to be adopted had been seriously considered
by the royal Council,^ and it was finally resolved to renew the
old laws against heresy which had been issued by Richard II.,
Henry IV. and Henry V. for the preservation of order in state
and church, at the time of the trouble with the followers of
Wycliffe. The enforcement of these laws was divided between
the bishops and the secular courts. The bishops had to sum-
mon and examine those suspected of heresy, in order to find
out if it really existed. Those who remained obstinate in their
heretical errors, were to be handed over to the secular courts,
and by them condemned to be burned.^ It cannot be main-
tained that the majority of the royal Council which made this
decision, was definitely Catholic ;* political considerations, more
than anything else, turned the scale in questions such as this.
It was not without grave reflection that the queen consented
to the renewal of the penal laws, for she was, by nature,
inclined to clemency. Her former adviser, the Imperial
ambassador, Simon Renard, warned Philip II. that harsh
measures would give the heretics an excuse for renewed revolts,
and Philip himself advised against severity. ^ Cardinal Pole
had recommended that clemency should be shown to heretics
while he was still in Italy, ^ and he once more expressed the same
sentiments when he dissolved the Convocation of the clergy
in January, 1555.' The only objection was that there seemed
^ See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 270.
2 LiNGARD, VII., 189.
3 LiNGARD, IV., 331.
* Breen, 115. Soranzo's report of August 18, 1554 in Brown,
v., n. 934> P- 559-
^ Gairdner, 355 seq.
^ See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 222.
' Gairdner 355 seq. He forgave three heretics in tlie diocese
of London when they appealed to him. Gairdnku in the Diction-
ary of National Biogr., XL VI., 44 ; cf. Pole's letter to Otto von
Truchsess of June 20, 1554 in Brown, V., n. 901, p. 514 ; Spill-
MANN, II., 124.
364 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to be no way of controlling the spokesmen of the heretics, if
they did not extirpate the heresy itself, which they regarded
as the root of the ever recurring rebellion and disturbance in
the kingdom. According to the old traditional ideas, punish-
ment and fear were the only way of getting the upper hand of
heresy. Cranmer, in his draft of a book of ecclesiastical canons,
handed over obstinate heretics to the secular arm for punish-
ment, and there could be no doubt as to what was meant by
such punishment.^ Calvin, the adviser of the English Pro-
testants, had declared in a letter to the Protector, Somerset,
that according to a strict observance of the law, extreme
measures would have to be adopted against the Catholics, ^
while similar treatment had long been in force against the
Anabaptists.
With the views then prevailing, it is easy to understand that
the proposal to renew the old laws against the heretics should
have met with hardly any opposition in Parliament. It was
considered during the three days, from December 13th to the
15th, 1554, in the House of Commons, and again for three days,
from December 15th to the i8th, in the Upper House ; only
in the latter was there any opposition.^
^ LiNGARD, VII., 187 seq.
2 " A ce que ientendz, Monseigneur, vous avez deux especes
de mutins qui se sent eslevez centre le roy et lestat du royaume
les ungs sent gens fantastiques qui soubz couleur de TEvangile
vouldroient mettre tout en confusion. Les aultres sent gens
obstinez aux superstitions de lantechrist de Rome. Tous en-
semble meritent bien destre reprimez par le glayve qui vous est
commis, veu quilz sattachent non seulement au roy, mais a Dieu
qui la assis au siege royal." Letter to Lord Somerset : Calvini
Opera, XIII. (Corp. Reform., XLIX.), 68.
3 Gairdner, 346. J. Gairdner, the best authority on the history
of the English Reformation,, admits that the persecution of the
Protestants under Mary originated in political motives. " The
very mildness of Mary's beginnings," he says (p. 336) " had en-
couraged both heresy and treason." " Rebellion and treason,"
he says (p. 353 seq.) " had been nourished by heresy, nay, heresy
was the very root from which they sprang. And it was really
more important in the eyes of Mary to extirpate the root than
Mary's personal clemency. 365
The laws against the heretics framed during December were
to come into force on January 20th, 1555. In the meantime,
the fanaticism of several Protestants made a further law
necessary. On January i6th, Parliament declared it high
treason to pray for the death of the queen. They had recently,
on January ist, come upon the traces of nocturnal conventicles,
in which such a prayer was commonly used, namely that God
might turn the heart of the queen from worshipping idols, or
put an end to her days. These nocturnal meetings took place
in different parts of London and the neighbourhood, in order
to avert suspicion ; they were very largely attended, and ^10
merely to lop off the branches. She had all possible desire to
show indulgence to the misguided if they could be brought to a
better state of mind ; and the bishops might be trusted, especially
Bishop Bonner, to do their very utmost to dissuade the obstinate
from rushing on their fate. But there was to be no more tolerance
for incurable perversity, for the heresy laws were now revived."
" The so-called Bloody Mary was in reality the most kind-hearted
of the Tudors," sa3's Gairdner in the English Historical Review,
XXL (1906), 373. Against the statement of A. Innes (England
under the Tudors, London, 1905), that Mary's persecution of the
Protestants proceeded from her intense conviction of the soul-
destroying effects of heresy, no measure against which appeared to
her too severe, when it was a question of saving souls, Gairdner
remarks [ibid.) : " I do not know where he (Innes) finds grounds
for this view. The facts are simply these : if the old religion was
to be restored, it had to be protected from insult and violence;,
which were only too prevalent, and the renewal of the former laws
against heresy seemed the oidy effectual means of doing so."
Maitland (Essays on subjects connected with the reformation
in England, London, 1849), who gives extracts from the inflam-
matory letters of the Protestant refugees, describes as one of the
principal causes of the Protestant persecution under Mary ' the
bitter and provocative spirit of several of those who were very
active, and took a prominent part in the furtherance of the ad-
vance of the reformation, the political opinions which they de-
fended, the language in wliich they disseminated them, the furious
personal attacks on those whom they regardeil iis their enemies,
and finally, in the case of those who were really animated by
366 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was often collected in a single night for the " Prisoners of
Christ. "1
This renewed proof of hostility Vv^as not calculated to dispose
Parhament to show greater clemency to the Protestants.
When, on January i8th, 1555, the pohtical prisoners in the
Tower were set at liberty, there remained a class to whom this
act of clemency was not extended ; these were the Protestant
preachers who were in the Tower as accompHces of Northum-
berland, Suffolk, or Wyatt, either for illicit preaching, or other
incitement to revolt. Their imprisonment was not a harsh
one ; they could circulate their writings among themselves,
and were able to prepare a common declaration in which they
earnestly besought Parliament " as poor prisoners of Christ,
and in the name of Christ, our dear Redeemer," to enter into
itself, and repent of having given its consent to the abolition
of many blessed laws with regard to religion, which had been
issued by two noble kings, to the satisfaction of the whole
country. Now, however, superstition was again set up, to
the contempt of God and His Word, and with such open rob-
bery, violence and cruelty as were not customary even in
Turkey. They begged permission to be allowed to vindicate
the homiUes and the liturgy of King Edward as being truly
Catholic ; should they not succeed in so doing, then they were
ready for the stake. ^
This challenge was accepted. On January 22nd, the un-
religious principles, and strove for a true reformation of the
Church, the want of eagerness, to say the least, shown in dis-
sociating themselves from an unbridled, godless and low rabble,
which made common cause with Protestantism, in order to do
battle with the law, the well-to-do classes, the clergy and the
authorities." " It seems impossible," continues Maitland, " that
a man of any reflection, even if he be led astray by biassed reports,
or involved in religious prejudice, can fail to recognize the mere
fact as such, that the English persecution was caused in great
measure by the proceedings of co-religionists in exile [the com-
posers of the inflammatory writings."] Cf. Breen, 114.
^ Gairdner, 348.
2 Ibid., 349.
BURNING OF HERETICS. 367
happy preachers had to appear at the episcopal palace, where
Gardiner announced to them the laws which had just come into
force. On the 28th, the legal proceedings proper took place
in the church, before a great concourse of people. Of the six
who were cited, two reccuited, one of whom, however, recalled
his recantation. The other four were excommunicated as
obstinate heretics, whereupon the secular tribunal condemned
them to death by fire, which they steadfastly endured in
different places at the beginning of February.^
On February 9th Bishop Bonner of London condemned six
other Protestants. On the following day, however, the
Franciscan, Alfonso de Castro, preached a sermon before the
queen and King Phihp, in which he blamed the action of the
government and succeeded in preventing any further executions
in the country for the time being. ^
1 Gairdner, 349-352.
^ According to Foxe's Book of Martyrs, de Castro " inveighed
against these executions, while he boldly explained what is true,
that the English bishops had not learned in the Scriptures to burn
heretics." Alfonso de Castro has written a whole book, De iusta
haereticonim punitione (Salamanca, 1547, and elsewhere) from
which one can gather his real views better than from Foxe. In
the introduction he says that there are two extreme views with
regard to the punishment of heresy, between which the truth is
to be found. The one was too hasty in inflicting punishment,
and the other maintained that no punishment at all should be
inflicted. Concerning the first view, the only one with which we
are concerned, de Castro says : Some persons, who have much
of the Pharisee in them, are so morose and sevei-e, that, in their
opinion all heretics should be persecuted with irreconcilable hatred
and without mercy. Hatred against heretics is regarded by them
as the surest sign of an ardent zeal for the Catholic faith. Such
people do indeed possess zeal, but not enlightened zeal. St. Paul
teaches that we should reprimand those who resist the truth,
in a modest manner, if God docs not grant them a change of mind,
so that they may recognize the truth. A good superior must think
of his own weakness, and judge kindly of the weakness of others,
and endeavour to free from the snares of heresy those who err by
humility and clemency, rather than drive them by severity over
368 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
While the persecution was in abeyance, the royal Council
discovered the traces of a new conspiracy.^ Protestant
inhabitants of Cambridge, to whom the duties of the Catholic
religion were too irksome, collected a great number of arms,
and planned a revolt against the " Papists " which they hoped
would meet with wide support. The conspirators thought of
marching on London, and there, with the help of their co-
religionists, not only to drive out all foreigners by murder and
violence, but also to avenge the restoration of the old religion
on the persons of the queen and her husband. As the Venetian
ambassador, Michiel, wrote on March 26th, people were now
prepared for severe measures on the part of the government,
for everybody now clearly saw that the clemency and mildness
their majesties had hitherto shown in forgiving everyone, was
every day giving rise to new excesses. It had been of no
avail, for example, when the government had shown mercy on
the occasion of a similar conspiracy at Ipswich during the
previous summer. When one of the condemned heretics had
been sent to Suffolk to be burned there at the beginning of
February, 1555,^ the peasants resolved to rise at the moment
of the execution and set fire to a number of houses, not only to
save the condemned man, but also to avenge themselves on
the Catholics.
the precipice of destruction. Even the physician doe& not at once
have recourse to the iron (Opera Alphonsi a Castro, Parisiis
1571, 1037). Similar opinions, ibid. 1., i, c. 17, p. 1160 seq., e.g. :
" non tamen statim, cum deprehensus est, digna poena illi in-
tligetur, sed prius oportet ad illius emendationem laborare, ut si
possible fuerit, ab errore ad fidem catholicam prius revocetur,
et sic spiritus eius in Dei iudicio salvus fiat. Blanda admonitione
est opus, non severa, quia nimia severitas saepe frangere et rare
corrigere solet." The other extreme view which de Castro com-
bats, according to which no punishment at all should be attached
to heresy, is, as de Castro says, only defended by the heretics
themselves.
^ Michiel on March 26, 1555, in Brown, VL, n. 37.
" Michiel erroneously says Norfolk instead of Suffolk ; see
Brown, VT, p. 31, n.
CLEMENCY OF THE BISHOPS. 369
Indeed, the investigations into the conspiracy were not yet
concluded when the fires of the stake were once more lighted.
On March 26th, shortly after the chief conspirator, Bowes,
had been taken to the Tower, instructions were issued to the
magistrates to guard the public peace, to arrest the dissem-
inators of seditious writings, the preachers of heretical doc-
trines, the organizers of secret meetings, and to hand over
obstinate heretics to the bishops.^
The bishops did not show any great activity in carrying out
their tlianklcss task, but showed clemency, as far as it was in
their power to do so.^ In many dioceses not a single heretic
1 LiNGARD, VII., 193.
2 " It is quite untrue, as Foxe and his school have made the
world believe, that the authorities were savage or ferocious "
(Gairdner, 349 ; cf. supra p. 364.) Under many bishops there were
no executions at all. Gilbert Bourne, bishop of Bath and Wells,
in the proceedings on account of heresy, did all he could for the
prisoners, " always earnestly exhorting them to save themselves
by recantation ... In his own diocese it does not appear that
any one was put to death " (Dictionary of National Biography,
VI., 29). Cuthbert Tunstall, of Durham " refrained as far as
possible from persecuting the protestants, and condemned none
of them to death " {ibid. LVII., 314). Fuller says of William
Glynn of Bangor (Worthies of England, ed. Nichols, II., 571) :
" Though constant to his own he was not cruel to opposite judg-
ments as appeareth by there being no persecution in his diocese "
{ibid., XXII., 11). Many bishops had nothing to do with the per-
secution in their dioceses. John Holyman, of Bristol, " though
a zealous Romanist . . . was never active in persecution." He
refused to be present when his chancellor, Dalby, sent three men
to the stake {ibid, XXVII., 215). George Day, of Chichester,
" He is said not to liavc persecuted, but several persons were
burned in his diocese " {ibid. XIV., 232-233). From other dioceses
only very few executions of Protestants are known. Thomas
Thirlby, of Ely, had, it appears, sanctioned the execution of Jolm
Hullier on account of heresy ; besides this case, only two others
suffered death on account of religion in his diocese, and that was
without the co-operation of Thirlby {ibid. LVI., 137). Under
James Turberville, of Exeter, {ibid. LVII., 325), David Pole, of
VOL. XIV. 24
370 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was burned, and persecution was only active in three or four.^
It was, naturally, most violent in the capital, which the Vene-
tian ambassador describes as " the chief seat of lies, and of
instigation to rebellion. "^ Bishop Bonner, however, was by
no means the ruthless tyrant which a very biassed historical
description would make him.^ On May 24th, 1555, the royal
Council sent him a reprimand because he showed so little zeal
against the heretics ; he was requested to act in accordance
with the law, " for the honour of God, and for the better
preservation of pedce in the kingdom."* Bonner thereupon
Peterborough {ibid. XLVI., 20), Antony Kitchm, of Llandaff
{ibid. XXXI., 230) only one Protestant was executed. Concern-
ing Gardiner see infra p. 371 . The said work of reference makes no
mention of executions, and, at the most, of participation in exam-
inations, or at the burning of the corpses of Bucer and Fagius, in
the biographies of Robert Warton, of St. Asaph (LIX., 431),
Thomas Watson, of Lincoln (LX., 32), James Brooks, of Glouces-
ter (VI., 438), Ralph Baynes, of Lichfield-Coventry (III., 456),
Maurice Griffith, of Rochester (XXIII., 234), Thomas Goldwell,
of St. Asaph (XXII., 97), Nicholas Heath, of York (XXV., 345),
Richard Pate, of Worcester (XLIV., 11), Cuthbert Scott, of
Chester (LI., 15), Thomas Stanley, of Sodor and Man (LIV., 50),
Owen Oglethorpe, of Carlisle (XLII., 48), and Henry Morgan of
St. David's (XXXIX., 16). Besides Bonner, John White, of
Lincoln (LXI., 53), John Christopherson, of Chichester (X., 294),
John Hopton, of Norwich (XXVII., 347), Robert King, of Oxford
(XXXI., 154), adopted stern measures against the Protestants.
Concerning the chancellor of the diocese of Oxford, John Storey,
see Spillmann, II., 129.
^ Tresal, 322. ZiMMERMANN in the Histor. Jahrbuch, XXIII.,
833-
2 Michiel on July 9, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n, 154, p. 133.
^ Foxe shows, in his book of Martyrs, as Gairdner says, extreme
desire to make out charges of cruelty against Bonner (Dictionary
of National Biography, V., 359). The injustice of the accusa-
tions of Foxe, which were simply adopted by the succeeding writers
of history, is proved by S. R. Maitland, Essays on the reformation,
London, 1849, 409 ; cf. Zimmermann, 98.
^ Lingard, VII., 194.
PROTESTANT RECANTATIONS. 37I
had to examine and sentence, by degrees, however, 120 accused
persons who were sent to him. He did everything he could
to save these unfortunate people, and in many cases his
endeavours were successful. Indeed it was precisely the
great number whom he induced to recant, that earned for him
the hatred of the innovators.^ Conversions were also reported
from other quarters. When Dr. John Cheke, the former
tutor of Edward VI., turned to the Catholic Church, thirty
other Protestants, who were already threatened with death,
followed him. 2 In one case all the prisoners were set free on
their simple oath to be faithful to God and the queen. ^ Dr.
John Storey was very active in London, in clearing the city of
" schism, heresy and rebelHon," as it is significantly described.
In the middle of June, 1555, he was of opinion that conditions
in the capital had decidedly improved.*
Bishop Gardiner had, as Lord Chancellor, taken part in the
first examinations and condemnations of the heretics, but
never afterwards.^ Under Pole, as Archbishop of Canterbury,
only once, on November loth, 1558, were five Protestants
executed, and that when the Cardinal was already on his
death-bed, and hardly knew what was taking place. ^
^ ZiMMERMANN, lOO.
2 Michiel on November 2, 1556, in Brown, VL, 2, n. 690.
3 LiNGARD, VII., 207.
* His letter to Courtenay of June 17, 1555, in Brown, VI., i,
n 137-
^ LiNGARD, VII., 192 ; cf.iSgn.
^ Ibid., 205 ; cf. Martin, hi seq. Pole's envoys, who visited
the universities of the country, had the bones of Bucer and Fagius
removed from the principal church of Cambridge in 1557, at the
request of the University, and burned (Briefe Treatise concerning
the Burnynge of Bucer and Fagius, translated by Goldyng, 1562 ;
cf. Dictionary of National Biography, X., 294). The remains of
the nun, Catheiinc, who was married to Verraigh, and which had
been placed in cjrder to insult the Catholics beside the shrine of
St. Frideswide, in Christ Church, Oxford, were also dug up in
1561, but were mingled with the relics of St. Fridcs\vide and
solennily rcburicd in Christ Cliurch. Cf. (I. Calfhii.l) Historia
dc cxhumatione Catherinae, nuper uxoris doctissinii theologi
372 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It is not easy to determine what part the queen took per-
sonally in the condemnations. She wrote to Pole in Novem-
ber, 1555, that in her opinion great severity and violence should
be avoided in dealing with the heretics, but in the treatment
of the seducers of the people, justice should be allowed to take
its course. The people must be made to understand clearly
that no one was punished unjustly, for only in this way could
many be brought to acknowledge the truth and be preserved
from a relapse. She especially wished that no one should be
burned in London, except in the presence of a member of the
royal Council, and that during the carrying out of the sentence,
good sermons should be preached in London and elsewhere,
for the conversion of the people.^ Moreover, Mary had taken
but httle part in public events since the beginning of 1555.^
She was ill even at the beginning of the year, and in April she
withdrew to Hampton Court, where she remained quietly for
some months. A report that she was dead was widely cir-
culated and was believed by many.^ The people assembled
in crowds, and gave signs of the greatest joy, when, on her
return from Hampton Court, they were able to convince them-
selves that she was alive.* Mary had hinted, at the beginning
D. Petri Martyris ac eiusdem ad honestam sepulturam restitutione
Oxonii facta III. id. Ian., 1561, Oxford, 1561 ; (Konr. Hubert)
Historia Catharinae Vermiliae P. Martyris coniugis exhumatae,
Argentorati, 1561 ; Acta Sanctorum Octob. VIII., 533 seqq.
(where there is a copy of Calfhill's publication) ; Dictionary of
National Biography, XX., 276 ; Reusch, Index, I., 420.
^ Brown, VI., 3. App. n. 136, p. 1647. Lingard, VII., 189.
The date of the MS. is clear from the contents ; cf. Pole's letter
to Morone of November 11, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 276.
2 Breen, III seq.
^ Brown, VI., i, n. 85, 174, 200.
* Michiel on August 27, 1555, in Brown, VI., n. 200. " No
one can describe," writes Michiel, " what a mass of people crowded
along the very broad road, and what signs of joy the people ex-
pressed at the sight of the queen. The joy was all the greater, as
the people of London had been convinced that the queen was dead.
On her appearance they ran about madly from one place to an-
other, seeking to see better, in order to make sure that it really
FOXE S BOOK OF MARTYRS. 373
of her illness, that her hope of an heir was about to be realized,
but it became more clear every day that she was suffering from
dropsy, and had misunderstood the signs of her disease. In
September she felt better, and tried, for a short time, once
more to take part in the affairs of state. Her condition, how-
ever, soon grew worse, and from that time she never again
appeared at the Council of State, and could hardly have had
any influence in the condemnations on account of rehgion.
In Foxe's Book of Martyrs the number of these condemna-
tions is given as 277, but all those on this list did not suffer
death, and many of those named were not martyrs in any
sense of the word, but suffered well-deserved punishment as
ordinary criminals ; others again, were not martyrs for
Protestantism, for they were punished for holding doctrines,
for the profession of which the innovators themselves would
have put them to death. Nevertheless, there remain about
200 persons who suffered a terrible death on account of their
Protestant opinions, ^ and, for the most part they met their
fate steadfastly. 2 It was, moreover, permitted, that those
condemned should have a small bag of gunpowder between
their legs or before their breast, which exploded at the first
was her. And when they had assured themselves of this fact,
and that she was looking better than before, they gave still
greater signs of joy by shouting and greeting her, and by every
means in their power, especially as, to their great satisfaction
and that of Her Majesty, King Philip sat beside the queen, and,
on the other side. Cardinal Pole, who are both very popular on
account of their great friendliness."
^ LiNGARD, VII., 207.
2 Tliis steadfastness in the victims of justice was quite usual
in England. " The English," writes Litolfi, " are obstinate by
nature and exceedingly courageous ; it has often been seen how
they have ascended the scaffold or the stake laughing, while they
made merry over such a martyrdom ; many used to boast of the
number of their family who had been hanged or quartered." So
writes Annibale Litolfi to Duke Gugliclmo Gonzaga of Mantua,
on June 20, 1557, in Brown, VI., 3, App. n. 171, p. 1672 ; cf.
anecdotes related ibid.
374 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
contact with the fire, and caused a speedy death, or at least
unconsciousness.^ It must be said, to the honour of the gov-
ernment, that it was not suUied with the atrocities which were
practised, with such refined cruelty, on Catholics in the time
of Elizabeth. In spite of this, it is upon Mary, above all others,
that the accusation of cruelty has been fixed. John Foxe,
who had fled to Germany before the persecution, collected the
reports of the sufferings of his co-religionists, and his account,
all distorted by hatred, has for hundreds of years called forth
and nourished horror against Mary and the Catholic Church
among English Protestants. ^
^ ZlMMERMANN, I03.
2 Foxe's Book of Martyrs (Acts and Monuments) was a house-
hold word in almost every English family of Puritanical tendencies,
and the principal arsenal for weapons against Catholics. Preachers
took examples from it as material for their sermons ; the Con-
vocation of the Clergy decided in 15 71 that the book must be pro-
cured by every cathedral church, and in many parish churches it
lay, fastened by a chain, for common use (S. L. Lee in the Diction-
ary of National Biography, XX., 146 seqq.) Concerning Foxe's
reliability Lee says (p. 148 seq.) : " The enormous extent of
Foxe's work has prevented a critical investigation of the whole.
But it is plain from such examination as the work has undergone
that Foxe was too zealous a partisan to write with historical pre-
cision. He is a passionate advocate, ready to accept any prima
facie evidence. . . Foxe's mistakes sometimes arise from faulty
and hasty copying of original documents, but are more often the
result of exaggeration. John Deighton, a very friendly critic,
showed that Foxe's account of the martyrdom of " John Home
and a woman " at Newent, on September 25, 1556, is an amplifi-
cation of the suffering at the stake of Edward Home, on September
25, 1558 (Nichols, Narratives of the reformation, 69). The
errors, in date and Christian name, in the case, are very typical.
Foxe, moreover, undoubtedly included among his martyrs per-
sons executed for ordinary secular offences. He acknowledged
his error in the case of John Marbeck, of Windsor, " martyr,"
of 1543, whom he represented in his text of 1563 to have been
burned, whereas the man was condemned, but pardoned. Foxe
was often less ingenuous. He wrote that one Greenwood or
CRANMER, RIDLEY AND LATIMER. 375
The great majority of the people who had the courage to go
to the stake belonged to the working classes. The nobles,
among whom there were many with Protestant leanings, are
only represented by nine names. The middle classes are
entirely unrepresented ; sixteen of the preachers, and five of
the Protestant bishops suffered death at the hands of the
executioner. 1 There were only the three bishops, Cranmer,
Ridley and Latimer, who were men of importance, among
those who suffered death. All three had already been thrown
into the Tower on account of political offences before the
renewal of the penal laws.- In March, 1554, they were taken
to Oxford, so that they might in public disputations give
reasons and replies concerning their opinions.^ As they
persisted in their views, they were, on April 20th, 1554, declared
to be obstinate heretics. The legal proceedings against them,
however, only began in September, 1555. The sentence
against Cranmer, as he was an archbishop," was reserved to the
Pope.
The Bishop of Gloucester, Dr. Brooks, conducted the
Grimwood, of Hitcham, near Ipswich, Suffolk, having obtained
the conviction of a " martyr," John Cooper, on concocted evidence,
died miserably soon afterwards. Foxe was informed that Green-
wood was aUve, and that the story of liis death was a fiction. He
went to Ipswich to examine witnesses, but never made any
alteration in his account. Later ... a clergyman named Prick
recited Foxe's story about Greenwood from the pulpit of Hitcham
Church. Greenwood was present, and proceeded against Prick
for libel, but the courts held that no malicious defamation was
intended (Croke, Reports, edited by Leach, II., 91) ... It
has been most conclusively shown that his chapter on the Walden-
sians is directly translated from the ' catalogus ' of Illyricus, al-
though Illyricus is not mentioned by Foxe among the authorities
consulted. Foxe claims to have consulted ' parchment docu-
ments ' whereas he only knew them in the text of Illyricus. This
indicates a loose notion of literary morality which justifies some
of the harshest judgments passed on Foxe."
^ ZiMMERMANN, I04.
2 See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 247.
^ See Ibid. p. 274.
376 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
investigation on behalf of Cardinal Jacopo Puteo. On Sep-
tember 7th, Cranmer was granted a period of eighty days
within which to vindicate himself in Rome ; on September
12th, he had to appear before Brooks.^ The charge against
him was not only that of heresy, but also that of having broken
his oath of celibacy, sworn to the Pope. After the expiration
of the eighty days, Paul IV., on December 4th, 1555, pro-
nounced the sentence of excommunication and deposition
against him, and ordered him to be handed over to the secular
power. 2 Ridley and Latimer had to appear before Brooks
and two other bishops, who acted on behalf of Pole, on Sep
tember 30th, 1555. On October i6th, they were both sent
to the stake at Oxford. Latimer was killed almost at once,
after the lighting of the fire, bj^ the explosion of the bag of
gunpowder placed before his breast ; Ridley, however, had to
suffer longer, owing to the awkwardness of his friends, who
wished to make his death easier.^
After his imprisonment, Ridley had, for a short time,
returned to the worship of the old religion, but soon repented
of his declaration and recanted.^ Cranmer proved himself
ready to go still further. In his first examination, on Sep-
tember 12th, he adopted, it is true, an unyielding attitude, but
when it was put to him that if the king is the head of the
Church, then Nero at the time of St. Peter, and also the Sultan
of Turkey, must equally be regarded as heads of the Church,
he accepted this inference without hesitation.^ He gradually
became more pliant, and one by one signed seven declarations,
in which he at last acknowledged the Pope and the Catholic
^ Gairdner, 364 seq.
2 Raynaldus, 1555, n. 30.
^ After the people had been convinced that everything had
been done to save them both, they were not unwilling to witness
the execution (Pole, on October 26, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n.
256, p. 226). Usually the people of London showed displeasure
at the execution of heretics. Michiel, on June i, 1555, ibid. n. 116;
cf. n. 49, p. 45.
* LiNGARD, VII., 195 seq.
^ Gairdner, 365.
EXECUTION OF CRANMER. y]^
Church, renounced the doctrines of Luther and ZwingH, and
condemned his former proceedings. ^
All these concessions, however, were in vain. The queen
had no confidence in the rectitude of this unprincipled man, 2
and the event proved that she had judged rightly. On the
morning of his execution, March 21st, 1556, Cranmer signed
the seventh and last recantation, which he promised to read
immediately before his death. In this he declared that he
accepted all the doctrines of the Catholic Church, and further
that nothing lay so heavy on his conscience as what he had
written against those doctrines. The first of these declarations
he did actually read, even if he did not, as was soon shown,
understand them in the Catholic sense. Instead of reading
the second, however, he declared that nothing lay so heavy
on his conscience as having been induced to make these seven
recantations ; his right hand, which had signed them, should,
in expiation, be the first to feel the fire. He actually stretched
it out into the flames, as soon as the fire was lighted. Imme-
diately afterwards he was dead.^
Many EngHsh Protestants had fled to the continent since
1554 ; it was not easy for them to find a place of refuge. They
were received unwillingly in France and the German Lutherans
were as much disliked by the EngUsh sacramentarians as the
Catholics. Some went to Wesel, where they were very un-
welcome.* Peter Martyr Vermigli procured an asylum for
others at Strasbourg, and many went to Calvinist Switzerland.
Johann a Lasco went to Poland, and Coverdale to Denmark.^
1 Ihid.
2 Brown, VL, i, n. 434, p. 386.
^ Ibid, and Gairdner, 370 seqq.
'* Melancthon applied to the Council of Wesel on their behalf
in a document of November 19, 1556 (Corp. Reform., VIII., 908),
but writes on March 29, 1557 : " Exulibus Gallicis et Anglicis
doleo meam intercessionem lenissime scriptam non profuisse
apud Fesulanos " ( = inhabitants of Wesel; ihid. IX., 121). In
the same way Mclancthon advised, on July 13, 1557, the English
refugees in Frankfurt to be patient {ibid. IX., 179).
* Gairdner, 391 seq.
378 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Frankfort-on-Maine was a great meeting place for the
fugitives. There they received the joint use of a church with
the French Protestant refugees, whereupon the question
immediately arose as to whether the English Book of Common
Prayer could be used also in Frankfort. At first they came
to an agreement, but were once more at variance when John
Knox appeared there as a preacher. Soon, however, they were
reconciled for a second time, though before long the dispute
was again at " boihng point." When Richard Cox arrived in
Frankfort with nine more refugees, the little Frankfort com-
munity was divided into Knoxians and Coxians. John Knox
preached in the pulpit against Cox, but a friend of the latter
found a way of having his troublesome assailant removed from
Frankfort. He complained to the magistrate of Knox, and
accused him of having said in one of his publications^ that
the Emperor was no less an enemy of Christ than Nero, and
that he had cursed the Queen of England.^ Calvin, who had
already taken part in the dispute,^ made reproaches to the
EngHsh community in Frankfort for having driven Knox
away. They defended themselves in a letter, which, among
other admissions, contains the remarkable statement that the
insane and inflammatory writings of Knox had been in great
measure responsible for the persecution in England.*
^ Faithful Admonition of Christians, concerning the present
troubles of England : Works, III., 257.
2 Calvini Opera, XV. (Corp. Reform., XLIII.,) 337, 370, 393,
422, 447, 523, 551, 558. Dictionary of National Biography,
XXXI., 312 seq. Gairdner, 391 seq.
^ Letter of January 18, 1555, loc. cit., 393 seqq.
* Hoc tibi affirmare possumus, vesanum ilium Knoxi libellum
plurimum olei igni persecutionis is Anglia addidisse. Nam ante
ilium editum libeUum ne unus quidem ex fratribus nostris mortem
fuerat perpessus : simul atque ille prodiit, in quam multos opti-
mos viros fiammis saevitum sit ad vos pervenisse non dubitamus.
Angli Francofordienses Calvino, 20 September, 1555 (Opera
Calvini, XV. [Corp. Reform., XLIII.,] 780 seq.) Because the
English refugees everywhere, in Italy, Germany, and France
spread evil rumours against the government, and the religion,
ABUSIVE WRITINGS OF THE REFUGEES. 379
In spite of this view, however, England was again flooded in
1555 with abusive writings by the innovators. Various
wretches endeavour every day, writes Michiel on May 13th,
to disturb the peace, and where possible to cause revolts.
Several days ago, a dialogue, full of the foulest abuse of
religion, the government, and the persons of the king and
queen, was circulated.^ Special attention was drawn at the
end of the year to a pamphlet personally directed against
Philip II. This held up a terrible picture before the eyes of
the English people, of Philip treading the rights of the inhabit-
ants of the Kingdom of Naples under foot, and saying that if
Mary remained childless he would do away with her and make
himself master of England. The writer of this pamphlet was
supposed to be one of the English refugees in Strasbourg,
" who employ every means in their jiower to drive the people
to rebelhon.''^
English fugitives also worked against the queen in Italy.
When Paul IV. published his bull against the alienation of
church property,^ they at once sent the document to England
in order to make the people beheve that the concessions of
Pole with regard to the church property in England were
revoked.* " It is hardly credible," writes Pole to Muzzarelli,
the draft of a Bill was laid before Parliament in November, 1555,
which ordered all natives of England to return home. Michiel
on November 11, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 274. Cf. R. Jung,
Die eng. Fliichtlingsgemeinde in Frankfurt a. M. 1554 bis 1559,
Frankfurt, 1910.
1 Brown, VI., i, n. 80, p. 70. King Philip asked the Emperor
by special messenger whether he should proceed against this libel.
Letter of Badoer, Brussels, May 19, 1555, ibid. n. 85.
2 Letter of Badoer, Brussels, December 3, 1555, ibid. n. 300.
The title of the pamphlet (A Warninge for Englande, etc.) in Lee,
Dictionary of National Biography, XXXVI., 348. Cf. Pole's
letter of November 23, 1555 (in Brown, VI., i, n. 287), which
also points out that the pamphlet was from a Protestant hand.
^ See supra p. 91,
* Michiel, Letter of September, 16, 1555, in Brown, VI., i,
n. 215.
380 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
" how many false reports are circulated in order to turn the
hearts of the people away from the Pope." When he spoke
concerning this to the queen, she declared with sighs and tears
that she had not the heart to repeat to him all the things that
were reported to her.^ The courage of the revolutionary
elements increased especially after the death, on November
12th, 1555, of Gardiner, whose powerful hand had been much
feared by his adversaries. ^
The mood which this unceasing incitement had called into
being among great numbers of the people found expression in
the most violent outbreaks of fanaticism, and in ever recurring
conspiracies and revolutionary plots. While the priest was
distributing communion on Easter Sunday, April 4th, 1555,
in the church of St. Margaret's, Westminster, an ex-monk
wounded him on the head and hand, so that he lay there like
one dead. The perpetrator of this deed asserted that he was
inspired thereto by the Holy Ghost, as a protest against the
idolatry. He had not received the courage to carry out this
enterprise at Christmas, but now he was ready " to die for
the Lord." Foxe included this raving lunatic among his
" martyrs."^ A statue of St. Thomas of Canterbury over the
entrance to the Mercers' Chapel, had been frequently muti-
lated, several times during the night.* Churches were often
broken into and the Blessed Sacrament was frequently dese-
crated ;^ there were many disturbances during the church
services after the death of Cranmer.^
In May, 1555, a young man represented himself as being
Edward VI., who was asserted not to be really dead at all ;
several people pretended to believe him, and organized a
^ Pole to Muzzarelli on October 26, 1555, ibid. n. 255.
2 Pole to Philip on November 23, 1555, ibid. n. 287.
3 Michiel on April 15, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 57, p. 50 seq.
Gairdner, 355.
* Michiel on March 19, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 32, p. 28.
Gairdner, 355.
^ Michiel, loc. cit.
^ Michiel on March 24, 1556, in Brown, VI., i, n. 434, p.
386.
PLOTS AGAINST THE QUEEN. 381
rising.^ In the January of the following year a pamphlet
appeared which again asserted that King Edward was still
living, and in France, and was only waiting for a rising of the
people to land in England. ^ • Another plot set on foot at the
end of 1555 by Henry Dudley, a relative of the Duke of
Northumberland, was more dangerous ; it was only dis-
covered by the government at the beginning of March, 1556,
through information given by one of the conspirators. It was
proposed to set fire to London in different places, and in the
confusion to seize upon the royal treasury, estabUsh them-
selves in the Isle of Wight, and from there, arrange a rising
throughout the kingdom.^ At the trial of the numerous
prisoners it was discovered that the rebels had been supported
by France,* that the queen and all foreigners were to have
been murdered,^ and EHzabeth set upon the throne in her
place. ^ Courtenay was to have been her hu.sband and co-
regent. The inquiry into the wide ramifications of this plot
lasted until May.'^ It was hardly at an end when further
troubles arose in June. A young man named Cleobury
declared that he was Courtenay, to whom he bore a great
resemblance, and proclaimed himself as king, and Elizabeth
as queen, in Sussex. The people, however, would have nothing
to do with him, and he was executed for high treason on
September 20th. ^ An arch-heretic, well known in Germany,
was mixed up with Clcobury's rising, of which Michiel gives
some account in Angust, 1556. He hved, for safety, hidden
^ Michiel on May 27, 1555, ibid. n. 97.
2 Michiel 011 January 21, 1556, ibid. n. 358 ; cf. n. 377.
^ Michiel on ]\Iarch 17 and 24, 1556, ibid. n. 429, 434.
* Michiel on March 30 and April 14, 1556, ibid. n. 440, 458.
^ Michiel on April 21, 1556, ibid. n. 461 ; cf. Soranzo, April 14,
1556, ibid. n. 457.
" LiNGARD, 216, seq. Gairdner, 379.
' Michiel on May 5, 1556, in Brown, VL, i, n. 477.
^ Lingard 219. Several of his accomplices were hanged as
early as August. They died repentant, and acknowledged that
they had been led to this false step by mistaken views on religion.
Michiel on August 18, 1556, in Brown, VL, i, n. 580.
382 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in the woods, but came to the villages from time to time in all
sorts of disguises, in order to encourage his co-religionists with
tales of better times, when religion would be established and
" slavery " at an end.^ In March, 1557, the French Protest-
ants, in conjunction with the English refugees, endeavoured
to deliver the two fortresses of Hammes and Guisnes, in the
territory of Calais, into the hands of the French. ^ The follow-
ing month again brought with it a new act of treachery.
Thomas Stafford, the son of Pole's sister Ursula, had been from
the first vehemently opposed to the Spanish marriage of the
queen, and had probably taken part in Suffolk's rising. He
escaped, however, from prison to France, and took an active
part there in the intrigues of the English Protestants. His
object was not only to overthrow Mary, but also to make him-
self king. He set sail for England with two ships given him
by the King of France, on September i8th, and summoned
the people to defend themselves against " the devilish attacks
of Mary, the unlawful queen," who would deliver her country
into the slavery of the Spaniards. His hope that thousands
would join him proved vain, and Stafford was taken prisoner
almost without a blow having been struck, and ended his life
on May 28th, at Tyburn.^
Although no one benefited by these risings, they neverthe-
less greatly damaged the esteem in which the queen was held.
She was forced either to pronounce sentence of death on those
who were guilty, or else to confiscate their property, and her
popularity thereby suffered considerably. " The lower classes
in England," writes the Venetian ambassador, Michele Surian,
" love risings and tumults,"^ and his predecessor, Michiel,
^ Michiel on August 25, 1556, in Brown, VI., i, n. 585,
P- 578-
2 LiNGARD 226.
^ A. F. Pollard on the Dictionary of National Biography, LIII.,
460. LiNGARD, 226 seq. Surian (the Venetian ambassador in
London) on April 29, 1557, in Brown, VI., 2, n. 870. The King of
France denies having taken part in the conspiracy ; see ibid.
n. 896, 926 ; cf. also n. 926," p. 1150.
* On April 29, 1557, in Brown, VI., 2, n. 870.
POLE AS PEACEMAKER. 383
says.i " the instigators of rebellion are excused by everybody,
and their pretexts, the banishment of the foreigners or of the
faith meet with silent approval. As soon as a man of import-
ance puts himself at the head, a revolt is sure to take place,
and the Ufe of the queen to be placed in danger."
In coming to a conclusion like this, it must not be forgotten
that the ambassadors only knew the conditions in the capital
at all intimateh^ The country people were,, however, dis-
contented, for the harvest was exceedingly bad in the years
1555-1557, and a general scarcity prevailed.'^ If, however, the
rebelhons of Stafford and others found but Uttle support, it
proves that the discontent of large classes of the people with
the government cannot have been of so great an extent as tho
Venetian ambassadors beheved, and that the reason for the
unrest of the masses must be sought somewhere else than in the
severe measures against the Protestants.^
While the government was defending the newly restored
religion after its own fashion, by measures of violence. Cardinal
Pole considered that his own duty consisted in the renewal of
and care for religious life among the Catholics.
Pole could not, it is true, withdraw entirely from politics.
He was not only legate for the English church, but also for the
reconciUation of the contending princes, and, indeed, Marcellus
II. had confirmed him in both legations shortly after his
accession.* Pole devoted himself to the office of peacemaker
with great zeal.^ On May 23rd, the anniversary of the election
of Paul IV., a peace conference was opened at Marck, near
Gravelines. This unimportant village had been chosen as the
scene of the negotiations because the English, French, and
1 Report of May 13, 1557, ibid. n. 884, p. 1056.
2 Michiel's report to the Senate of Venice, 1557, in Brown, VI.,
2, n. 884, p. 1068, 1085. Michiel on October 27, 1555, ibid. VI.,
I, n. 258. Surian on April 21 and June i, 1557, ibid. VI., 2,
n. 863, 912.
^ Nonciat. de France, II., 359.
* Michiel on May 6, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 72.
^ Micliiel on August 6, 1555, ibid. n. 176.
384 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Flemish territories met there. ^ The conference was dissolved
on June 7th without having reached any result.'^ Paul IV.
also confirmed Pole's two legations, first by word of mouth,
and then in a brief of December 23rd, 1555.^ At the new peace
conference which was held at Vaucelles from December 25th,
1555. to February 5th, 1556, the English Cardinal did not,
it is true, take part personally, but his envoy, Parpaglia,
exercised no small influence on the proceedings.* Pole was
actively engaged in other ways for the interests of peace, both
through his intermediaries, and by his letters to the King of
France, to Philip II. and to the Emperor.^
Towards the end of August, 1555, the legate was asked to
undertake yet another political office. Before Philip left
England, he spoke to Pole, in the presence of the assembled
royal Council, and expressed the wish that the Cardinal should,
in his absence, be a support and consolation to the queen, and
exercise a sort of superintendence over the government. Pole
answered in courteous terms that he could not accept such a
position without the permission of the Pope.® For the personal
consolation of the queen, however, he took up his abode for a
considerable time in the royal palace,' but, as far as possible,
took no part in secular affairs, and appears never to have
assisted at the Council of State.®
After the departure of Philip, Pole's advice was especially
sought by the queen, with regard to the still unsettled question
^ Michiel on May 27, 1555, ibid. n. 92 ; cf. Michiel on May 9,
1555, ibid. n. 75.
^ Priuli on June 7, 1555, ibid. n. 126.
^ Raynaldus, 1555, n. 35 ; cf. Pole to Paul IV., in January,
1556, ill Brown, VI., i, n. 360.
■* RiEss, 85 ; cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 322, 363.
^ Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 258, 269, 293, 329, 400, etc.
^ Michiel on September 3, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 204.
Pole to Carafa on October 10, 1555, ibid. n. 244. Paul IV. sanc-
tioned Pole's action in the matter ; see Micliiel on November 25,
1555, ibid. n. 289, p. 261.
"^ Brown, VI., i, n. 200, 251.
^ Michiel on September 3, 1555, ibid. n. 204, p. 178 scq.
CHURCH PROPERTY. 385
of the church property. By the confiscation of the possessions
of the church under Henry VIII., the clergy had been reduced
to poverty. 1 There were, in particular, a number of benefices
entailing the care of souls, which had formerly been filled by
the religious orders, but these, since the dissolution of the
monasteries, and owing to the complete inadequacy of the
revenues, had fallen into the hands of people without learning
or moral stability.^
An alteration in these lamentable conditions could only be
looked for from the generosity of the faithful. Mary, on the
advice of Pole,^ determined to be the first to give an example.
More than 800 benefices were in the possession of the Crown;*
Henry VIII., moreover, in his capacity as head of the church,
had claimed the tithes and first fruits for himself. Mary now
felt it on her conscience that, in spite of her having relinquished
the title of supremacy over the church, she still continued to
draw these revenues.^ In addition to this, although Pole, at
the time of the reunion of England with Rome, had promised
that the Church would not demand her property back again,
he had nevertheless refused to make a further declaration that
the possessor of such property might continue to feel easy in his
conscience.^
Philip, before his departure, had very unwillingly agreed to
the immediate renunciation of the church property, and the
ministers also made difiiculties since the crown was itself in
financial straits, and had just then, in October, 1555, been
obliged to ask for a subsidy from Parliament. Mary, however,
remained immovable ; she declared that the renunciation
of ten royal crowns would not be too great a sacrifice to assure
the salvation of her soul.' She had already promised Pole to
^ Cf. Brown, VI., i, n. 14.
' Michiel on November 25, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 289.
^ Michiel on July i, 1554, ibid. n. 150 ; cf. n. 14, p. 10.
'' Michiel on November 25, 1555, ibid. n. 289, p. 261. Ibid.
n. 14, p. II ; the number of these benefices is given as 700.
^ Ibid. p. 260.
^ Ibid. n. 14 ; VI., 2, p. 1075.
' LiNGARD, 2X2 seq.
VOL. XIV. 25
386 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
restore the church property at the beginning of April, but
experienced lawyers had pointed out that the seizure of the
property had been confirmed by an Act of Parliament, and
could therefore only be given back with the consent of Parlia-
ment.^
It was not, however, so easy to procure this consent. Par-
liament, which assembled on October 21st, counted among its
members many who were themselves in possession of church
property, and who had no wish at aU that an example of
generosity and self-sacrifice should be given from the throne. ^
The fear that, in spite of all concessions, they would be forced
by the church to restore the stolen property, had not entirely
disappeared. On the contrary, this fear had been increased
by the bull of Paul IV. concerning the restitution of church
property, and the enemies of the government had not been
slow in making use of it.^ A declaration from the Pope that
this bull did not apply to England, was, in the opinion of Pole,
absolutely necessary, and he repeatedly made application to
Rome that such a declaration should be sent to him.^ A bull,
confirming the concessions of Pole, was read by Gardiner in
Parhament on October 23rd. At the same time the Chancellor
assured them that no one thought of requiring from others the
generosity shown by the queen. ^
The House of Lords, with only two exceptions, now agreed
to Mary's wishes, but the opposition still continued in the
House of Commons. Then Mary summoned sixty members
of the House to her presence, and, in her deep sonorous voice,
made them an impressive speech concerning her intentions.
^ Pole to Morone on August 9, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 179.
2 Michiel on October 27 and December 3, 1555, ibid. n. 258, 297.
^ Cf. supra p. 379 ; Pole to Muzzarelli on October 26, 1555,
ibid. n. 255.
^ On August 9, 18, 28, September 16, and November 11, 1555,
ibid. n. 179, 188, ig6, 217, 276.
5 Michiel on October 27, 1555, ibid. n. 258. The Bull was read
at St. Paul's Cross as early as September. Tytler, Edward and
Mary II., 483 ; Dictionary of National Biography, XL VI., 43 ;
cf. infra p. 389.
RENUNCIATION OF THE FIRST FRUITS. 387
Providence, she said, had placed her on the throne so that she
might restore the true rchgion ; all her efforts so far for this
end would, however, avail her nothing, if her conscience were
not set free from a double injustice, the possession of the
benefices, and the tithes and first fruits. If so much love had
hitherto been shown for her person, she concluded, with very
marked emphasis, she hoped that still greater love would now
be shown for the salvation of her soul, for otherwise, no other
kind of love would have any value in her eyes.^
After she had finished, one of the members wished to answer
her, but his colleagues forced the audacious man to be silent, as
only the Speaker of the House had the right to answer the
sovereign. Then Pole explained that the crown would sustain
no real loss by the renunciation of the tithes and first fruits,
as it would then be freed from the duty of paying pensions
to the monks and priests who had been expelled, and who had
retired into private life and lived as la3mien since the change
of religion ; the emoluments of the benefices after they had
been restored would be of advantage to the sons of the nobles
and the people, which would be much better for the common
good than if they went into the coffers of the state. ^
Pole's speech was listened to with general approval, but the
fear of the consequences which might possibly result from their
acceptance of the draft of the royal bill, still continued to weigh
heavily on all their minds. On December 2nd, the bill was
handed over to a committee for consideration, and on December
3rd they debated it behind closed doors from break of day until
3 o'clock in the afternoon, when it was finally accepted by 183
votes against 120.^
The Chancellor, Gardiner, although he was already suffering
from a mortal illness, had employed his last powers on behalf
of the bill, and for the granting of the subsidy.'* On November
12th he succumbed to his great exertions, to the deep grief of
^ Michicl on November 25, 1555, in Bkown, VI., i, n. 289.
2 Ibid.
^ Michiel on December 3, 1555, ibid. 11. 297; on December 3,
1555, n. 298.
* Pole to King Philip on October 26, 1555, ibid. n. 256.
388 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pole, as well as of the queen. He had been a true and exceed-
ingly skilful servant to his sovereign ; everybody acknow-
ledged, Michiel informs us on the day of Gardiner's death, that
no better or more capable person could have been chosen for
the post of Chancellor.! On the same day Pole wrote that it
seemed as though justice and religion would die with Gardiner,
so greatly did his disappearance from public life encourage
the unruly elements against whom he had always fought so
steadfastly. 2
On the death of Gardiner, the greater part of the nobles
wished to see the chancellorship bestowed on Pole, but the
legate declined this offer. He must, he said, devote all his
powers to the affairs of the Church, and he dared not take any
other duties upon himself.^ Paul IV. approved this action
on the part of his legate.*
The purely ecclesiastical questions, indeed, offered a wide
enough field for Pole's zeal for reform. He was determined
to devote the whole of his powers to the restoration of religion
in his native land ; not even to take part in the conclave after
the death of Julius III., would the " self-forgetful ascetic "^
leave England,^ although the Emperor called upon him' to
travel to Rome,^ and was prepared, as was Philip, to support
him at the Papal election with all his influence.^
Pole's first measures and concessions in ecclesiastical affairs,!^
had not only been verbally sanctioned by Paul IV. to the
English ambassador, but had again been expressly confirmed
! November ii, 1555, ibid. n. 274, p. 245.
^ Ibid. n. 275.
^ Michiel on November 58, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 282, p. 252.
Soranzo on November 27, 1555, ibid. n. 293.
^ Pole to Morone on February 5, 1556, ibid. n. 378.
^ ]Michiel on April 8, 1555, ibid. n. 48.
^ For reasons which kept him back, see his letter to de las Naves
on April 8, 1555, ibid. n. 51.
"^ Badoer on March 31, 1555, ibid. n. 41.
^ Michiel on April 15, 1555, ibid. n. 57.
^ Badoer on April 7, 1555, ibid. n. 48 ; cf. supra p. 2 seqq.
^^ See supra Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 287.
THE NEW BISHOPS. 389
on June 20tli, 1555, in a formal buU.^ The giving up of the
church property, as well as all the legal regulations which had
been made during the schism, were to remain in force, but the
clerics who had been ordained by invalidly consecrated
bishops were strictly ordered to be ordained again by their
various bishops. As there seemed to be some doubt as to
this last point, a new Papal brief followed on October 30th,
1555, from which it was clearly to be seen that ordination
according to the formulary of Edward VI. was regarded as
invalid in Rome.^ Of the seven Anglican prelates who had
lost their sees in 1554, three had been deposed on account of the
nullity of their consecration.^
Pole regarded it as his first and most important duty to fill
the vacant bishoprics and cures of souls with worthy men.
Julius III. had already sanctioned the election and conse-
cration of five English bishops on July 6th, 1554.* Paul IV.
gave the Papal confirmation to six other English prelates in a
consistory on June 21st, 1555.^ The vacancies caused by
^ The Bull Praeclara carissimi, found by Gasquet in 1895
{cf. Civilt^ catt. 1895, II., 562 seq.), printed in part in the Ameri-
can Eccles. Review XIII. (1895), 42, and complete in the Docum.
ad legat. card. Poli spect. 18 seq., in the Tablet, LXXXVI. (1905),
499 seq. and in Brandi, Delle ordinaz. anglic.'* Roma, 1908,
171 seq.
2 The brief, Regimini, likewise found by Gasquet in 1895,
printed in the American Eccles. Review, XIII. (1895), 43 5«?->
in the Docum. ad legat. card. Poli spect. 27 seq., and in Katholik,
1895, II., 275; cf. Bellesheim in the Histor.-polit. Bl., CXIX.,
436 seq.
^ Breen in the Dublin Review, CXVII. (1895), 109.
* See Vol. XIII., p. 273. They were John White, of Lincoln,
Maurice Griffith, of Rochester, James Brooks, of Gloucester, Henry
Morgan, of St. David's, Gilbert Bourne, of Bath and Wells. At
the same time Julius sanctioned the translation of Robert Warton
to St Asaph, and confirmed George Day for Chichester.
^ Raynaldus, 1555, n. 25. They were John Hopton, of
Norwich, John Holyman for Bristol (see Engl. Hist. Rev., XII.,
i^97> 303-307)5 James Turberville, for Exeter, William Glynn,
for Bangor, Thomas Stanley, for Sodor and Man, Ralph Baynes,
390 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
death were again filled by means of new appointments.^ On
the whole, the bishoprics under Mary were filled by capable
and learned men.^ Christopherson of Chichester was con-
sidered to be the founder of Greek studies at Cambridge, and
wrote the first, if not a complete, translation of the Greek
church historians.^ Baynes was one of the principal restorers
of Hebrew learning in the British Isles.* Glynn of Bangor
was, according to Protestant testimony, an able man of letters,
and a great Hebraist, and a good and religious man, according
to the spirit of that time.^ Holyman of Bristol, an opponent
of the divorce of Henry VHI., had gained a great reputation
by reason of his learning and the hoUness of his life. Scott
of Chester aroused the admiration of his friend.s, and the anger
of his enemies by the zeal which he displayed for his diocese.*
Christopherson, Goldwell, Glynn and Holyman had, like Scott,
distinguished themselves under Edward VI. for their fidelity
to the Church,' and if others, on the whole, did not pass
through that period of trial without blame, still Day, Heath,
Bonner and Gardiner had suffered imprisonment and deposition
for Coventry-Lichfield. At the same time, Nicholas Heath was
confirmed for York, and Thomas Thirlby for Ely, and Hugh
Curwin was appointed to Dublin. Goldwell was consecrated in
Rome.
^ In 1556 Cuthbert Scott received the bishopric of Chester, in
1557 David Pole that of Peterborough, John Christopherson that
of Chichester, Owen Oglethorpe that of Carlisle, and Robert King
was transferred to Oxford.
^ Cf. T. E. Bridgett and T. F. Knox, The true history of the
Catholic hierarchy deposed by Queen Elizabeth, London, 1889 ;
Spillmann, II., 34 seqq. Concerning Goldwell see Th. Knox in
The Month, 1876, I., 53 seqq., 129 seqq. ; Histor.-polit. Bl., LXXX.
(1877), 962 seqq. ; Concerning Watson see Bridgett in the preface
to the new edition of Watson's Sermons on the Sacraments, Lon-
don, 1876 : cf. Histor.-polit. Bl., loc. cU., 866 seqq.
^ Dictionary of National Biography, X., 294.
* Ibid. III., 456.
^ Ibid. XXII., II.
« Ibid. LI., 15.
' /6irf. X., 293 ; XXII., II, 97; XXVII., 214.
POLE HOLDS A SYNOD 39I
for their faith, ^ and, with one exception, they all afterwards
proved by their steadfastness under Elizabeth, that the zeal
which they had displayed under Mary for the restoration of the
Catholic religion had been based on firm conviction. When,
on the summons of the legate, the English bishops assembled
for a synod, the Venetian ambassador, Michiel, wrote that
Pole, as well as everybody else, looked on them as exemplary
men ; they were learned, fulfilled their duty of residence, were
assiduous in preaching and instruction, and were not wanting
in zeal.2
The synod had been assembled in order that they might
decide about the distribution of the church property ceded by
the crown, as well as to remove abuses.^ In the matter of the
church property, the Convocation of the higher clergy, which
always held its meetings at the same time as Parliament, had
already prepared the draft of a decree. The synod took a very
long time in making any further arrangements in the matter.
Opened on November 4th, 1555,* it only came to a temporary
conclusion in the middle of February, when, at the beginning
of Lent, the bishops had to return to their dioceses.^ The
synod, which was to have been reopened on November loth,
1556, was, however, adjourned to May loth, 1557, and even-
tually never met at all.^ Besides the deUberations concerning
church property, the assembly was chiefly occupied with the
reform of the clergy. The reform decrees agreed upon were
^ See Vol. Xin. of this work, p. 240.
2 Michiel on November 4, 1555, in Brown, VL, i, n. 269.
^ Pole himself gives this reason for the Synod (Letter to Philip
on November 11, 1555, ibid. n. 275.)
^ Michiel on November 4, 1555, ibid., 11. 269.
^ Pole to Paul IV. (Casanate Library, Rome, XX., i, 36. Ex-
tract in Brown, VL, i, n. 395, with the correct date, February 19,
1556). The speech which Thomas Watson, dean of Durham,
made at the dissolution of the Synod, is pubUshed in an English
translation by J. Moves in the Dublin Review, CXtX., (1896)
415 seqq.
* Paul IV. hent a letter of approbation to the Synod and to Pole,
both in Ravnaldus, 1555, n. 33 and 34.
392 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
published at the dissohition of the synod on February loth.i
They contained, for the most part, nothing new, but called
attention to the laws of the Church already in force. One of
the decrees, however, contains the germ of a very important
development, which has exercised an influence extending far
beyond the confines of England. Pole ordered the establish-
ment of seminaries for boys, principally with the object of
supplying a remedy for the scarcity of priests. This ordinance^
was the pattern and model used by the Council of Trent for its
celebrated decree concerning seminaries, which has been so
fruitful of results.^ The word " seminary " and the idea were
taken by the Council from Pole's decree.^
Pole and Mary also combated the prevailing want of priests
by the restoration of the destroyed monasteries. The Fran-
ciscans and Dominicans, who had fled to Flanders from the
persecution, now partly returned, and were treated with
honour by the people.^ Sixteen Benedictines had again re-
sumed their habit and returned in March, 1555, although, like
abbot Feckenham, they had been treated as secular priests,
and had filled lucrative posts.® The Franciscan convent at
Greenwich again numbered twenty-five members in November,
1555. the Benedictines received back their monastery at West-
^ Reformatio Angliae ex decretis Reginaldi Poll, Rome, 1562,
printed in Labbe, Concilia, XIV., 1733 seqq. ; Le Plat, IV.,
570 seqq. ; Roccaberti, Bibliotheca maxima Pontificia, XVIII.,
350 seqq. Pole himself gives a sketch of the decrees in a letter
to Morone of February 19, 1556, in Brown, VI., i, n. 396. Cf.
Zimmermann, Maria, 120 seq.
^ Deer. 11, Roccaberti, 362.
^ Sess. 23, de ref., c. 18. The agreement between the two is
partly a matter of words. Much closer is the connection with
Pole's decree in the first draft of the decree of Trent, printed in
Martene-Durand, Amplissima Collectio, VIII., Paris, 1733,
^335, translated in M. Siebengartner, Schriften und Einricht-
ungen zur Bildung der Geistlicheri, Freiburg, 1902, 361, where
the points of agreement are pointed out.
* So says Siebengartner, loc. cit., 85.
^ Michiel on March 19, 1555, in Brown, VI., i, n. 32.
* Ibid. ; cf. Martin, Pole, 113.
POLE CONSECRATED ARCHBISHOP, 393
minster, and the Carthusians their celebrated monastery at
Sheen, while the nuns' convent was again restored at Syon.^
" From day to day," writes Michiel on July ist, 1555, " through
Pole's exertions, hospitals, monasteries and churches rise
again from among the ruins. "^
In all the departments of religious life, Pole displayed a far-
reaching activity. He appointed visitors^ for the Universities
of Oxford and Cambridge ; new editions of the liturgical books,
which had, for the most part, been destroyed under Edward
VI., appeared, partly in Paris and Rouen ;* books for the
assistance of j)reachers, and publications for the instruction
of Catholics, among them the works of Thomas More, were
printed. 5 On March 20th, 1557, Pole was ordained priest,
and on the 22nd, consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury. In
this capacity, he succeeded, by his clemency, sagacity and
learning, in reforming this, the most corrupt diocese of the
whole kingdom, till it was, in the opinion of the Venetian
ambassador, an example, not only to England, but also to
France and many parts of Italy.* The Catholic religion also
flourished, in other ways, everywhere in England. The
Protestant, Jewell, complains in a letter to Vermigli on March
20th, 1559, that in Oxford, Protestantism has so far gone back,
principally owing to the zeal of the learned Dominican, Petrus
de Soto, that hardly two Protestants are to be met with in the
city.' According to the testimony of Jewell many of those
who belonged to the new rehgion returned to the old church
under Mary, and remained steadfastly true to her during the
first years of the reign of Elizabeth.^ The priests showed an
^ Michiel on November 4, 1555, September 28 and November 16,
1556, ill Brown, VI., i, n. 269, 634, 704. List of the restored
houses ibid., VL, 2, p. 1074 11.
2 Brown, VL, i, n. 150.
•'' Gaikdnkr, 381 seq.
* F. G. Lee, Reginald Pole, London, 1888, 211.
^ ZiMMERMANN, Maria, 117.
* Surian on April 21, 1557, in Brown, VL, 2, n. 863.
' Zurich Letters, translated by Robinson, Inrst series, London,
1848, ID. Zimmerman, Maria, 121 seq.
^ Zimmerman, 122 seq.
394 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
heroic spirit of self-sacrifice during an epidemic, while clergy
and laity rivalled each other in once more decorating the
restored churches, and in providing them with everything
necessary for the worthy celebration of the divine mysteries. ^
However, in spite of this very promising progress, and
" although by far the greater and most influential part of the
people were honestly devoted to the faith and divine worship of
their forefathers, "^ Mary found it impossible, during her short
reign, to exterminate Protestantism, especially among the
nobihty, in London, and in the industrial and seaport towns.
Michiel says in 1557,^ speaking only of those parts of the com-
munity M'hich he knew well, that, outwardly and to all appear-
ance, thanks to the esteem felt for the queen and the zeal of
the legate, the Catholic religion increased from day to day,
and struck deeper roots. This appearance, however, was not
in keeping with the reality. The English were prepared to
change their rehgion at the will of the sovereign, and they
were also capable of becoming Mahommedans and Jews to
please the king. They would also in time once more really
adopt the Catholic religion, if they were not afraid that the
church property would some day be demanded back.
Great danger threatened the continuation of the Catholic
restoration when England, in Philip's war against France and
the Pope, took the side of Spain.
England had reason enough to declare war against France.
The French king, or his ambassador, NoaiUes, had had a hand
in all the revolts against the Enghsh queen, and French policy
had sought to place difficulties in her way everywhere. Never-
theless it was not easy for Philip, who had once more been
hving in England from March 17th to July 6th, to succeed in
getting war declared. The Council put forward the plea of the
poverty of the crown, which did not allow of a war, and pointed
to Mary's marriage contract, which expressly excluded England
from participation in the wars of Spain. Then Stafford's
^ Ibid., 114, 118.
2 Opinion of J. Stevenson in The Month, LXXIX. (1893), 24.
3 Brown, VI., i, n. 884, p. 1074 seq.
THE WAR WITH FRANCE. 395
attempt at rebellion, supported by France, took place in April,
and the ill-feeling aroused by this new and unwarrantable act
of hostility, accomplished what Philip had not been able to
bring about. War was declared against France, and Pole in
consequence found himself in the difficult position of
having the consort of his sovereign an enemy of the
Pope, and his sovereign herself at war with the Pope's
ally.i
Pole had advised against the war with France. ^ While
Philip had been in England he had avoided meeting the Pope's
0])ponent in public, and had only visited him secretly, at night
and unattended.^ But in .spite of this careful attitude he
found himself involved as well in the conflict which had arisen
between Paul IV. and the Spaniards.
Philip had ordered all Spanish subjects to leave Rome.
The Pope replied by recalling all nuncios and ambassadors
from Philip's dominions, in a consistory on April 9th, 1557,
so that the king might not be able to hold them as hostages.
Pole was not recalled from England, but lost, as the Pope
expressly stated, his position as legate. This, however, was
very difficult to reconcile with his office of President of the
Council of State. None of the Cardinals in the consistory was
asked for an opinion as to this step, and no one dared to offer
any opposition.*
The news of these proceedings, which soon reached England,
caused a general sensation, and the greatest dismay among the
friends of Pole. The queen and the bishops at once addressed
' LiNGARD, 228 seq.
2 Soranzo on February 7, 1557, in Brown, VI., 2, n. 810.
^ Soranzo on April 13, 1557, ibid. n. 858, p. 1015. Navagero
on May 8, 1557, ibid. n. 880, p. 1039.
* Navagero on April 10, 1557, ibid., n. 855 ; cf. n. 856 ; see also
TuRNBULL, n. 586, 589 seq. Already, at the end of 1556, Paul IV.
had been of opinion that Pole must leave England ; he had adhered
to tliis opinion in spite of the counter-representations of Morone ;
see the *letter of Morone to Pole, dated Rome, November 28,
1556 (Arm. 64, t. 32, p. 215 seq. Secret Archives of the
Vatican) .
396 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
letters to the Pope, begging him to leave Pole in his legation, ^
and the English ambassador in Rome, Edward Carne, employed
all the means in his power for the same object. On May 15th
he obtained an audience with Paul IV., in which he pointed out
the confusion which would occur in England, should Pole no
longer be legate. The Pope saw that he had been too hasty,
but did not like at once to revoke what had been done publicly.
When, however. Cardinal Medici asked him how the deposition
of Pole was to be entered in the consistorial records, he declared
that Pole retained the dignity of " legatus natus," which was
always connected with the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury,
and that he might enter that in the records.
So far Pole had only heard a rumour of his deposition, for
the queen had caused the Papal brief concerning it to be
intercepted and kept back until she had made remonstrances
in Rome.^ On May 25th, the Cardinal explained the position
of affairs in England in a letter to the Pope.^ He understood
the deposition in the sense that he would lose both legations,
and the dignity of " legatus a latere " as well as that of " legatus
natus."* If, however, there were to be no legate at all in the
country, this would be most disadvantageous for the progress
of religion and for the reputation of the Holy See. If the Pope
was not satisfied with the legate who had held that office
hitherto, he should appoint another in his place ; so much
depended on the presence of a legate. If the Pope agreed to
this, he was ready to support and assist the new legate in every
way. In a letter to Stefano Sauli of the same date, he once
more gave the assurance that he would willingly obey the Pope,
but that as his messenger had brought no further orders from
Rome, he would wait for them.^
^ Pole on May 25, 1557, iu Brown, VI., 2, n. 899. Pole's letter
of defence in Zimmermann, Pole, 340.
2 Pole's letter of defence, loc. cit.
^ In Brown, VI., 2, n. 899, p. 11 14 ; cf. n. 900.
* He appears to have changed his opinion on this point later on,
for he signed himself as legatus natus until his death. Lingard,
234 n.
^ Brown, VI., 2, n. 900.
PETO APPOINTED LEGATE. 397
The way out of the difficulty which Pole had suggested
found favour with the Pope. On June 14th, in a consistory,
he appointed the Franciscan, William Peto (Pctow),^ as Car-
dinal and legate for England. Peto, by his ecclesiastical atti-
tude under Henry VIII., had brought upon himself the anger
of that monarch, and had been Hving for a considerable time
as an exile in Rome, but had now returned again to his convent
at Greenwich. At the same time as he appointed Peto, Paul
IV. sent a brief to Pole recalHng him to Rome.'^ Peto's
appointment was an unfortunate one in every respect, and
Came, when Cardinal Carafa informed him of it, answered
with considerable indignation, ^ that Peto was a worn-out old
man, incapable of any further work, and of no use for the post
of legate. Peto himself refused the Cardinal's hat, as well as
the dignity of legate, as being too great a burden for him.^
Mary caused the messenger with the briefs for Pole and Peto
to be detained at Calais. In common with Philip, she had
again renewed her request at the end of May that the Pope
would leave Pole in his office, ^ and now she wrote again. If,
she said, the Pope had not listened to her before, she hoped
that he would do so now, and that they would forgive her in
Rome if she thought that she knew best who was quaHfied for
the government of the kingdom.^
Paul IV., however, would not give way, although Peto wrote
himself to the Pope, saying that he could not show himself
in the streets of London without being mocked at.' Paul
1 Acta Consistoria in Raynaldus, 1557, n. 43. Letter to the
English bishops of June 20, 1557, in which Peto's appointment
is communicated to them, ibid. n. 44. The brief to Philip and
Mary of the same date in Turnbull, n. 637 ; see also Massarelli,
311 and C.\RDELLA, IV., 369 seq.
2 Navagero on June 18, 1557, in Brown, VI., 2, n. 937.
^ They have made " un legno " a Cardinal. To the Pope Carne
said, Peto is " un vecchio rebambito." ibid.
* Navagero in August, 1557, ibid n. 981.
^ Navagero on June 18, 1557, ibid. n. 938.
^ Navagero on August 5, 1557, in Brown, VI., 2, n. 981.
' Instructions for Stella of January 10, 15^8, ibid. VI., 3, n. 1135.
398 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
IV. further insisted that Pole should come to Rome, for the
affair had, in the meantime, taken quite another turn. The
old accusation of heresy was again being renewed against Pole,
and there could be no further question of his being legate.^
Besides this, Pole had himself applied to the queen that the
messenger with Peto's appointment should be allowed to cross
the Channel, and he no longer exercised his functions as legate,
although he was urged to do so.^
The war with France was in the meantime drawing to an end.
The great victory of St. Quentin (August 10, 1557) was fol-
lowed, on January 8th, 1558, by the severe blow of the loss of
Calais. The place was important as a market for English
commerce, and it had a still greater importance in the eyes of
the Enghsh people, as it was the last trophy from the glorious
Anglo-French wars of the fast disappearing middle ages. Very
great therefore was the dismay of the people and the sorrow
of the queen at the news of the loss of the fortress ; it not only
damaged the esteem in which Mary was held, but it also told
upon the religion which she protected. " Since the loss of
Calais," wrote Count Feria to Philip,^ " there are not more
than a third of the people at church that one formerly saw
there."
Calais was the last grief in Mary's life. She had been ill
for a long time, and at the beginning of November, her con-
dition became hopeless. On the 6th she sent her jewels to
Elizabeth with the request that she would keep up the old
religion, and take over the debts of the queen.* On the
morning of the 17th, while a priest was saying Mass before her,
she ended her sorrowful life. Cardinal Pole only survived her
a few hours ; in March he was completely broken down, so that
1 See supra p. 292.
2 Navagero on September 7, 1557, in Brown, VI., 2, n.
1024.
^ London, February 2, 1558, in Kervyn de Lettenhove,
Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et de I'Angleterre, I.,
130.
^ Christophe d'Assonville to Philip, Westminster, November 7,
1558, ibid. 277.
MARY S PLACE IN HISTORY. 399
Feria wrote to King Philip that he was practically a dead
man.i
Mary was perhaps the best of the English queens ; she was
not only one of the most highly educated women of her time —
she understood five languages and had an excellent knowledge
of Latin literature — but she displayed, in addition to a spotless
purity of life, a remarkable kindness of heart. She loved to go
incognita with the ladies of her court to visit the hovels of the
poor, and make inquiries about their wants and help them
whenever it was in her power.^
As she was the best, she was also one of the most unfortunate
princesses who occupied the throne of England. Apart from
the early years of her childhood, her life was nothing but a
chain of sorrow and anguish, which prematurely undermined
her bodily strength. As a young growing girl she was obliged
to witness the repudiation of a loved mother and the criminal
passion of a father. In the reign of Edward she suffered
persecution at the hands of her brother, and after she had
ascended the throne, contrary to all expectation, she saw
herself abandoned by a husband whom she adored, and
entangled in a web of plots by her half-sister, and her life
threatened by the very conspirators whose Hves she had spared.
Her popularity disappeared more and more, her ardent hopes
of an heir to the throne were not realized, and even in that field
to which all her thoughts and actions were directed, she was
involved in disputes with the Pope, whose honour she had
defended at the cost of great sacrifices, and died filled with the
fear that in a few years the whole of her life's work would once
again be broken in pieces. She has been condemned, even
^ " Es un hombic mucrto " {ibid. 153). Pole was buried in
Canterbury Cathedral (see Bonelli, II sepolcro del card. Polo :
Rassegna d'Arte, 1907). The pontifical ring whicli Pole received
at the reconciliation of England with Rome was to be seen in 1910
at the cxliibition in connection with the Congress of English
Catholics at Leeds. The news of the deaths of Mary and Pole
reached Rome on December 10, 1558 ; see Mass.\relli, 328.
'^* H. Clinton, Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, ed. by
Estcourt and Stevenson, London, 1887, 64 seq.
400 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
after her death, in the accounts of biassed historians, to come
down to posterity as a " bloody " memory. In spite of all
this, however, Mary's life was not lived in vain. She has
exercised a far-reaching influence on the religious life of Eng-
land. Before her day, the position of Catholics was neither
definite nor clear ; they let themselves be driven further and
further, and had come at last into a state of schism and heresy,
almost without having discovered it. The events of Mary's
reign brought about a complete change in this respect. After
her reign the Catholic Church in England can point to martyrs
and confessors in great numbers. Mary also exercised an
influence outside the Catholic Church ; if Elizabeth simply
did not dare to establish Calvinism in England, and if the
Protestantism of the present day still bears a character which
in many respects accords with Catholic ideas, Mary is the
person to whom this is to a great extent to be attributed, for
it was she who put a stop to the gradual disappearance of
Catholic thought and Catholic feeling in England.
CHAPTER XV.
Accession of Elizabeth and the Establishment of the
English State Church. — Last Days of Paul IV.
Immediately after the death of Mary, Archbishop Heath
of York, as chancellor of England, announced the news to the
Upper House, and, in accordance with the statute of the
thirtieth year of Henry VIII., spoke of his daughter Elizabeth
as the rightful heir to the throne. She was acknowledged as
such without opposition. The joy with which the English
people greeted the new sovereign was all the greater, as none
of them would hear of the accession of Mary Stuart, the wife of
the French Dauphin, and the grand-daughter of the eldest
sister of Henry VIII. In view of the danger lest England
should come under Franco- Scottish influence, even Catholics
overlooked the fact that Elizabeth was the daughter of Anne
Boleyn, and held a very doubtful position as far as her religion
was concerned.
Her education had been entirely conducted on those lines, yet
her Protestantism did not stand the test imder Mary. The
princess had, as Knox reproached her later on, denied her
religion, and had bowed down before that which she had been
taught to regard as the worship of idols. ^ Although Elizabeth
had, after some slight opposition, professed to be a zealous
Catholic, 2 during the whole of Mary's reign, hardly anyone
believed in the sincerity of her conversion. The Venetian
aml^assador, Michiel, bears witness in his account of the year
1557, that people considered Elizabeth to be a hypocrite, who
^ Cf. Strvpe, Annals, I., 2.
2 She even went so far as to gain an indulgence published by the
Pope in September, 1555 ; see Machvn, Diary (Camden Society,
London, 1848), 94.
VOL. XIV. 401 26
402 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
secretly cherished anti-Catholic opinions more strongly than
ever. The deep aversion which Mary felt for her illegitimate
sister was still more increased by this. She would willingly
have excluded her from the succession, but was dissuaded from
this step by Philip, into whose favour Elizabeth had insinuated
herself.^ In the spring of 1554 Elizabeth had been imprisoned
in the Tower, on a suspicion of having participated in Wyatt's
plot. She was set at liberty after two months, but was care-
fully watched, though in a very considerate manner, for no one
knew better than Mary the masterly way in which Elizabeth
could delude and deceive. This extraordinary gift of deception
and unfathomable subtlety,^ as well as her boundless love of
power, and her statesmanlike and penetrating insight, the
daughter of Anne Boleyn had inherited from her father. In
every respect a genuine Tudor, she united to a passionate and
ardent temperament, the power of cool and systematic cal-
culation. Her behaviour, therefore, especially during the first
months of her reign, was exceedingly guarded and careful with
regard to the religious question.
The proclamation in which Elizabeth announced her
accession to the throne did not refer to religious matters ;
a passage at the end, however, which forbade under any
pretext the breaking or alteration of the arrangements and
customs prevailing in the country, might have been considered
as a challenge to the religious innovators. The fact that the
queen, as she had done in Mary's reign, continued to attend
Mass and Vespers, and that the Catholic worship remained
unchanged, was far more likely to set the minds of zealous
Catholics at rest. In the same way, the obsequies for Mary
were conducted according to the Catholic rites.^
In spite of all this, however, the Spanish Ambassador,
Feria, was not at all easy in his mind about the further course
of events, for it had not escaped him that all the new members
^ Michiel in Brown, VI., 2, p. 1058 seq.
^ See Meyer, I., 11.
^ See the reports in Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 310, 313 and
Brown, VI., 3, n. 1287, as well as Hajrvvard's Annals (Camden
Soc. 1840), 12.
Elizabeth's anti-papal plans 403
of the Privy Council, and those newly summoned to the court,
were of the Protestant persuasion. All these avoided the
representative of Philip II. like " the devil." An attempt
on the part of Fcria to fathom the queen's real views on
religion failed completely,^ and a courtier with Protestant
leanings had a similar experience when, in speaking of the
amnesty given to the prisoners, he permitted himself an
ambiguous reference to the furtherance of Protestant interests.^
Nothing however, could be further from the truth than to
suppose that Elizabeth had not yet decided upon the course
which she intended to adopt with regard to religion. On
the contrary, she had long since determined, in order to secure
the legitimacy of her succession, and to satisfy her love of
power, to carry out a revolution in the religious conditions
in England in an anti-Papal sense, and a well-considered plan
for the overthrow of the Catholic religion was prepared.^
The queen was much too clever to vmdertake this work alone ;
she wished first of all to feel the ground firmly under her feet,
to win popularity with the people, and to fill the court and
offices of state with Protestant elements, before she let her
Catholic subjects understand what they had to expect with
regard to that which they prized above all else. Yet the
Catholics had acclaimed her with as much loyalty as those
professing the new religion.
When Christmas arrived, the queen considered that the
time had come to throw aside her previous reserve, with regard
to certain points. She gave orders to Bishop Oglethorpe
of Carlisle, that he was to omit the elevation of the sacred
host at Mass. The bishop refused ; the queen, he said,
might have power over his life, but not over his conscience.
In order that she might not have to venerate the sacred host,
EUzabeth left the chapel before the offertory.* Two days
^ See Feria's letter in Kervyn dk Lettenhove, I., 338 seq.
2 Cf. Meyer, I., 13 seq.
3 See Burnet, Hist, of the Reformation, ed. Pocock, V., 497
seq. ; cf. Stevenson in The Month, LXXIX., (1893) 26 seq.
* Cf. the report of Feria in Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 365,
and that of tlie ambassador of Mantua in Brown, VII., n. 2.
404 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
later a proclamation was issued which forbade preaching for
the time being, and introduced the English language for the
Epistle and Gospel at Mass. This innovation was immediately-
carried into effect in the royal chapel. Elizabeth appointed
married priests to serve there, who, in the prayers, omitted
the names of the Mother of God, the Saints, and the
Pope.i
It is not surprising that, after these occurrences, the bishops
had scruples about exercising their office at the coronation
of a princess, who by her encroachments on the rights of the
Church, proclaimed quite clearly that she was determined
to break the traditional oath which pledged her to support it.
The refusal of the bishops caused considerable perplexity
to Elizabeth, for she, as well as her chief adviser, William
Cecil, attached great importance, on account of the people,
to the coronation taking place before the new Parliament
assembled. After long negotiations, the Bishop of Cai-lisle
was induced to perform the ceremony, a weakness which he
afterwards bitterly regretted.^
The coronation took place on January 15 th, 1559, in
Westminster Abbey, amid a display of great splendour.
It is certain that many changes were introduced at the cele-
bration of the Catholic coronation mass, the elevation, in
particular, being omitted.^ WTien insisting on this, Elizabeth
left no room for doubt that she intended immediately to
break the solemn coronation oath she had just taken, to
protect the rights of the Church. If anyone still had any
illusions as to this, his eyes were soon to be opened by the
events that followed. At the opening of Parliament on
January 25th, the new chancellor. Bacon, informed the
members that they would be called upon — although the
queen could do it by her own power — to decide upon a com-
^ See Brown, VII., n. 28 : Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 366.
^ See Strype, Annals, I., n. 50.
^ Cf. the essays of Bayne, Wilson and Lockhart-Ross in the
Engl. Hist. Review, XXII., 650 seqq. ; XXIII., 87 seq.^ 533 seqq. ;
XXIV., 322 seq.
ATTITUDE OF PAUL IV. 405
prehensive confession of faith, and a common form of divine
service, for the whole kingdom.^
At the beginning of February, Edward Carnc, the Enghsh
ambassador in Rome, receiva-d orders to break off diplomatic
relations with the Pope.^
For hundreds of years, owing to a calumny circulated by
Sarpi, it was believed that Paul IV. had hastened this turn
of affairs by " his abrupt and discouraging answer " : The
queen must, before everything else, siibmit her claims to the
throne to the decision of the Holy See.^ There can be no
question of the Pope having, in this manner, himself put an
end to the last possibility of an agreement.'* After the
declaration which Carne had made in the name of his govern-
ment, Paul IV. could not but believe that the arrival of a
large embassy for the " obedientia " was to be expected in
Rome.^ Therefore the attitude of Paul IV. towards Elizabeth
was by no means unfriendly. It is evident from a report of
the Bishop of Angouleme to the King of France on December
25th, 1558, that the Pope, at that time, had no idea that the
defection of Elizabeth from the Church was imminent. The
French endeavoured in that audience with Paul IV. to induce
him to make objections to a marriage between Elizabeth
and Philip II. but without success. The Pope, who spoke
in a perfectly friendly manner of the queen, answered that
^ See d'EwES, Journal of both houses, 11 scq. ; Lingard, VII.,
257 ; Meyer, I., 15 seq.
2 See Acts of the Privy Council, VII., 50 ; State Papers. Foreign,
1558-1559, n. 299, 474 ; cf. Strype, Annals, I., i, 51.
^ So Ranke describes it, Papste, I^., 203 ; cf. also Ranke,
Englischc Gesch., I., 301.
■* See the thorough investigation by Maitlanu in the Engl.
Hist. Review, XV., 324 seqq., by which Sarpi 's account is con-
clusively shown to be a spiteful fabrication. With the destruction
of this legend, one of the foundations of Ranke's view (Papste, I.,*
202) (lisappcais, namely that Paul IV. has " more perhaps than
any of his predecessors, furthered the dissemination of Protestant-
ism, which he hated, detested and persecuted."
^ See Maitlanp, Inc. cit., 326 seq.
406 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he could not believe in a marriage of Elizabeth with the
Spaniard ; should it, however, come to that, he could by no
means agree to the proposal of the French that he should
refuse the necessary dispensation for the marriage.^ The
French ambassador, as Carne reported, was also attempting
to get the Pope to declare Ehzabeth illegitimate. ^ When
Carne presented his letters of recall on March loth, he begged
the Pope to permit him to leave Rome on the pretext that he
wished to see his family again. Paul IV. refused, as he had
no certain information as to the defection of the queen. ^
He openly hoped that the opposition of the Catholics in
Parliament would prevent a break with Rome.
The prospects of such a break being avoided did not appear
quite hopeless. By means of extensive pressure on the
members, the queen had succeeded in securing a safe majority
for her plans in the House of Commons, but things seemed
less favourable to her in the Upper House. Convocation
expressly declared its firm adherence to the Catholic doctrines
of transubstantiation, the sacrifice of the mass, and the Papal
supremacy, and declared that the decision concerning matters
of faith, the sacraments and religious discipline did not pertain
to any assembly of the laity, but only to the lawful pastors
of the Church.*
The cession of tithes and first fruits to the crown was accom-
plished without any difficulty, but violent opposition was
aroused by the draft of a bill regarding the royal supremacy
over the Church. The bishops did not fail to make strong
remonstrances against it. The venerable Archbishop Heath
of York in particular, explained with calmness, lucidity,
and much pertinency, the reasons which made it impossible
for CathoHcs to acknowledge the royal supremacy. Two
matters, he declared, were included in the bill : the separation
^ RiBiER, II., 776. Maitland, 327.
2 State Papers, Foreign, 1558, n. 160, 161 ; cf. Kervyn de
Lettenhove, I., 333, 455.
^ Cf. Maitland, 328.
** Cf. BiRT, The Elizabethan reUgious settlement, London, 1907,
44 seq. ; Spillmann, II., 18 ; Meyer, I., 16.
THE ROYAL SUPREMACY. 407
from the Holy See, and the transference of the power of
ecclesiastical government to the queen. As far as the rupture
with the Pope was concerned, they must carefully weigh the
fact that by such a step they would exclude themselves from
the General Councils, from ecclesiastical privileges and,
finally, from the unity of the Church of Christ. The arch-
bishop then proceeded to prove, in an impressive manner,
that according to the clearly expressed text of the Holy
Scriptures, a woman could not teach in the Church, nor fulfil
the duties of the supreme ecclesiastical office, and that there-
fore she could not be head of the Church. ^
The force of such reasoning did not escape Elizabeth herself:
She therefore had the title of " chief governor of all spiritual
and ecclesiastical affairs " introduced into the bill instead
of " Head of the Church. "^ In this form the bill was passed
^ Strype, I., App. 6. Concerning the speech see the opinion
of Meyer, I., 21.
2 Meyer (I., 19 seq.) is the first to have drawn attention to the
fact that tlie Elizabethan primacy was limited, in the XXXIX
Articles, by the following supplement : " We give not to our
princes the ministering either of God's Word or of the Sacraments,
the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth
our Queen do most plainly testifie, but that only prerogative
which we see to have been given always to all godly princes in holy
Scriptures by God Himself, that is that they should rule all estates
and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be
ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the
stubborn and evil doers." This weakening limitation, however,
changed nothing in the fact that the law granted the Queen, in
spiritual as well as ecclesiastical matters, the supreme power,
abolished the jurisdiction and authority of the Pope, and trans-
ferred them to the crown. The enemies of Rome understood this
quite well. Parkhurst wrote on May 21, 1559, to BullLnger : " The
Queen will not, it is true, be named the Head of the Church, al-
though this title was offered to her ; she, however, willingly
accepts the title of a Ruler of the Church, which comes to the same
thing. The Pope is once more driven out of England, to the great
sorrow of the bishops, and the whole gang of shaven priests."
Zurich Letters, L, n. 12. Spillmann, H., 28 ; cf. also Lilly in
the Dublin Review, CIX., 14 seq.
408 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on March 22nd. Parliament was then prorogued until after
Easter. Except the bishops and the abbot of Westminster,
only Lord Montague and the Earl of Shrewsbury remained
firm in their opposition to this violent separation of the
English Church from Rome. The Spanish ambassador,
Feria, made an attempt, at the last moment, to restrain
Elizabeth from confirming the fateful Act of Supremacy.
To his representations, the cunning queen made answer
that she did not assume the title of Head of the Church, and
that she would dispense no sacraments. She haughtily asked
the ambassador if Philip would be angry if she had mass said
in English. She left no room for doubt as to her determination
to proceed in a thoroughly autocratic manner with regard
to religious questions. Feria was of opinion that the Pope
should now be informed of the state of affairs ; the ambassador,
who may have over estimated the zeal of the English Catholics,
appears to have entertained the erroneous opinion that
Elizabeth would not be able to hold out, if Paul IV. should
now pronounce the sentence of excommimication against her.^
However great the dismay at the Curia may have been at
the adverse development of conditions in England,^ they
did not at once proceed to the infliction of this extreme penalty.
In such circumstances the Holy See is always accustomed,
with long forbearance, to exhaust all milder measures. Men
of strict ecclesiastical views, such as the Jesuit, Ribadeneira,
who was at the time in London, advised the Curia to show
^ Feria's report in Kervyn de Lettenhove I., 475 seqq. and
481 seq. The statement of the ambassador, that two-thirds of the
English had been Catholics, is questioned by Meyer (I., 7) ;
Ribadeneira also says in his report of January 20, 1559 (Precis
hist., 1890, 348), that the Catholics are " Muchos mas sin com-
paracidn que los herejes." However, it may be reconciled with
this estimate, the number of zealous Catholics was small ; cf. the
statement of IVDchiels in Brosch, VI., 453, n. i.
^ Cf. the information from the Diario of the Corsini Library
(38 — F. 6), which Maitland gives in the Engl. Hist. Review, XV.,
330, but is not able to describe more closely. It is the Diario of
Cola Coleine;
ATTITUDE OF PHILIP II. 409
great caution in dealing with the new queen. ^ PhiHp II.
also advised the Pope to wait."^ The Spanish king, in whom
the English Catholics i)laced great hopes, preferred to have
Elizabeth on the throne, rather than Mary Stuart, who was
devoted to the interests of France. Philip II. also still
cherished the illusion of obtaining the hand of Elizabeth,
either for himself, or for a scion of the House of Hapsburg.
Paul IV. too, at the beginning of May, 1559, still hoped that
the Spanish king would succeed in preserving England for
the Church.^
Elizabeth made use of the favourable opportunity by
quickly taking the second step for the establishment of the
English state church. After the severance from Rome had
taken place, the Catholic form of worship must also be abol-
ished. As an introduction to this, the queen caused a re-
ligious conference to be held in Westminster Abbey during
Easter week. As it was soon shown that everything had
^ Cf. the interesting letter of Ribadeneira to Lainez, dated
London, January 20, 1559, published by Delplace iu the Precis
dist., 1900, 348. In view of the close relations between Paul IV.
and Lainez, it is very probable that the advice was decisive
of the Pope's attitude.
2 See Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 508 ; cf. Spillmann, II., 25 ;
Brosch, VI., 459.
3 See the brief to Philip II. of May 4, 1559, in Raynaldus,
1559, n. I. According to an *Avviso di Roma of May 13, I559>
a letter of Philip II. with reference to the conditions in England,
was read at a sitting of the Inquisition of May 11 (Cod. Urb. 1039,
p. 35. Vatican Library). In June, the Venetian ambassador at
Brussels believed that Paul IV. would take steps against Elizabeth
on account of her defection from the Church ; we know nothing for
certain, however, about the intentions of the Pope at that time
(see Martin, L'eglise cath. et la conversion d'Angleterre, VI.,
58 seq.) If Paul IV. did, after further details concerning
Elizabeth's defection had reached him, express his dislike for the
queen, he nevertheless took no decisive steps. The story tliat
he tried to get the English crown for Mary Stuart has been proved
to be completely false, by means of a thorough investigation by
Pollen in The Month, XCVI., 392-402.
410 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
been arranged to the disadvantage of the Catholics, these
refused to continue to attend. EUzabeth's answer to this
was to throw the Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln into
the Tower.^ In spite of this attempt to intimidate the
opposition in Parliament, the bill relating to the abolition
of the mass and the introduction of the new Anglican liturgy
aroused strong opposition ; in the Upper House it only passed
by a majority of three. ^ Besides the clerical members,
who voted with great determination against the bill, Lord
Montague, the aged Marquis of Winchester, the Earl of
Shrewsbury, Lords Morley, Stafford, Wharton, Rich, North
and Ambrose Dudley defended the Catholic liturgy, which
for almost a thousand years had been associated with the
national and spiritual life of the English people. On June
24th, the Feast of St. John the Baptist, the new order of
things was to come into force, and the sacrifice of the mass
to cease throughout the kingdom.
The new Hturgy, with several alterations, closely followed
the second Book of Common Prayer of Edward VL, of the
year 1553. The clergy who opposed it were at first to lose
their income for one year, and be imprisoned for six months ;
for a repetition of their offence they were to be deposed and
imprisoned for a year, and for the third offence they were
threatened with imprisonment for life. In the case of the
laity, fines were to enforce attendance at the new services.
Whoever should attack these services, or induce a priest to
adopt another form of worship, was to be fined 100 marks
on the first occasion, 400 on the second (at the present value —
£2,500) and to suffer imprisonment for one year, and on the
third offence to forfeit all his property and to be imprisoned
for life.^ Similar drastic punishments threatened those who
refused to take the oath of supremacy, and remained faithful
to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Pope. With regard to
1 See Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 487 seq., 489 ; Brown,
VII., n. 58 ; LiNGARD, VII., 261.
2 See Kervyn de Lettenhove, I., 519,
3 Cf. Spillmann, II., 32.
ELIZABETH AND THE BISHOPS. 4II
this offence the third act of resistance was to be punished
by death.
Armed with these weapons, Ehzabeth now proceeded to
destroy the CathoUc hierarchy in England, and to force the
new state church upon her subjects. She was, however,
shrewd enough to avoid, at first, applying the full severity
of the law. She well realized the power which lies in the
" blood of the martyrs." Gradually and with great caution,
the English were to be made into Anghcans, and the first
thing to be done was to rob them of their bishops. In July,
1559, an official summons was issued, ordering them to observe
the new laws, but only one, Antony Kitchin, Bishop of Llan-
daff, who had already been a schismatic under Henry VIII.,
a Calvinist under Edward VI., and a Catholic under Mary,
gave way, and now became an Anglican. All the other
bishops were true to their oath. Ehzabeth took care, at the
beginning, not to give the Catholics a martyr ; deposition,
forfeiture of property, and imprisonment sufficed her, in
order to make the bishops harmless.^ She hoped that
once the shepherds had been removed the sheep would
stray.
Paul IV. had already been touched by the hand of death
when these blows were dealt at the Catholic religion in England.
He did not live to see the later developments in the situation.
His iron constitution succumbed at last to dropsy ; although
the doctors had declared this disease to be present, for a long
time the Pope hoped that he would be cured. ^ His Holiness,
says a correspondent on June 3rd, endeavours to appear well,
and his doctor, to whom he has promised a considerable
^ Cf. Bridgett-Knox, The true history of the Cath. Hierarchy
deposed by Elizabeth, London, 1889 ; Gee, The Elizabethan
clergy and the settlement of religion, 1558-1564, Oxford, 1898, and
especially G. E. Phillips, The extinction of the ancient Hierarchy,
London, 1905 ; cf. Bellesheim in Histor.-polit. Bl., CXXXVI,
(1905), 891 seqq. Tlie further measures of Elizabeth against
English Catholics arc to be dealt with in a connected manner in
Vol. XV. of this work.
^ Cf. the ♦Avvisi of May, 1559, cited supra p. 409, n. 3.
412 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
increase in his emoluments, does everything in his power ;
his condition, however, only grows worse. ^ Although the
summer heat was now very noticeable, the Pope suffered much
from cold, so that his room had to be heated. The temper-
ature was so high that Cardinal Alfonso Carafa had to be
released from his duty of reciting the breviary with the Pope,
and the Theatine, Father Geremia, did so in his stead. Ill
as the Pope was, he appeared, nevertheless, on June 14th,
at the sitting of the Inquisition, but he was so weak that he
had to be carried out at the end of the deliberations. The
most disquieting rumours were current ; on June 17th it
was reported that the Pope was dead, a statement which was
all the more readily believed as a comet was said to have
appeared during the night over the Vatican. The dropsy
was increasing, and two new doctors were called in. The
invalid disputed with them concerning his condition, and
quoted passages from Avicenna and Galen. ^ On June 22nd,
the Pope had the meeting of the Inquisition held in his room,
and indulged, during the sitting, in a long panegyric of Philip
II., on account of his proceedings against the Lutherans in
Spain. He again asserted on this occasion how much he
had the extirpation of heresy at heart. He wished the
regulations with regard to this, as well as those concerning
the vagrant monks, to be carried out most strictly. The
Pope could no longer keep on his feet, and his weakness was
so great that he was only given fourteen more days to live,
and the conclave was openly spoken of.^
There was only one person who would not believe that the
end had come, and that was Paul IV. himself. " It is aston-
ishing, and almost miraclous " says a contemporary on July
8th, " that His Holiness, in spite of all his bodily sufferings,
retains his mental powers, as if he would attain to the years
of Peter. He himself still has hope, and says that he will
i*Avviso di Roma of June 3, loc. cii. 47 seq. (Vatican Library) .
2 *Avvisi di Roma of June 10, 17, and 24, loc. cit. 49 seq. ; cf.
Santarem, XIII., 46, 49. Concerning the physicians of Paul IV.
see Marini, I., 420 seq.
^ See the *Avvisi di Roma of June 24, and July 8, 1559.
THE POPE'S HEALTH. 413
reach the age of his father, who lived for twelve years in a
similar condition, and died a centenarian." And, indeed,
Paul IV. still granted audiences, signed petitions, held meetings
of the Inquisition, and spoke of making a pilgrimage to Loreto
in August. He gave orders to prepare for this journey, and
for the prev^ention of revolts, and issued a strict edict against
the bearing of weapons in Rome. On July 15th it was an-
nounced that the Pope was better, and had had himself
carried to the Belvedere ; on Thursday the 13th he had been
for two hours at a sitting of the Inquisition. ^ *
Although they tried to keep the Pope's actual condition
secret, it nevertheless got abroad that the dropsy was con-
tinually increasing. 2 At the end of July His HoHness again
took part in a sitting of the Inquisition, which was held in
his room, and consistories were also held there on the 31st
of the month and on August 2nd.^ On the latter occasion
the Pope earnestly impressed upon the Cardinals the duty
of impartiality in affairs of state,* and optimists believed
^ *Avvisi di Roma of July 8, and 15, loc. cit. 58^ . In that of
July 8 it states : " Cosa veramente maravigliosa et quasi soper-
naturale e quest' infirmita del Papa, che cosi mantiene con tanti
mali che questo corpo patisse et ch'il sta tanto gagliardo d'animo
che pare vi sia vita alii giorni di Pietro, ancora ch'il sia hidropico
con i testicoli gonflati, patiss' di renella et h'una gamba grossa et
immobile che si cerca di purgare quanto piu si pu6, ha poi il
catarro ch'alle volte lo molesta, nondimeno con tutto questo ha
speranza et dice che vivera sin'al eta di suo padre, che con tal
infirmitk visse anni 12 et era di cent'anni quando mori." Cf.
for this the letter of A. Verancsic in the Mon. Hung. hist. Script.,
XXXII., 333, and the *reports of Gianfigliazzi of July 8 and 14,
1559 (State Archives, Florence).
- See Selvage's report of July 10 in the Atti Lig., XIII., 757.
Cardinal Medici was already thinking of travelling to Rome, says
*Clara de Ems to Annibale de Ems from Milan on July 16, 1559
(Archives at Hohenems).
^ See the *Avvisi di Roma of July iz and 20, and August 5,
loc. cit., 62 seq. ; cf. the report of B. Pia, dated Rome, July 19,
1559 (Gonzaga Arch. Mantua).
* See Acta consi-st. in Gulik-Eubel, III., 38 n.
414 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that he would recover.^ The end was finally hastened by a
circumstance very characteristic of Paul IV. He had always
kept the laws of fasting in the strictest manner, although
he was dispensed from them by reason of his great age, and
had repeatedly been in danger of death through abstaining
from meat. But in spite of all that Cardinal Alfonso Carafa
and the doctors could do, and in spite of the great heat, the
Pope remained for three days without meat or any sustaining
food. 2 A severe fainting fit was the forerunner of death,
which took place on August i8th. Before he died the Pope
recommended the affairs of the Church to the Cardinals,
particularly the Inquisition and the rebuilding of St. Peter's.^
Paul IV. was not yet dead, although he was considered
to be so, when the Roman populace, not content with the
usual opening of the general prisons when a vacancy occurred
in the Holy See, rushed to the buildings of the Inquisition
on the Ripetta, ill-treated the officials there, destroyed many
documents relating to trials, as well as confiscated books,
and finally set the buildings on fire. They had set the pris-
^ See the reports of G. Aldrovandi, dated Rome, August 2, 5,
and 16, 1559 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 See the *testimony of the physician A. Ricchi (Vatican
Library) in Appendix No. 60.
^ See Massarelli, 332 ; Firmanus, 516 ; Diavo in the appen-
dix to NoRES, 451 ; Santarem, XIII., 64 ; Corpo dipl. Port.,
VIII., 202 seq. ; joint *report of Gianfigliazzi and the Bishop of
Cortona of August 18, 1559, in the State Archives, Florence.
G. Aldrovandi *reported on August 18 ; " Questa notte passata
alle 7 hore venne un accidente a N.S. chel tenne fuori di se un
hora ; circa le 8 ritorn6 alquanto in be et e andato cosi temporeg-
giando fin'a quest'hora che sono le 12 nella quale ha fatto chiamare
tutti H car^* a quali ha raccomandato questa s. sede, la inquisitione,
fabrica di S. Piero el altro." A second letter of August 18 (2 h. di
notte) announces the death " fra le 21 et 22 hore " (State Archives,
Bologna). An *Avviso di Roma of August 19 emphasizes that the
condition of the Pope had been aggravated by the death of Lippo-
mano and the act of the Diike of Paliano (the murder of the sup-
posed paramour of his wife). (Cod. Urb. 1039 p. 71. Vatican
Library) .
OUTBREAK OF THE ROMANS. 415
oners at liberty, after having made them promise to Hve as
Cathohcs in future. Pubhc opinion looked upon the personal
enemies of the Pope as having been the instigators of the
disturbances.^ It was not difficult to stir up the people ;
the sufferings of the war against Spain, as well as the mal-
administration of the hated nephews, were still only too
deeply rooted in the minds of the Romans. The benefits
which they owed to Paul IV. were completely forgotten. ^
On August i8th a mob of people stormed the Capitol and
mutilated the statue of Paul IV. which had been erected there ;
the head of the statue was left on the following day exposed
to the mockery of the boys in the street. A Jew even ventured
to set his yellow cap on it. At last they dragged it through
the city, and finally sank it in the Tiber.^ A decree of the
Roman people on August 20th ordered the removal of all
^ MocENiGO, 37. Cf. concerning the troubles of the time,
besides the authorities named in the previous note, the reports
in RiBiER, II., 827 seq. ; Paris, Ndgociations relat. au r^gne de
Francois II., II., 98 seq. ; Vogelstein, II., 158 seq., 423 seq. ;
Rule, Inquisition, II., 206 ; Romische Quartalschrift, XVI.,
309 ; Guidus in Merkle, II., 606 seq. ; " Wahrhafftige Newe
Zeitung " (see MOller, 18 seq.) ; Masius, Briefe, 321 ; *Avvisi
di Roma of August 19 and 26, loc. cit., 71 seq. (Vatican Library) ;
♦Report of E. Stanghelini, dated Rome, August 21 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua) ; *Letters of Gianfigliazzi of August 18, and
of the Bishop of Cortona of August 19, 1559 (State Archives,
Florence) .
^ Such were the Pope's care that grain should be brought to
Rome (cf. Moroni, II., 146 ; Benigni, 34 seq.) and for the extir-
pation of the bandits {cf. Cod. Barb. LVI., 29, p. 90^ seq., and
Cod. XXVIII., D. II, p. 61 seq. of the Library of the Soc. di
stor. patria at Naples).
^ In addition to the authorities cited supra note i, cf.
also Forcella, I., 34; Rodocanaciii, Capitole, iii, 113; Lan-
ciANi, III., 206 seq. and Cod. G. III., 78, p. 210 of the Chigi Library,
Rome. E. Stanghelini *\vrote on August 21, 1559 : " Et il capo
d'essa [statua] hieri si vedeva per Roma in poter de'fanciulli,
i quali lo sputavano ct burlavano nel modo che si suol beflfare
M. Pasquino, al quale si havrebbe maggior rispetto."
4l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the coats-of-arms and inscriptions of " the tyrannical house
of Carafa." Lampoons and satires mocked at Paul IV.
and his nephews in every possible way.^ Pamphleteers against
whose immoral books the Pope had taken measures, now
took a bloody revenge. ^ The tumultuous proceedings were
only to some extent brought to an end on August 22nd ;
the city, however, still remained in a seething condition,
and disorders were rife. Every kind of rabble, refugees and
bandits roved through the streets committing murders.
Rome resembled, as the Venetian ambassador, Mocenigo,
declared, the forest of Baccano. All the palaces were gar-
risoned by armed men, and no one ventured in the streets
at night. ^
The body of Paul IV. was buried at night on August 19th
in St. Peter's, near the tomb of Innocent VIII, as deep as
possible, and a guard set over it,^ for fear of an outbreak
on the part of the people. Here the mortal remains of the
Pope remained until Pius V. had them taken to S. Maria
sopra Minerva on October 2nd, 1566, and placed in the monu-
ment which he had erected, and which still adorns the beau-
tiful chapel of Oliviero Carafa. It stands, very suitably,
on the left wall, just opposite the beautiful fresco of Filippino
Lippi's " Triumph of St. Thomas over the heretics." The
design was made by Pirro Ligorio, who also superintended
its erection. A pair of black Ionic columns, connected with
one another, and adorned with a peculiar ornamentation
in the form of cushions, serve to frame the monument, in
which the employment of costly parti-coloured marbles is
characteristic. In a rectangular niche over the sarcophagus,
with its antique ornamentation, is placed the statue of Paul IV.,
which is more than life size, and was executed by Giacomo
^ Cf. *Cod. Urb. 1205, p. 46 seq. (Vatican Library) ; Gori,
Archivio, II., 172 seq ; Duruy, xvi seqq ; Sickel^ Konzil, 14 seq. :
see also Simiani, 36.
2 Cf. BoNGi, Annali Gioliti, I., 17.
^ MocENiGO, 38 seq.
* See FiRMANUs, 517 ; cf. Bollet. d. Suizz. ital., VII., 35.
THE TOMB OF PAUL IV. 417
Cassignola. It shows the Pope seated in full pontifical state,
with the right hand raised to bless, and in the left the keys
of Peter. The head, true to Ufe, reproduces most admirably
the ascetic features of Carafa. The pediment over the niche
is borne up by two garlanded Hermae ; on the slanting sides
of the cornice, the white marble statues of Faith and Religion,
executed by Tommaso della Porta, once rested, but unfor-
tunately were removed later on, and are now preserved in
the sacristy. The inscription under the sarcophagus praises
Paul IV. as the vigorous punisher of everything evil, and
the ardent champion of the Catholic faith. *
The homage which Pius V. paid to the memory of his
predecessor is all the more significant when we remember
that he was thoroughly acquainted with the great faults of
Paul IV., and had had to suffer from them. The Pope him-
self had, at the approach of death, recognized his faults and
bitterly repented of them. Three days before his death he
summoned the General of the Jesuits, Lainez, to his side
and said to him : " How bitterly flesh and blood have deceived
me ! My relatives have plunged me into an unhappy war,
from which many sins in the Church of God have arisen.
Since the time of St. Peter there has been no such unhappy
pontificate in the Church ! I repent bitterly of what has
happened ; pray for me.""^
Even if this open confession is exaggerated, no one, however,
^ See CiACONius, III., 834 ; V.\sari, VII., 551 ; Reumont,
III., 2, 735 seq. : MuNTZ, III., 364 ; Friedlander, 13 ; Berthier,
191 seq. How very much Pius V. honoured the Carafa Pope,
see Silos, I., 401 seq. and Bromato, II., 616 seq. The agreement
with regard to the erection of the monument at the expense of the
Papal exchequer (for 3000 scudi) is dated April 9, 1566. Besides
Giacomo Cassignola and Pirro Ligorio, Tommaso della Porta,
Giovan Pietro Annone of Como, Rocco of Montefiascone and otlier
artists were employed on it ; see Bertolotti, Art. Subalp.,
99 seq. : Studi e doc, XV., 131 seq. ; cf. also Cast-^ldo, 175 seq.
^ See O. Manareus, De rebus Soc. lesu, Florence, i886, 125 seq.
According to Seripandus, ed. Hofler, 55, Paul IV. said, before
his death, " sc in pontif. sede noii pontificem, sed servuiu fuisse."
VOL. XIV. 27
4l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
need repeat the attempt of the older writers and try to defend
the serious mistakes of Paul IV. The unprejudiced historian
must not shut his eyes to the grave faults, which, as well as
the great qualities, were characteristic of the Carafa Pope ;
above all, he must appreciate all that was done in the interests
of reform during his short pontificate.
Paul IV. was undoubtedly a remarkable man, of a clearly
marked, genuine, and unusually strong and unbending
character. Sincerely pious, always blameless in his life, and
full of apostolic zeal, the co-founder of the Theatines always
stood ruthlessly for the strictest standpoint in ecclesiastical
matters. Although he was a very good classical scholar, and
by no means without feehng for art,^ such a man could not
and would not become a Maecenas in the sense of the Renais-
sance Popes. 2 The saying attributed to him, that it was more
^ Cf. the inventory of his estate, first published by Bertolotti
in Gori, Archivio, II., 51 seqq, and subsequently by Barbier de
MoNTAULT (Inventaire do P. Paul IV. en 1559, Montauban,
1879, and Oeuvres compl., I., Poitiers, 1889) in detail.
2 It was the war with Spain, the financial distress, and the cares
concerning ecclesiastical reform, which prevented Paul IV. from
playing the traditional role of a Maecenas. Nothing in particular
was done either for the university or the library. A costly Greek
Evangeliarium was procured for St. Peter's (see Castaldo, 71-72).
Dedications of publications are not many, and are for the most
part concerned with treatises on ecclesiastical matters [cf.
Lauchert, 617, 619, 629, 632). U. Folietae, De philos. et iuris
civilis inter se comparatione ad Paulum IV. libn tres, Romae, 1555 ;
concerning the dedication of a medical work, see Roth, Vesalius,
259. Paulus Manutius was summoned to Rome to publish
theological works directed against the Lutherans (see Rodo-
CANACHi, Capitole, 115 seq.) Santoro (Giampaolo Flavio da
Altovito, Pisa, 1907) treats of one of the few humanistb favoured
by Paul IV. Concerning Casa, Barengo and other humanists
appointed by Paul IV., see supra p. 84. Concerning Sirleto see
L. Latinius, Lucubrat., II., 45 seq. 49 ; Wetzer u. Welte,
Kirchenlex., XI^., 360 ; Taccone- Gallucci, G. Sirleto, Rome,
1909. Ritter, Gesch. der Philosophie, IX., 565, points out that
the pliilosopher, B. Telesio, was favoured by Paul IV. By a
PAUL IV. AND ART. 419
necessary to fortify Rome than to adorn it with pictures, may
be an anecdote,^ but it ne\'erthelcss sums up the poHtical
brief of July 31, 1559, the Pope agreed to the foundation of the
University of Douai, at the wish of Phihp II. (see Leman in the
pubhcation Les Questions ecclesiast., V., Lihe, 1912, 43 seqq.)
Paul IV. had Jieitiier time nor money for artistic undertakings.
The re-building of St. Peter's lay, above all, near his heart ; con-
cerning this, as well as his relations with Michael Angelo, I shall
treat, in a connected manner, when considering Pius IV. In
the Vatican, apart from restorations and some changes hi the
dwelling apartments, his work consisted in the completion of the
Pauline Chapel (see Appendix No. 28) and the arrangement of
his private chapel in the Belvedere ; cf. concerning this Angel
in the Rev. Bened., XXV., 49 seqq. ; see ibid., 63 seq., concerning
the Casino in the garden {cf. Friedlander, 2 seq.) and concerning
the demolition which treated the Hall of Constantino ; cf. con-
cerning these, also Massarelli, 325 and the *Avviso di Roma of
August 13, 1558 (Vatican Library). In the Vatican to-day,
nothing but an inscription in the Sala Ducale reminds us of
Paul IV. (see Forcella, VI., 71). Among the artists employed
by the Pope, Pirro Ligorio, the Pope's official architect, is the
most prominent, and besides him, there were Taddeo Zuccaro
and Guglielmo della Porta (see Angel, loc. cit., 71). Paul IV.
employed the same artists as his predecessors for his coins and
medals, although some new names also appear (see Plon, 394
seq. ; with regard to the coins see Serafini, 246 seq.) His *Motu
Proprio, dated January 30, i55'6, announced a plan of Paul IV's
which was never carried into effect : " per quern conceditur
facultas rev. gubernatori alme Urbis conducendi unum palatium
magnum sumptibus Cam. Ap. in quo omnes causae pro tempore
decidantur et terminentur " (Editti I. Secret Archives of the
Vatican). The governor of Assisi, Marcello Tuto, had the name
and arms of Paul IV. affixed to the Fontana Marcella ; this is, how-
ever, no proof that the Pope had helped this work, which still
exists. His coat-of-arms also appears in the wall-paintings of
the governor's palace at Assisi.
^ We may conclude that this was a mere anecdote from the fact
that Paul IV., especially in the work on the Castle of St. Angelo,
was most careful with regard to the adornment of the fortress
\vith statues ; see Rodogan.\chi, St. Ange, 157.
420 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
situation, which was not favourable to the arts. There was,
moreover, another reason. Deeply penetrated with the
dignity of his position, Paul IV. considered it to be his principal
duty to re-establish what the moral wickedness of the Renais-
sance, and the violent storms of the rupture in the faith had
convulsed and broken up. That which he had striven after,
with the aid of a few chosen spirits, amid the worldliness of the
Medici Popes, he hoped to be able to realize in a glorious man-
ner now that he had been raised to the throne of St. Peter.
Embittered by the long delay, and naturally impatient, he
began the great work with the fiery zeal which was character-
istic of him, immediately after his accession. The reform
Pope, whom everyone awaited, seemed, judging from his
previous activity, at last to have arrived in the person of
Carafa. If, all the same, his pontificate only partly justified
these hopes, and was, indeed, in many respects, a disappoint-
ment, this was above all the consequence of the weaknesses
which too often cast a shadow over the excellent qualities of
Paul IV.
A genuine southerner, in whom thought immediately found
expression in his words, he allowed himself, in the excitement
of the moment, to be so far carried away, as to make use of
expressions which would seem incredible, if they were not
vouched for by witnesses above suspicion. His precipitate
actions were also in keeping with his words. It was evident
on every side that Paul IV. was as much wanting in knowledge
of the world and of human nature, as in moderation and
sagacity, things which were more than ever necessary at such
a time of disturbance and transition. Owing to his choleric
nature he was always inclined to drive things to extremes. A
breath, as of red-hot molten lava, seems to emanate from his
stormy mode of action, which reminds us greatly of his
countryman, the unfortunate Urban VI. Without con-
sideration of what must be the consequences upon his religious
and reforming activities, of a rupture with Spain, the principal
Catholic power, he flung himself against the mightiest monarch
in the world in a struggle which ended disastrously, deeply
injured Rome and the States of the Church, delayed the carry-
TERRIBLE SEVERITY OF PAUL IV. 42I
ing out of the work of reform, and caused open joy to the en-
emies of the Church, and grief to her friends. Similar feeHngs
were aroused by the dispute with Ferdinand I., in which Paul
IV. fought for ideals, the reaHzation of which had become
impossible. 1 While the Pope treated the Cardinals with
unprecedented rudeness and contempt, ^ he blindly trusted his
nephew. Carlo Carafa, who was as crafty as he was unprinci-
pled, and whose behaviour placed the head of the Church at a
great disadvantage from every point of view. Too late did the
deceived and bhndfolded Pope learn of the unworthincss of
those to whom he had shown favour, and in whom he had
placed his trust. The terrible severity which he now displayed
towards them was not in itself blameworthy, but Paul IV. did
not take into consideration that he had himself placed his
nephews in their high positions, and had then let them do as
they liked, without any control whatever.^ If his trust had
been boundless before, so now was his severity, which also
affected those who were innocent.* The remainder of his reign
was now exclusively devoted to the activities which had
formerly occupied the life of Carafa : reform and the Inqui-
sition. But in this respect as well, his procedure was of such a
nature that its exaggerations greatly jeopardized the success of
what he was striving for. His successor had to mitigate the
proceedings of the Inquisition, as well as many of his reform
decrees. The shrewd Pius IV. also restored the diplomatic
1 Hosius (Epist., II., 667) has made a very sharp criticism of
Paul IV's war against Spain and the Catholic Hapsburgs; later
on Pallavicini has done the same (14, 9. 5). See also Dembinski,
Rzym, 13 seq. ; cf. 103, 141.
2 To the non-observance of the election capitulation, tlie
♦memoir of Cardinal du Bellay, composed in 1559, (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua) attributes all the disadvantageous aspects of
the reign of Paul IV. Cf. Ouellen und Forschungen des Preuss.
Inst., XII., 226.
' Ancel (Disgrace, 179) justly brings this out.
* *A. I^cchi also acknowledges this ; see Appendix No.
60.
422 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
relations with the powers which had been broken off under his
predecessor. 1
Nevertheless, the reign of Paul IV., in spite of its errors and
defects, forms an important landmark in the history of the
Catholic reformation, to the success of which he prepared the
way. 2 Openly and candidly, as Adrian VI. had done on a
previous occasion, he proclaimed the principle of a reform
in both head and members, and took more trouble than Paul
III. or Julius III. to carry it into effect. The break with the
past which he effected by his refusal to nominate Cardinals at
the will of the princes, the summoning of worthy men to the
Senate of the Church, the ruthless fight against simony in every
form, the abolition of the holding of benefices in commendam,
of the " regressus " and the sale of offices, the reform of the
monasteries, the Dataria and the Penitentiary, and finally,
to crown all, the enforcement of the duty of residence on the
bishops, were all great and permanent services rendered by
Paul IV. The energy which he displayed at the fall of his
nephews put an end, for a long time, to nepotism on any large
scale, and was a reform of the greatest importance.^
Even if the unbounded violence of the character of Paul IV.
awakened fear and hatred in wide circles, his otherwise pious
and exemplary life called forth the greatest admiration. An
aged man, " who like a born ruler, seemed to be quite pene-
trated with the dignity of his office, who did not allow himself
to be affected, either by the weight of his eighty years or by
misfortune, who stood up so fearlessly for what he considered
to be right against the mightiest princes," must have made a
^ See BiAUDET, 24. Not only the Imperial nunciature, but
also those of Venice and Florence, were vacant at the death of
Paul IV. Those of France, Naples, Portugal, and Poland were
the only ones that were regularly working.
^ See Segmxjller, 29 ; cf. also Herre, 18. G. Catalani, in the
preface to the loth Vol. of the Annali d' Italia, Lucca, 1764,
xxxvi., has made it clear that Muratori brought out only the
darker side of Paul IV., and has not done him justice.
^ See the opinion of Cardmal A. Carafa in his *Apologia (Library
at Naples ; cf. Appendix Nos. 61, 62) and Ancel, Disgrace, 183.
HIS SERVICES TO REFORM. 423
deep impression upon his contemporaries.^ No less a person
than the historian Panvinio, who was by no means prejudiced
in favour of the Carafa Pope, said that Paul IV. was the first to
re-establish and strengthen ecclesiastical discipline, and that
many of the later salutary decrees of the Council of Trent were
to be traced back to him.^ Guglielmo Sirleto entirely agrees
with him.^ Well-informed contemporaries, like Giulio Pogiano,
can hardly find words to describe the change which the reform-
ing activity of Paul IV. brought about in Rome. The Vene-
tian ambassador was of opinion that the city had been turned
into a well-ordered monastery.* What the noble Dutch Pope,
Adrian VI., had in vain attempted, to break with the evil
tendencies of the Renaissance, the fiery Neapolitan had
succeeded in doing.
One must realize the abandoned conditions of the time of
Alexander VI. and Leo. X. in order to be able fully to appre-
ciate the merits of Paul IV. The tearing out of such old and
deeply rooted abuses, which were only too firmly entwined in
the circumstances of the times, was in truth only possible by
means of a masterful procedure in which was contained all the
severity of an inexorable repression. Paul IV. was the right
man for this. His fiery soul, which flamed out in open rage,
^ See MuLLER, Konklave Pius' IV., 9.
2 Concerning Panvinius, Vita, cf. Appendix No. 61-62.
Bromato (II., 504 n.) has akead}'^ drawn attention to the passage
in question. Ranke (i^., 199), Reumont (III., 2, 529), Beau-
fort (Hist, des Papes, IV., Tournai, 1841, 201), and Mathieu
(Pouvoir temp, des Papes, Paris, 1863, 504) are of the same
opinion as Panvinius. Benr.\th (Jahrb. fur protest, Theol.,
187S, 123, 143) also describes Paul IV. as " a powerful intellect,
and an admirably gifted Pope," who made himself master of the
forces for a complete reaction in ecclesiastical affairs, and then
disciplined them.
^ See Silos, I., 393 ; cf. 232.
■* See Mocenigo-Alb^ri, 48 and Cantu, II., 27 ; cf. supra
p. 238. The change also showed itself in the medals, on which
mythological representations were entirely replaced by those of a
Christian character ; see Muntz, III., 119.
424 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
when an abuse of what was holy came before his eyes, could
not do enough to cauterize, with red-hot iron, the wounds
which a vicious age had inflicted upon the Church. The
reform, built up on the authority of strictly ecclesiastical
principles, which had been initiated by Paul III., the Carafa
Pope continued so energetically and carried out with so much
strength, that the later Popes of the time of restoration were
able to go on and build successfully on his firm foundations.
APPENDIX
OF
UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
AND
EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES.
APPENDIX.
1. AVERARDO SeRRISTORI TO CoSIMO I., DUKE OF TuSCANY.*
ISH'i, April 4, Pom.
. . . Perch6 invero da S*^ Croce infuori i Franzesi non hanno
subbietto da potere riuscire loro, se gia Dio non volessi rovinare
interamente questa S*°^ Sede, et se bene dalla banda Impi<^ et di
casa Monte ci e poca unione, nei Franzesi, non vi e anco molta.
Et questo modo di procedere che si e tenuto fino a hora di non
eccettuare particularmente persona ne insistere in uno piu che
in un altro, come si fece nel conclavi passato, ma dire che si
faccia un huomo da bene, che sia il servitio di Dio et se ne
possa sperare la quiete universale, e piaciuto molto a ciascuno
et credo sia stato meglio. Staremo a vedere il fine, il qual
piaccia a Dio che sia conforme al desidcrio dell' E.V. et stia
sicura che de me non si e fatto ne fara instantia particulare
ne in pro ne in contro, se non tanto quanto mi ordinera 1'
E. v., giudicando che il precedere in questo negotio per questa
via sia piii honesto et migliore . . .
[Orig. State Archives, Florence.]
2. AVERARDO SeRRISTORI TO COSIMO I., DUKE OF TUSCANY.2
1555, April 6, Rom.
... II cardinal S*^ Croce e stato molto reservato et si e
govcrnato con modestia infinita, non si sendo mai potuto
scorgere nelle parole sue altro che desiderio di vedere un buon
papa in questa S^ Sede, il qual modo di procedere lo fa vene-
rando sopra ogn' altro et si vede che ha gran parte nel ponti-
ficato, perche ancora che la maggiore parte giudichi che 1'
assumtione sua fussi per essere poco a proposito per il servito di
S. M^^ non di meno la vita sua esemplare fa che molti della
banda Imp^« et di casa Monte vi andranno, chi per credere che
habbi a essere Papa, altri per guadangnarselo per la promotione
di lor mcdcsimi ct alcuni per non H })arerc potere ragionevol-
mcnte negargncnc ; non di meno si credc, che dalla banda
franzese hark delle difficultk, perche Ferrara dicono che non
" See aupra, p. 6, n. 3. • See supra, p. 7, n. 1, PetrucoUi, 11., 74 seq.
427
428 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
andra in lui per respetto di casa Farnese, et S. Giorgio, Ser-
moneta, Urbino et altri giovani, che sono avezzi a vivere
licentiosi, lo fuggiranno, come uno scoglio, sendo loro tremenda
la sua severita, in modo che anco il fatto suo hara delle diffi-
culta et cosi ce ne potremmo facilmente andare con la creatione
in lungo . . .
[Orig. State Archives, Florence.]
3. Provost Ghisi to Lodovico Strozzi.i
1555, April 8, Rom.
... La imperiale vorrebbe Fano, il qual horri e stato molto
molto presso al segno, se li Francesi unitamente propongono
et gagliardamente fin qui aiutano S*^ Croce et Ferrara, a quali
si dice ch' una parte de imperiali consentono, ma il resto per
quel che s' intende tirano a traverso, acennando ad altri sog-
gietti, et la parte de vecchi che e chiamata neutrale ecclesi-
astica non ha mai fin qui voluto lasciarsi intendere di voler dar
voti ad alcuno delli nominati, parendo a tutti loro che a questa
projDOsitione essi sieno degni soggietti a par di qual si voglia
altri di questi predetti, in modo che stando si discordi si da
materia et campo alle fationi di darne conto all' Imp^e et al re,
et per cio spogliati della loro propria autoritade indignamente
fanno che la creatione del Papa, con molto dispiacere de tutti,
vaddi cosi di longo in infinito. A me pare che in questi negotii
del far il Papa sien tante difiicultadi, diversitadi et mutation!
che mal si possi giudicare chi habbia ad essere quello che
gionga a questo ultimo segno . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
4. Bernardino Pia to Sabino Calandra.^
1555, April S, Rom.
. . . Questa notte passanta Fano e stato tanto vicino al
Papato che se S. Giacomo et Theatino non si sforzavano con
mille false imputationi che le danno e di Lutherano e d' altro,
egli riusciva. Vogliono che si sia scoperto un buco nel muro
che entrava nella sua caniarella, s' intende che ha Theatino un
fascio de processi contra di lui e di tutti i sogetti papabili. S'^
Croce medesimamente e andato molto al basso non sendo
» See supra p. 3, n. 3. " See supra p. 9, n. 1.
APPENDIX. 429
reuscita a un gran pezzo una pratica chc fu fatta per lui nori
questa notte 1' altra, et dicono che si e scoperta non so che
l)romessa di dar Camcrino al S"" Baldovino, riuscendo a 1' uno
e r altro Monte con tutto che habbi tanto obligo come si sa al
S"" Baldovino per essere chiamato suo figliolo e aggradito da suo
fratello, si e nostro contrario, et insieme 5**^ Angelo, il quale e
\enuto fino a parole rigorose con S*" Fiore . . .
(Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
5. Agostino Gonzaga, Bishop of Reggio, to the Castellan
OF Mantua. 1
1555, April 9. I{om.
. . . Ouesta matina si e penefrato chel cardinale Ferrara fu
per essere adorato et uscire Papa dominica sera, che mons""
ill"'** nostro con altri amici gli diede il voto, ma essendone
avertito S^ Fiore, il quale in absentia di questi altri signori
imperiali ha sin qui fatto il capo della fatione imperiale, si
volto con una grossa banda alia volta di S*** Croce, et fece cosi
fatta diversione che Ferrara non hebbe piu che vintidua, o
vintitre voti, et si e saputo per certo chel cardinale di Trento
concorse con S*"^ Fiore per divertire. Basta che mons^ di
Ferrara ha fatto j)rova de la volunta et animo di mons'"*' nostro
ill'"" et che a lui ha detto il vero ; se esso corresponde per la
parigha con sua s. ill'"'^ , puotriamo havere assai presto una
buona nova. Si sono ben anche dette alcune cianze in banchi
del cardinale di Fano, che sia stato vicino al Papato, ma sono
vanita et pratiche fatte da mercanti per conto delle scomesse. .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
6. Cardinal E. Gonzaga to Francesco Gonz.\ga.2
1555, Ai>ril 10, Horn.
Noi havemo fatto molto presto nostro Papa laudato Dio
percio che non siamo stati piu che 4 di chiusi in conclave che la
cosa si e risoluta nel card, di S. Croce non per via di scrutinio,
ma di negotiatione, et di pratiche, et se cosi tosto non si con-
chiudeva senza dubbio riusciva Papa nello scrutinio della
mattina seguente il card, di Ferrara.
M. Cervini was ever di costume grave e severo. Se sara
tale Papa quale e stato cardinale, se ne puo aspettar gran bene
' See supra, p. 7, n. 4. * See supra, pp. 35, n. 6 ; 37, ii. 3 ; 49, n. 1
430 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
alia chiesa Christiana universale. He was firmly convinced
that, for a Pope ciancie, motti ridicoli et tratenimenti piacevoli
were quite unfitting, He was the terror ot the dissolute, and
the friend ot others.
Egli e d' eta di 54 o 55 anni, di persona assai grande, di viso
estenuato e di complessione delicata. E stato tenuto fin qui
di buona vita, di belle lettere et d' honesta et grave conver-
satione et poche volte e stato visto a ridere, et s' ode pur o vede
qualche cosa ridicola fa un poco di ghignetto et se la passa con
una severita catoniana. Non si e dilettato di mangiare molto
ne di feste ne di buffoni. Gli sono spiacciute le licenze pre-
tesche, ha havuto in odio gli sfratati, ha perseguitato i sospetti
di heresia et ha sempre procurata la reformatione della chiesa
sotto Pauolo et Giulio predecessori suoi. In somma egli e di
diretto il rovescio di Papa Giulio, il quale haveva messe le cose
in tal termine che si conosce chiaramente che Dio ci ha dato
questo per pieta che ha havuto della chiesa sua santa, onde . . .
possiamo sperare la reformatione et la correctione d' infiniti
scandalosi abusi . . .
Hoggi ha parlato alia sua famiglia (See supra, p. 37).
Desires bishops to be resident.
Al card. Nobili, che e d' eta di 15 anni et tutto dato alle
lettere, ha fatto una bella esortatione dicendo : Figliuol mio,
ho inteso che voi sete su una bona via da farvi da bene, dotto
et virtuoso cardinale ; vi prego che vogliate caminar ani-
mosamente, se amate la gratia mia . . . Medesimamente ha
parlato a Monte ricordandogli che fin hora e vivuto molto
licentiosamente et che se pensava di mutar vita gli sara in luogo
di figliuolo, se anco vorra continuare la vita che ha fatta fin
qui non potra S. S^^ per debito suo mancar di tentar ogni via per
ridurlo alia buona strada ...
[Copy. Cod. 2425, 4 — 6. University Library, Bologna.]
7. CaMILLO CaPILUPI to FeRRANTE GONZAGA.l
1555, April 10, Rom.
. . . Non essendo nel scrutinio di non hieri 1' altro che fu il
primo, riuscito Papa il cardinale di Ferrara per cagione che nel
primo scrutinio non si possono dare gli accesi, et essendosi, da
gli aversarii suoi scoperto, il negocio esser tanto inanci, che se
' Seo supra, p. 7, n. 4.
APPENDIX 431
questa matina si faceva un altro scrutinio egli riusciva Papa,
subito si voltorono a S^ Croce, al quale questi signori Imperiali
si voltorono anch' essi, giiidicando piu servigio di S. M**^ 1'
ellegcre S*^ Croce che I'^errara ; fra quali, che furono li princi-
pali, fu il Camcrlengo, la Ceva, Carpi, Saraceno, Napoli et
molti altri, li quali hieri sera circa alle XXllI hore andorono
per adorarlo sicome fecero. Mons^ ill™° nostro anch' esso v' ha
parte perch e quando fu chiamato all' adoratione, rispose, che
havrebbe fatto Dions'" di Trento, percioche a lui haveva obligata
la parola sua, e pero essendosi voltato Trento anche mons' ill"™°
ando ad adorarlo molto voluntieri, havendolo per huomo da
bene et persona digna di questo carico et dignitk . . . S. S*^'^
ha vohito che si faccia senza sorte alcuna di pompa per fuggire
la spesa et per essere nei giorni santi. S. S*^'^ non ha voluto
signare ne far gratia alcuna, che le fosse dimandata nella
creatione. Ha confirmati alcuni ulhciali, come il Datario, il
Vicario, il Barengo che e sopra i brevi et il Governatore ; ella
s' e mostrata amorevole a tutti i cardinali anche a quelli che le
sono stati contrarii, si e mostrata d' un animo composto, perche
non ha fatto segno alcuno di mutatione per allegrezza, ne con
gesti, ne con fatti. Pare che la corte in generale tema la
severita sua, la quale pero si spera che [sia] per moderare
accompagnandola con equita . . .
[Copy in a letter of Camillo Luzzara. Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.]
8. girolamo muzzarelli, archbishop of conza, to the
College of Cardinals. ^
1555, Mai 12. Brusscl.
Illustrissimi et amplissimi domini.
Ouum per unum tabellarium, quem oratorcs Angh, qui sunt
in Italia, et paulo post per alterum, quem hue ex Urbe caesari-
ani ministri destinarunt, auditum fuit ab ipso Caesare et a tota
eius curia de niorte foe. rec. S. D. N. Marcelli II. pontificis
maximi, visa est una cuiusdam communis luctus acerbitas et
Caesaris et omnium ferme animos continuo occupare. A me
vero potissimum nil poterat hoc tempore acerbius audiri. Eo
in pontificem maximum electo orta simul et erecta fuit spes
dignitatis christianac rcipul)Iicae rcstaurandac et illustrandae.
Hoc effccit notissima ipsius \-itae sanctitas et prudentia geren-
' Sec supra, p. 54, n. 2.
432 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
darum rerum. Confirmarunt eandem spem prima semina
studiorum pontificatus ipsius, quae nil prius quam splendorem
divini cultus et rectam morum institutionem constantissime
pollicebantur. Optata fruges tantorum seminum sine maxima
molestia non potuit tam repente extingui, quae cum summa
omnium laetitia et commoditate expectabatur. Hinc vero eo
amplius videtur dolendum esse, quo magis verendum est, ne
publica haec et ingens iactura extincti dignissimi pastoris
inflicta sit a divina iustitia secundum culpam indigni gregis
christiani. Inter tot aerumnas et luctus Ecclesiae catholicae,
none video quomodo mihi respirandum sit, nisi in cinere et
cilitio preces et lachrimas convertam ad Christum, ut sibi in hac
sanctissima sede vicarium constituat qui cum populum tum
clerum ecclesiasticum velit ad formam orthodoxae professionis
pio zelo et paterna solertia revocare.
Aspiret divina dementia, ita ut aliqua lux consolationis
recuperetur ex sapientissimo consensu illmarum amplitudinum
vestrarum, quibus cum humillima affectus observantia me
ipsum offero et dedo illisque omnia precor foelicia in Christo
Jesu domino nostro.
Datum Bruxellae, quarto idus mail MDLV.
Illinarum gt rmarum dominationuni v^uni
[Autogr.] Humillimus et obsequentissimus servus
f. Hieronymus episcopus Consanensis.
[Orig. Lett, di princ. XV 105. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
9. Camillo Olivo to Sabino Calandra.i
1555, Mai 23, Rom.
... La creatione sua e stata tale che manco male e tacerla o
dirla a bocca che scriverla, percioche non e stata buona volunta
di quel che 1' hanno eletto, ma per dispetto di coloro che
praticavano di fare il Puteo et per ambitione di voler essere
quelli che facciano il Papa di lor mano, et la cosa passo con
molto tumulto et non senza scandolo de gli amatori del bene et
con pericolo di scisma, percioche fu detto il Puteo da alcuni
et alcuni altri Chieti et da hieri alle vinti hore fin hoggi alle
dieciotto s' e stato con due Papi in conclavi. Ma la miseri-
cordia di Dio, la bonta del Puteo et la pia mente di coloro che
r havevano eletto, accompagnata dalla facilita d' alcuni di loro
the per natura si mutano volentieri ha rimediato a tanto male,
1 See supra, pp. 65, n. 4 ; 92, n. 3.
APPENDIX 433
et concordemente sono venuti tutti i cardinali in Chieti, di cui
si promette per ogniuno poco piii lunga vita di qiiella die habbia
havuto Papa Marcello, essendo in settantanove anni, che questo
basta quando fosse il piu sano homo senza che ha pur anch'
esso catarro et alle volte patisce di flusso, il che per secondo
che dicono i suoi e la sua sanitk et la sua purgatione, percioche
affermano che non prese mai medicina in vita sua et con quel
flusso purga tutti gli humori cativi. La patria sua e Napoli
et e di casa Caraffa et zio del principe di StigUano, onde la
signora donna Hippolita nostra potra farci con S. S*^ qualche
favore. Chi spera da questa eletione assai di bene et chi mon
molto. La vita sua riformata di tanti anni promette riforma
nella Chiesa di non molto. La vita sua riformata di tanti anni
promette riforma nella Chiesa di Dio, ma la patria e la natura
sono di qualche consideratione et forza. Dio benedetto, se cosi
e suo servigio, gli dia lunga vita accioche ogni tratto non
habiamo a torre su questo viaggio ...
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
10. Pope Paul IV. to Girolamo Muzzarelli, Archbishop
OF CONZA.^
1555, luni 2, Rom.
Venerabili fratri Hieronymo achi^episcopo Consano
apud ser™'™ Caesarem nostro et Sedis Apostolicae nuntio.
Paulus pp. nil.
Venerabilis frater, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.
Cum in earum curarum et laborum partem, qui ad pastorale
hoc munus nostrum obeundum a nobis sunt suscipiendi, etiam
dilectum filium nobilem virum loannem Caraffam, comitem
Montorii, nostrum secundum carnem nepotem, vocaverimus
deque illius fide ac virtute rerumque tractandarum peritia
plurimum nobis possimus polUceri, volumus ac tuae f raternitati
mandamus ut, quoties ei ad te scribere aut internuncios mittere,
quavis de re aut quavis de causa, contigerit, non minorem ei
fidem per petuo habeas quam si a nobismetipsis et scriptae
literae et missi internuntii essent. Datum Romae apud
sanctum Petrum sub anulo piscatoris, die secunda iunii
M. D. Lv, pontificatus nostri anno primo.
[Item :] Venerabili fratri Sebastiano episcopo Viterbiensi
' Sec supra, p. 84, n. 1.
VOL. XIV. 28
434 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
apud Christianissimum regem nostro et Sedis Apostolicae
nuntio.
Ven^* fratri Zachariae episcopo Pharensi apud regem
Roinanorum nostro et Apostolicae Sedis nuntio.
Ven^^ fratri Philippo episcopo vSalutiarum apud dominium
Venetorum nostro et Apostolicae Sedis nuntio.
provinciae nostrae Romandiolae vicelegato.
civitatis nostrae Perusiae et Umbriae vicelegato.
in provincia nostra Patrimonii commissario generali.
provinciae nostrae Campaniae vicelegato.
in provincia nostra Marchiae Anchonitanae vicelegato.
Episcopo Veronensi.
[Concept. Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 113. Secret Archives of the
Vatican.]
II. Consistory of June 5th, 1555.^
Apud sanctum Marcum.
Romae die mercurii quinta mensis iunii^ 1555 fuit consis-
torium in quo . . .
Sanctissimus dominus noster dominus Paulus divina pro-
videntia papa IV, de salute animarum sollicitus, ut persone
ecclesiastice absque alicuius sj^monie aut ambitionis suspicione
ad ecclesiarum et monasteriorum regimina promoveri et
persone ipse puro corde et sincera conscientia presidere valeant,
de fratrum consilio statuit et ordinavit quod de cetero futuris
temporibus patriarchalibus, metropolitanis et cathedralibus
ecclesiis ac monasteriis pro tempore vacantibus, de quibus
consistorialiter disponi contigerit, non ad personarum pro-
movendarum huiusmodi requisitionem supplicationem aut
instantiam, sed iis, que de iure patronatus fuerint aut ad quas
seu quae idonearum personarum presentatio seu nominatio ad
Imperatorem, reges aut alios principes pertinuerit, ad pre-
sentationem seu nominationem Imperatoris, regum seu aliorum
principum, ius patronatus seu facultatem presentandi aut
' See supra, p. 90, n. 3.
' GuLiK-EuBEL (III., 37) date changed ; perfectly erroneous; according to
the redaction of the " Acta consist." in Barb, lat., 2873 the consistory took
place on May 26th, 1555, which is impossible, if only for the reason that the
coronation took place on this day. It is also certain that the first consistory
took place only on May 29th ; see supra p. 80.
APPENDIX. 435
nominandi huiusmodi habentium, et r"^' cardinalis huiusmodi
ncgocinm in consistorio proponcntis, aliis vero ecclesiis seu
nionastcriis ad solius cardinalis ])roponentis, aliis vero ecclesiis
scu monasteriis ad solius cardinalis proponentis relationem
duntaxat provideri debeat.
[Acta consist, cancell., VI., 243b — 244. Consistorial Archives
of the Vatican.]
12. Consistory of July 17TH, 1555.^
Apud sanctum Marcum.
Roma die mercurii decima septima mensis iulii 1555 fuit
consistorium in quo haec acta sunt.
Sanctissimus dominus noster, indemnitati patriarchalium,
metropolitanarum et cathedraUum ecclesiarura providere
cupiens, de fratnim consilio statuit atque decrevit, ut de
cetero perpetuis futuris temporibus in provisione seu alia dis-
positione ecclesiarum earundem non dispensetur cum aliquibus
super dcfectu etatis nisi iuxta decreta concihi Lateranensis
novissime celebrati et concordata Gallie desuper cum Sede
Apostolica inita, quae super hoc inviolabiUter observari
voluit et expresse mandavit.
[Acta consist, cancell., VI., 250^ . Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
13. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. 2
155.5, Orlobor 12, lloiii.
. . . His Holiness said to me : Quel che habbiamo a dirvi,
magnifico ambasciator, e che heri il cardinal S. lacomo, che e
nostro amico antico et buono, vene a pregarne che fossamo
contenti di udir 1' ambasciator dell' Imperatore, che e il
marchese di Sarria, 1' insolentia del qual veramente non habbi-
amo potuto tollcrar et per mostrargliclo nullum reliquimus
locum, so non questo che non gli habbiamo commandato che in
termine di tanti giorni uscisse del stato nostro. Noi, si ben
conoscemo haver da far con gente infidele et che sempre cercha
inganarci, pur havendo rispetto, non a loro, ma al grado che
tenimo, che, dovendo esser noi li authori della pace, non par
' tiee sujini p. DO, u. i. ' .See supra, p. 107, u. 1.
436 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
che convenga che accendiamo un focco che abbrugieria piu che
tutti li altri, et considerando a chi e morto per me in croce,
fossemo contenti che venisse, il qual con molte parole humane
et riverente ne disse non voler guerra con noi et che qucsta era
intention delli soi principi et che havea ordine di far retirar le
gente ; al che respondessemo : Si voi non volete guerra con
noi, ne noi con voi. Dicendomi a questo proposito S. S*^ :
Vi vogHamo dir Hberamente, 5°^ ambasciator, da una parte ne
pareria esser il piu fortunato homo del mondo, quando per mezo
nostro havesse piaciuto a S. M*^^ Divina di cacciar questi bar-
bari d' Italia, hberar il regno di NapoH, il stato di Milano, che
air hora possamo dir alia nostra ser™^ Signoria et alia nostra
Venetia : Questa e una republica libera et grande ; siamo
pregati a questo, siamo sollicitati et havessamo ancho da noi
forze non contemnendae, perche ne basteria animo di haver
20 mila fanti et 2 mila cavalli, et 1' Imperatore ne volesse voltar
la faccia, haveria da guardarsi le spalle, gli possamo far molto
maggior danno che non pensa et non teme. Dall' altra parte
siamo vecchio, ne vossamo chel nostro animo fosse vires ultra
sortemque senectae. Colligarsi col re, che lo desidera ne
aspetta altro, non vogliamo, per non haver 1' un inimico aperto,
r altro compagno et per questa via superiore, perche spendendo
et agiutandosi, vorria poi da noi molte cose die per aventura
non sariano honeste. Vogliamo, magnifico ambasciator, star
liberi, oltra che il rispetto, che habbiamo particular a quella
Signoria non ci lassa entrar in guerra, perche non si potria far
senza di lei, et havuto che havesse notitia in quel medesimo
tempo bisogneria che noi gli domandassemo agiuto. Le
guerre non ranno per voi : sapiamo come si governa quel stato,
che a longo andar bisogna ricorrer alle borse de particulari, li
quali diventano poi poveri, et la pace vi arrichisse con tanti
commertii quanti havete. Credete voi che ci siamo scordati
quanto prontamente per la fede et religion nostra entraste con
papa Paulo III et Carlo Quinto in una guerra, et come ancho
fosti illusi et abandonati ? Noi per amor che vi portiamo non
vi consigliessamo mai ad entrar in guerra. Questo medesimo
animo habbiamo anchor noi, et se habbiamo bravato et
bravamo, e che conosciamo la debolezza di questi imperiaU.
La summa e, per dirvi 1' interno del cor nostro et in confes-
sione, che noi non vogliamo guerra se non piu che astretti.
Fatte intender questo a quelli miei signori, fattelo intender per
APPENDIX. 437
quelli cauti modi che saperete. Conchiudendo, come ha fatto
tante altrc volte, nella laiide di quella cccma repul)lica, la
conservation et grandezza della quale disse desiderare come
la sua istcssa, diccndomi : Questa e stata una digressione un
poco longa ; litornamo a dirvi chc questa matina, oltre ogni
nostra esspettatione, e venuto il secretario del cardinal S*-°
lacobo, che intendete che e qui, et ne ha dimandato die per
poter scrivere all' Imperatorc, 1' ambasciator desidercria sapper
con quanta gente armata restaremo. Vi confessiamo la
verita, mag<^° ambasciator, che se alterassemo grandemente,
lo cacciassemo dal nostro conspetto, dicendoli che non cono-
scevimo alcun che ne potesse dar legge, et che non conoscevimo
altro patron che Christo et che volemo tenir et cavalli et fanti
quanti ne piacceva. . . Innito che hebbe S. S*^^ la ringratiai
con quella forma di parole che mi parve conveniente, dicendo
che mi partiva sempre con maraviglia dalli prudenti et savii
soi discorsi et che V. Ser*^ rimaneria molto consolata di tanta
confidentia che nostra haver S. S*^^ in lei. Ben disse : Par-
leremo sempre cosi con voi come col cor nostro et con questo,
abbracciatomi teneramente, mi iicentid ; et nel ussir dalla
camera molti di quelli camerieri et prelati, che stano in 1'
anticamcra, mi dissero che il card^ S'o Jacobo havea ditto
publicamente d' esser venuto per far tutto quello che volca il
pontifice ...
[Copy. Cod. 9445, f. g*^— lo. Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
14. G. Muzio TO Pope Paul IV. ^
1555, November ."<, I'e-aro.
. . . Hora e il tempo, santo padre, di metter mano ad
eseguire i santi pensieri ; hora e il tempo da levar col coltello
dello spirito gH abusi introdutti dalla affettione dclla came e
del sangue. II cardinal Marcello, che fu poi Papa Marcello
precessor di V. S*'\ discorrendo meco in Ugubio nella materia
della riformatione, il giorno avanti che egh quindi si partisse
per venire a Roma, quando segui la sua esaltatione, mi disse,
tra le altre cose, che il papato e come il zambelotto, il quale
sempre conserva quella piega che egli prendc da principio et
che qual Papa dal principio del suo papato alia iriformatione
non mette mano, non bisogna che speri di poter piu far cosa
' Sec supra, pp. 175, u. 3 ; 234, n. 3.
438 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
buona. Cosi diceva egli et si come V. S^^ con lui fu di animo
conforme, credo anchora che eUa sia della medesima opinione.
Se nel principio adunque si ha da cominciare, si ha anche da
metter mano al principio et al capo della chiesa. II capo e
Roma, dalla quale tutti gli stati et tutte le condition! delle
persone hanno da prender la regola. Et in Roma dopo V. S*^
(dalla cui vita et dalla cui dottrina ogniimo si puo riformare, se
vuole haverla per esempio) principale e il collegio de' cardinali ;
tra quali prego il Sig^ Dio che non vi sia oppositione di vita ne
di dottrina. Dopo questi sono i vescovi, i quali in Roma sono
piante inutili et doverebbono esser trapiantati in terreno dove
havessero da far frutto. Ma pur che non ve no sieno di quelli,
che in luogo di fruttificare ad utilita de popoli, apportino
mortifero veleno. Colpa di chi infino ad hora ha dato le
prelature et i beneficii senza guardare a cui. Et che abuso e
questo ? Ho detto abuso ? Che abominatione e introdutta
nella chiesa di Dio ? Se havero figliuoli del corpo infermi,
prendero pensiero che siano medicati da persona dotta e
prattica di medicina. Et che dico figliuoli ? se havero un
branco di pecore (per non dir parola piu dishonesta), non lo
daro, se non sapro prima che colui sia atto alia cura di quelle.
Et le anime, create alia similitudine di Dio et ricomperate col
santissimo sangue del signor nostro Jesu Christo, sono non
raccomandate al governo, ma gittate alia tirannia di chi molte
volte non sa pur regger le proprie sue mani, gli occhi suoi et la
sua lingua. Et da questo inconveniente ne nasce poi quell'
altro, che i vescovi, i quali sono stati creati senza considera-
tione danno i sacerdotii, la amministratione de sacramenti et la
cura delle anime alia feccia de gli humoini. Hanno bisogno
si la Dataria, la Cancellaria et la Penitentiaria di esser riformate,
et da tor via si hanno le simonie, che si fanno ne' contratti de'
beneficii ; ma quella non penso che habbia da esser gran fatica,
ne di molti giorni fra persone che tutto di hanno tal materie
tra le mani. Ouesta e la importantia che huomini di buona
vita et di sana dottrina habbiano le prelature, accioche la
universal chiesa di Dio sia ben regolata : che questo e quello
che levera gli abusi et serrera la bocca alia heretica pravita.
lo parlo securamente et liberamente in questo suggetto, come
colui che in me ho conosciuto et proveduto a quello che veggo
et danno in altrui. Che, essendo a me data intentione di
dignita ecclesiastiche, sapendo io 1' ordine de' sacri canoni
APPENDIX. 439
essere che per gradi a quelli si ascenda. non havendo io mai
servito la Chiesa, ne bene essendo sofficiente a governar 1'
anima mia, et intendendo di quanto carico sia la dispensatione
de' beni de' poveri, mi ho eletto di starmene in vita secolare,
non volendo in me consentire a quello abuso il quale in altrui
biasimo nelle mie scritture. Et cosi ho anche messo silentio a
maldicenti che gia andavano divulgando che io era papista,
percioche uccellava a beneficii. Et di questa buona mente, la
quale il signor Dio ha donata a me, prego la sua sempitema
Maesta che ne faccia parte anche a molti, accioche piu age-
volmente la S*^*^ Vostra possa colorire i suoi santi disegni. Et
con ogni humilta di cuore le bacio i santi piedi.
Di Pesaro a III di novembre del M. D. L. v.
Di V. S^^ HumiHssimo servo et devot"^^ H. Mutio creatura
[Orig. Castel S. Angelo, Arm. 8, ord. II., t. 2, p. 244 — 245^ .
Secret Archives of the Vatican.}
15. Edict of the Governor of Rome, 1555.^
Bando generale.
II signor govematore di Roma, volendo obviare alii abusi et
errori che si commettano in publico scandalo e vilipendio del
honor d' Iddio et provedere al honesto, quieto et pacifico
vivers di questa alma citta, di espresso ordine et spetial com-
missione di S. S*'\ ordina et commanda che nessuna persona di
qual si voglia grado, stato, conditione, eta o sesso et premin-
enza, ardisca in alcun modo biastemmare o dishonestamente
nominare il santissimo nome dell' onnipotente Iddio o del suo
unigenito figliuol Jesu Christo o della gloriosa sempre vergine
sua madre e regina del cielo o di qual si voglia santo o santa,
sotto pena per la prima volta a chi contrafara di star con le
mani ligate dietro tutto un giorno alia berlina, la quale a questo
effetto si fara mettere in diversi luoghi publici, et per la seconda
volta, oltra la sopradicta pena, di esserU forata la lingua, et
per la terza sotto pena della galea per cinque anni, rcservandosi
pero in ogni caso 1' arbitrio d' augmentare et diminuire la pena
secondo la qualita delle persone et biastemme et si dara fede
ad un solo tcstimonio con il detto dello accusatore, il quale
sara tenuto secreto. Et di piu rinova ogni altro ordine fatto
sopra a cio fino al presente.
* Sec nuDra. p. 17U, u. 1.
440 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Item, che nessuna persona di qual si vogli stato, grado,
preheminenza o conditione se sia ardisca o presumma accom-
pagnare alle chiese, dove sono le stationi overo indulgenze, o
nelle quali si celebri qualche festa, cosi dentro di Roma come
fuori, cortigiane o meretrici di nessuna sorte, ne stando ne
andando, parlare con loro o fare cosa alcuna lasciva o dishon-
esta, ne per le vie dirette di dette chiese giocare ad alcun
giuogo, etiam toUerato, alia pena de dui tratti de corda et de
venticinque scudi d' applicarsi a luoghi pii da ellegersi da dicto
signor governatore ; et dalle cortegiane o meretrici, che se
faranno o lassaranno accompagnare, che parlaranno o faranno
cosa alcuna lasciva o dishonesta, oltra la pena predetta pecuni-
aria d' applicarsi come di sopra, della frusta et esilio perpetuo
dalla citta di Roma, le qual cortigiane debbiano subito sotto la
medesima pena, tolto il perdono, partirsi di chiesa et andar
per li fatti loro.
Item, accioche si possano conoscere le gentildonne dalle
cortigiane et meretrici, ordina che nessuna cortigiana, mere-
trice o donna di mala vita ardisca portare in modo alcuno, sotto
pretesto di qual si voglia licenza, habito solito portarsi da
gentildonne o cittadine romane ; ne meno presumma andare
per Roma in carretta o in cocchio, sotto pena deUa frusta el del
bando de Roma et di perdita del habito et confiscatione de
tutti i suoi beni, d' applicarsi al monasterio delle Convertite di
Roma ; et chi imprestera cocchio o carretta a nessuna di dette
cortigiane, perdere il cocchio et quel cavalli ; et al cocchiero
che condurra il cocchio, di tre squassi di fune ; et chi ce andara
dentro in compagnia di dette cortigiane, incorrera in pena di
cinquanta scudi d' applicarsi alia rev°^^ Camera apostolica et il
bando perpetuo di Roma et de tre tratti di fune ad arbitrio di
detto signor governatore : il quale revoca ogni et qualunque
licenza data sin qui da qual si voglia persona, dechiarando che
si procedera etiam ex officio, et darassi fede ad un' solo testi-
monio con il giuramento. Et de piii, per ordine di S. S'^
rinova ogni altro ordine fatto sin qui in questa materia di
cocchi, et spetialmente che non vi possino andare huomini da
dodeci anni in su insieme con donne, etiam che fossero parenti o
marit loro.
Item dichiara per avertimento di ciaschuno, che nessuna
persona come di sopra ardisca in alcun modo commettere il
nefando et detestabil vitio della sodomia overo esseme mezano ;
APPENDIX. 441
il che facendo, incorrera nella pena contcnuta nelle leggii
constitutioni et statuti de Roma, per le quali contro tali qual,
contraverranno se procedcra senza remissione alcuna.
Item che nessuna persona ardisca ne presumma di tenere o
fare alcuna sorte de barattaria, giocare o fare giocare in alcuno
modo di nessuna sorte de giochi illiciti, ne fare ballarc o fare
festini in casa o in qual si vogli altro luogo, ne ventura de qual
si voglia cose o robbe, sotto la pena che se contiene nelli bandi
fatti per gli altri governatori, d' applicarsi, augmentarsi o
diminuirsi secondo I'arbitrio di detto signor governatore.
Item che nessuno ardisca di giocar a palla, a maglio per le
strade publiche tanto dentro come fuori di Roma et nelli luoghi
dove conversano genti, sotto pena dello arbitrio di esso signor
governatore.
•Item commanda et prohibisce per espresso ordine di S. B°®
che nessuna persona, anchor che fosse duca, marchese, conte,
barone, signore di citta, castella, feudatario, palatino, offitiale,
gentilhomo o familiar loro o di qual si voglia reverendissimo o
altri signori et loro palafrenieri o qual si vogli altra persona
privilegiata, dal presente giomo in poi, ardisca ne presumma,
per qual si voglia causa, di portar bastoni atti ad offendere ne
altr' armi che spade, pugnale et giacco, sotto pena di tre squassi
de corda et de venticinque scudi d' oro et altre pene ad arbitrio
del signor governatore, et, passata un' hora di notte portare
spada, pugnaH, cortelli piu lunghi d'un palmo, bastone di
grossezza atto ad offendere, rotteUe, mazze ferrate, pallotte di
piombo, sassi, balestre da passatori, o pallotte, polzoni, o qual
si vogha sorte di armi, tanto deffensive quanto offensive, et
cosi coperte come discopcrte, sotto pena di tre squassi di fune
da darsegli in publico et di cinquanta scudi d' oro oltra la
perdita dell' armi da pagarsi ipso facto alia Camera Apostolica.
Et siano tenuti gl' hosti alH loro hospiti et li portannari delle
porte di Roma a tutti quelli ch' intraranno in Roma fargli
intendere tal prohibitione del portar dell' armi, sotto la mede-
sima pena, eccettuando impero tutti quelli i qual son ministri
et prefetti sopra la iustitia et loro servitori.
Item, considerando esso signor governatore quanto sia
pcricoloso et tcncrc di schioppi et archibusi a rota piccoli, quali
hanno la canna da dua palmi in giu, prohibisce et comanda
ad ogni et qualunque persona, come di sopra, che da qui
avanti non ardisca ne presumma tenere in casa ne portare
442 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ne far portare ne usare detti schioppi ne archibusi, ne vendergli
etiam per mercanti ne fargli vender per altre persone ; anzi fra
otto giorni proximi da venire ciaschuno gli debba effettualmente
denuntiarli ad esso signor governatore, sotto pena a qualli i
quali gli portaranno etiam disarmati e senza le rote, et gli
saranno trovati addosso, della forca, et a quelli gli saranno
trovati in casa, ad arbitrio di esso signor governatore ; a qual
pene si procedera con ogni cellere esecutione, et a qualunque
persone le terrano in casa o nelle loro botteghe o in altri luoghi
et non gli haveranno denuntiati, passati detti otto giorni,
incorreranno in pena di trecento scudi d'applicarsi ipso facto
et senz' altra dechiaratione alia r'^* Cam* Apostolica, et della
galea per dui anni o piu o meno ad arbitrio di esso signor
governatore. Et si ne fara esecutione rigorosa et si procedera
etiam nelle sopradecte cose per via d' inqnisitione, et si stara
al giuramento et detto d'un testimonio solo degno di fede
ad arbitrio di esso signor governatore ; et alio accusatore, il
quale sara tenuto segreto, se gli dara la parte de la pena
pecuniaria, et passati detti otto giorni, se fara cercare per il
bargello et suoi essequtori senza rispetto alcuno e publicamente
nelle case nelle quali parra ad esso signor governatore.
Item, per provedere alii scandali, quali giornalmente
occorrono, per 1' andare che si fa per Roma con li cocchi
furiosamente, prohibisce et comanda a tutti gli cocchieri di
qualsivoglia persona, che da hoggi innanzi non ardisca ne
presumma di giorno ne di notte andare con cocchi furiosamente
per la citta di Roma ne sue strade publiche, sotto pena di tre
squassi di corda, alia quale se procedera senza alcuna remis-
sione. Ma debbano andar con passo honesto et moderate, di
modo che ogniuno possa antivedere et scansarsi. Et in la
medesima pena incorreranno tutti gli servitori et famigli,
barilari et portatori di grano, quali senza proposito faranno
correr overo andare furiosamente li lor cavalli per le strade
publiche ; notificandosi che incorrendo in tal prohibitione da
due volte in su, oltra le pene sopradette, se gli dara pena la
galea ; et si procedera ancora per via d'inquisitione.
Item comanda a tutti homicidiali e banditi o disfidati, non
solamente dalle terre, luoghi meditae vel immediate soggetti
alia sancta Sede Apostolica et iurisdittione di S. Beat^*^, ma
d'ogni altro luogo ancora che sia fuora della decta iurisdictione
di S. S^^ et Sede Apostolica, che tra dua giorni prossimi debbano
APPENDIX. 443
effettualmcnte essersi partiti di Roma e suo tcrritorio e dis-
trctto, altramente, passato decto terminc, si procedcra contro di
loro a cattura et punitione delle peisone, vista la forma di detti
bandi o disfidationi ct delitti commessi.
Et similmente ordina qual si voglia persona chc havesse per
sigurczza sua ottenuto alcuno salvo condotto o fidanza, qual
non habbi presentato fin qui al decto monsignor governatore,
lo dcbba infra sei giorni dal di della publicatione del presente
bando haver presentato avanti S. Signoria, accio ne possa far
parola con S. B"® et havere espresso ordine di bocca di S. S*^
come si debbia governare circa dette fidanze et salvi condotti ;
et non le presentando tra decto termine, di commissione di S.
B^^® Sua Sigi^ ex nunc dechiara detti salvi condotti et fidanze
per nulle et di niun vigore et fa intender che, non ostante detti
salvi condotti et fidanze, si procedera contra di loro secondo
che altrimente sara di iustitia.
Item comanda a tutti li baroni di Roma, a tutte le com-
munity et universita et a qual si vogli altro signore o par-
ticolare persona et etiam alii habitanti in Roma, che non
debbiano in li loro luoghi, case et habitation!, tanto in Roma
come fuori, dar ricetto a detti homicidiali o banditi et diffidati,
ne recettar delinquent! di qualunque sorte, ne darl! da man-
giare o bevere, ne aiuto o favore in qual si voglia modo, sotto
le pene che si contengono nella Clementina et ncllc sacre
constitutioni et statuti et bandi [di] suoi predecessor!, et altre
pene ad arbitrio di S. S^^ et di esso signor governatore.
Item che qual si vogli persona vagabonda et senza essercitio
o partito alcuno debbiano infra tre giorni haver disgomberato
la citta di Roma, altramente saranno presi et mandati in galea
per quel tempo parera ad esso signor governatore, et nella
medesima pena incorreranno tutti gli mendicant! che son sani.
et gagliardi et gli ruffian! et giuntatori.
Item a tutti et singul! armaroli, lanciari, spadar! ct mcrcanti
ancora del 1' arte bianca et a tutti 1! altri, etiam non mcrcanti,
a ch! spettara il presente bando, per authorita del nostro officio,
per il presente tenore facciamo intendere et notifichiamo che
dalla publicatione di questo, sotto pena di escommunicatione,
conliscatione do tutt! et singul! lor ben! et della galea et altre
pene del nostro arbitrio da !m])onergli, non ardischino ne
presummano vendere ne far vendere publicamente, ne secreta-
mente, ne imprestare a persona alcuna, di qual si voglia stato.
444 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
grado, conditione o preminenza se siano a sia, alcuna sorte
d'arme defensive overo offensive senza espressa licenza.
Item il sigJ" governatore dichiara quanto alle quadriglie della
notte, che, oltre le pene delle armi, se alcuno sara trovato in
pill di quattro con Tarmi, che incorrano nella pena della galea.
Item che nessuna persona, come di sopra, ardischi d' impe-
dire in alcun modo I'essequtioni, ancora che pretendessero che
fossero ingiuste, ne far resistenza in alcun modo con fatti o con
parole overo con arme a qual si voglia essecutor della corte, ne
ingiuriargli in alcun modo, et che nessuno ardischa o presumma
farsi ragione da se medesimo, concitare tumiilti o gridare
publicamente, o invocar le case de potenti o gli nomi loro, ne "
brugiare, rompere o imbrattare porte, fenestre, gelosie o im-
pannate di qual si voglia persona, ancorche fossero meretrici
o cortigiane, ne in alcun modo offendere le persone loro, ne
ricettare delinquenti di qualunqiie sorte, ne dargli magnare o
bere, aiuto et favore in qual si voglia modo, ne portare di giorno
alcuna sorte di bastone atto ad offendere, ne fare adunanze o
conventicule le pene delle leggi communi, statuti, bolle, con-
stitutioni, reformationi et bandi altre volte fatti et publicati,
da estendersi ancora sino alia pena del ultimo suplicio inclusive
ad arbitrio di esso signor governatore.
Item ordina et dichiara che quello che cappeggiara, o con
armi o senza, ipso facto se intenda esser incorso nella pena della
forca, et chi 1' accusara et fara che venghi in mano della corte
sara premiato di cinquanta scudi contanti, ancora che fosse
compagno nel cappeggiare, al quale sara perdonato per quella
volta.
Item che tutti li medici, barbieri, chirurgi, hospitalieri et
altri ricettanti feriti o altri delinquenti, incontinente et senza
alcuna tardanza per se o per altri fidedigni siano tenuti denun-
ciare o fare denunciare al prefato signor governatore o suo
notario del criminale, sinceramente et sanza fraude, li nomi,
cognomi, qualita, patria et altri segni et contrasegni di essi
feriti et delinquenti, et la verita del caso, et se detti feriti o
delinquenti non volessero specificar gli nomi loro et delli
offendenti, non debbiano curarli ne recettarli, anzi il tutto
come di sopra notificare sotto le pene si contengono nelli bandi
delli predecessori, nelle qua! pene incorreranno tutti gli patrini
et rettori delle chiese, i qiiali sotterraranno quelli che fossero
stati et [sic] ammazzati, senza notificarlo como di sopra.
APPENDIX. 445
Item rcnova tutti gl'altri bandi d' ogn' altro signer governa-
torc sopra qual si voglia materia, dechiarando per il presente
bando che nessuna piazza in Roma di qual si voglia signore et
potentati sara secura et che li essequtori cercaranno et piglier-
anno li delinquenti, et chi se opporrk a lore o nessuno di loro
incorrcra la pena della vita et perdita de beni ad arbitrio di
esso signor governatore, second© la qualita delle persone.
Item in ciaschuno delli sopradetti casi si reserva facoltk et
arbitrio di potere minuire o augmentare le pene secondo la
qualita del tempo, del luogo, delle persone et de casi, et fa
intcndere alii accusatori et spie che sarranno tenuti secretissimi
et premiati ogni volta che riportaranno cosa veruna alia corte
di Sua Sig^^*^ ; et ogni uno si guardi de contravenire et dalla
mala ventura.
Datum etc.
[a tergo alia manu :] 14. Romana. Banno generale del
modo del vivere della citta, 1555.
[Castel S. Angelo, Arm. 8, ord. II., t. 5, p. 15 — i8b. Secret
Archives of the Vatican.]
16. Consistory of January ioth, 1556.^
Romae die veneris 10 innnari, 1.556.
Consistorium. . . . Postea S°^*^ longo sermone dixit, se velle
procedere ad reformationem quam multi pontifices se facturos
promiserant et tamen nil hactenus factum fuerat et ad id
deputare intendebat personas idoneas.
[Acta consist, cancell., VII., Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
17. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. 2
]5;')(;, .laiiuar. 11, Ilnm.
... In questo consistoro,^ dopo lunghissime audientie de
cardinali, il Papa entro a parlare della riforma et disse, che
ogni giorno conosceva csser asseso in quel supremo grado per
voler di Dio, perche vedea S. Divina Maesta supphr a tutte le
imperfettion sue, si dcU' animo come del corpo, che in questa
eta decrepita gli dava forza di soportar li travagli et fatiche
^ ' Sec iiuj)r{t, II. 18G, u. 1. ' .*^ee supra, p. 18C, u. 1, uud Ancici, Coucile, II.
* » di hleri.
446 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
che porta con se il Papato et gli meteva in animo la cosa della
reforma, la qual volea far in effetto cosi come li passati pontefici
da 60 anni in qua la proponeano in parole ; che pero S. vS*^
reformeria prima se ; onde havea proposto li tre cardinali che
gia scrissi al Datariato accio lo regolassero, et che, se ben ella
ne patira, trazendo il suo viver da quello, pur che se restrenzera,
perche la natura e contenta de poco ; et che, fatto questo, li
altri se preparino che reformera loro ancora, accennando la
Cancellaria, Penitentiaria, la Camerlengaria, la vita de cardinali
et la perpetuitk de i beneficii con li regressi, accessi et altre
introdutioni, aggiongendo che, reformata la corte, vorrk poi
senza alcun respetto toccar li principi. Et essendo stato,
secondo il solito di S. S*'', copioso et vehemente, messe fine al
concistoro, per esser I'hora tarda. . . .
[Copy. Cod. 9445, 88^ — 89. Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
18. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. ^
1556, Januar. 18, Rom.
At an audience on Jan. 17th with the Pope u.a. : . . . Et
qui vogUamo dir a voi con molta confidentia quel che hab-
biamo detto piu volte all' una parte et all' altra, che a com-
poner questi doi principi non vi e altro mezo che noi, et gli
habbiamo detto la causa che e questa, che cadaun de quel
principi sanno per molte prove che non possono ruinar I'avver-
sario ; possono ben I'un all' altro far de danni, de prendersi
qualche citta et con la guerra lunga roinar li suoi stati di
danari et di homeni : che uno vinchi et abbassi del tutto
I'altro deve esser gia, per I'esperientia di tante cose passate,
for di speranza ; ma esser quasi certo che a quella parte ove
noi si accostassemo, accrescessamo tante forze che I'altro
potria dubitare grandemente deUa universal sua ruina, et
potrebbe esser, magnifico ambasciatore, che questa paura te
questo modo di parlare che gli havemo fatto, gli facesse un
giorno fare qualche bona deliberatione, et vi vogliamo dir che
habbiamo fatto delle bravure a questo effetto et non habbiamo
voluto alcun di loro per compagno, li volemo per sudditi et
sotto questi piedi come si conviene et come ha voluto ch' ha
edificata questa s. Chiesa et ci ha posto in questo grado, et
prima che far una vilta vossamo morire, ruinar' ogni cosa et
appicciar foco in tutte quattro le parti del mondo. Li nostri
' See supra, pp. 69, n. 2 ; 188, n. 2 ; 189, n. 1.
APPENDIX. 447
predecessori pur troppo hanno abbassato qiiesta s. Sede et col
tanto temer li principi hanno fatto dell' indegnita, onde ne
sono causate infiniti disordini. The complaints of the Spanish
clergy would be remedied. Et per poter far meglio questc
cose, vogliamo cominciarla riforma da noi et proveder al
Datariato. The following passage in Ancel, Concile, i8 bis
via. Then comes the following characteristic speech of the
Pope : Et perche Christo eel comanda, gratis accepistis, gratis
date, parole di colui qui dixit et facta sunt, mandavit et creata
sunt, che voglio dubitar io che Sua Divina M^^ che mi ha
notrito fino alii 80 anni, al presente mi abandon! ? Et quando
io volse lassar ogni cosa, trovai una quarantena de homeni
segnalatissimi et boni (che un papa non si saria sdegnato di
haverli), i quali lassorono officii et beneficii et vennero a ser-
virmi ; et molti anni mi sono intertenuto senza saper da chi
mi fosse dato il vivere, et pur non ho fatte simonie, et come
cardinal ancora son stato un poco d'anni senza haver niente
quando non hebbi il possesso deU' arcivescovato di NapoH che
mi era tenuto da tiranni, ne io mi degnai dime pur una parola,
et non mi manco cosa alcuna. Perche vogUo temere che mi
habbi da mancar adesso ? Et quando per il Signor Dio volesse
che al presente mi mancasse, sostenerei di andar accattando
con una scudella prima che haver tutte le commodita per
questa via indiretta con ruina dell' anima mia et di tanti altri
che vengono dietro. Hor per concluderla, magnifico ambas-
ciator, rengratiamo Christo (et qui si cavo la bereta) che ci ha
dato quest' animo di far senza alcun rispetto I'honor di S. M^^
et il bene di questa Santa Sede. Noi procuraremo la causa di
Dio, et S. M^*^ procurara la nostra. Habbiamo a punto hoggi
raccordato ad alcuni auditori di Rota, che vedino et pensino
bene con quest' altri dottori, che gli deputaremo, sopra queste
cose, et non si lassaremo mgannar, perche della simonia hab-
biamo letto quello che ne dicono theologi et canonisti, tanto
che potemo dir esserne instruttissimi, et la dottrina del nostro
s. Thomaso in questa come in tutte le altre cose ne ha fatto
rissolver christianamente ; quando questi ne haverano referito
il parcr loro, gli faremo quelle provision! che seranno neces-
sarie. Mi disse poi S. S^'^ che le sue genti hormai haveano
occupato la maggior et meglior parte del stato del conte di
Bagno, et che quel poverino si ravederia del suo mal consiglio.
Et essendo durato il ragionamento di S. S*^ per buon spacio.
448 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
presi licentia havendola rengratiata della communicatione et
laudata de i magnanimi suoi dissegni con parole convenienti. . .
[Copy. Cod. 9445, 91 — 91^ . Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
19. Proceedings of the Papal Reform Commission on
January 2oth, 1556.1
Acta super reformatione Ecclesiae
sub Paulo IIII pontifice max° an. MDLVI.
Prima Congregatio. — Pontifex exponit promptitudinem
animi et desiderii sui circa universalem Ecclesiae reforma-
tionem, proponitque caput a quo sit initium auspicandum.
Cum sanctissimus in Christo pater et dominus noster domi-
nus Paulus divina providentia papa quartue, iam inde ab
initio assumptionis suae animum adiecisset ad ea facienda
quae honori Dei et fidei suae catholicae exaltationi conducere
viderentur, nihil sibi antiquius fuit quam ut generali ipsius
Ecclesiae reformationi omne studium et operam navaret.
Quam quidem intentionem et si perpetuo ab ipso pontificatus
initio retinuerit, earn tamen ob diversa impedimenta et publicas
occupationes, quae hoc medio tempore acciderunt, executioni
hactenus, non sine animi sui ingenti dolore, demandare non
potuit. Verum, ne hoc tam sanctum et salutare Beat^^ suae
propositum diutius in ipsius Ecclesiae detrimentum et ani-
marum dispendium differretur, ipsi reformationi absque ul-
teriori mora initium, Deo favente, dare constituit, Et licet
pontifex, Spiritu Sancto duce, ac potestate sibi a Deo tradita,
per se solum hanc provinciam absolvere potuisset, tamen,
quia ubi est multitudo sapientum ibi est salus et verum con-
silium, decrevit rem ipsam cum venerabilibus fratribus suis
S. R. E. cardinalibus primo, deinde cum aliquibus episcopis et
praelatis ac etiam omnis ordinis etiam inferioris sacrae theo-
logiae professoribus, nee non canonum et legum peritis, con-
ferre atque examinare, ut tandem, Deo ipso iuvante, reformatio
ipsa communi omnium voto et consilio in Ecclesia Dei
decerneretur.
Quare hodie, die lunae xx mensis ianuarii, anno a nativitate
Domini MDLvj, hora xx, vocatis ad se cardinalibus. praelatis,
' See supra, p. 187, n. 1, and M.vsaARELLi 286.
APPENDIX. 449
theologis et aliis infrascriptis, ad ipsius omnipotentis Dei gloriam
et religionis chistrianae incrementum, congregationem primam
super ipso negocio reformationis, in palatio apostolico, in aula
magna superiori, quae Constantini nuncupatur, habuit. Quibus
dominis et praelatis sic congregatis vSanctitas Sua primuni
signiiicavit eius pium desidcrium et animum reformandi
abusus in Ecclesia Dei hominum et temporum iniuria subor-
tos ; retulitque labores, quos hactenus superiores eius summi
pontifices, etiam congregatione concilii generalis, consump-
serunt ; et quod, licet res ipsa frustra hucusque tentata fuerit,
sperare se tamen in bonitate Dei earn aliquando praestari
posse. Qua quidem in re omnem operam, omnem diligentiam
et curam esse adhibituram ; et pro qua nihil laboris. nihil
incommodi nihilve alterius cuiusvis oneris, etiam cum pro-
priae vitae periculo, baud subituram esse. Cum autem caput
et radicem totius reformationis esse haeresim simoniacam
ostendisset, inprimis et ante omnia ad eam eradicandum et
penitus evellendam omni conatu vacandum esse comprobavit
Et iure quidem ac merito Sanctitas Sua ab ipsius simoniae
extirpatione initium sumit. Nam nihil profecto est quod
magis Ecclesiae Dei officiat et ministerium sacerdotale com-
maculet atque perturbct, nihilque magis animas illaqueet
et ad interitum ducat, quam simonia. Quam certo eo magis
pontifex evcllere debet, cum non sequutae hucusque ipsius
Ecclesiae reformationis praceipuam et solam fere causam
detractores et haeretici omnes in Pontifices maximos retulerint,
eos scilicet reformationem banc et noluisse et distulisse,
propter lucri nescio cuius, qui in datariato fit, amissionem.
At summus etvere sanctissimus noster pontifex, lucra, divitias
et mundana omnia parvipendens, solum Deum et animarum
salutem prae oculis habens, eam ipsam reformationem, nullius
sui incommodi, nullius damni (sed neque damnum cxistimat
amitti quod iniuste quaeritur) neque cuiusvis carnalis affectus
habita ratione, omnino constituere et ab ipsius simoniae, ut
dictum est, eradicatione initium sumere decrevit. In qua
sane eradicatione facienda eorum patrum, qui aderant, iudiciimi
et consihum libenter se audire vclle et cupere dcclaravit :
eosjue propterea monuit et hortatus est, eis nihilominus in
virute sanctae obedientiae praccipiens ut ipsi matcriae ex-
plicandae et declarandae studium et diligentiam adhiberent,
ita ut, suo tempore rcvocati, possent super ea re sententias
VOL. XIV. 29
450 ' HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dicere ; comminatusque est eis ut id in ipsis sententiis dicerent
quod secundum Deum et conscientiam sentirent, fugerentque
in omnibus vitium adulationis atque assentationis, constanter
eis asseverans ut qui aliter facerent, praeter id quod a Deo
dignam poenam reciperent, Sanctitatis etiam suae indig-
nationem non effugerent : qui vero veritatem pure et sjmcere,
iuxta eorum captum et capacitatem, dicerent, et a Deo ipso
premium et a Sanctitate Sua laudem essent reportaturi,
Exposuitque caput principale, super quo eorum studiis in-
vigilare quodque discutere et examinare deberent, An videlicet
usus potestatis datae a Christo domino nostro Petro, Ecclesiae
suae capiti, possit cadere sub precio ; admonens iterum patres,
ut lubenti animo id laboris studendi et veritatis perquirendae
susciperent, et quod deinde invenissent, id verbo, suo tempore,
dicere et in scriptis etiam ponere procurarent.
Quibus dictis, rogavit rever'""™ dominorum cardinalium
sententias, an videlicet super iis, quae Sanctitas Sua dixerat,
aliquid ipsis patribus ulterius explicandum iudicarent. Cumque
omnes proposita a Sanctitate Sua collaudassent, dimittitur
congregatio et patres omnes recesserunt, hora circiter xxiii.
[Concilio, 79, 32 — 33. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
20. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. ^
1556, Jannar. 2f, Rom.
Hoggi e stato consistoro ... In questo consistoro S. S*'^
disse alcune parole cerca la reforma che voile far al tutto,
dicendo alii rev™' cardinali che non si spaventassero per cio ;
che quanto ella facea era per recuperar la prima et antica
giurisdition della Sede Apostolica, accennando la riforma de
principi, la qual reaquistada, ognuno saria felice et felicissimo
il sacro coUegio. Per poter procedere a questa riforma havea
Sua S*^ tre giorni avanti fatto una congregatione de cardinali,
auditori di Rota et altri dottori et generah delle rehgioni, nella
quel parlo con tanta eloquentia et forza nella materia della
simonia che accesse et infiammo ogni uno facendolli conoser
che in questo solo stava la vera riforma della Chiesa, aggion-
gendo quasi H medesmi concetti che disse a me, et io le scrissi
per le ultime mie. . . .
[Copy. Cod. 9445, 97^^ —98. Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
' See supra pp. 187, n. 2 ; 189, n. 2.
APPENDIX. 451
21. Bernardo Navagero to Venice.^
155G, Januar. 2'>, Rom.
Report of to-day's audience.
. . . Et qui entro'^ a confirmarmi quel che mi disse 1' aud-
ientia passata, che ella non volleva cessar fino che non facea
questa riforma, et che, quando no la faci, se io la vedessi far
miracoli et ressussitar morti, non gli dovesse creder ; che
ella o la farra over crepperk soto el peso ; che vuol comensiar
dalla sua pelle et scorticarlla et riformarlla, per poter poi
liberamente riformar li altri, non solamente prelati, ma li
imperii, li rcgni et signorie ; et che spera nel vSig'"'^ Iddio che.
quando habbi reconciliata la chiesia con Christo, Sua Divina
M*"^ fara che li principi fatiano la pace tra loro in quel modo
che la me disse 1' altra audientia ; che ambi, temendo che
ella non se accosti all' avversario, potriano far qualche com-
positione a benefitio della Christianita. Et qui si dilato nelle
cose gia dete altre volte, che non vogho replicar, con questo
particular cercha la riforma, che non voile con multiplicity di
bolle piene di belh prohemii et con finti concilii et altre desipulle
[sic] ingannar el mondo, ma far effetti ; et che per cio havea
chiamata la congregatione de cardinali, auditori di Rota,
avocati concistoriali, capi delle religioni et altri dottori, et
impostolli che studino il caso della simonia ; et che vi aggion-
gier^ delli altri grand'homeni et boni che sera come un concilio,
senza chiamarsi concilio. Et presto li convochera a un altra
volta per dar expedition al negotio, nel quale ella non si las-
sieria struchar [sic] capelli nel gli occhi ; per che rengratiava
Iddio che in questo caso de simonia havea veduto quanto si
potea ; la qual simonia disse die e chiamata herexia per
r cffeto che fa. Et qui allego la sententia di S. Pictro contra
Simon Mago, che volsse comprar el Spirito Santo ; et appresso
disse molte altre cose piene di dotrina con tanto adetto che si
vedea che venivano dal core . . ,
[Copy. Cod. 9445, 102'' — 103^ . Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
22. Proceedings of the Papal Reform Commission on
January 29TH, 1556.^
Congregatio 2°-. Pontifex iterum declarat firmissimam eius
intentionem circa Ecclesiae reformationem, proponitque
modum procedendi.
• See supra p. 189, n. 2. • The Pope. • Sec supra, p. 190, n. 1.
452 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Die mercurii xxix eiusdem mensis ianuarii . . .
Primusque omnium cardinalis Bellaius sacri collegii decanus
laudavit modum propositum a Sanctitate Sua ; deinde, cum
cardinalis Turnonius petiisset a Sanct® Sua declarari de qua
simonia ipsa Beatitude Sua intelligeret, an videlicet de ea quae
iure divino prohibita est, an vero quae iure positive uti simonia
etiam prohibetur, Pontifex ipse, multis verbis ac rationibus,
improbavit ac detestatus est eam distinctionem, quam canonis-
tae et alii doctores faciunt, duplicem videlicet esse simoniam,
alteram iure divino prohibitam, quae prohibita est quia simonia,
alteram prohibitam iure positive, quae ideo simonia censetur,
quia prohibita ut simonia ; declarans inprimis simoniacam
labem non posse neque ab angelis neque ab uUa mundana
potestiate constitui, sed tantum ab ipso Deo : ac propterea
nuUam aliam esse simoniam nisi unam et eam iure divino
prohibitam : id autem quod iure positive prohibetur esse
quidem malum, quia prohibitum ; verum quod sit simoniacum
per prohibitionem non posse fieri. Quod enim annexum est
rei spirituah, id etiam sapere simoniam, et quidem iure divino
prohibitam, quousque ipsi rei spirituali annexum est, etiam
quod sit aliquod mere temporale, ut praedium, domus et
similia, sicuti etiam declaratur in capite Si quis obiecerit,
p. q. III. Si autem res ipsa temporalis a spirituali separetur
(quod iure positive fieri protest), desinet cadere sub simonia.
Cemmenuitque iterum patres ut similes distinctienes et aniles,
ut aiebat, fabulas in dicendis sententiis devitarent, idque solum
dicerent quod ad rem propesitam conduceret. Deinde inter-
rogavit dominos et patres, an aliqui eorum vellent super mode
procedendi iam preposito aliquid dicere, vel qui magis voluis-
sent, cedulam in scriptis mitterent . . .
[Concilie, 79, 35 — 36. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
23. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. ^
155G, Febniar. ], Eom.
II Pontifice mercore chiamo congregatione de molti rev"^^
cardinali, prelati, auditori di Rota, generali delle religieni et
canonisti et velsse che fussero ancho li deputati de cadauna
congregatione de offitiali, di mode che assendeno al numero
quasi di 200 persone. In essa congregatione disse S. S''^ che
' See swpm, p. IgO, u. 1
APPENDIX. 453
quelli che erano stati nella precedente congregatione sapevano
et li altri potevano haver intexo, la mente di Sua Beat°^ esser
di far la riforma et di cominciar da se, perche questo era meter
la secure alia radice et serar la bocha ad ognuno ; che gli havea
chiamati per farli intender che volea che studiassero la cossa
della simonia per poterne dar poi li loro voti, come fossero
chiamati un' altra volta, che saria presto, et chel ponto stava
qui, se per la collatione de bcnefitii et gratie ecclexiastichc si
poteva pigliar danari, essendo in cio la suprema authorita
del Pontifice data da Christo a Pietro, che hanno costituito le
compositioni et le anate ; et che ogni un se preparasse a dir
liberamente quel che sentiva per I'honor di Dio, senza rispetto
dell' interesse di Sua San^'^ et de altri ; et che per non far con-
fusione, ella se havea pensatto che li voti per classes fossero
piu expeditte : queste classe loro chiamano li theologhi una,
li canonisti unaltra, et cossi ogni professione una classe : a
queste deputeria Sua S^'^ cardinali della professione, li quali
pigliariano li voti di cadauno della sua classe in scritura ; et
per non moltiplicar in repliche de ragioni, da tutti trattcriano
un summario et quello refeririano a Sua San^'^, alia quale se
alcuno volesse dir altro, ella 1' ascolteria ct dclUbereria quel
che fosse il bene et honor di questa Santa Sede et di tutta la
Christianity. Et aggionse che, se a qualche uno non piaceva
questo modo, ne racordasse un migliore. Fu risposto che
piaceva quanto Sua Sant'"* havea detto. Ne voglio tacere che
il rev'"° Grimani patriarcha de Acquileggia parlo con molta
satisfatione de ogni uno, laudo la bona mente di Sua Sanc^'\
disse chel modo delli voti per classes era perfetto, et che esso
nella materia proposta meteria el suo voto in scritura, sccondo
chel Signer Iddio gH inspirera . . .
[Copy. Cod. 9445, p. io6 — 106*^ . Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
24. Proceedings of the Papal Reform Commission on
February 2nd, 1556.^
Congregatio generalis. — Iniungitur praclatis ut ipsi ex cis
24 eligant pro classibus super reformatione constituendis.
Die dominica 2 februarii dicti anni 1556 in festo purifica-
tionis B. Mariae, hora circiter XVI., in aula quae Pappagalli
' Sec supra, p. 190, u. 1.
454 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
vulgo dicitur, antequam Pontifex iret ad audienda sacra,
convenere coram Sanctitate Sua omnes praelati et alii qui in
superiori cedula nominantur ; quibus praelatis Pontifex
significavit mentem suam esse ut ipsi xxiiii ex eis eligerent
ac deputarent, qui una cum aliis a Sanct^^ Sua deputandis,
per 3 classes distincti curam particularem suscepturi essent
negocii reformationis. Ac propterea eo ipso mane post cele-
brationem missae congregarentur in eodem sacello et ipsam
electionem facerent. Admonuitque eos ut, omni carnali
affectu seposito solumque Deum et conscentiam prae oculis
habentes, eos dumtaxat eligerent qui ad tantum onus sus-
cipiendum idonei et digni fuissent. His dictis, itum est in
sacellum Sixti, ubi candelae benedictae distributae sunt,
sacraque ipsa, celebrante rev*^" domino cardinali Messanensi,
peracta fuerunt.
[Concilio, 79, 37"^ . Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
25. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. 1
1550, Februar. 8, Rom.
. . . Desiderando Sua San** dare piu presto che si possa
principio alia riforma, come havea dato deputatione de 24
cardinali per questo effetto, cosi ha voluto che vi siano 24
prelati et che tra loro si ellegano con voti secreti, come fecero
il giorno di Nostra Donna ultimamente passato in capella dopo
la messa et la cerimonia del benedir et dar le candelle, che,
essendo ivi seduti al numero di 63, ellessero li 24 notati nella
acclusa poliza, qual mando a V^ Serenita ; et la ballotatione
fu con le fave bianche de si et negre de no. Erano presidenti
che contorono i votti li rev°^i Bellai decano primo vescovo.
Moron primo prete et Ferneze primo diacono. II terzo giorno
poi Sua Sanc^^ chiamo congregatione de tutti li rev"^^ cardinali,
con invitarlli dopoi a disnar seco, nella qual divise li 24 cardinali
eleti in tre classe, a otto per una, si come V^^ Ser*^ vederrk per
la acclusa poliza ; et la divisione e fatta secondo 1' ordine che
cadauno siede. Simil divisione dicono che se fara delli 24
prelati, et si dice che il Pontifice accressera cadauna di queste
di soi [sic] altri theologhi et canonisti, et poi se li darano i dubii
et cadauna classe li disputeri tra se, et quello che sara discuso
et concluzo referirano al Pontifice . . .
[Copy. Cod. 9445, 109^ — no. Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
' See supra, p. 190, n. 1.
APPENDIX. 455
26. Privilege of Pope Paul IV. for the Officials of
THE Roman Inquisition. ^
1550, Febiuar. 11, Rom.
Paulus III I.
Privilegium apostolicum immunitatis officialium actu
inservientium S** Officio a datiis et gabellis etc.
Motu proprio etc. Attendentes onera domui'^ Inquisitionis
haereticae pravitatis de Urbe incumbentia et ad grata, quae
dilecti filii ipsius domus officiales et ministri nobis et universae
reipublicae christianae quotidie impendimt, obsequia debitum
respectum habentcs, eosque specialibus favoribus et gratiis
prosequi volentes, domum ipsam ac omnes et singulos illius
ac dictae Inquisitionis actu deservientes officiales et ministros,
nunc et pro tempore existentes, ab omnibus et singulis datiis,
gabellis et portarum dohanis, vectigalibus, impositionibus,
collectis, subsidiis, etiam caritativis, angariis et oneribus
ordinariis et extraordinariis tarn realibus quam personalibus
etiam mixtis, ac publicis et privatis, etiam ratione vini, grani,
animalium et quarumcunque aliarum rerum cuiuscunque
generis et qualitatis existentium, tam per mare et aquam
dulcem quam per terram undecunque ad hictam Urbem pro
tempore delatarum et conductarum, quae in eadem Urbe
illiusque districtu ac alias ubicunque locorum nobis et S. R. E.
in spiritualibus et temporalibus subiectorum exiguntur et
exigi consueverunt, et quae ex quacunque causa hactenus
imposita reperiuntur, et in postehim ex quibusvis etiam quan-
tumlibet necessariis, iustissimis et urgentissimis causis, etiam
per nos et successores nostros Romanos Pontifices pro tempore
existentes imponi et exigi contigerit necnon contributionibus
in illis faciendis, tam pro eorum usu quam alias quomodolibet
et quandocunque emendo et vendendo, necnon refectione
stratarum ac viarum Urbis illiusque contributione ex certa
nostra scientia penitus eximimus et totaliter liberamus, ac
omnibus illis et eorum signulis liberos, immunes et exemptos
facimus et constituimus ac in posterum esse et censeri debere
\'olumus, decernimus et declaramus. Necnon datia, gabellas
et alias inipositioncs huiusmodi per cos a die electionis nostre
ad summi apostolatus apicem debita gratiose donamus et
' Sco aupru, p. 2G4, u. 2. * Ms. : domus.
456 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
remittimus eosque ad illorum solutionem non teneri volumus.
Necnon domui illiusque oificialibus et ministris predictis quod
omnibus et singulis privilegiis, immunitatibus, exemptionibus,
libertatibus, favoribus et gratiis, quibus nostrum et eiusdem
S. R. E. cardinalium palatia et domus eoromque ministri,
officiales ei personae, tam circa gabellas illarumque exemp-
tionem et refectionem viarum et stratarum huiusmodi quam
alias utuntur, potiuntur et gaudent ac uti, potiri et gaudere
poterunt quomodolibet in futurum, uti, potiri et gaudere
valeant in omnibus et per omnia, perinde ac si illis specialiter
et expresse concessa forent, concedimus et indulgemus. Ac
omnibus et singulis datiorum, gabellarum, vectigalium, sub-
sidiorum, impositionum, collectarum et onerum huiusmodi
exactoribus collectoribus ac quibusvis aliis ubilibet constitutis,
necnon viarum praedictarum magistris pro tempore existenti-
bus, cuiuscunque dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis vel con-
ditionis existant et quacunque ecclesiastica vel mundana
auctoritate seu dignitate vel praeeminentia praefulgeant, in
virtute sanctae obedientiae et sub excommunicationis latae
sententiae ac mille ducatorum pro una fabricae basilicae
Principis Apostolorum de Urbe et altera medietatibus dictae
domui Inquisitionis applicandorum et a contraventoribus
irremissibiliter exigendorum poenis eo ipso, si contrafecerint,
incurrendis, ne domum Inquisitionis illusque officiales et
ministros huiusmodi ad ahquam solutionem premissorum
onerum et impositionum occasione coarctare aut aliquid de
eis exigere, vel super praemissis aut illorum usu seu possessione
vel quasi, directe vel indirecte, quovis quaesito colore vel
ingenio molestare, impedire, vexare aut inquietare quoquo
modo audeant seu praesumant districtius inhibemus ; non
obstantibus quibusvis apostolicis constitutionibus et ordina-
tion ibus, necnon dictae Urbis statu tis et reformationibus
etiam iuramento etc. roboratis, privilegiis quoque, indultis et
litteris apostolicis quibusvis et sub quibuscunque tenoribus et
formis ac cum quibusvis clausulis et decretis concessis et
confirmatis etc., quibus omnibus etiamsi de eorum etc. illorum
tenores etc. pari motu derogamus, caeterisque contrariis
quibuscunque cum clausulis opportunis.
Concessum ut petitur in praesentia Domini nostri Papae.
B. Card. Tranensis. Et cum absolutione a censuris ad effectum
etc., et de exemptione, libertione, constitutione, voluntate.
APPENDIX. 457
decreto, dcclarationc, conccssione, indulto, remissione, dona-
tione, inhibitone, dcrogatione et aliis praemissis, quae hie pro
singillatim ct ad partem repetitis habeantur, latissime extend-
endis etc. etiam in forma gratiosa ct ex certa scientia, etiam si
videbitur, cum opportuna deputatione executorum qui assistant
etc., cum facultate citandi etiam per edictum etc. et inhibendi
etiam sub censuris et poenis ecclesiasticis ac etiam pecuniariis,
aggravandi etc., contradictores etc. compesccndo etc. invocato
etc. auxilio brachii saccularis. Et cum dcrogatione con-
stitutionum de una et duabus dietis, non tamen de tribus
latissime extcndenda. Et quod praemissorum omnium et
singulorum etiam qualibet invocationc nominum, cogno-
minum, nuncu])ationum aliorumque circa praemissa quomodo-
libet exprimendorum maior et verier specificatio et expressio
fieri possit in litteris per breve nostrum, si videbitur, exped-
iendis, seu, si videbitur, praescntium sola signatura- sufficiat
ct ubiquc fidem faciat, regula contraria non obstante. Et
pro usu domus et ministrorum actu dcservientium ipsi domui,
occasione dictae domus dumtaxat.
Datum Romae apud sanctum Petrum tcrtio idus februarii
anno primo.[Copy. Cod. Barb. lat. 1502, 154 — 158 ; 1503,
68 — 71. Vatican Library.]
27. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. ^
155(1, Febniar. 15, Ifom.
. . . Entrando a dirmi che li Pontifici passatti et questi
ultimi havevano cosi abbassata la grandczza di qucsta Santa
Sede che di essi non si tenea conto alcuno, ct che ]xt la verita
a farsi stimar bczogna viver di modo che non possi esser locco
ad alcima vera oppositione ; et che questo non abbastava ;
che bizognava ancho saper dellc cose assai, et non se dar in
prcda delli ministri ct creder ad ogniuno ; ct finalmente esser
tallc che nissun prossumi o ardischi di potcrci ingannar, haver
animo grande, non temer sorte alcuna di pcricollo, stimar la
vita quanto si debe stimar et niente piu, non voller prencipi
per compagni, pcrchc sono infcriori, ct con non farssi parcialc
con alcuno, tcncndo sempre tutti in suspctto et timore.
Al che havendo detto io che tutte queste ct molte altre
singular qualitk si ritrovavano in S. San^*^, risservata per la
' .See ii//jm, p. 190, n. 2.
458 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
providentia di Dio in questi cosi importanti tempi a grado
cosi eccelso et honorato, fenisse dicendo : Dio voglia, magnifico
ambasciator, che siamo tali quali voi, per I'amor che ci portiate,
credete che siamo ; soggiongendomi : Siamo tiitti hora intenti
a questa riforma, perche qui sta il tutto, ne maggior accressi-
mento alia Sede Apostolicha si puo far di reputatione che per
questa via ; ne ce ne impedirano li tradimenti et iniquita di
questi imperiali, che scoprimo ogni giorno, alii quali rimediamo
al meglio che potemo, et si sforciamo che non ne trovino
imparati no disarmati. Si ha proveduto alii lochi importanti
dello stato et si va provedendo ancho a questa citta : staremo
a veder quel che f arano et dove tenderano ; et non ci coglierano
al improvise. Sono tristi, magnifico ambasciator, et per tante
operationi loro fatte in Itallia sanno d' esser in odio d' ogni uno.
Come sono, temono tutti, perche conoscono haver chauxa. In
somma, non bisogna fidarsi. . . .
[Copy. Cod. 9445, ii6 — 117. Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
28. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. ^
1556, Mart. 14, Rom.
. . . Non volendo io restar questa settimana senza audientia
del Pontifice, andai eri ad accompagnarlo in S. Pietro alia
statione, come fecero molti cardinalli et ambassiatori ; et
havendo speso sua Beat°° molto tempo nelle sue dovotioni et
poi in veder la capella che prencipio Paula III et ella fa finire,
si volto a me et con segnalato favore verso V^^ Serenita,
abbassandosi molto perche me ero ingenochiato, mi abbraccio
et bascio et disse che volea che tornasse hoggi per poter star
longamente mecho, che all' hora si atrovava stanco. Et da
questo e avenuto che, essendovi andato hoggi al hora ordinaria.
Sua San*^ fece licentiare U rev^* Pixani, Armignac, Trani,
Motulla et Reumano, che erano nel antecamera et fece introdur
me ; et dappoi molte parolle affetuose verso Y'^^ Ser*'\ delle
qual la rengratiai come conveniva, mi disse. , . .^
29. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. ^
1556, Mart. 28, Rom.
. . . Giobbio fii congregatione della prima classe sopra la
riforma in casa del rev'"" Bellai decano. La somma fu che 17
' .=!ee s>t2mi, p. 193, n. 1.
' The sequel [in translation] is in Brown, VI., 1, n. 425.
' See supra, p. 194, n. 1.
APPENDIX. 459
dissero li loro voti sopra il ponto gia datto e che io mandai a V^a
Serenita ; et forono tre opinioni : una del vescovo di Feltre,
che si potesse pigliar danari per uxo della potesta spirituale ; la
seconda del vescovo di Sessa, che non si possino pigUar per
alcun modo ; la terza del vescovo di Sinigagli, che si possino
pigliar, ma a ccrto tempo et con ccrte conditioni.^
[Copy. Cod. 9445, 145 — 145'^ . Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
30. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. 2
looH, April 11, Rom.
. . . Sendosi trovati uno de questi giorni al disnar del
Pontifice alquanti prelati. Sua San*^^ 11 fece chiamar nella su
camera, dove con parlar latino puro, ornato et copioso, secondo
il soHto, li represe che non andavano alii suoi vescovatti, che
lassavano la loro sposa vidua et il grege comessolh senza il lor
pastore, et che al mancho^ fino che si facea la riforma, la qualle
con maggior forza li commeteria che andassero alia loro
residentia, non consumassero el tempo in visite, in bancheti et
forsi in giochi, ma studiassero per saper poi ben govemar le loro
peccorelle ; perche era una grandissima vergogna che nelle
capelle ove sedenno tanti vescovi se levassero frati, et ancho
laici, ad insegnarlli ; che per il piu questi fanno li sermoni che
doveriano far essi. II qual parlar di Sua San*''' e stato quasi
una capara a questi di quel che disegna di far. . . .
[Copy. Cod. 9445, 150'' . Library of St. Mark, Venice.]
31. MiCHELE GhISLIERI TO THE INQUISITOR GiROLAMO DA
Genova.^
1550, Juni 20. Rom.
. . . Quanto al Bogiano vedete d' intendere da quanto
tempo in qua ha parlato con fra Paterniano da Pesaro, et se
potessivo havere notitia ove se ritrovi et cosi frate Andrea da
Scansano quantunquc sfratato, et intendiate si loro erano
di r istesse opinione heretiche.
Quanto dil mandarlo in galea i r™^ et ill"^* miei patroni, anzi
Sua S*'^, fuggeno piu che possono di mandare alcuno in galea, ne
li mandano, salvo quelli delli quali non si possino sigurare de
fura ; ben li fanno portar 1' liabbitello giallo con la croce roscia
' The sequel in Anckl, 1G. • See supra, p. 235, n. 2.
* M«i : monclo. * See supra, p. 270, n. 3.
460 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
per qualche anni, gli privano di ascoltare confessione, di potere
leggere ne predicare, li assegnano un convento per pregione,
dandoli degiunii et orationi per penitentia, imponendoli che si
confessino alnien una volta la settimana, ma ne la galea li pare
penitentia da disperati o da dimonii et di poco frutto ; pero gli
mandano questi marrani, perche da molti di loro et quasi da
tutti siamo aggabbati ; gli mandano ancora certi disgratiati,
vacabundi, furfanti de i quali mal possiamo fidarsi. Pero
considerate le qualitate, 1' eta del detto Bogiano et considerate
quanto di lui si puo sperare et fate quel che Dio vi spira ; et se
lui e secramentario, privatelo perpetuamente de la messa,
concedendoli che si possi communi( are come i laici una volta
il mese. . . .
Di V. R^^ Pta
fra Michele Alesandrino
[Address] Al r'^° padre fra Gironimo da Geneva inquisitore del'
heretica pravita padre osserv™° . Genova.
[Orig. Cod. E. VII., 15 of the University Library, Genoa.]
32. Michele Ghislieri to the Vicar-General of the
Archbishop of Genoa. ^
15 .30, August 20, Kom.
j^gymo jjjgj- j-QJQ osservandissimo.
Ho ricevuto quelle di V. K^^ S^^ deUi xix del presente, nelle
quali mi chiarisce della calunnia data al rev^*' padre Inquisitore,
che habbi cercato di ritirare V, R"*^ S. dal esamine nella causa
di maestro Alesandro. Pero a chi vole servire a Christo con-
vien sopportare tale et maggior' ingiurie con pacientia et con-
siderare che queUi che altri calumniano piu si offendono loro
medesimi che quelli che son calumniati. Pero dovemo pregare
il Sig'" Iddio che gli levi la cecita del core e gli doni lume. Et a
V. R™* S. humilmente basciando le mani mi raccomando.
Di Roma il di 29 di agosto del Lvj
Di V. R"^^ S**^ minimo servitore
fra Michele Alisandrino.
[Address] Al rev"^" mons"" vescovo di Cavoli
vicario archiepiscopale di Genova
sig'" mio osserv^i" Genoa.
[Orig. Cod. E. VII., 15 of the University Library, Genoa.]
• See supra, p. 271, n. 1.
APPENDIX. 461
33. MiCHELE GhISLIERI TO THE INQUISITOR GiROLAMO DA
Genova.^
1556 September 3, Kom.
Rev'^" padre
Oltra la resposta comune ad rev'""mos'" vicario et a V. R.,
gli dico che chi vol servire a Dio in questo santo offitio non
conviene temere minaccie ma haver sol' Iddio, la veritk et le
giustitia davanti agl' occhi, et intervenga quel che si vole ;
l)onche quelli medemi che minacciano vedendo la constantia
del' aninio ne rimangano cdificati, si non sonno piu che maligni,
Ua Roma ali 3 dc settembre del 56.
Di V. R''a P'^
fra Michel Ahsandrino.
[Address] Al R''" P. fra Girolamo daGenova inquisitorecontro
la heretica pravita padre oss*^"
Genoa.
[Orig. Cod. E. VII., 15 of the University Library, Genoa.]
34. Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Pole.^
1556, November 28, Rom.
. . . Dico adunque intorno a questo trattato della pace
brevemente : Se al ser'"^ re d'Inghiltcrra mette conto haver la
pace con N. S'"*^ et con la Scde Apostolica (come per ogni ragione
della salute dell' anime, dell' honore et dell' utile proprio deve
metter conto), bisogna che S. M^^ come pnncipe veramente
catholico et come buon figHuolo di Dio et della Chicsa et di
questa S**^ Scde, senza star su li pontigU dell' honore et sopra la
giustificatione delle cose passate, s' indolcisca et intenerisca
verso S. S*'^ come verso il padre proprio, anzi piu, essendo la
paternita spirituale piu veneranda che la carnale, et a questo
bisogna che S. M''^ indirizzi tuti i pensieri .suoi, per satisfare
alia grave offcsa riccvuta qui da questo rompimento. Tengo
per fermo che S. S''^ si mitigara alquanto et ripigUara 1' animo
patemo verso S. M'^ proccdendosi con questi modi, altrimenti
se S. S''"^ resta con scrupulo che vi vada un minimo ponto dell'
honor .suo, il quale essa per il luoco che tiene stima esser honor
di Dio, mai s' acquetara la Christianity et piu presto S. S^"^
patira il martirio che lasciarsi condurre alia pace senza 1' honor
' See sujiiii, \t. L'Tl, n. 1. ' ^cc ifitpra, jip. Gi), a. 1 ; 151, u. 1.
462 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
suo, inteso nel modo che S. S*^^ intende ; il qual modo S. S*^
fonda nella pieta verso Dio et nella conservatione dell' officio
suo in terra et nella salute di tutto '1 popolo christiano, tenendo
per fermo che mai si potra far cosa buona in tanti bisogni et
perturbationi della christianita, o per estirpare le heresie o per
pacificare la christianita, o per riformare la Chiesa et li costumi,
o per resister al Turco, o per fare qual altra cosa buona si
voglia, se 1' honore del Vicario di Christo et di questa S*^ Sede
non sta sopra il capo di tutti li christiani, et massime delli gran
principi, come e quel ser°^° re ; et sia certa V. S. IW^'^, se non
si attende a questo scopo, che tutte le fatiche di pacificare S.
S*^ saranno vane, et benche il re di Francia mancasse di aiutare,
come ha promesso, et che S. S*^'^ abandonata da tutto '1 mondo
fosse ridotta alio estremo, nondimeno sara inespugnabile per
altra via, et non obstante che 1' ilP"° cardinal Caraffa doppo Dio
sia r unico mezzo a piegare S. S*'\ credo pero che in questo Sua
Sigia Illiiia non potra rimuovere S. S*^ dal detto fine, tanto
maggiormente parendo secondo il mondo che noi siamo restati
nella guerra infeiiori con perdita et devastatione di tante citta,
luoghi et paesi.
Supplico adunque V. S. R°^*^ voglia, non solo per se, ma per
tutti li altri mezzi che credera esser idonei, voglia forzarsi di
persuadere S. M*'"^ a questa plena satisfattione verso S. S^''' et di
parole et d' effetti. . . .
[Orig. Arm. 64, t. 32, fol. 215 — 218^ . Secret Archives of the
Vatican.]
35. Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Pole.^
1556, December 12, Rom.
N. S'"^ ha havuto a caro li boni uffici fatti per V. S. R°^*^et
jljma col ser™° re d' Ispagna, et ha veduto la copia delle lettere
che S. M*^ ha scritto a quella. Ma S. S^^ guarda piu alii fatti
che alle parole et sta sempre con suspetto che non si vadi fitta-
mente et a camino di usurpare il resto della Sede Apostolica,
facendo il fondamento suo sopra 1' insulto fatto a questo stato
et r occupatione de tanti luoghi et citta d' importanza : et sus-
pica tanto peggio quanto ogni cosa si fa col pretesto deUa
securita del regno de Napoli ; et S. S*'^ non puo patire ch'
alcuni cuculati, come dice, habbino consigliato ch' il re lo possi
' See s^tpra, pp. 69, n. 1 ; 151, n. 1.
APPENDIX. 463
fare giustamente per sicurezza sua ; ct sempre sta sul suo
honore et dignity diquesta S^'"* Sede ; il qual, come gia scrisse,
S. S^''^ reputa honore di Dio.
Parti alii giorni passati da qui il sig"^^ don Francesco Pacecco,
mandate dal sig"" duca d' Alba per 1' accordio, et venedo a
visitarmi et dimandarmi parere, li disse queste propositione
per verissime.
Primo, che, se S. S''^ fosse stata in pregione et col pugnale
alia gola, che mai haveria consentito alia restitutione di casa
Colonna in Palliano, parendo a S. S''^ esscr troppo indegno che
con li esserciti piu potenti si voglia impedire 1' amministratione
di qual principe si voglia in casa sua, et tanto piu d'un Ponti-
fice, et da un re di Napoli ch' e feudatario della Chicsia ; et
giudicando S. S*^^ che questa casa Colonna sia stata sempre
nimica de Pontefici.
Dappoi, che S. S^*^ si reputa gravemente ingiuriato nel' honor
et nel stato, havendo li ministri di S. M*'^ dannificato cosi in
grosso in varii modi questo stato, et pero bisognava pighare
qualche via di iscusatione ct di humiliatione et reconoscimento,
come sarebbe di scrivere a S. S^'^ humilmente dimandandoli
perdono, che come mal informato havea lasciato muover le
armi, etc., et mandando qualche personaggio a posta.
II terzo, che dovesse fare restituire li luochi occupati ; et per
che tra principi non si usa altra securita che la fede, si dovesse
contentare di quella ch' e comune tra li altri principi ; et che
promettendoh il rev'"" Caraffa, credeva che si potesse credere
alia fede et promissione sua, essendo signore ben nato et facendo
professione non solo di cardinale, ma di cavalero honorato.
Ultimamente li disse che, non accordandosi le cose al mio
giuditio per queste vie, teneva per fermo che S. S^'^ escomuni-
carebbe il re et lo privarebbe di tutti li regni et harebbe fatto
ogni conato in tutte le vie contra S. IVP'^ et li suoi regni. Et
con questo esseo signore si parti, parendoH che dicesse il vero.
Ho voluto replicar il medesimo a V. S. Ill""\ per che la cosa
sta cosi in effetto, et se ben io sono poco aveduto, nondimeno
stimo che, caminandosi per altra via, bisogni espettar la ruina
del mondo, perche S. S^"^ mi pare resolutissima. Et se a V. S.
Rmu parera bene indrizzare le cose a questo scopo, io ne la
prego, perche altrimenti mi metto avanti li occhi ogni estremita ;
et se ben per altra via il re di Spagna vincesse in questo mondo,
S. S*^*^ pero non cedera mai nelle cose spirituali, et in tal caso non
.464 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cura ne di separatione di Spagna, ne de recidiva de Inghelterra,
ne di perdita d' ogni ubedientia ; perche ha questo fondamento
che non tenetur praestare culpam alienam, et che qui non erant
ex nobis exierunt etc. Ma di tutti questi offici S. S*^^ non ha
mai voluto che a nome suo se parii, et pero ha tenuto che non
si sia venuto a particulari con lei ; ma forsi hora il rev°^*'
Caraffa U scrivera qualche cosa come da se, se ben non lo so
certo. Ma 1' ho raccordato, et S. S*^' sta su queste ch' ogniuno
doveria fare il debito suo et che la recognitione di queUa M*^ sia
tanto necessaria che non habbi bisogno di raccordo.
Mons. Fantuccio ando heri alia M*^ Sua a nome solo del
j-gymo Caraffa. E persona assai destra et forsi potra fare
qualche bene, quantunque io non ne speri molto, vedendo U
apparati che vengono di Franza in soccorso di N. S"^ et con-
siderando li peccati nostri, per li quali si puo temere che Dio
non habbia ancora posta la mano in seno, ma stia levata col
fiagello suo. Qui si fano orationi continue, et e andato il
giubileo per tutto per la pace : sopra la qual considerando
alcuna volta mi pare vedere gran difficulty, perche N. S. stima
non havere mai fatto una minima ingiuria a quella M''^, per la
qual meritasse esser trattata com' e stata, nelli machinamenti
primi di veneni, di archibusi, di tratti etc. et poi in questa
aggressione della Chiesia. Dall' altra parte il re pensa havere
havuto molte ragione da le minaccie et parole ingiuriose, da
motivi d' armi, da disfavori alii suoi, da essaltatione di suoi
nemici et d' un mai animo antico et fondata da molti anni. Et
volendo N. S. la debita sodisfattione, et mesurandola secondo
il giuditio suo, et parendo al re di non esser tenuto, anzi di
havere recevuto molti aggravi, pare difficile che '1 re si disin-
ganni et voglia sodisfar come S. S^-^ disegna. Ma non si puo
negare che questo ultimo insulto fu troppo grave et merita
satisfattione, et non si puo negare che le suspitioni sono state
maggiori dal canto del re che non si conveniva per fare cosi gran
fatto, et non si puo negare, come si e veduto, che dalle parole et
forze di S. S*-'^ non si dovea temere tanto che si venesse a tal
rottura per assecurarsi. Et oltre di cio non si pu6 negare che
ogni patientia del re verso S. S^'"- saria stata laudabile, come
d' un figlio verso il padre. Pero chi vuole concordia bisogna
persuadere S. M*-'*^ a risolversi di contentare S. S*-'' nelle cose
sopradette, altrimenti ne seguira la ruina della christianita, et
sara fatto al fine la volunta di Dio. . . .
APPENDIX. 465
[Orig. (autograph). Arm. 64, t. 32, f. 219 — 220, Secret
Archives of the Vatican.]
36. Bernardo Navagero to Venice. ^
1.J57, .Mart. 12. Rom.
Interview with Paul IV :
Mi disse che io dovea haver inteso che tutti credevono che
mercore passato si facesse promotione de cardinali, ma che
r havca voluto differir perche non vedea come potesse satisfar
a tutti e pin a se stesso sendo questa dignita che bisogna pregar
1' huomini et andarh trovando con la candeletta, per dir la sua
parola, et non esser pregato. ...
[Cod. 6255, 317. Court Library, Vienna.]
37. General Congregation of June ist, 1557.^
Romae die martis i mensis iunii 1557 fuit congregatio
generalis, in qua S. D. N. fecit multa verba super causa reten-
tionis rev. et ill. cardinalis Moroni et dixit quod volebat facere
deputatos super huiusmodi causa et quod volebat aeque et
paterne procedere et similiter dixit quod volebat vocare omnes
cardinales ad curiam propter multas causas.
[Acta consist., Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.]
38. Avviso Di Roma. 1557, July 24th. ^^
Sunday, congregation of the Inquisition about simony and
pensioni con clausule insolite of 4 hours, ,,et sempre parlo S.
S*^'^, che altri non disse parola, disse anco di voler annulla[r]
tutti gli uffitii soggiungendo che se bene si fara danno a 5 o 6
mila persone che hanno comprato gli uffitii che manco mal sark
far cosi, et da[r]li beneficii et 1' ispeditioni gratis, levando tutti
gli abusi che sono nella Cancellaria et Penitentiaria, che tener
infettato il mondo, non havcndo altro i Luth"' di che rimprove-
rar la sede apostolica se non de tale uffitii, et che si fanno morir
in un fatto d' arme 15 et 20 m. huomini, che non se ne fa conto
alcuno, che non sark gran fatto per acconciar il mondo quelli
patiscono un poco."
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 249'* . Vatican Library.]
' .See si</;m, p. 200 u. 2, * tfee supra, |i. 291, u. 2. ' .See supra, p. 203, u. 4.
VOL. XIV. 30
466 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
39. Avviso Di Roma. 1557, August 21st. ^
. . , Giovedi fu posto prigione il segretario del cardinale di
Fano in quella della inquisitione, chi dice per heresia, chi per
sodomia, et fu messo ancora quel m. Pasino di Giusti Shiavone
che sta col car^® Farnese pur per sodomia, et vi fu posto ancora
il suo Ganimede, et si e messo ancora prigione per la inquisi-
tione il seg"*^ de Bellai. Al car^® Morone fu levato la messa,
et non se ne ragiona piu come sel fusse deletus de libro viven-
tium. Molti stanno in dubio se la partita de S. Giorgio e per
il desiderio delli studii che lo muova a venir costi o se 1' e per il
timore che forse ha per la carceratione delli sudetti. . . .
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 257^^ — 258. Vatican Library.]
40. Awiso DI Roma. 1557, September 4th. ^
. . . Fra Michiele card^^ parlando col Papa sopra le cose
della pace, gli disse che non occorreva Giubileo per pregar per
la pace, stando in sua mano il farla, dove S. S*-^ gli rispose
bruscamente scazziandoselo dinanzi con parole molto brutte,
dicendogli, rate sfratato Lutherano. Un piovan dopo 1' haver
publicato in chiesa il giubileo disse al popolo haverlo fatto per
comandamento di S. S*^^, ma che li assicurava che della pace
non ne faria niente, et subito fu preso et posto pregione.
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 261'^ . Vatican Library.]
41. Avviso DI Roma. 1557, October i6th.^
N. Sor persiste in fermo proposito, di publicare la reforma, et
pero va di man in mano mozzando le gambe alia Penitentiaria,
havendoli sin hora levato, che non si concedano piii si in evi-
dentem delli beni ecc^* le dispense matrimoniale, le comu-
tationi de voti et delli frati, che piu in modo alcuno ne sotto
color niuno non sono dispensati a uscir di monastS per il che
gli ufficii di quella gia ne sentono notabil danno ogni mese.
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 274. Vatican Library.]
» See supra, pp. 266, n. 3 ; 299, n. 4 * See supra, p. 166, n. 3.
" See supra, p. 207, n. 1.
APPENDIX. 467
42. Avviso Di Roma. 1557, November 13th. ^
The Pope . . . hav^ea fatta una holla, nella quale sotto
scomuniche, maleditioni et altre pene prohihiva chc all' avenir
non si dessero piu beneficii se non a persone litterate, che non
si potesse assicurar pensioni sopra beneficii d' un terzo, che
niuno potesse impetrar beneficii per altri, et molti altri aggira-
menti de capi et confusioni della corte, et 1' havea sin data in
mano de cursori che la publicassero, poi 1' a fatto ripigliar et
non ha lasciato che si publicasse, et non vuol admetter la
resignatione del arcivescovato di Cipro nell' abbate di S.
Cipriano.
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 277. Vatican Library.]
43-45. — Cardinal Vitelli to Cardinal C. Carafa.^
15.57, December 1, :i, ]7 and 2J, Rom.
i) Pope very well. Ha facto et tuttavia fa beUissimi
decreti sopra la riforma et mai pensa in altro che in questo.
Decree that the proposals for the bishoprics are not to be settled
in the same Consistory. Decree against the ' regressi.'
The Pope sempre che si parla di V. S. I. suspira et la desidera
senza fine.
La signatura va tanto stretta che V. S. L non s' il puo pen-
sare e la fa spesso perche in quella consiste gran parte di
riforma.
Dat. Roma, i dicembre, 1557.
2) N. S'"'' hoggi ha fatto un decreto che nissuno cardinale o
altri possa havere regresso se non a una chiesa havendo estinti
tutti li regressi che s' havevono ad altre chiese, de la qual cosa
alcuni se ne sono rallegrati et ad alcuni e molto dispiaciuto.
Ha fatto ancora un altro decreto che non si possa in un med°
consistoro proporre un rettore d' una chiesa et fame 1' espe-
ditione, ma che in un concistorio si proponga et nell' altro
s' espedisca afinche li cardinali habl:)ino tanto piu tempo di
risolversi et d' informarsi delle qualita di quel che e proposto
et dir poi quant' 1' occorrc, et hoggi ha dato principio a questa
determinatione.
Di Roma, 3 dicembre, 1557.
3) The Pope is very well and is longing to see you. Non
' .-^ce siiiira, p. 207, ii. 3. * ^ee sii/jni, pji. 208, n. 2 ; 209, n. 5 ; 2 , ii.
468 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
attende ad altro che a la riforma, daily congregations et decreti
sancti. All regressi of chiese cathedrali et archiepiscopali to
give way. The Pope speaks kindly of Philip II.
Dat. Roma, 17 dicembre 1557.
Orig. Cod. Barb. lat. 5711, 48, 196 ; 51, 53. Vatican
Library.]
46-47. Concerning the Proceedings of the Roman
Inquisition against Cardinal Morone.
While important information, taken from documents in the
Gallarati-Scotti Archives, Milan, relating to the proceedings
of the Inquisition against Morone has been published by
Cantu and recently by Tacchi Venturi, other documents con-
cerning this matter have been until now disregarded. ^ I found
these in the autumn of 1906, during a short visit to Foligno,
in the library of the seminary there, and w^as able to make full
use of them later, through the kindness of Mgr. Faloci PuHg-
nani. The MS. which contains them is coted : C. VI. 5. It
is a contemporaneous volume, in 4to, bound in paper, of 152
numbered (not consecutive) pages. The heading of the ist
p. : " Processo fatto del 1557 contro il cardinale Morone,
trovato poi innocente et assoluto, di Ludovico Jacobilli di
Foligno," shows that it is the diligent collector mentioned here
who has saved these documents for posterity.'^ The heading
also indicates the principal contents, which are very clearly
proved by the following description, to be a collection of docu-
ments of which use was made for the acquittal of the Cardinal.
I Title
2 — 5 Blank.
6 — 9 Aedicta sive constitutiones rev. et ill. d. d. loannis tit. s.
Stephani in Caelio nionte S. R. E. praesbiteri cardinahs
Moroni nuncupati et episcopi Novariensis perpetui
administratoris et comitis. Novariae A. 1553 die XXV
m. lanuarii. (The 3 first pages. Reform statutes.) The
following passage is crossed out with ink : " Item statui-
mus quod nullus sacerdos vel clericus teneat Ubros pro-
' See supra, p. 293, n. 1. Further information is to be expected from
R. Ancel.
j" Jacobilli, who was an eager collector of manusci-ipts, probably received
this from his fellow-cltizeu, Sebastiano Porfiri, vicar-seneral of the Bishop
of No varo ; see Paloci PLTLiaxAVr, Notizie del ven. Giov. Batt. Vitelli, Foligno,
1S91, 43.
APPENDIX. 469
hibitos etc." ; also the passage : " statuimus et ordinavi-
mus, ut unusquisque curatiis liabeat librum qui vocatur
manipulus curatorum etc."
10 — 26. " Scriptum R'"'." This is the ' Confession ' of tiie
Cardinal pubHshed by Cantii ; cf. supra, p. 293. Nimierous
underhnings and marginal notes show that. we have here
an original cojiy, which plays a role in the acquittal.
The most imi)ortant marginal notes, from Morone
himself, are the following :
At the passage relating to the passing on to others of
Pole's writing (Cantu 178, Z. 4 V. u.) : "Qui feci male che
non do\'ca darla non havendola letta prima."
Ordering the writing Del beneficio di Cristo [loc. cit. 180,
Z. 15/16 V. o.) : " Questo fu male fatto."
Defence of the permission to circulate this writing
{loc. cit. 180, Z. 25/26 V. o.) : " Dovea e.sser piu cauto
cssendo il libro senza nome."
Expression (oral) of Paul III. (182, Z. 7 f v. o.) : " Dovea
farla in scritto."
Conference with Salmeron (182, Z. 26 f v. o.) : " Ouesto
fu mal fatto."
Morone's declaration that he had no confidence in his
works (183, Z. 13 f V. o.) : " Li tempi non comportano che
s'avviliscano le opere et meriti perche si fa poco bene per
il mondo."
His intercourse with suspects (185, par. " Un altra volta
costui venne da me etc."). Added on the margin : "Con
costui me portai male perche dovea farlo metter in prigi-
one."
Doubts as to Roman Relics (186, Z. 20 f v. o.) : "Non
dovea dubitar ne parlarne."
Against the " varieta de ordini " (186, Z. 10 f v. u.) :
"Non dovea parlarne in publico."
Expressions " de intercessione sanctorum " (186, Z.
6 f v. u.) : " Questo era voler saper troppo et gran tem-
erita." (187, Z. 4 f. v. o.) : " Que.sto era ignorantia et
incapacita." Some lines further on : "Non lassai mai la
salutationc angelica."
Utterance concerning words of the prayer " \4ta, dulcedo
et .spes nostra " (187, Z. 18 f v. o.) : " Questa fu presump-
tione et temerity."
470 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Expression " de conceptione virginis " (i88, Z. i) :
" Non dovea parlarne."
" Posso aver detto" etc. (i88, Z. 9 f v. o.) : " In questo
son stato troppo inconsiderato et ignorante et libero."
Conversation concerning Justification (188, 3rd par.) :
" In questo son stato pin volte ingannato benche dovea
guardarmi meglio."
Attitude towards Villamarina (188, 4th par.): "Non
dovea haver tanto rispetto."
Attitude towards D. Morando (188, 5th par.) : "Se in
questo son ingannato non so che me dire."
After the signature there follows a P.S. to the following
effect : Doppo ch' io ho scritto quel che si contien di sopra
havendo riletto et ben considerato ho advertito, che quasi
tutte le cose, nelle quail io posso per errore o ignorantia o
per trascuragine et inadvertentia haver dato qualche
suspition di me o scandalo, se non mi inganno sono state
da X anni indietro o poco meno. Mi e parso con ogni
summission far di cio qui memoria perche havendo per Dio
gratia doppo vissuto tanti anni senza queste occasioni, se
bene come homo fragile in molte et molte cose ho offeso
Dio, nondimeno potria parere meglio alia dementia di
N. S^"^ giustitiarmi intorno a queste cose second© la
presente giustitia che secondo le sospettione delli passati
tempi. Pur la Divina M*^^ Sua si degni governare S. S^^
et me secondo il meglio et conservarmi nella sua bona
gratia.
Last of all comes on p. 26 the covering letter which
Morone sent with his defence to the four Cardinals.
27 — 35. Defence of Morone against the accusations of the
Inquisition. The accused repudiates these in general as
unfounded, and swears to his orthodoxy, referring to what
he has already declared to the four Cardinals.
In primis petit sibi dari copiam omnium inditiorum
hactenus contra eum habitorum ac concedi tempus
conveniens plurium dierum, cum tres dies sint terminus
nimis brevis, et quod restituantur seu ostendantur sibi
suae scripturae quae sunt in manibus fisci, ut possit illis
visis reducere sibi ad mentem materias super quibus com-
ponenda sunt interrogatoria, cum agatur de rebus antiquis
quindecim annorum et ultra ita quod facile est quod
APPENDIX. 471
exciderint ab eius memoria. Et insuper etiam petit
nomina et cognomina eoriim qui eum in talibus articulis
accusant sou contra cum instigant et eorum qui pro testi-
bus adducuntur sibi propalari ut iuxta eorum qualitates
et circumstantias possit certius facere sua interrogatoria
ad ostendendum innocentiam suam. . . . Et insuper quia
non habcns nomina tcstium examinandorum non potest
certe et precise loqui, sed cogitur sub nube et per incerta
incedere, nolens sibi ipsi in faciendis legitimis a iure
permissis defensionibus deesse, si forte contingeret adduci
contra se in testes d. lacobum lacomellum episc. Belli-
castren. et d. Constantinum cognominatum Greghettum,
episc. Chironen. et fratrem Barthol. Pergolam ord. s.
Francisci et fratrem Bernardum de Parma ord. s. Dominici
et Laurentium Davidicum et Bonifacium Valentinum,
quia omnes praedicti iam dudum fuerunt et sunt ipsius
rev. d. cardinalis infensi et inimici et aliqui ex eis alias
fuerunt dicti rev. d. cardinalis accusatores et partim sunt
infames et personae neque in hac neque in ulla alia causa
fidedignae, prout (si opus esset) facile probari posset et
probari si opus sit offertur et pro maiori parte est notorium,
idcirco idem rev. d. cardinalis, quod praenominati aut
aliqui ex eis pro testibus contra se in hac causa non
recipiantur neque examinentur, si secus fiat similiter de
nullitate et de gravamine cum omni reverentia conveni-
enti solemniter et expresse omni meliori modo etc. pro-
testatur.
Then follow pars. 38, 39, which are to be laid before
all the witnesses, and which are also to be found in the copy
of proceedings in Milan, Oct. 7th, 1557. (see Tacchi
Venturi, I., 538, n. 3).
36 — 37. The articles of accusation against Morone (see supra,
p. 294, n. I ) with marginal notes in two hands (one that of
Morone), which contain references to the matter of the
discharge which now follows.
37 — 46. Copia articulorum propositorum de a. 1542 per rev.
et ill. card. Moronum, tunc episc. etc.
47 — 49. Aviso di quanto si ha da osservare dalli predicatori
472 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
nella citta et diocesi di Modena per ordine del rev. et ill.
card. Morone 1551.^
50 — 52. Analogous regulations of Morone for preachers in the
city and diocese of Novara, which Morone has issued
through a letter dated, Rome, January 22nd, 1554.
53—54. Blank.
55 — 79- Letters chronologically arranged, mostly from
Morone, also others to him, for instance, from Contarini
relating principally to Lutherans in Modena 1539 — 1545,
among them several inedited ; cf. supra, p. 296.
80 — 81. Pro ill. et rev. dom. card. Morone. Then follows the
document in question with the heading "Instructio ad
articulos fisci," reaching to 84. The most important
points from this defence of Morone's against the accu-
sations have been brought forward above (p. 296). The
most interesting passages are the following :
De meritis operum idem semper tenuit, tenet et tenebit
quod S. R. Ecclesia docet et praedicat, quod scilicet opera
nostra facta in gratia Dei sunt meritoria vitae aeternae,
quod tamen meritum principaliter credit fundari in san-
guine Christi, et ita de eius mandato fuit praedicatum
Matinae ut patet in litteris p^i vicarii sub die i martii 1543
et hoc ipsum expresse asserit rev. dominus in litteris suis
ad vie. praedict. dat. Bononiae die 25 maii 1554 et patet in
modo praedicandi Novariae n. 8^ ; eum ita sentire arguunt
elemosinae et opera bona quae quotidie facit et fecit.
De bello iusto maxime contra hereticos ipse nunquam
. dixit nee dubitavit quin id liceret et deberet, ut probatur
evidenter in litteris eius ad rev. card. Famesium Viennae
datis sub die 17 Novembris 1539 et die ult. eiusdem^ et in
voto inserto ibidem. ^ Item in s. consistorio suasit Paulo
III bo. me. ut belli foedus iniret cum principibus
catholicis contra protestantes, de quo extant etiam plures
aliae litterae.
Against the accusation relating to the book ' Del bene-
ficio di Christo ' the following was urged :
Liber iste eo tempore passim et publice erat venalis
Romae et ubique locorum et fuit sibi comendatus a
• Thia and the following passage I shall publl.sh elsewhere.
• The said passages are in the MS., p. 70 seq.
' V. DiTTRicn, Nuntiaturbcrichte Morones. 4 9 ser/„ 57 seq,
• Cf. MS,, p. 59 seq.
APPENDIX. 473
theologis et inquisitoribus, quibus eum legcndum dederat ;
postquam intellexit eum reprobatum esse ab officio s.
Inquisitionis ipse etiam ex tunc eum reprobavit ct repro-
bandum ccnsct. De favore praestito hcrcticis non potest
rev. dominus reprehendi, cum immo semper faverit officio
s. Inquisitionis ubique locorum et praccipue Mutinae,
Bononiae, Novariae, et extant plures litterae rev. dom.
Inquisitorum de Urbe et aliorum, (|ui visi sunt opera ipsius
in negocio inquisitionis, et apud eorum officium procuravit
hereticos plures castigari prout censet esse castigandos et
puniendos, et praecipue Bononiae punivit quendam
fabrum lignarium hercticum ct alium inquisitum dc heresi
exclusit ab officio Antianorum et heretici Mutinenses
habcbant eum pro persecutore et inimico ipsorum. De
pollicitatione illa^ non est curandum, quia non erat
obligatoria, sed forte fucrunt verba generalia et curialia.
86 — 103. Retrattione del Pergola fatta in Modena sopra il
pulpito a di 15 di Giugno 1544 in due prediche — was
unknown up till then.^
104 — 114. Opinion of M. Antonius Burghesius^ concerning
the trial of Morone. Even the beginning is of great
importance for the previous history of the legal proceed-
ings : Et presuppono quod fel. rec. Paulus IV primis
diebus suae assumptionis ad pontificatum deputavit
commissarios ad diversas Italiae civitates ad querendas
informationes et testes contra ill. et rev. card. Moronum
et sic pro speciali inquisitione facienda, antequam pre-
cederet diffamatio nee aliqua inditia, quo casu inquisitio
formari non potest et formata corruit et ex probationibus
sic receptis procedi non potest. These were becoming
more explicit . Borghese emphasizes : Sed nee infamia
nee inditia aut suspitiones ex probatis signis precesserunt
inquisitionem, merito minus valide processus inchoatus
fuit presertim contra cardinalem, contra quern ut supra
dictum est versatur tam grave pcriculum et in specie
contra personam ill. cardinalis ab ineunte aetate apud
omnes et religione, moribus et exemplo approbatissimam
' Tho acoHsation had made Rood, quod licmticis scii do hcrosi suspcctis
favit ot prei'ipuo JioiiDiiiac, quilnis |i()llirit>.iK est, (jiiod si niilU-rvliir ox mlic
aliqua pFDviMio contra eos quod oapcroulur, (|uod illos premoiiorot asHci-ciicIo
lllos herotii-os non ohso per.seiiufndoh ex quo Dous ip-so toltrat oos.
• (//. coni'crnini? J'crKoIa bosidcs lU'SCllIJKl.L, "JOS, Hl.» C'AKCKRKUI, lUforma
p inijuiijixionc nel duculo di L'rljiTio (Verona 1011 ), \o scq.
' C'/.ooDcerulug this celebrated lawyer Mokoni, VI., o7 ser/.and supra, p. 306.
474 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
et in legationibus pro religion e et aliis negotiis huius s.
sedis catholice et sine aliqua suspitione versatum que bona
apud homines existimatio tollere debuisset omnem sus-
pitionem delicti. . . . Nee obstant duo testes qui reperi-
untur in principio processus, these are badly disposed
towards the Cardinal and therefore not worthy of belief ;
one has even been convicted of lying.
Ex quibus sequitur minus legitime inchoatum fuisse
indicium et longe minus processum fuisse ad capturam
ad quam contra cardinalem non facile proceditur et deber-
ent inditia urgenitiora concurrere quam in aliis requiratur
propter eminentiam et dignitatem et alias rationes de
quibus supra. Et quamvis stantibus premissis, que
reddunt processum nullum et invalidum, non esset ulterius
elaborandum, tamen ut innocentia prefati rev°^^ eo clarius
in lucum prodeat dicam que sequuntur.
Borghese throws doubts on the credibility of the nine
witnesses against Morone.
As such the following were presented : i. Quidam
f rater Bernardus ord. s. Dominici ; 2. Frater Bartholo-
maeus Pergula ord. s. Francisci ; 3. Quidam lo. Bapt.
Scottusi qui omnes fatentur se hereticos et abiurasse et sic
habemus tres infames hereticos quibus nulla est fides
adhibenda, testes enim in criminalibus debent esse omni
exceptione maiores. . . . Accedit quod prefati fr. Ber-
nardus et fr. Bartholomaeus sunt eiusdem rev. card^^^
inimici . . . et constat quod fr. Bartholomaeus fuit
instante rev. cardinali coactus retractare certos articulos
de heresi suspectos in ecclesia Mutinensi. . . . Nee
omittendum est quod fr. Bernardus id quod deposuit
retractavit coram inquisitore et confessus fuit quod ea
quae in primo examine contra rev. cardinalem [dixit], non
erant vera. Then Borghese brings against A. Salmeron
as a witness the accusation that he was an enemy of
Morone. Augetur falsitas et inverisimilitudo causae quia
ipsemet attestatur quod de premissis certiorem reddidit
patrem Ignatium suum maiorem et tamen fatetur quod
Ignatius et alii sodales assidue habuerunt conversationem
cum rev. d. cardinali et singuhs annis a sua rev. domina-
tione habuerunt pro eleemosyna scuta 50, quod non est
' Cf. BUSCHBELL, 196 sefl.
APPENDIX. 475
credendum et conversasse et recepisse, si cognovissent
dom. suam reva"^ diviare ab ecclesia sancta Dei. . . .
Quintus testis est bibliopola Mutinensis, qui est hereticus.
. . . Sextus testis est Scottus Bononiensis, qui pariter est
hereticus et aliis sceleribus implicitus. . . . Septimus
testis est falsus apcrtissime qui allegat contestem qui
contrarium deponit et attestatur in favorem rev. car-
dinalis asserens quod nihil hcreticum cum co fuit loquutus.
. . . Octavus testis est fr. Reginaldus^ qui deponit in
favorem rev"^ cardinaUs et cum inductus sit a fisco eius
dicta sunt admodum attendenda. The ninth witness, the
episcopus Bellicastren. [Jac. GiacomeUi], is suspicious
eo quia cardinaUs dum i)rcesset gymnasio curavit eidem
testi annuam pensionem minui, he is also causa odii
at present, et ubi est causa odii et inimicitiae sufficit ad
repellendum testem. . . . Sed etiam repcllendus est quia
est sibi contrarius quia in primo suo examine prohtetur
cardinalem hereticum in articulo de libero arbitrio et
tamen in alio examine dixit nescire an id profiteretur
disputative vel ne et sic non concludit ad heresim quae
requirit pertinaciam. Et eo minus fides huic testi
adhibenda est quo ipse allegat contestem episcopum
civitatis Castellanae [Scipio Bongalli] qui contrarium
affirmat, ut merito excludatur omnis eius fides, et etiam
dictum suum revocavit.
ii6 — 117. The opinion of Ant. Massa as to the admission of
Morone to the conclave.
118. Brevis informatio processus (crossed out).
iiQ — 135. Brevis informatio status causae et processus per
offitium s. inquisitionis contra rev. d. Card. Moronum
agitati. Apparet ex ipso processu f. 31 quod papa Paulus
IV statim factus papa sub die 26 iunii 1555 expedivit
breve commissariatus, cuius vigore commissarius depu-
tatus circuivit diversas Italiae civitates querendo testes
pro informatione processus faciendi, et sic sumus in claro
quod non preccdebat aliqua infamatio neque erant aliqua
inditia precedcntia inquisitionem prout de iure precedere
debent ut processus valeat atquc hinc sequitur quod totus
processus nihil valet nullaque est consideratione dignus,
nee quicquam faciunt duo testes informativi positi ante
• See Bu.sciiBKLL, 'J'J.
476 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dictum fol. 31, quorum unus est Bonifatius Valentinus
Mutin., alter Laurentius Davidicus, quia non habent
prenotatum diem quo fuerunt examinati et sumus certi
quod fuerunt examinati dudum post dictum diem 26 iunii
1555 et eorum dicta fortasse per errorem notarii fuerunt
posita in principio processus et omnino nihil probant, nam
ultra quod ambo sunt capitales inimici p*' rev™* d. car-
dinalis prout fuit pro eius parte allegatum quando dedit
interrogatoria et postea in articulis deductum, preterea
ambo sunt heretici et propter multa alia scelera infames
et omnino ex eorum dictis nihil concluditur. . . .
Et sic habemus pro claro et indubitato quod processus
inchoatus fuit non precedentibus inditiis neque infamia.
Sequitur deinde carceratio non minus nulla quam iniusta
et inimico dicti Pauli pape facta quia, ultra quod facta
est iuris ordine ut praecipitur non servato, preterea non
apparet cuius mandato facta fuerit, cum causa nondum
haberet iudicem ; nam die XI iunii 1557, ut patet fol.
309, presentatus fuit motus proprius per quem papa
narrato quod cardinalis pro nonnullis ad officium s.
Inquisitionis pertinentibus in arce s. Angeli detenebatur,
committit eius causam quatuor rev°^^ qui deberent audire
et merita causae sibi referre, unde apparet quod dixi
carcerationem esse factam sine mandato indicis com-
petentis et iusuper quod nunc causa mortuo ipso papa
reperitur sine iudice. Et quamvis stante nuUitate pre-
dicta totus processus, ut dixi, redditur nullus et nullius
considerationis, tamen, ut manifesta fiat innocentia p*'
rev. d. cardinalis, dicam que mihi occurrunt circa ea quae
pro parte fisci praetendi possunt.
In the following the author first of all examines the
witnesses : fr. Bemardus and fr. B. Pergula still in the
Ripetta prison when they were interrogated ; J. B. Scottus
and Antonius bibliopola Mutin. had themselves acknow
ledged they had been heretics, et sic habemus 4 infames
hereticos quibus nulla est prestanda fides de iure. Further
reasons were adduced to show that those witnesses should
be ignored, e.g., personal enmity, inconsistency, etc.
In a similar manner the testimony of Salmeron was
confuted.
Secundus testis nescimus omnino quis sit, sed non refert
APPENDIX. 477
quia nihil dicit dc sua scientia sed est relator verborum
cuiusdam alterius.
Tertius testis est ill fr. Bcrnardus. . . .
Quartus est supranoniinatus fr. B. Pergula. . . .
Quint us est bibliopola Mutin. — liereticus.
Sextus est ille Scottus Bonon. pariter hereticus.
In all cases further grounds besides heresy (with quota-
tions from the documents of the proceedings) were brought
forward for disregarding the testimony of these witnesses.
Septimus nescimus quis sit . . . redditus falsus in
duobus. . . .
Octavus testis est fr. Reginaldus qui nihil deponit
contra cardinalem.
Nonus testis est lac. lacomellus ep. Belhcast. Grounds
against these as above.
After repudiating these witnesses, the author remarks :
We must also take into consideration quod et inter ipsos
testes fisci sunt qui probant cardinalem esse catholicum
et nunquam fuisse de heresi suspectum ut sunt pdictus
fr. Reginaldus et p''i<^tus prior s. Dominici Mutinae et
dictus episcopus Civitatis Castellanae et' aliunde intellexi-
mus esse examinatos ahos qui multa deposuerunt ad
favorem rev. cardinalis ut est mag*^"^ d. Bartholomaeus
Spatafora nobilis Messanen. et alii plures, quorum tamen
dicta non sunt posita in processu, nescimus si per inad-
vertentiam notarii vel ob aliam causam.
In the second part on the basis of Morone's depositiones
et in scriptis et in examinibus factae are demonstrated
nihil in eis contineri quod fisci intcntionem adiuvet neque.
rev. dom. quidquam in eis confiteri quod dicta testium
comprobet quatenus contra ipsum deposuerunt. This is
shown in each point and the inference is then drawn :
Ex his igitur scriptis nihil resultat quo rev"""^ cardinalis
fateatur se sensisse alitpiid hereticum vel suspectum fuisse
suspitione probabili atque ideo fisci intontio super his
fundari non potest.
The conclusion — again from another hand (Morone's) —
is therefore :
Quod ad tertium principale genus pretensionum fisci
' Tiio follow'iupr wopiIh up to " cau.s.im " form a suiiploinont in nnollicr hand,
porliaps I liat of Mciioiie hiins<;lf. Klsfwlifn- this dof-ninenl hIho shows sisiis of
c'iirructioMs in l.lii.-i liand, whii'h lias a trical rr~oiiitilancc' to ilial wliii'h Lis
writton tliu above-iuenlionod (p. 40'J) additional notes.
47^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
de libris hereticorum et epistolis marchionissae Piscariae
et aliorum quos fiscus habet pro hereticis, quae fuerunt
in eius domo repertae, paucis opus est. Nam quoad libros
dictum est supra circa primum caput predicti scripti ipsius
rev. cardinalis et additur quod ex inscriptionibus, quae
sunt super ipsis libris manu eiusdem reverend"^* factae,
apparet quod ipse tenebat illos tamquam reprobos et
damnatos, non autem pro bonis et legibilibus. Quo vero
ad epistolas in illis non continetur aliquod non solum
hereticum, sed neque etiam quod concernat religionem,
sed alia negocia, et marchionissa et aliae personae prae-
dictae non habebantur pro hereticis sed pro catholicis, ut
dictum est supra prox. circa XI caput scripti praedicti.
Itaque concludendo remanet quod neque ex testibus
neque ipsius aut aliorum scripturis quicquam est in actis,
unde probetur non modo crimen heresis, sed neque etiam
iusta causa quam ob rem potuerit apud bonos viros oriri
de ipso rev™o suspitio talis peccati.
At last effect is given to the following^ : Nolo praeter-
mittere quin (ad magis ostendendum quam inique fecerit
processum) hoc quoque dicam. Quod Hcet de iure etiam
in causa heresis ubi offertur cautio de non offendendo
testes danda sint reo ipsorum testium nomina et pro parte
dicti rev™° dicta cautio fuerit oblata ut sibi nomina ederen-
tur, tamen non potuit obtinere et sic non potuimus oppon-
ere contra personas nisi aliquorum ex ipsis testibus, quos
ex eorum dictis potuimus coniectura comprehendere qui
essent. Imo quod peius est occultata fuerunt eodem
modo et dumtaxat per literam N notata nomina person-
arum quae per ipsos testes nominantur et locorum et
temporum quibus res, de quibus deponunt, gestae fuerunt.
Quod nullo iure cavetur etiam in causa heresis fieri per
indices posse, ex quibus circumstantiis, si illas scivissemus,
verisimile est quod multo plures exceptiones potuissemus
ehcere itaque defensio nobis concessa fuit magis verbaHs
quam realis et omnino imperfecta et manca.
Hoc volui dixisse non quia multum referat in hac causa,
quae caret difhcultate et ex praedictis redditur clarissima,
sed ut confirmarem, quod processus hie fuit instructus et
agitatus magis pro alicuius odii et vindictae prosecutione
' The same hand here agaiu.
APPENDIX. 479
quam pro iustitia et zelo religionis utque etiam qui leget
habcat nos cxcusatos si videbimur pauca deduxisse et
quodammodo sicco pede pertransivisse.
48. Avviso Di Roma. 1558, April 2nd^
Li negotii et li espedimenti di qua vano molto lenti et fredi,
cccetto quelli dell' Inquisitione, che ogni giorno si vede affisse
qualche citationi, et questo per causa dell' indispositioni del
papa circa alia vecchiezza, che non puo la fatica, et il Datario
et Barengo che sogliono sempre parlar a S. S*'^ di cose sue par-
ticular, sono tail' hora 20 giomi che non 1' hanno visto, nelli
pono parlare, et 1' ambasciator di Francia e un mese che ha
ricercato 1' audientia, nella puo havere, et il card, di Monte
che sono 3 mesi, che sta in spettative di haverla, vi e piu lontano
adesso ch' era da principio. . . .
II card, d' Oria e morto, et al card. Morone se li e ingrossata
la vista, che non vede, se non con li ochiali et lettera grossa per
r aria trista del Castello.
The nephews are expected daily, but always delay their
arrival.
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 297°. Vatican Library.]
49. Pope Paul IV. to Joh. Manriquez, Viceroy of Naples. 2
1.558, .Tuli 25, Rom.
. . . Quo plus Ecclesiae Dei utilitatis attulit praedicatorum
ordo a beato Dominico institutus, eo magis providcndum est,
ne ab eius ordinis professoribus sanctissimi illius patris dis-
ciplina et regularis observantia ncghgatur. Sed cum omnibus
Christianis cara esse debet ordinis existimatio Dominicani, tum
iis praecipue, qui eadem in terra geniti sunt, unde illud tarn
clarum et splendidum Ecclesiae lumen exortum est. We beg
you, in your praj^ers to help erga gloriosum ilium nationis tuae
confessorem, to bring back all convents of the Order in your
Kingdom ad regularem observantiam, and to support Thomas
Manriquez O. Pr. mag. theol. in everything he says to you in
the name of the vice-protector Card. Alexandrinus or of the
General.
[Minutae brev. ad princ. Arm. 44 t. 2 p. 119. Secret Archives
of the Vatican.]
' See siiijrH, pp. 286, u. 2 ; 305, n. 5. * See supr<i, i>. 216, n. .
480 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
50. Avviso Di Roma. 1558, September loth.^
Giovedi il Papa peggioro assai della sua indispositione,
essendoli venuto uno accidente assai maggiore de 1' altro
precedente, et il medico toccandoli il polso, il che per avanti
non ha voluto concedere, trovo che haveva la febre, et giudico
che per avanti 1' haveva havuta ancora. Onde il romor del
male, et il pericolo di peggio fu grande quella sera, et tanto
piu che si diede ordine che la cavalleria ch' e alloggiata in quelli
contorni venisse per la mattina tutta qua, et similmente le
battaglie, et fu prohibito alle poste che non si desse cavalli a
chi si fosse, et alle porte della Citta, che non si lasciasse uscire
alcuno, et dato ordine di pagar fanti, et furono pagati il di
seguente, che fu hieri, et ne sono 708 insegne di quelli che
furono fatti per sospetto dell' armata Turchescha, et con questi
altri potranno fare in tutto da 1300 incirca, ma per hora non
passano 800. ... II Papa quella sera et hier matina si
comunico per mano del r"^o di Pisa molto divotamente, et dice
non voleva morire disperato ne ostinato, ma che era app-
rechiato di pigliare qualche cosa per la salute del corpo, se cosi
a loro paresse, cosa che per avanti non haveva voluto fare. Et
se ben si disse hieri che stava meglio, non si credeva, because
yesterday morning the " Caraffi " with " 50 muli " " 200
fanti " sent to Civitavecchia and yesterday evening all the
halberdiers were ordered to come to the Castello. Some say
he is worse, others the opposite ; the Pope non si serve se non
delli suoi parenti. Et questa mattina s' ha fatto molta difh-
culta d' entrare, anche nelle stanze del card. Caraffa, che sono
neir appartamento del papa, et si tiene per certo che se non e
morto non la fara lungo.
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 333. Vatican Libraryb.]
51. Avviso DI Roma. 1558, December 24.2
The Pope said to the Cardinals che non si dovessero mara-
vigliare di non haver fatto promotione de novi cardinali a
queste tempora, perche vedeva il Collegoi anchora assai amplo,
et da r altro canto non haveva trovato soggetti convenienti,
'See supra, p. 222, n. 2. An *Avvi.so of September 17tli anuounces the
convalesceiice of the Pope, although he is still very weak (loc. cif.). Ibid. p.
310 a *Pas'iuiaata of September 10th, 1558, about the illness of Paul IV.
Go October 1st an * Avviso anununeeti : " II papa e del tutto risanato."
* See supra, p. 221, n. 2.
APPENDIX. 481
et che anche loro dovessero trovarne al proposito, et non
mancheria manco lui di ornare il Collegio di personc degne et
meritevoli di tal grado.
[Cod. Urb. 1038, 353b. Vatican Library.]
52. Avviso DI Roma. 1559, February iith.^
. . . Sono stati abbrugiati 4 questa settimana, uno heretico
ct fu brugiato vivo, li altri tre morti, cioe uno che fatturava la
gente et incantava et faceva un mondo de sceleragini,il secondo,
che haveva vive 7 mogUe et le andava vendendo a quest' et
quello, r ultimo anche heretico oltramontano, li altri de qui
circonvicini fuor di Roman. . . .
[Cod. Urb. 1039, 7. Vatican Library.]
53. Pope Paul IV. to Pietro Donato, Bishop of Narni.2
1559, Februar. 27, Rom.
VenerabiU fratri Petro Donato episcopo Narniensi pro-
vinciae nostrae Romandiolae pro nobis et S. R. E. praesidenti.
Venerabihs f rater, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.
Mandate nostro tecum aget dilectus filius, qui has tibi litteras
reddidit, Angelus de Armino ordinis praedicatorum, com-
missarius sacri officii Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis, de
quodam iniquitatis filio, quern is tibi nominabit, ob id crimen
capiendo. Qua in re exequenda ut onmem diligentiam, curam
et artem adhibeas volumus ac districte praecipimus ct man-
damus. Vehementer enim cupimus ilium comprehendi et
diUgenter custoditum hue abs te quamprimum remitti. Prae-
terea visitari abs te volumus loca omnia, de quibus idem com-
missarius tecum loquctur. Quo in munere fungendo quanto
maiorem diligentiam fraternitas tua adhibuerit, tanto rem
nobis faciet gratiorem.
Datum Romae apud sanctum Petrum etc., die 27 februari
1559 pontificatus nostri anno 4°.
Alo. Lipomanus Bergomensis.
[Minutae brev. ad princ. Arm. 44 t. 2 f. 143. vSecret Archives
of the Vatican.]
' iice aiipra, p. 2G0, u. 2. • bee Niipni, p. 281, u. (i.
VOL. XIV. 31
482 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
54. Cardinal M. Ghislieri to the Inquisitor Girolamo da
Genova.i
1559, Mart. 31, Rom.
R° in X° P. Con molto piacer di questo sacr™° tribunale s' e
inteso per la vostra delli XXVII di questo la obedientia di
questa citta. II sir"* Idio 1' habbi per sempre in sua protettione.
Spirato il termine prefisso infin' a domenica proxima, V. R.
facci arder publicamente tutti i libri prohibiti che a lei et a
mons"" vicario sono stati presentati, et non sia chi ardisca di
voler conservar libri del tutto prohibiti con speranza che 1
decreto di questo sacratissimo tribunale s' habbi a rilassare.
Et fate intendere a mons^. vicario che si guardi di fare man-
camento in questo negocio. Non accade dar orecchi aUe
falsita del volgo. Milano esseguisce gagliardamente et ha
stampato et publicato 1' Indice. In Venetia il sabbato delle
Olive pubHcamente si brusciorno piu di X et forsi XII mila
volumi hbri ; et 1' inquisitore ne fa tuttavia nuovi cumuli.
Firenze e vero che e mal provista d' inquisitori, ma il duca
zelantissimo da ogni favore a questo santo officio.
Napoli CO '1 resto d' Italia han prontamente obedito. Non
mancate, avertendo pero di non brusciar queUi che si possono
salvare, con gU totalmente prohibiti ; governatevi secondo
r Indice et secondo 1' instruttione ; et non dubitate che '1 sig'^'
Idio aiuta la causa sua.
AUi librari non s' ha da far piu remissione che si facci com-
unemente alii altri, sapendo che per la loro ingordigia orta est
haec tempestas et ruina maxima. II partito di mandar i loro
libri prohibiti a luochi de lutherani e stato proposto da alrfi et
non s' e ammesso, che non si concede il portare arme ad
infideli ; ma piu presto s' accettaria il partito di spogliarli anche
di quelle che hanno, quando si potesse.
II tesoro della lingua latina ci contentiamo di concederlo al
sig^ Ansaldo Giustiniano deletis delendis.
II Testamento vecchio et nuovo fiandrese si vegga da chi
r intenda, prima che si conceda.
Le scritture di fra Giacomo s' hebbero fedelmente dalli
cursori.
Intendo che si sono f atti alcuni essamini, con far citar la parte,
con espresso pregiudiccio della causa nostra, procedendosi al
* See supra, p. 281, n. 3.
APPENDIX. 483
contrario di quel che si doveria. V. R. sollectii ispedir gli
essamini de' quali gli ho scritto circa i parrochiani o sudditi
talmente all' abbadia che non ad altra cura.
Aspettaro che cosa havra esseguito mons'" de Scribanis et
mons'' rev'''' d' Acquis ct intanto mi raccomando alle vostre
orationi.
Di Roma il di ultimo di marzo MDLIX.
Di V. R.
[autograph] II nomc del giudice di la causa e mons^" Clusinense,
qual e moils'" Santa Croce vescovo Clusinense.
Come fratello in Christo
II Card^ Ahsandrino.
[Address] Al r"^" p, frate Girolamo dell' ordine de Predicatori
inquisitore in Genoa a S. Domenico.
[Orig. Cod. E. VII., 15. University Library, Genoa.]
55. Avviso DI Roma. 1559, April 8th. ^
. . . E uscita la bolla che S. S^'^ publico allidi passati contra
li heretici o sospetti d' heresia et contra li scismatici, molto
terribile, che non fa eccetion di persona alcuna in qualunque
grado o dignita che sia, spirituale o temporale, privandoli
d' ogni benefitio, dignita et honore, et da liberta alii superiori,
et comette che le debbino privare, et che mai piu possino essere
tenuti habili ad alcuna dignita ne grado, il che tutto si crede
fatto principalmente per privare cosi tacitamente il card.
Morone che non possa promosso mai al pontificate.
[Cod. Urb. 1039, 24. Vatican Library.]
56. Avviso DI Roma. 1559, May 20th. ^
. . . Lunedi, martedi et mercordi passati le mattinc fu fatta
congregatione nelle stanze del cardinal dc Pisa, insieme col
quale furno Allessandrino, Rimini et Spoleti sopra la causa del
cardinal Morone, et nella congregatione de giovedi coram S°^c
si parlo ancora della mcdesima causa, et hieri mattina i detti
cardinali fecero la medema congregatione nel detto luoco sopra
la istessa causa, et per quanto si e inteso da persona che lo pu6
' Sec su/jni. p. 304, u. 2. * See supra, p. 304, u. 4.
484 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sapere, et per voler assignare a quel cardinale 1' ultimo termine
ad defensionem et spedir quella causa. . . .
[Cod. Urb. 1039, 36. Vatican Library.]
57. Avviso Di Roma. 1559, June 3rd.^
... la onde e forza dire che la morte del card. Spoleti ha
giovato non poco al detto Caraffa, et ha prolongate 1' espe-
ditione della causa di Morone. . . .
. . . Mons'' Osio e stato liberato dal Castello et mandate di
longo a Rieti al suo vescovato senza ch' el habbia potuto par-
lare a cardinale ne prelato alcuno et si dice che si tratta molto
strettamente la liberatione del rev^*^ Morone, et potria essere
che le cose non passassero tanto male, come si dubitava, in
effetto dopo la morte di Spoleti si sonno discoverte assai male
operatione sue, perche nanti ch' il Papa fusse Papa cercava
ogni mezzo di mettere il cardinal de Napoli in disgratia de S.
S*^ et si crede al certo che lui sia stato causa delle cose seguite
tra S. S*^ et li nipoti. . . .
Hieri si commincio a legere il processo di Morone et durera
insino a giovedi. Si fara congregatione ogni di in questo mezzo,
et si pensa che a 1' hora faranno la determinatione. . . .
[Cod. Urb. 1039, 47. Vatican Library.]
58. Cardinal M. Ghislieri to the Inquisitor Girolamo
DA Genova.2
1559, Jnli 21, Rom.
R° in Christo Padre. lo non posso credere che cotesti
signori voglino mancar di porgere tutto il lor favore a V. R.
neir essecutione che resta a farsi circa i libri prohibiti, ne men
credo che voglino diventar censori de i decreti di questo sacra-
tissimo tribunale, con voler far distintione tra' libri, la quale
non sia fatta dal santo officio. Onde spero che V. R. li rendera
capaci a conoscere che le censure ugualmente ligano qualunque
tenga qual si vogli libro prohibito, o sia italiano o sia alemano.
In Firenze tanto braccio s' ha quanto si sa desiderare da quell'
eccmo prencipe. Se c' e diffetto, il che non so, nascera dalla
poca sufficcienza o diligenza de' ministri del santo officio. A
noi e dato aviso che s' e fatta la debita essecutione, dalla quale
niun magistrate catholico puo sottrahersi. . . .
' See supra, p. 304, n. 5. ' See sitpra, p. 281, n. 4.
APPENDIX. 485
Di Roma il di XXI di luglio MDLIX
Di V. R.
Come fratello
[autograph] II Card^ Alisandrino.
[Address] Al rev. padre frate GiroF inquisitore et nostro car"**^
Genoa.
[Orig. Cod. E. VII., 15, University Library, Genoa.]
59. Avviso DI Roma. 1559, August 5tli.i
Lunedi si fcce consistorio . . . et poi se ne fee' im altro
mercordi, et in questo . . . S. S*"'^ fee' una grand bravat' al
card^ Alessandrino- et lo fece star in pie di piu d' una mezz'
hora per causa d' haver favorit' un certo frate. . . .^
S' intende che la causa principale del rebuffo ch' ha fatto S.
S'^ al cardinal Alessandrino sia stata che, esscndosi in Spagna
dair Inquisitione proceduto contro 1' arcivescovo di Toledo
per haver dato fuor un suo libro che pecc' alquanto d' heresia
et per esser quello frate di s, Domenico desiderando di scifar'
il rigoroso procedcre di quell' Inquisitione, h' appellato qui.
Poi s' intende ch' il ha mandato qui un suo frate con lettere di
cambio per 20 mila scudi et gioie, con ordine di corromper
ogniun a cio la causa sua fusse favorita, il qual frate ha fatto
qui il primo recapito in casa del card^ Alessandrino, et lui
diffendeva la causa del detto arcivescovo quanto piii poteva, in
modo tale che la cosa per via dell' altri dell' Inquisitione e
pervenut' all' orecchie di S. S^^, onde nacque poi tal rebuffo
ch' il card' Conseglieri ha havut' a dire che non si puo vivere
ne negotiare con S. S^'^ che hora per hora li fa ribulft di cavalli,
per haverne fatt' uno tal al cardinal Alessandrino che lo fece
restar un stecco, et non contento di questo S. S^'^ fece fare per
il governatore un commandament' a quel frate ch' in termine
di 3 hore sotto pena della vita sgombrasse di questa citta, et
fu esseguito quel commandamento quell' istessa mattina,
stand' il detto frate a tavola col cardinal Alessandrino a desin-
are, ct mercordi in 1' altro consistorio S. S*^-"^ rifresco il detto
ribuffo chiamand' il detto cardinal indegno di quel grado ot che
' Soe supra, p. 317, n. C.
* Cf. the report of *NavaR(!ro of Aiigusl Itli, 1.5.59. .'-^tate .Xirliivcs, Vinicc,
' What is oiuittod docs not refer to tlie dispute witii (itiislieri.
486 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
se teniva la conscientia aggravata d' haverlo fatto card^^, et
si dubito non lo facesse metter in Castello.^
[Cod. Urb. 1039, 65. Vatican Library.]
60. Report of Agostino Ricchi concerning the mortal
ILLNESS OF Pope Paul IV. 2
. . . Quum enim senex plus quam octogenarius animo'
integerrimo, vita inculpata ac virtute nemini non cognita, tarn
pertinaciter observans esset omnium rerum quae ad Dei
cultum ac religionem pertinerent, ut tum alias tum eV ixSvo(payiats
saepius seipsum ad extremum spiritum perduxisset, vix ab eo
tenuissimo victu dimoveri poterat, prius quam in summam
imbecillitatem at que in animi defectionem incidisset. At
vero, quum in maximis canicularium dierum squalloribus,
nobis invitis, trium iam dierum a carnibus abstinentiam atque
ab aliis omnibus optimi alimenti cibariis, te potissimum dis-
suadente, pertulisset, tandem ilium etiamdum erectum syncope
prehendit. Ex qua nempe Dei auxilio relatus, ubi res omnes
quae ad postremam lucem spectarent pro tanti principis dig-
nitate ac prudentia composuisset, post paucas horas summa
cum pietate ac religione e vita excessit.
Ad ill'^^'^et rev™"™d. d. Alphonsum Carafam card. Neapolit.
Agustini Ricchi in historiam aegrotationis Pauli IV P. M.
praefatio.
[Cod. Barb. lat. 2567, 26 f. Vatican Library.]
61 — 62. Concerning the sources and composition of the
History of Paul IV.
Paul IV. had, during his lifetime, an excellent exponent of his
personality in the person of the Venetian ambassador, Ber-
nardo Navagero. The story told by this distinguished
diplomatist is founded entirely on his own observation. It
affords a " wonderfully complete picture full of genuine feeling,
and pervaded with the fascination of a portrait drawn from
life."3
' According to a letter of the Cardinal of Siguenza, of July 29, 1559 (in
Dolij>jgi-;r, Beitrilge, 1., 2(i;j) the expulsion of the Dominicniis was due to an
error on the part of tlie governor of the city.
* See supra, pp. 317, n. 5 ; 414, n. 2 ; 421, n. 4. For A. Ricchi, sec Marini,
I., .SI 7 seq.
° See A.NnRGA3, Die veueziauischen Relationen und ihr Verhaltnis znr
Kiiltur der Rennaisance, Leipzig, 1908, l]:i. Concerning Navagero, equally
distinguislied as statesman and scholar, cf. CicofjN.4, Iscrizioni Veneziaiie
(1855), Vol. VI., and SusTA, Die Kurie mid das Konzil von Trfent, Vienna,
1911, III., iii., vi.seg.
APPENDIX. 487
This story, which perhaps surpasses all others in its plastic,
intuitive knowledge, was circulated very early in manuscript,
but was only pnbUshed in 1846 in the collection of Alberi. It
was quoted still earher in historical literature by Ranke, as
well as the supplementary work of Ahase Mocenigo of 1560.
In the Analccta to the third volume of his " Papste "
(pp. 48 scqq.) Ranke discusses both accounts. He also touches
upon the principal error of Navagero, viz., that Paul IV. only
began the war with Spain on account of his nepotic pohcy
(389). The criticism which Cardinal Antonio Carafa^ (d. 1591)
wrote on Navagero's story in a work preserved in the National
Library at Naples (X — F — 55), has quite escaped the notice
of Ranke. This Apologia alia relatione del Navagero, written
in the hand of the Cardinal's secretary, is a noteworthy
authority, in so far that Antonio Carafa hved, in his youth, in
the Vatican with Paul IV. He could, therefore, give many
interesting and valuable notes on the history of that Pope, and
could also furnish several fair criticisms on Navagero, but, in
general, he too frequently errs by excess. The essay is too
partial, and, as one may gather from the title, too apologetic. ^
Onofrio Panvinio fell into the opposite extreme in many
passages of his Vita Pauli IV., which first appeared in 1562.
At that time the reaction against the measures of Paul IV. was
at its height, and to this feehng Panvinio, doubtless influenced
by his patron. Cardinal Farnese, has paid tribute. Panvinio
himself seems to have felt later on that he had gone too far ;
in later editions several passages have been altered in a note-
worthy manner.^
• The printed works of the learned Cardinal are in tho Catal. libr. liibl.
Casanat. 11., 'J3 ; cf. IJ.vTTiruL, Vaticane, 09 scq. ; ibid., 63 set]., coiueriiing liis
life. Cardinal Antonio Carafa had previously endeavoured to have a literary
moauinent to his imele compiled, whieli tlie hnmaTiist Kohertelln was to have
composed. Further deliils are to l)e lound in a *le(t('r of Khuuinio Filonardi
to Cardinal .Vntonio Carata, dated I'adiia, loCo, Jmii 1 (Vat. (i.sj),"), ;>jy-;j.si,
Vatican Library ). Tlie whole life of Paul IV. was to be treated in this work,
and the truth told about the war against Spain. With resard to the nuinner
of its comi)osition, a. work similar to that of Jovius on Leo X. was thoufirht of,
but Kilonardi thought Itoberlello had better take Suetonius as a model, ratlier
than Plutarch. Uwius to tlie deatli of the Cardinal the plan came to nothing.
• (J. IJ. Castaldo did not include tlie work in his book, in order not to irritate
tiio .Spaniards : see PADiyuoXK, liibl. del Museo di S. :Martino, 242.
' In tlie discussion about the proceedings of Paul IV. against the vagrant
monks, tho groundless accusation continues, which is the Venetian edition
of 15(;2 is exiiressod as follows : " Monasteriorum vero iiraefeclos ut eos re-
oiperent non ooegit, rpia ro nihil ini(|uius." Concerning the arrest of Morono
there is wanting in the later edition tlie addition " ((uem «'X morum dissimill-
tudine oderat." The re-casting of the conc'lusion is most notcworlhy. In-
stead ol the passage " l>"eli.x procul dubio . . . attigissct "' which i'anviiiio
also included in his work on Papal elections (in which his judgment concerning
Paul IV. is much moi-e correct [Mkkk-lk. II., .$33 J) it is given in tlie later editions
thus : " Caeterum liheralitate. ivligionis tuendae conservaiulaeque zelo sui>er
ooiaes retro pontillces maximc clarus ct <iuo pontilicc primum hominuni et
488 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Theatines have always held the memory of Paul IV. in
honour, and rightly, as he was their co-founder. They felt
it very much when Cardinal Antonio Carafa's idea of com-
pilingi a biographical monument to Paul IV. was not carried
out. 2 The Theatine, Antonio Caracciolo (d. 1642) took a great
interest in supplying the deficiency. Caracciolo, who was also
engaged in literary work in other directions, zealously collected
information of every kind concerning Paul IV. Only a small
part of his collection has appeared in print, under the title
" CoUectanea historica de vita Pauli IV." (Coloniae, 1642).
The greater part remains in manuscript, and bears the title
" Vita e gesti di Giovan Pietro Carafa cioe di Paolo IV. P.M."^
Three manuscripts of this work, one of which is probably the
autograph, are in the library of the Certosa di S. Martino in
Naples (c/. Padiglione, 427 seq). A very good copy of the
original is in the Casanatense Library, Rome, in the Codex C.
III., 43 (formerly N. 349).''
The work of Caracciolo had a wide circulation in manu-
script ; copies are in the Secret Archives of the Vatican (Misc.
Arm. II, t. 101), in the Barberini Library (Barb. lat. 4953,
4961, 5370), in the Chigi Library (J. II, 65., J. III., 66), in the
Vatican Library (Ottob. 617-619, incomplete, only reaching to
the election of Paul IV.), in the Vittorio Emanuele Library
(two copies from the Theatine Library of S. Andrea della Valle ;
cf. Ed. d'Alenqon, G. P. Carafa e la riforma nell 'ordine
dell 'osservanza, Foligno, 1912), and a copy in my private
library ; other copies in the Library at Parma (Palat. 638, copy
of Cas. C. III., 43), in St. Mark's Library, Venice (Ital. V., 59),
in the Bertoliana Library, Vicenza, and in the British Museum
(20011, 20012). The work of Caracciolo, compiled in 1613
(see Zacharias, It. litt., 113) was frequently made use of by
all historians of Paul IV. ; it is a most uncritical composition, ^
but is partty founded upon the original Carafa papers, of which
clericorum praesertim moribws depravatis sahitaribus legibtis certum remedium
est adhiberi coeptum ; confirmandae enim ac restituendae ecclesiasticae
disciplinae, in quam miriflce perturbatam eius pontiflcatus inciderat, auctcr
et princeps exstitit ita ut eius foute cogitatioiaini rationumque niulta sacii
Ti'identiui Concilii decreta profluxisse postea videantur." (Cologne, ed. of
1568, 445-4 46, also in the Cologne ed. of 1626, 411). Another alteration has
been noted by Merkle (II., cxxsiv., A. 5).
^ See supra p. 487, n. 1.
" Concefnlng the collection of documents dealing with Paul IV. which the
Theatine Valei'io Pagano planned at the beginning of the XVIIth century, see
Padiglione, 302 seq.
" Review of contents in Duruy, XXIII. seq.
* Cod. XX. V. 56 (formerly n. 993) is a later copy.
' Cf. Amabile, I.. 138 n.
APPENDIX. 489
many have now been lost, and contains a great deal of import-
ant and interesting information.
Its importance is, however, greater for the period preceding
the election of Paul IV., than for the years of his pontificate,
for which there are now far better sources available. Taken
all in all Caracciolo is a convinced admirer of his hero, and
always more of an apologist than a writer of history. This
is also true of Castaldo and Silos, who sketch portraits which
are almost without a dark .side.^
Pallavicini cleared the way for a historical comprehension
and estimate of Paul IV. in the second part of his history of the
Council of Trent, which appeared in 1657. He was thereby
drawn into a controversy with the Theatine, Francesco Maria
Maggio, in which Pallavicini was victorious. (C/. Calenzici,
Esame critico-letterario delle opere riguardcnti la storia del
Concilio di Trento, Romae 1869, 100 seqq.). Compared to the
invectives of Maggio, who conceals himself under the name of
Francesco VelH, the calmness of Pallavicini makes a good
impression. He speaks to the point when he asserts that
historians should not be writers of panegyrics. Although it
has recently been said (see Volpicella in the Archivio Napole-
tano, XXXV., 557) that Pallavicini had written in a hostile
tone about Paul IV., this is by no means the case. Pallavicini
depicts objectively the bright as weU as the dark side of the
Carafa Pope ; he onty errs in so far as he regards the chief
merit of Paul IV. to lie in the preservation of the unity of the
faith in Italy, and docs not do sufficient justice to the reforms
carried out from 1555 to 1559. Maggio continued the con-
troversy after Pallavicini's death, but could not find a printer
for the part of his work dealing with the pontificate of Paul IV.
(Calenzio, loc. cit. 107).
Another Theatine, Bartolomeo Carrara (d. 1778) has ren-
dered much better service than Maggio to the memory of Paul
IV., by his history of the Pope in two volumes, published at
Ravenna in the years 1748 and 1753, under the pseudonym
Carlo Bromaio. This is a very able work for that period.
Although not free from an apologetic tendency and partiality, 2
' Silos (f., \i\, 123 aeq., 126 aeq.) praises the " prudcntia " of hi.s hero !
He has also iniide use of manuscript sourrep, e.g., Caracciolo 's coUectioii, as well
as the above-rnoutionofl •Apologia. C.vstai.do (176 seq.) softens down the
choler of Paul IV., in a manner that is not liistorical : he is also not reliable as
to details.
' Cf. RKr.MANx in the Forschungen zur deutschen Gescliictc, V., 294.
490 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Carrara nevertheless endeavours to judge Paul IV, from an
objective point of view. Many of his faults, especially the
raising to the cardinalate of Carlo Carafa, are severely cen-
sured (II., 233) but the original material for going more deepty
into the matter was not at his disposal. He collected with great
diligence all the information then obtainable, but this was
mostly from derivative sources. Besides Caracciolo, the work
of Pietro Nores, Storia delta guerra di Paolo IV. contro gli
Spagnuoli, alreadj^ used by Pallavicini, is consulted.
The war of Paul IV. against Spain had already been treated
of by Alessandro Andrea^ and Mambrino Roseo.^ Nores
began the compilation of his work at the beginning of the reign
of Clement VIII., but laid it aside because he had scruples about
giving an account of the participation of Silvestro Aldobran-
dini, the father of Clement VIII., in the events of that time.
He took the work up again at a later period ; the first book was
finished in 1640, the third in 1641, and the fourth in 1644.
Nores was careful to collect^ letters and reports of contem-
poraries ; he drew upon (among others) Massarelli's Diarium
VII,* and also procured information in Rome by word of
mouth. The work, the publication of which A. Zeno had
already recommended, appeared in 1847, as Vol. XII of the
Archivio Storico Italiano, In this publication^ a political
tendency predominated. It was desired by its means to put
forward Pius IX. and his predecessors, Julius III. and Paul IV.
as prototypes of the struggle for national freedom [i.e. " United
Italy."] For this purpose the history of a war, which, while
absolutely unimportant in itself, is principally interesting as
■ Delia guerra di campagna di Roma et del regno di Napoli, ed. G. Riiscelli,
Venetia, 1557 (1560). The Spanish tranBlation, which I had before me, is
dedicated to Philip II. (Madrid, 1589). The author is partial to Spaniards,
often diffuse (see Fornero.v, I., 81), but a good authority for military affairs
(cf. Prescott, Philip II., I., 80). Nores had drawn lart,ely from him (see
Arch. d. Soc. Rom., IV., 332 note). It is also well to consult the " Tratatto
sopra lo state ecclesiastico " in the Secret Archives of the Vatican (Misc. Arm.
15, t. 186) in which there is an account of the wars of tlie States of the Church
since 1491 and which treats in a particularly detailed manner of the conflicts
under Paul IV. Lettere diretfe a Bonifacm Gnctan-i concerning the war between
Paul IV. and Spain, in the Gaetani Archives, Rome.
" Relatione della guerra suscitata del regno di Napoli da Paolo IV. nel 155b
al 1557, Roma, 1558. . ^, ^ .,
^ Nores has drawn (amonsr others) upon the documents m the Library,
Parma, and in Cod. Marc. XI., 125, of St. Mark's Library, Venice ; c[. Coggiol.'V,
Cornia, 223, 342.
* See Merklf, II., xlviii., xlix., 303 n. 3.
' It is foanded on a Codes Capponi, and was compared with two Neapolitan
manuscripts. The manuscripts of Nores" work in the Alessandrina Library,
Rome (211-1-183), the Vittorio Einanuele Library, Rome (Fondo Gcsuitico,
323), the Triviilziana Library, Milan (Cod. 37), the Library of the Certosa di
S. Martino, Naples (Cod. 364), and the Communal Librarv, Foggia (Cod. < ),
have not l)een made use of.
APPENDIX. 491
being the last attempt of the Papal policy to free itself and
Italy from a foreign yoke, seemed suitable. The publishers of
Nores, Volpicella. Gar and Scarabelli, have done much to
embellish their edition by the addition of unprinted documents.
Notabty, they obtained access to the " Istruzioni e Lettere di
Monsignor della Casa a nome del Cardinal Carafa " from a
manuscript in the possession of Gino Capponi.^
The work of Nores, which had already been praised by
Pallavicini and Bromato, has long been very popular. Reu-
mont (Carafa, I., 221, 517) describes it as the principal author-
it}' for the history of the Carafa family under Paul IV., and
praises the author as the most reliable writer of the history of
those events {cf. also Gesch. Roms, III., 2, 700). At a later
period Duruy (20, 85) and Porena {Arch. sfor. Ital. Ser 4, XIII.,
354) overwhelmed Nores with praise, although Reimann (loc.
cit. 327 seqq.) has already shown, in one point, how little Nores
is often to be relied upon. Ancel, in his scientific studies on
the history of Paul IV., has expressed in very severe terms a
highly unfavourable opinion of Nores (see especially Sienne,
I, 18, and Disgrace, 36) which, however, did not prevent Cam-
pana from describing the work of Nores in the Stiidi Storici
(XVII., 586) as a masterpiece. There can, however, be no
doubt that .Ancel is right. Nores contains very many errors ;
he also sometimes allows his imagination to run riot, and draws
upon merely secondary sources. The more the Reports of
Ambassadors, which are to be regarded as of the first import-
ance for the pontificate of Paul IV., become known, the less
value will be attached to the work of Nores.
The dispatches of Bernardo Navagero are those most widely
known. These invaluable reports, which supplement, and
are, in many points much superior to the accounts of the
ambassador, are not, it is true, preserved in the originals.
Since the destruction by fire of the Venetian Archives in 1577,
only copies are available ; these exist in the State Archives,
Venice,2 in St. Mark's Library (Ital. CI. VII., Cod. 1097), in
the Musco Correr, Venice (Cod. 1957), in the University Lib-
rary, Pisa (Cod. 154, S. c. 2), in the National Library, Naples
(Cod. X. D. 41), in the Court Library, Vienna (Cod. 6255 —
' Soo Catalosro dci MSS. posseduti dol iiiarclicso G. Cuppoiii, lloriTicc, IMo,
1;. IS.il.
• (\)(l. Aliscc'Il. n. 98 (rf. Huoscii. I., iOO, ii. 1). .\l,so the 'li.spatcho to tlu'
Coiiucil of Ten, only preserved in contemporary copies ; cf. Anckl, Disgrace,
21, n. 3.
492 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Foscar. 163), and in the library of the Duke of Ossuna, Madrid
(Cod. 93).
Nores was the first to make use of the rich treasure of the
dispatches of Navagero ; later, Bertolotti published extracts
in the Atti Mod. (3rd series, II., 155 seqq.) ; moreover, Rawdon
Brown has published, in an English translation, all the dis-
patches relating to England, and also much of the actual
history of Paul IV., in the Calendars of State Papers. The
stud}^ of the Italian text is, however, by no means superfluous
for, in accordance with his purpose. Brown has systematically
looked only for dispatches concerned with England ; besides
this, his translation is not always reliable, and, in any case,
the best translation can never replace the original text. This
is all the more important in the case of Navagero, as the
correspondent has performed his task with such scrupulous
conscientiousness that, whenever possible, he has given the
utterances of the Pope in his actual words, 1 and this is very
important in the case of such a strongly marked personality
as that of Paul IV. The detailed reports of Navagero, who
was on most confidential terms with the Pope, are an invaluable
source ; intimate and many-sided, they afford, at the same
time, a series of instantaneous photographs, everywhere breath-
ing the warm life of the events they portray.
Besides the Venetian reports, there is also the correspondence
of Cardinal Farnese to be studied ; this is still preserved in the
State Archives, Parma. The Cardinal received exact infor-
mation, through his agent, of all the events which took place
in Rome. To these must be added the dispatches of the
envoys of the Este and Medici families, in the State Archives
at Modena and Florence. These reports offer, in addition
to the Venetian ones, much that is new and valuable. While
Duruy passed over these first-class sources in his otherwise
faulty work, 2 Coggiola and Ancel have made diligent use of
them. 3 I have also used this material for my work. We have
1 *Percho io giudico die le parti (J'lm ambasoiator siano dir, se si po, le
medesime parole che dice il princlpe di sua bocoa ; se beu molte cose sono le
medesime o oontrarie erepugnanto I'una all 'altra, ho volute sempre sforciarmi,
et cosi faro uel avenir, di scriver le foi'inal parole die uii ha detto il pontifice ;
cosi bavessi anclie potuto aggiuncrer li gesti. Itispatch of October 12, 1505
(Library of St. Mark's, Venice, Joe. e.if. 10).
* Of. Coggiola, Cornia, 80, lOS, 292 seq., 341, and Ancki,, Siemie, 1, 19, 22,
37, 40, 65 ; see also Deutsche Lit.-Zeitung, 188;^., 1(559, and Rev. d. qiiest
hist., 1884, .Tuillet, 335 seq.
^ The extracts from the Florentine reports of Serristori in Canestrini are
very defective and incomplete.
APPENDIX. 493
to thank Druffel and Riess for very many Spanish reports.
The work of Riess, which appeared in 1909, represents a great
advance on that of Duruy ; it also, however, is by no means
complete, and contains as well many errors on particular
points, such as the judgment on the whole policy of Paul IV.'
The work of Ancel, the result of a wide range of studies among
archives, is the best authority for this question ; it also clearly
distinguishes between the Pope and his nephews, and com-
pletely exposes the intrigues of Cardinal Carafa.
Brosch has, in his generally very feeble treatise, ^ on the
struggle of Paul IV. with Philip II., only drawn on new
material to the extent of a few dispatches of Navagero (Mit-
teilungen des Instituts osterreichische Geschichtsforschung,
XXV., 1904).
The reports of the French ambassadors with regard to Paul
IV. were first published by Ribier, and later by Sauze and
Vitalis. Turnbull has published, in a translation, the reports
of Carne, the English ambassador.
I was the first to make thorough use of the letters from Rome
to Ferdinand I., in the Vienna State Archives, as well as of
the reports of ambassadors which are in the State Archives,
Bologna, and in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
A source of a peculiar kind, which stands half way between
the embassy reports and the gazettes, are the so-called
" Avvisi " communications from intelligence bureaux, which
the Fugger family had at that time in the capitals and centres
of commerce. This source has lately been critically dealt with
by Ancel in the Melanges d'Archeologie et d'Histoire, XXVIII
(1908).^ Last but not least of the very important sources of
information concerning the history of Paul IV., are his own
" Acta," Briefs, Bulls, and diplomatic correspondence in the
Secret Archives of tlie Vatican and in the Barberini Library.
The Briefs have, unfortunately, not been preserved in their
' Cf. tliocritifisiiisor Fiji noicxsis rut; in the Hist. Vici'tcijnhissoliril'l liH 1 /12,
2S(», and ol Hkukk in the llisl. /i-itsclir., t'lX., \'.n) scq. Sit al.so .>i«;in/ pp.
117, II 3 ; 13G, n. 1 ; 1C8, n. 1 ; 223. ii. 2 ; 232. n. 1.
'('/. .V.N'CKI,, SieniKs 'J". uihI C'ougioi.a in t lio Stiidi storiei, X., 227 seq.
see also Hist. Z.itsflir., ill, ISd. Notliiiif,' new in lioK.M.KVi, I., piinil iiusi
di;l pontificato .li I'uolo IV., Ijivorno, l.s.ss. .]i:nki\s d'aul IV., I.uiulon,
lS8«i) inostlv follows Duruy ; cf. Arcli. d. Soc. Koin., X., 711 : see also Arch.
Niiixil., .\n., .s:sii Ket(.
' T.ic adinirildo roinarks ol" .Saumui LIOR in Mio Histor. .lahrb., XV., 304,
al)out tlie trazottiMTs and wrileiK ol' " Avvisi," also calU-d " iiov<llisli," liove
oHf-apcd the notice ol Ancol. We must also add lo t lu' literal viie mentioned
t lier" : Si.Miwi, \. Kranci). :;(> .sr//. Lirrol.K, l<cliweizcinarde, 11 : ."^liKKL
ill tlio Weiiiiarihclien .lalirli. iiir deiitsci.e .^praclie. 1., Hanover lt<OS, '.'>i\ *««.
Areh. d. Soc-. Uom., XXXI., 121 ; XX.Mll., 277 scq.
494 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
entirety ; they nevertheless yield, according to Raynaldus,
many interesting " finds." The " Regesta Vaticana " nn.
1805-1854 (c/. Palmieri, 85 seq.) preserved in a complete con-
dition, were examined by Ancel, who has published a bio-
graphical work on Paul IV. in several volumes ; they contain,
however, but little for a history like the present, which is con-
fined within narrower limits. ^ The diplomatic correspondence
of Paul IV. has suffered numerous and important losses. A
very great deal, however, has been preserved, as a large
number of the Carafa archives were transferred to the Barberini
Library, which contains precious original documents relating
to Paul IV. and his nephews, in no less than 60 volumes. This
material was related so thoroughly and in such detail by Pieper
(189 seqq.) and then by Ancel (Secret. 37-45 and Nonciat. I,
II) that a mere reference to them is sufficient here. The
Instructions and Letters of Giovanni della Casa appeared in
print as early as the XVIIIth century. ^ Ancel has now pub-
lished the Noncialures de France in an admirable edition. The
publication of the reports of the Polish nuncios, preserved
in a very incomplete form, is shortly to be undertaken by the
Cracow Academy.
1 Cf. WiRZ, xxvi. ; Ancel, Secret. CI seq. Here also see (15 n. ) conceru-
ing the " Ruoli " of Paul IV.
^ The best edition is the Neaiiolitan ; see Piepkr, 18C n.
INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL. XIV.
Adrian IV., Pope 50.
Adrian VI., , 43, 422, 423.
Adriano (secretary to Cardinal
Bertano), 299 n. 4.
Agostino, Antonio (Bishop of
Lerida, nuncio to Ferdin-
and I.). 347, 348, 353.
Agubbio, Andrea d', 102 n. i.
Alba, Duke of (Viceroy of
Naples), 68, 95 n. 4, 96,
loi, 103, 123, 127, 128,
132, 134, 136-139, 142-
149, 152, 156-159, 162,
164-168, 170-173, 199, 212
299.
Albert V. (Duke of Bavaria),
339, 340, 343-345-
Albert Alcibiades (Margrave of
Brandenburg-Kulmbach) ,
117.
Aldobrandini, G., 178 n. 4.
Aldobrandini, Silvestro (jurist),
85, 105, 126 n. I, 138, 154,
155. 191-
Aldrovandi, G. A., 104 n. 4,
III n. 2, 115 n. I, 226 n. i,
414 n. I.
Aleander, Hieronymus, Car-
dinal, 21.
Alessandrino, Fra INIichele, see
Ghislieri.
Alexander VI., Pope, 12, 272,
423-
Alfonso of Aragon, 76.
Algerio, Pomponio de', 260 n. 2.
Altovito, G. F. da (humanist),
418 n. 2.
Ambrosio, Hernando di S., 317
n. 3.
Annebaut, Cardinal, 4.
Annone, G. P. (artist), 417 n. i.
Aragona, Giovanna d' (wife of
Ascanio Colonna).
Ariosto, Lodovico, 277.
Armagnac, George d' (Bishop of
Rodez), Cardinal, 5 n. i,
61, 182.
Arrivabene, G. Fr., 3.
Aspra, Francisco d', 94 n. i.
Assonville, C. d', 393 n. 4.
Atanagi, Dionisio (man of
letters), 33 n. i, 57 n. i.
Augusto, Giulio (canon) 284.
Aumale, Due d', 165.
Avanson (French envoy) 37 n.
I, 52 n. 2, 53 n. I, 57 n. i,
59 n. 2, 63 n. 3, 75 n. i,
77 n. I, 83.
Avellino, Andrea, St. (Theatine)
239-
Babbi, a., 170 n. 2.
Babou, Filibert (Bishop of
Angouleme), 405.
Bacodio, Francesco (Datary) ,
196, 210, 226.
Bacon, Nicolas (Lord Chan-
cellor), 404.
Bagno, Marquis of, 135 n. 2,
167.
Bale, John (English reformer),
362.
Bannissio, Jacopo, 147 n. 2,
210 n. 7.
Barberini, Family of the, 262.
Barengo, Giovanni, 86, 122,
210, 418 n. 2.
Baynes, Ralph (Bishop of Cov-
entry and Lichfield), 369 n.
2, 389 n. 5, 390.
Beaton, David (Primate of
Scotland), Cardinal, 362.
Beatrizet, Nicolas (engraver),
65 n. 5.
Becon, Thomas, 362.
495
496
INDEX OF NAMES.
Bellarmine, Cintia [Cervini]
(sister of Marcellus IT.) 19.,
Bellarmine, Francis, S. J. (the
future Cardinal), 19, 55
n. I.
Bellay, Jean du (Bishop of
Paris), Cardinal, 5 n. 4,
57, 61, 91, 135 n. I, 139 n.
2, 144, 180, 190, 193, 226,
299, 421 n. 2.
Bello, Vincenzo, 223 n. 2.
Bembo, Pietro, Cardinal, 17, 21.
Benci, Family of the, 14.
Benci, Cassandra (wife of
Ricciardo Cervini, mother
of Marcellus II.), 13.
Bencio, Trifone (secretary), 86.
Benedict XIV., Pope, 11 n. 2.
Beni, Niccolo, 31.
Bertano, Pietro (Bishop of
Fano, nuncio). Cardinal, 2,
3. 5 n. 3. 41. 62-64, 299.
Bertrand, Jean (Archbishop of
Sens), Cardinal, 201, 202 n.2.
Bini, Giovanni (humanist,
papal secretary), 86.
Bizzoni, Giovanni Battista
(assessor to the Inquisi-
tion), 262.
Bladus, Antonus (printer), 278.
Bo, Giovanni del, 260 n. 2.
Bobadilla, Nicolas, S. J., 248,
252-254, 257 n. 3.
Boccaccio, 279 n. i.
Boleyn, Anne, 402.
Boncompagni, Ugo (Auditor of
the Rota, later Gregory
XIII.), 124, 191, 229.
353. 355-
Bongalii, Scipio (Bishop of
Civita Castelana), 297.
Boniface VIII., Pope, 121.
Bonner, Edmund (Bishop of
London), 363 n. 3, 367,
369-371, 390.
Bononia, Hieron. de (Bishop of
Syracuse), 178.
Borghese, Marcantonio (attor-
ney to Cardinal Morone),
305-
Borgia, Family of the, 116.
Borgia, Francis, S. J. (Duke of
Gandia), 251 n. 4, 254 n. 2.
Bourbon, Louis de. Cardinal, 4,
61, 324.
Bourne, Gilbert (Bishop of
Bath and Wells), 369 n. 2,
389 n. 4.
Bowes (English conspirator)
369.
Bozzuto, Annibale (secretary
to Cardinal C. Carafa),
85, 105-
Brancaccio, Cesare (papal en-
voy), 142 n. 3.
Broet, Paschasius, S. J. (Pro-
vincial of the Jesuits in
France), 23.
Bromato, Carlo [Bartolomeo
Carrara], Theatine, 489.
Brooks, James (Bishop of
Gloucester), 369 n. 2, 376,
377. 389 n. 4.
Bucer, 369 n. 2, 371 n. 6.
Bullinger, Johann Heinrich
(Swiss reformer), 407 n. 2.
Buonanni, Benedetto (Floren-
tine envoy, conclavist to
Cardinal Toledo).
Buoncambi, 130 n. i.
Cacciaconti, Leonora Egidi
(wife of Rice. Cervini, step-
mother to Marcellus II.),
19.
Calandra, Sabino (Mantuan
envoy), 65 n. 4.
Calderini, Giovan Battista
(theologian), 186.
Calegari, Giovan Andrea, 119
n. 5, 125 n. 4, 195 n. 2,
235 n. 6, 237 n. 9, 260 n. 2.
305 n. I.
Calvin, John, 325, 326, 349,
364. 378.
Camerario (prelate), 353.
Campegio, Tommaso (Bishop
of Feltre), 194.
Canisius, Peter, St., S. J., 142
n. 3. 278, 333-335.
Cano, Melcliior, 128 n. 2; 138
n. I.
Capece, Marcello (nephew of
the Duke of Paliano, G.
Carafa), 222, 223.
INDEX OF NAMES.
497
Capella, Febo (Venetian dip-
lomat), 146, 151 n. 2.
Capilupi, A., 132 n. 3.
Capilupi, Camillo, 2, 7 n. 4, 56
n. 2.
Capilupi, Girolamo, 129, 171.
Capilupi, Ippolito, 3 n. i, 5 n.
2, 52 n. 2, 57 n. I, 100,
118 n. 3.
Capilupus, Lelius (poet), 175
n. I.
Capizuchi, Giovan Antonio
(Auditor of the Rota),
Cardinal, 183, 264. 267 n.
I. 321.
Capodiferro, Girolamo (Datary)
Cardinal, 7, 61, 62.
Caracciolo, Antonio (Theatine),
488-490.
Caracciolo, Ascanio, 307 n. .1
Caracciolo, Galeazzo (Marquis
of Vico, nephew of Car-
dinal Carafa), 301.
Carafa, Family of the, 116.
Carafa, Alfonso (son of An-
tonio), Cardinal, 72 n. 4,
83 n. 3, 192 n. 2, 202, 211,
214, 216, 219, 227, 231,
257, 267 n. I, 287 n. I,
353. 412, 414.
Carafa, Antonio (Marquis of
Montebello, nephew to
Paul IV.), 83 n. 3, 108,
109, 112, 114 n. 3, 135,
155. 156, 158, 159, 170.
202, 226.
Carafa, Antonio, Cardinal (his-
torian), 65 n. 3, 66 n. 2,
71 n. 3, 85 n. I, 192 n. 2,
259 n. I, 422 n. 3, 487,
488.
Carafa, Carlo (nephew to Paul
IV.), Cardinal, 81-83, §4-
89, 94-108, 1 14-120, 123-
125, 134, 140-152, 153-
155, 160-165, 167-171,
182, 184, 199, 200, 209-
215, 221-231, 246, 290,
301, 324, 353, 397, 421,
490, 493-
Carafa, Diomede (Marquis of
Cave, son of the Duke of
Paliano), 122, 160, 226.
VOL. XIV.
Carafa, Diomede, Cardinal, 183,
276 n. I, 285 n. 5.
Carafa, Gian Pietro, Cardinal
{see : Paul IV.).
Carafa, Giovanni (Duke of
Paliano, son of Giovan.
Alfonso), 82-84, 87, 93,
94, 108-111, 118-124, 129,
130, 144, 149, 154, 155.
158, 163-168, 170, 173, n.
I, 211-213, 221, 222, 226,
227. 330 n. I, 332 n. I,
414 n. 3.
Carafa, Giovan Alfonso (Count
of Montorio, brother of
Paul IV.), 81.
Carafa, Oliviero, Cardinal, 416.
Carbone, Bernardino (Regent
of Paliano), 167, 168.
Cardine, Leonardo di, 212.
Carne, Sir Edward (English
envoy), 118 n. 3, 299 n. i,
302 n. 4, 360, 396, 397, 405,
406, 493.
Carnesecchi, P., 260 n. 2, 311
n. 2.
Caro, Annibale, 31.
Carpi, Pio Rodolfo da (Bishop
of Faenza and Girgenti),
Cardinal, 5, 8, 44, 58, 60-
62, 96, 105, 160, 222, 253,
262, 264, 267 n. I, 292.
Carranza, Bartol. (Archbishop
of Toledo), 314, 315, 317.
Carrara, Bartolomeo, see Bro-
mato.
Casa, Giovanni della (humanist,
secretary to Cardinal C.
Carafa), 84-86, 105, 115,
n6, 120 n. I, 142 n. 3,
182, 186 n. I, 418 n. 2, 494.
Casamassima, Petrus (Bishop
of Polygnano), 233 n. 4.
Cassignola, Giacomo (sculptor),
417.
Castagna, Giambattista (Arch-
bishop of Rossano, gover-
nor of Perugia), 230.
Castaldo (biographer of Paul
IV.), 487 n. 2, 489.
Castaldo, Restauro, 353.
Castelvetro, Lodovico (man of
letters), 282.
32
498
INDEX OF NAMES.
Castro, Alfonso de, O. S. F.,
367-
Castro, Fernandez Ruiz de,
see Sarria.
Catherine, Queen of England
(wife of Henry VIII.), 399.
Catherine, Queen of France
(wife of Henry II.).
Catherine, Queen Regent of
Portugal, 276 n. i.
Catherine (wife of Vermigli),
371 n. 6.
Cavalcanti, Bart., 45 n. 5.
Cavoli, Ambrogio de, 260 n. 2.
Cecil, William, 404.
Cenci, Family of the, 273.
Centani, A. (Bishop of Limosso)
260 n. 2.
Cervini, Family of the, 11, 43.
Cervini, Alessandro (half-
brother to Marcellus II.),
II n. 2, 13 n. 2, 15 n. 4, 17
n. I, 19, 24, 26 n. 3, 28 n. 2,
30 n. I, 42.
Cervini, Biagio (commander of
the Vatican guard, nephew
to Marcellus II.), 41.
Cervini, Cassandra, see Benci.
Cervini, Cintia, see Bellarmine
Cervini, Elisabetta [Machia-
velli], grandmother to
Marcellus II., 12.
Cervini, Erennio (son of Aless-
andro), 42.
Cervini, Giovan Battista (Cas-
tellan of St. Angelo, kins-
man of Marcellus II.), 41,
47- ^ .
Cervini, Leonora, see Caccia-
conti.
Cervini, Marcello, Cardinal, see
Marcellus II.
Cervini, Ricciardo (father of
Marcellus II.), 12-19.
Cervini, Ricciardo (son of Aless-
andro, nephew of Mar-
cellus II.), 42.
Cervini, Romolo (half-brother
to Marcellus II.), 19, 28
n. 4.
Cesarini, Family of the, 95.
Cesarini, Giuhano, 99, iii, 119,
171.
Cesi, Paolo Emilio, Cardinal, g,
190.
Chapuys (Imperial envoy in
England), 361.
Charles V., Emperor, i n. 3,
5-8, 21-26, 33, 44-46, 54,
57-63, 76, 77, 82, 90 n. 2,
92-100, 103, 104, 106, no,
114, 119, 120, 126, 127,
130,-136, 138, 146, 152,
156, 157. 166, 179 n. 4,
305, 315, 319, 323. 341.
345. 348, 349. 352-357.
378, 384, 388.
Charles VIII. (King of France),
136, 159.
Chatillon, Cardinal, 4, 324.
Cheke, John, Dr. (tutor to
Edward VI.), 371.
Chinchon, Count (envoy from
Philip II.), 95.
Christopherson, John (Bishop
of Chichester), 369 n. 2,
390.
Cicada, Giambattista (Bishop
of Albenga), Cardinal, 9,
41, 44, 51, 63, 64, 91, 195
n. 4.
Ciocchi del Monte, see Monte.
Clement VII., Pope, 16, 17, 30
n. I, 106, 121, 127, 131,
217, 234, 277, 284, 349,
351 n. 2.
Clement VIII., Pope, 490.
Cleobury, 381.
Cocciano, 53 n. i.
Cogordan, S. J., 253, 254.
Cohen, Joseph ha (historian),
272 n. I.
Coleine, Cola, (chronicler), 73
n. 4.
CoUela Grosso, A. di, 260
n. 2.
Colocci, Angelo, 17.
Colonna, Family of the, 95,
100, loi. III, 112, 211,
127,-127, 130, 133, 134,
150.
Colonna, Ascanio, 100, 121, 167,
Colonna, Camillo, 99, 102, 104,
171.
Colonna, Giovaima [d'Aragona]
wife of Ascanio, in.
INDEX OF NAMES.
499
Colonna, Marcantonio (son of
Ascanio), 95, 97, 100, 105,
III, 121, 139, 148, 161,
167, 172.
Colonna, .Pompeo, Cardinal, 28,
121.
Colonna, Vittoria, 298.
Commendone, Giovanni Fran-
cesco (Bishop of Zante),
Cardinal, 38 n. i, 86, 119
n. 5, 142, 195 n. 2, 237 n. 9,
260 n. 2, 305 n. I, 353 n. 4.
Consiglieri, Giovan Battista,
Cardinal, 200, 202 n. 2,
231. 317-
Consiglieri, Paolo (Theatine),
201, 243, 244.
Contarini, Gasparo, Cardinal,
21.
Contarini, P., 331 n. i.
Corgna, Ascanio della (com-
mander of the Papal
guards, nephew of Julius
III.), I, 133, 167, 211.
Corgna, Fulvio della (Bishop of
Perugia, brother of As-
canio), Cardinal, 9, 10, 63
64. 133. 173 n. I.
Cornaro, Andrea (Archbishop
of Spalato), Cardinal, 63,
64.
Cornaro, Luigi, Cardinal, 9, 62.
Cospio, Tommaso, 161 n. i,
169 n. 2.
Courtenay, Edward, Earl of
Devonshire, 371 n. 4, 381.
Coverdale, Miles, 377.
Cox, Richard, 378.
Cranmer, Thomas (Archbishop
of Canterbury), 364, 375-
377. 380.
Cremona, Giovan Battista da,
O. P. (Inquisitor-general
of Milan), 283.
Crispi, Tiberio, Cardinal (Bishop
of Sessa), 4, 8, 9, 194, 195
n. 4.
Cueva, Bartolomd de la. Car-
dinal, 8, 63, 105, 122, 221
n. 2.
Curwin, Hugh (Archbishop of
Dublin), 389 n. 5.
Dalby (Chancellor of Bristol),
369 n. 2.
Daridino, Girolamo, Cardinal,
9, 22, 61, 195 n. 4.
Day, George (Bishop of Chic-
hester), 369 n. 2, 389 n. 4,
390.
Delfino, Zaccaria (Nuncio), 157
n. 3, 160 n. 3, 162 n. i, 165
n. I, 184, 201 n. 2, 202 n. 2,
289 n. I, 290 n. 2, 338-346,
350 n. 2.
Dionysuis, H., 319 n. i.
Dolera, Clemente (General of
the iVIinorities), Cardinal,
202, 267 n. I,
Donato, Pietro (Bishop of
Narni) .
Doria, Girolamo, Cardinal, 56,
195 n. 4.
Draco, P., 192 n. 2.
Dubourg, Anne, 326.
Drohojowsld, Joh. (Bishop of
Leslau), 328 n. 3.
Dudley, Lord Ambrose, 410.
Dudley, Henry (kinsman of
the Duke of Northumber-
land), 381.
Duranti, Cardinal, 195 n. 4.
Dzierzgowski, Nicolas (Arch-
bishop of Gnesen), 328,
334-
Edward VI. (King of Eng-
land), 366, 371, 380,
381, 389, 390, 399, 410.
411.
Elio, Antonio (Bishop of Pola),
38 n. I, 86, 124.
Elizabeth of England (daughter
of Henry VIII). 374, 381.
391, 393, 398-400, 401-
411.
Elizabeth of Portugal, Saint,
242 n. 4.
Emanuel, Philibert (Duke of
Savoy), 326.
Ems, Annibale de, 413 n. 2.
Ems, Clara de, 413 n. 2.
Erasmus, 277, 279.
Erveto, Genziano, 31.
500
#
INDEX OF NAMES.
Este, Ercole II. d' (Duke of
Ferrara), 7, 52, 57, loi, n
5, 102 n. I, 107-109, 102,
125, 150 n. I, 152, 153,
156, 195, 200, 274, n. 4,
276, 281, 282.
Este, Ippolito d'. Cardinal, i n.
I, 2, 3, 5-10, 34, 52, 57-65,
loi, 195, 220.
Este, Marchese Sigismondo d',
61 n. I.
Eustathius, 31.
Fachinetti, G. a., 128 n. 3,
129 n. I.
Fagius, 369 n. 2, 371 n. 6.
Fantuccio, Federigo (confidant
of Cardinal Carlo Carafa),
148, 149, 152 n. 2.
Fantiizzi, Alfonso, 147 n. 3.
Farnese, Family of the, 18, 116,
146, 172.
Farnese, Alessandro, Cardinal
(son of Pier Luigi), i n. i,
4, 19, 20-22, 29 n. 4, 52,
57-64, 81, 83, 85 n. I, 87,
95-104, 107, 109, 119, 128
n. 3, 146, 184 n. I, 195 n.
4, 198, 296 n. I, 299, 327,
353 n. 4, 487, 492.
Farnese, Alessandro, Cardinal
(Pope Paul III.), 18, 19.
Farnese, Ottavio (son of Pier
Luigi, Duke of Castro), 61
n. I, 73 n. 2, 82, 98, 146.
Farnese, Pier Luigi, 71 n. 3, 82.
Farnese, Ranuccio (Archbishop
of Naples), Cardinal, 4, 8,
10, 61, 195 n. 4, 214, 226.
Feckenham, Abbot, O. S. B.,
392, 408.
Federici, Girolamo (Bishop of
Sagona, Governor of Rome
I.
Ferdinand I. (King of the
Romans, Emperor), i n.
3, 74 n. 2, 90 n. 2, 93 n. 2,
no, 119 n. 4, 158, 162,
249, 289 n. I, 338-358,
360, 421, 439.
Feria, Count of (Spanish envoy
in England), 398, 402, 403,
408.
Figueroa, Juan (ambassador
of Philip II.), 357 n. 2.
Fiesco, Giustiniano (Genoese
envoy), 263 n. 3.
Filonardi, Flaminio, 487 n. i.
Fiordibello, Antonio (secretary)
86.
Firmanus, L., 213 n. i.
Flaminio, Cesare, 301.
Flaminio, Marcantonio, 294,
301.
Florimonte, Galeazzo (Bishop
of Sessa and Aquino), 23,
34 n. 2, 176, 177.
Foglietta, Uberto di (jurist), 4,
56.
Foscarari, Egidio, O. P. (Bishop
of Modena), 311, 312.
Foxe, John, 369 n. 2, 373, 374,
380.
Franchi, Girolamo, O. P. (In-
quisitor of Genoa), 269,
277, 280, 313 n. 5.
Franchino, 73 n. 2.
Francis I. (King of France), 21.
Francis (the Dauphin, after-
wards King of France),
109, 401.
Franco, Niccolo (humanist),
312 n. 4.
Fresneda, Bernardo (confessor
to Pliilip II.), 317 n. 2.
Gadaldino, Antonio (book-
seller), 282.
Gaddi, Taddeo (Archbishop of
Cosenza), Cardinal, 124,
201, 202 n. 2.
Gaetano di Tiene, St., 71.
Garcilasso, see Vega.
Gardiner, Stephen (Bishop of
Winchester), 369 n. 2, 371,
380, 386-388, 390.
Garimberto, G., 286 n. 4, 315
n. 2.
Geremia, see Isachino.
Gerhard, Theodore, S. J., 333.
Gherio, F., 308 n. i.
Ghisi (provost), 3 n. 3, 4 n. 4,
32 n. I.
Ghislieri, Michele, Cardinal (In-
quisitor general, after-
wards Pope Pius v.), 166
INDEX OF NAMES.
501
Ghislieri — continued
n. 3, 186, 200, 223, 254,
262, 267-271, 276, 277,
280, 292, 293, 307, 313,
317. 353. 416. 417.
Gianfigliazzi, Bongianni (Flor-
entine envoy), 114 n. 2,
117 n. I, 118 n. 3, 164 n. i,
222, 223 n. I, 230 n. I,
235 n. 7, 414 n. 3.
Giovio, Paolo, 487 n. i.
Giusti, Pasino di, 216 n. 5.
Givry, de, Cardinal, 4.
Giustiniani, Ansaldo, 222 n. 2.
Glynn, William (Bishop of
Bangor), 369 n. 2, 389 n. 5,
390.
Gold well. Thomas (Bishop of
St. Asaph), 369 n. 2, 389
n. 5. 390.
Gon^alvez de Camera, Luis,
S. J., 246.
Gonzaga, Agostino (Bishop of
Reggio), 7 n. 4, 32 n. i,
39 n. I, 48 n. 2, 65 n. 2.
Gonzaga, Cesare, 208 n. 3.
Gonzaga, Ercole, Cardinal, i n.
1. 4. 7. 34. 37-39, 46, 56,
63, n8 n. 3, 129, 162, n. 3,
170 n. 2, 195 n. 4, 242 n. 4,
267 n. 5, 299 n. 4, 300 n.
2, 305. 306, 323 n. I, 326
n. 4, 357 n. 2.
Gonzaga, Ferrante (governor
of Milan, brother to Car-
dinal Ercole), 34.
Gonzaga, Francesco (Marquis
of Mantua).
Gonzaga, Giulio, 311 n. 2.
Gonzaga, Guglielmo (Duke of
Mantua), 2 n. 4, 373 n. 2.
Goodman, Christopher, 362.
Gozzadini (Bolognese envoy), 2
n. I, 3 n. 4, II n. i, 37 n. i,
41 n. 3, 44 n. 2, 48 n. 2,
51 n. 2, 53 n. I, 56 n. 2,
57 n. I, 64 n. I, 65 n. i,
73 n. 3, 80 n. 2, 81 n. i,
98.
Graccho, Ottavio, 43 n. 3.
Grantli, C, gi n. i.
Grandis, Julius de (Bishop of
Anglona), 151 n. i.
*Gravina, Gian Antonio (Cap-
tain-general of the Church)
231.
Greenwood [Grimwood], 374 n.
2 ,
Grey, Jane, Lady, 361.
Griffith, Maurice (Bishop of
Rochester), 369 n. 2, 389
n. 4.
Grimaldi, Lorenzo (Genoese
envoy), 263 n. 3.
Groliero, Cesare (secretary of
state), 86.
Gropper, Johannes, Cardinal,
183-185, 287 n. 2, 313,
357-
Gaulterius, P. P., 38 n. i.
Gualterius, Sebastian (con-
clavist to Cardinal Aless.
Farnese, nimcio), 114.
Guise, the Duke of, 152-156,
158, 160, 164-167, 196 n. I,
173 n. I, 200.
Guise, Charles de, Cardinal of
Lorraine, 182, 183 n. 2,
200, 324.
Guise, Louis de. Cardinal, 52,
61, 107, 108, 165 n. I.
Guzman Martin de (chamber-
lain to Ferdinand I.) 353,
355-
Heath, Nicolas (Bishop of
Worcester, Archbishop of
York), 369 n. 2, 389 n. 5,
390, 401, 406, 407.
Henry of Brunswick, 339.
Henry IV. (King of England),
363-
Henry V. (King of England),
3'^3-
Henry VHL (King of England),
361, 385. 390, 397, 399,
401, 402, 411.
Henry XL (King of France), 4,
7, 33. 45, 46, 57-59, 95-
99, 102, 107-109, 113-115,
117, 120, 122, 124, 125,
131, 140, 142-144, 147-
149, 151, 152. 155. 160-
165, 171, 201, 323-325,
357, 382, 384, 394.
Herculani, Jacopo delli, 52 n. 3.
502
INDEX OF NAMES.
Hirnheim, Eberhard II. (Bis-
hop of Eichstatt), 344.
Holyman, John (Bishop of
Bristol), 369 n. 2, 389 n. 5,
390.
Hopton, John (Bishop of Nor-
wich), 369 n. 2, 390 n. I.
Horne, Edward [John], 374
n. 2.
Hosius, Stanislas (Bishop of
Culm and Ermland), 68,
208, 238, 328, 337.
Hullier, John (heretic), 369 n. 2.
Ignatius of Loyola, St., 48, 70,
91, 178 n. I, 246-256, 259
n. I. 311, 327, 329 n. I.
lUyricus, Flacius, 374 n. 2.
Innocent III., Pope, 74.
Innocent VIII., Pope, 12, 416.
Isabella of Portugal, Empress,
Isachino, Geremia (Theatine),
223, 224, 239, 244, 412.
Jewell, 393-
Joachim II. (Elector of Bran-
denburg), 348.
John III., King of Portugal, 74,
n. 2, 189 n. 2.
Juhus II., Pope, 78, 79, 349.
Julius III., Pope, I, 3-7, II,
25-29, 34, 35. 39, 42, 49,
51, 58, 60, 71, 76, 81, 93,
94, 97, 121, 131, 134, 176,
179, 201, 217, 245 n. 4,
249, 250, 256, 264, 266,
269, 274, 284, 289, 323,
324, 327. 319, 360, 388,
389, 422, 490.
King, Robert (Bishop of Ox-
ford), 369 n. 2, 390 n. I.
Kitchin, Antony (Bishop of
Llandaff), 369 n. 2, 411.
Knox, John, 362, 378, 401.
Kuenburg, Hugo von (Bishop
of Salzburg), 344.
Lainez, James, S. J., 23, 186,
191, 192, 248, 250-257,
302, 409 n. I, 417.
Lampridio (humanist), 17.
Lanssac (French Ambassador),
99, 104, 106, 107, 114, 144,
147, 148, 154, 179, 210,
265.
Lante, Plautilia del, 222 n. i.
Lara, Juan Manrique de (envoy
of Charles V.), 5, 59, n. 3,
63 n. 3, 97, 98, 100.
Lascari (humanist), 17.
Lasco, John a, 335, 377.
Lasso, Diego (agent of Ferdin-
and I.), 93 n. I, 118 n. I,
119 n. 4, 124 n. 4.
Latimer, Hugh, 375, 376.
Lenoncourt, Robert de (Bishop
of Chalons), Cardinal, 4,
61.
Leo I., Pope, 242.
Leo X., Pope, i n. 2, 14, 16,
73, 272, 298, 349, 423.
Ligorio, Pirro (architect), 241,
416, 417, n. I, 418 n. 2.
Linterius, Jacobus (notary-
apostolic), 347, 348.
Lippi, Filippino (painter), 416.
Lippomano, Luigi (Bishop of
Verona, nuncio), 30, 85 n.
I, 86 n. 2, 177, 210 n. 5,
211, 229, 248, 285, 327-
335, 389, 340, 353, 414 n. 3-
Litolfi, Annibale, 373 n. 2.
Lorenzini, Ant., 38 n. i, 51 n.
4, 53 n. I.
Lorraine, Charles of, Cardinal,
see Guise.
Lorraine, John of, Cardinal, see
Guise.
Lorraine, Louis of. Cardinal,
see Guise.
Lottini, Giov. Francesco (secre-
tary to Cardinal Asc.
Sforza), 7 n. 4, 59 n. 3, 93-
96.
Luther, Martin, 141, 284, 377.
Maciejowski, Stanislas (Polish
envoy), 329.
Machiavelli, Elisabetta (grand-
mother to Marcellus II.),
12.
MachiavelU, Niccolo, 88, 278.
INDEX OF NAMES.
503
Madruzzo, Cristoforo (Bishop
of Trent), Cardinal, 4, 7, 9,
39, 46, 53 n. 2. 56, 57, 60-
63, 84 n. I, 105 n. 3, 129
n. 3, 147 n. 2, 195 n. 4,
198 n. I, 210 n. 7, 221 n. 2,
228 n. I, 239 n. 4, 283,
286 n. 2, 287 n. 2, 343 n. 3.
Maffei, Bernardino, Cardinal,
22.
Maggie, Francesco Maria (Thea-
tine), 489.
Magnus, Olaus (Archbishop of
Upsala), 53 n. 2.
Malespini, P. (poet), 173 n. i.
Malopera, Claudio, 286 n. 2.
Manrique, see Lara.
Manrique, Thomas, O. P., 144.
Manriquez, John (Viceroy of
Naples) .
Mantua, Duchess of, 3 n. i, 5
n. 2.
Manutius, P., 33 n. i, 418 n. 2.
Marbeck, John, 374 n. 2.
Marcellus II., Pope, 2-31, 33-
54, 56-59, 80, 175, 176,
177, 243, 250, 383.
Marillac, Charles de, 89 n. i.
Marignani, Manlio, 45 n. 5.
Marinonio, Giovanni (Theatine)
243, 244-
Mary, Queen of England
(daughter of Henry VIII.),
45 n- 3. 90 ri- 2, 291, 292,
300, 310, 361-365, 367,
372-374. 377-381, 385-
388, 391-400, 401, 402,
411.
Mary Stuart, 401, 409.
Masius, Andreas, 299 n. i,
345 n. I.
Massarelli, Angelo (secretary
to the Council of Trent),
38, 39, 47, 51, 52, 73, 86,
141, 145, 187, 229, 490.
Maurice of Saxony (Elector),
249.
Maximihan (son of the Em-
peror, Ferdinand I.), 350,
357-
Maximilian,- King of Bohemia,
348 n. 2.
Maximilian, I., Emperor, 349.
Medici, Family of the, 108, 116.
Medici, Catherine de' (Queen
of France), 124.
Medici, Cosimo I. de' (Duke of
Florence and Tuscany),
5, 45, 58, 102, 161, 172,
281.
Medici, Giovanni Angelo de'.
Cardinal (later Pope Pius
IV.), 8, 10, 41, 62, 88 n. I,
104, 105, III n. I, 136,
142 n. 3, 185, 240 n. 4,
257, 264, 267 n. I, 269 n.
2, 307, 312 n. I, 346, 396,
418 n. 2, 421.
Medici, Lorenzo de' (Duke of
Florence), 18.
Meggen, J. von, 46 n. i, 52 n. 2.
Melancthon, Philip, 282, 377
n. 4.
Mendoza, Francisco de, Car-
dinal, 56, 63, 96, 98, 105,
195 n. 4.
Mendoza, Juan de (Imperial
envoy), 59.
Mentuato, Camillo (Bishop of
Satriano, nuncio to Poland
333-336, 355-
Mercurio, Gianandrea (Arch-
bishop of Messina), Car-
dinal 63, 195 n. 4.
Metaphrastes, Simon, 31.
Meudon, Cardinal, 4.
Michael Angelo, 30, 240 n. 4,
418 n. 2.
Michiel (Venetian envoy to
England), 138 n. i, 368,
370-372, 379-388, 391,
393, 394, 401- 402 n. 2.
Mignanelli, Fabio (Bishop of
Lucera), Cardinal, i n. i,
9, 41, 61, 105.
Milanaccio, Poggio, Gisberto
di, 260 n. 2.
Mocenigo, Al vise (Venetian Am-
bassador in Rome), 240,
416, 428, 487.
Modestus, F. (poet), 175 n. i.
Montague, Viscount (envoy to
Paul IV.), 360, 408, 410.
Monte, Baldovino del (brother
to Julius III., governor of
Spoleto), 27.
504
INDEX OF NAMES.
Monte, del, Cristoforo (nephew
to Julius III.). Cardinal
63, 195 n. 4, 210.
Monte, del, Giovan Maria
Ciocchi, see Julius III.
Monte, del, Innocenzo (adop-
ted son of Baldovino),
Cardinal, 7, 37, 61, 81.
Montesa, 32 n. 2.
Montesarchio, Marquis of, 226.
Montluc, Blaise de, 145.
Montmorency (Constable of
France), 114.
Morgan, Henry (Bishop of St.
David's), 369 n. 2, 389
n. 4.
More, Thomas, Sir, 393.
Morley, Lord, 410.
Moro, Joseph, O. P. (Jewish
convert), 274.
Moro, Lodovico il, see Sforza, L.
Morone, Giovanni (Bishop of
Modena), Cardinal, i n. i,
2, 4 n. 4, 5 n. 3, 6, 41, 44,
57, 60, 61, 64, 69, 150, 151
n. I, 180, 248, 287 n. 4,
289-302, 304-307, 309,
3". 312, 338. 344. 346,
386 n. I, 395 n. 4.
Motula, Cardinal, no n. i.
Muzio, Girolamo (Archbishop
of Conza, nuncio to Charles
v.), 32 n.i, 285, 379, 386
n. I.
Nadal, Jeronimo, S. J., 233,
253. 278.
Navagero, Bernardo (Venetian.
Ambassador), 65-69, 76 n
I, 78, 88, 104-107, 109-
112, 117-124, 126-132,
135-140. 145-151, 154-
160, 164 n. I, 166, 169-
172, 179, 181, 187-205,
206-211, 235 n. 3, 240 n. 2,
242 n. 4, 245 n. I, 259 n. 2,
263, 261 n. 2, 275 n. 3,
278 n. I, 283 n. 2, 285 n. 5,
290-292, 298-302, 329 n.
3, 332 n. 4, 346 n. 3, 347
n. I, 395 n. 3, 397 n. 2,
398 n. 2, 486, 487, 490-
493-
Naves, de las, 388 n. 6.
Negri, Girolamo, O. S. A., 312.
313-
Nero, Domenico del, 134.
Noailles, Antoine (French Am-
bassador in London), 394.
Nobili, Roberto de'. Cardinal
(nephew to Julius III.),
G., II n. I, 37, 61.
North, Lord, 410.
Northumberland, see Warwick.
Offredo, Pirro dell', 136, 139
n. 3, 171.
Oglethorpe, Owen (Bishop of
Carlisle), 369 n. 2, 390 n. i,
403, 404.
Olivo, Camillo, 65 n. i, 92 n. 3.
Ormanetto, Niccolo (after-
wards Bishop of Padua),
301.
Orsini, Family of the, 100, 265.
Orsini, Camillo, 127 n. 4, 132,
137, 140, 211, 226, 229-
231.
Orsini, Giovanni Battista (Arch-
bishop of S. Severina).
Orsini, Giulio (envoy from Car-
dinal C. Carafa to Henry
II.), 149, 151.
Orsini, Paolo Giordano, 97,
124.
Oslo, Giovan Battista (Datary),
99, no.
Pacheco, Pedro (Bishop of
Jaen), Cardinal, 56, 63, 68,
91, 93 n. I, 122, 129, 223
n. 2, 254, 255, 267 n. I,
285 n. 5, 306, 321, 353, 354.
Pacheco, Francisco (secretary
to Alba), 144, 148, 150,
350 n. 2.
Paleotti, C, 123 n. i, 130 n. i,
133 n. 3, 141 n. 2, 144-146,
178 n. 4.
Palestrina, Giov. Pierluigi da,
55, 91.
Pallantieri, Alessandro, 133.
Pallavicini, Sforza, Marchese,
489, 491.
Palmio, B., S. J., 283 n. 2.
INDEX OF NAMES.
505
Panvinio, Onofrio (church his-
torian), 7 n. 4, 9 n. 2, 31,
46, 53. 423. 437-
Paolo da Nicola, Leonardo di,
260 n. 2.
Parkhurst (historian), 407 n. 2.
Piirpaglia, Vincenzo (Benedic-
tine Abbot of Maguzzano),
384-
Pasoto, Fr., 85 n. 2.
Pate, Richard (Bishop of Wor-
cester), 369 n. 2.
Patricius, A., 289 n. 3.
Paul III., Pope, 18-24, 26-28,
34. 35. 42, 44. 64". 71, 76 n.
3, 93, 121, 179, 187, 188,
197, 217, 226, 234, 236,
260, 269, 272, 294, 296,
311, 339, 422, 424.
Paul IV., Pope, 4, 6, 8-11, 23,
40, 41, 44, 57-83. 84-113,
114-122, 127, 126-135,
137-152, 153-173. 175-
204, 206-231, 233-258, 259
-268, 269-278, 281-287,
289-293, 295-318, 319-
336, 338-358. 360, 375,
376, 379, 383- 384. 386,
388, 389, 394-398, 404-
424, 486-492.
Paul v., Pope, 55.
Peter, Martyr, see Vermigli.
Peto, William, S. O. F. (Legate
in England), Cardinal, 292,
397. 398.
Philip II. (King of Spain), 5 n.
3. 45 n. 3, 58, 59 n. 3, 90
n. 2, 94 n. 2, 95, 107 n. 4,
no, 114, 119, 125, 131-139
146-152, 155-158, 166,
167, 171, 209, 211-213,
228, 251, 283, 291, 301,
310, 317-323, 326, 347,
355, 3^1. 3f>3, 367. 372 n.
4. 379. 384, 385. 388, 394-
399, 402, 403, 405, 406,
408, 409, 412, 418 n. 2,
493-
Pia, iiernardino, 2 n. i, 3 n. i,
5 n. 3, 60 n. 2, 162 n. 3,
169 n. 2, 170 n. 2, 257 n. 6,
242 n. 4, 267 n. 5, 299 n.
3, 300 n. 2, 305, 306, 323
Pia, Bernardino — continued
n. I, 326 n. 4, 357 n. 2,
413 n. 3-
Pictrasanta, Giambattista, 241.
I'ighino, Sebast. (Archbishop
of Sijwnto), Cardinal, 339.
Pisani, Francesco, Cardinal, 4,
9, (^4-
Pittigliano, Niccolo, Count,
265.
Pius IV., Pope, see Medici, G.
A. de',
Pius v.. Pope, see Ghislieri.
Pius IX., Pope, 490.
Poggio (humanist), 278.
Poggio, Giovanni Francesco
(nuncio). Cardinal, g, 63,
64.
Pogiano, Giulio, 20 n. 2, 423.
Polanco, Juan de, S. J., 48.
Pole, David (Bishop of Peter-
borough), 369 n. 2, 390
n. I
Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, 2, 5
n. I, 6, 21, 25, 45, 57-63.
69, 83 n. 2, 150, 156, 157
n. 2, 287 n. 4, 292, 294,
299-302, 307-311, 313 n.
2, 360, 363, 371, 372,
376, 379, 383-389. 391-
398.
Pole, Ursula (sister to the Car-
dinal), 382.
Politi, Giov. Batt., 15 n. 4.
Polhdorus, 11 n. 2.
Ponce de la Fuente, Constan-
tino (heretic), 314.
Ponet (prot. Bishop of Win-
chester), 362.
Pontormo (painter), 49 n. i.
Popoli, Count of, 139.
Porta, Gitglielmo della (artist),
418 n. 2.
Porta, Tommaso della (sculji-
tor), 417.
Pozzo, Jacopo dal, see Puteo.
Prato, Giovanni Antonio da
(Theatine), 243.
Prick, 374 n. 2.
Priuli (secretary to Cardinal
Pole), 301, 309, 384 n. 2.
Przerembski (Archbishop of
Gnesen), 334.
5o6
INDEX OF NAMES.
Puteo, Jacopo [Pozzo], Car-
dinal (Archbishop of Bari),
2, 3. 9. 39. 5i> 60-63, 91,
105, 261, 264, 267 n. I,
306, 307. 321, 337, 358,
354. 376.
QuiNONES, Cardinal, 220 n. 3.
Radziwill, Nicolas, Prince,
330. 336-
Raverta, Ottaviano (nuncio) ,
54 n. 2, 162, 211 n. 4.
Rebiba, Scipione (governor of
Rome), Cardinal, 119, 120
n. I, 125, 140 n. 2, 183, 185,
194 n. 3, 211, 264, 267 n.
I, 268 n. 3, 292, 306, 333,
353. 355-
Redwiz, Weigand von (Bishop
of Bamberg), 344.
Renard, Simon (Imperial en-
voy in England), 363.
Reumano, Giovanni Suario
(Auditor of the Rota),
Cardinal, no n. i, 183,
185, 231, 252, 264, 265 n.
1, 267 n. I, 292, 321, 353.
Ribadeneira, Pedro de, S. J.,
211 n. 4, 302, 408, 409 n. I.
Riballus, Jacobus, 50 n. 3, 53
n. I.
Ricchi, Agostino (physician to
Paul IV.), 317 n. 4, 414 n.
2, 421 n. 4.
Ricci da Montepulciano, Gio-
vanni, Cardinal, 64, 195
n. 4.
Rich, Lord, 410.
Richard II. (King of England),
363-
Ridley, Nicolas (Anglican Bis-
hop of London), 375, 376.
Robertello (humanist), 487 n. i.
Rocco da Montifiascone (artist),
417 n. I.
Rosario, Virgilio (the Pope's
Vicar-general), Cardinal,
200, 202 n. 2, 229, 231,
267 n. I, 292, 304, 321.
Rossi, Vincenzo de' (sculptor),
230 n. I.
Revere, Family of the, 141.
Rovere, Giulio della. Cardinal,
7, 61, 195 n. 4.
Roveire, Guidobaldo della (Duke
of Urbino), 24 n. i, 52, 56,
97, 105, no. III n. I,
133, 274 n. 4, 275, 276.
Rovere, Marco Vigerio della
(Bishop of Sinigaglia), 194,
Rucellai, Annibale (nephew of
Giovanni della Casa), 86,
Sadoleto, Jacopo, Cardinal, 21
86.
Sadoleto, Paueo (Bishop of
Carpentras), 175 n. 2.
Salm, Wolfgang von (Bishop
of Passau), 344.
Salmeron, Alfonso, S. J., 211
n. 4, 248, 256, 294, 302,
327. 329.
Salvago, 87 n. i.
Salviani, Ippolito, 31.
San Ainbrosio, Hernando de,
O. P., 317 n. 4.
Sanfelice, Gian Antonio (Bis-
hop of Cava), 311, 312.
Sangallo, Antonio da (archi-
tect), 30 n. I.
Sanguine, Ferrante di, 226.
Santa Flora, the Cardinal of,
see Sforza, Guido Ascanio.
Santorio, Giulio Antonio, 285,
293 n. I.
Saraceni, Giammichele (Arch-
bishop of Matera), Car-
dinal, 9, 41, 62, 105, 267
n. I, 321, 353.
Sarpi, 313 n. 2, 405.
Sarria, Fernandez Ruiz de (en-
voy from Charles V.), 94,
95, III, 112, 118, 119, 121,
124 n. I, 127, 129, 134.
Sauli, Stefano, 396.
Savelli, Cardinal, 4, 8, 62, 267
n. I.
Savelli, Jacopo, Cardinal.
Savonarola, 279 n. i.
Schauenburg, Adolf von (Arch-
bishop of Cologne, Elec-
tor), 184 n. I.
Scott, Cuthbert (Bishop of
Chester), 369 n. 2, 390.
INDEX OF NAMES.
507
Scotti, Giovanni Bernardino,
Cardinal, loi n. i, 182,
185, 190, 230, 243, 244,
252, 255, 264, 267 n. I,
353-
Scotti, Tommaso, O. P., 293
n. I.
Seld (Imperial Chancellor), 356.
Selvago, 413 n. 2.
Seripando, Girolamo (General
of- the Augustinian Her-
mits), Cardinal, 6 n. i, 27,
30. 33. 34. 53. 260, 285 n.
4, 417 n. 2.
Sermoneta, Cardinal, 7, 61, 214
Serristori, Averardo (agent of
Cosimo de' Medici), 5, 6,
35 72, 98.
Sertori, Julius (Archbishop of
San Severino), 124.
Severoli, Ercole (canonist), 191.
Sforza, Family of, the 92, 93,
96, 98, 100.
Sforza, Count of Santa Fiora,
92, 158.
Sforza, Alessandro (brother of
the Count of Santa Fiora),
92, 93 n. I. 96.
Sforza, Bona (queen dowager
of Poland), 212.
Sforza, Carlo (brother to Aless-
andro), 92.
Sforza, Guido Ascanio, of Santa
Fiora, Cardinal, 8, 44,
50, 52, 57. 59, 60, 63, 64,
92-95, 99, 102, 104, 146,
167, 173 n. I, 267 n. I,
285 n. 5.
Sforza, Lodovico [il Moro],
Duke of Milan, 76.
Sforza, Mario (brother of Aless-
andro), 92, 93.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 408, 410.
Sigismund Augustus II. (King
of Poland), 194, 327-339,
358.
Siliceo, Juan (Archbishop of
Toledo), Cardinal, 183.
Silos, 489.
Silva, Miguel de (Bishop of
Viseu), Cardinal, 8.
Simoncelli, Girolamo, Cardinal,
63-
Sirleto, Guglielmo (custodian
of the Vatican library), 30,
31, 38 n. I, 42, 191, 192,
n. 2, 352, 353, 418 n. 2,
423- 423-
Sixtus IV., Pope, 231.
Sixtus of Siena, O. P. (Jewish
convert), 274.
Soleto, Francisco ((Capuchin),
191.
Soliman I., the Sultan, 142 n.
3. 275-
Somerset, Edward, Duke of
(the Protector for Edward
VI. of England), 364.
Somma, Duke of, 113, 116 n.
2. 145-
Sonnius (envoy of Philip II.),
321 n. 2.
Soranzo (Venetian envoy), 152
n. 3, 172 n. I, 326, 363 n.
4, 395 n. 2.
Soranzo, Vittorio (Bislaop of
Bergamo), 284.
Soto, Dominic, O. P., 255.
Soto, Petrus de, O. P., 393.
Soverchio, Girolamo, 86.
Spannocchi, Family of the, 12.
Spannocchi, Antonio, 12.
Spannocchi, Giulio, 12.
Stafford, Lord, 410.
Stafford, Thomas (nephew of
Cardinal Pole), 382, 383,
394-
Stanghelini, E., 415 n. 3.
Stanley, Thomas (Bishop of
Sodor and Man), 369 n. 2,
389 n. 5.
Stella (envoy), 397 n. 7.
Storey, John, 369 n. 2, 371.
Strasoldo, Pamfilo, 333 n. i.
Strozzi, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 201.
Strozzi, Pietro (commander in
, Siena), 80 n. i, 82, 124,
144, 145, 152, 154, 158,
160, 162-165.
Strozzi, Roberto, 124.
Stuart, Mary, sec Mary Stuart.
Suffolk, Charles Biandon, Duke
of, 366, 382.
Sulmona, Prince of, loi.
Surian, Michele (Venetian en-
voy to England), 382.
5o8
INDEX OF NAMES.
Tagliavia, Pietro (Archbishop
of Palermo), Cardinal, 9,
56, 63, 195 n. 4.
Tassone, Lucretio, 61 n. i.
Taxis, Juan Antonio de (Im-
perial postmaster), 128,
129, 131 n. 2, 171.
Tebaldeo (humanist), 17.
Telesio, B. (philosopher), 418
n. 2.
Textor, Urban (Bishop), 342
n. 2.
Thirlby, Thomas (Bishop of
Ely), 360, 369 n. 2, 389
n. 5-
Thomas of Tiferno (Capuchin),
246.
Tiburzio, 98.
Titio, C, 2 n. 3, 53 n. i, 90 n. 2.
Toledo, Juan Alvarez de. Car-
dinal, 8, 58, 60, 62, 105,
123, 127, 144, 166 n. I,
180, 262, 264.
Tournon, F. de. Cardinal, 4,
5 n. I, 107, 108, 123, 182,
190.
Traheron, Bartolomew, 362.
Trivulzio, Antonio (nuncio).
Cardinal, 171, 201, 285
n. 5.
Truchsess von Waldburg, Otto
(Bishop of Augsburg), Car-
dinal, 4 n. 4, 41, 62, 91,
105, 117, 180, 248-250,
287 n. 2, 338, 363 n. 7.
Tunstall, Cuthbert (Bishop of
Durham), 369 n. 2.
Turberville, James (Bishop of
Exeter), 369 n. 2, 389 n. 5.
Tuto, Marcello (governor of
Assisi), 418 n. 2.
UcHANSKi, (Bishop of Chelm),
336.
Urban VI., Pope, 420.
Urea, G. de, 132 n. 2.
Valdes, Fernando (Archbishop
of Seville, Grand -Inquisi-
tor), 281, 315, 316.
Valentini (Provost in Modena),
282.
Valentino, S., Count, 134.
Vargas, F. de (Imperial secre-
tary), 307 n. 2, 355, 356,
358.
Vasari, 49 n. i.
Vasto (Imperial general), 82.
Vega, Garcilasso de la (envoy
of Charles V.), 107, iii,
117, 128-132, 134, 171,
211.
Velli, Francesco, see Maggio.
Vendome, Cardinal, 4.
Verallo, Girolamo (nuncio),
Cardinal, 9, 262.
Verancsic, A., 413 n. i.
Vergerio, Pietro Paulo (Bishop
of Capo d' Istria, nuncio,
apostate), 294 n. i, 330.
Vermigli, Peter Martyr, 349,
377-
Vettori, Pier [P. Victorius],
(Florentine envoy), 30, 38
n. I.
Viglius, 320.
Vitelli, Vitellozzo (Bishop of
Citta di Castello), Cardinal,
167, 168, 197 n. 4, 201, 202,
208 n. 2, 209, 213 n. 3,
214, 223, 226, 242 n. 4,
353-
Vitruvius, 30 n. i.
Warton, Robert (Bishop of St.
Asaph), 369 n. 2, 390 n. 3.
Warwick, John, Earl of (Duke
of Northumberland, Pro-
tector of England), 361,
366, 381.
Watson, Thomas (Bishop of
Lincoln), 369 n. 2, 389 n.
4, 391 n. 5, 410.
Wharton, Lord, 410.
White, John (Bishop of Win-
chester), 369 n. 2, 389 n.
4, 410.
William of Cleves, 339, 345 n.
I, 348 n. 2.
Winchester, Marquis of, 410.
Worein, Samson of (Canon of
Ermland), 238.
Wyatt, Thomas, Sir, 361, 362,
366, 402.
INDEX OF NAMES.
509
Zanchi, Basilio (custodian of
the Vatican Library), 219.
Zebryzdowski, A. (Bishop of
Cracow), 328 n. 3.
Zeno, Pier Francesco, 31.
Zobel, Melchior (Bishop
Wurzburg), 344.
Zoboli, Filippo, 43 n. 3.
Zuccaro, T. (artist), 418 n. 2.
Zvvingli, Ulrich, 377.
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