Skip to main content

Full text of "The history of the popes, from the close of the middle ages : drawn from the secret Archives of the Vatican and other original sources; from the German"

See other formats 


tihrary  of  trhe  t:heolo0ical  ^tminary 

PRINCETON  •  NEW  JERSEY 


•a^u 


Pastor,  Ludwig,  1854-1928 
The  history  of  the  popes, 
from  the  close  of  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES 

VOL.  XXXV. 


PASTOR'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES 


THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  POPES.  Translated  from 
the  German  of  Ludwig,  Freiherr  von  Pastor.  Edited  as  to 
Vols.  I. -VI.  by  the  late  Frederick  Ign.\tius  Antrobus,  and, 
as  to  \ols.  VII.-XXIV.  by  Ralph  Francis  Kerr,  of  the 
London  Oratory,  and  Vols.  XXV.-XXXIV.  by  Dom  Ernest 
Graf,  of  Buckfast  Abbey,  Vols.  XXXV.-XXXVII.  by  E.  F. 
Peeler. 


Vols.  I.  and  II. 
Vols.  III.  and  IV. 
Vols.  V.  and  VI. 
Vols.  VII.  and  VIII. 
Vols.  IX.  and  X. 
Vols.  XI.  and  XII. 
Vols.  XIII.  and  XIV. 
Vols.  XV.  and  XVI. 
Vols.  XVII.  and  XVIII. 
Vols.  XIX.  and  XX. 
Vols.  XXI   and  XXII. 
Vols.  XXIII  and  XXIV. 
Vols.  XXV.  and  XXVI. 
Vols.  XXVII.  to  XXIX. 
Vols.  XXX.  to  XXXII. 
Vols.  XXXIII.  and  XXXIV. 
Vols.  XXXV.  to  XXXNII. 


a.d.  1305-1458 
A.D.  1458-1483 
a.d.  1484-1513 
A.D.  1513-1521 
A.D.  1522-1534 
A.D.  1534-1549 
A.D.  1550-1559 
A.D.  1559-1565 
A.D.  1566-1572. 
A.D.  1572-1585 
1585-1591 
1592-1604 
1605-1621 
1621-1644 
1644-1700 
A.D.  1700-1740 
A.D.  1740-1769 


A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 
A.D. 


The  original  German  text  of  the  History  of  the  Popes  is  published 
by  Herder  &  Co.,  Freiburg  (Baden). 


^\^ 


ArK    5    1950   ^ 

HISTORY  OF  THE 


FROM  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 


DRAWN  FROM  THE  SECRET  ARCHIVES  OF  THE  VATICAN  AND  OTHER 
ORIGINAL  SOURCES 


FROM  THE  GERMAN  OF  THE  LATE 

LUDWIG,  FREIHERR  VON  PASTOR 


TRANSLATED    BY 

E.  F.  PEELER 


VOLUME    XXXV 


BENEDICT    XIV.    (1740-I758) 


LONDON 

ROUTLEDGE  and  KEGAN  PAUL,  LTD. 

BROADWAY    HOUSE  :     68-74    CARTER    LANE,    E.G. 

1949 


Owing  to  production  delays 

this  book  was  not  published 

until  ig^o 


PRINTED    IN    GREAT    BRITAIN    BY 
STEPHEN     AUSTIN     AND    SONS,     LTD.,     HERTFORD 


FOREWORD 

This  Volume  XXXV.  of  the  History  of  the  Popes  corresponds 
to  the  first  part  of  Volume  XVI.  of  the  German  original, 
which  was  published  in  three  parts  and  covers  the  period 
beginning  with  the  election  of  Benedict  XIV.  and  ending 
with  the  death  of  Pius  VI.  (1740-1799). 

The  portions  of  the  MS.  of  this  German  volume  which 
were  incomplete  at  the  time  of  the  author's  death  (1928)  were 
rounded  off  with  the  material  he  had  left  behind  him.  The 
chapters  on  the  internal  activity  of  the  Church,  the  missions, 
and  the  conclusion  of  the  ritual  dispute  were  written  by 
Fr.  Kneller,  of  Munich.  Dr.  W.  Wiihr,  of  Munich,  described 
the  conclaves  of  1740,  1758,  and  1774-75,  the  sections  on  the 
ecclesiastical  history  of  the  German-speaking  countries  and 
Poland,  and  the  last  three  chapters  of  the  pontificate  of 
Pius  VI.  Chapters  VII.-X.  of  the  pontificate  of  Clement  XIII. 
and  the  description  of  the  conclave  of  1769  were  the  work  of 
Fr.  Kratz,  of  Rome,  who  also  contributed  towards  the  chapters 
dealing  with  ecclesiastico-political  events  in  the  reign  of 
Pius  VI. 

For  the  history  of  the  missions  use  was  made  of  the 
compilations  of  Professor  Dr.  Schmidlin,  of  Mlinster. 

The  motto  on  p.  vii  was  chosen  by  the  author  himself. 
He  had  written  in  his  diary  for  February  12th,  1923  : 
"  Coronation  ceremony  in  the  Sistina.  As  I  listened  to  the 
stirring  words  of  the  Gospel  ('  Tu  es  Petrus  ')  the  thought 
came  into  my  mind  that  they  were  the  right  motto  for  the 
last  volume  of  my  History  of  the  Popes." 

In  accordance  with  the  wish  of  His  Holiness  Pope  Pius  XL, 
Her  Excellency  Freifrau  Constanze  von  Pastor  dedicated  the 
final  volume  of  her  departed  husband's  life-work  to  the  first 
Pope  and  Prince  of  the  Apostles,  St.  Peter. 


Motto  : 

"  Tu  es  Petrus,  et  super  banc  petram  aedificabo  ecclesiam 
meara,  et  portae  inferi  non  praevalebunt  adversus  earn." 

Matt.  XVI.,  1 8. 


NOMINI    HONORI 

PERBEATI    SIMONIS   PETRI 

APOSTOLORUM    PRINCIPIS 

PRIMIQUE   A   CHRISTO    SERVATORE 

CONSTITUTI    ROMANI    PONTIFICIS 

HOC   HISTORIARUM   VOLUMEN 

QUOD   LABORE   EXTREMO    EXTREMUM 

LUDOVICUS   DE   PASTOR   ABSOLVIT 

CONSTANTIA   CONIUX    SUPERSTES 

SACRUM   VOLUIT 


ANNO    DOMINI    MCMXXXI. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  XXXV. 


Collections  of  Archives  and  Manuscripts  referred  to  in 
Volumes  XXXV.-XL 

Complete  Titles  of  Books  quoted  in  Volumes  XXXV.- 
XL 

Table  of  Contents     ....... 

List  of  Unpublished  Documents  in  Appendix 

The  Conclave  of  the  Year  1740 — Career  and  Personality 
of  Benedict  XIV. — The  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State, 
Valenti  Gonzaga — The  Church's  Peace  Policy — 
The  Concordats  with  Savoy,  Naples,  and  Spain 

Benedict  XIV.  and  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession 
— His  Attitude  towards  the  Elections  of  the 
Emperors  Charles  VII.  and  Francis  I. — The  Peace 
Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  .... 

The  States  of  the  Church — The  Encouragement  of  Art 
and  Learning     ....... 

Jansenism  in  France  and  Holland       .... 

Benedict  XIV. 's  Activity  within  the  Church — The 
Veneration  of  the  Saints — The  Jubilee  Year  of 
1750 — The  Appointment  of  Cardinals — The  Index 
— The  Beginning  of  the  Undermining  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus    ........ 

Benedict  XIV.  and  the  Missions  .... 

Appendix  of  Unpublished  Documents  and  Extracts 
from  Archives  ....... 

Index  of  Names        ....... 


PAGE 


Xll 

xxxviii 
xliv 


1-75 

76-140 

141-225 
226-293 


294-391 
392-476 

477 
500 


IX 


COLLECTIONS  OF  ARCHIVES  AND  MANU- 
SCRIPTS    REFERRED     TO     IN     VOLUMES 
XXXV.-XL. 


Aachen — Municipal  Archives. 
Augsburg — Ordinariats- 

Archiv. 
Municipal  Archives. 

Benevento — Archiepiscopal 
Archives. 

Berlin — Secret  State  Ar- 
chives. 

State  Library. 

Bologna — Biblioteca  dell' 

Archiginnasio. 

—  Archiepiscopal  Library. 

University  Library. 

Malvezzi  Library. 

Brolio  del  Chianti  (Tuscany) 
Ricasoli  Archives. 

CoLORNO — Private  Ducal  Ar- 
chives. 

Cologne — Archdiocesan  Ar- 
chives. 

Municipal  Archives. 

Dresden — Catholic  Parish  Ar- 
chives. 
DijssELDORF — State  Archives. 
Landes-Archiv. 

Florence — State  Archives. 

Biblioteca  Laurenziana. 

FoRLi — Biblioteca  Comunale. 

Frascati — Seminary  Library. 

Freiburg    (im    Brei.sgau) — 
Archdioco.san  Archives. 

Fribourg  (Switzerland) — Epi- 
scopal Archives. 

Genoa — State  Archives. 
Glatz — Gyninasial-Archiv. 


Innsbruck — Pastor  Library. 
State  Library. 


Karlsruhe- 
Archiv. 


-General-Landes- 


London — British  Museum. 
Lucerne — State  Archives. 

Madrid — Arch.  General  Cen- 
tral.   (Alcala  de  Henares.) 

Arch.  Prov.  Toledo. 

Bibl.  S.  Isidro. 

Mainz — Cathedral  Archives. 

Municipal  Archives. 

Municipal  Library. 

Modena — Bibl.  Estense. 

Moscow — Archives  de  la  Mis- 
sion de  Varsovie. 

State  Archives. 

Munich — State  Archives. 

State  Library. 

Naples — Boncompagni  Ar- 
chives. 

State  Archives. 

National  Library. 

OsNABRi'CK — State  Archives. 

Padua — Archives  of  the  Curia. 

Chapter  Archives. 

Paris — Foreign   Affairs  Ar- 
chives. 

Archives  Nationales. 

Bibl.  Nationale. 

Parma — State  Archives. 

Private  Archives  of  the 

Duke  of  Parma. 

Piacenza — Collegio  S.  Lazaro. 


ARCHIVES    AND   MANUSCRIPTS 


XI 


Pless — Archives      of      Prince 
Metternich. 

Rome — 

Archives  : 

Apostolic    Nunciature 

to  Munich. 
Austrian        Historical 

Institute. 
Boncompagni. 
Briefs,  Archiv^es  of. 
Civilta  Cattolica. 
Congr.   Cerimoniale 

pontificia. 
Costaguti. 

Tialician  Province  S.J. 
German  Province  S.J. 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 
Propaganda. 
Prosper  i. 
S.    Croce    in    Gerusa- 

lemme. 
S.  Pietro. 
SS.   Vincenzo  ed   An- 

astasio. 
Spanish  Embassy. 
State. 


Libraries 


Angelica. 

Casanatense. 

Corsini. 

Corvisieri. 

Luzietti. 

Ricci. 


Torricelli. 

Vallicelliana. 

Vatican. 

Vittorio  Emanuele. 


St. 


Petersbur 
chives. 

State  Library. 


State     .Ar- 


Salzburg — Provincial  Govern- 
ment Archives. 

SiMANCAS — Archives. 

Sign  (Sitten) — State  Archives. 

SoLOTHURN — State  Archives. 

Speyer — Cathedral   Chapter 
Archives. 

Spoleto — Campello  Archives. 

SuBiACO — Archives  of  St. 
Scholastica. 

Trent — Library  of  the  Episco- 
pal Seminary. 
Turin — State  Archives. 

Urbino — Archicpiscopal       Ar- 
chives. 

Venice — State  Archives. 

Vienna— Archives  of  the  Aus- 
trian Embassy  to  the 
Vatican. 

State  Archives. 

Archives  of  the  Ministry 

of  Education. 


COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS    QUOTED 
IN  VOLUMES  XXXV.-XL. 


Abhandlungeii   der    Kgl.   bayr.   Akademic    der  Wissenschaften. 

Philos.-philol.  u.  hist.  Kl.     Munich,   1827  scqq. 
Abhandlungen  der    Kgl.  preuss.  Akademie    der  Wissenschaften 

zu  Berlin.    Berlin,  1804  seqq. 
Accademia  Reale  delle  scicnze  di  Torino.  Atti.    Torino,  1865  seq. 

Memorie.    Torino,  1759  seqq. 
Acta    T^enedicti    XIV.    sive    nondum    sive    sparsim    edita  nunc 

primum    collecta    cura    Raphaelis    de    Martinis.       2    Vols. 

Neapoli,    1894. 
Acta   historico-ecclesiastica    saeculi    XIX.       Ed.    by    G.    Fr.    H. 

Rhcinwald,  2  Vols.    Hamburg,  1838. 
Acta  Sanctorum  Bollandiana  vindicata.     Antverpiae,   1755  seqq. 
Adinolfi,  P.,  Roma  nell'eta  di  mezzo.  2  Vols.  Torino-Roma,  1881. 
AUgemeine  Deutsche  Biographic.    Vols.  1-56.    Leipzig,  1875  seqq. 
Almeida,  Fortunato  de,  Historia  da  Igreja  em  Portugal.     4  Vols. 

Coinibra,  1910-1921. 
Amelung,  Walther,  Die  Skulpturen  des  Vatikanischen  Museums. 

4  Vols.    Berlin,  1903-1908. 
Analecta  Augustiniana,  divo  parenti  Augustino  dicata.  Vol.  i  seqq. 

Romae,  1905  seq. 
Analecta  iuris  pontificii.    Dissertations  sur  divers  sujets  de  droit 

canonique,  liturgie  et  theologie.    Rome,  1855  seqq. 
Anecdotes  sur  I'etat  de  la  religion  dans  la  Chine  [by  VUlermaule\ 

7  Vols.    Paris,  1 733-1 742. 
Annalen  des  Hist.  Vereins  fiir  den  Niederrhein.    Koln,  1855  seq. 
Annalcs  de  la  Societe  des  .soi-disants  Jesuites.    Paris,  1 764-1 771. 
Annales  rcvolutionnaires.    Paris,  1908  seqq. 
Annuario  Pontificio.    Roma,  1716  seqq. 
Antonianum.    Periodicum  philosophico-theol.  trimestre.    Romae, 

1926  seq. 
Antonini,  Prosp.,  II  P'riuli  orientale.    Milano,  1863. 
Archief    voor    de    Geschiedenis    van    het    aartsbisdom    Utrecht. 

Utrecht,  1874  seq. 
Archiv  fiir  katholisches  Kirchenrecht.    Innsbruck,  1857  seqq. 
Archiv   fiir   Literatur-    und    Kirchengeschichte   des   Mittelalters. 

Berlin  and  Freiburg,  1885  seqq. 
Archiv  fiir  o.sterreichische  Geschichte.    Vienna,  1865  seqq. 
Archivalische  Zeitschrift.    Stuttgart,  1876  seqq. 
Archivio  della  Reale  Societa  Romana  di  storia  patria.     Roma, 

1878  seqq. 
Archivio  storico  italiano.   5=*    serie.    Firenze,  1842  seqq. 
Archivio  storico  per  le  provincie  Napolitane.    Napoli,  1876  5^17^. 
Arneth,  Alfr.  v.,  Geschichte  Maria  Theresias.     10  Vols.     Vienna, 

1863-1879. 

xii 


QUOTED   IN    VOLS.    XXXV. -XL.  XUl 

Arneth,  Alfr.  v.,  Maria  Theresia  und   Joseph   IL      Ihre  Korres- 

pondenz.    Vienna,  1867. 
Arneth,  Alfr.  v.,  Briefe  der  Kaiserin  Maria  Theresia  an  ihre  Kinder 

und  Freunde.    Vienna,  1881. 
Arneth,  Alfr.  v.,  Joseph  IL  und  Leopold  von  Toskana.    Ihr  Brief- 

wechsel  1781-1790.    Vienna,  1872. 
Arneth,  Alfr.  v.,  Joseph  II.  und  Katharina  xon   Russland.     Ihr 

Briefwechsel.    Vienna,  i86q. 
Arte,   L',  Continuazione  dell'Archivio  storicc)  dell'arte.      Roma, 

1898  seqq. 
Arte  e  storia.    Firenze,  1882  seqq. 
Assenianus,  los.  Sim.,  Bibhothecae  Apostohcae  Vaticanae  codicum 

manuscriptorum  catalogus.     3  Vols.     Romae,  1756-59. 
Astrdin,  A.,  Historia  de  la  Compaiiia  de  Jesus  en  la  Asistencia  de 

Espaiia.    7  Vols.    Madrid,  1902-1925. 
Atti  dell'assemblea  degli  arcivescovi  e  vescovi  tenuta  in  Firenze 

1787.    7  Vols.    Firenze,  1788. 
Atti  della  Reale  Accademia  nazionale  dei  Lincei.  Roma.  (Memorie 

1870  seq.  ;    Classe    di    scienze  morali,  storiche  e  filologiche 

1885  seqq.  ;  Rendiconti,  1901  seqq.) 
Atti  e  decreti  del  concilio  diocesano  di  Pistoia.    Paris,  1788. 
Aulard,  F.  A.,  La  Societe  des  Jacobins.   6  Vols.   Paris,  1 889-1 897. 
Aulard,  A.,  Histoire  politique  de  la  Revolution.     Paris,  5th  ed., 

1921. 
Azara,  El  espiritu  de  D.  Jose  Nicolas  de  Azara  descubierto  en  su 

correspondencia  epistolar  con  D.  Manuel  de  Roda.     3  Vols. 

Madrid,  1846. 

Baldassari,    Geschichte    der    Wegfiihrung    und    Gefangenschaft 

Pius'  VI.    Trans,  by  F.  N.  Steck.    Tiibingen,  1844, 
Barbter  de  Montault,  Les  musees  et  galeries  de  Rome.    Catalogue 

general.    Rome,  1870. 
Barbier  de  Montault,   (Fuvres  completes.      6  Vols.      Poitiers  et 

Paris,  1 889-1 890. 
Bamtel,  Aug.,  Collection  ecclesiastique.     14  Vols.    Paris,  1791-3. 
Baudrillart,  A.,  De  Cardinalis  Quirini  vita  et  operibus.     Parisiis, 

1899. 
Bauer,   A.    F.,   Ausfiihrhche   Geschichte   der   Reise   des   Pabstes 

Pius  VI.  (Braschi)  von  Rom  nach  Wien  und  der  Riickreise 

von  Wien  nach  Rom.    2  Parts.    Vienna,  1782. 
Bdunier,  Suitbert,  Geschichte  des  Breviers.    Freiburg,  1895. 
Baunigarten,  Herni.,  Geschichte  Spaniens  zur  Zeit  der  franzosi- 

schen  Revolution.    Berlin,  1861. 
Baumgartner,    A.,    Geschichte   der   Weltliteratur.      Vol.    5  :     Die 

franzosische  Literatur.     Vol.  6  :    Die  italienische  Literatur. 

Freiburg,  1905  and  191 1. 
Bayer,  F.  J .,  Das  Papstbuch.    Munich,  1925. 
Beani,  G.,  I  vescovi  di  Pistoia  e  Prato.    Pistoia,  1881. 
Beccatmi,  Franc,  Storia  di  Pio  VI.    Venezia,  1801. 
Beer,  Adolf,  Die  erste  Teilung  Polens.    2  Vols.    Vienna,  1873. 


XIV  COMPLETE   TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Beidtel,  Ignaz,  Kirchliche  Zustande  in  den  kaiserl.  osterr.  Staaten. 

Vienna,  1.S40. 
Benassi,  GuglielnKJ  du  Tillid,  un  ministro  riformatore  del  secolo 

XVin.    Parma,  i«r-M. 
Bender,  Jos.,  Geschichte  der  philosophisch-theologischen  Studien 

in  Ermland.    Braunsberg,  1868. 
Benedetti,  Aug.,  La  diplomazia  pontificia  e  la  prima  spartizione 

della  Polonia.    Pistoia,  i8y6. 
Benedicti  XI  V.,  P.  O.  M.,  Opera  omnia.  17  Vols.  Prati,  1842-1856. 
Benedicti  XIV.,  Acta  v.  Acta. 
Benigni,   U.,  Die  Getreidepolitik  der  Papste.     German  trans,  by 

R.  Birner,  ed.  by  G.  Rulilavd.    Berlin,  1898. 
Berger,  Hans,  Die  religiosen  Kulte  der  franzosischen  Revolution. 

Freiburg,  1914. 
Beringer,  I.  A.,  Peter  A.  von  Verschaflfelt.    Sein  Leben  und  seine 

Werke.    Strassburg,  1902. 
Bernardini,  B.,  Descrizione  del  nuovo  dipartimento  de'  rioni  di 

Roma  fatto  per  ordine  di  N.  S.  Papa  Benedetto  XIV.    Roma, 

1744- 
[Biker"\,  J .  F.  J .,  Collec9ao  dos  negocios  de  Roma  no  reinado  de 

el-Rey    D.    Jose    I.,    ministerio    de    Marquez    de    Pombal   e 

pontificados  de  Benedicto  XIV.  e  Clemente  XIII.     2  N'ols. 

Lisbon,  1874-5. 
Bildt,  K.  v.,  SvenskaMinnen  och  IMarken  i  Roma.  Stockholm,  1900. 
Bilychnis,  Rivista  di  studi  religiosi.    Roma,  191 2  seqq. 
Bloetzer,  Jos.,  Die  Katholikenemanzipation  in  Grossbritanien  und 

Irland.    Freiburg,  1905. 
Blutne,  Fr.,  Iter  Italicum.    4  Vols.    Halle,  1824  seq. 
[Boero],  Osservazioni  sopra  I'istoria  del  pontificato  di  Clemente 

XIV.  scritta  dal  P.  A.  Theiner.    2nd  ed.    Monza,  1854. 
Boehmer,  Heinrich,  Die  Jesuiten.    3rd  ed.  Leipzig,  1913. 
Bollettino,  d'arte.    Roma,  1907  seqq. 
Bonenfant  P.,  La  suppression  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus  dans  les 

Pays-Bas  autrichiens.    Bruxelles,  1925. 
BouiUd,   L.  J.   A.   de.   Souvenirs  et  Fragments  pour  servir  aux 

Memoires  de  ma  vie  et  de  mon  temps  1769-1 81 2.    Published 

by  Kermaingant.    3  Vols.    Paris,  1906-1911. 
Boulot,  G.,  Le  general  Duphot  1 769-1797.    Paris,  1908. 
Bourgni,  Georges,  La  France  et  Rome  de  1788  a  1797.   Paris,  1909. 
[BourgoiHg,     Jean-Fran(ois],     Memoires     historiques     et     philo- 

sophiques  sur  Pie  VI.  et  son  Pontificat,  jusqu'a  sa  retraite 

en  Toscane.    2  Vols.    Paris,  [1799]. 
Botitry,  Maur.,  Choiseul  a  Rome.     Lettres  et  m6moires  inedites 

1754-7-     Introduction  par  Andre  Hallays.     Paris,  1895. 
Boutry,    Maur.,    Une   creature   du   card.    Dubois.      Intrigues  du 

card.  Tencin.    Paris,  1902. 
Bouvier,  F^lix,  Bonaparte  en  Italic  1796.    Paris,  1899. 
Brabo,  Colecci6n  de  los  documentos  relativos  a  la  expulsi6n  de  los 

Jesuitas  de  la  Republica  Argentina  y  del  Paraguay.    Madrid, 

1872. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXXV. — XL.  XV 

Brmin,    Joh.    Wilh.,    Die    Ehrenrettung    Muratoris   durch    Papst 

Benedikt  XIV.    Trier.  183S. 
Braun,  Jos.,  Der  christliche  Altar.    2  Vohs.    Munich,  1924. 
Bridier,  Abbe,  Msgr.  de  Salamon,  Memoires  inedits  de  Tinternonce 

a  Paris  pendant  la  Revolution.    Paris,  1890. 
Briefwechsel    zwischen    Klemens    Wenzeslaus    und    Niklas    von 

Hontheim.    Frankfurt  a.  M.,  1813. 
Brigidi,  E.  A.,  Giacobini  e  Realisti  o  il  Viva  Maria  !     Storia  del 

1799  in  Toscana.    Siena,  1882. 
Byimont,    Viconite    de,    Le    cardinal    de    la    Rochefoucauld    et 

I'ambassade  de  Rome  1743  a  1748.    Paris,  1913. 
Brinckmann,  A.  E.,  Die  Baukunst  des  17.  und  18.  Jahrhunderts 

in  den  romanischen  Landern.   5th  ed.   Berlin -Neubabelsberg, 

1929. 
Bringniann,  Augustin,  P.   Florian  Baucke,  ein  deutscher  Missionar 

in  Paraguay  (i 749-1 768).    Freiburg,  1908. 
Broglie,  Le  Due  de,  Le  secret  du  Roi.    Correspondance  secrete  de 

Louis  XV.  avec  ses  agents  diplomatiques.     Vol.  2  :     1752- 

1774.    Paris,  1878. 
Brom,   G.,   Archivalia  in    Italie.     3   Vols,    's  Gravenhage,    1908- 

1914- 
Brosch,    M.,    Geschichte    des    Kirchenstaates.     Vol.   2.      Gotha, 

1882. 
Brasses,  Ch.  de  :    Lettres  d'ltalie,  2  Vols.    Paris,  1928. 
Brou,  AL,  Les  jesuites  de  la  legende.    Paris,  1907. 
Brou,  AL,  Le  dix-huitieme  si^cle  litteraire.    3  Vols.    Paris,  1923-7. 
Brucker,  J .  [S.  /.],  La  Compagnie  de  Jesus.    Paris,  1919. 
Brunnev,  Seb.,  Die  theologische  Dienerschaft  am  Hofe  Josephs  II. 

Vienna,  1868. 
Brunner,  Seb.,  Die  Mysterien  der  Aufklarung,  1 770-1800.    Mainz, 

1869. 
Brunner,  Seb.,  Der  Humor  in  der  Diplomatie  und  Regierungskunde 

des  18.  Jahrhunderts.    2  Vols.    Vienna,  1872. 
Biichberger,  Mich.,  Kirchliches  Handlexikon.     2  Vols.     Freiburg, 

1907-1912. 
Buchez,  Phil.  Jos.  Benj.,  et  Roux,  P.  C,  Histoire  parlementaire 

de  la  Revolution  fran9aise.    40  Vols.    Paris,  1834-8. 
Bullarii    Romani    Continuatio    SS.    Pontificum    Benedicti    XIV., 

Clementis  XIII.,  Clementis  XIV.,  Pii  VI.,  Pii  VII.,  Leonis 

XII.  et  Pii  VIII.  Constitutiones  .   .   .  complectens.     Tom. 

tertius  :     Clementis    XIII.    continens   pontificatum.      Prati, 

1842.      Tom.   quintus  :    Clemens   XIV.   Ibid.,    1845.     Tom. 

sextus,  Pars.  1-3  :    Pius  VI.  Ibid.,  1847-9. 
Bullarium   Capucinorum  :     Michael   a   Tugio,    Bullarium   ordinis 

FF.  Minor,  s.  p.  Francisci  capucinorum.     7  Vols.     Romae, 

1740-1752. 
Bullettin  de  la  Commission  Royale  d 'histoire  de  I'Academie  de 

Belgique.    Bruxelles,  1834  seqq. 
Burton,   Edwin  H.,   The   Life  and  Times  of  Bishop  Challoner. 

London,  1909. 


XVI  COMPLETE    TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Cahen,    L^on,    Les   querelles   religieuses   et   parlementaires   sous 

Louis  XV'.    Paris,  191 3. 
Cald-UUoa,  Pietro,  Di  Bernardo  Tanucci  e  de'  suoi  tempi.   Napoli, 

1875. 
Calisse,  Carlo,  Storia  di  Civitavecchia.    Firenze,  1S98. 
Calvi,    Pel.,   Curiosita  storiche   e   diplomatiche   del   sec.    XVIIL 

Milano,  1878. 
Cancellieri,  Prune. ,   II  Mercato,  il  lago  dell'Acqua  Vergine  ed  il 

Palazzo    Pamfiliano    nel    Circo    Agonale   detto    volgarmente 

Piazza  Navona.    Roma,  1811. 
Cancellieri,  Pranc,  De  secretariis  basilicae  Vaticanae  veteris  ac 

novae.    Romae,  1786. 
Cancellieri,  Pranc,  Storia  dei  solenni  possessi  dei  Sommi  Pontefici 

detti    anticamente    processi    o    processioni    dopo    la    loro 

coronazione  dalla  basilica  Vaticana  alia  Lateranense.    Roma, 

1802. 
Cantoni,  P.,  Lambertiniana,  ossia  i  motti  di  Papa  Lambertini. 

Bologna,  1920. 
Cappelletti,  G.,  Le  chiese  d'ltalia  dalla  loro  origine  sino  ai  nostri 

giorni.    21  Vols.    Venezia,  1 844-1 870. 
[Caracciolo],  Vita  del  papa  Benedetto  XIV.  Prospero  Lambertini 

con  note  istruttive.    Traduzione  dal  francese.    Venezia,  1783. 
Carayon,  Aug.,  Documents  inedits.  Doc.  9  :    Le  Pere  Ricci  et  la 

suppression  de  la  Compagnie  en  1773.    Paris,  1869. 
Carayon,  Aug.,   Bibliographic  hist,  de  la  Compagnie  de   Jesus. 

Paris,  1864. 
Carini,    Isid.,    La    Biblioteca    \'aticana,    proprieta    della    Sede 

Apostolica.    Roma,  1893. 
Carlyle,    Thomas,    The    French    Revolution.     3    Vols.      London, 

1842. 
Carutti,  D.,  Storia  della  diplomazia  della  corte  di  Savoia.    4  Vols. 

Torino,  1 875-1 880. 
Cavazza,  P.,  Le  scuole  dell'antico  studio  Bolognese.   Milano,  1896. 
Cecchetti,  Bart.,  La  Repubblica  di  Venezia  e  la  Corte  di  Roma  nei 

rapporti  della  religione.    2  Vols.    Venezia,  1874. 
Cerroti,  Pr.,   Lettere  e  memorie  autografe  ed  inedite  di  artisti. 

Roma,  1869. 
Champion,  P.,  La  France  en  1789  d'aprfes  les  cahiers  des  £tats 

Generaux.    Paris,  1897. 
Champion,  P.,  La  separation  de  I'figlise  et  de  I'fitat  en   1794. 

Introduction  a  I'histoire  religieuse  de  la  Revolution  fran9. 

Paris,  1903. 
Chantre  y  Herrera,  Historia  de  las  Misiones  de  la  Compania  de 

Jesiis  en  el  Maran6n  espanol  1 637-1 767.    Madrid,  1901. 
Chossat,  Marcel,  Les  jesuites  et  leurs  oeuvres  a  Avignon   1553- 

1768.    Avignon,  1896. 
Cibrario,  Luigi,  Lettere  inedite  di  Santi,  Papi,  Principi,  illustri 

guerrieri  e  letterati.    Torino,  1861. 
Civilta  Cattolica.    Roma,  1850  seqq. 
Colagrossi,  P.,  L'Anfiteatro  Flavio.    Firenze,  1913. 


QUOTED   IN    VOLS.    XXXV.-XXL.  XVll 

Coleccion  general  de  las  providencias  hasta  aqui  tomadas  por  el 

Gobierno  sobre  el  estrauamiento  y  ocupacion  de  temporali- 

dades  de  los   Regulares   de   la  Compania.    Vol.   i.     Madrid, 

1767. 
Colecci6n  de  los  articulos  de  La  Esperanza  sobre  la  historia  del 

reinado  de   Carlos   IIL,  escrita  por  D.   A.   Ferrer  del   Rio. 

Madrid,  1859. 
ColIec9ao  dos  negocios  de  Roma  v.  [Biker]. 
Collectanea  S.  Congregationis  de  Propaganda  Fide,  seu  decreta, 

instructiones,  rescripta  pro  apostolicis  missionibus.     Romae, 

1907. 
Colletta,  P.,   Storia  del  reame  di  Napoli  dal   1734  sino  al  1825. 

Napoli,  1 861. 
Collombet,  Fr.  Z.,  Histoire  critique  et  generale  de  la  suppression 

des  jesuites  au  XVIII<*  siecle.    Lyon-Paris,  1846. 
Colonia,  Luis,  Retratos  de  antafio.    Madrid,  1895. 
Concina,  Daniel,  Theologia  Christiana  dogmatico-moralis.    Roma 

e  Venezia,  1749. 
Conforti,  Luigi,  I  Gesuiti  nel  regno  dalle  due  Sicilie  e  in  Italia. 

Napoli,  1887. 
Coppi,  A.,  Annali  d'ltalia  dal  1750.    Vol.  I.  (1750-1796).    Roma, 

1824. 
Cordara-Albertotti,  De  suppressione  Societatis  lesu  Commentarii. 

Padova,  1923-5. 
Correspondance  des  Directeurs  de  I'Academie  de  France  a  Rome, 

ed.  p.  Anatole  de  Montaiglon  et  Jules  Guiffrey.    Vols.  15-16. 

Paris,  1907. 
Correspondant,  Le.    Paris,  1843  seq. 
Corsi,  C,  Fogli  volanti.    Venezia,  1889. 
Coxe,  William,  Memoirs  of  the  Kings  of  Spain  of  the  house  of 

Bourbon  from  the  accession  of  Philip  the  Fifth.     London, 

1813. 
Cretineaii-Joly,  J.,  Clement  XIV.  et  las  jesuites.    Paris,  1847. 
Cretineau-Joly,  J.,  Histoire  religieusa,  politique  et  litteraire  de  la 

Compagnie  de  Jesus.    6  Vols.    Paris-Lyon,  1851. 
Crousaz-Cretat,  P.  de,  L'liglise  et  I'fitat  ou  les  deux  puissances 

au  XVIIIe  siecle  (1715-1789).    Paris,  1893. 
Crousaz-Cretat,   P.   de,   Paris  sous  Louis  XIV.      2   Vols.      Paris, 

1922-3. 
Ceiivas,    Mariano,    Historia   de   la    Iglesia   en    Mexico.      5    Vols. 

Tlalpam  (Mexico),  1921-8. 
Cupis,  C.  de,  Le  vicende  dell'agricoltura  e  della  pastorizia  nell' 

Agro  Romano  e  I'Annona  di  Roma.    Roma,  191 1. 
Czoernig,  Carl  v..  Das  Land  Gorz  und  Gradisca.    2  Vols.    Vienna, 

1873- 

Danvila   y    Collado,   Man.,     Reinado    de     Carlos    III.     Madrid, 

1892  seq. 
Debidour,  A.,  Histoire  des  rapports  de  I'figlise  et  de  I'fitat  en 

France  de  1789  a  1870.     Paris,  1898. 

al 


XVlll  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Deinhardt,    Wilhelm,    Der    Jansenismus    in    deutschen    Landen. 

(Miinchener  Studien  zur  hist.  Theologie  8.)    Munich,  1929. 
Delarc,   O.,   L'fighse  de  Paris  pendant  la  Revolution  fran9aise 

1 789-1 801.    3  Vols.    Paris,  1895-8. 
Delaunav,  L.,  Un  ami  de  Benoit  XIV.,  le  prieur  Bouget.    Angers, 

1928. 
Dengel,  I.  Ph.,  Die  politische  und  kirchliche  Tatigkeit  des  Msgr. 

Josef  Garampi  in  Deutschland  1761-3.     Rome,  1905. 
Denza,    Pubblicazioni   della   Specola   Vaticana.    Vol.    i.     Roma, 

1891. 
Descrizione  delle  statue,  bassorilievi,  busti,  altri  antichi  monu- 

menti  e  quadri  de'  piii  celebri  pennelli  che  si  custodiscono 

ne'  palazzi  del  Campidoglio.    3^  ediz.    Roma,  1775. 
Deutsche  Rundschau.    Ed.  by  Rodenberg.    Berlin,  1874  seq. 
Dictionnaire  d'histoire  et  de  geographie  ecclesiastiques  public  p. 

A.  Baudrillart,  Alb.   Vogt  et  Urb.  Rouzus.    Paris,  1909  seqq. 
Dictionnaire  de  theologie  catholique.     Ed.  by  Vacant-Mangenot. 

Paris,  1903  seq. 
Diendorfer ,  I.  E.,  Die  Aufhebung  des  Jesuitenordens  im  Bistum 

Passau.    Passau,  1891. 
Dilgskron,  Karl,  Leben  des  heiligen  Bischofs  und  Kirchenlehrers 

Alfonsus  Maria  de  Liguori.    2  Vols.    Regensburg,  1887. 
Dini,  Gius.,  Diario  pieno  e  distinto  del  viaggio  fatto  a  Vienna 

dal  Sommo  Pontefice  Pio  Papa  Sesto.    Roma,  1782. 
Diplomatische    Korrespondenz   aus   don    Jahren    1759  und    1760 

betreffs  die   Bestrafung  und   Ausweisung  der   Jesuiten   aus 

Portugal.    Gottingen,  1850. 
Doeberl,    Michael,    Entwicklungsgeschichte    Bayerns.        3    \"ols. 

Munich,  191 6-193 1. 
Dohni,    Chr.    Wilh.,    Denkwiirdigkeiten    meiner    Zeit.       5    Vols. 

Hannover,  1 814-19. 
Dohme,   Robert,   Kunst  und   Kiinstler  der  ersten    Halfte  des  19. 

Jahrhunderts.    2  Vols.    Leipzig,  1886. 
Dolfi,  P.  I.,  Cronologia  delle  famiglie  nobili  di  Bologna.    Bologna, 

1670. 
Dollinger,    I.    I.    I.,    Beitrage    zur    politischen,    kirchlichen    und 

Kulturgeschichte  der  sechs  letzten  Jahrhunderte.      Vol.   3. 

Regcnsburg-Vienna,  1882. 
Dollinger-Hortig,     liandbuch     der     christl.     Kirchengeschichte. 

3  Vols.    Landshut,  1827-8. 
Domarus,  K.  v.,  Pietro  Bracci.    Strassburg,  1915. 
Droysen,   I.   G.,   Geschichte  der  preussischen    Politik.      14  Vols. 

Berlin,  1 855-1 886. 
Dufourcq,    Alb.,    Le    regime    jacobin    en    Italie.       £tude    sur    la 

R6publique  Romaine  1798-9.     Paris,  1900. 
Diihr,  B.,  S.  J.,  Geschichte  der  Jesuiten  in  den  Landern  deutscher 

Zunge.    Vol.  4.     Regensburg,  1928. 
Duhr,  B.,  S.  J.,  Jesuitenfabeln.    4th  ed.    Freiburg,  1904. 
Diihr,  B.,  S.J.,  Pombal  (Stimmen  aus  Maria  Laach.    Supplemen- 
tary Vol.  14,  53rd  number).     Freiburg,  1892. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLS.    XXXV.-XL.  XIX 

[Dupac  de  Bellegarde],  Histoire  abregee  de  I'eglise  metropolitaine 
d' Utrecht,  principalement  depuis  la  revolution  arrivee  dans 
les  VII  Provinces-Unies  des  Pays-Bas  sous  Philippe  II. 
jusqu'a  present.    Utrecht,  1765. 

Durand  de  Maillane,  Histoire  apologetique  du  Comite  ecclesiasti- 
que  de  I'Assemblee  Nationale.    Paris,  1791. 

fichos  d 'Orient,  revue  bimestrielle  de  theologie,  de  droit  canoni- 

que,   de  liturgie,   d'archeologie,   d 'histoire  et  de  geographic 

orientales.     Paris,  1897  seq. 
£guilles,  Memoires  du  President  d'figuilles  sur  le  parlement  d'Aix 

et  les  jesuites,   in  Caravon,   Documents   inedits    concernant 

la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.    Vol.  8.    Poitiers,  1867. 
Ehrenberg,   Hermann,    Italienische    Beitrage    zur    Geschichte    der 

Provinz  Ostpreussen.    Konigsberg,  1895. 
Ehrengabe  deutscher  Wissenschaft,  dargeboten  von  katholischen 

Gelehrten.       Johann    Georg    Herzog    zu    Sachsen    zum    50. 

Geburt.stag  gewidmet.     Ed.  by  Fr.  Fessler.     Freiburg,  1920. 
Eichhorn,  Karl  Friedr.,  Deutsche  Staats-  und  Rechtsgeschichte. 

Gottingen,  1808-1823. 
Eisler,  Alex.,  Das  Veto  der  katholischen  Staaten  bei  der  Papst- 

wahl.    Vienna,  1907. 
Endres,    Fritz,    Errichtung    der    Miinchener    Nuntiatur.    (Diss.). 

Erlangen,  1908. 
Engelhardt,    Z.,    The    Missions    and    Missionaries    of    California. 

San  Francisco,  1908-1913. 
Enrich,    Franc,    Historia   de   la   Compania   de    Jesus   en    Chile. 

Barcelona,  1891. 
fitudes,  publ.  par  des  Peres  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.   6th  series. 

Paris,  1856  seq, 

Fanfulla  della  Domenica.     Roma,  1879  seqq. 

Fantuzzi,   Giov.,    Memorie   della   vita   del   Cardinal   Aldovrandi. 

Bologna,  1783. 
Fassbinder,  Maria,  Der  Jesuitenstaat  in  Paraguay.    Halle,  1926. 
Fea,  C.  D.,  Storia  delle  Acque  in  Roma  e  dei  condotti.     Roma, 

1832. 
Feller,  F.  X.,  Dictionnaire  historique.    Liege,  1797. 
[Feller],  Coup  d'oeil  sur  le  congres  d'Ems.     [Diisseldorf,  1788]. 
Fenelon,  Franc,  de  Salignac  de  la  Moihe,  (Jiuvres.    8  Vols.    Paris, 

1 85 1. 
F^ret,  P.,  La  Faculte  de  theologie  de  Paris  et  ses  docteurs  les 

plus  cel^bres.    fipoque  moderne.    Paris,  1900  seqq. 
Ferrer  del  Rio,  Historia  de  Carlos  III.    Madrid,  1856. 
Ferris,    Carlos,    Epoca    Colonial.       La    Compania    de    Jesus    en 

Montevideo.    Barcelona,  1919. 
Fitte,    Siegfried,    Religion    und    Politik    vor    und    wahrend    des 

Siebenjahrigen  Krieges.    (Programm.).    Berlin,  1899. 
Fleury,  Claud.,  Historia ecclesiastica.  91  Vols.  Augsburg,  iy68seqq. 
Focillon,  H.,  C.  B.  Piranesi.    Paris,  191 8. 


XX  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Foley,  Henry,  Records  of  the  English  Province  of  the  Society  of 

Jesus.    8  Vols.    London,  1 875-1 883. 
Pontes  rerum   Austriacarum.      Oesterreich.      Geschichtsquellen. 

2nd  part,  Vol.  i  seqq.    Vienna,  1855  seq. 
Forcella,   V.,  Iscrizioni  delle  chiese  e  d'altri  edifici  di  Roma  dal 

secolo  XI.  fino  ai  giorni  nostri.    14  Vols.    Roma,  1869-1885. 
Forschungen  zur  brandenburgischen  und  preussischen  Geschichte. 

Vol.  I  seqq.    Leipzig,  1888  seqq. 
Fnrst-Battaglia,    Otto,    Stanislaw    August    Poniatowski    und    der 

Ausgang  des  alten  Polenstaates.    Berlin,  [1927]. 
Franclieu,  Pie  VI.  dans  les  prisons  du  Dauphine.   Alontreuil,  1892. 
Franz,    H.,    Studien    zur    kirchlichen    Reform    Josephs    II.,    mit 

besonderer     Berucksichtigung      des      vorderosterreichischen 

Breisgaus.    Freiburg,  1908. 
FrMiric  le  Grand,  Cluivres  de  Frederic   II.   le  Grand.      Ed.   by 

/.  D.  E.  Preiiss.    Berlin,  1846  seqq. 
Frediani,  Lettere  interessanti  di  Clemente  XIV.    Firenze,  1847. 
Frey,  Dagobert,  Michelangelo-Studien.    Vienna.  1920. 
Friedrich,  Joh.,   Beitrage  zur  Kirchen geschichte  des   18.      Jahr- 

hunderts.    Munich,  1876. 

[Gagarin^  Les  Jesuites  de  la  Russie  :    (i)  La  Compagnie  de  Jesus 

conservee  en   Russie  apres  la  suppression  de    1772.      Recit 

d'un  jesuite.    (2)  Un  nonce  du  Pape  a  la  cour  de  Catherine  II. 

Memoires  d'Archetti.    Paris,  1872. 
Galletti,  P.  L.,  Memorie  per  servire  alia  storia  della  vita  del  card. 

D.  Passionei.    Roma,  1762. 
Gams,  P.   B.,  Series  episcoporum  Ecclesiae  catholicae  quotquot 

innotuerunt  a  beato  Petro  apostolo.     Ratisbonae,  1873. 
Gandino,  Fr.,  Ambasceria  di  Marco   l-'oscarini  a  Torino   1741-2. 

Venezia,  1892. 
Gayauipi,  G.,  Saggi  di  osservazioni  sal  valore  delle  antiche  monete 

pontificie.    Con  appendice  di  document!.    [Roma,  1766]. 
Gazier,    A.,    Une   suite   a   I'histoire   de    Port-Roj-al  :     Jeanne   de 

Boisgnorel  et  Christophe  de  Beaumont.    Paris,  1906. 
Gelli,  Aganore,  Memorie  scritte  da  Scipione  de'   Ricci.      2  Vols. 

Firenze,  1865. 
Gendry,  Jules,  Pie  VI.,  sa  vie  —  son  pontificat.     2  Vols.     Paris, 

no  date  of  publication  [1907]. 
Gerard,  John,  St(jnyhur.st  College.    Its  life  beyond  the  seas,  1592- 

1794,  and  on  English  soil,  1 794-1 894.     Belfast,  1894. 
Gerdil,  G.,  Opere  edite  ed  inedite.     20  parts  in   10  Vols.     Roma, 

1 806-1 82 1. 
Giesecke,  Albert,  G.  P.  Piranesi.    Leipzig,  191 1. 
Ginzel,  Joseph  A.,  Kirchenhistorische  Schriften.    Vienna,  1872. 
Giornale  ligustico  di  archeok)gia,  storia  e  letteratura.     Genova, 

1874  seqq. 
Giornale  storico  della  letteratura  italiana,  diretto  e  redatto  da  A. 

Graf,  F.  Xovati,  R.  Renter.    Roma -Torino- l-'irenze,  1883  seqq. 
Gjovfl^»o/i, /?.,  Leggende  Romane.  Papa  Lambertini.   Roma,  1887. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXXV.-XL.  XXI 

Gispert,  M.,  Historia  de  las  misiones  dominicanas  en  el  Tungkin. 

Avila,  1928. 
Gla,  Dietr.,  Systematisch  geordnetes  Repertorium  der  katholischen 

theologischen  Literatur.    2  Vols.    Paderborn,  1895  and  1904. 
Glasson,  E.,  Histoire  du  droit  et  des  institutions  de  la  France. 

8  Vols.    Paris,  1 887-1903. 
Godlewski,     Michael,     Monumenta     ecclesiastica     Petropolitana. 

3  Vols.    Petropoli,  1906  seqq. 
Gomes,  F.  L.,  Le  Marquis  de  Pombal.   Esquisse  de  sa  vie  publique. 

Lisbon,  1869. 
Gorce,   P.   de  la,   Histoire  religieuse  de  la   Revolution  fran9aise. 

5  Vols.    5th  ed.    Paris,  1919. 
(roethe-Jahrbuch,  ed.  by  L.  Geiger.    Frankfurt  a  M.,  1880  seqq. 
Gothein,    Eberhard,    Der    Breisgau    unter    Maria    Theresia    und 

Joseph  IL    Heidelberg,  1907. 
Gothein,   Eberhard,   Der  christlich-soziale   Staat  der   Jesuiten   in 

Paraguay.    Leipzig,  1883. 
Gothein,  M.  L.,  Geschichte  der  Gartenkunst.    2  Vols.    Jena,   1914. 
Goujet,  £loge  historique.    La  Haye,  1763. 

Goyaii,  Georges,  L'AlIemagne  religieuse.    4  Vols.    Paris,  1905-g. 
Grandmaison,  Geoffroy  de,  Madame  Louise  de  France,  la  venerable 

Therese  de  Saint-Augustin  (i 737-1 787).    Paris,  1922. 
Gregorovius,  Ferd.,  Die  Grabmaler  der  romischen  Papste.   Leipzig, 

Grimani,  Risposte  di  P.  Grimani,  Doge  di  Venezia,  ad  officii  di 
Ambasciatori  ed  altri  175 1-2.    Venezia,  1856. 

Gri'tnhagen,  €.,  Schlesien  unter  Friedrich  d.  Gr.  2  Vols.  Breslau, 
1890-2. 

Guardione,  Fr.,  L'espulsione  dei  Gesuiti  dal  regno  delle  due  Sicilie. 
Catania,  1907. 

Guarnacci,  M.,  Vitae  et  res  gestae  Pontificum  Romanorum  et 
S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium  a  Clemente  X.  usque  ad  Clementem  XH. 
2  Vols.    Romae,  1751. 

Guglia,  Eiigen,  Die  konservativen  Elemente  Frankreichs  am 
Vorabend  der  Revolution.     Gotha,  1890. 

Guglia,  Eugen,  Leopold  von  Ran  kes  Leben  und  Werke .  Leipzig,  1 893 . 

Guglielmotti,  Alb.,  Gli  ultimi  fatti  della  squadra  romana,  da  Corfu 
all'Egitto  1700-1807.     Roma,  1884. 

Guilday,  P.,  Life  and  Times  of  John  Carroll,  Archbishop  of 
Baltimore.    New  York,  1922. 

Guilleautne,  D.  A.,  Vollstandige  Sammlung  alier  Briefe,  Unter- 
richto,  Gewaltertheilungen  und  Verhandlungen  Unseres 
Heiligen  \'aters  Pius  Papst  VL  in  Betreff  der  franzosischen 
Staatsumwalzung.  Veranstaltet  und  nach  der  Romischen 
Ausgabe  iibersetzt.    2  Vols.    Miinster  in  Westfalen,  1797. 

Guiot,  L.,  La  mission  de  Su-Tschuen  au  XVHI«  siecle.  Vie  et 
apostolat  de  Msgr.  Pottier,  son  fondateur,  eveque 
d'Agathopolis.    Paris,  1892. 

Gurlitt,  Cornelius,  Geschichte  des  Barockstiles  in  Italien.  Stutt- 
gart, 1887. 


XXll  COMPLETE    TITLES   OF    BOOKS 

Handbuch  aller  unter  der  Regierung  dcs  Kaisers  Joseph  IL  fiir 
die  k.  k.  Erblander  crgangenen  Verordnungen  und  Gesetze, 
von  Joseph  Kropatschck.    i8  Vols.    Vienna,  1 785-1 790. 

Hanisch,  Erdm.,  Geschichte  Polens.     Bonn,  1923. 

Harder,  Ernst,  Der  Einfluss  Portugals  bei  der  Wahl  Pius'  VL 
Konigsberg,  1882. 

Hardy,  G.,  Le  cardinal  Fleury  et  le  mouvement  janseniste.    Paris, 

1925. 
Harnack,    Adolf,    Geschichte    der    Kgl.    preuss.    Akademie   der 

Wissenschaften  zai  Berlin.     3  Vols.     Berlin,  1900. 
Harnack,   Otto,   Deutsches  Kunstleben  in   Rom  im   Zeitaltcr  der 

Kla.ssik.    Weimar,  1896. 
Hartwig,   Thcodor,  Der  Uebertritt  des  Erbprinzen   Friedrich  von 

Hessen-Kassel  zum  Katholizismus.    Kassel,  1870. 
Hase,   Karl,   Rosen -Vorlesungen   kirchengeschichtlichen    Inhalts. 

6  Vols.    Leipzig,  1880. 
Hautecoeur,   C.   d' ,   Journal  d'cmigration  du  comte  d'Espinchal. 

Paris,  191 2. 
Haiitcccetir,  L.,  Rome  et  la  renaissance  de  I'antiquite  a  la  tin  du 

XVIIIe  siecle.    Paris,  1912. 
Heeckeren,  E.  de,  Correspondance  de  Benoit  XIV.  (with  Tencin). 

2  Vols.    Paris,  191 2. 
Hegemann,  Ottni.,  Friedrich  der  Grosse  und  die  katholische  Kirche 

in    den    reichsrechtlichen     Territorien    Preussens.     Munich, 

1904. 
Heigel,  K.  Th.,  Der  osterreichische  Erbfolgestreit  und  die  Kaiser- 

wahl  Karls  VII.    Nordlingen,  1877. 
Heimbiicher ,  71/.,  Die  Orden  und  Kongregationen  der  katholischen 

Kirche.    3  Vols.    2nd  ed.    Paderborn,  1907-8. 
Helbig,  W.,  Fiihrer  durch  die  offentlichen  Sammlungen  klassischer 

Altertiimer  in  Rom.    2  Vols.    Leipzig,  1912. 
Hergenrother,  Jos.,  Handbuch  der  allgemeinen  Kirchengeschichte. 

4  Vols.     5th  ed.     Freiburg,  1911-13. 
Hergenrother,    Jos.,    Der    Kirchenstaat    seit    der    franzosischen 

Revolution.    FYeiburg,  i860. 
Hergenrother,  Jos.,  Kardinal  Maury.    Wiirzburg,  1878. 
Hergenrother,  Jos.,  Piemonts  Unterhandlungen  mit  dem  Heiligen 

Stuhl  im  18.  Jahrhundert.    Wiirzburg,  1877. 
Hernandez,  El  extraiiamiento  de  los  Jesuitas  del  Rio  de  la  Plata 

y  de  las  Misiones  del  Paraguay.     Madrid,  1908. 
Herrmann,    Ernst,    Geschichte    des    russischen    Staates    (Heeren- 

Ukert,    Geschichte    der    europaischen    Staaten.       Vol.    5). 

Hamburg,  T833. 
Herzog-Haiick,  Real-Enzyklopadie  fiir  protestantische  Theologie 

und  Kirche.    24  Vols.    Leipzig,  1896-1913. 
Hes.senland,  Zeitschrift  fiir  hessische  Geschichte  und   Literatur. 

Kassel,  1887  seqq. 
Historisches  Jahrbuch  der  Gorres-Gesellschaft.   Miinster,  1880  seq. 
Historisch-politische    Blatter   fiir   das   kathohsche    Deutschland. 

Vols.  1-169.    Munich,  1838-1921. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXXV.-XL.  XXlll 

Hittmair,  Rudolf,  Der  josephinische  Klostersturm  im  Lande  ob 

der  Enns.    Freiburg,  1907. 
Hock-Bidermann,     Der     osterreichische     Staatsrat,     1 760-1 848. 

Vienna,  1879. 
Hofmann,  Walther  v.,  Das  Sakularisationsprojekt  von  1743,  Kaiser 

Karl  VII.  und  die  romische  Kurie.    Gotha,  191 3. 
Hohler,  Matth.,  Des  kurtrierischen   Rates  Heinr.  Aloys  Arnoldi 

Tagbuch   iiber  die   zu   Ems  gehaltene   Zusammenkunft  der 

vier  Erzb.  deutschen  Herrn  Deputierten.    Mainz,  1915. 
Holzapfel,    Heribert,     Handbuch    der    Geschichte    des    Franzis- 

kanerordens.    Freiburg,  1909. 
Holzknecht,  G.,  Ursprung  und  Herkunft  der  Reformideen  Kaiser 

Josephs  II.  auf  kirchlichem  Gebiete.    Innsbruck,  1914. 
[Holzwayth],  Malagrida  und  Pombal.     Regensburg,  1872. 
Hughes,  Thomas,  History  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  North  America 

colonial  and  federal.    Text  2  Vols.  Documents  2  Vols.    New 

York,  1 907-1 9 1 7. 
Huonder,   Anton,   Deutsche   Jesuiten  mission  are  des    17.   und    18. 

Jahrhundcrts.    Freiburg,  1899. 
Hurler,  H.,  Nomenclator  literarius  theologiae  catholicae.    5  Vols. 

3rd  ed.    Geniponte,  1903-1913. 

Immich,  Max,  Geschichte  des  curopaischen  Staatensystems  von 

1660  bis  1789.    Munich-Berlin,  1905. 
Innocenti,  Benedetto,   S.  Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio  O.  F.  M., 

Prediche  e  lettere  inedite.    Quaracchi,  191 5. 
Inquietudini  de'   Gesuiti.      4  Vols.      [No  place  of  publication], 

1764-9. 
Institutum  Societatis  lesu.    3  Vols.    Florentiae,  1892-3. 
Isamhevt,   F.   A.,    Recueil   general  des   anciennes   lois   frangaises 

depuis  Fan  420  jusqu'a  la  revolution  de  1789.  Paris,  1822  seqq. 
Isla,  Jose  Franc,  Memorial  en  nombre  de  las  cuatro  Provincias 

de  Espaiia  de  la  Compafiia  de  Jesus  desterradas  del  reino 

a  S.  M.  El  Rey  Don  Carlos  III.,  ed.  /.  E.  de  Uriarte.   Madrid, 

1882. 
lus  Pontificium  :     luris  Pontificii  de   Propaganda   Fide   Pars   I. 

Vols.  1-7.    Romac,  1886  seq. 

Jahrbuch  der  osterreichischen  Leo-Gesellschaft.   Vienna,  1893  seq. 
Jansen,  Joh.  Laur.,  Der  hi.  Alfons  Maria  von  Liguori  und  die 

Gesellschaft  Jesu.    Freiburg,  1920. 
Janssen,  Joh.,  Zur  Genesis  der  ersten  Teilung  Polens.    Freiburg, 

1865. 
Jemolo,  Art.  C,  II  Giansenismo  in  Italia  prima  della  Rivoluzione. 

Bari,  1928. 
Journal  von   und    fiir   Deutschland,   ed.   by   Goekingk.      Ellrich, 

1 784-1792. 
Justi,  K.,  Winckelmann  und  seine  Zeitgenossen.   2  Vols.   Leipzig, 

1898. 


XXIV  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Kaas,   Liidwig,   Die  geistliche   Gerichtsbarkeit  der  katholischen 

Kirche  in  Preussen  in  Vergangenhcit  und  Gegenwart.   2  Vols. 

Stuttgart,  191 5-1 6. 
Karttunen,  Litsi,  Les  Nonciatures  Apostoliques  permanentes  de 

1650  a   1800,  in  Annales  Acad.   Scient.   Fennicae,  serie   B, 

Vol.  5,  No.  3.    Geneve  (Helsinki),  191 2. 
Katholik,    Der.    Zeitschrift    fiir    katholische    Wissen.schaft    und 

kirchliches  Leben.     Stra.ssburg  and  Mainz,  1820  seqq. 
Katholische  Bewegung  in  unseren  Tagen.    Wurzburg,  1868  seqq. 
Katholischen  Missionen,   Die.    Freiburg,   1873  seqq.,   from    1923. 

Aachen-M.-Gladbach-Dlisseldorf. 
Keusch,  K.,  Die    Aszetik  des  hi.  Alfons  von  Liguori.     Freiburg 

i.  d.  Schweiz,  1924. 
Kiefer,  Jos.,  Die  deputierten  Bischofe  der  Nationalversammlung 

und  die  Constitution  civile  du  clerge  in  den  Jahren  1790-2. 

(Diss.).    Freiburg,  1903. 
Kink,    Rudolf,    Geschichte    der     kaiserl.    Universitat     zu     Wien. 

2  Vols.    Vienna,  1854. 
Kirchenlexikon     (Freiburger)     oder     Enzyklopadie    der    kathol. 

Theologie    und    ihrer    Hilfswissenschaften.       Ed.    by   H.    I. 

Wetzer  and  B.  Welte.     12  Vols.     Freiburg,  1 847-1 856.     2nd 

ed.,    begun    by    Joseph    Card.    Hergenrdther,    continued    by 

Fr.  Kaulen.    12  Vols.    Freiburg,  1882-1901. 
Kirsch,    I.   P.,   Kirchengeschichte.      Vol.    IV.  :     Die   Kirche   im 

Zeitalter   des    Individualismus,    by   L.    A.    Veil.      Freiburg, 

1931- 

Klausing,  Sammlung  der  neuesten  Schriften,  welche  die  Jesuiten 
in  Portugal  betreffen.    Leipzig  and  Frankfurt,  1761. 

Knapp,  Friedrich,  Die  italienische  Plastik  vom  XV.  bis  XVIII. 
Jahrhundert.    Berlin,  [1910]. 

Korczok,  A  nton.  Die  griechisch-katholische  Kirche  in  Galizicn. 
(Osteuropa-Institut  in  Breslau  V.  i.).  Leipzig-Berlin, 
1921. 

Koser,  Reinhold,  Konig  Friedrich  der  Grosse.  2  Vols.  Stuttgart 
and  Berlin,  1903. 

Kosmopolis.    St.  Petersburg,  1887  seqq. 

Kraus,  Fr.  X.,  Briefe  Benedikts  XIV.  an  den  Canonicus  Francesco 
Peggi  in  Bologna  (172 7-1 758).    2nd  ed.    Freiburg,  18S8. 

Kraus,  Fr.  X.,  Roma  sotterranea  —  Die  romischcn  Katakomben. 
Freiburg,  1879. 

Kuckhoff,  Jos.,  Die  Geschichte  des  Tricoronatum.    Koln,  103 1. 

Kunstgeschichtliche  Anzeigen.     Innsbruck,  1904  seqq. 

Kiintzel,  Gcorg,  Fiirst  Kaunitz-Rittberg  als  Staatsmann.  Frank- 
furt a  M.,  1923. 

Kiientziger,  Jacques,  Febronius  et  le  Febronianisme.  Bruxelles, 
1890. 

Kusej,  I.  /?.,  Jo.seph  II.  und  die  aussere  Kirchenverfassung 
Innerosterreichs  (Stutz,  Kirchenrechtl.  Abh.  49-50).  Stutt- 
gart, 1908. 

Kwartalnik  Hi.storyczny.    Vol.  26.    Lemberg,  1912. 


QUOTED  IN  VOLS.  XXXV.  -XL.        XXV 

Lafuente,  Vic.  de,  Historia  eclesiastica  de  Espana.  6  Vols.  Madrid, 

1873- 
Lanciani,   R.,   Storia  degli  scavi  di  Roma.      Vols.    1-4.      Roma, 

1902-1913. 

Lanzi,  Luigi,  Terni.    Bergamo,  1910. 

Lapauze,    Henri,    Histoire    de    I'Academie    de    France    a    Rome. 

2  Vols.    Paris,  1914- 
Laimay,  A.,  Histoire  generale  de  la  Societe  des  Missions  £tran- 

geres,    Paris,  1894. 
Lavisse,    E.,    Histoire    de    la    France    contemporaine    depuis    la 

Revolution  jusqu'a  la  paix  1919.    Paris,  1921. 
Lebret,  I.  Fr.,  Magazin  zum  Gebrauche  der  Staaten-  und  Kirchen- 

geschichte.    10  Vols.    Ulm,  1771-1788. 
Leclercq,  Henri,  Les  Martyrs.     15  Vols.    Paris,  1905-1924. 
Lector,  L.,  Le  conclave.    Paris,  1894. 
Lehmann,   M.,   Preussen   und  die  katholische   Kirche  seit   1640. 

Vols.  1-9.    Leipzig,  1 878-1 902. 
Lehnerd,  Valentin,  Paul  vom  Kreuz.    Innsbruck,  1926. 
Lehtonen,    U.    L.,    Die    polnischen    Provinzen    Russlands    unter 

Katharina  H.  in  den  Jahren   1 772-1 782.      Trans,  from  the 

Finnish  bv  Gust.  Schmidt.    Berlin,  1907. 
Lemmens,      Leonh.,      Geschichte      der      Franziskanermissionen. 

Miinster,  1928. 
Leo,  H.,  Geschichte  der  italienischen  Staaten.    Halle,  1828-1832. 
Lescoeur,  Louis,  L'figlise  catholique  en  Pologne  sous  le  Gouverne- 

mcnt  russe.    Paris,  i860. 
Letarouilly,  P.,  fidifices  de  Rome  moderne.    Paris,  1 825-1 857. 
Letaromlly,  P.,  Le  Vatican.    Paris,  1882. 
Lettere,   brevi  et  chirografi  di  Benedetto  XIV.   per  la  citta  di 

Bologna.    Bologna,  1749. 
Lettere  inedite  di  uomini  illustri  v.  Nardinocchi. 
Lettere  di  Sant'Alfonso  Maria  di  Liguori.     3  Vols.     Roma,  1887. 
Lettres  de  notre  St.  Pere  le  Pape  et  de  Sa  Majeste  I'Empereur. 

Roma,  1782. 
Lettres  edifiantes  et  cu'-ieuses  ecrites  des  missions  etrangeres  par 

quelques  missionnaires  de   la  Compagnie  de   Jesus.      Paris, 

1707  seqq. 
Likowski,  Ed.,  Geschichte  des  allmahlichen  V'erfalls  der  unierten 

ruthenischen    Kirche   im    18.    u.    19.    Jahrhundert.    Gennan 

version  by  Tloczynski.    2  Vols.    Posen,  1885  seqq. 
Lindet,    Correspondance    de    Thomas    Lindet    pendant    la    Con- 

stituante  et  la  Legislative  (1789-1792),  p.  par  A.  Montier. 

Paris,  1899. 
Lombardi ,  Ant.,  Storia  della  letteratura  italiana  nel  secolo  XVIII. 

6  Vols.    Venezia,  1832. 
Lorenz,   O.,   Joseph  11.    und  die  belgi.sche    Revolution.     Vienna, 

1862. 
Loret,    Maciej,    Kosciol    katolicki   a    Katarzyna    II.,    1772-1784. 

(Monografie  w  zakresie  dziejow  nowozytnych,  wyd.  Szymon 

Askenazy.    Vol.  12.)    Warszawa-Krakow,  1910. 


XXVI  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Liibeck,  Konrad,  Georgien  und  die  katholiche    Kirche.     Aachen, 

1919. 
Liibeck,  Konrad,  Die  katholische  Orientmission  in  ihrer  Entwick- 

lung  dargestellt.    Koln,  191 7. 

Madelin,  Louis,  France  et  Rome.    Paris,  191 3. 
Madelin,  Louis,  La  Revolution.    Paris,  1924. 
Madelin,  Louis,  La  Revolution  et  Rome.    Paris,  191 3. 
Malamani,  V.,  A.  Canova.    Milano  [no  date  of  publication]. 
Manner,  Ludivig,  Bayern  vor  und  in  der  franzosischen  Revolution. 

Berlin-Leipzig,  1927. 
Manzone,  S.  B.,  Frammenti  di  lettere  inedite  di  Benedetto  XIV. 

(Nozze-Publ.)    Bra,  1890. 
Marini,  Marino,  Memorie  storico-critichc  della  citta  di  S.  Arc- 

angelo.    Roma,  1844. 
Maroni,   Ixttere  di   Benedetto   XIV.   aH'Arcidiacono    Innocenzo 

Storani  di  Ancona,  in  Arch.  stor.  per  le  Marche  e  per  I'Umbria. 

Vol.  2.    Foligno,  1885. 
Marx,  Jakob,  Geschichte  des  Erzstiftes  Trier  als  Kurfiirstentum 

und  als  Erzdiozese   bis  zum   Jahre   1816.      5    Vols.     Trier, 

1858-1864. 
Massi,    Pasquale,    Indicazione   antiquaria   del   Pontificio   Museo 

Pio-Clementino  in  Vaticano.    Roma,  1792. 
Masson,  Frederic,  Le  cardinal  Bernis  depuis  son  ministere,  1758 

a  1794.    Paris,  1884. 
Mathiez,  Albert,  La  Revolution  et  I'figlise.    Paris,  1910. 
Mathiez,    Albert,    Robespierre    et    le    culte    de    I'Etre    Supreme. 

Le  Puy,  19 10. 
Mathiez,  Albert,  Rome  et  le  clerge  franfais  sous  la  Constituante. 

Paris,  191 1. 
Matscheg,  A.,  Storia  politica  di  Europa  dal  cominciare  del  regno 

di  Maria  Teresa  alio  sciogliersi  della  convenzione  di  Klein - 

schnellendorf,  studiata  sui  dispacci  dei  Veneti  ambasciatori. 

Belluno,  1896. 
Maury,  J.  S.,  Essai  sur  I'eloquence  de  la  chaire.    Paris,  1850. 
Mazzuchelli,    G.    M.,    Gli   scrittori   d'ltalia.      2   Vols.      Brescia, 

^753  seq. 
Mejer,  Otto,  Febronius.    Tubingen,  1880. 

Melanges  d'archeologie  et  d'histoire.    Paris-Rome,  1881  seqq. 
Mcmoires  de  la  Congregation  de  la  Mission.     Vols.   1-9.     Paris, 

1863-6. 
Memorie  di  A.  Canova  scritte  da  Antonio  d'Este  e  pubblicate  per 

conto  di  Alessandro  d'Este.    Firenze,  1864. 
Memorie  di  religione,  di  morale  e  di  letteratura.   79  Vols.  Modena, 

1 822-1 854. 
Memorie    storiche    sulle    principali    cagioni    e    circostanze    della 
'rivoluzicme  di  Roma  e  di  Napoli.    [No  place  of  publication  ; 

1800]. 
Mendndez  y  Pelayo,  M.,  Historia  de  los  heterodoxos  espanoles. 

2  Vols'.    Madrid,  1 880-1, 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXXV.-XL.  XXVll 

Mention,  L.,  Documents  relatifs  aux  rapports  du  clerge  avec  la 

royaute  de  1705  a  1789.     Paris,  1903. 
Menzei,    K.    A.,    Neuere    Geschichte    der    Deutschen    von    der 

Reformation  bis  zum  Bundesakt.   12  Vols.  Berlin,  1 826-1 848. 
Mercati,  A.,  Raccolta  di  concordati  in  materie  ecclesiastiche  tra 

la  Santa  Sede  e  le  autorita  civili.    Roma,  1919. 
Mergentheim,   L.,   Die   Quinquennalfakultaten   pro  foro  externo. 

2  Vols.    Stuttgart,  1908. 
Merkwiirdige    Nachrichten    von    den    Jesuiten    in    Weissreussen 

2nd  ed.    Frankfurt-Leipzig,  1786. 
Meyer,  A.  G.,  Canova.    Bielefeld-Leipzig,  1898. 
Mever,  F.  I.  L.,  DarstcUungen  aus  Italien.    Berlin,  1792. 
Meyer,  Hermann,  Der  Plan  eines  evangelischen  Fiirstenbundes  im 

Siebenjahrigen  Krieg.    Celle,  1893. 
Michelet,   Jnles,    Histoire   de   la   Revolution    fran9aise.      7   Vols. 

Paris,  1847-1853.  ,,..,■ 

Mignanti,    F.    M.,    Istoria   del  la   sacrosanta   patnarcale    basilica 

Vaticana.    Roma,  1867. 
Miguelez,  Manuel  F.,  Jansenismo  y  regalismo  en  Espafia  (datos 

para  la  historia).  Cartas  al  Sr.  Menendezy  Pelayo.  Valladolid, 

1895. 
Missirini,    M.,   Memorie    per   .servire   alia   storia   della    Romana 
Accademia  di  S.  Luca,  fino  alia  morte  di  Antonio  Canova. 
Roma,  1823. 
Missirini,  M.,  Della  vita  di  Antonio  Canova.    Prato,  1824. 
Mitrofanov,  Pavel  v.,  Joseph  IL    2  Vols.    Vienna-Leipzig,  1910. 
Mitteilungen  des  Instituts  fiir  osterreichische  Geschichtsforschung. 

Innsbruck,  1880  seqq. 
Mahler,  J  oh.  Ad.,  Kirchengeschichtc,  ed.  by  P.  B.  Gams.    3  Vols. 

Regensburg,  1867. 
Mohrs,  Carl,  Friedrich  der  Grosse  und  der  Kardinal  Sinzendorf, 
Fiirstbischof  von  Breslau.     (Programm.)    Konigsberg,  1885. 
Monatshefte  fiir  Kunstwissenschaft.    Leipzig,  1908  seqq. 
Monti,  G.  M.,  Due  grandi  riformatori  del  settecento  :  A.  Genovese 

e  G.  M.  Galanti.    Firenze  ;    no  date  of  publication  [1926]. 
Morel    Fatio,    Alfred,    Etudes    sur    I'Espagne.      2    Vols.      Paris, 

1896. 
Morochkin,  Die  Jesuiten  in  Russland  seit  Katharina  II.  (Russisch). 

3  Vols.    St.  Petersburg,  1867  and  1870. 
Moroni,    G.,    Dizionario    di    erudizione    storico-ecclesiastica    da 
S.  Pietro  sino  ai  nostri  giorni.    109  Vols.   Venezia,  1 840-1 879. 
Mortimer-Ternaux,  Louis,  Histoire  de  la  Terreur,  1792-4.    8  Vols. 

Paris,  1 862-1 88 1. 
Moschetti,  A.,  Venezia  e  la  elezione  di  Clemente  XIII.    Venezia, 

1890. 
Mourret,    F.,    Histoire    gen6rale    de    I'figlise.      9    Vols.     Paris, 

1920-9. 
Mozzi,    Luigi,    Storia    delle    rivoluzioni    della    chiesa    d'Utrecht. 

Venezia,  1787. 
Munoz,  Ant.,  G.  P.  Piranesi.    Roma,  1920. 


XXVUl  COMPLETE    TITLES    OF    BOOKS 

Miimeyiherger,  E.  F.  A.,  Die  Kirchengesetzgebung  der  franzo- 
sischen  Revolution  vom  Jahre  1790.    Wiirzburg,  1877. 

Muratori,  L.  A.,  Annali  d'ltalia  dal  principio  dell'era  volgare  sino 
aH'anno  1749.    12  Vols.    Milano,  1742-9. 

Muratori,  L.  A.,  Epistolario  di  L.  A.  Muratori,  edito  da  M.  Cam- 
pari.   14  Vols.    Modena,  1901-1922. 

Murr,  Chr.  G.,  Geschichte  der  Jesuiten  in  Portugal  unter  der 
Staatsverwaltung  des  Marquis  von  Pombal.  New  ed.  by 
/.  L.  Hafkoiieyer.    Freiburg,  igio. 

Murr,  Chr.  G.,  Journal  zur  Kunstgeschichte  und  zur  allgemeinen 
Literatur.     17  Vols.    Niirnberg,  1 775-1 789. 

Mury,  Paul,  Gabriel  Malagrida  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus.  2nd 
ed.    Strasbourg,  1899. 

Muting,  Jos.,  Phil.  Gotth.  F'iirst  Schaffgotsch,  Bischof  von 
Breslau,  als  Kirchenpolitiker.    Breslau,  1916. 

Nardinocchi,   Gregorio,   Lettere  inedite  di  uomini  illustri  tratte 

dagli  autograft  della  biblioteca  di  S.   Gregorio  al  clivo  di 

Scauro.  (Estratto  dal  Giornale  Arcadico).    Roma,  1842. 
Navarrete,  loa.  Andr.,  De  viris  illustribus  in  Castella  veteri  Soc. 

lesu  ingressis  et  in  Italia  extinctis.    Bologna,  1793. 
Navenne,   F.   de,    Rome  et   le   Palais   Farnese   pendant   les  trois 

derniers  siecles.    2  Vols.    Paris,  1923. 
Neue  kirchliche  Zeitschrift.    Erlan gen-Leipzig,  1890  seqq. 
Nicolat,  N.  M.,  De'  bonificamenti  delle  terre  pontine.  Roma,  1800. 
[Nivelle,  J.  A.],  Le  cri  de  la  foi  ou  Recueil  des  differens  temoignages 

rendus  par  plusieurs  facultez,  chapitres,  cures,  communautez 

ecclesiastiques    et    regulieres    au    sujet    de    la    constitution 

Unigenitus.    3  Vols.    No  place  of  publication,  1719. 
Noack,  Fr.,  Deutsches  Leben  in  Rom  1700  bis  1900.     Stuttgart, 

1907. 
Nonell,  Jaime,  El  V.  P.  Jose  Pignatelli  y  la  Compania  de  Jesiis 

en  su  extincion  y  restablecimiento.    Manresa,  1893. 
Nouvelles  lettres  edifiantes  des  missions  de  la  Chine  et  des  Indes 

Orientales.    Paris,  1818. 
S'ovaes,  Gins,  de,  Elementi  della  storia  de'  Sommi  Pontefici  da 

San    Pietro    sino    al   felicemcnte    regnante    Pio    Papa    VII. 

Vols.  13-16.    Roma,  1822. 
Nuova  Antologia,   Rivista  di  lettere,  scienze  ed  arti.      Fircnze- 

Roma,  1866  seqq. 
Nuova  Rivista  Storica.    Milano,  191 7  seqq. 

Ortolani,  Sergio,  Santa  Croce  in  Gerusalemme.     Roma  [1924]. 

Osterreichische  Rundschau.    Vienna,  1904  seqq. 

Ozzdla,  Leandro,  Gian  Paolo  Pannini  pittore.    Torino,  192 1. 

Pacca,  Barth.,  Memorie  storiche...  sul  di  lui  soggiorno  in  Ger- 
mania...  Roma,  1832. 

Pacca,  Barth.,  Nachrichten  uber  Portugal  mit  einem  kurzen 
Bericht  ijbcr  die  Nuntiatur  zu  Lissabon  1 795-1 802.  Augs- 
burg, 1836. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXXV. -XL.  XXIX 

Pacheco  y  de  Leyva,  Enrique,  El  conclave  de  1774  a  1775.    (Junta 

para   ampliacion    de    estudios   e    investigaciones    cientificas. 

Escuela    Espanola    de    arqueologia    e    historia    en     Roma, 

Obras  2.)    Madrid,  1915. 
Pacheco  y  de  Leyva,  Enrique,  La  intervencion  de  Floridablanca 

en  la  redaccion  del  Breve  para  la  supresiou  de  los  jesuitas. 

(Escuela    Espanola    de    arqueologia    e    historia    en    Roma, 

Obras  3.)    Madrid,  1Q15. 
Palinieri,  Gregorio,  Spicilegio  Vaticano  di  documenti  .  .  .  estratti 
dagli  archivi  e  dalla  biblioteca  della  Sede  Apostolica.     Roma, 

1890  seqq. 
Paolillo,  Mariano,  L'espulsione  dei  Gesuiti  dal  regno  delle  Due 

Sicilie.    Napoli,  1901. 
Pasini  Frassoni,  F.,  Essai  d'armorial  des  Papes.    Rome,  1906. 
Passeri,   Memoires  sur  la   Revolution  d'Avignon  et  du   Comtat 

Venaissin.    Rome,  1793. 
[Patouillet,   Louis'\,   Dictionnaire  des  livres  jansenistes.     4   Vols. 

An  vers,  1752. 
Paulmus  a  S.  Bartholomaeo,  India  orientalis  Christiana.    Romae, 

1794- 
Paulinus  a  S.  Bartholomaeo,  Viaggio  alle  Indie  orientali.    Roma, 

1796. 
Pelesz,  Jul.,  Geschichte  der  Union  der  ruthenischen  Kirche  mit 

Rom.    2  Vols.    Vienna,  1 878-1 880. 
Peluso,  B.,  Documenti  intorno  alle  relazioni  fra  Stato  e  Chiesa 

nelle  due  Sicilie.      I.  :     I  progetti  del  concordato  del   1741. 

Napoli,  1898. 
Peramas,  los.  Emm.,  De  vita  et  mciribus  sex  sacerdotum  Paraguay- 

corum.    Faventiae,  1793. 
Petrucelli    della    Gattina,    Histoire    diplomatique    des    conclaves. 

Vol.  4.    Paris,  1864-6. 
Ffeilschifter-Baumeister,  G.,   Der  Salzburger  Kongress  und  seine 

Auswirkung  1770-7.    Paderborn,  1929. 
Pfiilf,  Otto,  Die  Anfange  der  deutschen  Provinz  der  neu  erstan- 

denen  Gesellschaft  Jesu.    Freiburg,  1922. 
Piatti,  G.,  Storia  de'  Pontefici.    Venezia,  1768. 
Picot,    £mile,    Memoires    pour    servir    a    I'histoire    ecclesiastique 

pendant  le  dix-huitieme  siecle.    7  Vols.   3rd  ed.   Paris,  1853-7. 
Pichler,  A.,  Alfons  von  Liguori.    Regensburg,  1922. 
Pierlmg,  P.,  La  Russie  et  le  Saint-Siege,     fitudes  diplomatiques. 

Vol.  4.    Paris,  1907. 
Pierre,    Victor,  La  deportation  ecclesiastique  sous  le  Directoire. 

Paris,  1895. 
Pierre,  Victor,  18  Fructidor.    Paris,  1893. 
Pierre,  Victor,  La  Terreur  sous  le  Directoire.    Paris,  1887. 
Pigge,   Heinrich,   Die  religiose  Toleranz   Friedrichs  des  Grossen. 

Mainz,  1899. 
Piolet,  J.  B.,  Les  missions  catholiques  fran^aises  au  XIX^  siecle. 

6  Vols.     Paris,  1901. 
Pirenne,  Henri,  Histoire  de  Belgique.    6  Vols.    Bruxelles,  1922-6. 


XXX  COMPLETE   TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Pisani,  Paul,  L'figlise  de  Paris  et  la  Revolution.    4  Vols.    Paris, 

1908-1911. 
Platner-Bimsen,  Beschreibung  tier  Stadt  Rom,  von  Ernst  Platner, 

Karl  Bunsen,  Eduard  Gerhard  und  Wilhelm  Rostell.    3  Vols. 

Stuttgart  and  Tubingen,  1829-1842. 
Poleni,    G.,    Memorie    istoriche    della    gran    cupola    del    tempio 

Vaticano.    Padova,  1748. 
Polybiblion.  Revue  bibliographique  universelle.    Paris,  1868  seqq. 
Poncelet,   Alfr.,   La  Compagnie  de   Jesus  en   Belgique.      Aper9u 

historique.    Bruxelles,  1907. 
Poncelet,  Alfr.,  Necrologe  des  jesuites  de  la  province  flandro-belge. 

Wetteren,  1931. 
Poncet,  Charles,  Pie  VI.  a  Valence,  recueil  de  documents  authenti- 

qut^s.    Paris,  1869. 
Potter,  De,  Vie  de  Ricci.    Bruxelles,  1825. 
Poujoulat,  J.  J.  Fr.,  Le  Cardinal  Maury,  sa  vie  et  ses  oeuvres. 

Paris,  1855. 
Pragmatische  und  aktenmassige  Geschichte  der  zu  Miinchen  neu 

errichteten  Nuntiatur.    Frankfurt  and  Leipzig,  1787. 
Prat,    J.    M.,    Essai    historique    sur    la    destruction    des    ordres 

religieux  en  France  au  dix-huitieme  siecle.    Paris,  1845. 
Pray,  Georg,  Geschichte  der  Streitigkeiten  iiber  die  chinesischen 

Gebrauche.    3  Vols.    Augsburg,  1791. 
Prdclin,  E.,  Les  jansenistes  du  XVHI^   siecle  et  la  constitution 

civile    du    clerge.       Le    developpement    du    richerisme.       Sa 

propagation  dans  le  bas  clerge  1713  a  1791.    Paris,  1929. 
Professione,  A.,  Antonio  Felice  Zondadari  e  Bartolommeo  Pacca. 

Milano,  1899. 
Przeglad  Poivszcchny,  Miesitcznik  po.swiecony  sprawom  religijnym, 

kulturalnym  i  spolecznym.    (Periodical)    Cracow,  1883. 

Quartalschrift,  Romische,  fiir  christliche  Altertumskunde  und  fiir 

Kirchengeschichte.    Roma,  1887  seqq. 
Quartalschrift,  Theologische.    Tubingen,  1819  seqq. 
Quellen  und  Forschungen  aus  italienischen  Archiven  und  Biblio- 

theken.    Ed.  by  the  Preuss.  Hist.  Institut.    Rome,  1898  seqq. 

Rabbath,  .-Int.,  Documents  inedits  pour  ser\'ir  a  I'histoire  du 
christianisme  en  Orient.  2  Vols.  Leipzig  and  Paris,  1905 
and  1910. 

Ragguagli(j  della  vita,  azioiii  e  virtii  di  Cleniente  XI\'.     I-'irenze, 

1775- 
Ranke,  L.  v.,  Samtliche  Werke.    Vols.  1-54.    Leipzig,  1867-1890. 
Ranke,  L.  v.,  Zwolf  Biicher  preu.ssischer  Geschichte.     (Vols.  25-9 

of  the  "  Samtliche  Werke  ")    Leipzig,  1873-5. 
Ranke,  L.  v..  Die  deutschen  Machte  und  der  Fiirstenbund.    (\'ols. 

31-2  of  the  "  Samtliche  Werke  ")     Leipzig,  1875. 
Ranke,   L.   v..   Die  romischen   Papste  in  tien   letzten   vier   Jahr- 

hunderten.    iithed.    Leipzig,  1907. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XL.-XXVII.  XXXl 

Rdss,  A.,  Die  Konvertiten  seit  der  Reformation  nach  ihrem  Leben 

und   aus  ihren    Schriften  dargestellt.      13   Vols.      Freiburg, 

1866-1880. 
Rassegna  Nazionale.    Firenze,  1879  se(]q. 
Ravignan,  F.  X.,  Clement  XIII.  et  Clement  XIV.    2  Vols.    Paris, 

1854. 
Razon  y  Fe,  Rivista.    Madrid,  1901  seqq. 
Recherches  de  science  religieuse.    Paris,  1910  seqq. 
Recueil  des  discours  d'un  des  Messieurs  des  enquetes  au  Parlement 

en  toutes  les  chambres  assemblees,  prononces  le  17  avril  et 

le  8  juillet  1761.    Paris,  1761. 
RegnanU,  £mile,  Christophe  de  Beaumont,  Archeveque  de  Paris 

(i 703-1 781).    2  Vols.    Paris,  1882. 
Reinkens,  Jos.  Hub.,  Die  Universitat  zu  Breslau  vor  der  Vereini- 

gung  der  Frankfurter  Viadrina  mit  der  Leopoldina.    Breslau, 

1861. 
Renazzi,    F.    M.,    Notizie   storiche    degli   antichi   vicedomini   del 

patriarchio  Lateranense.     Roma,  1784. 
Renazzi,  F.  M.,  Storia  dell'llniversita  degli  studi  di  Roma,  detta 

comunemente  la  Sapienza.     4  Vols.     Roma,  1803  seqq. 
[Renmont,  Alfr.  v.],  Ganganelli,  Papst  Klemens  XIV.   Seine  Briefe 

und  seine  Zeit.    Berlin,  1847. 
Reiimont,    Alfr.    v.,    Geschichte    Toskanas    seit    dem    Ende    des 

florentinischen  Freistaates.     2  Vols.     Gotha,  1876-7. 
Reumont,  Alfr.  v.,  Kleine  historische  Schriften.    Gotha,  1882. 
Reusch,  H.,  Der  Index  der  verbotenen  Biicher.     2  Vols.     Bonn, 

1883-5. 
Revolution  Frangaise,  Revue  d'histoire  moderne  et  contemporame. 

Paris,  1 881  seq. 
Revue  catholique  d'Alsace.    Strasbourg,  1859  seqq. 
Revue  d'histoire  ecclesiastique.    Louvain,  1900  seqq. 
Revue  d'histoire  des  Missions.    Paris,  1924  seqq. 
Revue  historique.    Paris,  1876  seq. 
Revue  pratique  d'Apologetique.    Paris,  1905  seqq. 
Revue  des  questions  historiques.    Paris,  1866  seqq. 
Ricard,  Antome,  Correspondance  diplomatique  et  memoires  inedits 

du  cardinal  Maury.    Lille,  1891. 
Ricci,  Memorie,  v.  Gelli. 
Richemont,   Correspondance   secrete   de   I'abbe   Salamon   avec   le 

cardinal  Zelada.    Paris,  1898. 
Rtchter,  Gregoriiis,  Statuta  maioris  ecclesiae  Fuldaviensis.    Fulda, 

1904. 
Rinieri,  llario,  II  Caporale  Trasteverino.    Roma,  1904. 
Rinieri,  llario,  Delia  rovina  di  una  monarchia.    Relazioni  storiche 

tra    Pio    VI.    e    la    corte    di    Napoli    negli    anni    1 776-1 799. 

Torino,  1901. 
Rivista  del  collegio  araldico  (Rivista  araldica).    Roma,  1903  seqq. 
Rivista  Europea.    3*  serie.    Milano,  1834-1847. 
Rivista  d'ltalia,  Lettere,  scienza  ed  arte.    Roma,  1898  seqq. 
Rivista  storica  italiana.    Torino,  1884  seqq. 


XXXll  COMPLETE   TITLES    OF   BOOKS. 

Rohidou,    Bertrand,    Histoire   du   clerge   pendant   la    Revolution 

fran9aise.    2  Vols.    Paris,  1889. 
Rochemonteix,  Camille  de,  Les  jesuites  et  la  Nouvelle  France  au 

XVI II «  siecle.    3  Vols.    Paris,  1906. 
Rochemonteix ,  Camille  de,  Joseph  Amiot  et  les  derniers  survivants 

de  la  Mission  fran9aise  a  Pekin  (1750-1795).    Paris,  1915. 
Rochemonteix,  Camille  de,  Le  P.  Antoine  Lavalette  a  la  Martinique. 

Paris,  1907. 
Rocquain,    Felix,    L'esprit    revolutionnaire    avant    la    revolution 

1715-1789.    Paris,  1878. 
Rodocanachi,  E.,  Le  Capitole  Romain  antique  et  moderne.    Paris, 

1904. 
Rodolico,  N .,  Gli  amici  e  i  tempi  di  Scipione  dei  Ricci.     Saggio 

sul  giansenismo  italiano.    Firenze,  1920. 
Rohrbacher,   Histoire   universelle  de   I'figlise.      13   Vols.      Paris, 

1877  seqq. 
Rosa,    Enrico,    I    Gesuiti    dalle    origini   ai    nostri  giorni.    Roma, 

1914- 
Rosa,  Enrico,  Passionei  e  la  causa  di  beatificazione  del  ven.  card. 

Bellarmino.    Roma,  191 8. 
Roscher,  Wilhelm,  Geschichte  der  Nationalokonomie  in  Deutsch- 

land.    2  Vols.    Munich,  1874. 
Rossi,  De,  Triplice  omaggio  a  Pio  IX.    Roma,  1S77. 
Rottmanner,  Max,  Der  Kardinal  von  Bayern.    Munich,  1877. 
Rousseau,  Fr.,  Le  regne  de  Charles  III.  d'Espagne.    Paris,  1907. 
Rudolphi,  Zur  Kirchenpolitik  Preussens.    Paderborn,  1907. 

Saint-Priest,  Histoire  de  la  chute  des  jesuites  au    XVII I«  siecle. 

2nd  ed.    Paris,  1846. 
Sala,  G.  A.,  Diario  di  Roma,  1798-9.    3  Vols.    Roma,  1882-8. 
Sbomik    imperatorskago    russkago    istoritcheskago   obstchestva. 

135  Vols.    St.  Petersburg,  1869  seqq. 
Schdfer,  H.,  Geschichte  von  Portugal.     5  V^ols.     Hamburg,  1836 

seqq. 
Schelden,  Bertrand  van  der.   La  Franc-Ma9onnerie  beige  sous  le 

regime  autrichien  1721-1794.    Louvain,  1923. 
Schill,  Andr.,  Die  Konstitution  Unigenitus,  ilire  Veranlassung  und 

ihre  Folgen.    Freiburg,  1876. 
Schipa,  M.,  II  regno  di  Napoli  al  tempo  di  Carlo  di  Borbone. 

Napoli,  1894. 
Schlitter,  Hanns,  Die  Reise  des  Papstes  Pius  VI.  nach  Wien  und 

sein  Aufenthalt  daselbst.    Vienna,  1892. 
Schlitter,  Hanns,  Pius  VI.  und  Joseph  II.  von  der  Riickkchr  des 

Papstes    nach    Rom    bis    zum    Abschluss    des    Konktirdats. 

Vienna,  1894. 
Schlitter,    Hanns,    Josephs    II.    Regierung    in    den    Nicderlanden. 

Vienna,  1900. 
Schlitter,  Hanns,  Geheime  Korrespondenz  Josephs  II.  mit  seinem 

Minister  in  den  osterreich.  Niederlanden    Ferdinand   Grafen 

Trautmannsdortf  1787-9.     Vienna,  1902. 


QUOTED   IN   VOLS.    XXXV -XL.  XXXlll 

Schmid,  Heinrich,  Geschichte  der  katholischen  Kirche  Deutsch- 

lands.    Munich,  1874. 
Schmidlin,  I.,  Katholische  Missionsgeschichte.    Steyl  [1925]. 
Schoell,  M.  S.  F.,  Cours  d'histoire  des  fitats  europeens,  depuis  le 

bouleversement   de    I'Empire    Romain    d'Occident   jusqu'en 

1789.    46  Vols.    Paris,  1830-4. 
Schuchardt,  Christian,  Gocthes  italienische  Reise.    3  Vols.    Stutt- 
gart, 1862-3. 
Schulte,  I  oh.  Friedr.,  Geschichte  der  Quellen  und  Literatur  des 

Kanonischen   Rechts  von   Gratian  bis  auf  die   Gegenwart. 

3  Vols.    Stuttgart,  1875. 
Sciout,  Ludovic,  Le  Directoire.    4  Vols.    Paris,  1895-7. 
Sciout,  Ludovic,  Histoire  de  la  constitution  civile  du  clerge  (1790- 

1801).    4  Vols.    Paris,  1872-1881. 
Sdchi,  Les  origines  du  concordat.    Vol.  i.    Paris,  1894. 
Sentis,  F.  I.,  Die  "  Monarchia  Sicula  ".     Eine  historisch-kanon- 

istische  Untersuchung.    Freiburg,  1869. 
Shea,    John   Gihnore,    The   Catholic    Church   in    Colonial    Days. 

New  York,  1886. 
Shea,  John  Gilmore,  Life  and  times  of  the  most  Rev.  John  Carroll. 

New  York,  1888. 
Sicard,  Aug.,  L'ancien  clerge  de  France.     Vol.  I.  :    Les  eveques 

avant   la    Revolution.      Vols.    IL    and    III.  :     Les   eveques 

pendant  la  Revolution.    Paris,  1 893-1903. 
Sicard,  Aug.,  Le  clerge  de  France  pendant  la  Revolution.   Vol.  I.  : 

L'effondrement.     Vol.  II.  :    La  lutte  religieuse.    Paris,  1912 

and  1927. 
Silvagni,  D.,    La  Corte  e  la  Societa  Romana  nei  secoli  XVIII  e 

XIX.    Roma,  1884. 
Simon,  H.  A.,  Die  Verfassung  des  geistlichen  Fiirstentums  Fulda. 

(Diss.)    Marburg,  1912. 
Sismondi,  J .  C.  L.  Simonde  de,  Histoire  des  Fran9ais.    Bruxelles, 

1830. 
Smolka,  Stanislas,  L'Europe  et  la  Pologne  a  la  veille  et  au  lende- 

main  de  son  demembrement.    Rome,  1915. 
Sommervogel,  C,  S.J.,  Bibliotheque  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jesus, 

p.  p.  De  Backer.    Nouv.  ed.    10  Vols.    Bruxclles-Paris,  1890- 

1909. 
Soye/,  yl/fcey/,  L'Europe  et  la  Revolution  fran^aise.    8  Vols.   Paris, 

1885-1904. 
Sotomayor ,  Miguel,  O  Marquez  de  Pombal.    Porto,  1905. 
Spicilegio   Vaticano   di   documenti   incditi  e   rari   estratti   dagli 

archivi   e   dalla   biblioteca   della   Sede   Apostolica.      Roma, 

1890  seqq. 
Ssolowjoff,  G.,  Geschichte  des  Falles  von  Polen  nach  russischen 

Quellen,  iibers.  von  I.  Sparer.    Gotha,  1865. 
Staatslcxikon,    im    Auftrag    der    Gorres-GcscUschaft    hrsg.    von 

Hermann  Sacher.    5th  ed.    Freiburg,  1926  seqq. 
Stark,  Systematik  und  Geschichte  der  Archaologie  der  Kunst. 

Leipzig,  1880. 

a2 


XXxiv  COMPLETE  TITLES   OF   BOOKS 

Steinhuber,     A ndr.,  ,Gcschichte     des     Kollegium     Germanikum 

Hungarikum  in  Rom.    2  Vols.    Freiburg,  1906. 
Stettincr,    Paid,    Friedrich    der    Grossc    und    Graf    SchafEgotsch, 

Fiirstbischof  von  Brcslau.    (Programm.)    Konigsberg,  i88g. 
Stigloher,  Die  Errichtung  der  papstlichen  Nuntiatur  in  Munchen 

und  der  Emser  Kongress.    Regensburg,  1867. 
Stimmen  aus  IMaria-Laach.    Freiburg,  1871  seqq. 
Stimmen  der  Zeit.    (Continuation  of  Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach.) 

Freiburg,  1914  seq. 
Stintzing,  R.,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Rechtswissenschaft.   Abt. 

3  by  Ernst  Landsberg.    2  Vols.    Munich,  1898-19 10. 
Streit,  Rob.,  O.M.I.,  Bibliotheca  Missionum.    Vol.  i.    Monasterii, 

1916. 
Studi  e  memorie  per  la  storia  dell'  Universita  di  Bologna.  Bologna, 

1921. 
Stumper,    Franz,    Die   kirchenrechtlichen    Ideen   des   Febronius. 

Aschaffenburg,  1908. 
Stutz,    Ulrich,   Der  neueste   Stand   des  deutschen    Bischofswahl- 

rechtes  (Kirchenrechtl.    Abhandlungen  58).    Stuttgart,  I909- 
Sybel,  Heinr.  v.,  Geschichte  der  Revolutionszcit  von  1789  bis  1795- 

5  Vols.    Diisseldorf-Stuttgart,  1 859-1 879. 

Synopsis  actorum  S.  Sedis  in  causa  Societatis  lesu.  1605-1773. 
Lovanii,  1895.    (Printed  as  a  MS.) 

Taccone-Gallucci,  D.,  S.  Maria  Maggiore.    Roma,  191 1. 

Taine,  H.,  Les  origines  de  la  France  contemporaine.     6  Vols. 

Paris,  1 876-1 894. 
Tanucci,  Bern.,  Lettere  a  Ferd.  Galiani  con  introduzione  e  note 

di  Fausto  Niccolini.    2  Vols.    Bari,  1914. 
Taunton,  The  History  of  the  Jesuits  in  England.    London,  1901. 
Tavanti,  Giov.  B.,  Fasti  d.  S.  P.  Pio  VI.  con  note  critiche.   3  Vols. 

Italia  (!),  1804. 
Teil,  Joseph  du,  Rome,  Naples  et  le  Directoire,  armistices  et  traites 

1796-7.    Paris,  1902. 
Terzorio,  Clemente  da,  Le  missioni  del  Minori  Cappuccini.    Sunto 

storico.    Vols.  II. -VII.    Roma,  1914-1925. 
Terzorio,    Clemente    da,    Manuale    historicum    Missionum    Cap- 

puccinorum.    Isola  del  Liri,  1926. 
Theiner,  Aug.,  Histoire  du  pontificat  de  Clement  XIV.  Paris,  1852. 
Theiner,  Aug.,  Geschichte  des  Pontifikats  Klemens'  XIV.   Leipzig 

6  Paris,  1853. 

Theiner,  Aug.,  Clemcntis  XIV.  P.  M.  Epistolae  et  Brcvia  selectiora 

ac  nonnuUa  alia  acta  Pontificatum  eius  illustrantia.     Paris, 

1852. 
Theiner,  Aug.,  Documents  inedits  relatifs  aux  affaires  religieuses 

de  la  France  1790  a  1800  extraits  des  archives  secretes  du 

Vatican.    2  Vols.    Paris,  1857-8. 
Theiner,  Aug.,  Die  neuesten  Zustande  der  katholischcn  Kirche 

beider  Ritus  in  Polen  und  Russland  seit  Katharina  11.  bis 

auf  unsere  Tage.    Augsburg,  1841. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXXV-XL.  XXXV 

Theiner,  Aug.,  Vetera  monumenta  Poloniae  et  Lithuaniae 
gentiumque  finitimarum  historiam  illustrantia  maximam 
partem  nondum  edita,  ex  tabulariis  Vaticanis  deprompta, 
collecta  ac  serie  chrouologica  disposita  ab  A.  Th.  Vol.  4  : 
Ab  Innocentio  PP.  XII.  usque  ad  Pium  PP.  VI.  i697-i775- 
2  parts.    Romae,  1864. 

Theiner,  Aug.,  Geschichte  der  geistlichen  Bildungsanstalten. 
Mainz,  1835. 

Theiner,  Aug.,  Zustande  der  kath.  Kirche  in  Schlesien  von  1740- 
1758.    2  Vols.    Regensburg,  1852. 

Theologie  und  Glaube.     (Periodical)     Paderbom,  1908  seqq. 

Theologisch-praktische  Quartalschrift.    Linz,  1832  seqq. 

Thienie,  U.,  and  Becker,  F.,  Allgemeines  Lexikon  der  bildenden 
Kiinstler  von  der  Antike  bis  zur  Gegenwart.  Leipzig, 
1907  seqq. 

r/jiers, /I rf.,  Histoirede  la  Revolution  fran^aise.  2  Vols.  Bruxelles, 

1840. 
Thomas,  A.,  Histoire  de  la  Mission  de  Pekin.    Paris,  1923. 
Thwaites,  R.  G.,  Jesuit  Relations.    73  Vols.   Cleveland,  1896  seqq. 
Ttschbein,  Wilh.,  Aus  meinem  Leben,  ed.  by  Loth.  Brieger.   Berlin 

[1922]. 
Tomassetti,  Giuseppe,  La  Campagna  Romana  antica,  medioevale 

e  moderna.    Vols.  1-4.    Roma,  1910-1926. 
Tononi,  A.  G.,  II  prigioniero  apostolico  Pio  VI.  nei  ducati  Par- 

mensi.    Parma,  i8g6. 
Tortonese,  La  politica  ecclesiastica  di  Carlo  Emanuele  III.  nella 

soppressione  della  Nunziatura  e  verso  i  Gf'suiti.  Firenze,  1912. 
Tripodo,  Felicia,  L'espulsione  dei  Gesuiti  dalla  Sicilia.     Appunti 

e  documenti.    Palermo,  1906. 

Ukraine,  Die,  und  die  Kirchliche  Union.    Ed.  by  the  Katholische 

Emigrantenfiirsorge.    Berlin,  1930- 
Uriarte,  E.  de,  Obras  an6nimas  y  seud6nimas  de  autores  de  la 

Compania  de   Jesus  pertenecientes  a  la  antigua  asistencia 

espanola.    Madrid,  1904-1916. 

Vast,  Giuseppe,  Delle  magnificenze  di  Roma  antica  e  moderna  con 

una  spiegazione  istorica  del  P.  Gius.   Bianchini.      10  Vols. 

Roma,  1 747-1 761. 
Verhaegcn,  Arthur,  Le  cardinal  de  Franckenberg,  archeveque  de 

Malines  (i  726-1 804).    Bruges-Lille  [1890]. 
Vernarecci,  Fossombrone  dai  tempi  antichissimi  ai  nostri.  Fossom- 

brone,  1914. 
Verri,  AL,  Vicende  memorabili  1789-1801.    Milano,  1858. 
Vicchi,  Leone,  V.  Monti,  le  lettere  e  la  politica  1 781 -1790.   Faenza, 

1883. 
Vicchi,  Leone,  Les  Frangais  a  Rome  pendant  la  Convention  1792-5. 

Fusignano,  1892. 
Vigener,  F.,  Gallikanismus  und  episkopalistische  Stromungen  im 

deutschen  Katholizismus  zwischen  Tridentinum   und   Vati- 

kanum.    Munich,  1913- 

o2* 


XXXVl  COMPLETE   TITLES    OF   BOOKS 

Vita  di  Clemente  XIII.  in  seguito  alia  storia  delle  vite  de'  Pontefici 
di  G.  Piatti.    Venezia,  1769. 

Vita  di  Clemente  XIV.    Venezia,  1775. 

Vita  Italiana.    Roma,  1913  seq. 

Vivier,  Status  assistentiae  Galliae  Soc.  Jesu  1762-8.    Paris,  1899. 

Vogel,  ltd.,  Aus  Goethes  romischen  Tagen.    Leipzig,  1905. 

Vogt,  Niklas,  Rheinische  Geschichten  und  Sagen.  3  Vols.  Frank- 
furt, 1 817. 

Voltaire,  (liuvres,  ed.  Beuchot.    72  Vols.    Paris,  1 829-1 840. 

Voltaire,  (ICuvres  completes.    70  Vols.    Kehl  a.  Rh.,  1785  seqq. 

Voss,  G.  M.  Crespi.    Roma,  192 1. 

Voss,  Hermann,  Die  Malerei  des  Barock  in  Rom.    [Berlin,  1925]. 

Wahl,    Adalbert,    Studien    zur    Vorgeschichte    der    franzosischen 

Revolution.    Tiibingen-Leipzig,  igoi. 
Walch,  C.  W.  F.,  Neueste  Kirchengeschichte.    9  parts.    Lemgo, 

1771-1783. 
Walz,  Ang.  M.,  Compendium  historiae  ordinis  Praedicatorum. 

Romae,  1930. 
Weech,  Friedr.  v.,  Romische  Pralaten  am  deutschcn  Rhein  1 761-4. 

Heidelberg,  1898. 
Weiss,  I.  B.,  Lehrbuch  der  Weltgeschichte.     22  Vols.     Menna, 

1876  seqq. 
Weiss,  Jos.,  Die  deutsche  Kolonie  an  der  Sierra  Morena  und  ihr 

Griinder  lohann  Kaspar  von  Thiirriegel.    Koln,  1907. 
Weld,  Alfred,  The  Suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  the 

Portuguese  Dominions.    London,  1872. 
Werner,   Carl,   Geschichte  der  katholischen  Theologie  seit  dem 

Trienter  Konzil  bis  zur  Gegenwart.    Munich,  1864. 
[Wernz,  F.  X.,  and  Schmitt,  Lud.],  Synopsis  historiae  Societatis 

Jesu.    Regensburg,  1914.     (Privately  printed.) 
Wokcr,  Hontheim  und  die  romische  Kurie.    Mannheim,  1875. 
Wolf,  A.,  Die  Aufhebung  der  Kloster  in  Innerosterreich.    Vienna, 

1871. 
Wolf,  A.,  Fiirstin  Eleonore  Liechtenstein   1745-1812.     Vienna, 

1875. 
Wolf,  P.  Ph.,  Geschichte  der  rom.-kathol.  Kirche  unter  Pius  VI. 

7  Vols.    Zurich,  1 793-1 802. 
Wolfsgrubcr,    Col.,    Christoph    Anton    Kardinal    Migazzi,    L^iirst- 

erzbischof  von  VVien.    Saulgau,  1890. 
Wolny,  Kirchliche  Topographic  von  Miihren.    Briinn,  1855. 
Walters,    F.,    Studien    iiber    die    Agrarzustande    in    Frankreich. 

(Schmollers  Staatswiss.  Forschungen  22).    Leipzig,  1905. 
Wyttenbach    et    Miiller,    Gesta    Trcvirorum    Integra    lectionum 

varietate  et  animadversionibus  illustrata.    3  Vols.    Treveris, 

1836-9. 

Zalenski-St.   Vivier,  AL,  I  Gcsuiti  della  Russia  Bianca.     Prato, 

1888. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  bildende  Kunst.    Leipzig,  1866  seqq. 


QUOTED    IN    VOLS.    XXXV-XL.  XXXVll 

Zeitschrift   fiir  die   Geschichte   und   Altertumskunde    Ermlands. 

Mainz  and  Braunsberg,  i860  seqq. 
Zeitschrift  des  Vereins  fiir  hessische  Geschichte  und  Landeskunde. 

Kassel,  1837  seqq. 
Zeitschrift,  Historische,  begr.  von  H.  v.  Sybel.    Munich-Leipzig, 

1859  seqq. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  kathoHsche  Theologie.    Innsbruck,  1877  seqq. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Missionswissenschaft  und  Missionsgeschichte.    Ed. 

by  /.  Schmidlin.    Miinster,  191 1  seqq. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  preussische  Geschichte  und  Landeskunde.    Berhn, 

1864  seqq. 
Zeitschrift  der  Savigny-Stiftung  fiir  Rechtsgeschichte.    Weimar, 

1880  seqq. 
Zelis,  Raf.  de,  Catalogo  de  los  sugetos  de  la  Comp.  de  Jesus  que 

formaban  la  Provincia  de  Mexico  el  dia  del  arresto  25  de 

Junio  del  1767.     Mexico,  1871. 
Zillich,  I  oh.,  Febronius.     (Hallesche  Abhandlungen  zur  neueren 

Geschichte.)    Halle,  1906 
Zobi,  Ant.,  Storia  civile  della  Toscana  dal  1737  al  1848.    5  Vols. 

Firenze,  1850-2. 
Zschokke,  Herm.,   Die  theologischen  Studien  und  Anstalten  der 

katholischen  Kirche  in  Oesterreich.  Vienna  and  Leipzig,  1894. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  XXXV. 


Benedict  XIV.   1740-1758. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  CONCLAVE  OF  THE  YEAR  I74O CAREER  AND 

PERSONALITY   OF   BENEDICT   XIV. THE   CARDINAL 

SECRETARY   OF   STATE,   VALENTI   GONZAGA — THE 

church's   peace   policy THE   CONCORDATS   WITH 

SAVOY,  NAPLES,  AND  SPAIN. 


A.D. 

1740  Diplomatic  preparations  for  the  Conclave 
The  varying  numbers  of  the  members.    Coscia 
The  parties  in  the  Conclave 
"  Papahili  "  . 
Rufio's  popularity 
Local  preparations 
Fruitless  activity    . 
Aldrovandi's  candidature 

Election  of  Cardinal  Lambcrtini — Benedict  XI 
The  antecedents  of  Prospero  Lambertini 
His  career      ..... 

His  personality       .... 

As  Archbishop         .... 

Opinions  of  the  Pope's  character       .  . 

His  outward  appearance 

Daily  habits  .... 

Jests     ...... 

Freedom  from  nepotism 

Distribution  of  offices  :    Valenti  Secretary  of  State 

1756  Archinto  Secretary  of  State 

174 1  Concordats  with  Savoy  and 
Naples  ..... 
Dissatisfaction,  disputes,  and  settlement 

1753  Concordat  with  Spain 
Difficult  negotiations 
The  confessors  Le  F6vre  and    . 
Rabago  ..... 

The  Pope's  displeasure  with  Spain    . 
A  fresh  understanding  reached 

xxxviii 


4 

5 

9 

10 

II 

12 

17 
19 
^3 

27 
29 
33 
34 
36 
39 

41 
42 
46 
47 
51 
54 
57 
60 

63 

66 
67 
68 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


XXXIX 


CHAPTER  II. 

BENEDICT     XIV.     AND     THE     WAR     OF     THE     AUSTRIAN 
SUCCESSION — HIS   ATTITUDE   TOWARDS   THE   ELECTIONS 

OF  THE  EMPERORS  CHARLES  VII.   AND  FRANCIS  I. THE 

PEACE    CONGRESS    OF    AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 


Attitude  of  the  Curia  towards  the  Imperial  election 
Benedict  XIV.  and  Frederick  II. 

1 74 1  The  Legate  Doria  at  Frankfort 
His  support  of  Charles  Albert 

1742  Charles  Albert's  election 
The  States  of  the  Church  in  the  turmoil  of  war 
Rome  and  the  Imperial  election 
The  Pope's  neutrality      .... 
Tension  between  Austria  and  Rome 
Charles  VII. 's  election  a  disappointment  for  the  Pope 
Secularization  schemes    . 
The  Pope's  distress 

1744  Lobkowitz  threatens  Naples     . 
The  Austrian  retreat 
Charles  III.'s  entry  into  Rome 

1745  Ravaging  of  the  Papal  States 
Death  of  Charles  VII.      . 
Saxony  and  the  Imperial  Crown 
Neutrality  of  the  Holy  See 
Stoppani  at  the  Diet  of  Frankfort 
Election  of  Francis  I.      . 

Benedict  XIV. 's  attitude  towards  the  election 
Relations  between  Rome  and  Vienna 
The  main  obstacles  to  an  agreement 

1747  Agreement  reached  .... 
Benedict  XIV.  and  the  Elector  of  Mayence 
Parma  and  Piacenza  .  .  .  • 
Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
Jacquet  at  Aix  ..... 
Papal  aims  frustrated  .... 
Jacquet  and  the  proposed  Papal  protest   . 

1748  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
St.-Severin's  tactics         .... 
The  Papal  protest  .... 
The  Pope's  satisfaction  with  the  Peace  of  Aix 


PAGE 

76 

79 
80 
84 
86 

87 

89 

91 

93 

95 

97 

98 

104 

108 

108 

III 

112 

113 
114 

115 

118 

119 
121 
122 
124 
125 
126 
127 
128 
129 
133 
135 
136 
137 
139 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE    STATES    OF    THE    CHURCH THE    ENCOURAGEMENT 

OF    ART    AND    LEARNING. 

Benedict  XIV.'s  efforts  to  restore  the  finances  . 
1743  New  demarcation  of  the  Rioni.    NoUi's  plan  of  Rome 


141 
145 


xl 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS. 


1746  Rcconstitution  of  the  aristocracy 

The  theatre   .... 

The  carnival.    Ghezzi's  caricatures 

Vasi's  engravings    . 

Piranesi's  engravings 

Benedict  XIV. 's  philanthropy  and 

Economic  decrees  . 

Harbour  construction  and  coastal  protection 

The  Pope's  generosity  towards  Bologna 

Restoration  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore 

Of  Santa  Croce       .... 

Of  Santa  Maria  degli  Angeli  and  St.  Peter 
1743  Completion  of  the  Fontana  Trevi 
1745  Porcelain  collection  in  the  Quirinal  . 

Care  of  ancient  monuments 

Benedict  XIV.  and  the  Colosseum    . 

The  Capitoline  Museum  . 

As  a  centre  of  modern  art 

The  awarding  of  prizes  for  art-students 

The  Roman  academies    . 

Encouragement  of  Church  history    . 

Roman  places  of  learning 

Encouragement  of  the  profane  sciences 

Benedict's  patronage  of  the  University  of  Bologna 

Its  library      ..... 

Briefs  to  Cornaro  and  the  Bollandists 

Benedict  XIV.  and  Muratori   . 

The  question  of  interest  and  usury.    Maffei 

Concina  ..... 

Benedict's  relations  with  other  scholars 
1745  Voltaire's  Mahomet 

Maupertuis  and  Algarotti 

Genovesi  and  Bandel 

Amort  and  Cardinal  Quirini 
1755  Quirini 's  successor,  Passionci    . 

The  Museum  of  Christian  Antiquities 

Benedict  XIV. 's  interest  in  the  Vaticana 

Its  catalogue  .... 


CHAPTER  IV. 

J.\NSENISM    IN    FRANCE    AND    HOLLAND. 

Benedict's  approval  of  the  French  Bishops'  attitude 
The  Jubilee  Bull  and  the  Jansenists 
Benedict  reluctant  to  take  extreme  measures 
Jansenism  and  the  religious  Orders  . 
Noris    ....... 

Berti 

The  Dominican  Viou       .... 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS.  xli 


Its  reception  in  Paris 
Beaumont's  pastoral  letter  against  the  misguided  love 
of  peace      ...... 

Archinto's  disapproval    .... 

The  Pope's  illness  ..... 

The  Papal  Encyclical      .... 

1760  Its  acceptance  by  the  clerical  assembly  of  1760 
Its  prohibition  by  the  Parliament     . 

1756  The  royal  manifesto         .... 

1757  Damiens'  attempt  on  the  king's  life  ;  compromise  with 

the  Parliament  ;   the  situation  of  the  clergy 
Cardinal  Bern  is       ..... 
The  Jansenist  hierarchy  in  Holland 
The  ex-Capuchin  Norbert  in  Holland 
He  wins  Broedersen  as  an  ally 


PAGE 

236 
238 
239 
240 
242 


The  Jesuit  Pichon  ..... 

Archbishop  Beaumont's  uncompromising  attitude 
1747  His  conflict  with  the  Parliament 
1749  The  case  of  Charles  Coffin         .... 

1 75 1  The  Moisan  case     ...... 

1752  The  Lemere  case    ...... 

Parliamentary  decree  on  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments  245 

Confusion  in  Paris            ......  246 

Weakness  of  the  Government             ....  247 

Further  trouble  :   the  nuns  of  St.  Agatha .           .           .  249 

1753  Parliament  banished        .  .  .  .  .  .251 

1754  The  king  gives  way          ......  255 

Further  encroachments  of  the  Parliament           .          .  256 

1755  Disagreement  among  the  Bishops  ....  259 
Parliament's  dispute  with  the  Sorbonne  .  .  .  260 
A  Papal  decision  sought  .....  261 
The  Pope's  previous  reluctance  to  intervene  .  .  262 
Choiseul's  embassy  to  Rome  .....  265 
The  opinions  of  the  Cardinals            ....  267 

1756  The  king's  objections       ......  274 

Draft  of  an  Encyclical  on  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments  275 


276 

277 
278 
279 
280 
281 
282 
283 

285 
287 
288 
289 
290 


1748  Nicolini's  report  on  the  Catholics  of  the  Netherlands        292 


CHAPTER  V. 

BENEDICT  XIV. 'S  ACTIVITY  WITHIN  THE  CHURCH — HIS 
LEGISLATION — THE  VENERATION  OF  THE  SAINTS — THE 
JUBILEE      YEAR      OF       I75O — THE      APPOINTMENT      OF 

CARDINALS THE      INDEX THE      BEGINNING      OF      THE 

UNDERMINING    OF   THE    SOCIETY    OF   JESUS. 

The  Pope's  desire  to  raise  the  standard  of  the  clergy       294 
His  legislative  activity    ......     297 


xlii 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS. 


A.D. 


1749 
1750 

1743 

1747 

1753 
1754 
1756 


1753 


1747 
1758 


His  services  to  the  liturgy 

The  Pope  and  the  rehgious  Orders 

The  Pope  and  the  Jesuits 

New  rehgious  Orders 

Canonizations 

Beatifications 

Maria  of  Agreda 

Benedict's  devotion  to  the  Mother  of  God 

The  veneration  of  the  Saints    . 

Beatification  of  Bellarmine  and 

Palafox  .... 

Diminution  of  feast  days 

Preparation  for  the  Jubilee 

Encychcal  and  announcement 

The  Jubilee  Year    . 

Its  extension  till  1751 

Appointment  of  Cardinals 

Dissatisfaction  of  the  Powers  . 

The  promotion  of  April  loth    . 

The  Cardinal  of  York 

The  promotions  of  November  26th 

April  22nd     .... 

April  5th        .... 

Reorganization  of  the  censorship 

Previous  complaints  against  it 

The  "  Jansenist  Library  " 

Condemnation  of  Pichon  and 

Stadler 

The  Constitution  on  the  Index,  of  July  yth 

Berruyer 

Muratori  and  Zaccaria     . 

Noris  and  his  doctrine  of  grace 

Put  on  the  Spanish  Index 

Removal  therefrom 

Encyclopedism  and  the  Index 

Freemasonry 

Undermining  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.    The  hatred  o 

the  Jansenists  . 
Amort  and  Bassi  . 
Benedict  XIV.  and  the  Jesuits  ;    the  reasons  for  their 

unpopularity 
The  anti-Jesuit  party  in  Rome 
Cardinal  Passionei  and    . 
The  Jansenists 

The  Augustinian  General  Vasquez 
The  final  aim  of  anti-Jesuitism 
The  plan  for  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuits 
Literary  campaign  against  the  Society 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS. 


xliii 


CHAPTER  VI. 

BENEDICT    XIV.    AND    THE    MISSIONS. 


1 74 1  Congregation  for  the  missionary  colleges 

The  Pope's  interest  in  them 

Abyssinia,  the  Maronites 

Anna  Agemi 

Cyril  Tanas    . 

The  Armenians 

Copts  and  Chaldaeans 

Palestine 

The  Greek  Archipelago 

The  Slavs  in  Eastern  Europe   . 

The  missions  in  South  America 

Paraguay       .... 
1750  Boundary  Treaty  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  accusa 
tions  against  the  Jesuits 

The  ruin  of  the  mission  in  Maranhao 
1755  The  law  against  the  enslavement  of  the  Indians 

Chile,  California,  and  Mexico   . 

North  America,  Africa    .  .  •  • 

Asia  :   Persia  .  .  .  .  • 

Georgia,  Tibet,  and  neighbouring  countries 

Farther  India  .  .  .  •  • 

S.  Asia  and  the  rise  of  the  Protestant  maritime  Powers 

The  situation  in  China  ;   Mezzabarba's  concessions 

The  Jesuits  attacked  and  defended  . 

Pedrini  ...••• 

The  Jesuits  charged  with  disobedience 

Benedict  XIV.'s  attitude 

Benedict  XIV.  and  John  V.  of  Portugal    . 

The  Jesuit  General  Retz 
1 742  Benedict's  final  decision  on  the  ritual  dispute 

His  defence  of  it  in  a  letter  to  John  V. 

The  reception  of  the  Constitution      . 

Varying  opinions  on  its  implications 
1744  Souza's  objection    . 

The  Pope's  reply    . 

The  effects  of  his  decision 

The  Chinese  under  the  persecution 

The  Malabar  rites  . 

The  Bull  on  these  rites    . 

The  Capuchin  Norbert    . 

The  Pope's  opinion  of  him 

His  eclipse  .... 


392 
395 
396 
398 
400 
401 
404 

403 
406 
408 
410 
414 

417 
421 

425 
426 
427 
428 
429 

430 
432 
433 
436 
437 
438 
443 
444 
446 

448 
449 
450 
454 
455 
456 
457 
458 
461 

463 
369 
473 
474 


APPENDIX  OF  UNPUBLISHED 

DOCUMENTS  AND  EXTRACTS  FROM 

ARCHIVES 


1.  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  to  King  John  of  Portut/al     .           .  479 

2.  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  to  Queen  Elizabeth  of  Spain  .  480 

3.  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  to  Emperor  Charles  VII.       .  .  482 

4.  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  to  King  John  of  Portugal     .  .  484 

5.  The     Correspondence     between     Voltaire     and     Pope 

Benedict  XIV.       .......  486 

6.  Documents  relating  to  the  Malabar  rites      .  .          .  490 


xliv 


BENEDICT   XTV.    A.D.    1740-1758. 

CHAPTER  I. 

The  Conclave  of  the  Year  1740 — Career  and  Personality 
OF  Benedict  XIV. — The  Cardinal  Secretary  of 
State,  Valenti  Gonzaga — The  Church's  Peace 
Policy — The  Concordats  with  Savoy,  Naples,  and 
Spain. 

(1) 

The  conclave  that  followed  the  death  of  Clement  XII.  lasted 
more  than  six  months  and  was  thus  not  only  the  longest  of 
the  century  but  the  longest  of  any  that  had  taken  place  since 
the  Great  Schism.^  On  account  of  the  continuous  ill-health 
of  the  late  Pope  diplomatic  activity  had  begun  betimes.    On 

*  A  detailed  treatment  of  the  conclave  based  on  the  French 
material  in  the  Archives  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  Paris  is  to  be  found 
in  Gabr.  de  Mun,  Un  conclave  de  six  mois  au  milieu  du  XVI IP 
Steele  et  son  resultat  imprevu,  in  the  Revue  des  deux  mondes.'KSKlV . , 
Paris,  1914,  490-530.  Chapter  4,  "  Le  conclave  de  Benoit  XIV.," 
of  Boutry's  Intrigues  et  missions  du  card,  de  Tencin,  166  seq.,  is 
only  a  slightly  expanded  version  of  his  treatise  in  the  Revue  d'hist. 
dipl.,  XI.  (1897),  263  seq.,  387  seq.  Of  the  Austrian  material  some 
has  been  published  [Rothmanner]  on  the  basis  of  the  Cod.  lat. 
1 1063  in  the  State  Library,  Munich  ;  most  of  the  remainder  is  in 
the  State  Archives,  Vienna.  The  Archives  of  the  Austrian 
Embassy  to  the  Vatican  contain  the  Austrian  and  Venetian 
ambassadorial  reports  :  Cod.  260  "  *Atti  della  ambasc.  straordin. 
d.  principe  d.  Santa  Croce  ",  March  5-October  8,  1740,  and  Cod. 
261  "  *Conclave  sotto  I'e.  ambasc.  Cav.  Foscarini  "  fos.  1-93, 
distinctly  informative.  Count  Thun  did  not  make  over  his  corre- 
spondence to  these  archives.  The  most  important  Spanish  reports 
are  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas  ;  in  addition,  reference  should  be 
made  to  Legs.  189,  303  in  the  Archives  of  the  Spanish  Embassy 
in  Rome.   A  number  of  other  reports  on  the  conclave  are  listed  in 

VOL.  XKXV.  T  B 


2  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  Austrian  side  ^  there  are  memorials  extant  concerning  the 
eHgible  Cardinals  which  were  written  as  early  as  1732  and 
1737,  and  on  the  Spanish  side  there  is  one  of  January  1739.^ 
By  October  1739,  when  the  Pope's  death  seemed  imminent, 
the  negotiations  of  the  interested  Powers  had  begun  in 
earnest  ;   instructions  were  sent  to  Rome,^  and  the  Emperor 

EiSLER  145.  A  contemporary  print  is  in  the  Acta  historico- 
ecclesiastica,  IV.,  Weimar,  1740,  Part  24,  pp.  10^0  seq.  :  "  Was 
bey  der  Sedisvakanz  und  im  Conclave  vorgegangen."  The 
following  sources  have  also  been  drawn  on  :  "  *Conclave  doppo  la 
morte  del  Pont.  Clemente  XII.,"  a  description  arranged  in  weeks, 
with  inserted  texts,  Cod.  ital.  323  in  the  State  Library,  Munich, 
also  "  Conclave  in  cui  fu  eletto  papa  il  s.c.Pr.  Lambcrtini  da 
Bologna,  dctto  poi  Benedetto  XIV.",  reprinted  from  a  MS.  in  the 
Library  of  Count  Malvezzi  de'  Medici,  Bologna,  in  Fr.  X.  Kraus, 
Briefe  Benedikts  XIV.,  151-173.  This  is  Otto  Hartwig's  chief 
authority  for  his  article  in  the  Deutsche  Rundschau,  XLVI. 
(1886),  243-258.  Cf.  also  a  *Report  on  the  conclave  in  Cod.  38 
G.  20,  fos.  249-381  in  the  Biblioteca  Corsini,  Rome  (with  an 
autograph  marginal  note  by  Cardinal  Corsini,  fo.  361)  and 
"  *Narrativa  da  cui  si  rileva  quanto  possono  i  mezzi  umani  in 
promosso  al  pontificato  il  Lambertini  oggi  Benedetto  XIV.", 
in  Cod.  T.  VIII.,  fo.  260  seq.,  Fondo  Gesuit.  of  the  Biblioteca 
Vittorio  Emanuele,  Rome.  An  article  by  J.  Marangoni  on  the 
conclave  for  the  Papal  election  of  1740  is  in  Analecta  eccles.  VI. 
(1898)  77  seq. 

'  "  *Discorso  e  riflessioni  intorno  al  sistema  delle  cose  d 'Italia 
fino  al  tutto  Marzo  1732  coll'analisi  della  corte  di  Roma  e  sopra 
tutto  ci6  che  riguarda  il  futuro  conclave,"  Cod.  ital.  58  in  the 
State  Archives,  Munich,  and  in  a  MS.  in  the  Episcopal  Seminary, 
Trent.  Also  a  memorandum  of  Cardinal  Giudice,  March  30, 
1737,  in  [Rothmanner]  23-27. 

*  *Cardinal  Acquaviva  to  Quadra  on  January  22,  1739,  Archives 
of  Simancas.  The  report  was  made  in  obedience  to  a  roj-al 
command  given  on  December  29,  1738. 

'  Thus  the  Imperial  instructions  to  Giudice  and  the  Minister 
Count  Harrach,  dated  October  30,  1739  (in  [Rothmanner]  6-30). 
On  the  latter's  death  at  the  end  of  the  year  Count  Thun,  Bishop 
of  Gurk,  was  nominated  Imperial  Pro-Minister  (Charles  VI.  to 
Count  Thun  on  December  28,  1739,  ibid.,  49).    On  February  17, 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  CONCLAVE       3 

appointed  Count  Thun,  Bishop  of  Gurk,  as  envoy  extra- 
ordinary.^  These  feverish  preparations,  which  increased 
rather  than  diminished  the  uncertainty  of  the  situation,  were 
thought  to  betoken  an  abnormally  long  conclave,-  and 
naturally  enough,  the  lengthy  vacancy  of  the  Holy  See  gave 
rise  to  a  large  number  of  satirical  compositions.^ 

Shortly  before  the  death  of  Clement  XII.,  which  took  place 
on  February  6th,  1740,  the  prescriptive  number  of  the  members 
of  the  Sacred  College  had  been  reduced  to  sixty-eight  by  the 
deaths  of  Cardinals  Davia  and  Borromei  on  January  11th  and 

1740,  Santa  Croce  was  deputed  as  the  new  ambassador  extra- 
ordinary (Imperial  letter  of  recommendation  to  the  College, 
ibid.,  (ygseq.).  He  was  responsible  for  the  report  "  *Fogli  che 
danno  11  vero  lume  del  potere  e  considerabile  autorita  della  Corte 
Romana  ",  from  the  Archives  of  Prince  Santa  Croce,  now  in  the 
Archives  of  the  Austrian  Historical  Institute,  Rome.  This  was 
preceded  by  another  report  on  the  situation  :  "  *Stato  presente 
dellTtalia  e  della  corte  di  Roma  da  presentarsi  a  S.M.C.  nel 
principio  dell'anno  1740,  e  trasmesso  al  marchese  de  Rialpi  nel 
1739,"  in  the  State  Archives,  Vienna,  t.  46,  and  a  MS.  from  the 
Santa  Croce  Archives,  since  igio  in  the  possession  of  L.  von 
Pastor.  To  the  importance  of  these  relations  the  following 
reference  is  made,  ibid.,  9  :  "la  necessita  che  sopra  tutti  li  altri 
ha  la  corte  di  Vienna  di  aver  I'amicizia  de'  sommi  pontefici, 
massime  nelle  congiunture  presenti." 

^  Rescript  of  October  28,  1739  in  [Rothmanner],  5  seq. 

^  *Acquaviva  to  Quadra  on  March  10,  1740,  Archives  of 
Simancas  ;  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323,  State  Library,  Munich,  ist 
week  :  "  they  are  behaving  as  though  the  conclave  were  going  to 
last  ten  years  "  ;  Brosses,  Lettres,  II.,  323,  340.  Morosini  had 
foretold  what  would  happen  in  a  report  made  as  early  as  1730  ; 
"  il  nuovo  conclave,  per  I'eta  e  per  le  indisposition!  del  papa  non 
puo  essere  probabilmente  lontano,  sara  tanto  imbarrazato,  quanto 
il  decorso  "  (from  the  State  Archives,  Venice,  printed  in  Arch. 
stor.  ital.,  3rd  series,  VII.). 

*  "  *Componimenti  poetici  usciti  in  sede  vacante  di  Clemente 
XII.  I'anno  1740,"  Cod.  Ottob.  2814,  Vatican  Library  ;  "  *Satire 
sopra  Clemente  XII.  e  sede  vacante  1740,"  British  Museum, 
10835  ;  other  satires  in  *MS.  Diez  51  in  the  State  Library,  Berlin, 
and  in  *Cod.  Vat.  9373,  Vatican  Library. 


4  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

22nd.  Nearly  half  this  number,  thirty  in  all,  had  been  raised 
to  the  purple  during  the  pontificate  which  had  just  expired  ; 
nineteen  had  been  created  by  Benedict  XIII.  ;  one  had 
survived  from  the  time  of  Innocent  XIII.  ;  sixteen  had  been 
created  by  Clement  XI.  ;  and  the  remaining  two  by  Alexander 
VIII. ^  On  the  first  day  of  the  conclave  (February  19th)  only 
thirty-two  were  present, ^  most  of  the  others  arriving  in  the 
course  of  March  and  April.  Altogether  fifty-six  members  of 
the  supreme  council  of  the  Church  took  part  in  the  electoral 
proceedings,^  though  on  the  decisive  daj^  only  fifty-one  were 
present,  death  or  illness  having  accounted  for  the  absence  of 
the  five  others.* 

For  the  past  seven  years  Cardinal  Coscia  had  been  under- 
going confinement  in  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo.  Clement  XII. 
had  acknowledged  his  eligibility  for  the  Papal  ofiice,^  and 
Coscia  now  addressed  an  urgent  protest  to  the  Sacred  College, 
repeatedly  affirming  his  innocence  and  producing  exhaustive 
evidence  to  prove  the  invalidity  of  any  electoral  action  that 
might  be  taken  without  his  participation  as  an  active  elector.^ 
His  appeal  was  successful.  On  the  evening  before  the  first 
scrutiny  the  secretary  to  the  conclave,  Livizzani,  conveyed  to 

^  A  list  of  the  Cardinals  in  the  conclave  in  Kraus,  171-3  ; 
Brosses,  Lettres,  317-322;  Acta  hist.-eccl.,  10^0  se jq.  ;  [Roth- 
manner],  XXX  seq. 

*  Scrutiny  list  in  the  *report  (jf  Count  Thuu  to  the  Emperor, 
February  19,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

'  The  following  Cardinals  did  not  take  part  :  Fleury,  Gesvres, 
Polignac  (France),  the  Infante  and  Molina  (Spain),  Da  Cunha, 
Motta,  Almeida  (Portugal),  Schonborn  (Germany),  Lipski 
(Poland)  ;  also,  on  account  of  illness,  Fieri  and  Odescalchi 
(Italy).  MuN  (497,  n.  i)  erroneously  includes  L.  Altieri  among  the 
permanently  absent  and  omits  Fieri  and  Almeida. 

■'  Ottoboni  died  on  February  28,  G.  B.  Altieri  on  March  12, 
Porzia  on  June  10,  Cenci  on  June  24  ;  L.  Altieri  left  the  conclave 
on  account  of  illness. 

'*  Count  Thun  to  the  l-'inperor,  February  13,  1740,  State 
Archives,  Vienna. 

•  February  6,  1740,  "  *Protestatio  card.  Nic.  Coscia  in  area  s. 
Angeli   detenti   anni    1740    pro    libertate    ferendi    suflfragium    in 


THE    PARTIES    IN    THE    CONCLAVE  5 

him  the  favourable  decision  of  the  Cardinals,  and  after 
midnight  the  ex-Secretary  of  State,  escorted  by  the  camerlengo 
Annibale  Albani,  entered  the  conclave.^  At  the  same  time 
the  remainder  of  his  sentence  was  remitted. 

At  first  the  party  groupings  in  the  electoral  coUege  presented 
their  usual  picture  ;  but  what  was  novel  and  peculiar  to  this 
conclave  was  that  the  numerous  factions  formed  themselves 
into  two  large  unions  of  almost  equal  voting  strength,  which, 
with  only  minor  readjustments,  counterbalanced  each  other 
throughout. 2  The  opposition  between  them  was  twofold  : 
that  of  the  Crowns  on  the  one  hand  and  that  of  the  "  creatures  " 
on  the  other. 

A  year  previously  Cardinal  Fleury  had  proposed  to  the 
Imperial  Government  in  Vienna  that  they  should  work 
together  in  the  coming  conclave.^  The  negotiations  produced 
provisional  lists  of  candidates  favoured  by  both  sides, ^  but 
in  spite  of  this.  Cardinal  Tencin,  who  appropriated  to  himself 
the  conduct  of  French  affairs  in  Rome,-''  excluded  the  Germans 

comitiis  futuri  pt)ntificis  apost.  sede  vacante,"  in  F  39,  Bon- 
compagni  Archives,  Rome  ;  a  German  translation  in  Acta  hist.- 
eccl.,  1045-1050.     Cf.  Conclave  in  Kraus,  153. 

^  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  February  20,  1740,  loc.  cit. 
Foscarini's  *report  of  February  20,  1740,  Cod.  261  in  the  Archives 
of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

^  This  development  could  have  been  foreseen  at  any  time 
(luring  the  pontificate  of  Clement  XII.  Thus  Morosini  in  his 
report  {loc.  cit.)  :  "  durando  il  sacro  collegio  in  due  partiti 
diviso."  Cf.  Conclave  in  Kraus,  156  :  "restava  diviso  il  conclave 
non  in  fazioni,  ma  in  due  unioni  "  ;  *Acquaviva  to  Quadra, 
March  17,  1740,  Archives  of  Simancas. 

^  If  all  its  subjects  and  nationals  had  held  together,  the 
Imperial  party  could  have  counted  on  18  votes,  which  number 
would  have  sufficed  for  an  exclusion,  but  would  not,  of  course, 
have  decided  the  issue.  See  Santa  Croce,  *Fogli,  Archives  of  the 
Austrian  Historical  Institute,  Rome. 

*  Thus,  in  particular,  the  Emperor  to  Count  Harrach,  October 
30,  1739,  in  [Rothmanner],  6-23  ;    cf.  ibid.,  30,  37-42,  51-3. 

*  For  his  rivalry  with  St-Aignan,  see  Boutry,  153-165,  172-6, 
185-8,  193  seq. 


b  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

from  the  preliminary  discussions.^  As,  however,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  conclave,  instructions  came  from  Paris 
demanding  a  closer  understanding  with  Austria,^  relations 
improved  as  time  went  on,^  though  Cardinal  Giudice,  the 
leader  of  the  Imperial  party,  found  occasion  to  complain  of 
Tencin's  insincerity.*  Contrary  to  his  instructions  from 
Vienna,  he  went  so  far  as  to  disassociate  himself  from  the 
union  with  the  French  and  even  threatened  to  form  a  separate 
group  in  the  electoral  college.^ 

The  tension  between  Austria  and  Spain,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  insuperable  from  the  very  beginning  ;  *  which  circum- 
stance led  to  curious  adjustments.  For  although  instructions 
from  the  Government  at  Madrid  to  the  Spanish  Crown 
Cardinal  Acquaviva  advised  co-operation  with  France,'  and 
the  two  Courts  were  in  the  closest  possible  union,  an  ever- 
increasing  estrangement  developed  between  the  parties  in  the 

'  Charles  VI.  to  Count  Thun,  February  7,  1740,  in  [Roth- 
manner],  56. 

*  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  February  20,  State  Archives, 
Vienna. 

*  *Acquaviva  to  Quadra,  April  7,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Cardinal  Giudice  to  the  Emperor,  March  5,  and  to  Sinzendorf 
and  Metsch,  March  12,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Corsini's  *note  to  S.  Croce,  March  23,  1740  (supplement  to 
S.  Croce 's  letter  to  the  Emperor  of  March  25,  1740)  :  "  lo  ho 
risposto  che  diceva  bene,  ma  ch'erano  cose  da  discorrersi  dopo 
quattro  mesi  di  conclave."    Ibid. 

*  The  points  of  dissension  between  Austria  and  Spain  and 
the  alterations  in  the  situation  consequent  on  the  change  of 
ownership  in  Tuscany  are  discussed  quite  fully  by  Santa  Croce  in 
his  relation,  *Fogli,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Historical  Institute, 
Rome.  Cf.  Foscarini's  *second  report  of  F'eliruary  20,  1740, 
Cod.  261  of  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

'  *Acquaviva's  final  report  of  August  25,  1740,  loc.  cit.  Cf. 
Merenda's  *relation,  fo.  10,  in  the  Biblioteca  Angelica,  Rome. 
The  French  instructions  also  advised  collaboration  with  Acqua- 
viva ;    see  Heeckeren,  I.,  ix. 


DIFFERENCES   AND   AGREEMENTS  7 

conclave,  to  the  advantage  of  the  Franco-Austrian  union. ^ 
Spain,  in  consequence,  allied  itself  all  the  more  closely  with 
Naples  and  Tuscany,  and  the  Austro-French  party  was  faced 
by  a  Spanish  one. 

In  addition  to  this,  two  more  opposing  bodies  were  formed 
within  the  college  of  Cardinals.  The  nepote  Neri  Corsini, 
whose  personal  qualities  were  seldom  the  subject  of  praise,^ 
took  it  upon  himself  to  form  a  dominant  elective  bloc  composed 
of  all  the  "  creatures  "  of  Clement  XIL  The  plan  met  with 
only  partial  success,^  and  Corsini's  efforts  produced  an 
opponent  in  the  person  of  Annibale  Albani,  whose  experience 
of  former  conclaves  and  undisputed  diplomatic  ability  now 
stood  him  in  good  stead.  Firstly  *  as  head  of  the  "  Zelanti  ",^ 
and  then  by  winning  over  the  Cardinals  appointed  by  his 
uncle,  Clement  XI.,  together  with  many  of  those  of  the  time 
of  Benedict  XIII.,  he  succeeded  in  setting  up  in  opposition 
to  Corsini's  "  young  "  Cardinals  a  comprehensive  union  of 
"  old "  ones.  Subsequent  negotiations  for  a  union  with 
France  and  Spain  did  not  attain  so  speedy  a  success.*  On  the 
other  hand,  his  old  hostility  towards  his  brother.  Cardinal 

^  *Acquaviva's  reports  to  Quadra  of  April  14  and  21,  and 
May  26,  1740,  loc.  cit.  This  came  as  a  complete  surprise  to  the 
Germans  ;  v.  *Santa  Croce  to  the  emperor,  April  30,  1740, 
State  Archives,  Vienna. 

2  Brosses,  Lettres,  II.,  317  seq. 

^  *Stato  presents,  in  the  ownership  of  L.  von  Pastor. 

*  See  ibid.  ;  Mocenigo  in  his  report  of  November  11,  1737  : 
"  il  pill  formidabile  conclavista  dei  nostri  tempi  .  .  .,  sopra  tutto 
profondissimo  conoscitore  delle  piu  secrete  manierc  di  questa  corte 
ed  artefice  maravighoso  di  qualsivogha  lavoro  di  spirito  che  possa 
appartenere  al  conclave."  (Venezia,  1864.)  C/.  Foscarini's  *second 
report  of  February  20,  1740,  Cod.  261,  loc.  cit.  ;  Brosses,  Lettres, 
II.,  319. 

^  Foscarini's  *report  of  February  20,  1740,  ibid.  In  his  rela- 
tion of  November  11,  1737,  Mocenigo  calls  the  "  Zelanti  "  "  quei 
cardinal!  che  sotto  colore  di  zelo  per  I'onore  di  santa  Chiesa 
cercano  con  tutti  i  mezzi  d'abbattere  il  partito  Corsini  "  [loc.  cit.). 

"  *Siato  presente,  loc.  cit.  His  efforts  failed  entirely  with  the 
French,  but  only  at  first  with  the  Spaniards. 


8  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Alessandro  Albani,  was  quickly  forgotten  by  both  parties,^ 
and  with  Alessandro  the  faction  of  Savoy  was  also  won. 

A  fusion  between  the  greater  political  and  curial  groups 
was  brought  about  by  France's  siding  with  Corsini.  The 
Imperial  Government  was  anxious  at  first  to  avoid  an  open 
breach  with  the  influential  camerlengo  Albani  ^  ;  Giudice,  in 
fact,  openly  supported  his  party, ^  but,  as  time  went  on,  the 
"  young  "  Cardinals  formed  a  common  front  with  the  French 
and  German  Cardinals.*  Conse(]uently,  Acquaviva,  with  his 
adherents,  contrary  to  instructions  from  his  Government, 
which  favoured  Corsini,  was  forced  into  Albani's  camp.^ 

'  "  *In  oggi  e  certissimo,  che  questa  inimicizia  nel  fondo  e 
tutta  dimersa,  rimanendone  unicamente  una  certa  apparenza  e 
questo  fara  sempre  sospettare  deH'uno  e  dell'  altro."  *Stato 
presente,  fo.  43,  loc.  cit. 

'  Even  as  late  as  June  6  the  Emperor,  when  writing  to  Liechten- 
stein, sought  to  clear  Giudice  of  the  suspicion  of  having  supported 
Albani  and  demanded  the  union  of  the  Germans  and  the  French 
with  Corsini  so  as  to  form  a  front  against  Albani  and  Acquaviva 
(in  [Rothmanner]  141).  His  instructions  to  Giudice  were  in  the 
same  vein  {ibid.,  138).  But  that  the  relations  between  the  two 
powers  were  still  strained  on  several  points  is  shown  by  their 
dispute  about  the  title  of  honour,  "  lilius  primogenitus  "  (fils 
aine  de  I'liglise)  which  was  used  also  by  France  on  the  occasion 
of  an  audience  to  ambassadors  {v.  ibid.,  X2g  seq.,  133);  also 
♦Cardinal  Giudice  to  the  Emperor  on  April  24  and  *Cardinal 
Kollonitsch  to  the  same  on  April  30,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

'  The  Emperor  condemned  this  .sevcrcty  in  his  letters  to 
Giudice,  Count  Thun,  and  Santa  Croce,  of  March  19,  1740  (in 
[Rothmanner],  96-109),  and  again  when  writing  to  Giudice  on 
March  25,  1740  {ibid.,  119).  His  instruction  of  October  30,  1739, 
however,  had  demanded  that  good  relations  should  be  preserved 
with  Albani  and  the  "  Zelanti  "  and  that  Corsini  should  be 
treated  with  a  certain  suspicion  {ibid.,  19  seq.). 

*  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  May  7,  1740  {ibid.).  See  also 
above  (p.  7)  and  Petrucelli,  IV.,  21. 

*  France  in  consequence  held  him  responsible  for  everything  ; 
see  the  *relation  by  Merenda,  fo.  10.  Biblioteca  Angelica,  Rome. 
Cf.  also  *Santa  Croce  to  the  Emperor  on  July  2,   1740,  State 


THE        PAPABILI  9 

Naturally,  in  the  course  of  these  long  preliminaries  the 
prospects  of  a  large  number  of  "  papabili  "  were  the  subject 
of  discussion,  and  descriptions  of  their  characters  were  in 
considerable  demand  by  the  various  Courts.^  In  some 
quarters,  moreover,  views  were  expressed  as  to  the  considera- 
tions which  ought  to  prevail  in  the  coming  election. ^ 

Much-discussed  candidates  such  as  Aldrovandi,  Corradini, 
Gotti,  and  Zondadari,  had  both  friends  and  enemies  among 
the  political  Powers.  Lambertini  ^  and  Firrao  *  were  widely 
reputed  on  account  of  their  past  experience.     Lercari  was 

Archives,  Vienna,  and  Acquaviva's  *final  report  on  August  25, 
1740,  Archives  of  Simancas. 

^  For  Spain  :  Acquaviva's  *report  to  Quadra  on  January  22, 
1739,  ibid.  ;  for  Austria  :  *Discorso  e  riflessioni.  Library  of  the 
Episcopal  Seminary,  Trent,  and  Cod.  ital.,  58,  State  Library, 
Munich  ;  *Stato  presente,  in  the  ownership  of  L.  von  Pastor  ; 
Santa  Croce,  *Fogli,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Historical  Institute, 
Rome  ;  *anonymous  memorandum  from  the  conclave,  t.  46  of 
the  State  Archives,  Vienna.  Cf.  also  Brosses,  Lettres,  II., 
317-322. 

*  E.g.  "  *Discorso  dell'ambasciatore  dello  Stato  ecclesiastico  per 
la  sede  vacante  di  Clemente  XII.,  fatto  partitamente  in  otto  distinte 
udienze  a  lui  date  dal  sagro  collegio  ",  cod.  ital.,  26,  State  Library, 
Munich.  This  demanded  for  the  future  Pope  the  "  capacita  e 
fermezza  "  of  Sixtus  V.,  the  "  carita  e  amor  paterno  "  of  Innocent 
XII.,  and  the  "  magnanimita  e  il  gran  cuore  "  of  Clement  XII., 
and  "  che  regga  sul  trono  "  like  St.  Peter.  The  economic  deca- 
dence of  the  Pontifical  State  was  described,  the  ruinous  Colosseum 
being  selected  as  "  un  imaggine  viva  dello  stato  ecclesiastico  ". 

'  "  *Per  verita  uno  de'  piu  plausibili,  per  I'abilita,  per  la 
pratica  degl'interessi  de'  principi  e  della  sede  apost.,  per  la  sua 
gran  dottrina  unita  ad  un  somma  quadratura  di  testa,  non 
attaccato  ad  alcun  principe  fuori  di  qualche  prevenzione  per  il 
Re  di  Sardegna,  ne  in  disgusto  con  alcun  di  essi."  Stato  presente, 
fo-  53.  ■^^^•.  loc.  cit.  Fo.  39  {ibid.)  and  *Discorsoe  riflessioni,  loc.  cit., 
are  similarly  laudatory. 

*  "  *Ha  molta  esperienza  delle  cose  publiche  e  tratta  qual- 
unque  affare  con  molta  distrezza  essendo  dotato  di  molto  spirito 
e  talento,  ha  la  proprieta  di  tutti  gli  altri  nunzi  ..."  Discorso 
e  riflessioni,  ibid. 


10  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

credited  with  a  childish  confidence  in  a  brilliant  personal 
future.^  Undoubtedly  the  greatest  measure  of  popularity 
was  enjoyed  by  Ruffo,  who  was  spoken  of  by  everyone  in 
Rome  as  the  future  Pope.^  Albani  could  name  no  other  of 
his  adherents  as  having  better  prospects  than  he  ^  ;  Spain 
had  long  since  bestowed  its  favour  on  him  *  ;  and  the  Cardinals 
of  Benedict  XIII.,  the  "  Zelanti  ",  and  the  French  knew  of 
nothing  that  told  against  him  ;  only  Corsini  and  the  Emperor 
would  have  viewed  his  elevation  with  disfavour  ;  Giudice, 
nevertheless,  in  spite  of  the  Emperor's  desire  that  he  should 
be  excluded,  was  bold  enough  to  give  him  his  support.^  As  it 
happened,  however,  things  were  to  take  an  entirely  different 
course. 

Even  before  the  opening  of  the  conclave  it  was  rumoured 
that  Giudice,  acting  on  Imperial  instructions,  intended  to 
exclude  all  the  Neapolitan  Cardinals,^  and  it  is  true  that 

'  "  *Entra  in  conclave  con  una  tal  persuasione  di  riuscime 
papa  che  niente  piu."    Stato  presente,  fo.  39,  loc.  cit. 

^  Together  with  Aldrovandi  he  was  looked  on  in  Rome  as 
"  pater  patriae  "  ;    see  Conclave  in  Kraus,  155. 

*  See  especially  *  Stato  presente,  loc.  cit.,  and  *Discorso  e 
riflessioni,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Acquaviva  to  Quadra,  January  22,  1739,  Archiv^es  of 
Simancas.  Acquaviva  was  here  referring  to  previous  instructions 
given  to  Bentivoglio,  in  which  he  was  already  regarded  as  a 
desirable  candidate.  The  author  of  *Stato  presente  even  presumes 
that  Acquaviva  will  propose  him  ("  un  esperimento  reale  ")  : 
"  questo  sia  il  piii  facile  ad  essere  il  nuovo  papa."  loc.  cit. 

*  See  the  letters  from  the  Emperor  mentioned  above  (p.  8, 
n.  2). 

^  "  *Giudice  vorrebbe  escludere  e  Ic  creature  Corsiniane  e  li 
nazionali  Napolitani,"  in  "  Lettere  del  Era  Luigi  M.  Lucini, 
commiss.  del  s.  Offic.  di  Roma,  al  card.  Lambertini  a  Bologna  ", 
of  February  13,  1740,  in  Cod.  Ottob.  3052,  Vatican  Library. 
Cf.  the  Imperial  dispatch  to  Count  Thun  of  March  19,  1740,  in 
[Rothmannkr]  100.  Cardinal  Passionei  was  the  first  to  address 
an  official  inquiry  to  Santa  Croce,  the  answer  being  "  *Io 
risposi  francamente  di  no  "  (Santa  Croce  to  the  Emperor,  April  2, 
1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna). 


IMPERIAL    INSTRUCTIONS  II 

these  instructions  from  Vienna  contained  the  order  to  prevent 
at  all  costs  the  election  of  Ruffo,  Corradini,  or  Pico  ^  ;  but  an 
open  exclusion  was  to  be  avoided  by  all  possible  means. ^ 
The  Emperor  accordingly  directed  that  the  rumour  was  to  be 
emphatically  denied,  without  directly  paving  the  way  to  the 
Papacy  for  a  Neapolitan.^ 

Several  days  were  spent  in  performing  the  usual  preliminary 
ceremonies  in  the  Congregations.*  On  the  morning  of  February 
19th  the  Mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  celebrated  by  Ottoboni, 
after  which  the  customary  address  on  the  Papal  election  was 
given  by  the  learned  Maronite  Assemani.^  The  Cardinals  then 

^  Charles  VI.  to  Count  Thun,  March  19,  1740,  loc.  cit.  For  the 
unheard-of  proposal  to  exclude  a  whole  nation,  see  Foscarini's 
♦reports  of  March  12  and  April  2,  1740,  Cod.  261,  Archives  of 
the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

^  See  the  Imperial  instruction  to  Santa  Croce  of  February  17, 
1740  :  "  decrevimus  nulli  publicam  aut  solemnem  aut  strepi- 
tantem  exclusivam  dare  "  (Wahrmund,  324  ;  [Rothmanner], 
74)  ;  similarly  on  March  25  (Rothmanner,  hi).  "  *Questa  e  la 
maniera  di  escludere  senza  azzardo  e  senza  odiosita,  mentre 
I'altra  di  presentare  un'esclusiva  d'autorita  e  soggetta  a  diversi 
incommodi  e  diversi  pericoli."  There  follows  a  detailed  exposition 
of  the  various  disadvantages  of  an  open  exclusion.  Santa  Croce, 
Fogli,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Hist.  Inst.,  Rome.  See  Wahr- 
mund, 227  seq.  ;  Eisler,  185  seq.  Consequently  in  this  long 
conclave  there  was  not  a  single  formal  announcement  of  an 
exclusion. 

^  Letter  to  Count  Thun  of  March  19,  1740,  loc.  cit.,  100.  As 
time  went  on  it  was  po.ssible  to  suppress  the  rumour,  as  *Cardinal 
Giudice  informed  the  Emperor,  Sinzendorf,  and  Metsch  on 
June  22  (State  Archives,  Vienna). 

•*  See  Novaes,  XIV.,  6  5e^.  Foscarini's  *first  report  of  February 
20,  1740,  Cod.  261,  loc.  cit.,  refers  to  the  audiences  given  to  the 
various  diplomatic  representatives. 

*  "  *Asseman  Maronita  o  del  monte  Libano,  uno  de'  piu  famosi 
uomini  del  secolo  per  la  vasta  cognizione  di  tutte  le  lingue 
orientali,  non  cosi  nella  latina  eloquenza  "  (Count  Thun  to  the 
Chancellor  Sinzendorf,  April  9,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna). 
The  address  was  printed  :    "  Oratio  de  eligendo  summo  pontifice 


12  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES 

moved  into  the  apartments  set  aside  for  them.  Of  these  a 
contemporary  gives  us  a  grapliic  description,^  in  which  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  two  parties  were  already  differing 
in  externals  as  well  as  in  their  views  :  "  All  the  cells  of  the 
Cardinals  created  by  Clement  XII.  are  hung  with  violet  serge, 
whereas  those  occupied  by  members  of  the  "old  College  "  are 
himg  with  green  serge.  .  .  .  The  apartment  of  the  Infante, 
which  remains  unoccupied,  is  far  more  sumptuous  than  the 
others,  with  damask,  pier-glasses,  marble  tables,  and  windows 
with  panes  of  crystal."  ^ 

In  the  very  first  days  of  the  conclave  the  two  parties  were 
formed,^  and  it  was  a  bitter  disappointment  to  each  to 
discover  that  the  opposing  side  was  pretty  much  as  strong 
as  itself.  This  meant  that  each  party  would  be  able  to  exclude 
the  opponents'  candidate  but  would  not  be  able  to  secure 
the  election  of  its  own. 

Consequently  in  the  second  week  attempts  were  made  to 
throw  bridges  across  to  the  enemy's  camp.  First,  Rivera, 
a  relative  of  Albani's,  was  proposed,*  but  objection  was  raised 
to  him  by  most  of  the  Crown  Cardinals  ;  then  the  former 
Uditore  of  the  Camerlengo,  Spinola,  was  proposed  but  he 
found  little  backing  from  the  "  old  "  Cardinals.^ 

More  important  were  the  tactics  employed  by  Acquaviva  in 
support  of  his  candidate,  Ruffo.    The  Imperialists  especially 

ad  Em.  ct  Rev.  jMinciprs  S.R.E.  cardinalcs,  habita  in  ss.  Basilica 
Vaticana  a  loscplio  Simonio  Assenianno,  Romae  ex  typogr. 
apost.  Vat.  1740." 

^  Brosses,  Lettres,  II.,  325-S. 

*  Ibid.,  327.  This  illicitly  rich  decoration  of  the  Infante's 
cell  is  mentioned  also  by  Count  Thun  in  his  *]ettcr  to  the  Emperor 
of  February  20,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

'  *Cardinal  Acquaviva  to  Quadra,  March  1 7,  1 740,  Archives 
of  Simancas  ;  *Foscarini's  report  of  March  26,  1740,  Cod.  261 
of  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

*  *I''oscarini's  report  of  March  5,   1740,  ibid. 

*  Ibid,  and  the  same  on  April  9,  1740,  ibid.  Spinola  had 
already  15  votes.  See  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  April  9, 
1740,  loc.  cit. 


FRUITLESS    BEGINNINGS  I3 

were  approached/  and  Giudice  actually  declared  himself  in 
favour  of  Ruffo.^  It  was  not  until  the  arrival  of  further 
messages  from  Vienna,  insisting  on  Ruffo's  rejection,  that  the 
French  and  German  Cardinal  Ministers  issued  a  joint  declara- 
tion against  him,^  this  being  the  first  sacrifice  made  by  the 
Germans  in  the  interests  of  the  French  alliance. 

On  the  failure  of  these  initial  moves  a  pause  ensued. 
Cardinal  Ottoboni  was  removed  from  the  conclave  in  a  dying 
condition  and  expired  a  few  days  later.*  His  death  was 
attributed  to  an  encounter  with  Corsini,  who  was  said  to 
have  inveighed  against  him  in  the  most  violent  manner — an 
incident  which  Albani,  Corsini's  adversary,  was  not  slow  to 
exploit.'^  Meanwhile  the  electors  awaited  the  arrival  of  the 
French  Cardinals  Rohan  and  De  la  Tour  and  the  German 
Cardinals  Kollonitsch  and  Sinzendorf,  besides  the  Imperial 
envoy  extraordinary,  Scipione  di  Santa  Croce,®  almost  all  of 

^  Thus  Ruffo  himself  assured  the  Imperial  ambassador,  "  *ch' 
egli  aveva  il  cuore  austriaco  "  ;  but  being  a  Neapolitan  and  of 
a  great  age,  he  found  no  support.  See  Santa  Croce's  *Diario, 
March  6,  1740,  ibid. 

^  Corsini  expressed  his  keen  dissatisfaction  with  this,  which 
was  *reported  by  Santa  Croce  to  the  Emperor  on  March  26,  1740, 
ibid.  On  the  receipt  of  the  Imperial  instruction  of  March  19 
(in  [Rothmanner],  96-109),  however,  Giudice  gave  way.  See 
♦Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  April  2,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  March  12,  1740,  ibid. 

*  "  Con  molto  rammarico  del  coUegio  vecchio  "  [Conclave,  in 
Kraus,  158).  See  also  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (2nd  and  3rd 
weeks).  State  Library,  Munich  ;  the  *letter  of  Count  Thun  to 
the  Emperor  of  March  5,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna  ;  *Santa 
Croce's  report  of  March  5,  1740,  Atti  d.  ambasc.  di  Santa  Croce, 
Cod.,  260,  of  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Emba.ssy  to  the 
Vatican  ;  *Foscarini's  report  of  February  26,  1740,  loc.  cit. 
Cf.  O.  Hartwig,  Deutsche  Rundschau ,  XLVL,  250  seq. 

*  MuN,  508  seqq. 

*  A  full  description  of  the  audience  given  to  Santa  Croce  by 
the  Sacred  College  on  March  23,  1740,  in  Santa  Croce's  *report 
of  March  26,  1740,  loc.  cit.,  also  in  Mun,  512  seq.  A  printed 
account  of  the  audience  was  sent  by  Santa  Croce  to  the  Emperor 


14  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

whom  were  expected  to  bring  with  them  detailed  instructions. 
Thus  the  month  of  March  was  spent  in  the  occasional  proposal 
of  an  isolated  candidate  and  in  fruitless  attempts  at  agree- 
ment.^ It  was  about  this  time  that  Giambattista  Altieri 
succumbed  to  the  paralytic  stroke  which  he  had  had  in  the 
Sistina.2 

At  the  beginning  of  April  the  discussions  centred  round 
Porzia.  Partly  because  he  had  been  proposed  by  Corsini, 
who  hoped  thereby  to  form  a  connexion  with  the  Cardinals  of 
Benedict  XIII.,  and  partly  as  the  result  of  his  own  propaganda, 
whereby  he  made  so  bold  as  to  censure  the  inertia  of  the 
College,^  he  succeeded  on  one  occasion  in  securing  thirty  votes. 
Only  one  more  vote  was  needed,  and  his  election  was  prevented 
only  by  intrigues  which  nearly  deprived  Corsini  and  Tencin 
of  the  confidence  of  their  adherents.^ 

A  certain  delay  was  caused  by  Holy  Week  and  Eastertide  ; 
and  insignificant  moves  in  favour  of  Gentili,  Aldrovandi,  and 

with  his  *letter  of  April  2,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna.  Cf. 
Foscarini's  *report  of  March  26,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ¥ov  the  French 
envoy's  audience,  see  "  Narrazione  della  pubhca  udienza  data 
dagh  em.  e  rev.  s.  card,  in  conclave  la  mattina  della  domenica 
24  Aprile  1740  al  Duca  di  Sant'Aignan  ....  Roma  1740  ". 

1  In  Passionei's  cell  light  conversation  and  various  other  ways 
of  passing  the  time  were  continually  indulged  in  ;  thus  on  one 
occasion  Acquaviva  and  Albani  argued  whether  one  ought  to 
say  "  tredecim  "  or  "  tresdecim  ",  and  a  bet  was  taken  on  the 
question  (*Santa  Croce  to  the  Emperor,  March  12,  1740,  loc  cit.). 
On  May  4  Cardinal  Corsini  *reported  to  the  Imperial  envoy, 
"  La  conversazione  di  Passionei  h  composta  dei  cardinali 
Camerlengo,  Acquaviva,  Lambertini,  Aldrovandi  e  di  altri  del 
medesimo  partito  "  (supplement  to  Santa  Croce 's  *letter  to  the 
Emperor  of  May  7,  1740,  ibid.). 

*  See  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (3rd  week).  State  Library, 
Munich,  also  Count  Thun's  *letters  to  the  Emperor  of  March  5 
and  19,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna,  Santa  Croce 's  *report  of 
March  19,  and  Foscarini's  *report  of  March  5,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

'  MuN,  516  ;    Hartwig,  loc.  cit.,  251. 

*  See  Conclave  in  Kraus,  160  ;  Santa  Croce's  and  Foscarini's 
♦reports  of  April  9,  1740,  loc.  cit. 


FURTHER   CONFEREJfCES  15 

others  were  merely  diversions.^  Then  one  morning  in  the 
Sistina  Porzia  found  a  satirical  pamphlet  aimed  at  him.^ 
He  immediately  flew  into  a  passion,  demanded,  in  spite  of 
all  the  attempts  made  by  Albani  to  calm  him,  a  formal 
inquiry  into  the  authorship  and  dissemination  of  the  pamphlet, 
and  left  the  scrutiny  in  a  towering  rage.  He  was  already 
suffering  from  kidney  disease,  but  when  he  died,  on  June  10th, 
he  was  generally  spoken  of  as  a  victim  to  "  Papal  fever  ".^ 

Meanwhile,  a  conversation  which  had  an  important  bearing 
on  further  developments  had  taken  place  between  the  leaders 
Albani  and  Corsini.  In  this  Albani  declared  roundly  that  all 
his  adherents  were  "  papabili  ",*  while  Corsini  narrowed  his 
pretensions  to  more  definite  propositions  :  of  the  eldest 
Cardinals  he  named  as  desirable  Massei  and  Cori,  of  the 
middle  group  D'Elce,  Firrao,  Cenci,  and  Aldrovandi,  and  of 
the  young  ones  Gentili  and  Spinola.^ 

In  May  and  June  the  endless  conferences  and  proposals 
began  again.  Corsini  canvassed  for  Cori,^  who  soon  gave  up 
of  his  own  accord,  then  for  Spinola,  who  was  voted  against 
by  Acquaviva  and  others.'    Next,  Albani  worked  for  Gotti, 

^  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (gth  week),  loc.  cit.  ;  Foscarini's 
♦reports  of  April  16  and  May  7,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

2  On  it  was  printed  :  "  Sine  a  tanto  che  non  si  daranno  delle 
bastonate  a  quel  frate  di  Porzia,  non  usciremo  noi  da  questa 
via."  This  is  the  text  in  Conclave  in  Kraus,  162,  and  is  very 
similar  in  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (nth  week),  loc.  cit.  It  is 
also  cited,  though  not  word  for  word,  in  Cardinal  Kollonitsch's 
*letter  to  the  Emperor  of  April  25,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

'  "  Rabbia  papale  "  ;  see  Brosses,  Lettres,  II.,  393.  Cf.  IMun, 
518  ;  Hartwig,  251  ;  Foscarini's  *report  of  June  11,  1740, 
loc.  cit. 

*  "  *Egli  rispose,  que  tutte  le  sue  creature  le  stimava  degne 
del  papato."  He  and  his  party  also  insisted  that  if  not  one  of 
the  "  old  ones  ",  at  least  one  of  Benedict  XIII. 's  cardinals  should 
be  considered.    Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (loth  week),  loc.  cit. 

*  V.  ibid.  ;  also  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  April  23  and 
*Giudice  to  the  Emperor,  April  24,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

*  Foscarini's  *report  of  May  14,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

'  The  repeated  attempts  to  win  over  Acquaviva  were  *reported 


l6  HIS^RY   OF   THE    POPES 

who  also  had  to  be  sacrificed  in  the  face  of  French  threats.^ 
The  opposite  side  then  supported  D'Elce,^  and  after  him 
Cenci,  who  had  just  been  given  the  Last  Sacraments.^  On 
June  2r)th  it  was  presumed  that  Firrao  would  be  elected  for 
certain,  and  the  people  and  the  workmen  were  only  waiting 
for  the  conclave  to  close,*  when  again  everything  miscarried. 
So  the  days  and  weeks  went  by.  The  heat  of  summer 
rendered  living  conditions  in  the  conclave  more  and  more 
uncomfortable  ^    and    yet    the    general    feeling    among    the 

by  him  to  Quadra  on  April  7,   21,  and   28,    1740,   Archives  of 
Simancas. 

*  France's  objection  to  him  was  reported  by  *Count  Thun  on 
May  6  to  Sinzendorf  and  to  the  Emperor  on  May  18,  1740  (loc. 
cii.).  But  since  a  break  with  France  on  that  account  had  to  be 
avoided  (see  also  the  later  instructions  from  Vienna,  even  that 
of  June  6  in  [Rothmanner],  138,  145,  147),  *Cardinal  Kollonitsch 
wrote  in  his  own  hand  in  a  postscript  to  Sinzendorf  on  May  18, 
1740  :  "  Wir  haben  umb  die  union  zu  conserviren  mit  denen 
C.  Tencin,  Rohan,  Corsini  bis  weiteren  befelch  den  C.  Gotti 
sacrificiren  muessen,  welcher  darumb  nicht  proponirt  worden  " 
(State  Archives,  Vienna).  Cf.  Santa  Croce's  *reports  of  May  14 
and  21,  1740,  and  Foscarini's  *report  of  May  21,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

"  "  *Rappresentando  qualmente  questo  signore  [Elce]  h  un 
buon  ecclesiastico  al  pari  dell'em.  Gotti  "  (Conclave,  Cod.  ital., 
323  (15th  week),  loc.  cit.).  For  Gotti,  v.  ibid.  (14th  week).  Cf. 
♦Acquaviva  to  Quadra,  May  19  and  June  2,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ; 
♦Cardinal  Kollonitsch  to  the  Emperor,  May  28,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ; 
Foscarini's  *reports  of  May  28  and  June  4,  1740,  loc.  cit.,  Cod., 
261,  in  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

'  Conclave,  in  Kraus,  164  seqq.  After  recovering  for  a  while 
he  died  on  June  24  through  having  caught  a  chill  while  watching 
the  Corpus  Christi  procession  from  his  cell.  Conclave,  Cod.  ital., 
323  (lyth  week),  loc.  cit.  ;  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  June  25, 
1740,  loc.  cit.  ;  F'oscarini's  ♦reports  of  June  25  and  July  2,  1740, 
loc.  cit.  ;    MuN,  521. 

*  F'oscarini's  *reports  of  June  18  and  25,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ;  *Count 
Thun  to  the  Emperor,  ibid.  ;  Boutry,  226.  Brosses  [Lettres, 
n.,  394  seq.)  relates  how  the  Cardinals  had  already  congratulated 
him  in  his  cell  and  were  solemnly  escorting  him  to  the  Sistina. 

*  ♦Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  July  16,  1740,  loc.  cit.  Further 


ALDROVANDI  S   CANDIDATURE  1"] 

Cardinals  was  that  they  would  have  to  go  on  being  patient 
and  unyielding. 1  In  the  city  public  prayers  for  the  speedy 
election  of  a  Pope  had  been  suspended,  since,  notwithstanding 
the  plenary  indulgence,  the  people  had  ceased  to  attend  the 
services.^  Among  the  satires  that  were  broadcast  was  an 
engraving  in  which  the  conclave  was  represented  by  the  Ark  ; 
a  Cardinal  was  keeping  the  window  closed,  lest  the  dove  with 
the  olive  branch  might  come  in,  and  the  drawing  was  accom- 
panied by  the  words,  "  It  is  not  yet  time."  ^ 

Then  happened  what  was  previously  thought  to  be  an 
impossibility :  the  three  political  Powers  agreed  among 
themselves  and  with  Corsini  to  favour  a  candidature  of 
Aldrovandi's,  which  was  enjoying  strong  support,  especially 
from  Acquaviva.*  By  July  3rd  there  were  already  thirty-one 
Cardinals  voting  in  his  favour,  and  within  the  next  few  days 
this  number  rose  to  thirty-three.  According  to  the  number  of 
electors  present,  only  one  more  vote  was  needed.  At  this 
critical  juncture  Albani,  an  out-and-out  opponent  of  Aldro- 


the  numerous  employees  of  the  Curia  and  their  families  were 
suffering  severe  monetary  losses  through  being  out  of  work  ; 
V.  ibid. 

^  "  *Ora  si  sta  nel  conclave  in  un  puro  equihbrio  di  discorsi, 
non  azzardandosi  nessun  capo  di  proporre,  perche  essendo 
i  partiti  forti  e  da  una  parte  e  dall'altra  ogn'uno  teme  d'avere 
in  voti  una  aperta  esclusiva."  Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (i6th 
week).  State  Library,  Munich.     Cf.  Boutry,  220. 

^  Acta  hist.-eccl.,  IV.,  1053. 

=»  Ibid. 

*  Thus  *Acquaviva  to  Quadra  as  early  as  July  21,  1740, 
Archives  of  Simancas.  In  the  event  of  his  election  Valenti  was  to 
be  Secretary  of  State  and  Lambertini  Datarius  ;  see  *Acquaviva 
to  Quadra  on  July  11,  1740,  ibid.  On  this  occasion,  at  any  rate, 
he  must  have  collaborated  with  the  Germans  in  order  to  pass 
him  through  ;  see  *Acquaviva's  final  report  of  August  25,  1740, 
ibid.  Cf.  Foscarini's  *reports  of  July  9  and  16,  1740,  and  Santa 
Croce's  *report  of  July  9,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy 
to  the  Vatican. 

VOL.  XXXV.  c 


l8  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

vandi's/  had  recourse  to  a  ruse  by  which,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Minorite  Conventual  RavaUi,  the  unsuspecting  Aldro- 
vandi  was  tricked  into  sending  a  letter  to  the  Camerlengo  in 
which  he  assured  him  of  his  loyal  attachment  to  him.-  By 
this  means  Albani  hoped  to  expose  him  as  a  vote-stealer. 
Aldrovandi,  however,  maintained  that  he  was  innocent  of  any 
simoniacal  intention,^  and  again  obtained  thirty-one  votes. 
Day  after  day,  for  weeks,  the  situation  remained  unchanged, 
Albani's  opposition  party,  with  nearly  al^'ays  seventeen  votes, 
consistently  supporting  the  purely  formal  candidature  of 
Corradini.*  On  July  31st,  there  still  being  no  sign  that  the 
game  would  ever  end,  Aldrovandi  made  an  announcement  in 
writing,  asking  his  supporters  to  cease  their  efforts  on  his 
behalf.5 

In  spite  of  this,  Corsini  refused  to  abandon  Aldrovandi 's 
cause,  so  that  the  first  weeks  of  August  brought  no  change,* 

*  *Santa  Croce  to  the  Emperor,  April  6,  1740,  State  Archives 
Vienna. 

2  For  the  text,  see  Conclave  in  Kraus,  167  seq.,  and  *Conclave, 
Cod.  ital.,  323,  fo.  85-8,  loc.  cit.  Ibid.,  fo.  93  seq.  "  *Dichiarazione 
del  p.m.  Ravalli  intorno  al  biglietto  scritto  aU'em.  sig.  card. 
Aldrovandi,"  which  he  made  in  the  following  week.  Cf.  Santa 
Croce's  *report  of  July  9,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ;    Hartwig,  255. 

*  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  August  6,  1 740,  State  Archives, 
Vienna.  He  had  actually  been  accused  of  simony  ;  see  *Rucle 
to  the  Emperor  and  to  Metsch,  July  9,  1740,  ibid. 

*  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (2  2nd-24th  weeks),  loc.  cit.  ; 
♦Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor,  Jul}-  2^,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ;  Foscarini's 
♦reports  of  July  23  and  30,  1740,  and  Santa  Croce's  *reports  of 
July  16,  23,  and  30,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

^  "  *Ringraziamento  in  scritto  fatto  dall'em.  Aldrovandi  al 
s.  collcgio  li  31  Luglio  "  (Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  },2i,  fo.  103  seq., 
loc.  cit.  ;  translated  in  Acta  hist.-eccl.,  IV.,  1054  seqq.).  Cf. 
Foscarini's  and  Santa  Croce's  *reports  of  August  6,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

*  *Cardinal  Kollonitsch  to  the  Emperor,  August  6,  1740,  State 
Archives,  Vienna.  Thus  Petra,  for  example,  was  said  to  have 
been  won  over  by  a  *'Biglietto  dell'em.  s.c.  Quirino  al  s.c.  Petra', 
in  which  reference  was  made  to  "  la  lunghezza  del  conclave, 
quale  h  al  certo  un  castigo  della  coUera  di\'ina  ".     Archives  of 


LAMBERTINI  S   CANDIDATURE  I9 

only  Carafa  being  won  over.^  It  was  hoped  to  obtain  the  two 
votes  that  were  still  necessary  by  asking  the  Emperor  to  send 
a  pressing  letter  of  recommendation  to  the  Capi  d'ordine.^ 

And  then  one  fine  day  thirty-three  votes  were  again  cast 
for  Aldrovandi.  Albani  saw  a  trap  in  this  :  it  was  evidently 
going  to  be  left  to  him  to  turn  the  scale  with  his  personal 
vote.  He  was  mistaken,  however,  for  at  the  evening  scrutiny 
there  were  again  only  thirty-one  votes  for  Aldrovandi.  No 
further  progress  being  made  on  the  following  day,  Corsini 
finally  dropped  Aldrovandi  after  six  weeks'  striving  on  his 
behalf.3 

It  was  now  the  middle  of  August,  and  as  far  as  could  be 
seen  the  electors  might  just  as  weU  have  been  at  the  beginning 
of  their  negotiations  ;  but  the  end  was  astonishingly  near. 
A  triduum  had  just  been  celebrated  on  the  feast  of  the 
Assumption  for  a  speedy  and  desirable  conclusion,^  when, 
probably  at  the  instigation  of  Cibo,^  attention  was  centred  on 
Lambertini.    His  name  had  already  been  proposed  from  time 


the  Austrian  Embassy  in  Rome  and  *ConcIave,  Cod.  ital.,  323, 
fo.  Ill  seq..  State  Library,  Munich. 

1  Through  Acquaviva  ;  see  his  *letter  to  Quadra  of  August  4, 
1740,  Archives  of  Simancas.  These  32  votes  were  held  for  a  long 
time  ;    see  Acquaviva's  *Ietter  of  August  11,  1740,  ibid. 

-  On  August  6,  1740,  Cardinal  Acquaviva  sent  a  lengthy 
♦petition  to  the  Emperor  to  this  effect,  setting  out  Aldrovandi's 
I^articular  fitness  in  virtue  of  the  assent  gi\en  by  all  the  Crowns 
and  by  so  many  Cardinals  ;  Italian  text  in  the  Archives  of 
Simancas.  WTiile  Vienna  was  thinking  of  some  way  by  which 
this  request  might  be  acceded  to,  the  news  came  of  Lambertini's 
election  ;  see  the  Imperial  communication  to  Count  Thun  of 
August  31,  1740,  in  [Rothmanner],  160. 

'  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323  (26th  week),  loc.  cit.  ;  Foscarini's 
♦reports  of  August  13  and  17,  1740,  loc.  cit. 

*  NovAES,  XIV.,  8. 

•'  Thus  Conclave  in  Kraus,  166,  Heeckeren,  I.,  x,  Mun,  525 
seq.,  Hartwig,  253.  Cf.  Santa  Croce's  *report  of  August  23,  1740, 
loc.  cit.  Mourret  (VI.,  425)  speaks  of  a  proposal  by  Acqua- 
viva. 


20  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

to  time/  usually  with  an  insignificantly  small  number  of  votes, 
but  now  all  hopes  of  salvation  were  set  on  his  candidature.^ 
The  Cardinal  Ministers  quickly  agreed  among  themselves  to 
give  him  their  support,^  and  Albani  promised  not  to  form 
a  party  to  oppose  him,  if  only  to  avoid  the  election  of  Aldro- 
vandi.*  The  Cardinals  of  Benedict  XUI.  agreed  without  ado, 
and  several  of  Corsini's  followers  declared  that  they  too  were 
well-disposed.^  Corsini  himself  still  had  his  doubts,  but  they 
were  dissipated  after  a  time,®  and  within  the  space  of  a  few 


*  Thus,  for  example,  in  Santa  Croce's  *Diario  under  date 
March  6,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ;  also  in  a  talk  between  Acquaviva  and 
Kollonitsch,  see  the  *letter  sent  by  Kollonitsch  to  Sinzendorf  on 
April  2,  1740,  loc.  cit.  By  the  beginning  of  July  he  was  being 
spoken  of  more  seriously  ;  see  *Count  Thun  to  the  Emperor 
on  July  2,  1740,  ibid.  *Santa  Croce  describes  him  as  being 
particularly  capable  and  reputable  on  account  of  his  canonistical 
and  historical  knowledge,  his  diplomatic  ability,  and  his  open- 
hearted  love  of  justice  :  "  ed  il  miglior  ecclesiastico  che  possa 
desiderarsi  "  {Fogli,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Hist.  Inst,  in  Rome). 
Cf.  also  above,  p.  9,  n.  3.  Brosses  states  in  his  Lettres  (II., 
337,  402)  that  he  thought  more  of  Lambertini  than  of  any  other 
Cardinal  and  that  he  voted  for  him  in  a  mock  conclave  held  at 
a  social  gathering. 

*  Cordara's  reminiscences  (Dollinger,  Beitrdge,  III.,  8)  : 
Cardinales  longa  fatigati  mora,  cum  hominem  noscerent  lingua 
ilium  quidem  paulo  solutiore,  sed  vita  probum,  magna  integritate, 
moribus  incorruptis,  ad  haec  aequi  bonique  cultorem  eximium, 
aflfabilem,  popularem,  tanta  inprimis  humani  divinique  iuris 
scientia,  ut  hac  laude  doctissimos  quosque  sui  ordinis  anteiret. 

3  According  to  Acquaviva's  *report  to  Villarias  of  August  18, 
1740  (Archives  of  Simancas),  the  three  Cardinal  Ministers  and 
Corsini  met  together,  at  Cibo's  suggestion,  in  Rohan's  cell,  where 
they  came  to  an  agreement.  Cf.  Foscarini's  *report  of  August  20, 
1740,  Cod.  261,  of  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to 
the  Vatican  ;    Boutry,  231. 

*  ♦Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  ^z^  (after  the  26th  week).  State 
Library,  Munich  ;    Conclave  in  Kraus,  170. 

'■'  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323,  loc.  cit. 

*  Foscarini's  *report  of  August  20,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ;   MuN,  526  seq. 


LAMBERTINI  S    ELECTION  21 

hours  the  electors  attained  the  unanimity  for  which  they  had 
been  labouring  in  vain  for  half  a  year.^ 

Lambertini  himself  knew  next  to  nothing  of  what  was  afoot. 
Later  he  was  able  to  write  ^  that  he  had  not  let  slip  a  word 
to  any  living  soul  that  might  bring  him  to  the  Papacy  ;  on 
the  contrary,  he  had  done  all  he  could  to  avoid  the  honour. 
About  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  he  was  about  to  enter 
Acquaviva's  cell  in  order  to  take  tea  there,  as  was  his  custom, 
when  the  latter  urgently  requested  him  to  return  to  his  own 
cell.  Lambertini,  however,  declined  to  do  so  and  when  he 
was  seated  more  and  more  Cardinals,  from  all  parties,  entered 
the  cell  and  kissed  his  hand  in  homage.^  At  the  same  time 
notes  were  sent  out  into  the  city  announcing  his  imminent 
election.* 

Whereas  in  the  scrutinies  of  the  previous  day  not  a  single 
vote  had  been  cast  for  Lambertini,  in  the  next  scrutiny — it 
was  the  morning  of  August  17th  and  the  255th  scrutiny  of 
the  conclave — all  fifty  votes  were  given  to  him.^  Departing 
from  one  of  the  traditions  of  the  conclaves,  the  newly  elected 
candidate  gave  his  vote,  not  to  the  Cardinal  Deacon,  but  to 
the  candidate,  Aldrovandi,  who  had  been  the  centre  of  so 
much  contention.  He  excused  himself  by  saying  that  he  had 
given  it  to  him  for  forty-five  days  and  that  he  would  give  it 


^  "  *Compita  la  grand 'opera  in  sei  ore,  quando  non  si  era 
potuto  adempire  in  sei  mesi  di  ostinato  contrasto  e  di  un 
penosissimo  carcere."  Draft  of  a  letter  from  Albani,  probably 
to  the  Chancellor  Sinzendorf,  of  August  20,  1740,  Archives  of 
the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

^  To  Tencin,  March  i,  1743,  in  Heeckeren,  I.,  36. 

^  Complete  descriptions  of  the  proceedings  in  :  *Santa  Croce 
to  the  Emperor,  August  23,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna  ; 
*Cardinal  Acquaviva  to  Villarias,  August  18,  1740,  Archives  of 
Simancas  ;  Foscarini's  *report  of  August  20,  1740,  loc.  cit. 
Cf.  Hartwig,  256. 

*  *Conclave,  Cod.  ital.,  323,  loc.  cit.  ;    Conclave  in  Kraus,  171. 
^  A  reproduction  of  this  scrutiny  list  in  Lector,  616  seq. 


22  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

again  to  the  one  who  had  had  to  withdraw  in  his  favour. 
In  honour  of  the  Pope  to  whom  he  owed  his  promotion,  he 
took  the  name  of  Benedict  XIV.     Thus  the  great  cleavage 
between  the  "  creatures  "  of  Clement  XL  and  Clement  XII. 
was  bridged  by  the  election  of  one  of  the  "  middle  "  group. 

The  joyful  news  was  announced  to  the  waiting  populace 
from  the  Loggia  of  St.  Peter's  by  the  First  Cardinal  Deacon, 
Marini.^  Within  as  well  as  without  the  Sacred  College  great 
hopes  were  set  on  a  pontificate  which  had  begun  after  such 
difficulties.^     The  solemn  coronation  took  place  on  August 

1  *Santa  Croce  to  the  Emperor,  August  23,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ; 
Foscarini's  *report  of  August  20,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ;    Boutry,  237. 

-  "  *Roma  si  trova  in  un  pieno  giubilo  nella  ferma  fiducia  de 
la  somma  capacita  at  intelligenza  del  nuovo  pontefice."  Cardinal 
Albani  to  Chancellor  Sinzendorf,  probably  on  August  20,  1740, 
draft  in  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  \'atican  ; 
MuN,  528. 

^  "  *Si  sperava  dal  suo  gran  spirito  e  capacita  un  ottimo 
governo  et  il  restoramento  della  s.  sede  assai  pregiudicata 
particolarmente  neU'economico."  Cardinal  Albani  to  Metsch, 
August  27,  1740,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the 
Vatican.  —  *Satires  on  the  election  of  Benedict  XIV.  in  :  Cod. 
Vatic.  9373,  Vatican  Library ;  Cod.  XIV.  F.  15,  Biblioteca 
Nazionale,  Naples  ;  Cod.  10835,  British  Museum  ;  *Sonetto, 
dated  6  Agosto  1740  :  "  Che  ha  a  fare  il  conclave  per  I'elezione 
di  Bened.  XIV.  in  dialetto  Bolognese,"  Miscell.  XIII.,  Bibl. 
Comunale,  Forli ;  Ravagli,  Due  sonetti  neW elezione  di  Bened. 
XIV.,  in  Erudiz.  e  belle  arti,  IV.,  1-2  ;  other  poems  in  Frati, 
Opere  di  bibliografia,  Bologna,  I.  (1888),  172  seq.  In  a  letter  of 
March  i,  1743,  the  Pope  himself  expressed  his  opinion  of  the 
conclave  in  these  terms  :  "  Nous  avons  scandalise  I'Europe  par 
une  si  longue  duree,  dont  I'unique  cause  a  ete  I'opiniatrete  du 
cardinal  Corsini  a  vouloir  pour  pape  ime  de  ses  creatures,  afin 
d'avoir  un  chapeau  a  sa  disposition  "  (Heeckerex,  I.,  36). 
For  the  festivities  in  Bologna  on  the  occasion  of  this  election, 
see  LoNGHi,  //  Palazzo  Vizani,  Bologna,  1902,  and  Fr.  Cantoni, 
Lumber tiniana,  Bologna,  1920,  12  seq.  Here,  among  other  .sayings, 
is  "  Se  volete  un  santo,  fate  Gotti,  se  un  politico,  Aldrovandi, 
se  un  buon  uomo,  scegliete  me  ".    Similarly  in  Heeckeren,  I.,  x. 


THE    LAMBERTINI    FAMILY  23 

22nd.  It  was  not  possible  to  perform  the  customary  ceremony 
of  taking  possession  of  the  Lateran  until  April  30th  of  the 
following  year,  on  which  occasion  the  Papal  blessing  was  given 
for  the  first  time  from  the  Loggia  of  Clement  XII.^ 


(2) 

Prospero  Lambertini,  born  in  Bologna  on  March  31st,  1675, ^ 
derived  from  a  family,  of  Guelphic  sentiments,  mentioned  as 
early  as  the  tenth  century,  several  members  of  which  had 
distinguished  themselves  in  military  service,  civil  administra- 
tion, and  scholarship ;  it  had  also  produced  two  heatse  : 
Imelda  (d.  1333)  and  Giovanna,  a  pupil  of  St,  Catherine  Vigri 
of  Bologna.^  Once  w^ealthy,  the  Lambertini  had  lost  a  large 
part  of  their  estates  through  inundations  of  the  Reno.* 
Marcello,  Prospero 's  father,  died  at  the  age  of  forty-two,  and 
his  mother,  Lucrezia  Bulgarini,  contracted  a  second  marriage, 
with  Count  Luigi  Bentivoglio.    She  provided  Prospero  ^  with 

^  NovAES,  XIV.,  9  ;  Cancellieri,  Possessi,  379  seqq.  Thun 
♦reports  the  ceremony  thus  on  May  6,  1741  :  "  S.  Sta.  non  avendo 
mai  in  vita  sua  cavalcato  se  ne  ando  in  lettica."  Only  ten 
cardinals  looked  on.  State  Archives,  Vienna.  Contemporary 
reports  also  in  Cancellieri,  380,  n.  i  and  2. 

"  The  modest  two-storied  birth-house  (with  memorial  tablet) 
in  the  Via  delle  Campane,  No.  3016  (now  Via  Benedetto  XIV., 
No.  6),  reproduced  in  F.  Cantoni,  Lambertiniana,  15,  now 
belongs  to  Senatore  Nerio  Malvezzi  de'  Medici. 

*  Cf.  C.  CoNTUzzi,  S.J.,  De  Benedicto  XIV.  Oratio,  Romae, 
1 741  ;  P.  I.  DoLFi,  Cronologia  delle  famiglie  nob.  di  Bologna, 
Bologna,  1670 ;  Novaes,  XIV.,  3  seq.  ;  Reumont,  Kleine 
Schriften,  453  seqq.  ;  G.  Pietramellara,  Elenco  d.  famiglie 
nobili  Bolognesi,  Bari,  1895,  ^4  ^^1-  "  *De  quibusdam  illustr.  viris 
Lambertinae  gentis  testimonia,"  Cod.  48,  Bibl.  deH'Universita, 
Bologna.  See  also  Thun's  *report  to  Charles  VI.  of  August  23, 
1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna.  For  the  family  crest,  see  Pasini 
Frassoni,  46  seq. 

*  Cf.  Thun's  *report  just  mentioned. 

^  For  what  follows,  see  the  two  Latin   "  Lives  "  in  Kraus, 


24  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

excellent  teachers  in  the  persons  of  Paolo  Pasi  and  Sante 
Stancari,  who  knew  how  to  direct  their  highly  gifted  pupil's 
vivacity  along  the  right  lines  and  to  increase  his  zeal  for 
learning.  While  other  boys  were  playing,  Prosper©  sat  at  his 
books.  Later  on,  he  attended  the  aristocratic  Convitto  Del 
Porto  conducted  by  the  Somaschi.*  In  1688,  at  the  age  of 
thirteen,  he  was  sent  to  Rome  to  continue  his  education  at 
the  Collegio  Clementino,  which  was  also  managed  by  the 
Somaschi.2  There  he  soon  made  such  progress  that  he  out- 
stripped all  his  fellow-pupils.  A  speech  made  by  him  in  1691 
brought  his  ability  to  the  attention  of  Cardinal  Benedetto 
Pamfili.  The  Cardinal  recommended  him  to  Innocent  XII., 
who  assigned  to  him  a  small  benefice  which  brought  him  in 
a  hundred  gold  scudi. 

On  leaving  the  Collegio  Clementino  in  1692,  Lambertini 
devoted  himself  with  both  diligence  and  circumspection  to 
the  study  of  theology  and  of  civil  and  canon  law,  concentrating 
more  on  historical  exposition  than  on  scholastic-speculative 
deduction.  He  made  himself  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the 
Church  Fathers,  the  decisions  of  the  Councils,  and  the  Papal 
Bulls,  and  derived  great  profit  from  his  intercourse  with  the 
Dominican  Tommaso  Ferrari.  In  his  leisure  hours  he  read 
Dante,  Tasso,  and  Ariosto,  to  enliven  his  style  and  imagina- 
tion. In  1694  he  obtained  his  doctorate  in  law  and  theology 
at  the  University  of  Rome. 

In  order  to  prepare  himself  in  a  practical  manner  for  the 
career  of  advocate,  Lambertini  became  an  assistant  to  a 
countryman  of  his,  Alessandro  Caprara,  the  Auditor  of  the 
Rota.  Here  he  more  than  proved  his  worth  and  was  rewarded 
by  a  stream  of  clients  coming  from  all  quarters.      Under 

Briefe,  20^  seqq.,  235  seqq.  C/.  [Caracciolo],  Vita,  23  seqq.,  and  the 
"  Comment,  dc  vita  Benedict!  XIV.  auctore  los.  Silvcstrio  ", 
printed  as  an  appendix  to  the  "  Opera  Benedicti  XIV.",  vol. 
XVII..  P.  2,  Prati,  1847. 

*  Cf.  Studi  e  memorie  per  la  sioria  dell' Universitd  di  Bologna, 
1921,  67. 

*  Cf.  G.  DoNNiNO,  /  convittori  del  Collegio  Clementino,  Roma, 
1898,  17. 


LAMBERTINI  S    CAREER  25 

Clement  XI.  he  was  advanced  to  higher  posts  :  in  1701  he 
was  appointed  Consistorial  Advocate,  in  1708  Promotor  Fidei. 
As  holder  of  the  latter  ofhce  he  carried  through  to  a  successful 
conclusion  the  canonization  processes  of  Pius  V.  and  Catherine 
Vigri  of  Bologna.  To  the  exhaustive  studies  he  made  at  this 
time,  which  were  justly  praised  by  his  contemporaries,^  and 
which  he  afterwards  pursued  with  untiring  energy,  posterity 
is  indebted  for  his  celebrated  work  "  On  the  Beatification  and 
Canonization  of  the  Servants  of  God  ".^  "  I  could  have  turned 
to  more  pleasurable  studies,"  he  wrote  to  the  Canon  Regular 
Galli,  "  to  which  I  was  naturally  prone  by  reason  of  my 
lively  character,  but  I  felt  within  me  that  I  was  called  by 
religion  itself  to  work  for  its  glorification,  and  having  the 
opportunity  of  occupying  myself  with  the  processes  of 
beatification  at  an  early  stage  of  my  career  I  did  not  find  it 
difficult  to  devote  myself  to  this  theme.  I  undertook  the 
work  all  the  more  gladly  inasmuch  as  the  procedure  followed 
in  canonizations  was  practically  unknown  to  anyone  except 
the  persons  actually  engaged  in  it.  There  were  very  few  days 
when  I  was  not  exceedingly  exhausted  by  the  investigations 
I  had  to  make,  but  just  as  one  fails  to  notice  the  discomforts 
of  a  long  journey  when  one  is  travelling  in  company,  so  I 
forgot  this  fatigue  in  the  joy  of  having  fellow- workers  who 
helped  me  with  my  task  ;  I  should  have  been  frightened  at 
my  isolation,  for  fear  of  going  astray,  had  I  really  been  alone. 
Moreover,  when  my  mind  dictates,  my  pen  is  guided  by  my 
heart,  by  reason  of  the  lively  joy  I  feel  at  being  able  to  be 

'  Cf.  F.  Galiani,  Delle  lodi  di  P.  Benedetto  XIV.,  Napoli,  1758, 
1 2  seqq.  Benedict  XIV. 's  private  library,  which  was  extraordinarily 
rich  in  theological,  historical,  and  other  MSS.,  passed  to  the 
University  Library  in  Bologna.  Cf.  the  detailed  catalogue  by 
L.  Frati  in  Stiidi  ital.  difilologia  classica,  XVI.,  Firenze,  1908  seqq., 
103-142.  To  the  same  library  Benedict  presented  his  collection 
of  over  30,000  valuable  engravings  and  woodcuts,  which,  owing 
to  several  instances  of  embezzlement,  has  not  been  preserved  in 
its  entirety  (see  Koln.  Volkszeitung  of  October  27,  1881). 

^  De  servorum  Dei  beatificatione  et  beatificatorum  canonizatione, 
Bononiae,  1734-8,  4  vols. 


26  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

of  use  to  religion.  For  a  writer  to  derive  full  satisfaction  from 
his  work  he  must  be  heart  and  soul  in  it  ;  if  he  undertakes 
it  only  for  some  temporary  gain  or  out  of  vanity,  his  mind 
is  only  half  satisfied,  and  his  work  is  lost  for  Heaven.  The 
trivialities  I  wrote  in  my  youth  have  given  me  pleasure  only 
in  so  far  as  they  led  to  more  serious  things.  I  might  liken 
them  to  stones  which  are  thrown  into  a  torrent  that  has  to 
be  crossed,  and  which,  as  we  tread  on  them,  serve  to  bring 
us  to  our  goal.  If  the  little  outbursts  of  impatience  which 
this  voluminous  work  has  caused  me  were  to  be  denoted  by 
commas  and  stops,  there  would  be  enough  of  them  for  a 
second  punctuation  and  they  would  cover  a  great  deal  of 
paper.  You  know  my  vivacity  ;  I  cannot  bear  my  pen  to 
be  hovering  in  the  air  while  waiting  for  an  inspiration.  But 
religion,  in  supplying  me  with  brush  and  colour,  has  put  me 
in  a  position  to  paint  in  lasting  fashion  ;  there  is  nothing 
higher  than  what  it  offers  us  ;  even  philosophy  is  beautiful 
only  as  long  as  religion  lends  it  its  beautiful  side,  since  it 
embraces  time  and  eternity.  When  I  saw  my  work  lying 
before  me  with  its  imprint,  I  said  to  it,  '  Fear  not  to  forge 
your  way  through  the  sophistries,  the  fooleries,  and  the 
depravities  of  this  age.  The  tnith  which  constitutes  your 
essence  will  preserve  you  in  spite  of  your  mistakes  and 
weaknesses,  and  when  the  fashionable  writings  which  dazzle 
the  public  with  the  splendour  of  their  phrases  will  have 
disappeared  you  will  still  be  living  and  wiU  be  read  by  persons 
of  intelligence.'  This  is  my  last  farewell  to  my  work,  which 
is  dear  to  me,  not  because  it  is  the  product  of  my  brain,  but 
because  it  will  be,  I  trust,  my  intercessor  with  God  for  the 
forgiveness  of  my  negligence  and  errors."  ^ 

On  one  occasion  Lambertini  convinced  some  doubting 
Englishmen  of  the  strictness  with  which  canonizations  were 
conducted  in  Rome  by  showing  them  the  documents  relating 
to  a  case  ;  and  they  were  greatly  astonished  to  hear  from  him 
that  on  account  of  some  seemingly  insignificant  objections 
raised  by  the  "  Advocatus  Diaholi  "  the  Congregation  had 
refused  the  canonization  in  question. 

'  Caracciolo,  169-171. 


LAMBERTINI  S    PERSONALITY  27 

Clement  XL,  a  warm  friend  of  all  scholars,  did  not  fail  to 
show  his  appreciation  of  Lambertini's  knowledge  and 
diligence.  In  1712  he  made  him  a  Canon  of  St.  Peter's,  in 
the  following  year  a  consultor  of  the  Inquisition,  and  then 
a  member  of  the  Congregations  of  Rites,  of  ecclesiastical 
immunity,  of  the  residence  of  the  Bishops,  and  the  Segnatura 
di  Grazia,  and  finally  secretary  to  the  Congregation  of  the 
Council.  To  all  these  offices  Innocent  XIII.  added  in  1722 
the  post  of  canonist  to  the  Penitentiary.  "  They  must  take 
me  for  a  man  with  three  heads,"  wrote  Lambertini  to  a 
friend  in  his  jovial  fashion,  "  to  have  loaded  me  with  so  many 
offices.  For  each  of  these  posts  I  should  need  a  separate 
soul,  and  mine  can  hardly  look  after  me."^ 

Lambertini  was  by  no  means  a  mere  bookworm  and  red- 
tapist.  The  same  man  who  prepared  decisions  on  the  most 
complicated  matters  for  the  Congregations  was  also  a  most 
entertaining  companion,  whose  witty  sayings  amused  the 
whole  of  Rome.  In  the  evening,  after  the  burden  of  the  day, 
it  was  his  custom  to  gather  around  him  a  number  of  "  Curiali  " 
and  men  of  letters  whom  he  would  entertain  with  charm 
and  sprightliness  in  the  most  attractive  manner.  In  this  way 
he  made  a  host  of  acquaintances  which  were  of  great  service 
to  him  in  later  life.  He  was  very  often  in  the  company  of 
the  celebrated  Maurist  Montfaucon,  who  summed  up  his 
character  with  these  words  :  "  Lambertini  has  two  souls,  one 
for  science,  the  other  for  society."  It  is  related  that  one  day 
when  Montfaucon  and  Lambertini  were  engaged  in  a  violent 
dispute  about  the  rights  of  the  Popes,  Lambertini  brought  it 
to  an  end  by  saying  good-humouredly,  "  A  little  less  liberty 
on  the  part  of  the  Gallican  Church  and  less  pretensions  on 
our  part  would  even  things  out  nicely."    ^ 

From  this  observation  it  may  be  gathered  that  Lambertini 
had  not  yet  arrived  at  the  conviction  which  he  cherished  in 
his  later  years,  namely  that  Gallicanism  was  incompatible 
with  the  God-given  rights  of  the  Holy  See.  Otherwise  he  was 
careful  not  to  depart  from  ecclesiastical  principles,  however 

1  Ibid.,  28.  2  Ibid.,  26. 


28  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

much,  when  the  Church  had  to  take  up  a  position,  he  stressed 
the  practical  ratlicr  than  the  ideal  aspect  of  a  problem.^ 
In  this  respect  he  worked  as  far  as  possible  for  compromise 
and  conciliation,  especially  under  Benedict  XIII.,  who  greatly 
valued  his  opinion.  "  What  has  our  doctor  to  say  on  this 
point  ?  "  was  a  frequent  question  of  the  Pope's.'^  The 
"  doctor's  "  counsel  prevailed  in  the  negotiations  with  the 
Emperor  over  the  Monarchia  Sicula  and  the  concordat  with 
Savoy, ^  although  in  many  quarters  the  excellent  reputation 
he  had  previously  enjoyed  suffered  in  consequence  of  the 
great  conciliatoriness  he  showed  on  this  occasion  *  ;  but  with 
Benedict  XIII.  he  was  as  much  in  favour  as  before. 

Titular  bishop  of  Theodosia  in  1725,  he  was  appointed  by 
the  Pope  to  the  archbishopric  of  Ancona  on  January  26th, 
1727.  It  became  known  at  the  same  time  that  he  had  already 
been  reserved  as  a  Cardinal  in  petto  since  December  9th,  1726. 
He  was  not  proclaimed  as  such  until  April  30th,  1728.^ 
"  Rest  assured,"  he  wrote  to  a  friend,  "  with  this  transforma- 
tion I  am  only  changing  my  colour.  I  am  still  the  same 
Lambertini  in  my  character,  my  lightheartedness,  and  my 
friendship  for  you."  ^ 

As  Archbishop  of  Ancona,  Lambertini  showed  once  more 
that  he  knew  how  to  appreciate  the  essential  and  true 
significance  of  every  office  that  was  entrusted  to  him.  In  the 
reformatory  spirit  of  the  Tridentine  decrees,  he  worked 
untiringly  for  the  welfare  of  his  diocese  by  means  of  visitations, 
synods,  pastoral  letters,  and  instructions.    The  restoration  of 

'  Justly  emphasized  by  Sentis  {Monarchia  Sicula,  177). 

^  See  the  Vita  in  Kraus,  Briefe,  247. 

^  Cf.  our  account,  vol.  XXXIV,  i^oseqq.  Count  Thun  observ^es 
in  his  *letter  to  Charles  VI.  of  August  23,  1740:  "  V.M.  si 
clcgnera  specialmente  di  rammentarsi  che  da  Lui  fu  perfezionato 
I'affare  della  boUa  della  Monarchia  di  SiciHa,  che  in  quel  tempo 
stava  tanto  a  cuore  di  V.M."    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Cf.  the  observation  in  the  *Vita  di  Fini,  Cod.  Vat.  9405, 
Vatican  Library'. 

«  Cf.  our  account,  vol.  XXXIV,  186,  188. 

'  Caracciolo,  30. 


LAMBERTINI    AS    ARCHBISHOP  29 

several  churches  and  his  gift  to  his  cathedral  of  a  magnificent 
high  altar  testified  to  his  practical  sense  and  his  love  for  art. 
He  was  also  keenly  solicitous  for  the  material  welfare  of  his 
flock.  1 

With  the  same  zeal  and  with  the  same  success  as  in  Ancona 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  archdiocese  of  Bologna,  to  which 
he  was  translated  as  its  chief  pastor  by  Clement  XII.  in 
May  1731.  When  informing  the  Senate  of  Bologna  of  his 
imminent  arrival  he  mentioned  his  desire  to  be  buried  in  the 
Cathedral,  in  which  he  had  been  baptized  fifty-six  years 
before  and  confirmed  ten  years  later  ;  he  was  coming  with 
his  heart  full  of  love  for  his  fellow-citizens  and  with  the 
desire  to  bring  them  every  benefit  ;  he  asked  them  for 
their  support  in  his  intentions  and  their  forbearance  in  his 
shortcomings.^ 

The  new  archbishop  brought  no  large  suite  with  him  ;  his 
only  attendants,  a  contemporary  remarked,  were  his  virtues.^ 
Conditions  in  his  native  city  having  become  a  little  unfamiliar 
to  him,  he  refrained  at  first  from  taking  action  and  contented 
himself  with  acquiring  full  information  on  every  subject. 
"  I  do  not  wait,"  he  said,  "  for  the  truth  to  come  to  me  but 
go  forth  to  seek  it  ;  it  is  of  too  exalted  a  rank  to  be  kept 
waiting  in  an  anteroom."  Very  simple  in  his  mode  of  living 
he  was  generous  towards  all  in  need.  Once  a  week  he  paid 
a  visit  to  the  tomb  of  the  great  founder  of  the  Dominicans, 
whose  mortal  remains  rest  in  Bologna,  in 'order  that  through  his 
intercession  he  might  be  given  the  necessary  strength  to  fulfil 
his  weighty  office  ;  he  would  then  visit  the  sons  of  St.  Dominic 
to  discuss  with  them  matters  of  religion  or  learning.     As  in 

*  See  the  Vita  in  Kraus,  Briefe,  249  seqq.,  and  Maroni, 
Lettere,  718  seqq.  On  July  5,  1729,  Lambertini  presented  a  MS. 
in  his  possession  to  the  Bibl.  Casanatense  in  Rome  ;  it  is  Cod. 
103  ;  Giov.  Ferrarese,  *De  immortalitate  aniinae  (saec.  15,  with 
miniatures). 

*  Kraus,  Briefe,  142  seq. 

3  Caracciolo.  31.  Cf.  F.  M.  Pirelli,  Delle  lodi  del  S.  P. 
Benedetto  XIV.,  Prosa  detta  in  adunanza  d'Arcadia  17  Sett.  1741, 
pp.  xi  seqq. 


30  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Rome,  he  soon  became  the  focus  of  the  intellectual  elite  ; 
men  such  as  Manfredi,  Bcccari,  Galeazzo,  and  Zannotti 
delighted  in  his  witty  and  informative  conversation,  for  he 
possessed  the  gift  of  being  able  to  impart  a  lesson  under 
cover  of  a  joke.^ 

But  the  Archbishop  of  Bologna  had  little  leisure,  since  all 
his  energy  was  devoted  to  the  administration  of  his  diocese, 
where  he  is  still  remembered  to  this  day.  When  he  had 
found  out  the  needs  of  the  most  remote  Apennine  villages 
by  making  visitations  to  them,  he  issued  the  necessary  orders 
to  the  diocesan  synods.  Further  visitations  served  the  purpose 
of  informing  him  to  what  extent  the  synodal  statutes  had 
been  carried  out  and  what  results  they  had  had.^  His  ordi- 
nances, which  were  compiled  and  published  in  1733,^  were  so 
excellent  that  they  served  as  models  for  many  other  bishops. 
He  placed  great  value  on  the  holding  of  popular  missions,  for 
which  he  found  the  right  man  in  Leonardo  of  Porto  Maurizio. 
The  restoration  of  the  seminary  of  Bologna  and  of  many 
churches  was  due  to  him,  and  he  took  a  particular  interest 
in  the  completion  of  the  cathedral  of  S.  Pietro.  In  the  cathedral 
he  chose  the  spot  where  his  bones  were  to  lie,  for  being  devoid 
of  any  ambition  he  was  certain  of  ending  his  days  in  Bologna.* 
Needless  to  mention,  he  took  great  interest  in  the  archiepiscopal 
library  ^  and  the  other  learned  institutions  of  his  native 
city. 

It  is  amazing  how  with  all  this  he  still  found  time  for 
considerable  literary  activity.  His  great  work  on  canonization 
was  finished  in  Bologna,^  and  that  on  diocesan  synods  was 

*  Testoni  in  Niiova  Antologia,  Gen.-Febb.  1906. 

*  For  the  two  visitations  of  his  archdiocese,  see  the  *'Atti  delle 
sue  visite  pastorah'  in  the  Archivio  generale  arcivescnvile, 
Bologna. 

*  Notificazioni,  editti  e  istruzioni,  Bologna,  1733. 

*  Letter  of  Benedict  XIV. 's,  published  by  Gualaiidi  in  Studi 
e  mem.  per  la  storia  dell' Universitd  di  Bologna,  VL,  Bologna,  192 1, 
100. 

'  Ibid. 

*  See  above,  p.  25,  n.  2. 


LAMBERTINI  S  MODE  OF  GOVERNMENT    3I 

begun  there.  It  was  not  without  truth  that  he  said  that  his 
best  friend  was  his  pen.^ 

The  following  incident  is  typical  of  Lambertini's  way  of 
governing  and  of  his  character  in  general.  A  parish  priest 
who  had  been  guilty  of  some  grievous  offences  received  an 
unexpected  visit  from  his  archbishop.  "  I  owe  it  to  God's 
grace  alone,"  he  said  to  the  astounded  priest,  "  if  I  too  am 
not  grievously  in  error.  I  have  come  to  weep  with  you,  not 
to  cast  reproaches  at  you.  The  scandal  you  have  given  can 
only  be  repaired  by  your  leaving  the  parish,  but  as  I  do  not 
want  to  make  your  situation  worse  I  offer  you  another  benefice 
of  equal  worth.  Come,  now,  sin  no  more  and  embrace  me  as 
your  father  who  sheds  tears  over  his  son,  who  is  always  dear 
to  him."  2  It  is  not  surprising  that  a  man  of  this  clemency 
should  be  impervious  to  personal  affronts.  A  poetaster  had 
written  a  bitter  satire  on  him  ;  Lambertini  improved  the 
composition  himself  and  sent  it  back  with  the  remark  that 
in  that  form  it  would  possibly  find  a  better  market.^ 

Lambertini's  biographers  do  not  conceal  the  fact  that 
owing  to  his  lively  temperament  he  occasionally  displayed  his 
irritation  in  a  violent  manner  ;  but  this  never  lasted  long  ; 
his  good  nature  quickly  gained  the  upper  hand,  and  he  would 
try  to  repair  the  lapse  by  showing  especial  friendliness.*  Far 
more  difficult  for  him  was  to  keep  his  ever  sparkling  wit 
within  due  bounds.  Once  he  even  gave  free  play  to  his  sarcastic 
vein  when  writing  to  the  Pope.  Clement  XII.  had  remonstrated 
with  him  about  the  behaviour  of  the  Vicar  General  of  Bologna, 
complaints  of  whom  had  reached  Rome.  Lambertini,  con- 
sidering these  complaints  to  be  entirely  without  foundation, 
wrote  to  the  Pope,  expressing  his  opinion  without  reserve, 
adding,  "  Loftiness  of  situation  exposes  Your  Holiness  to  the 
danger  of  deception,  to  which  I  am  less  subject,  having  time 
to  make  careful  investigations.    I  would  sacrifice  the  accused 

*  See,  besides  Caracciolo,  loc.  cit.,  Guarnacci,  II.,  492. 
"  Caracciolo,  34  seq. 

3  Ibid.,  36. 

*  Ibid.,  32.    Cf.  the  Vita  in  Kraus,  Briefe,  248. 


32  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Vicar  if  he  were  guilty,  but  I  know  him  and  I  pray  daily  to 
our  divine  Saviour  that  He  may  be  as  content  with  His  vicar 
on  earth  as  I  am  with  mine."  ^  Clement  took  the  joke  in 
good  part  ;  he  knew  Lambertini  and  continued  to  seek  his 
counsel  in  all  matters  of  importance.  All  that  the  Pope  asked 
was  that  the  learned  canonist  should  always  speak  his  mind, 
which  was  not  always  that  of  the  Curia. 

The  high  repute  enjoyed  by  Lambertini  among  the 
diplomats  in  Rome  may  be  gauged  by  the  opinion  formed  of 
him  by  the  Imperial  ambassador  to  the  Conclave,  Santa  Croce. 
"  The  Cardinal  of  Bologna,"  he  wrote  on  the  eve  of  the 
conclave,  "  combines  erudition  with  purity  of  morals  and  so 
many  other  good  qualities  that  he  must  be  regarded  as  one 
of  the  most  excellent  members  of  the  Sacred  College."  ^  His 
great  erudition  was  universally  recognized.  "  Not  for  ages 
has  there  been  a  Pope  so  versed  in  iure  et  praxi  Romanae 
curiae,"  reported  Kollonitsch  to  the  Emperor  Charles  VI. 
"  A  man  of  excellent  character,  he  has  administered  his 
archbishopric  of  Bologna  in  the  most  commendable  manner."  ^ 

According  to  the  Abbe  Certain,  secretary  to  the  Duke 
Saint-Aignan,  the  basic  features  of  the  new  Pope's  character 
were  his  good  nature  and  his  probity.  His  good  nature,  he 
says,  was  almost  excessive  ;  he  could  never  refuse  a  favour. 
His  elevation  to  the  highest  dignity  had  made  no  difference 
to  his  sentiments,  or  his  discourse,  or  his  way  of  living  ;  he 
was  as  simple  and  as  affable  as  ever.  He  had  received  his 
friends  with  incomparable  cordiality,  even  those  of  the  lowest 
rank.  He  had  reminded  them  of  the  past,  had  joked  with 
them,  and  had  refused  to  let  them  kiss  his  foot,  offering  them 
his  hand  instead,  saying,  "  We  shall  always  remain  friends."  * 

*  Caracciolo,  34. 

"  •'State  presente  dellTtalia  e  della  corte  di  Roma  da  presentarsi 
a  S.M.C.  nel  principio  deH'anno  1740',  formerly  in  the  Archivio 
Santa  Croce,  purchased  by  L.  von  Pastor  in  19 10  in  Rome, 
from  Bocca  ;    see  above,  p.  2,  n.  3. 

^  *Kollonitsch  to  Charles  VT,  August  17,  1740,  State  Archives, 
Vienna. 

*  Report  uf  August  19,  1740,  in  Heeckeren,  I.,  x.xii-iii. 


OPINIONS   OF   THE    POPE's    CHARACTER  33 

The  Imperial  Pro-Minister,  Joseph,  Count  Thun,  in  a  report 
which  he  made  shortly  after  the  election,  mentioned  as  the 
most  prominent  characteristics  of  Benedict  XIV.  his  sincerity 
and  frankness  ;  any  kind  of  duplicity  was  abhorrent  to  him, 
and  he  said  openly  what  he  felt,  while  often  indulguig  in 
witty  jests. ^ 

The  Venetian  ambassador,  Marco  Foscarini,  in  announcing 
the  result  of  the  election,  pointed  out  that  the  new  Pope, 
having  never  held  a  nunciature,  had  no  great  knowledge  of 
political  conditions,   but   that   his  lively  temperament,   his 
excellent  memory,  and  his  good  sense  rendered  him  capable 
of  sound  judgment.    He  is  naturally  good-hearted,  continued 
Foscarini,    pleasant-mannered,    eloquent,    inclined    now   and 
then  to  indulge  in  witty  sayings,  and  easily  excited,  but  he 
soon  calms  down  again.    He  has  had  no  occasion  to  occupy 
himself  with  public  finance  ;   in  his  private  life  he  has  shown 
more  inclination  towards  liberality  than  thrift,  providing  for 
the  churches  and  the  poor  in  the  manner  of  the  first  Christians. 
Otherwise  he  has  always  allowed  others  to  administer  his 
finances  ;    he  is  said  not  to  know  the  value  of  money.     He 
will  see  to  the  good  discipline  of  the  clergy,  but  without  being 
too  strict.   Although  he  has  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  juristic 
studies,  he  will  encourage  all  scholars  and  will  pick  good 
officials  for  himself.    Hitherto  he  has  shown  no  tendency  to 
promote  undeserving  relatives.      If  any  conclusion   can   be 
drawn    from   his   previous   conduct    as   to   his   management 
of  affairs,  he  will  be  more  forbearing  than  severe.      With 
regard  to  the  jurisdictional  conflicts  of  the  Holy  See,  he  has 
always  been  inclined  to  be  so  yielding  that  it  was  said  of 
Monsignore  Lambertini  that  he  wrote  excellently  but  that  he 
found  it  too  easy  to  avoid  unpleasantness  and  to  wTiggle  out 
of  a  difficulty.    This  attitude  was  especially  noticeable  in  the 

"  L'indole  di  S.  Sta  e  specialmente  ingenua  e  sincera  avendo 
orrore  alia  doppiezza  e  parlando  con  la  lingua  come  la  senti 
nel  cuore.  Percio  fu  sempre  tenuto  come  uomo  libero  e  franco 
nei  suoi  consigli  spiegandosi  talvolta  con  motti  faceti  che  gli 
sono  assai  naturali."  Report  by  Count  Thun,  August  23,  1740, 
State  Archives,  \^ienna. 


VOL.  XXXV. 


34  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

time  of  Benedict  XIII.,  when  he  was  dealing  with  the  troubles 
with  Savoy. ^ 

Four  years  later,  another  Venetian  ambassador,  Francesco 
Venier,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  Benedict  XIV.  had  remained 
as  he  had  been  when  a  prelate  :  open-hearted,  straightforward, 
and  honest,  an  enemy  to  all  those  arts  which  are  known  as 
"  Roman  ".^ 

All  things  considered,  Benedict  XIV.  may  be  said  to  have 
been  the  incarnation  of  the  best  and  the  most  pleasing  side 
of  the  Italian  character.^  The  same  may  be  said  of  his 
appearance  :  of  medium  height,  he  was  inclined  to  corpulence  ; 
his  full,  fresh-complexioned  face,  beneath  his  chestnut- 
coloured,  slowly  greying  hair,  was  expressive  of  goodness  and 
benevolence ;  his  large,  blue,  and  unusually  lively  eyes 
radiated  prudence  and  intelligence  ;  around  his  mouth  lay 
a  line  of  humour.^     Shortsightedness,  the  bane  of  scholars, 

*  Report  of  August  20,  1740,  in  Matscheg,  30. 

*  Ranke,  III.,  223. 

'  Kraus,  Briefe,  xiii. 

*  Benedict's  character  is  excellently  portrayed  in  Pietro  Bracci's 
bust  in  the  Kaiser  Friedrich  Museum,  Berlin  (cf.  Schottmuller, 
Hal.  Skulptur,  193  ;  id.,  Ital.  Bildnisbusten ,  Berlin,  1923,  10, 
illus.  15).  A  second  bust  by  Bracci  is  in  the  Castello  Sforzesco 
in  Milan  {cf.  Gradara,  Bracci,  tav.  XXXIV.).  Of  two  other 
busts  by  Bracci,  also  good,  one  is  in  the  museum  at  Grenoble, 
the  other  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum,  New  York  (see  Domarus, 
41).  Other  busts  of  the  Pope  in  marble  are  in  the  Cathedral  at 
Ancona  (of  1748)  and  in  the  Palazzo  dei  Conservatori  in  Rome 
(Sala  dclle  Muse),  by  P.  Verschaffelt  (see  Beringer,  34),  in  the 
baptistery  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore  and  the  Bibl.  Angelica  in  Rome, 
in  Padua  Cathedral  (see  Vita  di  Clemente  XIII.,  Venezia,  1769, 
13),  and  at  Castel  Gandolfo  (as  Cardinal).  For  G.  B.  Maini's 
over-lifesize  marble  statue  on  the  staircase  of  the  former  Convento 
di  S.  Agostino  (now  the  Ministero  della  Marina),  see  Repert.  f. 
Kunstwiss.,  XXXIV.,  14  seqq.  ;  it  gives  a  better  idea  of  the 
Pope's  character  than  the  statue  on  his  tomb  in  St.  Peter's. 
The  statue  in  Trinita  de'  Pellegrini  is  a  good  work  (Fot.  Moscioni 
22388,  Domarus  37),  as  is  also  the  half-figure  in  marble  which 
the  Cistercians  had  executed  by  Carlo  Marcliionni  in  the-  Convento 


OUTWARD   APPEARANCE    OF   BENEDICT   XIV.     35 

di  S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme  (reproduced  in  Ortolani,  S.  Croce 
i.e.).  Another  excellent  work  is  the  marble  statue,  nearly  7  feet 
in  height,  by  P.  Verschaffelt  at  Monte  Cassino  (see  Beringer,  34). 
The  bust  set  up  in  1754  at  the  entrance  to  the  lower  church  of 
S.  Francesco  at  Assisi  records  the  elevation  of  the  church  to 
a  patriarchal  basilica  (see  Kleinschmidt,  Die  Basilika  des  hi. 
Franziskiis  zu  Assisi,  Berlin,  191 5,  59)  ;  in  the  treasur}^  at  Assisi 
there  is  also  a  gold  chalice  of  the  Pope's.  For  the  bust  in  the 
Palazzo  Civico  at  Ancona,  see  Maroni,  Lettere,  721  seqq.  — The 
best-known  portrait  is  that  by  P.  Subleyras  (d.  1749)  in  the 
Museum  at  Chantilly  (see  Gruyer,  Peint.  an  chateau  de  Chantilly, 
II.,  [1898],  302  ;  cf.  Gazette  des  beaux-arts,  1925,  70),  which 
Benedict  presented  to  the  Sorbonne  (see  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II., 
284)  ;  it  has  been  repeatedly  engraved  (see  the  catalogue  published 
by  C.  Lang  in  Rome  of  the  Ritratti  ital.  delta  Raccolta  Cicognara 
Morbio,  23  ;  here  too,  "  tav.  II.,"  is  the  reproduction  of  an 
unsigned  but  excellent  portrait  "  en  maniere  noire  ")  By  the  same 
artist  are  the  portraits  in  the  Pinacoteca  at  Ferrara  and  in  the 
Mansi  Collection  at  Lucca  (see  Voss,  643),  Subleyras'  portrait  is 
reproduced  also  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Corresp.  de  Benott  XIV., 
the  editor,  E.  de  Heeckeren,  remarking  (p.  xi)  :  "  C'est  un 
tableau  d'apparat  :  draperies,  fauteuil,  costume,  tout  y  est  d'une 
richesse  destinee  sans  doute  a  donner  plus  de  solennite  au 
personnage,  somptuosite  bien  inutile  d'ailleurs,  le  spectateur 
etant  pris  des  I'abord  par  la  physionomie  du  modele,  d'une 
ressemblance  parfaite,  comme  on  pent  facilement  le  constater 
par  la  comparaison  des  portraits  connus."  Of  these  the  best-known 
are  by  Jacques  Gautier  Dagoty  {cf.  Thieme,  XIII.,  291  seq.), 
Et.  Desroches,  and  Laurent  Cars  (Galerie  hist,  de  Versailles  ;  see 
the  Index  of  Portraits  ed.  by  W.  Coolidge  Lane  and  Nina  E. 
Browne,  Washington,  1906,  121).  Other  artists  who  painted 
Benedict  XIV. 's  portrait  were  P.  G.  Batoni  (see  Thieme,  III. 
36  ;  Voss,  645)  and  L.  Stern  (see  Noack,  46).  Further  examples 
of  portraits  in  oils  have  been  noted  in  the  museum  at  Faenza, 
in  the  Museo  Piersanti  at  Matelica,  in  S.  Niccolo  at  Bari,  and 
in  the  Hospital  at  Kues  on  the  Moselle.  In  the  Museo  Nazionale 
at  Naples  there  is  a  painting  by  Pannini  :  "  Carlo  III.  visita 
Bened.  XIV."  The  Viennese  artist  G.  K.  v.  Prenner,  in  Rome 
from  1743  onwards,  opened  his  series  of  portrait-etchings  of 
famous  contemporaries  with  that  of  Benedict  XIV.  (see  Noack, 
43).      As   Cardinal,    Lambertini  was   painted   by   G.   M.   Crespi 


36  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

had  been  spared  him  ;  in  his  eighty-fourth  year  he  could 
read  any  kind  of  writing  without  glasses,  even  the  most 
difficult.^  What  was  more  important,  he  enjoj'ed  the  best  of 
health  for  very  many  years  ;  though  sixty-five  years  old  at 
his  election,  he  seemed  hardly  to  be  in  the  fifties,  so  lively 
were  his  movements,  so  fresh  his  complexion. ^ 

The  preservation  of  his  good  health  was  due  in  no  small 
measure  to  his  remarkable  temperance.  For  breakfast  he 
took  chocolate  and  biscuits,  at  midday,  soup,  vegetables,  and 
roast  meat,  followed  by  a  pear,  in  the  evening  nothing  but 
a  glass  of  water  flavoured  with  cinnamon  ;  at  midday,  too,  he 
drank  only  water  ;  it  was  not  until  the  close  of  his  life  that 
he  took  a  little  Montepulciano.^ 

Benedict  XIV.  had  been  so  much  a  man  of  labour  that  he 
could  justly  say  that  it  had  become  second  nature  with  him.* 
On  being  raised  to  the  highest  dignity,  he  exerted  himself 
even  more  than  before,  resolved,  like  a  brave  soldier,  to  die 
fighting.^  Rising  as  early  as  five  o'clock,  he  was  active 
the  whole  day  long  and  retired  to  bed  late.  The  morning  was 
usually  so  much  occupied  with  audiences  that  he  had  to 
return  to  his  study  immediately  after  the  midday  meal.^ 

{cf.  H.  Voss,  G.  M.  Crespi,  Roma,  1921,  13)  and  by  P.  Nelli 
(an  engraved  copy  by  G.  Massi  in  *Cod.  1323,  104,  of  the  Bibl. 
Casanatense,  Rome).  A  drawing  of  Lambertini  by  P.  L.  Ghezzi 
is  in  the  *Cod.  Ottob.,  31 12,  68,  of  the  Vatican  Library.  In  the 
Museo  d'Arte  Industriale  in  the  Palazzo  Margellini,  Bologna,  is 
an  attractive  oil-painting  of  Benedict  XIV.  at  the  age  of  six, 
with  a  serious  expression  (reproduced  in  F.  Cantoni,  Lambertini- 
ana,  Bologna,  1920,  23). 

1  lo.  Maria  Merenda,  *Memorie  del  pontificato  di  Benedetto 
XIV.,  Cod.  1613,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome. 

-  *Ibid.  Cf.  the  beginning  of  Part  4  of  the  .■\cta  hist.-eccles., 
Weimar,  1740,  1050. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  127,  213,  II.,  539.  Cf.  the  supplement  to 
the  *report  by  Kollonitsch  to  Sinzendorf  of  August  23,  1740, 
State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  52,  70. 
^  Ibid.,  49. 

«  Ibid.,  45,  52,  112,  142,  229. 


THE    POPE  S    DAILY   HABITS  37 

In  one  of  his  letters  to  Cardinal  Tencin  he  said  that  it  seemed 
to  him  a  miracle  that  he  was  able  to  satisfy  all  the  demands 
that  were  made  upon  him  ;  his  first  secretary,  who  had  served 
him  for  twenty  years,  had  succumbed  to  the  strain  and  had 
had  to  retire  for  a  rest  to  his  home  in  Ancona  ;  his  second 
secretary,  who  had  been  in  his  employment  for  an  equal 
number  of  years,  was  asking  to  be  spared,  wherefore  he  had 
chosen  a  third  one.  "  Although  We,"  he  continued,  "  are 
thirty-five  and  forty-five  years  older  than  the  afore- 
mentioned. We  hold  out  at  dictation  while  they  tire  at 
writing."  ^ 

In  order  to  retain  his  freshness  under  the  burden  of  so 
much  labour,  Benedict  XIV.,  both  before  and  after  his  election, 
moved  about  as  much  as  possible.  In  the  morning  he  would 
often  repair  to  one  church  or  another  to  say  Mass  and  then 
take  a  walk.  In  the  afternoon,  two  hours  before  the  Ave 
Maria,  he  would  regularly  drive  out  in  his  carriage,  first  to 
a  church  to  visit  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  and  then  for  another 
walk. 

The  minimum  of  pomp  with  which  he  took  these  drives  did 
not  escape  attention, ^  but  greater  surprise  was  caused  when, 
beginning  with  the  autumn  of  1743,  he  extended  his  excursions 
through  the  city  in  all  directions,  whereas  his  predecessors 
had  shown  themselves  in  public  only  five  or  six  times  a  year.^ 
The  Pope  could  be  met  with  in  the  streets  of  Rome  like  an 
ordinary  Monsignore  ;  his  steps  supported  by  a  cane,  he 
wandered  here  and  there  throughout  the  city,  even  penetrating 
into  out-of-the-way,  poor-class  districts,  such  as  Trastevere, 
where  he  would  stand  talking  quite  happily  in  the  street  with 
people  of  low  degree.^    Another  innovation  of  liis  was  to  give 

*  Ibid.,  477. 

*  Thun's  *report  to  Charles  VI.  of  August  27,  1740,  State 
Archives,  Vienna.  Cf.  in  this  connexion  I.  M.  Merenda, 
*Memoric,  Bibl.  AngeHca,  Rome. 

^  Caracciolo,  62. 

*  Ruele's  *report  to  Uhlfeld  of  October  19,  1743,  and  the 
*report  to  Maria  Theresa  of  October  12,  1743,  State  Archives, 
Vienna.    Cf.  Heeckeren,  I.,  93. 


38  HISTORY  OF  thp:  popes 

audiences  in  the  garden  of  the  Quirinal/  where  he  eventually 
had  a  casino  built  for  the  purpose.  Women  were  received  only 
in  the  chapel  of  a  church  ;  they  were  not  admitted  to  the 
Vatican  or  the  Ouirinal  except  in  the  Pope's  absence. - 

Regularly  at  the  end  of  May  and  in  October  he  permitted 
himself  a  villeggiatura  at  Castel  Gandolfo  ^,  where  he  was 
entirely  free  from  ceremonial  but  not  from  work.^  From  here 
he  visited  the  surrounding  churches  and  villas,  conversed  with 
the  country  folk,  and  wandered  through  the  woods,  refreshing 
himself  with  the  sight  of  Nature.^  Only  once,  in  the  jubilee 
year  1750,  out  of  regard  for  the  pilgrims  to  Rome,  did  he  cut 
short  his  country  holiday,  which  he  had  also  allowed  himself 
regularly  every  year  when  resident  in  Bologna." 

In  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign  an  alteration  in  his  mode  of 
living  was  occasioned  by  the  death  of  his  physician,  Antonio 
Leprotti ',  who  was  succeeded  by  the  Bolognese  Marcantonio 
Laurenti.  The  Pope  laid  little  store  by  doctors,  believing  that 
life  and  death  depended  on  God  alone  ;  nevertheless,  Laurenti 
succeeded  in  depriving  him  of  the  conviction  that  the  only 
way  to  keep  well  was  to  indulge  in  plenty  of  walking.  Thence- 
forward, on  Laurenti's  advice,  Benedict  took  only  a  moderate 
amount  of  exercise  in  his  apartments  and  then  went  out  for 
a  drive.   Laurenti  also  prescribed  a  different  diet  for  the  Pope, 

'  JMclhni's  *report  to  Kaunitz  of  October  8,  1752,  State 
Archives,  Vienna. 

2  Caracciolo,  62. 

^  *To-day,  wrote  Cardinal  Albani  on  June  3,  1741,  His 
Hohncss  departed  for  Castel  Gandolfo,  "  do\'e  e  passata  senza 
comitiva  non  dcsiderando  nessuna  c  bramando  di  godere  la  sua 
quietc  c  la  piena  sua  liberta." 

«  Hkkckeren,  I.,  58. 

*  Thun's  *rcport  to  Maria  Theresa  of  June  10,  1741,  State 
Archives,  Vienna,  and  a  Roman  *newspaper  of  June  24,  1747, 
in  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican.  Cf. 
Caracciolo,  74. 

*  I.  M.  Merenda,  *Mcmorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome. 

'  Heeckeren,  I.,  240.  For  Leprotti,  see  Lombardi,  III.,  139, 
zz^  seq.  ;    for  Laurtnti,  ibid.,  202. 


BENEDICT   XIV.  S    DAILY    ROUTINE  39 

in  accordance  with  which  wine  was  completely  banished  from 
his  table. ^ 

Every  morning  Benedict  XIV.  received  his  Secretary  of 
State,  and  then  the  Datario  and  the  Sottodatario.  The  other 
high  officials,  such  as  the  Auditor  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Memorials,  were  not  admitted  until  the  evening,  after  which  it 
was  the  Pope's  custom,  just  as  it  had  been  in  Bologna,  to 
enjoy  a  brief  hour  of  relaxation,  discussing  in  an  intelligent 
and  witty  manner  with  an  intimate  group  of  friends  such 
topics  as  art,  literature,  and  the  latest  happenings  in  Rome  or 
anywhere  else  in  the  world.  To  this  inner  circle  belonged  the 
Maggiordomo,  the  Maestro  di  Camera,  the  physician-in- 
ordinary  Leprotti,  the  archaeologist  Bottari  2,  and  the  learned 
philologist  Bouget,  who  had  been  made  a  privy  chamber- 
lain.^ 

This  Frenchman  had  been  a  friend  of  the  Pope's  for  forty 
years,  Benedict  having  always  been  strongly  attracted  towards 
him  on  account  of  his  consistently  gay  and  witty  character 
and  his  highly  refined  culture  ;  they  frequently  competed  with 
each  other  in  quoting  from  the  classics.*  The  abstemious 
Benedict  was  especially  amused  at  Bouget 's  lack  of  practical 
sense  and  of  his  weakness  (though  he  was  otherwise  a  good 
priest)  for  the  pleasures  of  the  table.  There  are  numerous 
witty  allusions  to  this  in  the  Pope's  correspondence  with 
Cardinal  Tencin.^ 

In  consequence  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  fondness  for  enlivening 
himself  and  his  entourage  by  cracking  jokes,  a  number  of 


*  According  to  Merenda's  *report,  loc.  cit.  For  the  two 
physicians,  see  also  Moroni,  XLIV.,  137,  and  Heeckeren,  I., 
241,  249,  251,  268,  285,  477,  499,  II.,  114;  praise  of  Laurenti 
in  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  38. 

*  Giovnale,  53,  475. 

'  *Merenda,  loc.  cit.  ;  Caracciolo,  61,  104  ;  L.  Delaunay, 
Un  ami  de  BenoU  XIV.  le  prieuv  Bouget,  Angers,  191 8. 

*  Caracciolo,  104. 

5  C/.  Heeckeren,  I.,  47,  102,  226,  280,  464,  471,  476,  483, 
488,  493,  499,  511,  II.,  8,  14.  42,  62,  75,  77,  126. 


40  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES 

sajdngs  and  anecdotes  have  been  ascribed  to  him,  the  authen- 
ticity of  which  it  is  impossible  to  guarantee.^  That  Benedict, 
whose  sense  of  humour  had  to  find  expression,  no  matter  what 
the  occasion,  sometimes  overstepped  the  mark,  can  hardly  be 
denied.  Even  though  he  was  Pope,  his  ebullient  personality 
was  not  to  be  restricted.  As  he  was  not  always  able  to  keep 
his  tongue  in  check,  sometimes  remarks  escaped  him  which 
were  not  exactly  seemly.^  But  this  weakness  was  accompanied 
with  so  much  bonhomie  that  no  one  took  it  ill  ;  a  false  interpre- 
tation was  precluded  by  the  moral  earnestness  of  his  conduct, ^ 
which  was  never  called  in  question.*  To  Benedict  XIV. 
a  certain  unrestrainedness  was  one  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 
On  it  being  suggested  to  him  that  now  he  was  Pope  he  should 
refrain  from  using  the  coarse  expressions  of  the  Bolognese 

*  R.  GiovAGNOLi  {Leggende  Romane.  Papa  Lainbertini.  Roma, 
1887)  publishes  uncritically  motti  based  on  oral  tradition  as  well 
as  on  literary  evidence.  Probably  the  most  authentic  jokes  are 
those  retailed  by  Caracciolo.  In  the  course  of  time  Benedict  XIV. 
became  a  legendary  figure  in  this  respect,  and  among  the  sayings 
attributed  to  him  many  were  of  a  most  outspoken  nature.  The 
only  truth  there  is  in  the  matter  is  that  he  usually  expressed 
himself  with  the  naturalism  characteristic  of  Italians.  In  1826  (!) 
Count  Carlo  Rangone  of  Bologna  drew  up  a  list  of  his  jokes 
that  were  still  in  circulation  in  that  city.  This  collection,  preserved 
in  *Cod.  B.  2868  of  the  Bibl.  dell'Archiginnasio  di  Bologna,  has 
been  published,  with  a  copious  commentary,  by  F.  Cantoni 
(Lamhertiniana  ossia  i  motti  di  Papa  Lainbertini,  Bologna,  1904). 
They  have,  of  course,  no  claim  to  authenticity. 

2  According  to  a  private  *lettcr  of  Count  Thun's,  of  August  18, 
1742,  Benedict  XIV.  attested  the  truth  of  a  statement  he  had 
made  to  him  with  the  protestation,  "  Sc  cio  non  era  vero,  che  il 
diavolo  lo  portasse  via  subito  "  (State  Archives,  Vienna).  Thun, 
however,  who  soon  became  ill-disposed  towards  Benedict  XIV., 
is  unable  to  report  any  other  unseemly  utterance. 

'  "  *Ha  sempre  manifestato  una  plena  integrita  di  costumi," 
writes  Santa  Croce  on  August  23,  1740,  to  Charles  VI.  State 
Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Not  even  the  frivolous  President  De  Brosses  ;  see  his  Lettres, 
II.,  401. 


THE    POPE  S    SENSE    OF   HUMOUR  4I 

dialect,  his  reply  was  that  he  was  now  in  a  position  to  ennoble 
the  parlance  of  his  homeland.^ 

Not  infrequently  Benedict  used  his  humour  as  a  weapon  in 
diplomatic  conversations.  More  than  once,  he  said,  he  had 
extricated  himself  from  an  embarrassing  situation  by  means 
of  a  joke,  and  if  he  had  to  compile  a  manual  for  statesmen  he 
would  advise  them  to  follow  his  example.  In  this  way  questions 
which  one  was  anxious  to  avoid  could  be  put  well  into  the  back- 
ground, and  the  threads  of  a  conversation  which  one  would 
rather  not  pursue  could  be  broken  off  quite  easily. ^ 

Benedict  XIV. 's  characteristic  clemency  and  magnanimity 
were  manifested  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  when  he 
released  Cardinal  Coscia  from  his  confinement  in  the  Castel 
S.  Angelo  ^  and  overloaded  with  benefices  Cardinal  Corsini, 
who  had  been  so  hostile  towards  him.* 

What,  more  than  anything,  won  universal  recognition  was 
that  he  kept  himself  entirely  free  from  nepotism.  His  brother 
Egano,  secretary  in  Bologna,  received  the  order  not  to  show 
himself  in  Rome  until  he  was  summoned  by  him — which 
summons  was  never  issued.  The  Church  was  his  family,  he 
said,  and  the  Lord's  coat  was  not  to  be  divided.^  All  the 
distinctions  which  Spain  offered  to  his  family  he  refused." 
On  sending  his  nephew  to  be  educated  at  the  Collegio  Clemen- 
tino  he  strictly  forbade  the  rector  to  treat  him  differently 
from  the  other  pupils.  He  let  it  be  clearly  understood  that  no 
member  of  his  family  would  rise  to  a  higher  position  through 
him.  His  family  was  to  continue  in  the  same  simple,  modest 
circumstances  as  before.' 

'  Caracciolo,  88. 

*  Ibid.,  113. 

'  Cf.  *Merenda,  loc.  cit.  ;    Caracciolo,  42. 

*  The  Venetian  ambassador  Foscarini  says  that  this  was  "  il 
piu  eroico  di  S.  S^a  ".  See  Gandino,  L' ambasceria  di  M.  Foscarini, 

73- 

5  Caracciolo,  70,  160.  Benedict  disapproved  of  Innocent  X.'s 
nepotism  ;   see  Heeckeren,  I.,  326. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  205. 

*  Ibid.,  I.,  505,  II.,  213,  226,  232  seq.,  560.     Cf.  also  Kraus, 


42  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Even  before  his  coronation,  which  took  place  in  August, 
1740,  Benedict  XIV.  proceeded  to  fill  the  most  important 
offices.^  That  of  Secretary  of  State  was  entrusted  to  Cardinal 
Valenti  Gonzaga,  that  of  Prodatarius  to  Cardinal  Aldrovandi, 
a  Bolognese,^  who  at  first  exerted  great  influence  on  the  Pope 
and  persuaded  him,  generous  and  good -hearted  as  he  was, 
that  it  was  sometimes  necessary  to  say  "  No  ".^  Francesco 
Mario  Spannochi  was  confirmed  in  his  office  of  Sottodatario, 
Passionei  and  Gian  Vincenzo  Lucchesini  in  the  Secretariat  of 
Briefs.  Giuseppe  Livizzani  was  made  Secretary  of  the  Memo- 
rials, Antonio  Rota  the  Secretary  of  the  Cipher,  Prospero 
Colonna  di  Sciarra  the  Maestro  di  Camera,  Girolamo  Colonna 
the  Maggiordomo,  Teodoro  Boccapaduli  the  Elemosiniere, 
Mario  Bolognetti  the  Tesoriere,  and  Ludovico  Merlini  the 
pro-Uditore,  but  only  until  the  arrival  of  Count  Melara  from 
Bologna,  where  he  had  already  been  a  confidant  of  Lamber- 
tini's.^    In  September  Benedict  XIV,  invited  Cardinal  Gotti 

Briefe,  92,  and  Guarnacci,  I.  Praef.  vi.  "  *La  sua  famiglia 
molto  antica  in  Bologna  apena  aveva  mille  scudi  d'entrata,  et 
in  18  anni  di  pontificate  apena  si  conta  che  possa  adesso  aveme 
cinquemila  e  forse  non  averebbe  neppur  questo.  se  il  card.  Millo 
non  avesse  usata  tutta  I'industria,"  writes  Merenda,  loc.  cit. 

1  See  Cardinal  Acquaviva's  *Ietters  to  M.  de  Villarias  of 
August  18  and  20,  1740,  Archives  of  Simancas,  and  Thun's 
♦report  to  Charles  VI.  of  August  23,  1740,  loc.  cit.  ;  also 
*Merenda,  loc.  cit.    Cf.  Moroni,  XLI.,  136,  271. 

*  Cf.  Fantuzzi,  Mem.  d.  vita  del  card.  Aldrovandi.  In  his 
native  city  he  built  the  magnificent  palace  in  the  Via  Galliera. 
No.  8  (now  the  Palazzo  Montanari).  See  F.  Cantoni,  Lambertini- 
ana,  12,  and  the  monograph  by  Ricci,  Bologna,  1886.  Aldrovandi 
afterwards  lost  his  influence  and  resigned  the  Dataria  in  1743. 

3  Thus  Santa  Croce  *rcports  to  Charles  VI.  on  September  19, 
1740.  On  November  23,  1741,  Thun  *announces  to  Maria  Theresa  : 
"  II  card.  Aldrovandi  vedendosi  decaduto  del  credito  e  confidenza 
del  papa  s'astiene  dal  parlargli  d'altre  cose  se  non  beneficiali 
e  qualche  camerale,  rendendosi  in  oltre  inaccessibile."  State 
Archives,  Vienna.  On  Aldrovandi's  death  in  1756  Benedict  XIV. 
characterized  him  as  a  restless  person  ;    see  Kraus,  Briefe,  91. 

*  Count  Melara,  who,  according  to  Thun's  *rcport  of  August  23. 


VALENTI    SECRETARY   OF    STATE  43 

to  take  up  his  residence  in  the  Papal  palace,  as  he  wished  to 
retain  his  services  as  theological  adviser,  as  Clement  VIII.  had 
done  with  Bellarmine  and  Innocent  XII.  with  Gabrielli.^ 

Silvio  Valenti  Gonzaga  was  born  in  1690  in  Mantua,  where 
the  great  palace  still  stands  as  a  witness  to  the  importance 
of  his  family.  Coming  to  Rome  when  still  a  youth,  he  was 
already  employed  in  important  affairs  under  Clement  XI. 
Made  Consultor  of  the  Inquisition  by  Benedict  XIII.,  he  rose 
to  still  higher  offices  under  Clement  XII.  He  was  nuncio  in 
Brussels  from  1731  to  1736,  and  from  then  until  the  end  of 
1739  in  Madrid,  where  his  prestige  was  of  the  highest. 

Versatile,  untiring,  and  keen-witted,  Valenti  acquired 
during  his  nunciatures  the  policy  which  was  described  by 
a  contemporary  as  knowing  everything  without  appearing  to 
know  anything.2  Clement  XII.  had  raised  him  to  the  purple 
on  December  9th,  1738,  and  had  then  nominated  him  as  legate 
of  Bologna.^  On  his  being  promoted  Secretary  of  State  his 
post  at  Bologna  was  filled  by  Alberoni,  at  the  instigation  of 
Cardinal  Acquaviva,  who  at  first  commanded  considerable 
influence,^  but   to  the  scant   joy  of  the   Bolognese.      With 

1740,  had  already  pleased  the  Pope  in  Bologna  with  his  "  umore 
faceto  ",  retained  his  influence  in  Rome  (*Letter  from  Thun  to 
Maria  Theresa,  November  19,  1740,  loc.  cit.).  The  former 
Maggiordomo,  Capponi  (d.  1746),  was  given  a  fine  monument, 
designed  by  Fuga  and  executed  by  R.  M.  Slodtz,  in  S.  Giovanni 
de'Fiorentini  ;  see  Bollet.  d'arte,  1913,  181.  For  G.  Colonna, 
see  Renazzi,  Storia  de'  Vicedoniini  del  Pal.  Lai.,  160  seqq.  For 
Gian  Vincenzo  Lucchesini,  see  Moroni,  LXIII.,  273,  and 
LoMBARDi,  III.,  242.  He  compiled  the  *Epist.  ad  princ.  109-111, 
Papal  Secret  Archives,  from  1740  till  October  28,  1744,  when 
his  place  was  taken  by  Gaetano  Amato  {*Epist.,  111-121,  ibid.). 
For  the  "  sostituto  dei  brevi  ad  princ.  Fil.  Maria  Bonamici  ", 
see  Mazzuchelli,  II.,  4,  2316  seqq.  ;    Renazzi,  IV.,  332. 

^  *Thun's  *letter  to  Charles  VI.,  September  3,  1740,  State 
Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Caracciolo,  44  seq. 

^  Cf.  Elogio  del  card.  S.   Valenti  Gonzaga,  Roma,  1776. 

*  Merenda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit.  Merenda  relates  that  the 
"  segretario  di  brevi  Passionei  che  colle  sue  maniere  sprezzanti 


44  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES 

Cardinal  Lambertini,  Valenti  Gonzaga  had  long  been  on 
friendly  tenns,  a  bond  between  them  being  their  love  for 
learning  and  art.^  These  interests  Cardinal  Gonzaga  continued 
to  manifest  when  Secretary  of  State. 

Chairs  of  chemistry  and  physics  were  founded  by  him  in  the 
University  of  Rome,  and  he  instructed  the  Jesuits  Boscovich 
and  Maire  to  undertake  the  measurement  of  the  degrees  and 
the  making  of  a  detailed  map  of  the  Pontifical  State. ^  Well 
away  from  the  hubbub  of  the  capital,  near  the  Porta  Pia, 
in  the  vineyards  of  the  Florentine  family  Cicciaporci,  he 
built  for  himself  an  elegant  country  seat  (afterwards  the  Villa 
Bonipartc),  in  the  park  and  gardens  of  which  he  grew  exotic 
plants  and  fruits,  including  the  first  })ine-apples.  The  two- 
storied  Casino,  built  by  the  French  architect  Marechal  to 
designs  by  Gian  Paolo  Pannini,  contained  a  choice  library, 
antique  and  other  works  of  art,  scientific  instruments,  and 
Chinese  porcelain. ^  Here,  on  Sundays  and  holidays,  the  highly 
cultured  Cardinal  gathered  around  him  a  coterie  of  scholars 
and  artists.    Among  them  were  not  only  political  economists 

aveva  disgustato  molto  il  carci.  Corsini,  di  cui  era  crcatura, 
dovera  nei  primi  giorni  secondo  il  consueto  suj^plire  alle  veci  di 
segretario  di  state."  Corsini  is  said  to  have  tried  to  remove 
Passionei,  who  with  Acquaviva's  help  had  kept  his  position, 
without,  however,  enjoying  the  Pope's  favour. 

>  Even  as  a  simple  abate  Valenti  had  sufficient  knowledge  of 
art  to  be  entrusted  by  Prince  Eugene  with  the  purchase  of  various 
works  (Arneth,  III.,  72).  In  1750  Valenti  undertook  the 
restoration  of  S.  Urbano  a  Campo  Carleo  (Forcella,  IX.,  503, 
507),  and  he  helped  towards  the  restoration  of  S.  Paolo  fuori  le 
Mura  (ibtd.,  XII.,  25).  For  his  interest  in  Raphael's  Loggie,  see 
our  account,  vol.  VI II.,  317,  n.  The  engraver  Paolo  Fidanza 
da  Canierino  dedicated  several  of  his  works  to  him,  and  Venuti 
did  likewise  with  his  Nuniismata  Rom.  Pont.,  Romae,  1744. 

«  Cf.  Renazzi,  IV.,  236  seqq.,  288. 

'  F.  Cancellieri,  Descrizione  delle  carte  cincsi  che  adorano  il 
Palazzo  della  villa  Valenti,  Roma,  1815,  3  ;  Moroni,  LXXXVII., 
248,  C214  seq.  ;  Heeckeren,  II.,  350,  381.  Cf.  "  *Versi  sciolti 
della  villa  del  card.  S.  Valenti  scritti  clall'Ab.  Bettinello  ",  in 
Fondo  Gesuit.  107,  227  (Bibl.  \'ittorio  Enianucle,  Rome). 


VALENTI'S    COLLABORATION    WITH   THE    POPE     45 

and  literati,  but  also  mathematicians,  such  as  the  learned 
Jesuit  Boscovich  and  the  commentators  of  Newton,  Le  Seur 
and  Jacquier,  of  the  Order  of  Minims  ;  another  visitor  was 
Winckelmann.^  It  was  in  such  company  that  Valenti,  who 
had  something  about  him  of  the  Cardinal  Princes  of  the 
Renaissance,^  sought  relief  from  the  heavy  burden  of  govern- 
mental business.  This  "  unique  man  ",  as  Benedict  XIV. 
called  him,  was  untiring  in  the  execution  of  his  ofificial  duties 
and  earned  the  Pope's  approval  so  completely  that  he  spoke  of 
him  as  being  not  so  much  a  minister  as  a  master  of  the  thorny 
problems  of  the  Pontificate.^  The  collaboration  of  the  two 
men  was  never  disturbed  by  any  discordant  note  ;  it  was  so 
close  indeed  that  it  is  impossible  to  separate  the  Pope's  work 
from  that  of  his  Secretary  of  State.* 

Other  men  who  were  influential  in  matters  of  State  besides 
Valenti  were  the  Uditore  Argenvilliers  and  Millo,  who  was 
appointed  Datarius  on  Aldrovandi's  dismissal  in  1743  ;  but 
Valenti  always  remained  the  chief  adviser  of  the  Pope,  though 
the  latter  was  highly  independent  and  often  made  decisions 
on  his  own  account.^  When  Valenti  had  a  seizure  at  the  end 
of  December  1751,  Benedict  considered  it  a  most  serious 
misfortune.  "  May  God,"  he  wrote  to  Cardinal  Tencin,  "  yet 
preserve  for  Us  this  excellent  minister,  whose  devotion  to  Us 
is  as  great  as  his  knowledge  of  affairs."  ^ 

^  Cf.  JusTi,  Winckelmann,  II.,  104  ;  Noack,  Das  deutsche  Rom, 
Rome,  191 2,  160  seq.,  with  a  reproduction  of  the  villa. 

2  Merenda  {^Memorie  ;  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome)  tells  us  that 
Valenti  had  a  "  piccolo  nano  "  who  was  well-known  as  being 
"  mirabile  et  straordinario  nella  piacevolezza  ".  Cf.  also  "*Lettere 
private  del  card.  S.  Valenti  Gonzaga  a  Luigi  Gualterio  arcivesc. 
de  Myra  a.  1744  ",  Cod.  20615,  British  Museum. 

*  Caracciolo,  127, 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  xviii.,  Ixv.,  with  a  successful  attack  on  the 
Memoires  de  Choiseul. 

^  Relation  of  Mocenigo,  of  1750,  in  Ranke,  III.,  223*  seqq. 
Cf.  Heeckeren,  I.,  88.  In  spite  of  Valenti's  determined  opposi- 
tion, Benedict  XIV.  made  Argenvilliers  a  Cardinal  ;    see  below, 

PP-  343.  344- 

«  Heeckeren,  II.,  158.     Cf.  Cibrario,  Lettere,  277,  279. 


46  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

A  delicate  regard  for  the  stricken  Cardinal  induced  the  Pope 
to  postpone  the  nomination  of  his  successor,  though  the  names 
of  the  most  varied  candidates  were  already  being  suggested 
by  the  diplomats.^  For  the  time  being  he  entnisted  current 
business  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Cipher,  Rota,^  for  whom  he 
had  a  high  regard,  while  the  more  important  questions  were 
reserved  for  personal  discussion  between  himself  and  Valenti, 
whom  he  visited  for  this  purpose  twice  weekly  in  his  villa  by 
the  Porta  Pia.^  A  second  seizure,  at  the  end  of  December, 
1754,  put  an  end  to  the  hopes  that  had  been  cherished  that 
Valenti  might  at  least  partially  recover.  When  Rota  fell  ill 
too,  the  Pope  had  to  shoulder  nearly  all  the  work  alone,  but 
hard  as  this  was  for  him  and  though  he  too  was  repeatedly 
unwell,  he  still  would  not  hear  of  nominating  a  successor  to 
Valenti.  "  We  must  bow  to  the  will  of  God,"  he  insisted,  "  and 
accept  whatever  He  sends  Us."  ^  With  the  utmost  patience 
he  continued  to  deal  with  every  question  single-handed  until, 
at  last,  on  August  28th,  1756,  Valenti  was  released  from  his 
sufferings  at  Viterbo,  where  he  had  been  vainly  seeking  a  cure 
from  the  baths.  ^ 

Only  three  days  later.  Cardinal  Alberico  Archinto,  whose 
unswerving  love  of  justice  as  Govematore  of  Rome  had 
gained  the  respect  of  everybody  and  the  especial  approbation 
of  the  Pope,^  was  appointed  the  new  Secretary  of  State. 

'  Cf.  MeUini's  *letter  to  Uhlft'ld  of  December  22,  1751,  in  which 
Cardinals  Doria,  Paolucci,  SpinelH,  Landi,  Lanti,  Oddi,  Bami, 
Crescenzi,  and  Stoppani  are  mentioned  as  candidates.  On  July  2, 
1752,  *MelIini  is  able  to  report  to  Kaunitz  that  Valenti  had  been 
corresponding  with  France  and  Frederick  II.  and  that  his  first 
thought  on  recovering  from  his  stroke  had  been  to  seal  this 
correspondence  and  hand  it  over  to  a  nunnery  for  safe-keeping. 
State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  104,  II.,  234.  Unfortunately  Rota  had  been 
bought  by  France  ;    ibid.,  I.,  104,  n.  5. 

'  Mere.mda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit. 

*  Heeckeren,  II.,  383  ;   cf.  381. 
'  Ibid.,  II.,  524. 

*  Cf.  Merenda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit.,  and  Justi,  Winckelmann, 
II.,  10. 


ARCHINTO   SECRETARY   OF   STATE  47 

Benedict  wrote  at  the  time  that  he  had  made  this  choice 
because  Archinto  had  acquired  a  deep  knowledge  of 
diplomatic  affairs  as  nuncio  in  Florence  (1740-46)  and 
Poland  (1746-54)  and  because  he  was  a  man  of  excellent 
character.  1 

The  appointment  of  Archinto,  who,  incidentally,  was  as 
much  a  lover  of  art  as  Valenti,^  proved  so  successful  that  the 
Pope  was  able  to  say  of  him,  "  I  should  have  to  have  ten  eyes 
to  follow  all  his  actions,  they  are  so  deft  and  rapid.  He  works 
as  another  would  play,  with  astounding  ease  ;  and  serious 
as  he  is,  he  laughs  at  my  jokes,  good  and  bad  alike.  I  let  him 
do  everything,  merely  scribbling  my  paraph  at  the  foot  of  all 
his  documents  ;  I  am  quite  certain  that  all  that  he  suggests 
is  excellent.  Sometimes  I  regret  that  our  Government  has 
not  the  brilliance  of  the  Prussian  King's,  so  that  my  Cardinal's 
talent  might  show  to  better  advantage  ;  but  when  I  think  of 
the  repose  that  we  enjoy  I  say  to  myself,  Why  wish  for  storms 
when  we  have  so  beautiful  a  calm  ?  "  ^ 

For  the  more  important  ecclesiastico-political  questions 
Benedict  XIV.  was  his  own  Secretary  of  State.  He  who  under 
Benedict  XHI.  and  Clement  XII.  had  already  played  a 
decisive  part  in  the  negotiations  undertaken  with  the  object 
of  settling  the  manifold  ecclesiastico-political  differences  with 
the  Catholic  Powers,  now,  as  Pope,  set  himself  the  task,  by 
means  of  skilful  mediation  and  well-timed  concessions,  of 
steering  the  bark  of  Peter  between  the  Scylla  of  State  absolu- 
tism and  Gallicanism  and  the  Charybdis  of  "  enlightenment  " 
and  rationalism.  Keeping  clear  of  any  curialistic  subtlety  or 
harshness,  he  directed  all  his  energy  towards  the  restoration 
of  peace  with  the  Catholic  Governments,  knowing  full  well 

^  Heeckeren,  II.,  525  ;  cf.  532.  Cardinal  Portocarrero  had 
declared  his  opposition  to  Cardinal  Doria  as  Secretary  of  State  ; 
see  the  former's  *report  to  R.  Wall  of  September  2,  1756  (Archives 
of  Simancas). 

2  One  artist  he  encouraged  was  Raphael  Mengs  ;  cf.  Noack, 
Deutsches  Kunstleben,  71. 

^  Caracciolo,  147. 


48  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

that  any  disturbance  in  this  sphere  would  bring  great  profit 
to  the  enemies  of  rehgion.^ 

The  negotiations  for  a  settlement  with  the  Court  of  Turin 
had  been  interrupted  by  the  death  of  Clement  XII. ^  Benedict 
XIV.  immediately  renewed  them  in  no  half-hearted  fashion 
and  supplied  his  Secretary  of  State  with  precise  information 
of  the  course  taken  by  the  conflict  with  Savoy  since  the  time 
of  Innocent  XII. ^  Then,  excluding  any  kind  of  intermediary, 
he  put  himself  in  direct  correspondence  with  the  leading 
personages,  the  Marchese  d'Ormea  and  King  Emanuele  III.* 

Thanks  to  the  marked  spirit  of  conciliation  shown  by  the 
Pope,  it  was  possible,  as  early  as  January  5th,  1741,  for  two 
agreements  to  be  signed  by  Cardinals  Valenti  and  Alessandro 
Albani  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Sardinian  plenipotentiary, 
Count  Rivera,  on  the  other,  with  the  approval  of  a  Congregation 
of  Cardinals.^  The  first  agreement  concerned  the  long-disputed 
question  of  the  Papal  feudal  territories  in  Piedmont,  and 
arranged  for  the  transference  of  the  Vicariate  Apostolic  to 
the  King  of  Sardinia,  with  the  obligation  of  paying  a  feudal 
tribute.  The  second,  while  confirming  the  enactments  of 
Benedict  XIII,  regulated  the  difficult  question  of  benefices. 
With  regard  to  the  administration  of  the  revenues  of  vacant 
benefices  it  was  laid  down  that  only  a  cleric  should  be  entrusted 
with  the  task.^ 

Nothing  more  remained  to  be  settled  but  the  differences  of 

'  Cf.  Hergenrother,  Piemonts  Uvterhandlungen,  69. 

2  Cf.  Acquaviva's  *letter  to  M.  de  Villarias,  February  6,  1740, 
Archives  of  Simancas. 

3  This  *report  is  in  Cod.  1210,  p.  229  seqq.,  Bibl.  Corsini,  Rome. 

*  "  *Inventando  una  nuova  specie  di  brevi  epistolari  in  Italiano 
col  sue  picciolo  sigillo  nella  qual  forma  scriveva  continuamente 
molte  lettere  in  Italia  e  fuori,"  writes  Merenda  {*Memorie, 
loc.  cit.).  Letters  to  D'Ormea  in  Carutti,  Carlo  Emanuele  III., 
t.  I,  doc.  344  seqq.,  347  seqq.,  352  seqq.  ;  ibid.,  254  seqq.  to  the 
King.    Cf.  Semeria.  Vita  di  Carlo  Emamtele  III.,  II.  (1831),  30. 

••  Merenda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit. 

*  Mercati,  Concordati,  330  seqq.  ;  ibid.,  437  seqq.,  the  cession 
of  the  rights  over  the  principahty  of  Masserano  on  July  13,  1753. 


FINAL   AGREEMENT   WITH    SAVOY 


49 


opinion  regarding  ecclesiastical  immunity  and  jurisdiction. 
For  this  purpose  the  Titular  Archbishop  of  Athens,  Ludovico 
Merlini,  was  sent  forthwith  to  Turin,  where,  however,  he  met 
with  such  difficulties,  especially  at  the  hands  of  the  President 
of  the  Senate,  Count  Caissoti,  that  the  Pope,  who  was  usuaUy 
so  mild,  wrote  a  letter  of  bitter  complaint  to  D'Ormea  on 
June  5th,  1741.1  In  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  better  hearing 
from  D'Ormea,  with  whom  he  had  been  on  friendly  terms  in 
former  times,  and  from  the  King,  the  Pope  drew  up  another 
proposed  agreement,  which,  before  he  dispatched  it,  he  sub- 
mitted to  Cardinal  Gotti.  In  this  document  local  immunity, 
which  had  not  been  touched  upon  in  the  Concordat  of  Benedict 
XIII.,  was  regulated  entirely  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of 
the  Turin  Government.  Nevertheless,  the  proposal  met  with 
no  acceptance. 2 

Nothing,  he  wrote  to  the  King  on  September  9th,  1741,  had 
so  saddened  him  since  the  beginning  of  his  Pontificate  as  this 
attitude  on  the  part  of  Turin.  He  asked  for  his  proposal  to  be 
reconsidered,  but  not  by  those  who  hoped  to  bring  about 
a  rupture  with  the  Holy  See.^  Thereupon  the  King  showed 
his  readiness  to  engage  in  fresh  negotiations,  and  after  the 
Pope  had  again  exposed  the  situation  frankly  and  sincerely 
to  the  King  and  D'Ormea,  an  agreement  was  finaUy  reached. 
It  was  contained  in  an  instruction  to  the  Sardinian  Bishops 
dated  January  6th,  1742,  which  had  already  been  contem- 
plated in  the  Concordat  of  1727.  The  arrangements  made  in 
that  agreement  Benedict  confirmed  and  amplified.  It  was 
made  a  duty  for  the  foreign  Bishops  to  appoint  their  own 
Vicars  General  for  their  portions  of  the  Sardinian  dioceses  ; 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  and  right  of  sanctuary  were  reduced  ; 
and  the  Church  property  acquired  after  1620  was  made  liable 
to  the  usual  State  taxes.    The  inspection  of  Papal  ordinances 

'  Carutti,  355  seqq.  The  project  of  sending  an  agent  to  Turin 
had  already  been  reported  by  *Acquaviva  on  January  12  1741 
(Archives  of  Simancas). 

^  Cf.  Hergenrother,  Unterhandlungen.  S^. 

'  Carutti,  357  seqq. 

VOL.  XXXV, 


50  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

by  the  State  authority,  without  the  affixture  of  a  mark  or 
decree  {sempiice  visura  ;  already  tolerated  by  Benedict  XIIL), 
was  not  to  apply  to  dogmatic  Bulls  in  matters  of  faith,  to 
disciplinary  Briefs,  Jubilee  BuUs,  and  Bulls  of  Indulgence,  nor 
to  the  decrees  of  the  Penitentiary  and  the  other  Roman 
Congregations.^ 

Benedict  XIV. 's  hope  that  by  this  instruction  peaceful 
relations  between  Church  and  State  would  be  totally  restored  ^ 
was  substantially  realized.  The  nunciature  in  Turin  was 
reopened  and  was  handed  over,  on  February  14th,  1742,  to 
Ludovico  Merlini,  who  had  conducted  the  negotiations.^ 
The  good  relations  which  subsequently  prevailed  between 
Rome  and  Turin  were  manifested  in  the  issue  of  a  Bull  con- 
cerning the  military  Order  of  SS.  Maurice  and  Lazarus  (1744), 
the  erection  of  the  bishopric  of  Pignerol  (1748),*  the  great 
consideration  paid  to  the  King's  wishes  in  the  bestowal  of 
benefices,^  and  finally  in  a  new  agreement  of  June  24th,  1750, 
whereby  the  Holy  See  renounced  the  right  to  spoils  and  to 
the  loading  of  benefices  with  pensions  for  the  benefit  of 
foreigners.^  Through  its  being  sent  a  gift  of  consecrated 
swaddling  clothes  for  the  heir  to  the  throne,  in  1751,  the  royal 
house  of  Piedmont  was  indirectly  placed  on  an  equal  footing 
with  the  other  Catholic  dynasties  of  Europe  ^ ;  but  not  content 
with  this,  the  Government  of  Turin  then  coveted  the  privilege 
enjoyed  by  the  Courts  of  Vienna,  Paris,  and  Madrid,  of  having 

^  Mercati,  Concordati,  365  seqq.  ;  Hergenrother,  loc.  cit.,  86 
seqq. 

*  Letter  to  Carlo  Emanuele  of  June  6,  1742,  in  Mercati, 
loc.  cit.,  364. 

*  Karttunen,  250. 

*  Bull.,  XVT.,  218  seq.  ;    Gams,  Series,  821. 

*  Cf.  CiBRARio,  Lettere,  253  seqq.,  274,  280  seq. 

*  Mercati,  loc.  cit.,  410  seqq. 

'  Cf.  G.  Carbonelli,  Benedetto  XIV.  al  battesimo  di  Carlo 
Emanuele  IV.  di  Savoia,  Torino,  1906,  where  the  Pope's  letters 
to  the  King  are  reproduced.  As  is  clear  from  the  letter  of  June  12, 
1 75 1  (16  seqq.),  the  matter  was  put  before  a  Congregation  of 
Cardinals.    Cf.  also  Heeckeren,  IL,  121  seq.,  209. 


FRESH  TROUBLES  WITH  TURIN        5I 

their  nuncios  raised  to  the  purple  on  retirement.  The  Pope 
was  wilHng  to  accede  to  this  demand  but  was  prevented  by 
the  opposition  raised  elsewhere,  especially  Poland.^  On 
Merlini  being  passed  over  in  the  promotion  of  November  26th, 
1753,  the  Government  of  Turin  replied  by  closing  down  the 
nunciature. 2  Benedict  consoled  himself  with  the  thought  that 
it  was  better  to  lose  one  nunciature  than  three,  as  would 
certainly  have  happened  had  Merlini  been  made  a  Cardinal.^ 
But  if  he  thought  that  the  measure  taken  by  Turin  was  only 
temporary,  he  erred.  How  dangerous  were  the  currents  that 
were  gaining  strength  in  Turin  was  seen  by  the  proposal  of 
the  Minister  Ossorio  to  prohibit  appeals  to  Rome,*  and  by 
a  decree  of  June  20th,  1755,  which  attacked  the  rights  of  the 
Congregation  of  the  Index.  In  the  case  of  the  Turin  Professor 
Chionio,  however,  who  had  been  teaching  false  doctrines,  the 
King  sided  with  the  Archbishop  of  Turin,  Cardinal  Rovero,  so 
that  the  Pope  was  able  to  commend  him  on  his  pious  attitude.^ 
In  the  Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  the  relations  between 
Church  and  State  were  in  far  worse  case.  Here,  too,  as  soon  as 
he  had  ascended  the  throne,  Benedict  held  out  the  hand  of 
peace.  The  negotiations  were  conducted  at  first  by  Cardinal 
Acquaviva,^  who  left  for  Naples  in  November,  1740,  the  Pope 
hoping  that  he  would  return  as  a  messenger  of  peace.'  More 
definite  proposals  regarding  an  agreement  were  brought  to 

1  G.  Demaria  in  the  Rev.  stor.  ital.,  XII.  (1895),  62  seqq. 
Cf.  ToRTONESE,  32  seqq. 

-  Demaria,  62. 

'  Heeckeren,  II.,  311.  Merenda  {*Memorie,  he.  cit.)  makes 
the  interesting  statement  that  "  In  questa  congiuntura  da  molti 
savi  si  rifletteva  che  in  molti  luoghi,  come  alii  Svizzeri,  in  Colonia, 
Torino,  Napoli,  Fiandra,  Firenze  etc.,  potrebbe  risparmiarsi  la 
spesa  di  mandare  li  Nunzii,  bastando  per  il  decoro  della  S.  Sede 
tenerli  nelle  Corti  primarie  ". 

*  Demaria,  89  seq. 

•^  Hergenrother,  loc.  cit.,  91  seqq. 

*  Cardinal  Acquaviva's  *report  to  Villarias  of  August  25,  1740, 
Archives  of  Simancas. 

'  "  *Accusiamo  una  sua  lettera  dei  15  nella  quale  con  nostro 


52  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Rome  in  December  by  the  competent  Abate  Ferdinando 
Galiani.i  A  little  hunchback,  full  of  intelligence  and  wit, 
Galiani  had  won  to  a  high  degree  the  confidence  of  Charles  III. 
and  the  Minister  Tanucci.^  In  Rome  too  he  was  soon  at  his 
ease.  In  view  of  the  Pope's  conciliatory  character,  not  only 
Acquaviva  but  also  the  Imperial  envoy,  Count  Thun,  had 
hopes  of  a  speedy  settlement.^ 

Already,  in  fact,  by  January  1741,  it  was  possible  for 
Cardinal  Aldrovandi  to  present  the  Pope  with  a  complete 
plan  of  agreement,'*  but  despite  the  latter 's  peaceful  inclina- 

distinto  contento  abbiamo  intesa  la  nuova  del  sue  felice  arrive 
a  Napoli  e  le  benigne  espressioni  colle  quail  co teste  Reali  Mt* 
si  sono  degnate  di  parlare  della  nostra  miserabile  persona.  Potra 
Ella  assicurarle  che  nutriamo  per  esse  un  affetto  paterno  non 
disgiunto  dalla  profonda  stima  che  ne  habbiamo  e  che  ne  avranno 
i  rincontri  anche  coll'  opera  se  crederanno  che  siamo  in  grado  di 
servirle.  La  sua  lettera  non  sara  veduta  da  veruno  perch^  letta 
e  stata  subito  consegnata  alle  flamme.  Ci  restano  bensi  impressi 
neir  animo  i  sentimenti  ed  i  savi  consigli  ch'ella  ci  ha  accennati 
ed  assolutamente  ci  conformaremo  ad  essi  sapendo  quant'  ella 
per  sua  bonta  ci  ami  e  quante  sono  le  memorie  che  abbiamo 
dell'affetto  e  della  beneficenza  della  casa  Acquaviva  verso  di 
Noi.  Subito  ch'ella  puo  ritorni  a  Roma  e  vcnga  come  Mercuric 
araldo  di  pace  e  di  buona  armonia  come  sommamente  desideriamo 
fra  la  S.  Sede  e  cotesto  benedetto  regno  di  Napoli."  Letter  of 
Benedict  XIV.  to  Cardinal  Acquaviva,  of  November  i8,  1740, 
Archives  of  Simancas. 

*  Acquaviva's  *letter  to  Villarias  of  December  18,  1740,  ibid. 
"  For  Galiani,  see   Jusxi,  Winckelmann,  11.,  192  seq.    Most  of 

Galiani's  correspondence  is  still  unpublished  ;  cf.  Ademollo  in 
Opinione,  1879,  No.  297,  and  id.,  Bartol.  Intieri,  I'ahate  Galiani 
e  Msgr.  Bottari  nel  1754,  Firenze,  1879. 

*  Thun's  *letter  of  December  10,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Acquaviva's  *letter  to  Villarias,  January  9,  1741,  loc.  cit. 
Cf.  B.  Peluso,  Docum.  intorno  le  relazioni  fra  Stato  e  Chiesa 
nelle  due  Sicilie.  I.  :  /  progetti  del  Concordato  del  1741  (including 
the  period  from  1734  onwards),  Napoli,  1898.  See  also  the 
letters  written  by  Benedict  XIV.  and  Charles  III.  in  Carignani, 
La  politica  italiana  nei  sec.  XV.  al  XIX.,  Napoli,  1864. 


CONCORDAT    WITH    NAPLES  53 

tions  ^  the  negotiations,  conducted  on  the  one  hand  by 
Cardinals  Valenti,  Aldrovandi,  Gotti,  and  Corradini,  and  by 
Acquaviva  and  GaHani  on  the  other,  dragged  on  for  another 
four  months. 2  Much  difficulty  especially  was  caused  by  the 
unyielding  attitude  taken  up  by  Corradini.^  Finally,  however, 
a  result  was  arrived  at,  and  on  June  2nd  the  concordat  with 
Naples  was  signed  by  Valenti  and  Acquaviva  and  was  ratified 
forthwith.* 

On  all  points  the  agreement  presented  a  compromise,  in 
which  the  Holy  See  made  important  concessions  with  regard 
to  personal,  real,  and  local  immunity.  The  right  of  sanctuary 
especially  was  restricted.  By  the  setting  up  of  a  "  mixed  " 
court  of  clerics  and  laymen  (provided  for  by  Article  8)  laymen 
were  authorized  to  exercise  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  not 
only  to  decide  disputes  about  ecclesiastical  competence  but 
also  to  sit  in  judgment  on  clerics  in  a  higher  court.  This 
stipulation,  together  with  the  exclusion  of  foreigners  from 
benelices  and  pensions  in  the  Neapolitan  realm,  which  affected 
principally  Curialists,  not  unnaturally  aroused  ill-feeling  in 
Rome.^  In  Naples,  too,  neither  the  people  nor  the  clergy  were 
contented.^    In  an  appendix,  six  further,  secret,  articles  were 

'  Acquaviva's  *letter  to  Villarias,  February  i6,  1741,  loc.  cit. 
-  Cf.  Acquaviva's  *letters  of  March  23,  April  13,  May  11,  18, 
and  25,  1741,  ihid.    See  also  Schipa,  223  seq. 

*  Cf.  Heeckeren,  I.,  297. 

'  Mercati,  Concordati,  338  seqq.,  359  ;  in  manuscript,  for 
example  "  *Piano  intorno  le  controversie  vertenti  fra  la  S.  Sede 
e  la  Real  Corte  di  Napoli  composte  1741  ",  Cod.  ital.,  55,  State 
Lib.,  Munich.  For  the  ratification,  see  Acquaviva's  *reports  of 
June  22  and  29,  1741,  loc.  cit.  The  concordat  was  valid  only  for 
Naples,  not  for  Sicily  ;  see  Sentis,  Monarchia  Sicula,  200.  The 
official  publication  (without  the  secret  articles),  Naples,  1741. 
with  the  documents  of  ratification.  "  Trattato  di  accomodamento 
tra  la  S.  Sede  e  la  corte  di  Napoli  1741,"  in  Cod.  ital.,  189,  No. 
40g.  State  Lib.,  Munich.  *Correspondence  dealing  with  the 
concordat  in  '  Aff.  esteri '  No.  1177,  State  Archives,  Naples. 

'"  Sentis,  Monarchia  Sicula,  19  seq. 

*  According  to  the  *report  made  to  Maria  Theresa  on  August 


54  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

agreed  upon,  dealing  with  the  execution  of  the  treaty  and  the 
unification  of  certain  small  bishoprics.  According  to  the 
second  article,  the  King,  "  with  his  well-known  piety,"  was 
to  see  to  the  carrying-out  of  Papal  Bulls,  Briefs,  and  other 
ordinances  ^  ;  this  article  was  dangerous  inasmuch  as  it 
afforded  the  crafty  counsellors  of  Charles  III.  an  opportunity 
of  exercising  the  placet.^  The  new  Bulls  of  July  6th,  1741, 
and  August  11th,  1745,  which  extended  the  powers  of  the 
royal  chaplain-in-chief,  were  also  regarded  with  misgiving.^ 

Like  that  with  Savoy,  the  concordat  with  Naples  had  not 
been  first  submitted  for  approval  to  the  Sacred  College,  and 
the  Cardinals  showed  great  dissatisfaction  at  not  having  been 
consulted  in  two  such  important  matters.*  What  was  much 
more  painful  to  Benedict  was  that  the  beneficial  results  which 
he  hoped  the  concordat  would  obtain  failed  to  materialize. 
He  had  granted  the  Neapolitan  Court  far  more  than  Clement 
XII.  had  been  willing  to  concede  in  his  time,^  and  still  satis- 
factory relations  were  not  established,  owing  to  the  Govern- 
ment's failure  to  carry  out  the  stipulations  which  were  incon- 
venient to  it  and  the  continual  recrudescence  of  the  old  State 
Church  spirit.^ 

In  his  interview  with  Charles  III.  in  Rome  at  the  beginning 

26,  1 741  (State  Archives,  Vienna),  by  Thun,  who  carefully  noted 
every  sign  of  dissatisfaction  in  Naples. 

^  Mercati,  259  seq.  Bull  of  confirmation  for  this  "  tractatus 
secretus  ",  dated  mid-June  1741,  in  Cod.  1210,  177,  Bibl.  Corsini, 
Rome. 

-  B.  Peluso,  in  //  diritto  di  placitazione  nelle  diie  Sicilie 
(Napoli,  1898,  24),  accordingly  vaunts  this  article  as  a  "  triunfo 
della  politica  Borbona  ". 

'  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  ed.  R.  de  Martinis,  I.,  75  seqq.,  130  seq., 
269  seqq. 

*  Merenda,  *Mcmorie,  loc.  cit. 

*  Cf.  "  *Confronto  del  Concordato  (1741)  e  del  piano  stabilito 
nel  pontificato  di  Clemente  XII.",  Cod.  12 10,  119  seq.,  Bibl. 
Corsini,  Rome. 

*  See  the  examples  in  *Cod.  41,  A. 5,  p.  39  seqq.,  ibid.  Cf.  also 
Sentis,  191  ;    Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  I.,  394  ;    Rinieri,  Rovina,  5. 


FRICTION    WITH    NAPLES  55 

of  November  1744,  the  Pope  had  already  had  to  complain  of 
the  erroneous  interpretations  of  the  concordat,  and  in  June 
1747  he  found  himself  compelled  to  repeat  his  protests  in  an 
urgent  letter,  with  especial  reference  to  the  extension  of  the 
placet  to  purely  ecclesiastical  matters.  Only  the  stipulations 
which  were  favourable  to  the  Government  had  been  carried 
out,  he  wrote,  but  not  those  which  brought  advantage  to  the 
Church  and  the  Holy  See.^ 

A  serious  conflict  had  already  developed  by  1746.  A  false 
rumour  that  the  Archbishop  Spinelli  intended  to  introduce  the 
Spanish  Inquisition  into  Naples,  threatened  to  cause  distur- 
bances. The  badly  advised  King  tried  to  forestall  this  by 
issuing  a  decree  which  made  it  impossible  for  the  Bishops  to 
intervene  in  any  way  in  matters  of  faith.  In  the  face  of  this 
the  Pope  could  not  keep  silent,  but  he  proceeded  in  the  most 
considerate  and  careful  manner  possible.^  The  King's  weak- 
ness and  his  Prime  Minister's  ignorance  caused  him  as  much 
perturbation  as  embarrassment.^ 

Merenda  writes  in  his  *Memorie,  loc.  cit.  :  "  Si  accorse  poi  11 
Papa,  ma  tardi  (e  si  penti  inutilmente),  d'essere  state  circonvenuto 
dal  frate  Galiani  nel  Concordato  con  Napoli  in  molti  gravi  punti, 
come  nel  Tribunale  misto  e  nella  riserva  di  201"  scudi  di  pensione 
da  potersi  distribuire  a  sudditi  Pontificii,  perche  non  ebbe  effetto 
in  questa  parte  e  nel  punto  del  Tribunale  misto  I'ebbe  soverchia- 
mente  eccessivo,  perche  si  arrog6  tutta  rautorita  sopra  li  Vescovi, 
che  piu  non  ricorrevano  alle  Congregazioni ;  e  sebbene  nel 
Concordato  si  dica  che  il  Re  debba  nominare  tre  sogetti,  tra  li 
quali  il  Papa  possa  scegliere  il  Presidente  di  questo  Tribunale 
misto,  con  tutto  ci6  per  un  accordo  segreto  fu  accordato  che 
sempre  sarebbe  il  Cappellano  Maggiore."  For  *correspondence 
of  the  year  1747  relating  to  the  dispute  following  on  the  concordat 
of  1741,  see  also  in  '  Aff.  esteri '  No.  1178  in  the  State  Archives, 
Naples. 

»  Acta  Benedidi  XIV.,  II. ,  386  seq. 

^  Heeckeren,  I.,  297  seq.,  321  ;  Amabile,  II.,  86  seqq. 
Numerous  *documents  bearing  on  the  matter  in  Cod.  E  129 
and  130,  Boncompagni  Archives,  Rome. 

'  Heeckeren,  I.,  348.  Cf.  the  sharply  worded  *Cifra  al  nunzio 
G.  B.  Barni  of  January  11,  1748,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna  430,  Papal 


56  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Benedict  XIV.,  who  was  perfectly  well  acquainted  with 
conditions  in  Naples,  and  especially  with  the  Minister  Tanucci's 
hostility  to  the  Church,  wrote  in  April  1750  to  Cardinal 
Tencin  that  there  was  no  lack  in  Naples  of  evQ  counsellors  and 
of  persons  who  from  time  to  time  spat  out  their  venom  and 
that  the  King  was  in  want  of  a  good  spiritual  adviser.^  It  was 
not  surprising,  therefore,  that  innovations  were  continually 
being  made  to  the  detriment  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority.- 
There  was  no  end  to  the  disputes  about  the  exequatur,  the 
censorship  of  books,  and  the  execution  of  various  stipulations 
of  the  concordat.^  The  Neapolitan  ambassador  accredited  to 
Rome  since  1750  in  the  person  of  Geronimo  Sersale,  Duke  of 
Cerisano,  had  the  best  possible  intentions  but  was  frustrated 
by  the  unsteadiness  and  heedlessness  of  the  Neapolitan  Court.* 
In  these  circumstances  there  was  no  hope  of  success  for  the 
various  projects  that  were  being  formed  for  a  new  concordat.^ 
In  1753  conditions  in  Naples  were  characterized  by  the  Pope 
as  being  such  that  the  numerous  enemies  of  the  Holy  See  were 
only  looking  for  an  excuse  to  remove  the  nuncio.®  "  You 
cannot  imagine,"  wrote  Benedict  to  Cardinal  Tencin,  "  what 
we  are  continually  having  to  endure  at  the  hands  of  the 
Neapolitan  Government.  The  Ministers  that  surround  the 
King  are  as  bad  as  they  could  be."  ' 

An  arrangement  by  which  Cardinal  Spinelli  retired  from  the 
Archbishopric  of  Naples  on  the  plea  of  old  age  was  negotiated 

Secret  Archives.  For  Cardinal  Landi's  unsuccessful  mission  to 
Naples  in  the  spring  of  1747,  see  Amabile,  II.,  104  seq. 

'  Heeckeren,  II.,  22. 

«  Ibid.,  28,  225. 

'  Cf.  Peluso,  Documenti,  II.,  25  seqq.,  34  seqq.,  36  seqq.  ; 
ScHiPA,  515. 

*  Heeckeren,  II.,  261. 

'  Peluso,  II.,  i  :  I  progctti  di  un  nnovissimo  concordato  durante 
il  Ministero  di  B.  Tanucci  1747-1756,  Napoli,  1898.  Cf.  also 
ScHiPA,  515  seq. 

•  *Letter  to  the  King  of  Sardinia  of  August  15,  1753,  State 
Archives,  Turin.    See  Riv.  stor.,  XII.  (1895),  75. 

'  Letter  of  June  27,  1753,  Heeckeren,  II.,  276. 


CONCORDAT   WITH    SPAIN  57 

by  the  young  Roman  prelate  Gianangelo  Braschi,  who  was 
afterwards  to  ascend  the  Papal  throne  as  Pius  VI. ^  There  was 
considerable  difficulty  at  first  in  filling  the  vacant  See  of 
Naples,  but,  thanks  to  the  sagacity  of  the  Pope,  a  suitable 
occupant  was  found  at  last  in  the  person  of  Antonio  Sersale, 
Archbishop  of  Taranto,  who  was  even  approved  of  by  the 
Government.^  That  Benedict  XIV.  was  also  able  to  say  "  No  " 
was  discovered  by  Charles  III.  in  1754  on  his  applying  for 
the  granting  of  the  Cruzada  to  Naples.  This  request  was 
firmly  rejected  by  the  Pope  on  the  grounds  that  this  favour 
had  not  been  granted  even  to  the  Emperor  during  his  occupa- 
tion of  the  Kingdom  of  Naples  and  that  such  a  concession  had 
never  been  made  where  there  was  no  tribunal  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion.^ 

Far  surpassing  in  importance  the  agreements  made  with 
Sardinia  and  Naples  was  the  concordat  with  Spain  of  1753. 
Its  prehistory  is  interesting. 

The  main  endeavour  of  the  Spanish  Government  was  to 
extend  the  royal  patronage  as  it  already  existed  in  Granada 
and  America  to  every  bishopric  and  benefice  in  the  realm. 
This  desire  had  not  been  granted  by  Clement  XII.  in  the 
concordat  of  1737  ;  over  eleven  articles  conflicts  had  arisen, 
over  others  friendly  negotiations  were  in  prospect.  Already 
in  Clement  XII. 's  lifetime  complaints  about  the  methods  of 
the  Dataria  and  nunciature  were  continually  coming  in  from 
Spain,  particularly  with  regard  to  provisions  and  bank-bills.^ 
Of  Benedict  XIV.,  who  as  Cardinal  had  been  on  the  best 
possible  terms  with  the  Spanish  Government  and  had  warmly 
espoused  its  interests, ^  it  was  expected  in  Madrid  that  he  would 

^  [F.  Berattini],  Fasti  di  Pio  VI.,  1.,  i8. 

-  Heeckeren,  II.,  300,  305,  312,  328,  336. 

^  Ibid.,  328. 

••  Cf.  Benedict  XIV. 's  confidential  letter  to.  Tencin  of  February 
28,  1753.  published  by  P.  A.  Kirsch  in  Archiv  f.  Kirchenrecht, 
LXXX.  (1900),  320  seqq. 

^  Cf.  Bentivoglio's  *reports  of  April  21  and  June  30,  1731, 
Archives  of  Simancas.  It  is  to  be  gathered  from  a  *letter  of 
Acquaviva's    to    Villarias    of    January    26,    1741     (ibid.),    that 


58  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

remedy  these  grievances,  and  indeed  on  December  22nd, 
1740,  the  Pope  expressed  to  the  Spanish  ambassador.  Cardinal 
Acquaviva,  his  readiness  to  issue  briefs  concerning  the 
execution  of  the  concordat  of  1737  and  to  contribute  to  the 
comprehensive  settlement  of  all  outstanding  questions.^ 
The  negotiations,  begun  in  1741,  were  conducted  simul- 
taneously with  those  concerned  with  the  Neapolitan  con- 
cordat. In  a  letter  dated  April  25th,  1741,  Philip  V.  assured 
the  Pope  of  his  pacific  intentions,^ 

During  the  negotiations  the  Pope  displayed  his  almost 
excessive  conciliatoriness  in  a  matter  which  the  Spanish 
monarch  had  very  much  at  heart.  On  September  18th,  1741, 
he  bestowed  on  the  Infante  Luis,  who  was  barely  fifteen  years 
of  age  and  who  was  already  a  Cardinal  Deacon  and  the  lay 
administrator  of  Toledo,  the  civil  administration  of  the  arch- 
diocese of  Seville  ;  the  spiritual  affairs  of  the  diocese  were 
put  into  the  hands  of  the  Archdeacon  Gabriel  de  Torres 
y  Navarra.^ 

Lambertini  had  been  granted  a  yearl}'  pension  by  Spain  of 
I, coo  doubloons  since  1730  but  that  it  had  been  paid  only  two 
years.  "  Nunca  me  ha  hablado  S.B.  cosa  alguna  sobre  este 
particular,"  observes  Acquaviva,  and  advises  the  payment  of  the 
eight  years'  deficit. 

1  "  *Ei  Papa  me  ha  asegurado  que  se  dara  faculdad  a  ese 
nuncio  para  publicar  el  censurado  concordado  y  los  breves 
concernientes  a  el  \cf.  Portillo  in  Razon  y  Fe,  XVIII.,  319  seq.'\ 
y  tambien  para  ajustar  las  controversias  de  patronato  y  fenezer 
todos  los  puntos  pendientes  acerca  del  mismo  concordado." 
Acquaviva  to  Villarias,  December  22,  1740,  Archives  of  Simancas. 

*  Cf.  Acquaviva's  *reports  to  Villarias  of  April  6,  May  11  and 
18,  1 74 1,  ibid. 

'  Cf.  Acquaviva's  *reports  to  Villarias  of  May  25,  June  i,  15, 
and  29,  July  6,  13,  20,  and  27,  August  3  and  31,  September  7, 
14,  18,  and  28,  1 74 1,  ibid.  Cf.  Rigantius,  Noia  in  reg.  XXIV., 
fo.  2,  II.,  373  ;  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  346  seq.  The  evil 
consequences  of  this  concession  were  afterwards  described  in 
frank  terms  by  Enriquez,  the  nuncio  in  Madrid,  in  a  coded 
♦report  of  June  23,  1745  :  "  II  Marchese  Scotti  amministra 
dispoticamente  le  due  chiese  di  Toledo  e  di  Siviglia,  senza  pensare 


DIFFICULT   NEGOTIATIONS  59 

In  November  1741,  to  accelerate  the  negotiations  for 
a  settlement,  in  which  the  question  of  patronage  occupied  the 
foremost  place,  the  ambassador  Acquaviva  was  given  as 
assistant  the  excellent  Cardinal  Belluga.^  As  a  basis  for  the 
negotiations,  the  fiscal  of  the  Council  of  Castile,  Gabriel  de 
Olmeda,  drew  up,  on  behalf  of  the  Government  of  Madrid, 
a  treatise  on  the  extension  of  the  patronage.^  At  the  beginning 
of  August  1742  the  Pope  caused  to  be  handed  to  the  two 
Cardinals  a  detailed  reply  to  these  expositions,^  but  it  met 
with  so  little  success  that  in  a  note  written  by  Cardinal 
Valenti  in  November  a  protest  was  raised  against  the  Spanish 
pretensions  in  the  question  of  patronage.'*    In  the  course  of 

e  sapere  che  le  amministri.  Tutta  questa  torta  si  maneggia  da 
un  sue  segretario  e  da  altri  subalterni  di  esse,  tutte  genti  venali. 
Costoro  dispongono  a  loro  senno  della  giustizia  e  delle  tante 
entrate  ecclesiastiche,  ed  il  Marchese  e  solo  reo  di  omissione. 
Se  anche  volesse,  non  avrebbe  tempo,  siccome  non  ha  lume 
proportionate  da  prender  cognizione  di  tali  cose.  Dico  tutto 
ci6  perche  non  si  reputi  lui  autore  di  quelle  ingiustizie  che  si 
fanno  nella  spedizione  de  Benefizii  di  dette  due  Chiese.  Molto 
resta  pure  scusato  dalle  massime  troppo  regaliste  del  Confessore 
e  de'  Consiglieri  della  Camera  di  Castiglia,  dai  quali  in  parte 
deve  dipendere  nel  particolare  di  giurisdizione.  In  somma  egli 
ci  fa  male  senza  saper  di  farcelo  e  senza  sapere  il  modo  di  non 
farcelo.  E^o  Padrone,  questo  h  un  vero  mistero,  nel  quale  forse 
si  potrebbe  conoscere  cio  che  si  deve  da  noi  conoscere,  ove  si 
danno  a  fanciulli  e  secolari  I'amministrazione  della  Chiese." 
Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  250  A,  186,  Papal  Secret  Archives.  The 
Infante,  not  feeling  himself  called  to  the  ecclesiastical  state, 
renounced  his  archbishopric  in  1754  (see  Heeckeren,  II.,  366 
seqq.)  and  the  cardinalate  in  1755.  Benedict  XIV. 's  judgment 
was  that  "  il  poverino  era  nato  per  fare  il  prete,  ma  I'etichetta 
spagnuola  di  fare,  che  i  loro  principi  nulla  studino  e  nulla  imparino, 
ha  reso  giustificato  il  suo  passo  ".    Kraus,  Brief e,  in. 

^  For  Belluga,  see  Heeckeren,  I.,  44. 

2  Cf.  Hergenrother  in  Archiv  f.  Kirchenrecht,  XI.  (1864),  254. 

'  It  was  sent  by  Acquaviva  to  Madrid  together  with  a  *letter 
on  August  2,  1742  (Archives  of  Simancas). 

*  Acquaviva's  *report  to  Villarias,  November  2,  1742,  ibid. 


60  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES 

these  fruitless  negotiations  the  aged  Cardinal  Belluga  died 
on  February  22nd,  1743.^  On  Barni,  the  nuncio  at  Madrid, 
being  made  a  Cardinal,  in  June  1743,  the  immediate  necessity 
arose  of  agreeing  on  a  suitable  successor.  This  was  no  light 
task,2  and  the  nunciature  remained  unoccupied  until  the 
appointment  of  Enrico  Enriquez  in  January  1744.^ 

The  state  of  relations  between  Rome  and  Spain  at  this  time 
were  described  by  the  Pope  to  Cardinal  Tencin  with  con- 
siderable frankness.  There  were  a  number  of  points  at  issue, 
he  said,  between  the  Holy  See  and  the  Government  of  Madrid, 
in  which  right  was  undoubtedl}^  on  the  side  of  Rome.  They 
had  written  and  written,  and  negotiated  and  negotiated,  but 
without  obtaining  a  decision  ;  they  could  not  even  obtain 
a  reply.  All  the  tokens  of  goodwill  offered  to  the  Court  in 
Madrid  and  to  its  representative  in  Rome  had  availed  nothing  ; 
fresh  demands,  accompanied  by  threats,  w^ere  made  daily,  no 
attention  being  paid  to  the  Pope's  inability  to  grant  many  of 
them  owing  to  the  continued  presence  in  the  Pontifical  State 
of  Austrian  troops  and  his  fear  of  their  allies,  the  English.'' 

The  chief  obstacle  to  a  favourable  development  in  negotia- 
tions on  ecclesiastico-political  affairs  was  the  baneful  influence 
of  the  regalists  at  the  Court  of  Madrid  ;  Cardinal  Molina,  in 
particular,  was  indefatigable  in  pouring  oil  on  the  flames.^ 
This  misguided  prelate,  in  support  of  the  contention  that  the 
royal  patronage  should  be  extended  over  the  whole  of  Spain, 
had  had  collected  a  number  of  Papal  Bulls  and  had  sent  them 
to  Rome.   The  compilation,  however,  had  been  made  without 

'  "  *En  gran  concepto  per  sus  virtudes  y  con  universal  dolor 
de  Ids  pobres,"  writes  Acquaviva  on  February  28,  1743,  ibid. 

*  Cf.  Acquaviva's  *reports  of  August  29,  September  10  (in 
which  Tempi,  Stoppani,  Imperiali,  and  Enriquez  were  proposed), 
October  14  and  November  14,  1743,  ibid. 

'  Karttunen,  143,  243. 

*  Letter  to  Tencin  of  January  3,  1744,  in  Hist,  fahrbuch, 
XXIV.,  550,  n.  I.  For  the  situation  in  the  Pontifical  State, 
see  below,  Ch.  II.,  pp.  103  seqq. 

^  Benedict's  opinion  in  the  letter  of  February  28,  1753, 
mentioned  above  (p.  57,  n.  4). 


ACQUAVIVA   AS    SPANISH   AMBASSADOR  6l 

any  sense  of  discrimination,  and  the  learned  Pope  had  Httle 
difficuhy  in  utterly  confuting  it  in  a  treatise  which  he  wrote 
unaided  in  1742.  An  attempt  at  a  reply  by  Olmeda  provoked 
only  ridicule,  even  among  pronounced  regalists,  such  as 
Gregorio  Mayans.^  It  was  realized  that  it  was  out  of  the 
question  to  present  such  arguments  in  Rome. 

In  October  1744  the  nuncio  was  instructed  to  press  for 
a  reply,  long  overdue,  to  the  Papal  exposition  ^  ;  but  nothing 
of  the  kind  appeared  ;  instead,  the  concordat  of  Clement  XII. 
was  flagrantly  violated.  Lest  infringements  of  the  rights  of 
patronage  be  afterwards  defended  on  the  plea  of  custom, 
Enriquez  was  given  further  instructions  on  August  12th,  1745, 
to  demand  an  expression  of  opinion  on  the  arguments  of 
Benedict  XIV. ^  Again  the  Spanish  Government  held  its 
peace. 

The  death  of  Cardinal  Molina  on  September  1st,  1744, 
brought  no  relief  to  the  Pope,  for  Molina's  closest  friend,* 
Cardinal  Acquaviva,  was  abusing  his  privileged  position  in 
Rome  so  outrageously  that  his  attempts  at  intervention  were 
making  it  more  and  more  difficult  even  to  maintain  public 


1  MiGUELEZ,  187  seq.  ;    cf.  Heeckeren,  I.,  140. 

^  "  *Dica  pure  V.  S.  111.  francamente  che  mai  e  comparsa  la 
risposta  alia  dissertazione  del  Papa  sopra  il  Padronato  fatta  da 
S.  Sta  per  confutare  tutte  quelle  belle  apocrife  che  il  card.  Molina 
mando  sul  principio  del  pontificate."  Cipher  of  October  17,  1744, 
Nunziat.  di  Spagna  430,  35b,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

3  "  *Vedendosi  che  I'affare  del  Padronato  va  imperversando 
a  misura  che  cade  in  mano  di  ministri  trasportati  e  troppe  politici, 
vuole  Nro  Sigre  che  non  lo  perdiamo  di  vista  ne  lasciame  cerrere 
tanti  atti  di  pregiudizio  ;  sicche,  per  non  restare  in  un  assopimento 
come  codesti  Togati  ci  vorrebbero,  faccia  V.  S.  Ill^na  una  valida 
et  autentica  istanza,  corroborata  con  la  di  Lei  piu  sagace  industria, 
afifinch^  venga  communicata  la  replica  fatta  alia  risposta  di 
Nro  Sigre^  la  quale  sta  costi  da  tanto  tempo  soppressa.  Questa 
domanda  e  fondata  sulla  giustizia  della  causa  e  sulla  convenienza, 
che  si  deve  alia  dignita  del  Papa,  non  meno  che  aU'amorevolezza 
del  di  lui  cuore."    Cipher  of  August  12,  1745,  ibid.,  59. 

^  Thus  Enriquez's  *repert  of  September  i,  1744,  ibid.,  250A. 


62  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

order.  In  consequence,  the  situation  had  become  extremely 
tense. ^  Even  in  Madrid  the  Cardinal's  behaviour  was  viewed 
with  disapproval,  for  it  was  only  making  Spain  hated  in  Rome  ; 
nevertheless  he  was  still  left  at  his  ambassadorial  post.^ 
"  It  is  clear,"  wrote  Cardinal  Valenti  to  the  nuncio  in  Madrid 
on  October  21st  1745,  "  that  whatever  affairs  pass  through 
Acquaviva's  hands  will  never  go  well."  ^  In  these  cir- 
cumstances it  must  be  considered  fortunate  that  at  this 
juncture  the  Cardinal  was  attacked  by  an  incurable  disease 
from  which  he  was  finally  released  by  death  in  ■\Iarch  1747. 
The  Pope  did  no  more  than  his  duty  in  admonishing  the  dying 
man  and  his  confessor  to  make  good  all  the  injustice  which  he 
had  done  to  the  Holy  See  during  his  term  as  ambassador  by 
the  advice  he  had  given  to  the  Spanish  Court  and  the  plots 
he  had  hatched  with  Molina.* 

Before  this,  at  the  beginning  of  March  1746,  Benedict  had 
made  a  fresh  attempt  to  bring  about  an  agreement  on  the 
disputed  questions  of  patronage  and  coadjutors,  for  the 
absolutely  one-sided  procedure  which  had  been  adopted  by 
the    Spanish    Government    was    becoming   more   and  more 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  29,  87,  91,  100  seqq.  Cf.  the  *ciphers  to 
Bami  of  September  12,  October  4  and  29,  December  5  and  12, 
1743,  ibid.,  430. 

2  "  *La  condotta  di  Acquaviva  nel  consaputo  iutrigo  tra 
rofificiale  e  soldato  spagnuolo  e  cotesto  Ministro  di  Sardegna 
6  stata  qui  disapprovata  dal  prime  all'  ultimo.  Si  tiene  qui  il 
buon  Cardinale  per  un  ignorante  capriccioso  e  capace  di  metter 
fuGco  air  erba  verde,  e  di  far  piu  odiare  in  Italia  questa  nazione. 
Scotti  al  suo  solito  va  gittando  niezze  parole  di  vicina  mutazione 
in  cotesto  Ministero,  ed  Ensenada  la  bramerebbe.  Ma  questo, 
a  mio  credere,  non  sara  mai  finchfe  vive  il  Duca  d'Atri,  bensi, 
morto  lui,  lo  sarebbe  incontanente.  Iddio  dunque  tiene  in  vita 
questo  buon  mezzo  cadente,  per  esercitare  con  le  violenze  di 
cotesto  fanatico  la  pazienza  di  Nostro  Signore  e  di  V.  E."  Cifra 
of  Enriquez,  January  5,  1745,  ibid.,  250A,  124. 

»  Ibid. 

*  Cf.  Heeckeren,  I.,  217,  222,  247,  257,  263,  283  seqq.,  285, 
298,  300  seqq.,  310,  311  seq.,  313. 


PHILIP   V.'S    CONFESSOR,    LE    FEVRE  63 

intolerable.  To  a  Brief  addressed  to  the  King  and  couched  in 
general  terms  the  nuncio  was  to  attach  a  memorandum  in 
which  a  sharper  note  was  struck.  Cardinal  Valenti  had  little 
hope  of  this  step  being  of  any  use,  but  at  least  it  served 
the  purpose  of  affirming  that  the  infringements  were  not 
assented  to  and  kept  the  way  open  for  subsequent  reclam- 
ations.^ 

A  large,  if  not  the  chief,  portion  of  the  blame  for  the  failure 
of  Rome  and  Madrid  to  come  to  an  understanding  was  ascribed 
by  Benedict  XIV.  to  Philip  V.'s  confessor,  the  Jesuit  Le 
Fevre,  an  impetuous  Frenchman,  who  was  even  advising  the 
King  to  repudiate  the  concordat  of  1737.^ 

The  nuncio  Enriquez  had  to  contend  with  Le  Fevre  from 
the  beginning  but  neither  by  severity  nor  friendliness  could  he 
manage  to  get  on  satisfactory  terms  with  the  influential 
priest.^  In  vain  he  represented  to  him,  in  accordance  with 
Valenti's  instructions,  that  the  Pope  was  ready  to  redress  all 
of  Spain's  legitimate  grievances  ;  in  vain  he  pointed  out  that 
the  slight  offences  against  the  concordat  which  had  been 
committed  in  Rome  were  not  to  be  compared  with  the  viola- 
tions of  the  Spanish  Government,  which  continually  ignored 
those  parts  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  which  were  favourable 
to  the  Holy  See.  It  was  Cardinal  Valenti's  belief  that  the  root 
cause  of  Le  Fevre 's  hostility  was  his  conviction  that  Benedict 
was  unfavourably  disposed  towards  the  Society  of  Jesus. 
The  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State  emphatically  denied  that 
this  was  so,  citing  in  support  of  his  contention  the  excellent 
relations  that  existed  between  the  Pope  and  the  General  of 
the  Jesuits.  Le  Fevre,  he  said,  was  utterly  mistaken  if  he 
feared  that  a  blow  was  about  to  be  struck  against  his  Order, 

^  *Cifra  al  Enriquez  of  March  3,  1746,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna  430, 
loc.  cit.  The  Brief  to  the  King,  of  February  23,  1746,  in  Acta 
Benedicti  XIV.,  I.,  308.  Re  the  coadjutors,  cf.  ibid.,  I.,  360,  and 
Heeckeren,  I.,  270. 

*  Benedict  XIV. 's  letter  to  Tencin,  of  July  27,  1746,  in  Hist. 
Jahrbuch,  XXIV.,  551,  n.  2. 

*  *Cifre  al  Enriquez  of  August  15  and  22,  1744,  Nunziat.  di 
Spagna  430,  loc.  cit. 


64  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

whose  services  for  the  Church  and  the  Holy  See  were  recognized 
in  Rome.^  To  all  these  assurances  the  hot-blooded  Frenchman 
refused  to  give  any  credence  ;  even  when  Valenti  sent  him,  on 
October  3rd,  a  note,  dictated  by  the  Pope,  affirming  the 

^  "  *Resti  pertanto  persuaso  il  Padre  Confessore  che  qui  non 
seguira  se  non  quelle  e  convenuto,  tale  essendo  ranimo  e  rindole 
di  Sua  Santita,  la  quale  dice  ad  ogni  modo  che,  se  mai  alcuna 
cosa  sfugge  di  qua,  che  sia  contraria  al  concertato  o  pure  al 
gusto  di  cotesta  Corte  e  nazione,  vorrebbe  che  per  atto  di  buona 
intelligenza  se  ne  facesse  qui  la  rimostranza  et  un  amichevole 
ricorso,  perch^  certamente  vi  si  apporterebbe  rimedio,  senza  che 
si  venisse  costi  al  fatto  con  prepotenza,  perche  un  tal  modo 
inasprisce  e  non  agevola  il  rimedio  e  dimostra  piuttosto  alienazione 
d'animo  che  confidenza  :  tanto  piii  che,  esaminando  imparzial- 
mente  e  cumulativamente  gli  articoh  tutti  del  Concordato,  vedra 
Sua  Paternita  quanti  non  si  osservano,  che  sono  a  nostro  favore, 
e  che  la  legge  distributiva  vorrebbe  che  si  ponessero  in  osservanza, 
e  non  si  lagnassero,  se  in  qualche  piccola  parte  per  accidente 
scorre  dal  canto  nostro  un  qualche  mancamento,  quando  dal 
canto  altrui  si  commettono  giornalmente  tante  trasgressioni... 
La  restringo  per  tanto  ad  assicurare  Monsignore  che  la  cosa 
non  h  essenzialmente  quale  si  apprende  per  quanto  tocc6  alle 
disposizioni  generali  de  Padri  Gesuiti.  Nei  fatti  poi  particolari 
puo  darsi  il  caso  che  li  principii  e  sentenze  di  Nostro  Signore 
non  s'incontrino  con  quelli  della  Compagnia  ;  ma  ci6  non  merita 
la  definizione  che  Sua  Santita  sia  d'animo  contrario.  II  Padre 
Generale,  che  e  I'unico  che  tratta  con  Sua  Santita  degli  affari 
riguardanti  il  loro  ceto,  mi  pare  resti  piii  appagato  degli  altri 
che  non  trattano  con  Sua  Santita,  e  conviene  in  alcune  virtu 
che  non  si  possono  comprendere  si  facilmente  da  quelli  che 
giudicano  dal  loro  tavolino.  Aggiunger5,  se  bene  eccedo  in  ci6 
il  mio  dovcre,  che,  per  quanto  a  me,  ho  fisso  e  fermo  non  solo 
in  rendere  giustizia  alia  considerazione  che  si  deve  fare  d'un 
Corpo  tanto  illustre,  ma  al  merito  ancora  di  molti  soggetti 
particolari,  e  sono  persuaso  che  non  nascera  novita  alcuna,  che 
sia,  come  si  suol  dire,  un  colpo  capitale  contro  la  Compagnia, 
che  conosco  e  confesso  essere  tanto  vantaggiosa  alia  Chiesa  et 
alia  Santa  Sede.  Sappia  per6  il  Padre  Confessore  che  alcune 
cose  sono  causate  dalle  circostanze  o  ancora  per  difetto  di  qualche 
particolare,    che    bisognerebbe    vedere    cogli    occhi    proprii    per 


LE    pfeVRE    DEPOSED  65 

benevolent  intentions  of  the  Holy  Father  towards  the  Jesuit 
Order/  he  would  not  budge  from  his  preconceived  opinion. 
An  attempt  to  influence  him  through  the  French  ambassador^ 
likewise  failed.  Valenti  advised  the  nuncio  on  October  31st 
to  concentrate  on  winning  over  "  the  dangerous  man  "  at 
least  in  particular  cases. ^  Valenti  admitted  that  the  Dataria 
had  made  mistakes  when  dealing  with  Spain  but  insisted  that 
Le  Fevre  exaggerated  them.^ 

The  attachment  of  the  Father  to  his  Order  and  his  fear  that 
an  anti- Jesuit  Bull  was  being  prepared  in  Rome,  were  so 
great,  reported  the  Spanish  nuncio  Enriquez  in  February  1745, 
that  he  was  capable  of  anything.^     In  August  the  nuncio 

esserne  ben  istruiti  ;  et  a  tali  casi  non  h  facile  dar  providenza. 
A  me  basta  peter'  asserire,  che  il  male  in  tali  occasioni  non  viene 
dalla  massima  generale."  Cifra  al  Enriquez  of  September  5,  1744, 
Nunziat.  di  Spagna  430,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

'  *Cifra  al  Enriquez  of  October  2,  1744,  ibid.,  250A,  93. 

^  *Cifra  al  Enriquez  of  October  17,  1744,  ibid. 

*  *Cifra  al  Enriquez  of  October  31,  1744,  ibid. 

*  *Cifra  al  Enriquez  of  September  30,  1745,  ibid. 

^  *Cifra  di  M.  Nunzio  di  Madrid,  February  16,  1745  :  "  II  Padre 
Confessore  del  Re,  di  cui  ora  piu  che  mai  abbiamo  di  bisogno, 
mi  disse  ier  1'  altro  con  voce  appassionata  e  con  viso  acceso,  che 
egli  aveva  notizie  sicure  lavorarsi  ora  in  Roma  una  nuova  Bolla 
contro  i  Gesuiti.  lo  le  risposi  che  non  ne  sapevo  nulla.  Quando 
cio  non  fosse  vero,  come  lo  bramerei,  sarebbe  opportune  che 
V.  E.  scrivesse  una  lettera  al  detto  Padre  per  metterlo  in  calma 
ed  assicurarlo  che  non  siamo  nemici  del  suo  Ordine,  pregandolo 
con  tale  occasione  di  dare  cortese  orecchio  a  tre  istanze  di  somma 
importanza  e  di  plena  giustizia,  che  da  me  in  breve  gli  saranno 
fatte.  Se  poi  il  di  lui  timore  fosse  vero,  mi  dica  ci6  che  devo 
fare  accio  che  il  colpo  gli  riesca  men  duro.  Per  iscarico  de'miei 
doveri,  devo  dire  a  V.  E.  che  questo  buon  Padre  nella  condotta 
della  sua  carica  mi  sembra  un  uomo  tutto  giustizia  senza  privati 
risguardi  e  senza  proprio  interesse.  Ma  per  contrario  nell' 
attacamento  al  suo  Ordine  e  impastato  di  tanta  e  tale  passione, 
che  per  ci6  sicuramente  e  capace  di  non  farci  bene  e  piii  che 
probabilmente  di  farci  male."    Ibid.,  143. 

VOL.  XXXV.  F 


66  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

referred  to  him  as  a  "  mortal  enemy  ".^  On  tlie  deatli  of 
Philip  V.  on  July  9th,  1746,  the  Pope  took  further  steps  to 
obtain  a  settlement  with  Spain  in  ecclesiastico-political 
affairs.^  But  Le  Fevre  immediately  influenced  the  new  king, 
Ferdinand  VI.,  against  the  Holy  See,  so  that  Benedict  XIV. 
was  obliged  to  protest  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits.  "  This 
Father,"  so  ran  his  opinion  of  him,  "  thinks  himself  a  great 
canonist,  he  wants  to  introduce  the  French  liberties  into 
Spain,  and  he  designates  the  lawfully  acquired  rights  of  the 
Holy  See  in  Spain  as  swindles  on  the  part  of  Roman  priests."  ^ 

Benedict  XIV.  sighed  with  relief  when  in  the  spring  of 
1747  Le  Fevre  suddenly  lost  his  position  as  royal  confessor 
and  was  replaced  by  the  Spanish  Jesuit  Francisco  Rabago. 
Having  received  the  most  favourable  assurances  regarding  the 
new  confessor  from  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  he  immediately 
sent  him  a  complimentary  Brief.*  Of  a  similar  tenor  were 
the  reports  from  the  nuncio  in  Madrid,  who  at  the  same  time 
was  able  to  inform  liim  of  the  favourable  intentions  of  the 
Queen. ^  The  Pope  now  had  strong  hopes  of  an  improvement 
in  his  relations  with  the  Spanish  Government,  though  he 
would  not  hear  of  a  new  concordat,  experience  having  shown 
him  that  the  Spanish  Ministers  observed  only  the  stipulations 
that  brought  them  advantage.* 

Quite  ajiart  from  the  persistent  discord  in  the  field  of 
politics,  a  factor  which  worked  against  a  settlement  was  the 

'  "  *n  nostro  mortale  neniico  6  il  velenoso  confessore  del  Re." 
Cifra  of  August  31,  1745,  ibid. 

*  Briefs  of  August  23,  1746,  on  the  patronage  and  the  coadjutors 
in  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  I.,  360  seqq. 

'  Letter  to  Tencin  of  November  16,  1746,  in  Hisl.  Jahrbuch, 
XXIV.,  551.  n.  3. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  326. 

*  •Cifra  al  Enriqucz  of  July  13,  1747,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna  430, 
loc.  cit. 

*  "  *Egli  6  d'avvertire  jx'r6  chc  oraniai  a  nostre  spcse  abbiamo 
provato  che  non  convicnc  far  trattati  formal!  perchO!  alia  fine  si 
osserva  la  parte  meiio  favorevole  a  noi  f  va  la  piii  favorevole  in 
oblivione."    Ibid. 


DISCORD    WITH    SPAIN  67 

attitude  adopted  by  the  Government  in  the  conflict  between 
the  Pope  and  the  Spanish  Inquisitor  General,  who  had  put 
on  the  Spanish  Index  the  work  by  Cardinal  Noris  on  the 
Pelagians  and  had  adhered  to  this  decision  despite  the  contrary 
one  that  had  been  taken  by  the  Pope.^ 

Cardinal  Portocarrero,  who  had  succeeded  Acquaviva, 
reported  in  the  autumn  of  1750  how  deeply  the  Pope  resented 
the  Government's  attitude  in  this  affair  and  the  violation  of 
the  concordat  of  1737  in  respect  of  the  stipulations  regarding 
the  coadjutors.  His  Holiness  was  therefore  most  averse  to 
granting  the  favours  asked  for  by  the  King,  nor  were  the 
circumstances  favourable  for  concluding  a  new  agreement 
concerning  the  matters  in  dispute.  In  making  his  report  the 
Cardinal  drew  attention  to  the  fact  that  they  had  to  deal  with 
a  Pope  who  was  not  only  very  learned  but  who  had  a  particu- 
larly deep  knowledge  of  the  matters  in  question. ^  At  the  end 
of  September  three  requests  of  the  Spanish  Government  met 
with  a  flat  refusal.^  In  an  audience  given  to  Portocarrero  in 
November  the  Pope  complained  bitterly  that  former  important 
favours  granted  by  him  to  Spain  had  not  been  reciprocated  ; 
the  attitude  adopted  in  the  affair  of  Cardinal  Noris  was 
a  personal  affront  to  him  ;  and  doubtless  his  early  decease 
was  hoped  for  in  Madrid.  The  Pope's  language  was  so  emo- 
tional that  Portocarrero  feared  a  rupture  with  Spain.* 

But  already  there  was  resident  in  Rome  the  man  who  was 

'  For  this  cf.  infra,  Ch.  IV.  The  question  of  the  character  of 
the  Spanish  Inquisition  (see  our  account.  Vol.  IV.,  398)  was 
thoroughly  discussed  at  the  time  in  a  *Relazione  del  S.  Offizio, 
compiled  by  the  assessor  Ric.  Giul.  Guglielmo,  dated  April  15, 
1749  (Nunziat.  di  Spagna  253,90  seqq.,  loc.  cit.),  in  which  it  was 
historically  demonstrated  that  the  Inquisition  in  Spain,  as  in 
other  countries,  was  subject  to  the  Pope. 

*  Portocarrero 's  *letter  to  Carvajal  of  September  17,  1750, 
Archives  of  Simancas. 

'  Portocarrero 's  *letter  to  Carvajal  of  October  i,  1750,  ibid. 

*  Portocarrero 's  *letter  to  Carvajal  of  November  12,  1750, 
ibid.  For  the  favours  to  which  the  Pope  referred  in  the  conversa- 
tion, see  Hergenrother  in  Archiv.  /.  Kirchenrecht,  XI.,  254  seq. 


68  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

to  cause  affairs  to  take  an  entirely  different  course.  Manuel 
Ventura  Figueroa,  the  new  Uditore  of  the  Rota  for  Castile, 
had  arrived  in  the  Eternal  City  in  the  middle  of  July  and  had 
made  an  excellent  impression  on  the  Spanish  Embassy.^ 
There  no  one  had  the  slightest  knowledge  that  the  Minister 
Marquis  de  la  Ensenada  had  given  the  Uditore  the  secret 
mission  of  negotiating  a  new  concordat.  The  only  persons  who 
knew  of  the  proposal,  Ensenada  wrote  to  Figueroa  on  July 
14th,  1750,  were  the  Pope,  Cardinal  Valenti,  the  King,  his 
confessor  Rabago,  and  they  two.  Sufficient  money — which 
could  do  so  much  in  Rome — had  been  placed  at  his  disposal 
to  enable  him  to  obtain  a  concordat  even  more  advantageous 
than  that  of  1737  ;  the  favourable  opportunity  was  to  be 
made  the  most  of,  especially  with  regard  to  the  royal 
patronage. 2 

The  differences  with  Sardinia  having  been  settled  by  direct 
negotiation,  of  which  only  a  few  persons  had  been  aware  at 
the  time,  Benedict  XIV.  readily  agreed  to  the  proposal  to 
seek  an  understanding  with  Spain  by  the  same  method. 
Previous  experience  had  shown  him  only  too  well  that  the 
exchange  of  notes  and  polemical  treatises,  so  far  from  com- 
posing differences,  only  complicated  them  by  resurrecting 
questions  already  settled. ^ 

The  exclusion  of  the  Spanish  ambassador  Portocarrero,  in 
whom  Madrid  had  lost  all  confidence,  was  most  welcome  to 
Cardinal  Valenti,  who  was  on  bad  terms  with  that  diplomat,* 
and  the  Pope  made  no  demur,  having  discovered  from  previous 
relations  with  Portocarrero  that  his  scanty  credit  in  Madrid 


'  Portocarrero 's  letter  to  Carvajal  of  July  i6,  1750,  in 
MiGUELEZ,  191. 

*  MiGUELEZ,  192  seqq.  For  the  intimate  connection  between 
Ensenada  and  Rabago,  who  both  fell  at  the  same  time,  see 
Heeckeren,  II.,  451. 

*  Cf.  the  note  on  the  introduction  to  the  concordat  of  1753 
in  Mercati,  Concordati,  423.  See  also  the  letter  to  the  Spanish 
nuncio  of  July  28,  1751,  in  Razdn  y  Fe,  XVII.  (1907),  22. 

*  MiGUELEZ,  193. 


CONCORDAT   WITH   SPAIN  6g 

and  his  inexperience  in  affairs  brought  forth  nothing  but 
empty  speeches  and  promises.^ 

Figueroa,  who  had  akeady,  in  October  1749,  drawn  up 
a  memorial  on  the  questions  of  patronage,^  at  the  order  of 
Ferdinand  VI.,  was  very  well  informed  in  the  subjects  under 
consideration  ;  but  although  he  showed  great  skill  in  the 
negotiations  and  was  not  above  bribery,^  the  discussions  went 
on  for  two  and  a  half  years,  for  much  was  demanded  on  the 
Spanish  side.  The  decisive  factor  that  finally  induced  the  Pope 
to  give  way  on  all  important  points  was  his  fear  of  a  complete 
break  with  Spain.  He  wrote  himself  in  a  confidential  letter  to 
Tencin  that  he  had  seen  the  flashing  of  the  sword  as  it  hung 
above  his  head  and  that  there  was  a  fear  of  the  King  being 
carried  away  by  his  impetuous  counsellors  and  of  settling  the 
matters  in  dispute  in  arbitrary  fashion  by  a  single  stroke  of 
the  pen.  So  as  not  to  lose  everything  and  to  save  what  was 
to  be  saved,  he  had  concluded  the  new  concordat.* 

In  the  Quirinal,  on  January  11th,  1753,  Valenti,  in  the  name 
of  the  Pope,  and  Figueroa,  in  the  name  of  the  King,  set  their 
signatures  to  the  document.^  It  settled  the  most  important 
of  the  questions  on  which  for  more  than  a  generation  five  Popes 
and  two  Kings  had  been  unable  to  agree,  entirely  in  favour  of 

*  Thus  in  the  letter  to  Tencin  mentioned  above,  p.  66,  n.  3 . 

-  Reproduced  in  Tejada,  Vtl.,  113  seq.  ;  the  memorial 
probably  resulted  from  Benedict  XIV. 's  statement  to  Porto- 
carrero,  who  wrote  from  Madrid  to  Ravago  on  June  17,  1749  : 
"  El  dia  antes  de  partir  yo  de  Roma,  me  dijo  el  Papa  :  Ya  que 
va  a  Madrid,  seria  bien  que  dijesse  algo  sobre  la  conveniencia 
de  ajustar  con  tratado  las  cosas  de  Patronato  y  otros  derechos 
que  el  Re  juzga  tener  ;  porque  de  mi  parte  facilitare  cuanto 
pudiere  "  (Miguelez,  189). 

'  Ibid.,  195,  198  seq.,  443  seqq. 

'  Archiv.  f.  Kirchenrecht,  LXXX.  (1900),  321  seqq.  The  pre- 
amble to  the  concordat  also  stresses  the  danger  of  an  "  infelice 
rottura  ". 

•'■'  Best  text  in  Mercati,  Concordati,  422  seqq.  Excellent  abstract 
by  Hergenrother  in  Archiv  f.  Kirchenrecht,  XI.  (1864),  255  seqq., 
a  shorter  one  ibid.,  VII.,  365.  For  earlier  printed  copies,  cf. 
PoRTiLLO  in  Razon  y  Fe,  XIX.  (1907),  295  seqq. 


70  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  Spanish  Government,  which  hereby  obtained  the  ardently 
desired  universal  patronage  of  the  Catholic  King  in  the  fullest 
measure.  The  Pope  was  left  with  only  52  ecclesiastical  posts 
(mostly  archdeaconries,  precentorships,  scholasticates,  and 
treasurerships  to  chapters)  wherewith  to  reward  distinguished 
or  meritorious  clerics,  whereas  the  King  received  the  right  of 
presentation  to  12,000  benefices  formerly  contested.^ 

To  this  general  agreement  were  annexed  eight  articles 
containing  detailed  stipulations  concerning  the  occupation  of 
vacant  benefices.  In  accordance  with  these  the  Bishops 
retained  their  former  right  of  presenting  prebends  in  the 
months  of  March,  June,  September,  and  December,  by  the 
Tridentine  method  of  concursus.  Special  patronages,  whether 
clerical  or  lay,  were  not  affected  by  the  concordat.  Apart 
from  the  52  benefices  reserved  to  the  Holy  See,  the  nomination 
and  presentation  to  all  the  others  throughout  the  kingdom 
were  to  be  made  thenceforth  by  the  Crown.  Now  included 
therein  were  all  higher  dignities  below  that  of  bishop, 
canonries  in  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches,  abbacies,  and 
secular  and  regular  benefices  with  or  without  cure  of  souls, 
in  cases  where  the  founder  had  not  reserved  the  right  of 
presentation.  This  universal  patronage  of  the  King  was 
not  to  be  prejudiced  in  any  way  and  no  one  was  to  be 
given  an  indult  to  assign  ecclesiastical  posts  in  the  formerly 
Papal  months. 

To  maintain  episcopal  authority  undiminished,  firstly  the 
Ordinaries  were  enabled  to  impart  the  canonical  institution 
to  the  persons  "  provided  "  by  the  King,  without  it  being 
necessary  to  issue  a  Papal  Bull,  except  in  cases  concerned 
with  the  confirmation  of  elections  or  with  dispensations  or 
pardons  which  the  Bishops  were  not  empowered  to  grant. 
Further,  the  Bishops  were  to  remain  in  possession  of  their 
jurisdiction,  since  no  sort  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  over 
cliurches  and  ecclesiastical  persons  was  to  accrue  to  the 
King  from  his  rights  of  nomination  and  patronage. 

■  Hkrgenrothkr,  loc.  cit.,  256,  to  whose  excellent  analysis 
I  am  indebted  for  what  follows. 


COMPENSATION  FOR  THE  HOLY  SEE     7I 

Together  with  the  indults,  reservations,  and,  in  great  part, 
exemptions,  which  were  thus  abolished,  the  spoils,  which  had 
hitherto  fallen  to  the  Apostolic  Camera,  and  the  so-called 
bank-bills  ^  were  also  done  away  with. 

By  way  of  compensation  for  the  very  heavy  financial  losses 
suffered  by  the  Holy  See  and  its  officials  as  a  result  of  these 
stipulations,  the  following  provisions  were  agreed  to  : — 

1.  Under  the  title  of  a  compensation  for  the  rights  of 
collation  transferred  to  the  King,  Ferdinand  VI.  pays  once 
for  all  for  the  benelit  of  the  Dataria  and  CanceUeria  a  capital 
sum  of  310,000  Roman  scudi,  which  at  3%  yield  9,300  scudi 
annually. 

2.  As  a  substitute  for  the  abolished  pensions  and  bank-bills 
and  for  the  benefit  of  the  Roman  officials  of  the  Curia,  the 
King  pays  600,000  scudi,  which  at  3%  produce  18,000  scudi 
annually. 

3.  As  a  substitute  for  the  abolished  spoils  the  King  pays 
233,333  scudi,  which  at  3%  bring  in  7,000  scudi  annually. 

4.  As  indemnity  for  the  receipts  from  the  intercalary  fruits 
the  Court  of  Madrid  sets  apart  from  the  revenue  of  the 
Cruzada  an  annual  sum  of  5,000  scudi  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  nuncio  and  his  officials.^ 

The  concordat  was  ratified  by  King  Ferdinand  VI.  as  early 

*  Of  these  Benedict  gives  this  explanation  in  his  Bull  of 
confirmation  :  "  Consuetudo  a  longo  tempore  vigens,  ut  in 
beneficiorum  collationibus  et  provisionibus,  quae  per  S.  Sedem 
fierent,  quaedam  pensiones  annuae  super  eorundem  beneficiorum 
fructibus  et  proventibus  reservarentur,  et  pro  earum  certiori 
solutione  pubhcorum  Argentariorum  cautiones  seu  cedulae 
Bancariae  a  provisis  Beneficiatis  exigerentur." 

-  Hergen'rother,  loc.  cit.,  260.  Hergenrother  thinks  it 
improbable  that  the  continued  application  of  the  "  Pase  Regio  " 
(Exequatur)  was  permitted  by  an  additional  secret  article  in  the 
concordat,  but  he  cannot  definitely  deny  it  {ibid.,  261  seq.). 
PoRTiLLO  produces  documentary  evidence  to  show  that  no  such 
secret  article  existed  ;    see  Razdn  y  Fe,  XIX.  (1907),  209  seqq. 


72  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

as  January  31st,  1753,i  by  Benedict  XIV.  on  February  20th.2 
After  the  payment  of  the  indemnity  the  agreement  was  further 
confirmed  and  explained  in  a  Bull  of  June  9th. ^  Enriquez,  the 
nuncio  in  Madrid,  whose  first  circular  letter  to  the  Spanish 
Bishops  had  given  the  Government  cause  for  complaint, 
was  made  to  replace  it  by  another.*  Enriquez  had  been 
bitterly  mortified  by  his  exclusion  from  the  .negotiations  for 
the  new  concordat  and  remained  an  opponent  of  it  until  his 
death,  in  spite  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  and  Valenti's  assurances 
that  it  was  precisely  his  reports  that  had  prompted  them  to 
give  way  to  the  Spanish  demands.^ 

Seldom  has  a  secret  been  kept  so  well  as  on  the  occasion  of 
this  new  concordat  with  Spain.     It  was  not  until  its  actual 

*  Ibid.,  294. 

*  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  125  seqq. 

^  MiJNCH,  Konkordate,  I.,  468  seqq.,  where,  however,  "  June  5  " 
should  read  "  June  9  ".  See  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  437  seq., 
and  PoRTiLLO,  loc.  cit.,  295  seq. 

*  Hergenrother,  loc.  cit.  The  date  of  the  Brief  in  Munch 
(I.,  483  seqq.)  is  also  wrong;  it  is  not  December  10,  but  Sep- 
tember 10  ;  see  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  451  seq.,  and  Portillo, 
loc.  cit.,  295,  297. 

5  Merenda  (*Memorie)  relates  of  the  year  1756  :  "  AlH  26  del 
mese  di  aprile  si  ebbe  I'avviso  della  morte  del  cardinale  Enriquez 
in  Ravenna,  dopo  lunga  penosa  malattia,  alia  quale  credesi 
contribuisse  un  poco  la  passione  dell'animo.  Poiche,  parlando 
esso  con  molta  liberta  in  biasimo  del  Concordato  con  la  Spagna, 
come  fatto  senza  saputa  e  intelligenza,  e  continuando  a  parlare 
nella  medesima  maniera,  benche  avvertito  per  ordine  del  Papa 
a  moderarsi  et  a  parlare  con  piii  riserva,  percio  Sua  S'^  et  il 
card.  Valenti  avevano  fatto  cavare  un  estratto  delle  sue  lettere, 
tanto  in  cifra  che  in  piano,  su  questa  materia,  dalle  quali  risultava 
la  spinta  che  vi  aveva  data  con  le  sue  rappresentanze,  e  si  stava 
sul  punto  di  dar  fuori  un  manifesto  contro  di  lui  e  far  palese  la 
parte  che  vi  aveva  avuta,  e  ne  rest6  sospesa  la  publicazione  per 
la  malattia  sopragiuntali,  per  cui  dopo  un  mese  e  mezzo  h  morto. 
Era  egli  rimasto  il  solo  della  sua  famiglia,  e  da  Governatore  di 
Macerata  era  passato  Nunzio  in  Spagna,  con  speranza  ancora  di 
salire  piu  alto.  II  Papa,  intesa  la  di  lui  morte,  mand6  ordine 
per  staffetta  a  Msgr.  Onorati  V.  Legato  di  prendere  e  sigillare 


AFTERMATH  OF  THE  SPANISH  CONCORDAT  73 

publication  that  anything  was  known  of  the  negotiations  that 
had  preceded  it.^  In  Rome  the  general  public  first  got  wind 
of  the  matter  by  the  excitement  caused  by  the  arrival  in  the 
middle  of  February  of  a  huge  consignment  of  money — 
1,300,000  scudi — which  was  taken  to  the  Castel  S.  Angelo. 

There  can  be  no  gainsaying  that  this  indemnity  was  far  from 
being  an  adequate  compensation  for  the  revenues  yielded  by 
the  benefices  which  had  now  come  under  royal  patronage. 
The  surprise  and  indignation  of  the  Curiali  was  accordingly 
very  great.  We  are  told  by  a  contemporary  that  their  out- 
bursts of  wrath  and  their  vehement  expressions  of  opinion 
were  indescribable. ^  The  older  members  related  how  Benedict 
XIII.  in  his  time  had  refused  to  make  such  a  concession  to 
Spain,  although  he  had  been  offered  an  indemnity  of  5  millions, 
besides  another  million  for  Cardinal  Coscia — an  offer  which 
Lambertini,  then  Secretary  to  the  Congregation  of  the  Council, 
had  approved  of.^  It  was  feared  also  in  many  quarters  that 
similar  concessions  would  now  be  demanded  by  other  Govern- 
ments.'* 

Cardinal  Valenti  endeavoured  to  justify  the  new  agreement 
by  a  more  exhaustive  exposition  of  the  circumstances,^  but 
when  it  was  known  that  he  had  received  a  second  present  from 
the  King  of  Spain  of  50,000  scudi, ^  in  addition  to  one  of  45,000 
scudi  already  received,  he  became  the  chief  object  of  attack. 

tutte  le  scritture  del  defunto  e  tenerle  a  disposizione  di  Sua 
ScUitita."    Biblioteca  Angelica,  Rome. 

^  Cordara  in  Dollinger,  III.,  16.  Cf.  Miguelez,  206.  The 
conclusion  ■  of  the  concordat  was  first  reported  by  Albani  on 
March  3,  1753,  to  Colloredo.  More  detailed  information  was  sent 
by  Stadion,  the  Auditor  to  the  Rota,  on  April  4,  1753,  State 
Archives,  Vienna. 

2  See  Merenda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit.,  and  the  report  in 
Heeckeren,  I.,  Iv  seq.  A  venomous  *satire  of  the  time  in  Cod. 
Vat.  9020,  loi  seq.,  Vatican  Library. 

^   *Merenda,  loc.  cit. 

*  Ibid.    Cf.  Miguelez,  206. 

^  *Merenda,  loc.  cit. 

•^  Miguelez,  444,  and  Portillo,  loc.  cit.,  XX.  (1908),  197. 


74  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

It  was  said  of  him  that  he  had  already  promised  to  make  an 
agreement  of  this  nature  when  he  was  nuncio  in  Madrid.^ 

If  the  concordat  of  1753  brought  about  a  fundamental 
change  in  the  discipline  of  the  Church  in  Spain, ^  it  also  altered 
conditions  in  the  Roman  Curia.  The  number  of  the  applicants 
for  Spanish  benefices  who  now  departed  from  the  Holy  City 
is  said  to  have  been  as  high  as  4,000.  It  was  entirely  in  the 
interests  of  the  Church  that  Rome  should  be  freed  of  these 
elements,  but  it  was  not  at  aU  to  the  liking  of  those  who  had 
derived  a  living  from  them.  Not  only  inn-  and  lodging- 
house-keepers  but  a  countless  number  of  agents  and  pro- 
curators now  found  themselves  deprived  of  their  source  of 
income.  In  a  similar  plight  was  the  numerous  personnel  of 
the  Dataria  which  now  became  superfluous.  Many  a  man 
who  had  lived  very  comfortably  on  Spanish  money  was  now 
suddenly  impoverished.^ 

Thus  a  storm  of  abuse  rained  down  on  Benedict  XIV.'*  But 
calm  observers  admitted  even  then  that  there  was  much  to  be 
said  on  his  side.  Those  who  came  to  Rome  seeking  benefices 
were  not  of  the  best  type,  and  their  arrogant  demeanour  often 
led  to  disturbances.  Many  of  them  were  given  well-endowed 
positions,  not  in  virtue  of  their  services  but  because  they  had 
persisted  in  their  application  for  years  on  end.  In  a  city  of 
the  size  of  Rome  they  were  able  to  elude  the  surveillance  of 
the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  Some  of  them  were  so  poor 
that  to  keep  themselves  alive  they  had  to  resort  to  quite 
unworthy  occupations,  donning  their  clerical  robes — which 
they  often  lent  to  one  another — only  once  a  month,  when 
they  had  to  present  themselves  at  the  Dataria. ^  These  abuses 
were  now  brought  to  an  end. 

Another  consideration  which  had  equally  affected  Benedict's 
decision  was  the  danger  of  the  situation  ;  for  the  Spanish 
regalists,  pointing  to  the  influence  wielded  by  the  rulers  of 
France  in  the  filling  of  ecclesiastical  offices  since  the  concordat 

'  *Merenda,  loc.  cit. 
2  Gams,  III.,  2,  348. 

^    CORDARA,   loc.   cit.      Cf.  CaRACCIOLO,    12  1. 

*    MiGUELEZ,   207.  '   CoRDARA,  lOC.  Cit. 


BENEDICT  XIV.  S  DEFENCE  OF  THE  CONCORDAT  75 

of  1515,  were  advising  Ferdinand  VI.  to  claim  similar  rights 
for  himself,  without  reference  to  the  Holy  See.^ 

The  Pope  himself  maintained  to  Cardinal  Tencin  that  much 
had  been  saved  by  him  which  would  otherwise  have  been  lost. 
They  had  striven,  he  wrote,  not  to  burden  the  Papal  treasury 
with  fresh  debts,  which  would  unavoidably  have  happened  had 
they  lost  the  yearly  revenues  without  obtaining  any  compen- 
sation. They  had  seen  to  it  that  on  the  one  hand  the  Bishops 
should  suffer  no  injury,  and  that  on  the  other  the  vast  host  of 
Spanish  aspirants,  who  were  like  "  bees  without  a  queen  " 
and  who  were  leading  scandalous  lives,  should  be  removed 
from  Rome.  They  had  got  rid  of  the  most  obnoxious  pheno- 
menon of  the  bank-bills,  which  were  more  the  property  of 
a  bank  than  of  the  Dataria.  And  the  Pope  had  no  need  to 
threaten  a  fresh  closure  of  the  Dataria,  which  had  already 
happened  four  times  in  his  lifetime.^ 

Nevertheless  the  complaint  is  still  being  made  that  Benedict 
XIV.  was  too  conciliatory  in  his  dealings  with  Spain.  Nor  is 
this  to  be  wondered  at,  for  the  loss  to  the  Holy  See  was  great,^ 
while  the  advantage  gained  by  Caesaro-papalism  was  immense.* 
There  was,  however,  in  Benedict's  favour  the  circumstance 
that  grave  abuses  were  undoubtedly  being  committed,  which 
according  to  the  description  of  them  given  by  the  negotiators, 
threatened  to  provide  a  pretext  for  a  complete  rupture.  This 
Benedict  was  determined  to  avoid,  even  though  it  meant  his 
going  to  the  uttermost  limit  of  what  was  possible  for  him  to  do. 

'  Ibid.    Cf.  MiGUELEz,  201,  209. 

^  Archiv  f.  Kirchenvecht,  LXXX.  (1900),  321  ;  Heeckeren, 
II.,  247  seq. 

^  "  Irreparable  "  is  the  term  used  by  Spittler  in  Vorlesungen 
iXher  die  Gesch.  des  Papsttums,  pub.  by  Gurlitt,  ist  Appx.,  ist 
Continuation,  Hamburg,  1827,  27. 

■'  MiGUELEZ,  211  seqq.,  Portillo,  loc.  cit.,  198.  Not  content 
with  what  it  had  already  gained,  the  Government  lost  no  time 
in  claiming  the  annates  about  which  so  many  complaints  had  been 
lodged  with  the  Popes.  By  Briefs  of  April  6  and  May  10,  1754, 
there  was  ceded  to  the  Crown  half  of  the  annates  from  all  the 
benefices  subject  to  its  right  of  presentation  ;  see  Hergenrother, 
loc.  cit.,  263. 


CHAPTER   II. 

Benedict  XIV.  and  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession 
— His  Attitude  towards  the  Elections  of  the 
Emperors  Charles  VII.  and  Francis  I.— The  Peace 
Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

(1) 

Benedict  XIV.  had  hardly  been  on  the  Papal  throne  for  two 
months  when  the  death  of  Emperor  Charles  VI.  on  October 
20th,  1740,  and  the  outbreak  of  the  war  of  the  Austrian 
Succession  placed  him  in  a  highly  difficult  situation.  While 
Maria  Theresa  was  making  every  effort  to  secure  the  election, 
as  emperor,  of  her  husband,  Francis  Stephen  of  Lorraine, 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  the  Elector  Charles  Albert  of  Bavaria 
was  raising  claims  to  the  inheritance  of  the  Habsburgs,  and 
the  Spanish  Queen,  Elizabeth,  who  held  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment in  the  place  of  her  melancholy  husband,  was  planning 
to  endow  her  second  son,  Philip,  with  Austrian  possessions  in 
her  Italian  homeland.  Both  Charles  Albert  and  Elizabeth 
hoped  for  the  support  of  the  French  Cabinet,  which  had 
decided  in  advance  to  prevent  the  election  of  Francis  Stephen 
and  to  obtain  this  lionour  for  Bavaria.^ 

In  a  letter  written  in  his  own  hand  on  November  26th,  1740, 
Benedict  XIV.  expressed  his  condolence  with  Maria  Theresa 
on  the  death  of  her  father,^  but  on  other  matters  he  reserved 
his  opinion.  Cardinal  Aldrovandi,  who  was  still  influential, 
was  for  the  immediate  recognition  of  Maria  Theresa  as  Charles 
VI. 's  inheritress  ;  Cardinals  Passionei  and  Valenti,  on  the 
other  hand,  advised  the  Pope  to  be  silent  for  the  nonce  and  to 
await  developments.  After  a  month's  delay  the  Pope  decided, 
in    spite    of    the    opposition    of    the    French    and    Spanish 

^  Immich,  Staatensystem,  304  seqq. 

■  ♦Original  of  this  letter  in  the  State  Archives,  Vienna, 
Hofkorrespondenz. 

76 


THE    IMPERIAL   ELECTION  77 

ambassadors,  Cardinals  Tencin  and  Acquaviva,  to  recognize 
Maria  Theresa's  right  of  succession.^ 

At  the  same  time  the  question  arose  as  to  the  attitude  to  be 
adopted  by  the  Holy  See  towards  the  impending  imperial 
election.  Though  the  Pope's  influence  in  the  appointment  of 
a  new  head  of  the  Empire  had  long  been  considerably  less 
than  it  had  been  of  old,  it  still  seemed  strong  enough  to  the 
interested  parties  for  them  to  vie  with  one  another  in  enlisting 
the  support  of  the  Curia. ^ 

Foreseeing  that  he  would  soon  be  assailed  by  advice, 
suggestions,  and  demands,  in  the  form  of  prayers,  coming 
from  all  quarters,  Benedict  XIV.  sought  enlightenment  from 
above.  For  this  purpose  he  announced  a  jubilee  to  invoke  the 
divine  assistance  and  instructed  the  famous  Franciscan 
preacher  Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio  to  hold  missions  in 
Rome.  In  the  procession  for  the  obtaining  of  the  jubilee 
indulgence,  which  went  from  S.  Maria  degli  Angeli  to  S.  Maria 
Maggiore  on  November  20th,  1740,  he  took  part  in  person.^ 

As  nuncio  for  the  electoral  diet  in  Frankfort  the  Genoese 
Giorgio  Doria  was  appointed,  with  the  full  powers  of  a  Legatus 
a  latere*  He  was  instructed  not  to  give  his  support  to  any 
particular  candidate  but  to  work  generally  for  a  result  that 

*  See  Merenda,  *Meniorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,  and  the 
Venetian  reports  in  Matscheg,  79  seqq.,  131.  The  *original  of 
the  letter  to  Maria  Theresa,  which  was  written  on  parchment 
under  date  December  20,  1740,  and  implicitly  recognizes  Maria 
Theresa  as  Charles  VI. 's  inheritress,  is  in  the  State  Archives, 
Vienna,  loc.  cit. 

*  Cf.  Matscheg,  45  seqq. 

^  Thun's  *report  to  Maria  Theresa,  November  19,  1740,  State 
Archives,  Vienna. 

''  *Thun  reports  Doria 's  appointment  on  November  12,  1740, 
and  his  departure,  fixed  for  the  following  day,  on  December  17, 
1740,  ibid.  Merenda  {*Memorie,  loc.  cit.)  refers  to  Doria  as  a 
"  degnissimo  prelato  ".  Benedict  XIV.  also  was  highly  laudatory  ; 
see  Heeckeren,  I.,  20,  30.  Doria's  *Cifre  to  Valenti  (Nunziat. 
di  Germania,  Papal  Secret  Archives)  begin  with  a  report  dated 
Bamberg,  February  1741.  and  Frankfurt,  February  17,  1741. 


78  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

would  be  to  the  advantage  of  the  CathoHc  religion  and  the 
Holy  See.  Similarly  the  Briefs  sent  by  Benedict  to  the  Catholic 
electors  contained  only  the  general  exhortation  to  choose 
a  candidate  who  would  be  able  to  protect  the  interests  of  the 
Church.^ 

This  impartial  attitude  was  not  to  the  liking  of  any  of  the 
candidates,  and  remonstrances  were  made  in  Rome  by  all  the 
parties.  To  the  complaint  made  by  the  French  ambassador. 
Cardinal  Tencin,  that  the  desire  for  a  powerful  emperor,  as 
expressed  in  the  Briefs,  was  tantamount  to  favouring  Maria 
Theresa's  husband,  the  Pope  simply  replied  that  he  was 
convinced  that  he  had  acted  rightly. ^  Early  in  the  year  1741 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  Cardinal  Acquaviva,  also  remon- 
strated with  the  Pope  for  having,  as  he  said,  sided  with  the 
Grand  Duke  Francis  of  Tuscany.  Benedict  assured  him  that 
he  was  far  from  having  any  such  intention  and  he  told  him  in 
confidence  that  for  him  the  Lorrainer  was  the  least  desirable 
of  all  the  candidates,  on  account  of  the  usurpation  of  Parma 
and  Piacenza  ;  in  strict  confidence  he  added  that  he  did  not 
know  how  much  reliance  could  be  placed  on  that  prince's 
religious  sentiments.^ 

The  Pope  succeeded  in  convincing  both  Acquaviva  and 
Tencin  that  he  had  no  desire  to  intervene  in  the  electoral 

1  The  *Briefs  to  Charles  Albert  of  Bavaria  of  the  14,  to  Cologne 
and  Treves  of  the  20,  to  Mayence  of  November  25,  1740,  in  the 
Epist.  ad  princ.  log,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  Thun's  *report  to  Maria  Theresa,  December  31,  1741,  loc.  cit. 

^  "  *E1  santo  Padre  que  ciertamente  es  incapaz  de  decir  una 
cosa  por  otra  mi  dixo  que  yo  le  conocia  y  savia  la  amistad  que 
tenia  conmigo  y  mi  jurava  que  no  havia  ni  menos  pensado  dc 
ayudar  al  Duque  de  Lorena,  antes  mi  dczia  con  toda  la  confianza 
que  de  todos  los  principes  catholicos  que  podian  ser  elegidos  era 
este  el  unico  que  le  disgustaria  que  fuese  et  tenia  toda  la  raz6n 
para  con  Dios  porque  ninguno  convendria  menos  que  este  para 
la  Sede  Apost.  mientras  mantenia  la  usurpacion  hecha  de  los 
estados  de  Parma  y  Plasencia  y  de  la  Carpena  y  en  fin  me  aiiadio 
con  la  maior  reserva  que  no  savia  como  este  principe  estava  en 
materia  de  religion."  Acquaviva  to  Villarias,  January  19,  1741, 
Archives  of  Simancas. 


THE   LEGATE    DORIA   AT   FRANKFORT  79 

negotiations  on  Francis  Stephen's  behalf.  When  Tencin 
reported  this  to  Paris  he  added  that  no  doubt  the  Pope  was 
obhged  to  tread  warily  as  the  proximity  of  the  Lorrainer  as 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  might  be  dangerous  to  the  Pontifical 
State.i 

The  more  acute  the  electoral  struggle  at  the  diet  in  Frankfort 
became,  the  more  difficult  became  the  position  of  the  Papal 
legate,  Doria.  In  Rome  it  was  impressed  upon  him  to  exercise 
the  greatest  care  in  all  directions  and  not  to  commit  himself 
too  far  with  anyone,  not  even  with  the  French  delegate.^  At 
the  same  time  he  was  advised  to  pay  as  much  consideration 
as  possible  to  the  Protestants,  whom  he  was  to  mollify.^  But 
above  all  he  was  to  bring  about  a  settlement  between  Bavaria 
and  Austria  in  the  dispute  about  the  succession.*  If  he 
succeeded  in  this,  the  balance  between  the  two  great  Catholic 
Powers  in  Germany  would  be  restored,  the  papal  influence  in 
that  country  would  be  considerably  increased,  and  the 
Catholic  Church  would  have  a  firm  bulwark  against  the 
Protestants.  Actually  the  plan  was  wrecked  by  the  old 
opposition  between  the  houses  of  Wittelsbach  and  Habsburg 
proving  insurmountable.^ 

As  in  the  case  of  the  Imperial  election,  the  Pope  allowed 
himself  to  be  affected  by  no  other  interests  than  those  of  the 
Catholic  religion  in  his  attitude  towards  the  Prussian  king 
and  his  invasion  of  Silesia. 

Already  by  the  end  of  1740  the  Pope  had  said  of  Frederick  II. 
that  he  was  a  man  to  be  feared,  being  in  control  of  considerable 
forces  and  having  no  religion.^  Immediately  he  heard  the  news 

^  Tencin  to  Fleury,  January  6,  1741,  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXVI., 

43- 

-  *Cifre  al  Doria,  January  21  and  February  18,  1741,  Nunziat. 
di  Germania,  570,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  *Cifra  al  Doria,  March  4,  1741,  ibid. 

■■  *Cifra  al  Doria,  March  18,  1741,  ibid. 

*  Cf.  W.  VON  HoFMANN,  215  scqq. 

^  *"  che  questo  era  un  principe  da  temersi,  perche  aveva  molte 
forze  e  niuna  religione."  Thun  to  Maria  Theresa,  December  31, 
1 74 1,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 


8o  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

that  the  Prussian  king  was  trying  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
duchy  of  Berg,  Benedict  XIV.,  on  December  20th,  1740,  called 
on  the  Electors  of  Bavaria,  Cologne,  and  Pfalz-Neuburg  to 
resist.^  And  when  the  unexpected  invasion  of  Silesia  followed, 
the  indignation  in  Rome  was  very  great. ^  For  lack  of  means, 
the  Pope  had  to  refuse  a  request  for  monetary  aid  put  to  him 
by  Maria  Theresa's  envoy,  Count  Thun,^  but  on  January 
25th  and  February  11th,  1741,  he  turned  to  the  Catholic 
princes  of  Germany,  both  ecclesiastical  and  lay,  and 
urged  them  to  support  Maria  Theresa  in  her  struggle  for  her 
heritage.* 

Meanwhile  fresh  complaints  were  coming  in  from  France 
about  Doria's  behaviour  in  Frankfort,  formulated  in  such 
a  way  that  one  might  have  supposed,  as  the  Cardinal  Secretary 
of  State,  Valenti,  wrote,  that  Doria  had  been  sent  to  further 
party  interests  rather  than  as  the  representative  of  the  Holy 
See,  with  the  mission  of  promoting  the  welfare  of  religion  and 
of  preserving  the  peace  of  the  Empire.  Accordingly  Valenti, 
on  April  14th  and  21st,  1741,  pointed  out  to  the  French  nuncio 
that  the  aims  of  the  Pope  as  the  common  Father  of  all  Chris- 
tians were  very  different  from  those  of  the  French  statesmen  ; 
the  Holy  Father,  he  said,  was  bound  by  his  position  to  main- 
tain an  impartial  attitude  towards  all  the  candidates.^    But 

'   *Epist.  ad  princ,  log,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  *Letter  from  Cardinal  Albani  to  Sinzendorf,  January  21, 
1 74 1,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

3  *Thun  to  Maria  Theresa,  January  7,  1741,  loc.  cit.  Cf. 
Matscheg,  168  seqq. 

*  *Epist.  adprinc,  109,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  Thun's  *reports  of  January 
25  and  February  11,  1741,  loc.  cit.,  and  Matscheg,  134. 

*  *Cifra  al  nunzio  Crescenzi,  April  14,  1741  :  "  Non  occorre 
che  si  lagnino  davantagio  costi  di  Msgr.  Doria,  perch^  non  hanno 
a  pretendere  che  egli  parli  il  linguaggio  loro  :  cosi  diflferenti  sono 
le  intenzioni  ed  i  fini.  Non  basta  che  smentischino  le  dichiarazioni 
dei  loro  ministri  nell'Imperio,  quando  quelle  sono  costanti  e 
comuni  a  tutti  i  loro  rappresentanti.  Si  contentino  adunque  di 
tolerare  che  il  nostro  Nunzio  mostri  tanta  propensione  pel  Gran 
Duca  quanta  ne  pu6  mostrare  per  lo  elettore  di  Baviera  e  quello 


FRANCO-PRUSSIAN   TREATY  8l 

how  far  from  peaceful  were  the  intentions  of  the  Powers  was 
shown  by  the  treaty  of  alliance  of  June  4th,  1741,  between 
France  and  the  King  of  Prussia,  whereby  the  latter,  in  secret 
separate  articles,  in  return  for  the  guaranteeing  of  Lower 
Silesia,  promised  his  electoral  vote  to  the  French  candidate 
for  the  Imperial  Crown,  Charles  Albert,  while  France  promised 
the  Bavarians  armed  support  for  an  attack  on  Austria. 
Through  this  treaty,  in  which  Austria's  old  and  new  enemies 
joined  hands,  the  Silesian  War  developed  into  a  European 
one.^  Charles  Albert,  conscious  of  his  own  powerlessness, 
threw  himself  entirely  in  the  arms  of  France  and,  turning 
a  deaf  ear  to  all  Doria's  exhortations  to  make  peace,  attacked 
Passau  on  the  last  day  of  July  and  entered  Upper  Austria. 
The  Pope  most  strongly  disapproved  of  this  violation  of  the 
peace,  but  the  Briefs  which  he  addressed  on  the  subject  to 
Charles  Albert  and  Cardinal  Fleury^  had  no  effect.  Acutely 
distressed,  not  only  by  the  harm  that  would  accrue  to  the 
Church  in  Silesia  but  by  the  prospect  of  the  weakening  of 
Austria  and  the  consequent  strengthening  of  the  Protestants 
in  Germany,  he  wept  at  Maria  Theresa's  desperate  position 

di  Sassonia.  Poi  il  Papa  dice  da  dovero,  quando  si  protesta 
d'essere  imparziale  e  per6  il  sue  contegno  h  patemo  ed  amorevole 
inverse  tutti  i  concorrenti..."  *To  the  same,  April  21,  1741  : 
"  Non  cessa  questo  Sigr.  cardinale  di  Tencin  di  dolersi  di  Msgr. 
Doria,  come  se  egli  fosse  state  mandate  in  Francfort  per  oppersi 
a  qualcuno  dei  candidati  ;  e  non  come  un  ministre  Apestelico 
unicamente  interessato  a  procurare  il  bene  della  rel  gione  e  la 
pubblica  tranquillita.  Diversi  fini  e  diverse  mire  si  lianne  dalla 
Francia,  che  non  compatiscone  cen  quelle  del  Padre  comune. 
Deve  egli  essere  imparziale  e,  per  mestrarsi  tale  in  eflfetti,  non 
deve  desiderare  piii  une  che  I'altre.  II  di  lui  ministre  se  dice 
che  sentira  con  piacere  elette  il  Gran  Duca,  opera  ceerentemente 
al  sistema  di  Nostro  Signore,  perch^  con  egual  piacere  si  sentira 
che  la  providenza  abbia  scelto  I'elettor  di  sassonia  o  quelle  di 
Baviera."  Similarly  again  on  April  28,  1741.  Nunziat.  di  Francia, 
442,  pp.  II  seqq.,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^   Immich,  308  ;    cf.  Droysen,  V.,  273  seqq. 

^  Thun's  *report  of  August  19,  1741,  loc.  cit 

VOL.  XXXV.  G 


82  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

and  again  commissioned  Doria  to  mediate  for  peace.'  But  in 
Munich  the  Papal  envoy  was  referred  to  the  Elector  Palatine 
in  Mannheim — a  clear  proof  how  hopeless  it  was  to  attempt  to 
check  the  outbreak  of  war.^ 

In  Paris  the  Papal  mediation  was  viewed  as  a  selfish  inter- 
vention on  behalf  of  Maria  Theresa's  husband.  This  interpreta- 
tion was  energetically  denied  by  Cardinal  Valenti.  The  fall 
of  Austria,  he  wrote  to  the  Paris  nuncio,  would  destroy  the 
bulwark  against  the  Turks  and  at  the  same  time  ensure  the 
predominance  of  the  Protestant  Powers  in  Germany.  If  the 
Pope  sided  with  Maria  Theresa  it  was  not  because  he  favoured 
any  party  in  the  Imperial  election  nor  because  he  opposed  the 
claims  of  other  Powers  to  the  Austrian  territories  ;  his  sole 
motive  was  his  dutiful  desire  to  protect  Catholic  interests. 
This  was  the  only  standpoint  from  which  the  matter  was 
viewed  by  Rome.^ 

'  *Cifraal  Doria  of  August  26,  1741,  Xunziat.  di  Germania,  572. 
Cf.  *Cifra  al  Nunzio  di  Francia  of  August  18,  1741,  Nunziat.  di 
Francia,  442,  loc.  cit. 

2  Thun's  *reports  of  September  16  and  23.  1741,  loc.  cit. 

»  In  the  *Cifra  al  Nunzio  Crescenzi  of  August  25,  1741,  Valenti 
expatiated  on  the  Pope's  fear  for  Maria  Theresa  :  "  questo  k  il 
vedere  talmente  annichilata  la  regina  di  Ungheria  che  non  potra 
mai  tenere  in  soggezione  le  potenze  eretiche  dellTmperio  ne  far 
fronte  al  Turco.  Questa  non  h  parzialita  per  far  riuscire  il  Gran 
Duca  n^  contrastare  le  pretension!,  le  quali  giustificatamente 
possono  avcre  altri  principii  sul  patrimonio  della  casa  d  'Austria ;  ma 
questo  h  un  timore  che  si  risveglia  in  tutti  i  cattolici  disappassionati 
e  che  agita  specialmente  Sua  Santita."  On  September  15,  1741. 
Valenti  returned  to  the  question  :  "  *Queste  [premure  e  rifleSsioni 
di  N.  S.]  si  riducono  a  prescindere  onninamente  dall'  elezione 
deir  Imperio,  che  cada  in  uno  o  in  altro  sogetto,  e  compiacendosi 
quando  cada  ncll'  elcttor  di  Baviora  ;  ma  trema  di  veder  posta 
tutta  la  Germania  e  quasi  I'Europa  in  fuoco  con  tanta  eflfusione 
del  sangue  cristiano,  e  di  vedere  un  sicuro  esterminio  di  vari 
paesi  cattolici,  con  accrescimento  di  forze  e  di  autorita  per  le 
potenze  eretiche  e  con  I'annichilamento  di  quella  potenza,  che 
si  trova  essere  per  neccssita  la  barriera  del  Turco..."  On  September 
20  Valenti  wrote  :    "  *Finalmente  si  contentino  di  non  prendere 


FREDERICK   II.    SUPPORTS    CHARLES   ALBERT    83 

When  at  first  the  fortunes  of  war  seemed  to  be  going  against 
Maria  Theresa  it  was  feared  more  than  ever  in  Rome  that  the 
Austrian  monarchy  would  be  utterly  destroyed  and  that 
Protestant  Prussia  would  acquire  still  greater  influence  in 
Germany  at  the  cost  of  the  Catholic  Church. ^  Valenti  accor- 
dingly let  it  be  known  in  Paris  how  great  a  mistake  it  was  to 
help  increase  the  power  of  a  prince  who  would  very  soon  shake 
the  foundations  of  Germany  and  the  whole  of  Europe. ^ 

In  the  meantime,  however,  everything  had  gone  as  the 
French  Cabinet  desired.  The  French  army's  passage  of  the 
Rhine  on  August  15th  had  an  immediate  effect  on  the  electoral 
negotiations.  On  August  27th,  1741,  Doria  reported  that 
Frederick  II.  had  declared  himself  in  favour  of  the  Bavarian 

a  male  la  parte  che  N.  S.  va  replicando  in  favore  della  regina 
d'Ungheria,  poiche  altro  fine  non  ha  la  S'^  Sua  se  non  quelle 
di  non  veder  distrutto  un  principato  tanto  utile  in  Germania 
contro  I'eresia,  ed  ancor  piii  contro  gl'infedeli  ai  quail  fa  barriera. 
Le  cose  sono  ridotte  a  un  punto  che  non  solamente  sono  per 
apportarse  utile  alia  casa  di  Baviera,  ma  per  necessita  di  questa 
combinazione  deve  smembrarsi  per  impinguare  altri  principi 
deir  Imperio  e  particolarmente  il  Prussiano.  Ecco  quello  che 
ferisce  ranimo  di  Sua  S^^  e  che  bramerebbe  fosse  preso  in 
considerazione  del  sigr.  cardinale  di  Fleury."  Nunziat.  di  Francia, 
442,  pp.  26,  30,  32.    Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  *Cifre  al  Nunzio  Crescenzi  of  October  6  and  27,  1741,  ibid. 
In  the  latter  it  is  said  :  "  Guai,  se  un  giorno  o  I'altro,  o  casual- 
mente,  o  maliziosamente,  si  risveglia  in  Germania  un  qualche 
movimento  che  interessi  i  religionari.  Veda  V.  S.  Illma  che  sbilancio, 
avere  da  una  parte  Prussia,  Hannover  con  tutti  gli  altri  acattolici, 
tra  i  quali  forza  e  annoverare  anche  la  Sassonia,  e  dall'  altra 
parte  porvi  i  pochi  cattolici  che  rimangono,  i  quali  non  formeranno 
che  un  bujo  di  gente  collettizia.  Dica  quello  che  vuole  I'umana 
politica,  sara  sempre  \-ero  che  la  nostra  religione  v'ha  a  soffrire 
un  fortissimo  colpo,  che  non  so  come  si  potra  riparare,  ancorch^ 
Sua  Em^a  abbia  la  migliore  intenzione." 

*  "  *Fa  male  la  Francia  ad  ingrandirlo  [Frederick  II.]  e  farebbe 
bene  riguardarlo  come  il  mal  fermento  che  deve  un  giorno  I'altro 
sconvolgere  la  Germania  e  I'Europa."  Cifra  al  Crescenzi  of 
November  3,  1741,  ibid. 


84  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

candidature,  which  seemed  to  make  the  choice  of  Charles 
Albert  all  the  more  certain,  especially  as  the  Elector  of 
Mayence,  Philip  Charles  of  Eltz,  who  had  hitherto  been 
favourably  disposed  towards  Austria,  had  now  crossed  over 
to  the  Bavarian  side  and,  Doria  added,  would  persist  in  this 
attachment  even  were  Frederick  II.  to  change  his  mind.^ 
At  the  beginning  of  September,  Doria,  who  was  now  quite 
certain  that  Charles  Albert  would  be  promoted  Emperor,^ 
betook  himself  to  Munich,  where  the  Elector  scouted  the  idea 
of  making  peace  with  Austria  but  held  out  favourable  pros- 
pects with  regard  to  his  attitude  when  Emperor. ^  The  nuncio 
now  openly  took  his  side  and  promised  him  his  assistance  in 
procuring  a  unanimous  election.  From  Wiirzburg,  where 
he  was  visiting  the  Prince  Bishop  Frederick  Charles  of 
Schonborn,  a  man  experienced  in  politics  and  a  faithful 
servant  of  the  Holy  See,*  he  was  able  to  report  on  September 
16th  that  the  Prince  Bishop's  brother,  Francis  George  of 
Schonborn,  the  Elector  of  Treves,  intended  to  give  his  vote 
to  the  Bavarian  Elector.^  On  his  return  to  Frankfort,  Doria 
reported  on  September  23rd  that  Charles  Albert's  election 
might  be  regarded  as  an  accomplished  fact,  as  Saxony  and 
Hanover  also  intended  to  vote  for  him.^  And  in  fact,  Augustus 
of  Saxony,  although  he  had  thought  of  securing  the  Imperial 

^  *Cifra  of  August  27,  1741,  in  which  Doria  asserts  that  he 
has  always  said  that  everything  depends  on  Prussia  (Nunziat.  di 
Germania,  546,  ibid,).  Frederick's  instructions  to  his  delegates 
at  the  diet,  which  won  over  the.  Electorate  of  Mayence,  were 
dispatched  on  August  22,  1741  ;    see  Drovsen,  V.,  i,  335. 

-  "  *L'affaresipu6dire  fatto."  Cifra  of  August  27,  1741,  loc.cit. 

=*  *Cifra  di  Monaco  of  September  5,  1741  :  "  The  Elector 
considers  himself  to  be  nearly  Emperor  already.  I  told  him  that 
the  Pope  would  rejoice  at  his  election.  Formerly  I  never  did 
more  than  forward  the  interests  of  religion  and  peace. 
It  was  not  until  I  saw  the  way  things  were  going  that  I  altered 
my  tone."    loc.  cit. 

*  Cf.  the  Pope's  praise  in  Heeckeren,  I.,  265. 

''  ♦Cifra  of  September  16,  1741,  loc.  cit. 

"  *Cifra  of  September  23,  1741,  ibid.  In  the  ♦Cifra  of  September 


DORIA'S  support  of  CHARLES  ALBERT    85 

crown  for  himself,  placed  his  vote  at  the  disposal  of  Bavaria. 
Even  George  II.,  King  of  England  and  Elector  of  Hanover, 
found  himself  constrained  by  French  and  Prussian  troops  to 
withhold  his  support  of  Maria  Theresa.  On  September  27th 
he  concluded  a  treaty  of  neutrality  with  France,  binding 
himself  not  to  vote  for  the  Lorrainer.^ 

The  Bavarian  Elector,  surrounded  by  French  and  Bavarian 

27,  1 74 1  (ibid.),  Doria  reports  that  Charles  Albert  is  certain  of 
eight  votes  ;  "  il  Prussiano  e  state  il  fundamento  e  causa  di 
tutto  "  ;  Bavaria  now  acknowledges  the  treaty  concluded 
with  Prussia  on  June  11.  In  the  *Cifra  of  October  7,  1741,  Doria 
announces  that  Hanover  has  gone  over  to  Bavaria  and  claims 
that  Vienna  has  no  grounds  for  complaining  ou  his  (Doria's) 
conduct.  He  defends  his  conduct  in  these  terms  :  "  Mostro  e  vero 
tutta  la  compiacenza  di  vedere  prossima  I'elettione  del  sigr. 
Duca  di  Baviera,  ma  questo  non  e  contrario,  anzi  conforme  al 
carattere  dichiarato  da  N.  S.  padre  comune,  che  non  puo  non 
compiacersi  del  bene  che  tocca  ad  uno  di  suoi  figlii,  il  quale  si 
e  spiegato  di  non  amare  [uno]  meno  degl'altri.  Non  potra  per6 
mai  dirsi  ch'io  abbia  portato  alcun  elettore  a  dar  il  voto  piu 
air  elettore  di  Baviera  che  al  Duca  di  Lorena.  Gia  di  Hannover 
e  Sassonia  abbiamo  saputo  le  intenzioni  da  altri  che  da  loro. 
Per  Magonza  me  parlo  il  conte  Eltz  gia  risoluto.  E  vero  che  mi 
sono  esibito  col  Maresciallo  e  al  Duca  di  Baviera  di  cooperare 
air  unanima  elettione  e  di  trattare  ancora  con  msgr.  vescovo  di 
Bamberga,  ma  in  sostanza  nulla  ho  fatto.  Treviri  gia  aveva  la 
sua  risoluzione  e  msgr.  vescovo  tanto  per  suo  fratello  quanto  per 
Vienna  aveva  gia  formato  le  sue  idee  prima  del  mio  arrivo." 
Valenti  commended  Doria's  procedure  in  Munich  in  a  *Cifra  of 
September  22,  1741  :  "We  will  see  how  things  turn  out  ;  but 
there  seems  to  be  no  hope  for  Maria  Theresa."  In  the  *Cifra 
of  September  30,  1 741,  he  returns  to  the  subject  of  Maria  Theresa's 
desperate  position  :  "  N.  S.  ha  cercato  di  salvarla  dall'  ultimo 
precipizio,  ma  pare  la  providenza  abbia  disposto  altrimente,  si 
che  senza  voltarle  le  spalle  conviene  che  andiamo  secondando  le 
traccie  dell'  odierna  probabilita  tanto  piu  che  cadendo  questa  in 
un  principe  cosi  degno  e  in  una  casa  cosi  cattolica  come  quella 
di  Baviera  potiamo  sperare  vantaggio  alia  religione."  Nunziat. 
di  Germania,  570,  ibid. 

^  "  What  else  could  he  do  at  such  a  time,"  asks  Heinemann 


56  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

generals,  had  made  his  entry  into  Linz  on  September  10th. 
As  he  was  now  only  a  few  days'  march  from  the  Austrian 
capital,  where  all  was  in  confusion,  a  speedy  advance  would 
have  brought  him  the  most  brilliant  successes.  Frederick  II. 
was  all  for  the  march  on  Vienna,  but  instead  of  this  Charles 
Albert  crossed  the  Danube  and  entered  Bohemia.  For  this 
step  he  has  long  been  blamed,  but  recent  researches  have 
shown  that  this  all-important  alteration  in  the  plan  of  cam- 
paign, which  was  of  the  greatest  possible  service  to  Austria, 
was  forced  on  Charles  Albert,  entirely  against  his  washes,  by 
the  French,  lest  an  out-and-out  success  might  make  Bavaria 
great  and  strong  and  put  a  spoke  in  the  wheels  of  the  French 
policy.  As  Charles  Albert  realized  too  late,  the  aim  of  this  was 
to  weaken  both  Bavaria  and  Austria  by  setting  them  at  each 
other's  throats  and  then  to  step  in  and  take  the  lion's  share. ^ 
Instead  of  Vienna,  therefore,  Prague  became  the  allies' 
objective,  and  here  Charles  Albert  was  crowned  king  with 
unwonted  pomp  on  December  lOth.^  From  Prague  the  protege 
of  France  moved  to  Mannheim,  there  to  await  his  election  as 
Emperor.  In  Frankfort,  where  the  electoral  delegates  had 
been  sitting  in  conference  the  last  two  months,  the  decision 
was  finally  taken  on  December  20th,  after  lengthy  delibera- 
tions and  on  the  insistence  of  Prussia,  to  hold  the  election  on 
January  24th,  1742.  Charles  Albert  was  elected  without  a 
single  vote  being  cast  against  him,  and  on  February  12th  he 
was  crowned  Charles  VI I. ^ 


(2) 

Meanwhile,  Spain  was  arming  with  all  speed,  intending  to 
take  advantage  of  Maria  Theresa's  predicament  to  set  up 
a  kingdom  of  Lombardy  for  the  Infante  Philip.    In  the  latter 

(Gesch.  von  Braunschweig  unci  Hannover,  III.,  Gotha,  1892,  253), 
"  but  give  his  vote  too  to  the  Bavarian  Elector  ?  " 

'  Heigel,  Der  osterr.  Erhfolgekrieg  und  die  Kaiserwahl  Karls 
VII.,  Nordlingen,  1877. 

^  Ibid. 

3  Ohlenschlager,  IV.,  312  ;    Droysen,  V.,  1,  390. 


VIOLATION    OF   PAPAL   NEUTRALITY  87 

half  of  November  1741,  troops  and  war  material  were  dis- 
patched from  Barcelona  and  Naples  to  fortified  places  on  the 
Tuscan  coast  which  were  already  in  Spanish  occupation.  On 
December  9th  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  the  Duke 
of  Montemar,  landed  in  Orbetello,  where  he  was  to  be  joined 
by  Spanish  troops  from  Naples,  to  the  number  of  12,000. 
Already  in  early  October  the  Pope  had  feared  that  they  would 
attempt  to  pass  through  the  Pontifical  State, ^  and  in  the 
middle  of  November  the  Spanish  ambassador,  Cardinal 
Acquaviva,  sought  his  permission  for  them  to  do  so.^  Benedict 
had  declared  in  June  1741  that  he  would  forbid  the  passage 
of  troops  through  his  territory,  no  matter  whence  they  came,^ 
but  defenceless  as  he  was  he  was  now  unable  to  carry  out  this 
intention.  On  November  18th,  1741,  Cardinal  Albani  wrote  to 
Sinzendorf  that  the  Pope  had  not  the  power  to  defend  his 
territory  ;  his  enemies  had  a  free  hand  ;  even  the  French 
would  not  lift  a  finger  to  protect  Tuscany,  although  they  were 
guarantors  of  its  integrity.* 

Benedict  placed  no  trust  in  Acquaviva's  assurances  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Pontifical  State  had  nothing  to  fear, 
but  towards  the  end  of  December  he  was  forced  to  permit  the 
passage  of  the  army  from  Naples.^  In  any  case,  the  neutrality 
of  the  Papal  territory  had  already  been  violated  by  Austria, 
which  had  sent  troops  through  the  Bolognese  district.  This 
was  not  the  only  complaint  which  Benedict  had  to  make  to 

^  Acquaviva's  *report  to  Villarias,  October  9,  1741,  Archives 
of  Simancas. 

^  Acquaviva's  *report  to  Villarias  of  November  18,  1741, 
loc.  cit.  Benedict's  anger  at  Acquaviva's  request  is  shown  in  the 
*Cifre  al  Crescenzi  of  November  17  and  24,  1741,  loc.  cit.,  Papal 
Secret  Archives. 

'  Thun's  *letter  to  Maria  Theresa  of  June  14,  1741,  State 
Archives,  Vienna. 

^  Albani's  *letter  in  the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to 
the  Vatican. 

^  Acquaviva's  *Ietter  of  December  21,  1741,  Archives  of 
Simancas.  Cf.  Thun's  *reports  of  December  10  and  17,  1741, 
loc.  cit. 


88  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Count  Thun  ;  there  was  also  the  non-recognition  of  his  feudal 
right  over  Parma  and  Piacenza,^  to  the  maintenance  of  which 
he  had  drawn  attention  as  far  back  as  March  6th,  when  he  had 
demanded  the  oath  of  fealty  from  Maria  Theresa. ^ 

Relations  between  Rome  and  Vienna  had  been  good  at 
first — the  Pope,  for  instance,  had  consented  to  stand  godfather 
to  Maria  Theresa's  eldest  son,  the  Archduke  Joseph,  bom  on 
March  13th,  1741  ^ — but  already  by  June  1741,  heated  words 
had  passed  between  Thun  and  Valenti  as  a  result  of  the  former 
having  accused  the  Cardinal  of  Spanish  leanings.*  Austria's 
enemies,  on  the  other  hand,  were  far  more  tactful  in  their 
dealings  with  the  Pope.  In  order  to  obtain  his  recognition  of 
Charles  VII.  as  quickly  as  possible,  the  French  ambassador 
and  the  representatives  of  Bavaria  and  Cologne  upheld  in 
Frankfort  the  rights  of  the  Catholics  and  the  Holy  See.^  This 
was  acknowledged  with  gratitude  in  Rome,  together  with  the 
fact  that  Bavaria  and  Mayence  had  frustrated  an  attempt  by 
the  Elector  of  Treves,  Francis  George  of  Schonbom,  to  abolish 
appeals  to  the  Pope  and  his  nuncios.^      Further,  Cardinal 

^  Thun's  *report  of  October  14,  1741,  ibid. 

2  See  the  allocution  in  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  Vol.  I.,  44. 

*  In  a  *letter  of  February  18,  1741,  Thun  reports  to  Maria 
Theresa  the  Pope's  acceptance  of  the  sponsorship  and  his  nomina- 
tion of  Cardinal  Kollonitsch  as  proxy.  On  April  22,  1741,  Thun 
reports  the  audience  given  to  Count  Kaunitz  as  the  bearer  of 
the  news  of  Joseph's  birth,  "  Al  conte  fu  permesso  per  grazia 
di  ritinere  la  spada  "  ;  but  permission  to  remain  covered  could 
not  be  obtained.  As  a  present  he  received  a  rosary  "  in  pietra 
dura  ",  set  in  gold.  The  difficulties  about  the  cappello  cardinalizio, 
which  was  given  only  to  the  first-bom  son  of  the  Emperor,  but 
not  of  kings,  were  resolved  by  the  Pope  in  Maria  Theresa's 
favour.     State  Archives,  Vienna.     Cf.  Matscheg,  207  seqq. 

*  Cf.  Thun's  *report  of  June  24,  1741,  loc.  cit. 

*  The  Paris  nuncio  Crescenzi  received  instructions  on  December 
22,  1741,  to  thank  Fleury  for  this  ;  cf.  *Cifra  of  January  26,  1742, 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  *Cifra  al  nunzio  Crescenzi,  January  19,  1742,  ibid.  :  "  Ci 
avvisa  msgr.  Doria  che  per  parte  dell'  clettore  di  Troveri  si  era 
tentato    di   sottoporre   all'    esame    dcUa    Dieta    I'articolo    delle 


ROME   AND   THE    IMPERIAL   ELECTION  89 

Fleury  announced  his  desire  to  protect  the  Papal  suzerainty 
over  Parma  and  Piacenza.^ 

When  the  news  arrived  in  Rome  on  the  night  of  February 
2nd  that  the  Bavarian  Elector  had  been  chosen  Emperor,  it 
was  received  with  joy.^  On  Doria's  visit  to  Munich,  Charles 
Albert  had  made  him  far-reaching  promises  anent  his  devotion 
to  the  Holy  See,^  and  his  electoral  capitulation  also  seemed 
quite  satisfactory.'*  Despite  Thun's  remonstrances,  therefore, 
the  recognition  of  the  election  took  place  as  early  as  February 
28th,  1742,  in  a  solemn  allocution  to  the  Cardinals  assembled 
in  consistory.5  Before  taking  this  step,  the  Pope  had  consulted 

appellazioni  alia  S.  Sede  ed  ai  nunzi,  reclamando  contro  le 
medesime  e  pretendendo  farle  abolire  ;  ma  che  non  gli  era 
riuscito,  opponendosi  vigorosamente  i  ministri  di  Magonza  e  di 
Baviera,  ai  quali  si  sono  uniti  quelli  ancora  del  marchese  di 
Brandebourgh  e  di  Hannover.  Vuole  pero  N.  S.  che  V.  S.  Ill'"* 
ne  parli  col  sigr.  cardinale  di  Fleury  e  lo  preghi  a  voler  vivamente 
raccomandare  al  sigr.  maresciallo  di  Belisle  di  assistere  msgr. 
Doria  e  per  I'articolo  suddetto  delle  appellazioni,  se  caso  mai 
tomasse  a  parlarsene,  e  per  I'altro  di  Risvich,  che  deve  premere 
an  che  alia  Francia." 

1  *Cifre  al  Crescenzi  of  October  26,  1740,  and  January  19,  1742, 
ibid. 

*  *Cifra  al  Nunzio  Crescenzi,  February  2,  1742,  ibid.  "  Questa 
notte  abbiamo  avuto  il  corriere  di  Francfort  che  porta  I'elezione 
deirimperatore.  N.  S.  ne  e  sommamente  contento,  si  per  essere 
questo  grave  articolo  perfezionato,  si  per  la  stima  grande  che 
nutrisce  delle  qualita  personali  deli'  eletto,  e  finalmente  perche 
spera  con  questo  considerabile  awenimento  si  fara  strada 
a  calmarsi  le  turbolenze  d'Europa.  La  nostra  santa  religione 
e  stata  protetta  nella  capitolazione  e  dagli  uffici  zelantissirai 
de'  ministri  francesi  e  dalla  pieta  del  nuovo  eletto." 

'  *Cifra  al  Crescenzi  of  September  22,  1741,  ibid.  Cf.  above, 
p.  84,  n.  3. 

■•  For  the  electoral  capitulation,  see  Acta  historico-ecclesiastica, 
VI.,  481  seqq.  ;    Menzel,  X.,  423  seqq. 

*  Heigel,  Osterr.  Erbfolgekrieg ,  284.  Cf.  Thun's  *reports  to 
Maria  Theresa  of  February  12  and  24,  1742,  State  Archives, 
Vienna.    Here  also  is  a  *copy  of  Charles  VII. 's  letter  to  Benedict 


90  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

ten  of  his  Cardinals  (Valenti,  Ruffo,  Annibale  Albani,  Rivera, 
Lercari,  Aldrovandi,  Corsini,  Passionei,  Gentili,  and 
Corradini),^  as  Clement  XI.  had  done  at  the  election  of 
Charles  VI.,  when  the  votes  of  Bavaria  and  Cologne  were 
lacking. 2 

Maria  Theresa  declared  the  election  of  Charles  VII.  to  be 
null  and  void  ^ ;    but  what  was  more  important  than  this 

XIV.,  dated  Mannheim  1742  Jan.  25  :  Announcement  of  the 
election,  "  quod  singulare  domus  meae  incrementum  baud  exigua 
ex  parte  bonis  S^'s  V^e  officiis  adscribendum  habeam."  A  second 
♦letter  from  Charles  VII.  to  Benedict  XIV.,  of  January  31,  1742, 
in  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  604,  Papal  Secret  Archives.  For  the 
proceedings  in  the  Anima,  see  Schmidlin,  607  seqq.  In  Acta 
Benedicti  XIV.  (II.,  358  seq.)  the  Confirmatio  of  the  Imperial 
election  is  dated  August  6. 

'  Thun's  *report  of  February  3,  1742,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 
According  to  his  *report  of  January  20,  1742,  Benedict  XIV. 
had  already  stated  that  he  would  do  nothing  "  senza  il  consiglio 
d'una  buona  parte  del  s.  coUegio  equivalente  alia  consistoriale  ". 
Ibid. 

-  Benedict  XIV.  pointed  this  out  to  Maria  Theresa  in  a  *letter 
of  justification  {di  propria  pugno)  of  April  7,  1742,  remarking 
"  II  trattenere  di  fare  il  solito  nulla  avrebbe  servito  per  gli  altri 
interessi  ed  avrebbe  pregiudicato  a  Noi  et  alia  massima  deUa 
nostra  condotta  ".    State  Archives,  Vienna,  Hofkorresp. 

^  Ranke,  in  his  Preuss.  Gesch.  (III.,  20),  cites  a  statement 
taken  from  the  records  of  the  Imperial  Diet,  that  on  February  3, 
1 741,  on  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  the  Imperial  election,  Maria 
Theresa  assembled  the  Estates  in  the  throne  room  of  the  palace 
of  Favorita,  where,  in  the  presence  of  the  clergy,  headed  by  the 
Papal  nuncio,  she  made  them  renew  their  oath  of  loyalty  before 
a  crucifix.  Arneth  (II.,  464)  has  pointed  out  that  this  account 
is  out  of  place  in  the  year  1741  and  that  in  any  case  it  is  hardly 
credible.  "  How  did  the  Papal  nuncio,"  he  asks,  "  come  to  be 
among  the  ranks  of  the  Austrian  Estates  ?  How  is  it  that  there 
is  not  the  faintest  reference  to  the  event  either  in  the  Imperial 
Archives,  or  in  the  archives  of  the  Austrian  Estates,  and  that 
not  a  word  of  the  affair  is  to  be  found  in  Capello's  reports,  which 
are  extant  in  their  entirety,  or  in  the  Viennese  '  Diarium  '  ?  " 
In  spite  of  these  weighty  objections,  Ranke,  in  the  new  edition 


THE   POPE    REMAINS    NEUTRAL  QI 

protest  was  the  success  of  her  arms  in  Bavaria,  whose  capital 
was  occupied  by  Austrian  troops  on  February  13th,  1742.^ 

In  Rome,  the  two  behigerent  parties  levelled  similar  accusa- 
tions against  each  other.  Thun,  Maria  Theresa's  representative, 
launched  the  most  violent  invectives  against  Cardinal  Fleury 
for  inciting  the  Protestant  king  of  Prussia  and  even  the 
Turks  against  Catholic  Austria.  The  French  party  no  less 
violently  accused  the  sovereign  of  a  barbarous  people  of 
ravaging  a  Catholic  country  with  fire  and  sword  in  the  inhuman 
fashion  of  the  Turk.^  The  Pope  deplored  the  war  between  two 

of  his  Preussische  Geschichte,  insists  that  the  event  is  shown  to 
be  "  irrefutably  certain  "  by  the  sources  to  which  he  has  had 
access.  In  reply  to  this,  Heigel  {Osterr.  Evbfolgestreit,  384) 
observes  that  as  the  authorities  which  are  usually  the  best 
informed  are  significantly  silent,  the  truth  is  to  be  obtained  only 
from  the  records  of  the  Viennese  nunciature.  But  in  these  *records 
(Nunziat.  di  Germania,  325,  342,  and  345  ;  Papal  Secret  Archives) 
there  is  not  a  word  of  the  whole  affair.  Nor  is  there  any  mention 
of  it  in  the  *Lettere  confidenziali  of  the  Viennese  nuncio  Paolucci 
to  the  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State  Valenti  {ibid.,  337).  It  would 
be  in  complete  contradiction  to  all  the  other  declarations  made 
by  the  Holy  See. 

1  In  the  Carnival  the  sarcastic  Romans  depicted  Charles  VII. 
as  the  King  of  the  Beggars,  and  the  following  couplet  was 
circulated  : — 

Gallia  vicisti,  profuso  largiter  auro, 
armis  pauca,  dolo  plurima,  iure  nihil. 

Santa  Croce's  *report  to  Sinzendorf  of  February  3,  1742,  State 
Archives,  Vienna.  Ibid,  a  *report  by  Thun  of  March  10,  1742, 
on  a  pasquinade  on  the  "  corsa  fatta  dal  Papa  nella  ricognizione 
del  Bavaro  in  imperatore  ".  A  most  interesting,  anonymous, 
proposal  of  a  reconciliation  purporting  to  be  made  by  Francis  of 
Lorraine  to  Charles  VII.  in  the  early  part  of  1742  has  been 
discussed  and  edited  fey  Schwerdfeger  in  Archiv  fiir  osterr. 
Gesch.,  LXXXV.,  2,  359  seqq. 

2  See  Thun's  memorandum  of  May  25,  1742,  in  Dudik,  Iter 
Romanum,  I.,  Vienna,  1855,  346  seq.  ;  Heigel,  Erbfolgekrieg, 
284  seq. 


92  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Catholic  Powers,  but  declined  to  act  as  judge  between  them 
and  exhorted  them  to  make  peace.  On  April  27th,  1742,  he 
led  on  foot  a  procession  to  invoke  peace,  from  the  Minerva 
to  the  Chiesa  Nuova.^  He  longed  for  the  war  to  end,  especially 
as  since  the  end  of  February  1742,  the  defenceless  States  of 
the  Church,  notwithstanding  Papal  neutrality,  had  had  to  be 
thrown  open  for  the  passage  of  the  armies  of  both  parties.  It 
was  a  particular  grief  to  Benedict  XIV.  that  his  beloved 
homeland  of  Bologna  should  have  to  suffer  the  most  at  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards,  Austrians,  and  Sardinians.  On  his 
complaining  of  this,  both  the  Austrians  and  the  Spaniards 
accused  him  of  taking  sides — as  though,  as  he  wrote  to 
Cardinal  Tencin,  they  had  not  both  loaded  themselves 
with  the  guilt  of  abusing  the  patience  of  a  defenceless 
Pope.  2 

In  Vienna,  in  the  spring  of  1741,  it  was  hoped  that  an 
Italian  league  might  be  formed  under  the  presidency  and 
direction  of  the  Pope,  to  counter  the  superior  forces  of  the 
Bourbons.  To  Benedict  XIV.,  however,  such  a  position  was 
incompatible  with  that  of  the  Father  of  all  Christians  ;  he 
knew,  too,  that  the  States  of  the  Church,  in  their  defenceless- 
ness,  would  be  the  most  exposed  to  an  attack  by  Neapolitan 
and  Spanish  troops.    He  rightly,  therefore,  declined  to  aUow 

*  Ruele's  *letter  to  Uhlfeld  of  April  28,  1742,  State  Archives, 
Vienna,  and  Albani's  *letter  to  Uhlfeld  of  the  same  day,  Archives 
of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican.  Cf.  "  *Modo  che  ritenne 
[the  Pope]  nella  solenne  processione  fatta  gli  12  Aprile  1742," 
in  Cod.  Vat.  8545,  pp.  37  seqq.,  Vatican  Library. 

^  Heeckeren,  I.,  6  {cf.  7,  12)  ;  Garampi's  letter  from  Rimini, 
of  February  1742,  on  the  calamities  caused  by  the  war,  in  Spicil. 
Vat.  554  seqq.,  and  Albani's  *reports  to  Sinzendorf  of  March  10, 
24,  and  31,  to  Uhlfeld  of  April  28,  1742,  Archives  of  the  Austrian 
Embassy  to  the  Vatican.  For  Benedict  XIV. "s  violent  indignation 
on  hearing  of  the  wrecking  of  his  garden  and  the  plundering  of 
his  family's  palazzo  by  the  Spaniards  who  had  invaded  Bolognese 
territory,  see  Ruele's  *letter  to  Uhlfeld  of  May  26,  1742,  State 
Archives,  Vienna.  The  Pope  showed  his  displeasure  quite  clearly 
to  Acquaviva  ;    see  the  latter's  *letter  of  June  9,  1742,  ibid. 


TENSION    BETWEEN    AUSTRIA   AND    ROME        93 

the  Holy  See  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  war.^  The  ill-feeHng 
caused  thereby  in  Vienna  was  increased  by  the  recognition  of 
Charles  VII. 's  election  as  Emperor.  Maria  Theresa  complained 
not  only  of  this  but  also  of  the  favour  which  she  alleged  was 
being  shown  to  Charles's  French  and  Spanish  allies.  Her 
relations  with  the  Pope  deteriorated  to  such  an  extent  that 
she  charged  him  with  actual  hostility  towards  her  and  her 
house.  2 

While  the  Pope's  pain  and  indignation  at  the  devastation 
of  the  Papal  States  by  the  belligerents  was  ever  increasing,^ 

^  This  view  is  supported  by  Arneth  [Maria  Theresia,  IX.,  2 
[cf.  II.,  151,  496])  and  by  Matscheg  (133,  199,  356).  Benedict 
XIV.  wrote  to  Tencin  on  August  3,  1743  :  "  La  spada  non  sta 
bene  in  mano  a  chi  bench^  indegnamente  e  vicario  di  Gesu 
Cristo."    MiscelL,  XV.,  154. 

"  Arneth,  IX.,  2  seq.  In  a  *Brief  of  March  9,  1742  (apparently 
not  yet  printed)  Benedict  explained  to  Maria  Theresa  that  in 
spite  of  his  goodwill  he  was  not  able  "  fatali  quadam  necessitate  " 
to  concede  all  her  demands.  "  Non  ea  sunt  tempora,  quando 
e  sacrorum  canonum  legibus  pontifici  maximo  iudicandum  erat  de 
legitima  Caesaris  electione.  Tunc  enim  insidebat  in  Germanorum 
principum  mente,  non  alibi  quam  apud  summum  sacerdotem  de 
tanta  re  iudicium  residere  posse...  Postmodum  suae  falso  timentes 
auctoritati  nihil  magis  studueruut,  ac  ab  husiusmodi  negotio 
divertere  pontificem  maximum  eosque  ipsi  agendi  in  hac  re  fines 
designare,  ut  confirm et  ratamque  habeat  imperatoris  electionem 
tantamque  illi  mandatam  dignitatem  agnosceret,  qui  ab  electori- 
bus  creatus  in  eiusdem  possessionem  venerit  et  ab  aliis  principibus 
hoc  nomine  consalutatus  fuerit  catholicamque  inprimis  religionem 
profiteatur."  By  this  We  shall  have  to  abide.  "  Servandus 
praeterea  Nobis  est  indifferens  erga  suos  filios  patris  amor." 
Epist.  ad  princ,  109,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  Cf.  especially  the  letters  to  Tencin  (not  included  in 
Heeckeren's  edition)  of  July  13  (of  the  complete  compensation 
which  had  been  agreed  upon  "  nh  si  h  pagato  ne  si  paga  se  non 
quelle  che  si  vole  e  corre  il  sesto  mese  di  una  orribile  perma- 
nenza  "  ;  the  Austrian  Hussars  were  taking  ever>i;hing  that  had 
been  left  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  districts  of  Bologna  and 
Ferrara),  of  July  19  (similar  contents),  and  of  August  3  and  25, 
1742    (further  complaints  about  the  devastation  of  the   Papal 


94  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  Austrian  envoy,  Thun,  although  he  was  an  Auditor  of  the 
Rota,  went  so  far  in  June  1742  as  to  adopt  a  disrespectful 
attitude  towards  the  Head  of  the  Church,  so  that  for  some 
time  the  Pope  refused  to  receive  him  in  audience.^  Benedict 
afterwards  declared  that  never  again  would  he  accept  as  an 
envoy  an  Auditor  of  the  Rota.^  Thun  put  the  blame  for 
everything  on  the  advice  tendered  by  the  Cardinal  Secretary 
of  State,  Valenti,  whom  he  represented  as  the  Pope's  evil 
genius. 

Maria  Theresa  trusted  Thun  completely  and  in  August 
1742,  to  show  her  displeasure  with  Valenti  in  the  most 
tangible  manner  possible,  she  took  the  forcible  step  of  con- 
fiscating all  his  ecclesiastical  benefices  on  Austrian  soil.^  In 
an  autograph  letter  of  September  7th,  1742,  Benedict  protested 
against  such  an  unwonted  measure,  which  had  not  been  taken 
even  in  the  war  with  Clement  XI.*  Maria  Theresa  replied 
angrily  that  she  could  not  understand  how  the  cause  of 
religion  and  the  rights  of  the  Holy  See  demanded  the  ignoring 
of  complaints  made  by  the  party  which  had  been  attacked 
and  oppressed  and  the  favouring  by  every  possible  means  of 
the  authors  of  scandalous  injustices.  To  give  point  to  her 
ill-humour,  she  did  not  reply  in  her  own  hand  but  added  only 
a  few  words  to  the  official  communication,  pleading  her 
insufficient  knowledge  of  Italian  and  her  dislike  of  copying 
someone  else's  composition.^ 

States  ;     "  disgrazie   iudecibili  ")  ;    see   Hist.   Jahrbuch,   XXVI.' 
48  seqq. 

1  Ruele's  *letter  to  Uhlfeld  of  June  23,  1742,  which  contains 
the  following  :  "Si  querela  la  Sta  Sua  prime  che  Monsignore 
gli  abbia  parlato  con  poco  rispetto  sino  con  alzare  seco  lui  la 
voce,  secondo  che  cgli  abbia  representato  cose  non  vere."  It  was 
Ruele's  belief  that  Thun  had  been  listening  to  the  counsel  of 
a  false  friend.    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  5. 

'  Arneth,  Maria  Theresia,  II.,  180,  503. 

*  *Original  in  the  Hofkorrespondenz  of  the  State  Archives, 
Vienna. 

'^  Arneth,  II.,  181,  503. 


ROME    DISAPPOINTED    IN    CHARLES   VII.  95 

It  is  significant  of  Benedict's  love  of  peace  and  of  the  effect 
produced  in  Rome  by  the  military  successes  that  on  October 
13th,  1742,  he  addressed  another  long  letter  to  the  Queen  in 
his  own  hand,  in  which  he  did  his  best  to  justify  not  only 
himself  and  his  behaviour  with  regard  to  the  Imperial  election 
and  the  passage  of  the  troops,  but  also  Cardinal  Valenti's 
attitude.^  Maria  Theresa  demanded  as  a  condition  for  the 
raising  of  the  sequestration  that  her  affairs  should  be  dealt 
with  without  reference  to  Valenti.^  The  Pope  was  ready  to 
agree  to  this,^  but  the  sequestration  was  not  raised.  At  the  end 
of  1742  the  Pope  wrote  to  Tencin  that  conditions  in  the  Papal 
States  were  going  from  bad  to  worse,  for  the  Spaniards  had 
taken  up  their  winter  quarters  in  the  plain  of  Bologna,  the 
Austrians  in  the  neighbouring  mountains  and  in  the  district 
of  Ferrara.^ 

The  Pope's  cares  were  further  increased  by  the  failure  of 
the  hopes  which  he  had  placed  in  the  new  Emperor.  The 
first  discordant  note  was  struck  when,  on  the  Holy  See  insisting 
on  its  right  to  confirm  the  Imperial  election,  Charles  VII.  let 
it  be  known  that  for  this  purpose  he  would  keep  strictly  to  the 
formality  observed  by  the  Austrian  ambassador  De  Prie  on 
the  accession  of  his  predecessor  Charles  VI. ^  The  Pope  referred 
the  matter  to  the  congregation  of  Cardinals  which  he  had 
appointed  immediately  after  the  election  to  discuss  the 
questions  appertaining  thereto  ;  at  the  same  time  Cardinal 
Tencin  acted  as  mediator  ;  but  it  was  not  till  six  months  after 
the  election,  in  August,  that  the  affair  was  closed.  A  secret 
consistory  held  on  August  6th,  1742,  gave  its  approval  to  the 
indult  of  the  primae  preces  and  to  eveiything  relating  to  the 


^  *Original  in  the  Hofkorrespondenz,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 
The  Pope  is  complaining  here  of  the  quartering  of  troops  in  the 
Papal  States. 

^  Arneth,  XL,  185,  505. 

^  Thun's  *letter  to  Maria  Theresa  of  December  22,  1742 
(presented  January  5,  1743),  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  19  ;    cf.  13,  17. 

*  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIII,  93. 


96  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

election,  but  this  latter  document  was  to  be  kept  secret  and 
was  not  to  be  referred  to  except  in  case  of  necessity.^ 

In  his  letter  of  congratulation  to  Charles  VII.  the  Pope  had 
stressed  the  fact  that  the  elevation  of  the  House  of  Wittelsbach 
had  been  well  deserved  by  reason  of  the  devotion  to  the 
Catholic  cause  which  had  been  shown  by  his  ancestors,  and 
at  the  same  time  he  had  expressed  the  hope  that  their  descen- 
dant would  prove  himself  to  be  an  equally  zealous  champion 
of  the  Church. 2  It  was  soon  seen,  however,  how  little  there  was 
to  be  hoped  for  in  this  respect  from  a  monarch  who  in  a  con- 
fidential letter  written  to  Torring  immediately  after  his 
election  compared  himself  to  "  Job,  the  man  of  sorrows,  sick 
in  body,  with  no  country  and  no  money  ".^  He  showed  no  sign 

^  P.  A.  KiRSCH  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXVL,  46  seqq.  Besides 
the  sources  drawn  upon  there  are  Thun's  *reports  of  July  28,  1742 
(the  congregation  of  Cardinals  decided  to  confirm  the  recognition 
of  the  election,  with  the  usual  clauses,  and  to  receive  Cardinal 
Borghese,  nominated  by  Charles  VII.  protector  of  the  Empire, 
as  the  envoy  deputed  to  perform  the  rite  of  obedience),  of  August  4 
(the  "  obedience  "  was  carried  out  without  ceremony  ;  Borghese 
delivered  the  address,  as  the  old  Bavarian  envoy,  Scarlatti,  was 
on  his  death-bed  ;  the  "  primae  preces  "  were  not  granted),  of 
August  II  (from  the  decree  of  confirmation  Thun  picks  out  the 
following  :  "  confirmantes,  supplentes  et  sanantes  etiam  in 
essentialibus  electionem  ";  cf.  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  I.,  358  seq.). 
"  Si  h  poi  divulgate  che  gli  atti  di  questo  concistoro  si  tenevano 
cosi  gelosamentc  segreti,  affinch^  i  ministri  di  V.  M.  in  Germania 
non  rendessero  ai  principi  protestanti  odioso  il  presumpto 
imperatore  et  che  il  Papa  medesimo  aveva  adotta  questa  ragione." 
Valenti  told  Thun  that  this  was  untrue.  State  Archives,  Vienna. 
Acquaviva  *reported  on  August  9,  1742,  that  Borghese  stayed 
away  from  the  consistory  because  he  disagreed  with  the  wording 
of  the  Bull.  He  could  not  say  more  on  account  of  the  pledge  of 
secrecy.    Archives  of  Simancas. 

*  Geschichte  und  Thaien  Karls  VII.,  120  seqq.  Besides  the 
*Brief  of  March  3,  1742,  Benedict  sent  another  *letter  to  Charles 
Albert  the  same  day,  written  in  his  own  hand  and  of  a  similar 
purport  ;    see  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  604,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  Heigel,  Osierr.  Erbfolgekrieg,  283. 


SECULARIZATION    SCHEMES  97 

whatever  of  the  energy  which  Rome  had  expected  of  him. 
Indirectly  he  had  a  share  in  the  loss  of  Catholic  Silesia  to 
Protestant  Prussia,  while  for  the  recovery  of  Parma  and 
Piacenza  for  the  Pope  he  did  nothing  ;  only  in  ecclesiastico- 
political  questions  was  there  any  prospect  of  a  favourable 
solution.^  All  things  considered,  it  became  clear  as  early  as 
October  1742,  that  the  elevation  of  Charles  VII.  was  to  prove 
a  bitter  disappointment.  The  only  consolation  was  that  the 
new  Emperor,  who  since  September  had  been  in  correspon- 
dence with  the  Pope  on  all  difficult  questions,  seemed  to  have 
the  best  intentions  so  far  as  he  himself  was  concerned.  This 
impression  was  confirmed  by  Doria.^ 

Great,  then,  was  the  consternation  of  the  nuncio  and  the 
Pope  when  it  became  known  at  the  beginning  of  1743  that  at 
the  peace  negotiations  in  London,  Charles  VII. 's  envoy  had 
proposed  the  secularization  of  the  bishoprics  of  Salzburg, 
Passau,  Freising,  Regensburg,  Eichstatt,  and  Augsburg,  to 
indemnify  Bavaria,  and  that  the  plan  had  been  supported  by 
Prussia.  The  plan  had  been  originated  by  Frederick  II., 
acting  in  conjunction  with  England  ^  ;  but  Charles  VII.  was 
imprudent  enough  to  flirt  with  the  idea  and  to  imagine  that 
the  Holy  See  would  give  its  consent  to  it. 

The  matter  was  broached  by  Doria  in  an  audience  with  the 
Emperor  on  January  5th,  1743,  when  he  learnt  to  his  most 
painful  surprise  that  the  Emperor  was  far  from  being  entirely 
averse  to  the  dangerous  project.  In  a  second  audience,  on 
January  8th,  the  Emperor  attempted  to  justify  the  plan  on 
the  plea  that  several  ecclesiastical  princes  had  abused  their 
worldly  power.  In  a  third  audience,  on  the  21st,  he  said  that 
he  thought  that  in  these  circumstances  the  Holy  See  might 
give  its  consent.  In  vain  Doria  explained  that  this  was  out 
of  the  question,  as  it  would  be  the  first  step  towards  a  universal 

*  W.  voN  HoFMANN,  Das  Sdkularisationsprojekt,  216. 

2  Ibid.  217.  For  the  autograph  correspondence  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  Pope,  cf.  Doria's  *report  from  Frankfort  on 
October  9,  1742,  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  loc.  cit. 

^  Cf.  VoLBEHR,  Forsch.  zur  deutschen  Gesch.,  XXVI.,  275  seqq. 

VOL.  XXXV.  H 


98  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

secularization  and  would  lead  to  the  predominance  of  the 
Protestants  in  Germany.  In  vain  he  appealed  to  the  Emperor's 
sense  of  honour  and  to  his  duty  as  protector  of  the  Church. 
Charles  VII.  persisted  in  saying  that  the  Pope  could  giv^e  his 
consent.^ 

When  Benedict  XIV.  heard  of  the  plan  for  secularization, 
at  the  end  of  January,  and  of  the  support  given  to  it  by  the 
Emperor,  he  was  horrified.  He  would  rather  die,  he  said, 
than  agree  to  such  shameful  proposals,  which  would  have  the 
very  worst  effect  on  the  Church  in  Germany  and  would  bring 
about  the  triumph  of  Protestantism.  It  was  suggested  to  him 
that  the  loss  of  worldly  power  would  force  the  German  bishops 
to  live  as  spiritual  princes,  but  to  this  reasoning  too  he  refused 
to  listen.  He  observed  bitterly  that  if  the  Emperor  complained 
that  the  heads  of  the  German  clergy  lived  more  like  worldly 
than  spiritual  princes,  he  was  possibly  correct  but  that  he 
seemed  to  forget  that  his  brother,  the  Elector  Clement 
Augustus  of  Cologne,  not  content  with  his  archbishopric,  had 
managed  to  obtain  for  himself  the  bishoprics  of  Miinster, 
Paderborn,  Hildesheim,  and  Osnabriick.  If  the  abuses  in 
Germany  were  to  be  corrected,  the  first  step  to  take  was  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  practice  of  individuals  gaining  possession  of 
a  number  of  dioceses,  a  practice  to  which  the  Holy  See  had 
given  its  unwilling  consent  only  as  the  result  of  the  piessure 
put  upon  it  by  the  German  princes.'^  The  Cardinal  Secretary 
of  State  also  considered  the  position  to  be  most  serious  ;  in 
his  view  it  only  needed  an  energetic  policy  on  the  part  of 
Prussia  and  England  for  the  project  to  be  realized.^ 

Immediately  on  receipt  of  the  alarming  news  the  Pope  took 
steps  at  the  French  court  to  induce  it  to  use  its  great  influence 


'  W.  voN  HoFMANN,  223,  226  seqq. 

"^  Heeckeren,  I.,  27  seqq.  Cf.  K.  Sommer,  Die  Wahl  des 
Herzogs  Klemens  August  von  Bayern  zurn  Bischof  von  Minister 
und  Paderborn  1719,  zum  Koadjutor  mit  dem  Recht  der  Nachfolge 
im  Erzstift  Koln  1722,  zum  Bischof  von  Hildesheim  und  Osnabriick 
1724  M.  1728  (Diss.),  Miinster,  1908. 

'    W.  VON  HOFMANN,  223,   225. 


SECULARIZATION    DENIED    BY   CHARLES   VII.    99 

with  Charles  VII.  to  divert  him  from  his  baneful  purpose.^ 
Both  Doria  and  the  Pope  supposed  that  Maria  Theresa  was 
in  agreement  with  the  secularization  plan,  but  in  this  they 
were  entirely  mistaken.  Austrian  diplomacy  saw  at  once  that 
the  plan  was  a  weapon  that  could  be  used  against  Charles  VII. 
It  was  therefore  published,  with  the  observation  that  the 
Emperor  toadied  those  who  were  stronger  than  himself  and 
bullied  those  who  were  weaker ;  so  as  to  make  Bavaria 
a  monarchy  he  intended  to  suppress  those  who  were  immedi- 
ately subject  to  him  and  to  abolish  the  most  distinguished 
ecclesiastical  ranks,  whereas  the  Queen  had  no  desire  to  burden 
her  conscience  with  the  abolition  of  ecclesiastical  bishoprics. 
These  proclamations  produced  a  deep  impression  over  the 
whole  of  Southern  Germany.  The  storm  of  indignation  that 
rose  against  Charles  VI I.  was  so  violent  that,  for  fear  of 
losing  his  closest  adherents,  he  was  forced  to  take  the  humi- 
liating course  of  denying  that  he  had  ever  approved  of  the 
plan.  2 

In  Rome,  too,  Count  Thun,  who  was  eagerly  collecting  satires 
directed  against  the  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State,  Valenti,^ 
attempted  in  early  March  to  use  the  plan  to  turn  opinion 
against  the  Emperor.  Benedict  XIV.,  who  at  the  time  was 
particularly  embittered  by  the  quartering  of  Austrian  troops 
in  the  legation  of  Ferrara,*  answered  curtly  that  the  supposed 
secret  had  long  been  known  to  him  and  that  the  Emperor 
had  been  warned  against  such  a  step  by  a  Papal  letter  in 


*  Heeckeren,  I.,  28,  37.  Cf.  *Cifre  al  Nunzio  Crescenzi  of 
March  8  and  15,  1743,  Nunziat,  di  Francia,  442,  Papal  Secret 
Archives. 

-  Arneth,  II.,  211  ;    W.  VON  Hofmann,  232  seqq. 

*  *Reports  to  Uhlfeld  of  January  19  and  March  7,  1743, 
Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

*  Ruele  *reported  on  February  23,  1743,  that  a  courier  from 
Ferrara  had  brought  news  of  the  Austrian  request  for  permission 
to  quarter  troops.  "  Certo  h  che  il  Papa  dopo  che  I'ebbe  lette, 
si  vide  tutto  il  giorno  infuriato  contro  di  noi  prorompendo  alle 
volte  in  parole  poco  misurate."    State  Archives,  Vienna. 


100  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

autograph,  to  which  no  reply  had  yet  been  received.*  On  its 
receipt  the  Pope,  on  March  30th,  1743,  expressed  his  joy  to 
the  Emperor  that  the  rumours  which  had  been  spread  about 
him  were  now  declared  to  be  false. ^  Nevertheless,  suspicion 
still  attached  to  Charles  Albert.  Not  till  the  Last  Day,  wrote 
Benedict  in  a  confidential  letter  to  Cardinal  Tencin,  would 
it  be  known  whether  the  Bavarian  envoy  in  London  had 
actually  proposed  the  secularization  plan.^  The  Cardinal 
Secretary  of  State  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  question  of  how 
far  the  Emperor  had  committed  himself  had  better  be  left 
unplumbed.'* 

Though  Charles  VIL,  on  receiving  the  Papal  admonition,  no 
doubt  took  good  care  not  to  pursue  the  dangerous  project  any 
further,  Frederick  IL  continued  to  make  propaganda  for  it. 
In  consequence,  Doria,  and  with  him  the  Pope,  viewed  the 
future  with  anxiety.  It  was  not  till  September  1743  that 
Rome  considered  the  project  to  be  finally  dead  and  buried,^ 
but  it  was  precisely  at  this  juncture  that  the  bogy  came  to  life 
again.  Another  campaign  of  publicity  against  the  threatened 
plan  of  secularization  was  opened  by  the  Cabinet  in  Vienna, 
in  which  suspicion  was  cast  on  both  the  Emperor  and  the 
Pope,  the  former  being  accused  of  wanting  to  impose  Gallican- 
French  conditions  on  the  Empire.  How  unwise  the  Emperor 
had  been  in  dallying  with  the  proposal  for  secularization  in  its 
inception  was  shown  by  the  revival  in  Rome  at  the  end  of  the 
year  of  the  suspicion  that  he  was  still  in  favour  of  it.*^ 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  37  seq. 

^  *Copy    of    this    letter    written    "  proprio    pugno  "    in    the 
Hofkorrespondenz,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 
3  Heeckeren,  I.,  46. 

^  Instruction  to  Doria  of  March  23,  1743  ;    see  Hofmann,  238. 
^  Ibid.,  239  seqq.,  242  seqq. 

*  Ibid.,  244  seqq.  ;  also  the  Brief  in  answer  to  the  German 
Bishops'  appeal  of  February  15,  1744  [Btdl.  Lux.,  XVI.,  176 
seqq.,  to  Cardinal  Lamberg).  According  to  the  Epist.  ad  princ, 
no  (Papal  Secret  Archives),  similar  *Briefs  were  sent  to  the 
ecclesiastical  electors  and  the  Bishops  of  Salzburg  and  Wiirzburg 
concerning  the  plans  for  secularization,  one  of  the  authors  of 


PAPAL   STATES    RAVAGED    BY   WAR  lOI 

(3) 

All  the  time  these  disturbing  questions  were  in  the 
air,  the  effects  of  the  war  were  causing  ever  greater  injury  to 
the  Papal  States.  In  1743  both  Austrian  and  Spanish  troops 
made  their  way  across  Papal  territory  without  the  least  regard 
for  its  neutrality,  transferring  thither  the  theatre  of  war. 
What  was  lacking  in  their  militar}'  supplies  they  took  from  the 
unfortunate  inhabitants  and  carried  off  goods  and  money  as 
though  they  were  in  enemy  country.  As  early  as  March  20th, 
1743,  the  Pope  complained  in  a  letter  to  Maria  Theresa  written 
in  his  own  hand  that  in  the  territory  of  Ferrara,  General  Traun 
was  behaving  in  so  arbitrary  a  fashion  that  one  might  think 
the  Pope  did  not  exist. ^  What  little  attention  was  paid  to  this 
complaint  may  be  seen  in  the  confidential  letters  sent  by  the 
Pope  to  Cardinal  Tencin,  which  are  full  of  lamentations  about 

which  was  said  by  malicious  persons  to  be  the  Pope  (Heeckeren, 
I.,  143).  The  Briefs  were  regarded  as  a  vote  of  censure  on  Charles 
VII.,  which  deeply  ofifended  him  ;  see  Hofmann,  249  seqq. 
Here  also  are  further  particulars  of  the  counter-action  taken  by 
the  ecclesiastical  princes  of  Germany.  Among  those  who  suspected 
the  Pope  was  Cardinal  Passionei,  with  regard  to  which  Ruele 
*reported  to  Uhlfeld  on  April  4,  1744  :  "II  detto  cardinale 
dunque  trovandosi  nell'anticamera  del  Papa,  con  uno  dei  suoi 
soliti  furiosi  entusiasmi  si  lascio  uscire  da  bocca  di  essergli 
finalmente  riuscito  di  togliere  dall'  animo  del  Papa  I'orrore,  che 
aveva  concepito  contro  il  progetto  della  secolarizazione  con  fargli 
comprendere,  che  abusandosi  i  vescovi  di  Germania  delle  loro 
grosse  rendite  con  far  bagordi  e  mantenere  il  lusso  e  le  caccie, 
non  era  che  ben  fatto  il  ridurli  poveri,  perche  cosi  sariano  stati 
migliori  ecclesiastic!  ed  avrebbero  meglio  adempito  le  loro 
obligazioni  vescovili."  Uhlfeld  had  been  *told  of  the  real  state 
of  affairs  by  Albani  as  early  as  January  11,  1744  :  "  The  chief 
supporter  of  the  secularization  plan  is  Prussia  ;  it  is  not  true 
that  the  Curia  agrees  to  it."     State  Archives,  Vienna. 

^  In  this  *Ietter  (State  Archives,  Vienna  ;  Hofkorresp.) 
Benedict  instances  the  support  given  on  various  occasions  by 
Innocent  XI.  and  Clement  XI.  to  Germany  and  the  House  of 
Habsburg  in  particular. 


102  HISTORY   OF   THE  "  POPES 

the  ravaging  of  his  country  by  the  belligerents.^  In  September 
Civitavecchia  was  threatened  with  bombardment  by  the 
English  fleet  because  some  Spanish  troops  had  taken  refuge 
in  that  harbour. ^  In  addition  to  this,  there  was  the  danger  of 
there  being  brought  to  Rome  the  plague  which  had  broken  out 
in  Messina.  Although  every  precaution  was  taken  by  the 
Papal  Government  it  was  accused  of  negligence  by  those  who 
wished  it  ill.^ 

The  Pope's  agitation  was  further  increased  when  it  became 
known  in  the  autumn  that  the  Spanish  troops  intended  to 
settle  for  the  winter  in  Pesaro  and  Rimini,  the  Austrians, 
despite  the  intervention  of  Portugal  on  the  Pope's  behalf,'' 
in  the  districts  of  Ferrara  and  Bologna.-''  Hostility  towards  the 
Court  of  Vienna,  whose  representative,  Count  Thun,  never 
ceased  to  annoy  the  Pope,  was  steadily  increasing,  and  the 
situation  was  not  improved  by  Maria  Theresa's  obstinate 
refusal  to  grant  her  placet  to  PozzoboneUi's  nomination  as 
Archbishop  of  Milan.  In  October  Benedict  declared  that  the 
prospect  of  a  deiinite  rupture  with  Maria  Theresa  caused  him 
little  concern,  for  at  least  it  would  rid  him  of  Count  Thun,  who 
did  nothing  but  sow  the  seeds  of  discord.®  On  October  25th 
the  most  senior  in  rank  of  the  Cardinal  Bishops,  Priests,  and 
Deacons  addressed  a  letter  of  protest  to  Maria  Theresa,  assert- 

»  Heeckeren,  I.,  33,  34,  41,  42,  44,  50,  56,  58,  59,  69.  Cf.  the 
*Cifre  al  Niinzio  Crcsccnzi  of  March  22  and  29,  April  5  and  19 
1743,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  84,  86,  in.    Cf.  Muratori,  Annali,  1743. 

3  Heeckeren,  I.,  72,  77,  78.  Cf.  Fresco,  Lettere,  XVni., 
65,  69. 

^  Cf.  Benedict's  autograph  *letter  of  thanks  to  King  John, 
which  is  reprinted  in  the  Appendix  (la)  as  an  example  of  the 
way  in  which  the  Pope  corresponded  with  princes. 

^  Heeckeren,  I.,  88. 

*  Ibid.,  89  seq.  ;  cf.  95.  In  a  *Brief  addressed  to  Lobkowitz 
on  October  9,  1743,  Benedict  admonished  him  to  spare  Bologna 
and  remarked  that  if  the  States  of  the  Church  were  ruined  the 
Holy  See  would  not  be  able  as  before  to  render  assistance  against 
the  Turks.    Epist.  ad  princ,  239,  p.  127,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 


"  THE  MARTYRDOM  OF  NEUTRALITY     IO3 

ing  that  the  Papal  States  were  being  mined  by  the  military 
occupation  and  urgently  demanding  redress.  On  the  following 
day  the  Pope  wrote  to  her  in  a  similar  strain,  adding  that  he 
had  also  demanded  from  Madrid  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Spanish  troops.^  These  representations  went  unheeded,  and 
the  Pope  continued  to  be  the  victim  of  the  bloody  struggle. 
As  he  had  feared  in  October,  the  Austrian  army  remained 
in  the  district  of  Bologna,  the  Spanish  in  that  of  Rimini.  The 
latter,  he  complained,  leave  us  very  little,  the  former  nothing 
at  all.  Only  a  miracle  could  relieve  the  situation. ^  The  Marches 
and  Romagna  having  been  bled  white  by  the  foreign  troops 
and  rendered  incapable  of  paying  taxes,  an  extra  tax  for  1744 
had  to  be  imposed  by  the  Pope  on  Rome  and  its  environs.^ 

The  new  year  brought  with  it  the  old  tribulations  for  the 
Papal  States,  increased  to  such  an  extent  that  Benedict 
declared  that  he  could  write  a  treatise  on  "  The  Martyrdom  of 
Neutrality  ".  The  war  was  conducted  with  such  bitterness 
that  with  the  best  will  in  the  world  it  was  impossible  to  satisfy 
either  of  the  parties.^  While  waiting  for  the  coming  of  better 
weather  these  foreign  armies,  the  Austrian  under  Lobkowitz, 
the  Spanish  under  Gages,  sat  facing  each  other  on  Papal 
territory  and  ravaged  it  as  though  it  belonged  to  the  enemy. 
In  a  letter  to  his  old  friend  Innocenzo  Storani  the  Pope  des- 
cribed the  afflictions  which  his  country  had  had  to  endure  for 
two  years — the  robberies,  the  murders,  the  devastation  of 
the  country — by  which  the  estates  of  the  archiepiscopal  see  of 
Bologna  and  of  his  nephew  had  also  been  affected.  He  said 
resignedly  that  his  sins  had  brought  this  punishment  upon 
him  and  there  was  nothing  more  that  he  could  do  but  commend 
himself  to  the  Almighty,  that  He  might  avert  still  greater 
scourges.^ 

^  The  originals  of  both  *letters  in  the  Hofkorrespondenz  of 
the  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

2  Heeckeren,  I.,  93,  97. 

3  Ibid.,  106. 

^  Ibid.,  114  ;    cf.  115,  120,  128  seq.,  131  ;    also  the   *Cifra   al 
Nunzio  di  Francia  of  April  15,  1744,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 
*  Letter  of  March  18,  1744,  in  Maroni,  Lettere,  733  seq. 


104  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

On  April  21st  Lobkowitz  received  a  definite  order  from 
Maria  Theresa  to  put  an  end  to  the  inactivity  that  had  reigned 
thitherto  and  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Naples.  On  Thun's 
suggestion,  the  Austrian  commander  decided  to  proceed  south- 
ward through  the  Roman  Campagna  instead  of  through  the 
Abruzzi.  After  increasing  his  force  to  26,000  men,  he  struck  his 
camp  at  Macerata  on  May  4th  and  took  the  road  for  Foligno. 
He  reached  Spoleto  on  the  10th  and  Civita  Castellana  on  the 
15th,  and  on  the  18th  he  moved  into  camp  at  Monterotondo, 
a  few  hours  north  of  Rome.^  This  in  itself  was  enough  to  make 
the  Pope's  position  most  unenviable,^  but  it  was  now  made 
even  worse  by  the  approach  of  an  army  from  the  south  : 
Charles  III.,  not  wanting  his  territory  to  be  the  theatre  of 
war,  advanced  at  the  head  of  24,000  men  and  halted  in 
Valmontone.  In  a  letter  to  the  Pope  of  Ma}'  20th  the  King 
attempted  to  justify  his  invasion  on  the  score  of  strategical 
necessity.^  Lobkowitz,  whose  hussars  had  been  scouring  the 
Campagna  since  the  beginning  of  the  month  and  had  shortly 
afterwards  occupied  the  approach  to  the  Ponte  Molle,*  was 
bold  enough  to  ask  the  Pope  for  an  audience.  It  was  granted 
him,  but  only  as  a  private  person. 

On  Whitsunday,  May  24th,  Lobkowitz,  accompanied  by  his 
officers,  entered  the  Holy  City,  where  the  unprincipled  Romans 
received  him  with  enthusiasm.^    After  dining  with  Cardinal 

^  Arneth,  II.,  359  seqq.  Cf.  Arch.  stor.  Napol.,  VI.,  37,  with 
Maria  Theresa's  proclamation  to  the  Two  Sicilies  of  April  14, 1744. 

-  "  *Ci  troviamo  in  situazione  la  piii  dolorosa  che  si  possa 
pensare."  Cifra  al  Nunzio  di  Francia,  of  May  16,  1744,  loc.  cit. 
Cf.  also  the  *Cifra  of  May  20,  1744,  ibid. 

'  Heeckeren,  I.,  237. 

*  Ibid.,  135  seqq. 

*  To  counterbalance  the  one-sided  Austrian  reports  in  Arneth, 
II-,  363,  543,  see  the  *Cifra  al  Nunzio  Durini  of  July  n,  1744: 
"  Non  so  se  le  qucrele,  che  cost!  fanno  per  le  tante  dimostrazioni 
usate  da  questo  popolaccio  verso  il  principe  di  Lobkowitz  sieno 
giuste,  ma  i  fatti  sono  veri.  Sono  stati  eccessivi  gli  applausi  et 
immenso  il  concorso  verso  questo  signore,  ma  non  k  vero  che 
prorompessero  gli  eviva  verso  la  regina  d'Unghcria,  sc  non  che 


NAPLES   THREATENED    BY   LOBKOWITZ        I05 

Alessandro  Albani,  he  was  received  by  the  Pope,  who  exhorted 
him  to  maintain  a  strict  discipline  among  his  troops.^  Benedict 
XIV.  wrote  to  Cardinal  Tencin  on  May  27th  that  his  position 
between  two  armies  both  of  which  treated  the  Papal  States 
as  though  they  were  no  man's  land  was  almost  too  bad  to 
imagine. 2 

In  order  to  bar  the  Spaniards'  passage  to  Rome,  Lobkowitz, 
on  May  29th,  took  up  a  strong  position  on  the  heights  of 
Frascati,  whence  two  routes  to  Naples  stood  open  to  him  : 
the  road  via  Velletri  and  Terracina,  and  that  via  Frosinone 
and  San  Germano.  On  the  Austrians  showing  signs  of  pushing 
on  to  Velletri,  the  Spanish-Neapolitan  force  was  concentrated 
in  and  around  that  town.  Lobkowitz  now  advanced  as  far  as 
Marino  and  on  June  2nd  pitched  his  camp  on  the  heights  lying 
to  the  south-east  of  Lake  Nemi.^  The  havoc  wrought  by  both 
armies  was  immense.  The  Spaniards  did  indeed  offer  to  pay 
for  the  damage  they  had  caused,  but  the  Pope  was  under  no 
delusion  that  they  would  be  able  to  replace  a  fifth  part  of  what 
they  had  destroyed.  The  Austrians,  he  related  on  June  3rd, 
1744,  laid  their  hands  on  everything  ;  in  Marino  their  soldiery 
had  got  drunk,  had  let  the  wine  run  out,  and  had  robbed  the 

nel  cortile  del  cardinale  Alessandro  Albani.  Non  si  potra  dire 
per6  che  il  Governo  sia  state  della  medesima  tempera  e  che  vi 
abba  data  la  mano,  poiche  qui  si  tento  ogni  strada  per  impedire 
la  venuta  di  questo  Signore,  il  quale  era  state  posto  nei  sbalzi 
pretendendo  mille  distinzioni  nel  cerimoniale.  Nulla  si  voile 
accordare  e  ad  ogni  modo  egli  venne  come  qualunque  altro 
particolare.  Li  fautori  austriaci  vollero  fare  questa  scena  di 
commedia,  in  cui  i  fanatici  del  paese  fecero  cosi  indegna  comparsa. 
Se  ci6  merita  I'indignazione  di  costa,  il  Ministero  certamente  at 
il  Principe  nostro  meritano  piuttosto  compassione,  essendo  quest i 
posti  come  bersaglio  alle  cieche  passioni  di  questa  gente 
forsennata."  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  116,  Papal  Secret 
Archives. 

1  Heeckeren,  L,  138  ;  Merenda,  *Memorie,  Bibl.  Angelica, 
Rome. 

~  Heeckeren,  I.,  138. 

^  Arneth,  II. ,  363. 


I06  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

inhabitants  not  only  of  their  money  but  even  of  their  furni- 
ture.^ The  Holy  City  itself  was  blockaded,  and  there  was 
a  threatened  lack  of  food.  As  Lobkowitz  was  assuming  a  provo- 
cative attitude,  the  gates  were  carefully  guarded.* 

Instead  of  launching  a  surprise  attack  on  the  army  which 
barred  his  way  to  Naples,  Lobkowitz  gave  the  enemy  time  to 
strengthen  his  position.  On  the  night  of  June  16th-17th  the 
Spaniards  felt  themselves  to  be  strong  enough  to  deliver 
a  sudden  attack  on  the  Austrians  and  forced  Lobkowitz  to 
withdraw  his  camp  to  Genzano.^  The  Austrian  attempts  to 
induce  the  Pope  to  prevent  the  payment  of  tribute  by  the 
representative  of  Charles  IIL  on  the  feast  of  SS.  Peter  and 
Paul  were  unsuccessful,  and  the  ceremony  took  place  without 
disturbance.* 

Determination  and  courage  were  as  lacking  in  Charles  IIL's 
camp  as  in  the  Austrians'.  He  rested  content  with  the  minor 
success  won  on  June  17th  and  until  August  10th  the  two 
armies  stood  inactive  on  Papal  soil,^  facing  each  other  across 
a   deep   valley.^     On   the   Neapolitans   gradually   becoming 


^  Heeckeren,  I.,  139. 

-  Acquaviva's  *report  to  Villarias  of  June  13,  1744,  Archives 
of  Simancas. 

3  Arneth,  II.,  366. 

■•  Acquaviva's  *reports  of  June  27  and  July  i,  1744,  loc.  cit. 
The  elaborate  festivities  which  usually  accompanied  the  offering 
of  the  tribute  were  not  resumed  until  1749  ;  see  Ferrari, 
Bellezze  architettoniche  per  le  feste  della  Chinea  in  Roma  nei  secoli 
17  e  18,  Torino,  1921,  12  seqq.  ;  Macchine  pirotecniche  della  Chinea 
1731-1785  (no  place  or  year  of  publication)  taw.  5  (1744  ;  Giove 
sublimato  agli  onori  divini),  6  (1745  :  II  ritorno  del  Re  in  Napoli), 
7  (1749  :    La  scoperta  del  teatro  di  Ercolano),  etc. 

*  *Letter  of  complaint  from  Benedict  XIV.  to  Cardinal  Tencin 
of  July  7,  1744  (missing  from  the  Paris  edition,  copy  in  the 
State  Archives,  Vienna),  with  the  pas.sage  :  "  Si  contradistingue 
il  Card.  Aless.  Albani  ncll'attacco  alia  regina  d'Ungheria  andando 
publicamente  al  campo  Austriaco  in  compagnia  di  msgr.  Thun." 

'  On  July  6,  1744,  there  was  a  procession  in  Rome,  from 
S.  Maria  Maggiore  to  S.  Giovanni  in  Laterano,  to  implore  the 


THE   AUSTRIANS    RETREAT  IO7 

careless,  Lobkowitz  made  up  his  mind  to  risk  an  attack  on 
Velletri.  In  the  night  of  August  lOth-llth  his  troops  forced 
their  way  into  the  town  and  almost  captured  the  King  of 
Naples  as  he  lay  in  bed  in  the  Palazzo  Ginetti.  He  owed  his 
escape  solely  to  the  fact  that  the  Austrians,  diverted  by  the 
prospect  of  a  rich  spoil,  entered  the  houses,  loaded  themselves 
with  money  and  other  valuables,  and  drank  deeply  of  the 
town's  delicious  wine.  This  gave  the  Neapolitans  and  Spaniards 
time  to  recover,  and  after  a  furious  street-battle  they  drove 
the  Austrians  out  again. 1  For  a  long  time  after  this  episode 
both  armies  reoccupied  their  old  positions,  to  the  great  mis- 
fortune of  the  luckless  inhabitants  of  the  Papal  States,  on 
whom,  as  Benedict  declared,  even  the  Turk  would  have  taken 
pity,2  The  Pope's  only  hope  was  in  God  ;  he  trusted  firmly, 
he  wrote  to  a  friend  on  August  15th,  1744,  in  Him  who  had 
come  to  Peter's  rescue  in  the  storm  on  the  lake  of  Genesareth.^ 
Meanwhile  Austria's  ally,  the  King  of  Sardinia,  was  being 
very  hardly  pressed  by  the  Spaniards  and  French  in  his  own 
country.  Consequently,  in  the  middle  of  September,  Maria 
Theresa  was  forced  to  give  Lobkowitz  the  order  to  abandon 


intercession  with  God  of  the  two  Princes  of  the  Apostles,  that 
the  States  of  the  Church  might  be  freed  from  the  two  armies. 
See  *Cod.  Vat.  8545,  pp.  105  seqq.,  Vatican  Library. 

}  For  the  unsuccessful  attack  on  Velletri,  which  is  depicted  in 
the  castello  at  Nemi  (see  Tomassetti,  II.,  277),  cf.  Bonamici, 
Castruccii  de  rebus  ad  Velitras  anno  1744  gestis  commentarius , 
Lugd.  Batav.  1749  (also  Dresdae  1779)  ;  Osterr.  milit.  Zeitschrift 
1830,  I,  3  seqq.  ;  Arneth,  II.,  373  seq.  ;  F.  Sforza-Cesarini, 
La  guerra  di  Velletri  (1744).  Note  storico-milit.  con  nuovi  doc, 
Roma,  1891  ;  Arch.  Napolet.,  XXX.,  339  seqq.  ;  Schipa,  437 
seqq.  ;  Heeckeren,  I.,  152  ;  M.  Galdi,  Un  poemetto  maccheronico 
inedito  sulla  battaglia  di  Velletri,  Napoli,  1925.  Reports  by 
Lobkowitz  and  Acquaviva  have  been  published  by  Pasquali  and 
Pasini  (Velletri,  1893)  ;  other  *correspondence  on  the  subject  in 
Cod.  E.,  pp.  132-6,  of  the  Boncompagni  Archives,  Rome. 

2  Heeckeren,  I.,  147  ;    cf.  145,  149,  152  seq.,  157  seq. 

^  Maroni,  Lettere,  741.  For  Portugal's  further  attempts  at 
mediation,  see  Appendix  lb. 


I08  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  attempt  on  Naples.  Benedict  XIV.  sighed  with  reHef 
when,  on  October  23rd,  the  retreat  was  begun  by  the  Austrian 
vanguard.^  On  November  1st  Lobkowitz  left  his  headquarters 
in  Genzano,  and  his  whole  army,  marching  past  the  walls  of 
Rome,  crossed  the  Tiber  by  the  Ponte  MoIIe  and  by  a  bridge- 
of-boats  which  had  been  thrown  across  the  river  hard  by. 
Two  hours  later  it  was  followed  by  the  Spanish-Neapolitan 
army,  which  took  up  a  position  in  the  vineyards  between 
the  Porta  Pia  and  the  Ponte  Molle.  Their  attempt  to  cross  the 
Tiber  was  prevented  by  the  Austrian  artillery,  and  Lobkowitz 
was  enabled  to  continue  his  retreat  unhindered,  by  way  of 
Viterbo  and  Orvieto,  through  Umbria,  to  the  Romagna.^ 

On  November  3rd  Charles  III.,  with  a  brilliant  escort, 
entered  Rome,  where  the  Pope  welcomed  him  with  salvoes  as 
his  liberator.  A  famous  painting  by  Pannini  shows  the  king's 
reception  in  the  coffee-house  in  the  garden  of  the  Quirinal.^ 
The  king  remained  one  and  a  half  hours  with  the  Pope.  After 
this  meeting,  which  was  to  both  parties'  satisfaction,  Charles 
III.  visited  St.  Peter's,  the  Vatican,  where  a  banquet  was 
held  in  his  honour,  and  the  Lateran.  In  the  evening  he 
returned  to  Velletri.^ 


*  On  September  26,  1744,  Valenti  expressed  his  hope  of  a 
speedy  release  from  the  Austrian  army  (*Cifra  al  Nunzio  Enriquez, 
Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  430,  Papal  Secret  Archives)  ;  on  October  30 
he  *  wrote  that  owing  to  Lobkowitz 's  want  of  organization  this 
hope  had  not  been  realized.  *On  October  10  :  "  '  Stenta  quest' 
armata  a  partire  perche  si  trova  nella  maggior  confusione  del 
mondo,'  but  we  shall  soon  be  free."  *On  October  24  :  "  Ecco 
finalmente  in  marcia  questa  armata  Austriaca,  la  di  cui  \an- 
gardia  ...  6  passata  questa  mattina  sotto  queste  mura."    Ibid. 

*  Heeckeren,  L,  159  seqq. 

^  The  Museum  in  Naples  contains  Pannini 's  "  The  reception 
by  the  Pope  in  the  Quirinal  garden  "  and  "  The  procession  of 
Charles  IIL  to  St.  Peter's  ".  The  former  painting  is  reproduced 
in  Ricci,  Kunst  in  Oberitalien,  404,  and  both  in  Ozzola,  Pannini, 
Torino,  192 1,  tav.  6  and  7. 

*  Cf.  Relazione  delta  vcnuta  in  Roma  dclla  M'"  di  Carlo  Re 
delle  Sictlie,  Roma  (Chracas),  1744  ;    Schipa,  443  scqq.  ;    Thun's 


CHARLES   III.'S   ENTRY   INTO    ROME  IO9 

A  few  days  later  the  Pope  addressed  to  the  Spanish  Queen 
Elizabeth  a  letter  in  his  own  hand  in  which  he  described  her 
son's  visit  as  the  only  consolation  that  had  hitherto  been 
granted  him  in  his  arduous  pontificate.  It  was,  he  added,  the 
first  visit  of  a  king  to  Rome  since  the  time  of  Charles  V.,  and 
although  the  Neapolitan  monarch  had  come  incognito  and 
a  few  days  earlier  than  had  been  arranged  with  Cardinal 
Acquaviva,  he  flattered  himself  that  he  had  treated  him  as 
he  would  the  Emperor  and  had  given  him  satisfaction.  The 
Pope  was  lavish  in  his  praises  of  Charles's  qualities,  especially 
his  heroic  modesty.^  In  a  confidential  letter  to  the  Marchese 
Camillo  Caprao  Bentivoglio  he  said  jokingly  that  the  royal 
visit,  short  as  it  was,  had  cost  him  as  much  as  three  villegga- 
turas  at  Castel  Gondolfo.- 

As  the  bad  season  of  the  year  approached,  Benedict  was 
horrified  to  see  that  what  he  had  feared  as  far  back  as  July  ^ 
was  coming  true  ;  the  two  commanders  of  the  armies  had 
again  decided  to  take  up  their  winter  quarters  in  the  States 
of  the  Church,  there  to  continue  the  struggle  when  the  better 
weather  came.^    A  special  Congregation  of  Cardinals  met  in 

♦report  of  November  7,  1744,  State  Archives,  Vienna.  CJ. 
Arneth,  II.,  545  ;    Heeckeren,  I.,  160  seqq. 

'  Appendix  2. 

^  B.  Manzone,  Frammenti  di  lettere  inedite  di  Benedetto  XIV. 
(pubblicazione  per  nozze),  Bra,  1890,  IV.,  n.  2. 

^  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  July  8,  1744,  in  which  it  is  said  :  "La 
guerra  vi  fu  unicamente  contro  di  Noi  desolando  il  paese  e  gli 
abitanti."    Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442.    Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  On  December  3,  1744,  Valenti  addressed  the  following  *Cifra 
to  Valenti  :  "  Un  altro  articolo  molto  afflittivo  di  questa  Corte 
e  di  questo  Stato  h  il  vedersi  imminente  un  quartiere  d'invemo. 
Li  Spagnuoli  piu  vicini  gia  ce  lo  fanno  capire,  e  gli  Austriaci  piti 
lontani  ce  lo  fanno  temere.  Sono  tre  anni  che  tutta  la  batosta 
della  guerra  sta  sulle  nostre  spalle.  Avevamo  giusta  speranza  di 
vedercene  liberati,  et  ora  all'  improvviso,  contro  ogni  apparenza 
e  contro  quello  che  pareva  diritto  et  interesse  di  guerra,  vediamo 
arrenati  li  Spagnuoli,  i  quali,  dopo  essere  stati  sul  confine  della 
Toscana,  ripiombano  sopra  di  noi,  con  dare  motivo  agli  Austriaci 


no  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  presence  of  the  Pope  to  deliberate  the  matter,^  but  no 
solution  presented  itself.  The  protests  issued  by  the  Cardinal 
Secretary  of  State  in  all  directions  ^  were  of  as  little  avail  as 
the  exhortations  to  peace  addressed  at  the  end  of  November 
to  the  Kings  of  Spain  and  France,  to  Maria  Theresa,  and  to 
the  Emperor  Charles  VII. ^  The  Austrian  army,  which  on  its 
retreat  had  laid  waste  to  a  portion  of  the  Papal  States  which 
had  hitherto  been  spared,  settled  down  again  in  the  territories 
of  Ferrara  and  Bologna  and  in  the  Romagna,  the  headquarters 
being  moved  to  Imola.  The  Neapolitan  troops,  after  pursuing 
the  Austrians  to  Viterbo  and  Perugia,  turned  back  and 
spread  themselves  over  the  countryside  around  Cometo, 
Viterbo,  and  Bolsena  ;  and  not  content  with  their  quarters 
and  the  usual  requisitions  of  hay,  straw,  wood,  and  lighting, 
they  levied  monetary  tribute  to  the  amount  of  26,000  scudi 

di  far  lo  stesso,  aspettandomi  ad  ogni  momento  che  piglino  questo 
pretesto,  a  cui  non  si  sapra  che  rispondere.  Mi  perdonino  se  io 
le  dice  che  niuno  puo  capire  una  simile  risoluzione,  quando  stava 
in  mano  loro  di  fare  entrare  gli  Austriaci  nello  State  del  Gran 
Duca  e  seguitarli.  Questo  e  un  danno  cosi  pesante  che  abbatte 
ranimo  del  Papa  e  de'  suoi  sudditi  e  che  vorrei  peter  ie  alleggerire 
eel  sangue  mie,  mentre  da  questo  sergente  mille  altre  cruci  e  mille 
altre  male  cententezze  saranne  sempre  per  derivare."  Nunziat. 
di  Spagna,  430,  fo.  43,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  *Thun  te  Uhlfeld  on  December  12,  1744  ;  even  Thun  admits 
here  :  "  La  verita  h  che  questo  stato  andra  certamente  ail'  ultima 
revina  se  deve  sostener  il  quartier  d'inverno  di  queste  due  armate 
e  molto  piu  se  devesse  preseguirsi  la  guerra  all'  apertura  della 
campagna  nel  medesime."  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy 
te  the  Vatican. 

^  *Cifre  al  Nunzie  di  Francia  of  December  19,  1744,  and  al 
Nunzio  di  Spagna  of  December  10,  1744,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  Heeckeren, 
I.,  162,  165  seq. 

^  See  the  Briefs  in  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  I.,  251,  II.,  378  seqq., 
and  the  autograph  *letter  to  Charles  VII.,  Epist.  ad  princ,  175, 
p.  10,  Papal  Secret  Archives  (reproduced  in  Appendix  3).  Ibid., 
173,  p.  217,  a  similar  *letter  te  King  John  of  Portugal,  also  of 
November  28,  1744.  The  proclamation  of  the  jubilee  for  peace, 
of  November  20,  1744,  in  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  254  seq. 


THE  POPE  S  ANGER  WITH  AUSTRIA     III 

per  month. 1  The  Austrians'  demands  were  far  greater  :  as  in 
the  previous  year,  they  demanded  natural  produce  and  money 
to  the  value  of  100,000  scudi  per  month,  although  their 
numbers  had  shrunk  from  30,000  to  10,000.2 

Needless  to  say,  there  was  no  question  of  extracting  further 
taxes  from  the  provinces  on  which  these  foreign  troops  had  been 
quartered,  and  there  was  no  source  from  which  the  resulting 
deficit  could  be  recovered,  especially  when  in  addition 
200,000  scudi  had  to  be  found  for  provisions  against  the  plague 
and  16,000  scudi  for  the  guarding  of  the  city  of  Rome.  It  was 
no  wonder,  then,  that  it  was  found  impossible  to  produce 
a  budget  which  was  in  any  way  satisfactory.^ 

"  The  two  armies."  wrote  the  Pope  at  the  beginning  of 
1745,  "  are  ruining  the  States  of  the  Church.  The  Spaniards  are 
the  authors  of  our  misfortune,  but  the  Austrians  expect  to 
live  entirely  at  our  expense.  Unless  God  has  mercy  on  us.  Our 
Pontificate  will  be  famous  for  the  injuries  we  suffer."  ^  On  the 
whole,  the  attitude  of  the  Spanish  generals  seemed  to  the  Pope 
to  be  far  more  tolerable  than  that  of  the  Austrians,  and 
besides  this  there  were  continual  provocations  coming  from 
the  Viennese  Court.  Further  still,  the  confiscation  of  Cardinal 
Valenti's  benefices  in  the  Milanese  province  was  still  being 
maintained  by  Maria  Theresa,  although  it  was  considered  by 
the  Pope  as  a  personal  affront  to  himself.^  The  Pope's  anger 
with  Austria  had  already  found  its  full  expression  in  November 
1744,  on  the  occasion  of  Thun's  farewell  audience.  In  telling 
his  bitter  adversary  the  truth  Benedict  had  not  minced  his 
words.  He  reproved  him  for  paying  no  attention  either  to 
his  bishopric  of  Gurk  or  to  his  duties  as  auditor  of  the  Rota, 
while  as  an  envoy  he  had  stirred  up  his  Court  against  the  Holy 
See  and  had  blown  on  the  flames  instead  of  quenching  them.^ 

1  Merenda,  *Memorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome. 

-  Heeckeren,  I.,  i68. 

3  Ibid.,  169,  170. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  172. 

*  *Cifra  al  Enriquez,  of  January  7,  1745.  Nunziat.  di  Spagna, 
430,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  173. 


112  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

With  his  irascible  nature  Thun  had  fallen  foul  also  of 
Austria's  supporters  in  Rome.  After  his  departure  the  manage- 
ment of  current  business  was  undertaken  by  Cardinal  Alessan- 
dro  Albani,  who  had  already  been  nominated  Crown  Protector 
of  the  Austrian  patrimonial  dominions  by  Maria  Theresa  in 
March  1743,  on  the  death  of  Cardinal  Giudice.  The  celebrated 
art-collector,  however,  performed  this  new  duty  very  slackly, 
paying  far  more  attention  to  his  own  interests  than  to  those 
of  the  country  he  was  representing.^  The  best  policy  he  could 
devise  in  dealing  with  the  Pope  and  his  Secretary  of  State  was 
to  instil  fear  into  them.^ 

Thus  the  situation  in  Rome  was  not  at  all  propitious  from 
Maria  Theresa's  viewpoint  when  Charles  VII.,  broken-hearted 
at  the  misfortunes  which  had  befallen  his  country,  died  after 
a  short  iUness  on  January  20th,  1745. 

The  wearer  of  the  Imperial  crown  and  the  claimant  to  the 
patrimony  of  Charles  VI.,  who,  as  soon  as  he  ascended  the 
throne,  had  been  aptly  described  by  the  Pope  as  "  an  illustrious 
but  needy  gentleman  *',^  thus  quitted  the  arena  of  European 
politics,  and  his  departure  was  as  pregnant  in  important 
consequences  as  it  was  unexpected.  The  first  news  of  his  death 
arrived  in  Rome  on  January  27th.  Cardinal  Valenti  saw  it  as 
a  dispensation  of  Providence,  which  plays  havoc  with  human 
scheming.  He  was  in  no  doubt  that  Maria  Theresa  would  now 
cherish  fresh  hopes  of  raising  her  husband,  the  Archduke 
Francis*  of  Tuscany,  to  the  Imperial  throne,  and  if  France 
intended  to  impose  its  views  on  others  sword  in  hand,  it  would 
have  considerable  difficulty  in  doing  so  in  the  present  state 
of  affairs.*  As  for  the  attitude  to  be  adopted  by  the  Holy  See, 


*  Arneth,  IX.,  4. 

^  In  his  *letter  to  Uhlfeld  of  January  23,  1745,  Albani  sneers 
at  the  Pope's  efforts  to  make  peace  and  proposes  "  con  poche 
e  forti  parole  mettere  il  card.  Valenti  ed  il  Papa  in  qualche 
soggezione  e  timore  ".    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  Letter  of  August  10,  1742,  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXVI.,  48. 

*  *Cifra  al  Enriquez,  January  28,  1745  :  "  Eccoci  dunque  da 
capo  la  Casa  d'Austria  ripigliera  gran  vigore  e  grandi  speranze. 


SAXONY   AND   THE   IMPERIAL   CROWN  II3 

the  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State  informed  the  French  nuncio 
Durini  that,  as  before,  Rome  would  demand  the  nomination 
of  a  Catholic  candidate  and  would  have  to  declare  itself  in 
favour  of  the  one  who  would  be  most  easily  elected.  The 
nuncio  was  to  inform  himself  of  the  intentions  of  the  French 
Cabinet  through  Cardinal  Tencin,  whom  the  Pope  trusted  as 
a  special  friend.^ 

Durini  was  soon  able  to  report  that  France  was  striving  with 
every  means  at  its  disposal  to  put  on  the  Imperial  throne  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  and  King  of  Poland,  Frederick  Augustus  II. 
But  Frederick  Augustus,  with  his  innate  laziness  and  uncon- 
cern, had  little  inclination  to  shoulder  the  burden  inseparable 
from  such  a  dignity,  and  he  feared,  too,  that  his  candidature 
would  endanger,  for  himself  and  his  house,  the  possession  of 
the  Polish  crown,  to  which  he  had  become  attached.  To  the 
influential  Queen,  however,  and  the  Minister  Briihl  the 
splendour  of  an  emperor's  crown  seemed  most  desirable. 
Their  remonstrances  left  the  King  irresolute  ;  on  the  one  hand 


Se  la  Francia  vuol  fare  come  per  lo  passato,  volendo  le  cose  a 
mode  sue  colla  spada  alia  mano,  difficihnente,  secondo  la  presente 
providenza,  pu6  riuscirgli.  Alia  Spagna,  secondo  il  mio  corto 
intendimento,  niuna  cosa  pu6  giovar  piu  che  intrecciare  un 
maneggio  che  le  porti  la  sicurezza  dello  stabilimento  che  essa 
ricerca,  ma  senza  ingolfarsi  in  un  nuovo  mare  di  spesa  e  di 
casualita."  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  430,  fo.  52,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 
^  *Cifra  al  Durini,  January  27,  1745  :  "  Per  quanto  a  noi, 
credo  che  ripiglieremo  sempre  il  medesimo  metodo  di  bramare 
un  principe  cattolico  ed  aderire  a  quelle  che  sara  piu  facile  ad 
eleggersi.  Questo  contegno  non  dovrebbe  dispiacere  a  chiunque 
avra  influenza  nell'  elezione  ;  ma  pure  abbiamo  provato  il  contrario 
nell'elezione  del  defonto.  Onde  il  zelo  di  Sua  S'^  avrebbe  di 
bisogno  di  essere  questa  volta  meglio  rispettato  che  non  fu  I'altra. 
Cio  resti  per  di  lei  primaria  istruzione.  Veda  poi  secondariamente 
ci6  che  puo  ricavare  da  cotesta  Corte,  ma  singolarmente  dal  sigr. 
Card,  di  Tencin  per  lume  nostro  ed  indrizzo.  N.  S.  confida  in 
Lei  come  in  un  particolare  amico,  e  V.  S.  Ill^ia  deve  su  questo 
piede  regolarsi  con  lui."  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  136,  Papal 
Secret  Archives. 

VOL.  XXXV.  1 


114  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

he  endeavoured  to  use  the  proffered  candidature  as  a  lever 
wherewith  to  obtain  from  Maria  Theresa  a  territorial  indemnity 
in  Silesia  ;  on  the  other,  he  continued  to  treat  with  France, 
To  gain  time,  he  let  it  be  known  in  Paris  that  he  would  only 
put  forward  his  candidature  on  condition  that  the  Pope  inter- 
vened on  his  behalf.^  But  Benedict  XIV.  and  Cardinal  Valenti 
thought  it  more  advisable  to  adopt  a  waiting  policy. 

The  Venetian  envoys,  it  is  true,  were  able  to  report  that 
for  a  moment  the  idea  was  entertained  in  Rome  of  setting  up 
against  Austria  the  candidature  of  the  deceased  Emperor's 
son,  Max  Joseph,  who  was  not  yet  eighteen  years  of  age  ^ ; 
but  this  was  hardly  probable.  What  is  certain  is  that  any  such 
plan  was  rendered  purposeless  when  Max  Joseph  accepted 
Maria  Theresa's  offer  of  peace  and  at  the  Peace  of  Fiissen, 
April  22nd,  1745,  renounced  his  claims  on  Austria  and 
promised  his  vote  at  the  imperial  election  to  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Tuscany.  The  news  of  the  Austro-Bavarian  settlement 
also  induced  King  Frederick  Augustus  to  announce  that  he 
would  not  oppose  the  election  of  the  Grand  Duke.^ 

"  We  have  strong  reasons,"  Cardinal  Valenti  had  written  to 
Durini  on  May  19th,  "  for  not  intervening  in  the  election  and 
for  showing  no  partiality  whatever,  although  France  would  like 

^  Arneth,  III.,  33  seqq. 

*  See  Andrea  da  Lezze's  dispatches  in  Brosch,  II.,  loi,  n., 
who  believes  in  them  entirely.  On  March  20,  1745,  the  Pope 
wrote  to  Cardinal  Tencin  that  maHcious  Austrians  were  com- 
plaining of  his  partiality  for  Max  Joseph,  "  comme  si  nous  etions 
assez  fou  pour  nous  risquer  a  ce  jeu  sans  connaitre  les  intentions 
de  la  France  "  (Heeckeren,  I.,  186).  The  French  charge  d'affaires 
De  Canillac  boasted  of  having  persuaded  the  Pope  to  encourage 
the  Polish  King  Augustus  to  accept  the  candidature  ;  see  Kirsch 
in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXVI.,  49  seqq.  But  this  is  contradicted  by 
the  *Cifre  al  Durini,  to  whom  Valenti  wrote  on  March  27,  1745  : 
"  The  Polish  envoy  says  that  his  king  does  not  want  to  be 
emperor,  nor  does  the  Bavarian  Elector,"  and  on  April  14  : 
"  In  the  question  of  the  election  the  Pope  intends  to  be  impartial." 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

'  Arneth,  III.,  39,  seqq. 


STOPPANI   AT   THE    DIET   IN    FRANKFORT      II5 

us  to  support  the  Polish  King."  ^  Subsequently  the  Pope 
repeatedly  declared  that  he  intended  to  preserve  a  strict 
neutrality  towards  the  various  candidates,  even  at  the  risk  of 
the  Holy  See  having  to  expect  even  greater  afflictions  at  the 
hands  of  Francis  of  Lorraine,  when  Emperor,  than  he  was 
already  meting  out  to  it  as  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,^  At 
the  same  time  Valenti  wrote  to  Durini  that  the  Imperial 
crown  would  assuredly  fall  to  the  husband  of  Maria  Theresa, 
so  that  to  support  other  aspirants  would  be  useless  and 
contrary  to  the  impartiality  of  the  Holy  See.'^ 

Already  by  the  end  of  February  1745  the  Papal  delegate  to 
the  diet  in  Frankfort  had  been  appointed  in  the  person  of 
Giovanni  Francesco  Stoppani,  a  Milanese,  who  had  been  the 
nuncio  in  Florence  in  1735-39,  the  nuncio  in  Venice  in  1739-43, 
and  thereafter  the  representative  of  the  Holy  See  at  the  Court 
of  Charles  VH.*  Stoppani's  intention  was  to  pay  his  first 
official  visit  to  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  John  Charles  of  Ostein, 
but  the  latter  persuaded  him,  under  all  manner  of  pretexts, 

^  *Cifra  al  Durini,  loc.  cit.  Albani  had  stated  in.  his  *Ietter  to 
Uhlfeld  of  March  27,  1745  :  "  Questa  corte  di  Roma  aderendo 
alle  massime  della  Francia  fatte  fare  al  Papa  pel  mezzo  del  card. 
Valenti  cerca  di  excitare  sempre  piii  nel  animo  del  Re  di  Polonia 
il  desiderio  e  I'ambizione  del  imperio."  On  June  5,  1745,  he 
reports  that  when  the  Pope  saw  that  the  Polish  king  had  not 
wanted  to  accept  the  candidature  he  refused  to  allow  Valenti 
to  persuade  him  to  encourage  the  king  again.  State  Archives, 
Vienna. 

^  Letter  to  Tencin  of  June  2,  1745,  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXVI.,  52. 

^  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  June  2,  1745,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442, 
fo.  161  (Papal  Secret  Archives)  :  "  Vedo  ancor  io  che  la  corona 
imperiale  andra  a  cadere  suUa  testa  del  Gran  Duca,  non  essendovi 
competitore.  I  nostri  maneggi  sarebbero  inutili  e  contrari  inoltre 
a  queir  indififerenza  et  imparzialita  con  cui  dobbiamo  condurci. 
V.  S.  Illma  su  questo  punto  non  poteva  parlare  piu  saviamente 
come  ancora  su  I'altro  del  Berrettino." 

■•  Merenda,  *Memorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome.  Cf.  the  Brief 
to  the  Elector  of  Cologne  of  February  28,  1745,  in  Acta  Benedicti 
XIV.,  ed.  De  Martinis,  I.,  254.  Similar  *briefs  to  the  other 
Catholic  Electors  ;  see  Epist.  adprinc,  iii,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 


Il6  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

to  make  a  beginning  with  the  Elector  of  Bavaria.  Max  Joseph 
received  the  Pope's  representative  in  a  fitting  manner,  and 
the  attitude  of  the  Elector  Palatine  was  similarly  respectful. 
King  Augustus  of  Poland,  as  Elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Grand 
Marshal  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  allotted  to  him  the  same 
lodging  in  Frankfort  as  had  been  occupied  at  the  last  election 
by  the  nuncio  Doria.  The  Elector  of  Mayence,  however,  who 
knew  of  Austria's  aversion  to  Stoppani,i  cited  a  decree  of 
1711  in  support  of  his  contention  that  a  foreign  envoy  should 
not  be  allowed  to  remain  in  the  place  of  election.  Benedict 
XIV.,  in  reply,  pointed  out  very  rightly  that  the  decree  had 
not  been  observed  in  the  last  election,  of  1741-42,  and  that 
the  Papal  nuncio  was  not  to  be  included  among  the  foreign 
envoys,  seeing  that  he  was  appearing  as  the  representative  of 
the  person  whose  authority,  according  to  the  ancient  stipula- 
tions, was  necessary  in  every  case  of  an  imperial  election. ^ 
Nevertheless  the  Elector  of  Mayence  insisted  on  Stoppani's 
exclusion,  and  he  was  joined  in  this  by  the  Electors  of  Cologne 
and  Treves.^ 

Benedict  XIV.  was  indignant  at  his  representative  being 
treated  with  such  hostility,  not  by  Protestants,  but  by  the 
three  ecclesiastical  electors.  Of  the  Elector  of  Mayence  he 
said  quite  bluntly  that  his  behaviour  towards  the  Holy  See  was 
that  of  a  hired  assassin  in  the  pay  of  Vienna  ;  he  ascribed  it 
to  the  Elector's  annoyance  at  not  yet  having  been  raised  to 
the  rank  of  Cardinal.*  For  some  time  he  refused  to  receive  the 
Elector's  agent. ^  Cardinal  Valenti  took  the  matter  more 
calmly.  The  scanty  respect  paid  to  the  representative  of  the 
Holy  See  was,  he  said,  unfortunately  nothing  new;     in  the 

'  One  of  Stoppani's  worst  persecutors  was  Albani.  In  a  *letter 
to  Uhlfeld  of  February  27,  1745,  he  referred  to  Stoppani  as  a 
"  creatura  venduta  del  card.  Valenti  e  de,Francesi  "  and  worse 
than  Doria.    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

«  Letter  to  Tencin  of  June  30,  1745,  in  Htst.  Jahrbuch,  XXVI., 
53,  n.  I. 

'    HeECKEREN,   I.,   211,    212. 

*  See  the  letter  mentioned  above,  n.  2. 

*  Merenda,  Memorie,  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXVI.,  53,  n.  2. 


ELECTION    OF    FRANCIS    I.  II7 

circumstances,  however,  it  was  just  as  well  that  Stoppani  had 
not  to  take  part  in  the  proceedings.  The  conflicting  passions 
and  the  influence  of  the  Protestant  Powers  were  too  great  for 
Papal  mediation  to  be  of  any  use,  and  it  was  for  this  reason 
that  the  Pope  had  decided  from  the  beginning  to  be  strictly 
impartial.  If  in  spite  of  this  he  incurred  the  suspicion  of  every 
party,  it  made  no  difference  so  long  as  peace  was  obtained.^ 
On  July  14th  the  Paris  nuncio  was  again  instructed  not  to 
meddle  in  the  business  of  the  election  but  only  to  report. ^ 
The  Pope's  impartial  attitude  was  deeply  resented  in  Paris, 
where  Stoppani  was  accused  of  partiality  towards  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany.  Valenti  immediately  and  energetically 
defended  the  envoy  against  this  charge,  and  later  the  Pope, 
too,  in  a  letter  to  Cardinal  Tencin,  protested  strongly  against 
the  accusations  which  had  been  made  in  Paris.  With  regard 
to  the  complaint  that  Stoppani  had  not  used  the  language 
common  to  all  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  the  foreign 
and  belligerent  Powers,  the  Pope  retorted  that  the  representa- 
tive of  the  Holy  See  was  obliged  to  speak  Italian,  but  not 
French  or  Spanish.  Moreover,  the  nuncio  was  the  plenipoten- 
tiary of  a  prince  who  had  no  power  in  war  and  was  the  common 

^  "  *Non  e  nuova  I'indifferenza  che  si  ha  per  i  Ministri  della 
S.  Sede  et  il  poco  cento  che  se  ne  fa  ;  ma  nelle  circostanze  in 
cui  siamo,  credo  che  dobbiamo  piuttosto  riguardare  come  una 
buona  sorte  il  venir  trascurati  et  il  tenerci  lontani  da  ogni 
ingerenza.  Troppo  animate  sono  le  parti  e  troppo  di  connessione 
passa  tra  le  medesime  e  le  potenze  eretiche  per  farci  sperare 
utile  la  nostra  mediazione  ;  ond'e  che  sin  dal  bel  principio  si 
fece  N.  S.  un  sistema  di  tenersi  in  una  perfetta  neutralita  et 
imparzialita,  non  ostante  la  quale,  ci  siamo  resi  sospetti  a  tutti, 
come  V.  S.  Ill"^^  ben  sa.  Poco  pero  importa  quando  si  faccia  la 
pace,  ch'e  runico  oggetto  della  S*^  Sua  et  alia  quale  si  diriggono 
tutti  i  suoi  voti,  purche  non  ne  risenta  pregiudizio  alcuno  la 
religione.  Questa  viene  raccomandata  al  zelo  di  V.  S.  Illma  e  deve 
fare  tutto  il  suo  pensiere,  intendendosela  col  Cardinale  di  Tencin, 
a  cui  dovra  anche  ricordare  I'obbligo  che  gli  corre  di  pensare 
agl'interessi  della  S.  Sede  in  Italia."  Nunziat.  di  Francia  442, 
fo.  162  seq.,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

-  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  July  16,  1745,  ibid. 


Il8  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

father  of  all.  He  described  as  sheer  madness  the  accusation  of 
partiality  towards  the  husband  of  Maria  Theresa,  who  had 
done  such  harm  to  the  States  of  the  Church  and  was  always 
ready  to  perform  some  hostile  act  towards  them.^ 

Already  by  the  beginning  of  July  the  election  of  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Tuscany  was  reckoned  as  a  certainty  in  Rome,^ 
and  subsequent  events  amply  verified  this  forecast.  Even 
Frederick  II.,  on  August  26th,  1745,  in  the  convention  with 
England  and  Hanover,  declared  his  readiness,  in  return  for 
the  recognition  of  the  Peace  of  Breslau,  to  vote  for  Francis  of 
Lorraine,  but  to  this  proposal  Maria  Theresa  would  not 
consent.^  The  day  before,  Valenti  had  wTitten  to  the  French 
nuncio  in  Paris  that  to  prevent  the  election  of  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Tuscany,  which  was  France's  object,  was  impossible  and 
that  the  most  that  could  be  done  was,  by  raising  difficulties, 
to  incline  the  Viennese  Cabinet  towards  peace.* 

The  official  electoral  proceedings  had  begun  in  Frankfort 
on  July  31st,  after  the  arrival  of  the  Elector  of  Mayence,  who 
then  used  every  means  at  his  disposal  to  win  over  Bavaria 
and  Cologne  for  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany.  In  this  task  he 
was  assisted  in  the  promise  made  by  England  of  considerable 
subsidies.  The  delegate  of  Saxony  did  not  arrive  in  Frankfort 
until  August  28th.  The  day  following  Saxony  bound  itself  still 
more  closely  to  Maria  Theresa  with  a  new  treaty.  Only  the 
delegates  of  Brandenburg  and  the  Palatinate  were  still 
recalcitrant.  Their  efforts,  even  to  postpone  the  election, 
were  unsuccessful,  whereupon  they  left  the  city.  Consequently 
Maria  Theresa's  husband  was  elected  emperor  without  their 
participation,  by  seven  votes,  on  September  13th,  1745,  and 
was  duly  crowned  on  October  4th. ^ 

By  the  time  that  the  result  of  the  election  was  brought  to 

*  Letter  to  Tencin  of  September  29,  1745,  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch, 
XXVI.,  59,  n.  3. 

*  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  July  7,  1745,  loc.  cit. 
="  Arneth,  III.,  92  seq.  ;    Immich,  326. 

*  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  August  25,  1745,  loc.  cit. 

*  Arneth,  III.,  102  seqq.  ;    Droysen,  V.,  2,  541  seq. 


Rome's  recognition  of  the  emperor    119 

Rome  by  a  courier  of  Stoppani's,  on  September  20th/  the 
Pope  had  ah^eady  made  a  definite  statement  regarding  the 
position  he  intended  to  adopt.  In  a  coded  letter  to  the  Paris 
nuncio  Durini  of  September  8th  he  explained  that  it  was  not 
the  hostility  of  France  and  Spain  towards  the  Lorrainer,  but 
solicitude  for  the  rights  of  the  Holy  See  and  religion 
that  made  it  a  duty  to  exercise  extreme  care  towards 
a  prince  who  had  shown  himself  to  be  far  from 
well-disposed  towards  the  head  of  the  Church  and 
who  was  surrounded  by  suspicious  counsellors. ^  After  the 
treatment  which  Stoppani  had  received  in  Frankfort,  the 
Pope  naturally  feared  that  the  new  Emperor  would  attempt 
to  impair  his  old-established  rights.  And  this  fear  was  soon 
to  be  increased.    It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  October  that 

1  Letter  of  Benedict  XIV.  of  September  22,  1745,  in  Hist. 
Jahrbuch,  XXVI.,  62,  n.  2. 

2  "  *Questo  principe  pur  troppo  si  e  mostrato  sinora  prevenuto 
contra  di  Noi,  di  mode  che  non  abbiamo  che  motive  di  temerne, 
e  come  imbevuto  di  massime  a  noi  contrarie,  e  per  le  persone 
che  lo  circondano  e  alia  quali  egli  confida.  Dio  voglia  che 
c'inganniamo,  ma  le  difficolta  che  si  fanno  al  Nunzio,  tanto 
rispetto  alia  sua  ammissione  alia  Dieta  che  al  trattamento 
dovutogli,  ci  fanno  molto  temere  per  tutti  gli  altri  atti,  che  il 
nuovo  eletto  deve  fare  verso  la  S.  Sede  et  in  favore  della  religione  ; 
in  difetto  de'  quali  ben  vede  V.  S.  Ill'"^  che  N.  S.  sara  giustamente 
imbarazzato  nel  partito  che  dovra  sciegliersi.  Qualunque  sia, 
non  sara  mai  per  le  istanze,  che  gia  prevediamo  veranno  fatte 
con  tutto  il  calore  da  chi  sara  opposto  all'  elezione  e  specialmente 
dalle  due  Corti  di  Francia  e  di  Spagna.  Sono  questi  motivi 
estranei  per  un  Papa,  il  quale  non  ha  preso  ne  prende  parte  alle 
querela,  alle  mire  et  agl'interessi  delle  Potenze  guerreggianti. 
La  S'^  Sua  non  deve  avere  in  veduta  che  di  far  mantenere  i  diritti 
della  S.  Sede  et  illesa  la  religione  da  ogni  pregiudizio."  Cifra  of 
September  8,  1745,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  172,  loc.  cit. 
Similarly  in  the  *Cifra  of  October  13,  1745  :  The  recognition 
of  Francis  I.  depends  on  whether  he  fulfils  his  duty  to  the  Holy 
See  ;  our  interests  are  not  the  same  as  those  of  the  belligerents. 
We  are  waiting  to  see  whether  the  Emperor  will  do  what  he 
should  ;    after  that  we  will  take  up  our  position.    Ibid. 


120  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Francis  I.'s  emissary,  the  Marquis  of  Pontcallier,  arrived  in 
Rome  with  an  Imperial  communication,  in  which  the  newly 
elected  Emperor  expressed  himself  in  only  general  terms  and 
in  quite  a  different  manner  from  that  used  on  a  similar  occasion 
by  Charles  VII.,  different  even  from  that  used  by  Charles  VI. 
After  carefully  deliberating  with  his  Cardinals,  the  Pope 
demanded  with  the  greatest  firmness  another  letter,  which  at 
the  very  least  was  to  be  composed  in  the  manner  of  that 
written  by  Charles  VI.  and  which  was  to  authorize  its  bearer 
to  present  the  customary  declaration  of  obedience  to  the  Holy 
See  and  to  sue  for  a  Brief  which  would  accord  the  right  of  the 
"  first  prayers  "  {primae  preces).  Impressed  by  the  firmness  of 
the  Pope's  attitude,  Vienna  agreed  to  comply  with  these 
demands. 

The  news  of  this  reached  Rome  on  December  8th,  and  on 
the  10th  the  Congregation  of  Cardinals  declared  itself  unani- 
mously in  favour  of  recognizing  Francis  I.  as  Emperor.  The 
recognition  was  solemnly  announced  by  the  Pope  in  a  con- 
sistory held  on  December  15th.^  The  representatives  of  France 
and  Spain,  La  Rochefoucauld  and  Acquaviva,  did  all  they 
could  to  prevent  it,  but  the  Pope,  to  Valenti's  regret,  was  not 
to  be  dissuaded.^ 

^  P.  A.  KiRSCH  in  Hist.  Jahrhuch,  XXVI.,  66  seqq.,  70  seqq., 
73  seqq.,  where  the  allocution  of  December  15,  1745,  is  reproduced. 

2  Re  Valenti,  v.  ibid.,  p.  76,  n.  2.  Cf.  the  full  *reports  by 
Acquaviva  to  Villarias  of  September  9  (the  French  envoy  informs 
Acquaviva  of  his  instructions  with  regard  to  the  imperial  election), 
October  28  (consultation  of  the  Cardinals  ;  "  temo  saldra  S.S. 
con  algun  temperamento  y  medio  termine  que  no  guste  ni  a  I'una 
ni  a  la  otra  parte  "),  November  1 1  (conference  of  the  Congregation 
of  Cardinals),  November  18  (Acquaviva  asks  for  the  recognition 
to  be  postponed),  December  2  and  9  (the  demands  of  the  Curia), 
December  16,  1745  (in  an  hour's  audience  the  Pope  explains  to 
me  that  now  that  all  his  demands  have  been  fulfilled  by  Vienna 
he  cannot  put  off  the  recognition  any  longer  ;  the  French  envoy 
also  did  his  best  with  the  Pope  but  had  no  more  success  than  I). 
Archives  of  Simancas.  Cf.  the  reports  of  the  French  ambassador 
in  De  Brimont,  Le  card,  de  la  Rochefoucauld  et  I'ambassade  de 
Rome  1743-8,  Paris,  1913. 


STOPPANI    NUNCIO   TO   VIENNA  121 

But  at  this  juncture  Vienna  delayed  taking  the  steps  which, 
according  to  the  promises  made  to  Cardinal  Albani,  should 
have  followed  at  once  on  the  formal  recognition.  To  the 
joy  of  the  French,  the  negotiations  that  ensued  dragged  on 
for  a  whole  year  ;  but  finally,  as  the  Pope  would  not  give 
way,  the  Emperor  was  forced  to  do  so.  On  November  25th 
Cardinal  Albani  was  received  as  the  envoy  extraordinary  of 
Francis  I.  for  the  performance  of  the  act  of  obedience.  Two 
days  later,  after  the  Pope  had  explained  the  whole  course  of 
events  to  the  Cardinals  in  a  secret  consistory  and  had  had 
read  the  instrument  of  election,  the  Bull  of  confirmation  was 
signed  by  the  Pope  and  the  Cardinals,  and  the  Brief  on  the 
"  first  prayers  "  was  executed.^ 

The  settlement  of  this  affair  paved  the  way  for  the  resump- 
tion of  good  relations  between  Rome  and  Vienna.  How 
seriously  they  had  been  disturbed  may  be  gauged  by  the 
refusal  of  the  Holy  See  to  appoint  another  representative  in 
Vienna  when  the  nuncio  Paolucci  was  raised  to  the  purple  on 
September  9th,  1745,  and  shortly  afterwards  left  the  Imperial 
city.2  This  was  the  Holy  See's  rejoinder  to  Austria's  refusal  to 
fill  the  vacant  post  of  envoy  in  Rome.  Finally,  however,  it 
seemed  to  the  Pope  that  estrangement  from  one  of  the  greatest 
Catholic  Courts  was  too  serious  a  matter  to  be  allowed  to 
continue,  and  he  stretched  out  the  hand  of  peace .^  In  February 
1746  the  nunciature  in  Vienna  was  reoccupied,  the  choice  for 

'  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  I.,  386  seqq.  ;  Kirsch,  loc.  cit.,  79  seqq. 
The  end  of  the  affair  was  *reported  by  Acquaviva  to  Villarias 
on  November  17,  1746,  loc.  cit.  *Reports  on  the  negotiations 
conducted  by  Cardinal  Albani  in  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  604, 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 

-  Paolucci  left  Vienna  in  the  middle  of  October  1745  ;  see 
*Nunziat.  di  Germania,  343,  ibid. 

'  As  early  as  April  10,  1745,  Santa  Crocc  had  *reported  to 
Uhlfeld  :  "  lo  notifico  per  fine  all'  E.  V.  che  dopo  la  morte  del 
fu  elettore  di  Baviera  tanto  il  Papa  che  il  segretario  di  Stato  son 
venuti  nella  deliberazione  di  compiacere  la  nostra  regione  in 
tutto  .  .  .  e  di  togliere  di  mezzo  tutti  i  motivi  delle  passate 
amarezze."    State  Archives,  Vienna. 


122  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  post  falling  on  Gian  Francesco  Stoppani,  who,  the  Pope 
knew,  would  be  welcome  to  Maria  Theresa. ^  The  Queen- 
Empress  responded  by  sending  to  Rome  as  the  German 
auditor  of  the  Rota  Count  Christ oph  Anton  Migazzi,  who,  as 
soon  as  he  arrived,  on  April  2nd,  1746,  set  about  the  task  of 
effecting  an  agreement. ^ 

His  was  no  light  undertaking,  especially  as  the  question  of 
the  recognition  of  the  imperial  election  had  not  yet  been 
settled.  On  both  sides  there  was  a  feeling  of  resentment, 
which  found  expression  in  a  series  of  mutual  recriminations. 

There  were  two  main  obstacles  in  the  way  of  an  agreement  ; 
on  the  one  hand  the  sequestration  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
Valenti's  benefices  in  Lombardy  had  not  yet  been  raised,  and 
on  the  other,  the  Pope  declined  to  comply  with  Austria's 
desire  that  a  cardinalship  should  be  conferred  on  the  auditor 
of  the  Rota,  Mario  MeUini.^ 

In  Migazzi's  first  audience  \\dth  the  Pope,  on  July  27th, 
1746,  these  two  grievances  came  under  discussion.  The  Pope's 
opinion  was  that  even  were  he  to  do  everything  in  his  power 
to  please  the  Court  of  Vienna,  the  enmity  towards  him  would 
still  go  on  because  Maria  Theresa  listened  to  calumnious 
reports  about  him.  Migazzi  replied  that  the  Pope  was  mis- 
informed ;  if  MeUini  were  to  be  given  the  red  hat,  Maria 
Theresa  would  certainly  show  her  gratitude.  Benedict's 
objection  to  this  was  that  though  he  had  long  considered  the 
matter  he  could  not  think  of  any  way  by  which  the  Queen- 
Empress's  desire  might  be  fulfilled.  Finally  he  confided  to 
Migazzi  that  the  root  cause  of  the  misunderstandings  with 
Vienna  was  the  behaviour  of  Cardinal  Albani,  who  said  one 
thing  and  wrote  another  ;  by  these  methods  they  would  never 
arrive  at  a  settlement.*  The  Pope  expressed  himself  in  similcir 
fashion  in  confidential  letters  to  Cardinal  Tencin.^   In  Vienna 

»  Arneth,  IV.,  55.    Cf.  Heeckeren,  I.,  245. 

*  WoLFSGRUBER,  Migazzi,  29  seqq. 
»  Cf.  below.  Ch.  V. 

*  See  Migazzi's  report  in  Wolfsgruber,  30  seqq. 
s  Heeckeren,  I.,  258  ;   cf.  180. 


RELATIONS    RESTORED    ROME    AND    VIENNA    123 

the  chief  cause  of  the  trouble  was  ascribed  as  before  to 
Cardinal  Valenti's  hostility  to  Austria  and  his  attachment  to 
Spain  and  France.  But  the  Pope's  confidence  in  his  Secretary 
of  State  remained  unshaken  ;  in  March  he  made  him  Camer- 
lengo  and  Prefect  of  the  Propaganda.^ 

Meanwhile  a  fresh  cause  for  dissension  had  arisen  between 
Rome  and  Vienna.  The  Elector  of  Mayence  had  been  largely 
instrumental  in  securing  the  election  of  Francis  I.  as  Emperor, 
and  after  the  death  of  the  Bishop  of  Bamberg  and  Wiirzburg, 
Frederick  Charles  of  Schonbom  (d.  July  25th,  1746),  he  was 
hoping  that  Austrian  influence  in  Rome  would  obtain  for  him 
a  Brief  which  would  render  possible  his  election  to  Wiirzburg. ^ 
The  Pope,  however,  declared  that  there  was  no  question  of  his 
conferring  such  a  favour  on  him,  Prince  of  the  Church  though 
he  was,  on  account  of  his  hostility  towards  the  Holy  See.^ 
The  Emperor  took  this  ruling  of  the  Pope's  as  a  serious  affront 
to  himself,  asserting  that  such  a  refusal  was  unheard  of.  "  We 
could  refute  him  with  several  examples,"  wrote  Benedict  to 
Cardinal  Tencin,  "  but  it  would  only  be  a  waste  of  time."  ^ 

At  the  time  when  the  recognition  of  Francis  I.  as  Emperor 
was  still  under  consideration,  Portuguese  diplomacy,  at  the 
instigation  of  Queen  Marianne  of  Portugal,  an  aunt  of  Maria 
Theresa's,  had  rendered  services  of  mediation.  The  Portuguese 
envoy  in  Vienna,  Marquis  Sebastiao  Jose  de  Carvallio  e  Mello, 
worked  hard  for  an  agreement  between  Rome  and  Vienna,^ 
and  it  seemed  likely  that  this  would  come  about  when  Maria 
Theresa  promised  to  raise  the  sequestration  of  Valenti's 
benefices.  At  the  last  moment,  however,  the  putting  of  this 
concession  into  effect  was  made  dependent  on  the  issue  of 


'  Ibid..  309,  314. 

^  A  so-called  "  breve  eligibilitatis  ". 

^  Heeckeren,  I.,  265. 

*  Ibid.,  269. 

^  The  Pope  at  first  did  not  set  much  store  by  Carvalho's 
mediation,  for,  as  he  said  in  an  *Instruction  to  the  Viennese 
nuncio  Paolucci  of  October  24,  1744,  he  saw  "  purtroppo  ogni 
giomo  che  non  v'e  altra  mira  che  di  strapazzare  il  Papa  e  la  S.  Sede 


124  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  Brief  for  the  Elector  of  Mayence.^  The  Pope  refused  to 
bargain  in  this  way,  but  he  gave  a  definite  proof  of  his  con- 
ciliatory attitude  by  making  Mellini  a  Cardinal  on  April  10th, 
1747.  Taking  advantage  of  the  favourable  impression  produced 
in  Vienna  by  this  appointment, ^  Carvalho  redoubled  his 
efforts  to  bring  about  a  settlement,^  though  pointing  out  that 
threats  were  not  the  right  way  to  obtain  favours.^  After 
lengthy  deliberations  it  was  finally  decided  in  Vienna,  in  May, 
to  put  an  end  to  the  sequestration  which  Valenti  had  so 
bitterly  resented.^  The  Cardinal  expressed  his  thanks  to 
Maria  Theresa  on  June  Ist.^  A  few  days  later  the  ageing  Pope 
acknowledged  with  gratitude  the  interest  taken  in  his  health 
by  the  Queen-Empress,  who  had  sent  him  some  Tokay  wine.' 
Outwardly,  therefore,  good  relations  between  Rome  and 
Vienna  seemed  to  have  been  restored,  but  a  really  cordial 
agreement  was  still  a  long  way  off.     So  soon  afterwards  as 


in  compensazione  di  quel  molto  che  piu  troppo  si  e  fatto  e  si 
sta  facendo  in  beneficio  e  sollievo  degli  ofifensori."  Moreover,  the 
Pope  had  not  sought  the  mediation  of  the  Portuguese  as  if  he 
were  in  the  wrong.  State  Archives,  Vienna.  See  Appendix  4, 
♦Benedict  XIV.  to  King  John  of  Portugal.  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

1  Heeckeren,  I.,  309,  329,  340. 

2  *Cifra  di  Serbelloni,  dated  Vienna,  April  22,  1747,  Nunziat. 
di  Germania,  366,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  *Cifra  di  Serbelloni  of  April  29,  1747,  ibid. 

*  *Cifra  di  Serbelloni  of  May  6,  1747,  ibid. 

^  Albani's  *letter  to  Colloredo  of  May  27,  1747  ;  in  a  *letter 
to  Colloredo  of  April  10,  1747,  Albani  had  recommended  the 
measure  in  return  for  the  appointment  of  Maria  Theresa's  Crown 
Cardinal.    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

*  *Original  in  the  Hofkorrespondenz,  ibid. 

^  In  his  *Iettcr  of  June  3,  1747,  the  Pope  remarks  :  "II  nostro 
predecessore  Clemcnte  XII.,  per  quanto  ci  vien  detto,  negli 
ultimi  anni  della  sua  vita  per  consiglio  de'  medici  usava  colla 
dovuta  discretezza  il  vino  Toccai.  Noi  senza  consiglio  del  medico 
facemo  lo  stesso  ed  al  titolo  di  nostra  benefattrice,  che  ben 
volentieri  diamo  alia  Maesta  Vostra,  aggiungercmo  I'altro  di 
regina  interessata  per  la  nostra  salute."    Ibid. 


ALBANI    REPLACED    BY   MELLINI  I25 

July,  Benedict  XIV.  had  to  complain  to  Francis  I.  of  the 
occupation  by  Tuscan  troops  of  Carpegna  and  Scavolino.^ 
Meanwhile  the  Mayence  affair  became  more  involved,  partly 
because  too  many  persons  were  taking  a  hand  in  it  :  Albani, 
Migazzi,  and  the  Portuguese  envoys  in  Rome  and  Vienna. 
Migazzi  pointed  out  to  the  Empress  how  difficult  it  was  to 
settle  an  affair  when  several  channels  had  to  be  explored  at 
once.2  He  had  also  proposed  to  her  in  April  1747  that  the 
management  of  the  ambassadorial  affairs  in  Rome  should  be 
withdrawn  from  the  incompetent  Albani  and  entrusted  to 
Cardinal  Mellini.^  In  May  1748  the  suggestion  was  put  mto 
action  *  and  it  proved  to  be  as  much  to  the  advantage  of 
the  Austrian  cause  in  Rome  as  it  was  welcome  to  the  Pope, 
who  had  a  very  high  opinion  of  Mellini.^ 

With  regard  to  the  Mayence  affair  Benedict  XIV.  insisted 
with  the  greatest  firmness  that  the  required  favour  could  not 
be  granted  to  the  Elector  until  he  had  made  a  binding  declara- 
tion as  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  Empire  that  the  Papal  nuncios 
would  be  admitted  as  before  to  the  elections  and  that  Stop- 
pani's  exclusion  from  Frankfort  should  not  constitute  a 
precedent.  For  a  long  time  the  Elector  refused  to  comply  with 
these  conditions,  but  it  was  not  until  he  had  made  the  declara- 
tion in  a  completely  satisfactory  form  that  he  obtained  the 
required  Brief,  in  April  1748  ;  and  this  did  not  make  possible 
his  election  to  five  bishoprics,  as  he  had  demanded,  but  only 

1  See  Benedict's  *letter  of  July  5,  1747,  in  which  he  refers  to 
the  friendly  settlement  made  between  Clement  XII.  and  Charles 
VI.  An  attached  memorandum  describes  the  historical  develop- 
ment of  the  quarrel.    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

-  WoLFSGRUBER,  Migazzi,  36. 

^  Ibid.,  37. 

^  Cf.  *Cifradi  Serbelloni  of  May  8,  1748,  Nunziat.  di  Germania, 
366,  loc.  cit. 

^  Migazzi  had  already  *reported  to  Vienna  on  June  24,  1747  : 
"  Cardinal  Mellini  is  much  thought  of  here.  The  Pope  has  a  high 
opinion  of  him,  and  even  his  enemies  cannot  deprive  him  of  his 
reputation  of  an  able,  zealous,  and  absolutely  disinterested 
servant  of  Your  Majesty."    State  Archives,  Vienna. 


126  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

to  Worms  and  Wiirzburg,  with  the  qualification  that  after 
one  of  these  bishoprics  had  been  obtained  the  Brief  ceased  to 
be  vahd  for  the  other. ^ 

(4) 

With  the  same  firmness  with  which  he  held  fast  to  his 
time-honoured  rights  when  dealing  with  the  Elector  of 
Mayence,  Benedict  maintained  his  resolution  throughout  the 
vicissitudes  of  the  war  of  the  Austrian  Succession  not  to  cede 
any  of  the  rights  of  ownership  inherent  in  his  temporal 
sovereignty.  This  attitude  was  clearly  shown  in  the  old 
controversy  concerning  the  suzerainty  of  the  Holy  See  in 
respect  of  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza.  "  The  Pope  is 
Spanish  by  inclination  and  French  through  fear,"  was  Migazzi's 
opinion. 2  It  was  fear  of  France's  power  that  induced  Benedict 
to  set  his  diplomatic  compass  by  Paris,  and  in  so  doing  he 
experienced  several  unpleasant  surprises.  In  a  Brief  of  June 
2nd,  1745,  he  foresaw  that  sooner  or  later  a  general  peace 
would  be  made,  when  he  looked  to  France  to  represent  the 
rights  of  the  Papacy,  for  he  held  unflinchingly  to  his  claim  to 
Parma  and  Piacenza.^  His  love  for  Spain  inclined  him  to  view 
with  sympathy  the  ceaseless  efforts  made  by  Queen  Elizabeth 
to  win  back  for  her  family  her  beloved  cities  of  Parma  and 
Piacenza,  but  he  would  not  allow  the  right  of  the  Holy  See  to 
be  impaired  thereby. 

When  in  the  summer  the  tide  of  war  in  Italy  turned  in 
favour  of  the  Spaniards,  who  occupied  Parma  and  Piacenza, 
the  Pope  endeavoured  to  win  the  support  of  the  Cabinets  of 

'  Heeckeren,  I.,  340,  355,  393,  401.  Numerous  reports 
touching  on  this  matter  in  the  *Cifre  di  Serbelloni,  Nunziat.  di 
Germania,  366,  loc.  cit. 

-    WOLFSGRUBER,  MigUZzi,  29. 

*  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXIV.,  530,  n.  3.  An  analysis  of  the  founda- 
tion of  the  claims  made  by  the  Pope  in  the  protest  of  March  6, 
1 741  (see  above,  p.  88)  is  to  be  found  in  Nic.  Antoxelli, 
Ragioni  delta  Sede  Ap.  sopra  il  ducato  di  Parma  e  Piacenza  esposte 
a' sovrani e  principi  d'  Europa,  con  documenti,  4  vols.,  Roma,  1741. 


CONGRESS   AT   AIX-LA-CHAPELLE  I27 

Madrid  and  Paris  for  the  formal  recognition  of  his  suzerainty 
over  the  two  principalities.  The  difficult  negotiations  over  the 
enfeoffment  of  the  Spanish  queen  and  her  family  were  already 
far  developed  when,  in  the  spring  of  1746,  the  tide  of  war 
turned  again  and  Parma  was  retaken  by  the  Austrians.  The 
Pope  now  considered  it  inadvisable  to  take  any  further  steps 
towards  the  realization  of  his  project  of  enfeoffment,  fearing 
that  in  the  event  of  the  publication  of  the  negotiations,  which 
had  hitherto  been  kept  secret,  the  victors  would  take  their 
revenge  on  him.^  The  question  of  the  enfeoffment  with  Parma 
and  Piacenza  came  up  again,  however,  when  the  universal 
need  of  peace  led  to  a  congress  of  all  the  belligerents  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle.  To  protect  the  interests  of  the  Holy  See,  Pier 
Luigi  Jacquet,  Suffragan  Bishop  and  Vicar  General  of  the 
Prince  Bishop  of  Liege,  Theodore  of  Bavaria,  was  instructed  in 
December  1747  to  attend  the  congress,  not,  however,  in  the 
capacity  of  an  official  envoy  but  only  as  a  semi-official  repre- 
sentative.^   To  forestall  objections  on  the  part  of  Protestant 

^  See  the  detailed  account  by  P.  A.  Kirsch  in  Hist.  Jahrbiich, 
XXIV.,  530  seqq. 

"  The  proposal  was  first  made  to  Jacquet  in  a  *letter  of  Valenti's 
of  October  14,  1747  :  "  Correndo  voce  possa  in  Liegi  o  nelle 
vicinanze  radunarsi  un  congresso  oppure  un  equivalente  per  le 
negoziazioni  della  pace  generale  bramarebbe  la  S'^  quando  ci6 
sussista  avere  una  persona  savia  ed  avveduta,  la  quale  potesse 
ragguagliarsi  quelle  cose  piu  sostanziali  che  ivi  si  trattassero  e  che 
specialmente  accudisse  a  quelle  che  possono  interessare  la  S.  Sede. 
Egli  h  facile  avervi  uno  che  faccia  il  novellista,  ma  non  e  cosi 
facile  avervi  uno  che  sia  sagace  e  ben  inteso."  On  December  2  : 
"  *Ho  ricevuto  ordini  positivi  di  accertarla  della  risoluzione 
presa  sopra  la  di  lei  persona  in  occasione  del  congresso.  Tutte 
le  circostanze  rendono  questa  scelta  plausibile  ai  pochissirai  che 
qui  la  sanno  "  ;  takes  for  granted  Jacquet's  acceptance.  "  Si 
prevede  che  non  sara  ottenibile  che  vada  non  dico  come 
rappresentante  de  primo  ordine  perch^  sarebbero  infiniti 
gl'imbarazzi  ma  n^  tampoco  uno  quale  V.  S.  111.  vidde  in  Utrecht, 
perch^  allora  vi  furono  delle  casualita  e  qualche  altra  cosa  che 
non  h  espediente  in  oggi  di  rammemorare."  There  would  be 
time  to  discuss  details  when  the  congress  was  fixed  (Garampi,  94). 


128  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

delegates  or  delegates  not  friendly  towards  Rome,  it  was 
impressed  upon  him  that  his  attitude  should  be  that  of  a  non- 
political  personage  and  that  he  should  bring  into  the  fore- 
ground his  position  as  the  Vicar  General  of  the  Prince  Bishop 
of  Li6ge,  to  whom  Aix-la-Chapelle  was  subject.^ 

The  instruction  sent  to  Jacquet  on  March  9th,  1748,  directed 
him,  apart  from  the  question  of  the  suzerainty  over  Parma 


On  December  23,  1747,  Valenti  *informed  him  of  his  mission  to 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  "  per  accudire  privatamente  agli  interessi  della 
S.  Sede  "  (Nunziat.  di  Germania,  609,  Papal  Secret  Archives). 
For  Jacquet's  personality,  see,  besides  the  encomium  in 
Heeckeren,  I.,  409,  the  information  given  by  Merexda 
{*Memorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome).  In  the  *Cifra  al  Durini  of 
February  21,  1748,  he  is  spoken  of  as  a  "  uomo  capace  ".  Nunziat. 
di  Francia,  442,  he.  cit. 

1  "  *Le  corti  che  hanno  promesso  a  N.  S^e  di  secondare  al 
congresso  gli  affari  della  S.  Sede  ed  assistere  la  persona  che  ne 
sarebbe  incaricata,  insinuano  con  premura  che  questa  tale  persona 
tenga  un  contegno  il  piu  private  e  che  dia  meno  negli  occhi  che 
sia  possibile  per  non  eccitare  nelli  rappresentanti  acattolici 
qualche  strana  opposizione  fomentata  ed  accalorita  da  quelle 
potenze,  che  sebbene  cattoliche  non  vedono  ad  ogni  modo  di 
buona  voglia  gl'interessi  nostri  o  li  nostri  maneggi.  Da  questi 
suggerimenti  cosi  pressanti  e  dal  borbottare  che  fanno  quelli 
d'una  certa  corte,  che  V.  S.  pu6  ben  figurarsi,  ha  presa  N.  S. 
deliberazione  di  regolare  il  contegno  di  V.  S.  in  modo  che 
semplicemente  apparisca  che  monsignore  suffraganeo  di  Liegi  in 
qualita  di  superiore  spirituale  del  luogo  del  congresso  vi  abbia 
libero  e  franco  accesso  senza  che  gli  estranei  possano  dirgli 
contro,  ma  che  si  possa  egli  servire  di  tale  opportunita  per 
rendere  servizio  alia  S.  Sede  .  .  .  sempre  in  aria  privata  e  senza 
ostentare  la  minima  apparenza  di  ministro."  Wliat  follows  is 
in  Dengel,  Garampi  in  Deutschland ,  13,  n.  i.  Jacquet's  mission 
has  been  agreed  to,  definitely  by  France,  in  a  general  way  by 
Spain.  "  Da  Vienna  poi  si  sono  spiegati  tra  i  denti  mostrando 
desiderio  che  il  nostro  rappresentante  non  fayorisca  le  parti  di 
Spagna  e  di  Francia.  Al  che  risponde  S.  S'^  che  ci  fanno  troppo 
onore."  Cifra  al  Jacquet  of  April  6,  1748,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 
Cf.  ibid.,  *Cifra  of  May  11,  1748  ;    Garampi,  94. 


JACQUET   AT   AIX-LA-CHAPELLE  I29 

and  Piacenza,  to  bear  in  mind  the  Papal  rights  to  Castro, 
RoncigHone,  and  Carpegna,  to  press  for  a  guarantee  of  the 
actual  state  of  political  possessions  in  Italy,  and  to  prevent 
any  attempt  at  secularization  in  Germany. ^ 

Several  weeks  went  by  after  the  plenipotentiaries  had 
assembled  in  Aix  in  the  second  half  of  March  before  regular 
negotiations  began,  and  they  were  conducted  only  by  the 
representatives  of  the  principal  Powers.  So  far  as  the  smaller 
States  were  concerned,  even  in  matters  which  affected  them 
directly,  their  plenipotentiaries  had  no  choice  but  simply  to 
accept  whatever  had  been  decided.^ 

Jacquet's  position,  which  was  difficult  in  any  case,  was 
rendered  more  so  by  the  failure  of  the  two  Powers  which  were 
supposed  to  be  most  in  sympathy  with  the  Pope  to  fulfil  his 
expectations.^  The  French  delegate,  Count  St-Severin,  left 
nothing  undone  in  the  way  of  exquisite  courtesy  towards 
Jacquet,*  but  kept  him  in  ignorance  of  the  actual  negotiations. 
Maria  Theresa's  envoy,  Count  Kaunitz,  who  was  inclined  to 
hold  Voltairian  views,  treated  him  to  hypocritical  disquisitions 
on  the  exclusively  spiritual  interests  which  the  Pope  should 
have  had  at  heart,  the  Church  being  not  of  this  world.  From 
all  accounts  it  was  the  astute  Prussian  envoy  who  was  the 
most  friendly  disposed  towards  the  Papal  representative.^ 

1  The  *instruction,  with  accompanying  letter,  of  March  9,  1748, 
in  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  609,  loc.  cit. 

2  Beer,  Gesch.  des  Aachener  Friedens,  in  Archiv  fur  Osterr. 
Gesch.,  XLVII.,  13  seqq.  Cf.  Broglie,  La  paix  d'Aix-la-Chapelle, 
Paris,  1892. 

3  Heeckeren,  I.,  392  seqq. 
*  Ibid.,  399. 

^  Jacquet  became  so  intimate  with  the  Prussian  delegate  that 
Valenti  advised  him  to  be  careful,  as  the  Viennese  Court  regarded 
the  Pope  as  favouring  Frederick  II.  "  *A.  V.  E.  sono  ben  noti 
i  riguardi  che  dobbiamo  avere  oltre  di  che,  come  ella  puo  ben 
comprendere,  ogn'uno  ci  dara  buone  parole,  le  quali  poco  costano  " 
(Cifra  of  July  6,  1748).  November  2,  1748  :  "  *Mostri  pure 
tutta  la  gratitudine  al  ministro  de  Prussia,  ma  con  quella  riserva 
che  e  necessaria  per  non  dar  gelosia  ad  alcuno  "   (Nunziat.  di 

VOL.  XXXV.  K 


130  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Despite  all  his  efforts  Jacquet  could  glean  no  information  of 
what  was  being  finally  decided,  and  when  on  April  30th,  1748, 
the  peace  preliminaries  were  concluded  between  France, 
England,  and  Holland,  the  nuncio  at  Cologne  knew  of  them 
before  the  Suffragan  Bishop  in  Aix.^  Article  four  of  the 
preliminaries  provided  that  the  Spanish  Infante  Philip  was  to 
receive  the  duchies  of  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Guastalla  ;  in 
the  event  of  his  dying  without  male  issue  or  of  his  obtaining 
the  throne  of  Naples,  they  were  to  revert  to  their  present 
possessors,  viz.  Parma  and  Guastalla  to  Austria,  Piacenza  to 
Sardinia.  The  Pope's  pleasure  at  the  conclusion  of  the  pre- 
liminaries was  marred  by  the  fact  that  once  again  the  question 
of  the  Holy  See's  suzerainty  over  the  duchies  had  been  passed 
over  in  silence. ^  He  hoped,  nevertheless,  that  this  offence 
against  the  rights  of  the  Papacy  might  be  remedied  by  Philip 
being  obliged  by  the  peace  stipulations  to  sue  for  the  Papal 
enfeoffment.^  The  Spanish  Government,  he  thought,  would 
support  him  when  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  provision  in  the 
preliminaries  for  the  reversion  of  the  duchies  would  be  detri- 
mental not  only  to  his  rights  but  to  those  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
and  her  children.*     Jacquet  accordingly  was  instructed  to 

Germania,  609,  Papal  Secret  Archives).  In  his  report  of  November 
16,  1748,  Jacquet  mentioned  that  he  had  declined  the  English 
delegate's  invitation  to  a  dinner  in  celebration  of  George  II. 's 
birthday.     Garav^i,  94. 

*  See  the  *Cifra  to  Jacquet  of  May  18,  1748,  which  contains 
the  announcement  of  the  arrival  of  a  courier  from  the  Cologne 
nuncio  with  the  news  of  the  peace  preliminaries  and  expresses  the 
impatience  with  which  news  on  this  subject  was  awaited  from 
Jacquet.    Nunziat.  di  Germania,  loc.  cit. 

'  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  May  22,  1748,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442, 
ibid. 

*  P.  A.  KiRSCH  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXI\'.,  545. 

*  *Cifre  al  Enriquez  of  June  6,  13,  and  26,  1748,  Nunziat.  di 
Spagna,  430,  Papal  Secret  Archives.  In  the  first  message  the 
following  occurs  (fo.  98)  :  "  Parma  e  Piacenza  si  asscgna  al 
sigr  Infante  con  il  patto  riversivo  alia  Casa  d 'Austria.  Ci6  h  lo 
stesso  che  approvarlo  per  feudo  imperiale  e  continuare  I'ingiustizia 


SPAIN  OPPOSES  THE  POPE  S  PLAN     131 

bring  this  viewpoint  to  the  attention  of  the  Spanish  envoy  in 
Aix.i 

In  Rome  the  hope  that  the  project  would  succeed  was 
strengthened  by  the  knowledge  that  the  French  Cabinet  had 
secretly  given  its  consent  and  approval. ^  In  the  event,  how- 
ever, Madrid  was  definitely  against  the  Pope's  plan  and  was 
in  favour  of  accepting  the  preliminaries  as  they  were.^ 

verso  la  Santa  Sede.  Vi  e  di  piu  I'ingiuria  che  si  fa  al  Cardinale 
Infante  et  alia  successione  della  Regina  Madre.  Questa  Principessa 
tre  o  quattro  anni  sono  promosse  qui  di  volere  I'investitura  per 
se  e  suoi  figli.  Stimo  11  Papa  che,  considerandola  come  ultima 
del  sangue  Farnese,  I'equita  voleva  che  si  distinguesse  e  si 
considerasse  non  come  semplice  femina  della  Casa,  perche  queste 
sono  escluse  dal  papa  Paolo  III.,  ma  come  rappresentante  la 
famiglia  intiera.  Non  si  concluse  questo  affare  perche  Sua  M*^ 
et  il  Marchese  Scotti  volevano  che  questo  titolo  d'equita  si 
rendesse  titolo  di  giustizia  perpetuo  a  tutte  le  femine  in  avvenire. 
Vi  ripugn6  il  Papa,  perche  fuori  del  caso  presente  non  credeva 
doversi  derogare  alia  Bolla  della  prima  investitura,  e  ritornando 
un'  altra  volta  il  caso  nei  termini  suoi,  parevagli  didare  bastante- 
mente  uno  esempio  da  potersi  fare  altrettanto.  In  somma  la 
cosa  non  si  conchiuse.  Veda  ora  V.  S.  Ill™*  se  mai  e  colla  Regina 
vedova  e  colla  Corte  regnante  si  potesse  fare  qualche  cosa  di 
buono  —  in  questo  proposito.  Ci6  sarebbe  certamente  d'utile 
alia  Regina  Madre." 

^  Cifre  al  Jacquet  of  June  8  and  15,  1748  ;    Garampi,  94. 

*  "  Sappia  ella  che  I'insinuazione  ce  n'e  stata  fatta  segreta- 
mente  dalla  Francia  medesima,  anzi  ne  siamo  stati  eccitati,  onde 
ella  vede  che  potiamo  sperare  tutto  il  buon  successo."  Cifra  al 
Jacquet  of  June  8,  1748,  ibid. 

*  In  his  *Cifra  al  Jacquet  of  July  4,  1748,  Valenti  propounds 
the  following  interesting  argument  :  "  Ritrovandomi  io  del  1719 
in  Vienna  in  tempo  della  ratifica  di  questo  infame  trattato  di 
Londra  e  riclamandosi  per  parte  nostra  per  I'aggravio  di  Parma 
e  di  Piacenza  al  ministro  inglese,  non  ebbe  questi  difficolta  di 
dire  francamente  esser  vero  e  confessare  egli  medesimo  che  Parma 
e  Piacenza  appartenevano  al  Papa,  ma  che  era  espediente  al 
ben  publico  che  non  gli  appartenessero  piu.  Quando  tali  massime 
predominano,  non  resta  che  di  fare  uso  della  destrezza  per  non 
perdere  maggior  terreno  e  per  tenersi  in  guardia  di  riguadagnarlo 


132  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

When  the  news  came  of  their  actual  acceptance  Benedict 
was  bitterly  indignant.^ 

But  perhaps  another  piece  of  news  was  still  more  painful 
to  him.  It  was  learnt  that  the  French  envoy  to  Aix,  St- 
Severin,  was  directly  working  for  the  frustration  of  the  Pope's 
plan  of  enfeoffment  and,  what  was  even  worse,  was  endea- 
vouring to  bring  it  about  that  Philip  should  sue  for  enfeoffment 
not  the  Pope,  but  the  Emperor. - 

quando  una  provicla  occasione  si  presentasse.  Presentemente 
dunque  tutto  il  nostro  studio  deve  essere  di  procurare  che  cotesta 
Corte,  vedendo  irreparabile  il  torto,  che  le  vien  fatto  in  questi 
preliminari,  s'induca  ad  abbracciare  il  solo  partite  che  le  resta 
di  voltarsi  a  noi  e  di  desiderate  e  cercare  che  I'lnfante  riceva 
dalla  Santa  Sede  I'investitura  degli  Stati  suddetti,  con  che 
aiuterebbe  nello  stesso  tempo  anche  noi  altri.  Ecco  quanto 
e  di  comune  tanto  ai  suddetti  Ministri  di  Sua  S'^,  che  a  V.  S. 
Ill  ma  — Non  mi  aspettavo  di  piii  da  cotesto  primo  Ministro 
intorno  alia  proposizione  da  Lei  fattagli,  ne  mi  sorprende  la  di 
lui  indolenza  e  freddezza,  perche  conosco  troppo  cotesta  Corte, 
e  poco  pero  mi  lusingo  di  vederla  ridotta  al  segno  che  da  noi  si 
vorrebbe.  Si  aspetti  Ella  pure  che,  dopo  qualche  tergiversazione, 
accedera  semplicemente  ai  preliminari,  quando  non  sia  cio  gia 
seguito.  Cio  non  ostante  non  dobbiamo  noi  tutti  tralasciare  di 
fare  quanto  possiamo,  per  non  avere  rimorso  d 'essere  stati 
indolenti  in  una  congiuntura  che  dimandava  tutto  il  zelo  di 
Sua  S*^  e  la  cooperazione  de'  suoi  Ministri.  —  Non  si  stanchi 
dunque  V.  S.  lil"*  d'insistere  con  cotesti  Ministri  affinche  arrivino 
a  conoscere  I'interesse  che  ha  la  loro  Corte  di  non  rendere  un 
suo  Infante  ligio  dell'  imperatore  e  dell'  imperio,  e  che  viceversa 
ve  lo  trovera  tutto  nel  ricercare  e  prendere  I'investitura  dalla 
Santa  Sede.  —  A  Msgr.  Nunzio  di  Francia  si  scriva  in  particolare 
di  procurare  che  quella  Corte  se  I'intenda  con  cotesta,  giacch^ 
Ella  medesima  ci  ha  eccitato  ed  insinuate  a  fare  i  passi  che 
facciame  con  cotesta  Corona."  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  430,  103. 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  See,  besides  the  Cifra  to  Jacquet  of  July  6,  1748  (Gar.\mpi, 
94),  *that  to  Enriquez  of  July  iS,  1748,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna, 
loc.  cit. 

*  Benedict  XlV.'s  letter  to  Tencin,  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXIV., 
544,  n.  I  and  2.    The  following  sentence  occurs  in  the  *Cifra  to 


FAILURE  OF  THE  PAPAL  PLANS      I33 

The  Pope  had  now  definitely  to  abandon  any  hope  of  his 
original  plan  being  realized,  and  was  forced  to  direct  all  his 
efforts  to  preventing  the  right  of  investiture  being  conferred 
on  the  Emperor,  a  project  for  which  the  Viennese  Cabinet 
was  working.  The  fear  that  this  would  happen,  in  spite  of  the 
Pope's  opposition,  caused  the  Curia  the  greatest  anxiety  until 
September.^  It  was  not  till  then  that  Benedict  was  somewhat 
reassured  by  a  message  from  Cardinal  Tencin  ^  that  there 
would  be  no  imperial  investiture  so  long  as  Spain  maintained 
its  opposition,  which,  however,  was  a  matter  of  extreme 
uncertainty  for  a  considerable  time.'  The  Pope's  anxiety  was 
not  entirel}^  dispelled  until  October,  when  he  was  informed 
that  Louis  XV.  had  instructed  his  envoy  in  Aix  to  see,  when 
the  peace  treaty  was  being  framed,  that  Philip  was  not 
obliged  to  seek  investiture  from  the  Emperor.*  In  these 
circumstances  Benedict  considered  it  advisable  to  pay  some 
regard  to  French  wishes  concerning  a  protest  against  the 
infringement  of  his  feudal  rights  to  Parma  and  Piacenza. 

Originally  Jacquet  had  been  given  instructions  to  raise  the 
protest  in  as  solemn  a  form  as  possible,^  a  necessary  condition 
being  the  co-operation  of  Spain  and,  above  all,  France,  on 
which    the    Pope    was    relying    with    complete    confidence.^ 

Jacquet  of  July  20,  1748  :  "  E  pure  troppo  vero  che  dobbiamo 
piu  temere  che  sperare  dal  contegno  del  conte  de  Sanseverino." 
Nunziat.  di  Germania,  609,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

1  See  the  *Cifre  to  Jacquet  of  July  27  and  August  3,  1748, 
ibid.  ;  Durini's  reports  in  Calvi,  132  seq.,  136  seq.,  139  ; 
Heeckeren,  L,  425,  428. 

^  Letter  to  Tencin,  loc.  cit.,  547,  n.  2. 

'  *Cifre  to  Jacquet  of  August  24  and  31,  September  7,  14, 
and  21,  1748,  loc.  cit. 

*  Letter  to  Tencin,  loc.  cit.,  547,  n.  i. 

*  "  *nel  piu  solenne  modo  che  sia  possibile  "  are  the  words 
used  in  Jacquet's  instruction,  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  609,  loc.  cit. 
The  Briefs  ("  Breve  facoltativo  ")  for  the  protest,  dated  1748, 
March  8,  in  Acta  Benrdicti  XIV.,  L,  501  seqq. 

«  Cf.  the  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  June  5,  1748  :  "  Gia  pur  troppo 
comprendo  che  il  grave  affare  di  Parma  e  Piacenza  finira  per 


134  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Jacquet  had  advised  against  a  protest  being  made  immediately 
after  the  publication  of  the  peace  preliminaries  ^  and  had 
pointed  out  that  it  ought  to  include  all  the  separate  protests 
made  by  the  Holy  See  since  the  Treaty  of  Cambrai.  The 
relative  documents  were  accordingly  sent  to  him  from  Rome.^ 
To  obtain  Rome's  approval  of  the  form  of  the  protest,  he 
submitted  three  drafts  to  the  Secretariate  of  State,  which 
rejected  all  of  them,  insisting  on  the  wording  of  the  document 
dispatched  on  July  6th,  which  contained  an  historical  exposi- 
tion of  the  events  leading  up  to  the  present  situation  and  cited 
the  protests  made  by  Clement  XI.,  Innocent  XIII.,  Benedict 
XIII.,  Clement  XII.,  and  Benedict  XIV.3  On  August  10th 
Jacquet  was  instructed  to  have  the  protest  printed,  so  as  to 
be  able  to  produce  it  at  the  opportune  moment  and  to  hand  it 
to  all  the  delegates,  including  the  Protestant  ones,  and  to  send 
it  to  the  nuncios  in  Vienna,  Madrid,  Paris,  and  Warsaw.'* 
The  intention  of  having  the  protest  recorded  in  the  protocol 
of  the  congress  ^  had  to  be  abandoned,  as  no  general  protocol 
was  kept  in  Aix  as  in  former  congresses,  each  delegate  having 
his    own.^     To  overcome  the  difficulty  it   was   decided   to 

noi  con  una  bella  e  solenne  protesta,  ma  tocchcra  almeno  ai 
nostri  buoni  amici  d'aiutarci  perche  la  protesta  sia  ricevuta 
e  registrata  e  non  abbiasi  a  farci  il  violento  aggravio  di  chiuderci 
la  bocca  :  cosa  che  non  si  suol  negare  a  chiunque  soccombe.'" 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  237.  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

1  •'  *Per  non  offendere  li  ministri  do' principi  che  in  altri  capi 
d'interesse  della  S.  Sede  avessero  volute  favoriria  e  fu  in  fatti 
sperimentato  cissai  utile  questo  pensiero,  perche  si  tolse  cosi 
una  nuova  occasione  ai  plenipotentiarii  Austriaci  di  fare  un 
maggior  impegno  per  I'investitura  imperiale,"  says  the  Ristretto 
mentioned  below. 

'^  Cf.  "  Ristretto  di  tutto  il  negoziato  di  Msgr.  Jacquet  nel 
congresso  di  Aquisgrano  ",  Garampi,  94. 

»  Ibid.  The  text  of  the  *protest  issued  on  July  6,  1748,  in 
Nunziat.  di  Germania,  609,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  *Cifra  to  Jacquet,  August  10,  1748,  ibid. 

^  *Cifra  to  Jacquet  of  June  i,  1748,  ibid. 

«  Jacquet's  report  of  July  27,  1748,  in  Garampi,  94. 


PEACE    OF   AIX-LA-CHAPELLE  I35 

have  the  document  filed  in  the  Elector  Palatine's  court  in 
Aix.i 

Of  the  necessity  for  a  protest  Rome  was  convinced,  though 
the  French  were  not  in  favour  of  such  a  step,  even  after  the 
danger  of  an  imperial  investiture  had  been  averted.^  In 
October,  in  view  of  the  expected  counter-protests  on  the  part 
of  Austria,  their  wishes  were  met  with  to  the  extent  of  instruc- 
ting Jacquet  to  keep  his  protest  a  complete  secret  for  the 
time  being.3 

On  October  18th,  1748,  after  long  and  difficult  negotiations, 
the  peace  treaty  in  its  final  form  was  signed  by  the  French, 
English  and  Dutch  delegates.  On  October  20th  they  were 
joined  by  the  representatives  of  Spain,  and  on  the  23rd  by 
those  of  Austria.  In  its  principal  terms  the  treaty  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  corresponded  to  the  preliminaries  of  April  30th  :  all 
claims  from  all  quarters  were  to  be  dropped.  The  articles  of 
the  treaty  of  1718  concerning  the  guaranteeing  of  the  Protes- 
tant succession  in  England  and  the  expulsion  from  France  of 
the  Pretender  James  Stuart  and  his  family  were  confirmed  ; 
Francis  of  Lorraine  was  recognized  as  Emperor,  and  the 
Pragmatic  Sanction,  with  the  exception  of  the  cessions  to 
Prussia  and  Sardinia,  was  guaranteed  by  all  the  Powers.  The 
King  of  Prussia  was  specially  confirmed  in  his  possession  of 
the  duchy  of  Silesia  and  the  county  of  Glatz.  The  Emperor 
retained  Milan,  Mantua,  and  Tuscany,  the  King  of  Sardinia 
his  hereditary  States,  enlarged  by  portions  of  Lombard 
territory  ;  the  House  of  Este  retained  Modena,  with  the  right 
of  succession  to  Massa-Carrara  ;  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Lucca 
retained  their  possessions,   and  the  House  of  Bourbon  the 

*  *Cifra  to  Jacquet  of  August  10,  1748,  loc.  cit.  According  to 
Professor  Dr.  Lauchert,  the  court  in  question  was  the  aldermen's 
court  of  the  "  gran  Pretore  ".  Its  poHtical  documents  are  now 
housed  in  the  Landesarchiv  in  Dusseldorf  ;  in  the  Municipal 
Archives  in  Aix-la-Chapelle  there  is  only  a  small  bundle  which 
is  of  no  importance  for  our  purpose. 

*  *Cifre  to  Jacquet  of  September  14  and  21,  1748,  loc.  cit. 
^  *Cifre  to  Jacquet  of  October  5,  10,  and  19,  1748,  ibid. 


136  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  also  Parma,  Piacenza,  and 
Guastalla,  on  the  conditions  laid  down  in  the  preliminaries. 

There  was  no  mention  in  the  treaty  of  imperial  investiture 
for  these  territories,  and  Rome  sighed  with  relief  at  one 
danger  being  thus  averted  ^  but  could  not  understand  why 
the  French  were  urging  the  abandonment  of  any  kind  of 
protest.  The  behaviour  of  the  French  envoys  was  rendered  all 
the  more  suspicious  by  their  inability  to  offer  any  good  reason 
for  their  request  or  to  explain  what  harm  could  be  done  now 
by  a  protest .2  Jacquet  and  the  nuncios  in  Paris  and  Madrid 
were  asked  to  find  out  the  cause  of  this  curious  attitude,^ 
and  it  was  then  learnt  that  it  was  St-S6verin  who  was  opposing 
the  protest,  having  promised  the  Austrians  to  do  so  in  return 
for  their  agreement  not  to  raise  the  question  of  the  Imperial 
investiture.* 

St-Severin's  tactics  were  disapproved  of  by  the  French 
envoy  in  Rome.  The  Pope,  having  feared  from  the  very 
beginning  that  no  good  would  come  of  St-Severin's  anti- 
Roman  views, ^  was  not  in  the  least  surprised  at  his  conduct, 
but  rather  at  Du  Theil's  support  of  his  colleague.  As  for  St- 
Severin's  talk  against  Jacquet,  Cardinal  Valenti  wrote  to  the 
latter  not  to  take  any  notice  of  it,  as  the  Pope  was  wholly 
satisfied  with   his   representative.^ 

Shortly  before  Christmas,  Rome  was  informed  by  its  nuncios 
in  Paris  and  Madrid  that  there  too  St-S6verin's  conduct  was 

*  *Cifre  to  Jacquet  of  October  26,  1748,  ibid. 

^  Cf.  the  "  Ristretto  "  mentioned  above,  p.  134,  n.  2. 
^  *Cifre  to  Jacquet  of  November  10,   1748,  to  Durini  of  the 
6th  and  13th,  to  Enriquez  of  the  7th. 

*  Cf.  the  above-mentioned  "  Ristretto  ". 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  382,  387. 

*  "  *Non  deve  ella  far  caso  alcuno  di  quello  abbia  scritto 
o  potuto  scrivere  11  Conte  de  Sanseverino  ;  N.  S.  e  rimasto 
sodisfattissimo  dclla  di  lei  condotta  e  tanto  basta.  Xeppure  il 
ministro  di  Francia  si  capisce  per  qual  motivo  siasi  opposto 
|t  suddetto  conte  alia  nostra  protesta.  Di  lui  veramente  non 
mi  meraviglio,  ma  bensi  di  Monsieur  du  Thcil,  uomo  savio 
e  giudizioso,  ma  forse  avravoluto  secondare  ilcapriccio  dell'  altro." 
*Cifra  to  Jacquet  of  December  14,  1748,  loc.  cit. 


THE    PAPAL    PROTEST  I37 

in  disfavour.  After  further  deliberations,  instructions  were 
sent  to  Jacquet  on  December  21st  to  publish  the  protest,  but 
without  any  special  solemnity,  immediately  after  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty,  to  file  it  in  one  of  the  archives  in  Aix,  and 
to  send  it  to  the  nuncios.  Other  protests  would  be  made, 
added  Valenti,  so  that  Rome's  should  not  attract  undue 
attention. 1     These  instructions  were  repeated  on  December 

1  "  *Nostro  Sign,  dope  aver  sentito  il  parere  dei  due  Nunzi 
di  Francia  ed  di  Spagna,  cd  esaminato  maturamente  il  pro  ed 
il  contra  intorno  al  farsi  o  no  la  nostra  protesta,  e  venuto  in 
risoluzione,  che  V.  S.  all'  arrive  di  questa  dovendosi  credere  che 
saranno  allora  giunte  le  ratifiche  del  trattato,  venga  alia 
pubblicazione  della  medesima,  dope  averla  fatta  deporre, 
e  registrarc,  o  in  uno  di  cotesti  pubblici  archivi,  o  in  qualche 
magistrate  et  insomma  dove  trevera  ella  piii  facilita.  Anche  il 
ministro  di  Francia  cenviene  che  sia  necessarie  il  farsi  da  nei 
un  tal  atte,  e  V.  S.  havra  petute  sentire  da  Mens.  Nunzio  di 
Spagna  che  nen  sara  per  dispiacere  neppure  a  quella  Corte  di 
Vienna,  tante  venende  il  case  del  patte  di  riversiene,  quanto 
neir  altro  di  molestie,  che  potessero  venirgli  inferite  dalla  Corte 
sudetta.  Qualunque  sia  state  il  motive  che  abbia  avuto  il  Conte 
di  Sanseverino  per  consigliare  di  non  protestare,  viene  in  oggi 
a  cessare,  essende  gia  consumate  il  trattato,  e  questo  ancera 
ratificate  da  tutte  le  potenze,  ende  resta  fissa  e  invariabile,  ne 
abbiame  luogo  a  temere  variaziene  alcuna,  qualunque  strepito 
che  facessere  i  ministri  di  Vienna,  e  qualunque  promessa  che 
avesse  petute  fare  lore  il  Conte  di  Sanseverino,  alia  quale 
indubitatamente  deve  attribuirsi  il  censiglio  datoci  di  non 
protestare.  Si  aggiunge  che  non  sara  sola  la  nostra  protesta, 
essendovene  delle  altre,  come  V.  S.  sa,  onde  non  puo  ne  deve 
fare  un  maggior  strepito  la  nostra.  V.  S.  dunque  la  faccia  pure 
lasciandosi  in  di  lei  liberta  di  cogliere  il  tempo  della  pubblicazione, 
che  si  fara  della  pace  e  prima  e  dope,  com'  ella  giudichera  meglio. 
Solo  se  le  raccemanda,  che  nell'  esecuziene  e  nella  distribuzione 
degli  esemplari  si  preceda  con  tutta  la  riserva,  e  senza  fame 
pompa.  Si  lascia  anche  il  carice  di  mandarne  qualche  esemplare 
ai  Nunzi,  affinche  pessano  distribuirne  nelle  rispettive  Corti,  e  solo 
si  avverta  quella  di  Vienna  di  non  darla  fuori."  Cifra  al  Jacquet 
of  December  21,  1748,  loc.  cit.  Cf.  Durini's  report  to  Valenti  of 
March  18,  1748,  in  C.\lvi,  118. 


138  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

28th,  1748,  and  on  January  4th,  1749,  with  the  additional 
one  that  the  document  was  to  bear  the  date  of  the  day  of 
publication,  to  obvuate  any  doubt  of  its  having  been  issued 
after  the  dissolution  of  the  congress.  Once  the  treaty  had 
been  finally  concluded  there  was  no  danger  of  any  subsequent 
addition  being  made  concerning  the  Imperial  investiture. 
This  view  was  shared  by  the  French  and  Spanish  envoys  in 
Rome.  "  Let  Vienna  make  its  complaints  and  counter- 
protests,"  said  Valenti,  "  it  is  enough  for  us  to  make  known  our 
divergent  viewpoint."  Nothing  was  to  be  added  to  the 
document,  as  the  Pope  intended  to  announce  it  to  the  next 
consistory.^ 

On  January  25th,  1749,  Jacquet  reported  that  the  instruc- 
tions had  been  carried  out.^  The  filing  of  the  protest  had 
presented  difficulties  as,  Aix  being  an  imperial  city,  the  filing 
could  not  be  done  in  the  municipal  archives.  There  was  no 
other  course  open  to  him  but  to  file  it  in  the  court  of  the 
Elector  Palatine  in  Aix  and  in  the  episcopal  archives  in  Liege. 
Valenti  adjudged  that  the  latter  was  sufficient,  for  whatever 

1  *Cifre  al  Jacquet  of  December  28,  1748,  and  January  4,  1749, 
ibid.  In  the  latter  it  is  repeated  that  :  "  La  pubblicazione  venga 
fatta  senz'alcuna  formalita  bastando  che  ella  dope  averia  inserita 
in  qualche  archivio  la  distribuisca  costa  et  ai  ministri  che 
resteranno  in  Aquisgrana  come  un  atto  semplice  et  estra- 
giudiziale."  With  regard  to  this  the  writer  of  the  "  Ristretto  " 
remarks  :  "  Questa  protesta  non  fu  giudiziale  .  .  .  perche  il 
congresso  era  stato  senza  conferenze  pubbhche,  senza  mediatore, 
senz'  archivio  e  senza  protocollo  e  senza  luogo  pubbhco  ove  li 
plenipotenziarii  si  radunassero,  e  cosi  ancor  all'  atto  della  nostra 
protesta  dovette  passare  in  forma  stragiudiziale,  giacch^  ne 
i  ministri  del  congresso  volevano  riceverla  ne  avrebbero  potuto 
per  non  avere  ove  registrarla,  e  delle  altre  protcste  degli  altri 
principi  segui  la  medesima  cosa  "  (Garampi,  94).  Cf.  in  this 
connexion  the  *Cifre  al  Durini  of  January  i  and  22,  1749. 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  Papal  Secret  Archives.  The  Pope  did 
not  have  his  consistorial  allocution  on  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
printed,  but  he  communicated  it  in  confidence  to  his  friends  in 
Bologna.    See  Kraus,  Briefe,  54  seq. 

2  The  *letter  is  in  Nunziat.  di  Germania,  609,  loc.  cit. 


BENEDICT  AND  THE       GENERAL  PACIFICATION       I39 

was  lacking  had  been  made  up  by  the  inclusion  of  the  protest 
in  the  Papal  allocution  of  November  27th,  1748.^ 

No  mention  at  all  had  been  made  at  the  congress  of  the 
disputed  questions  of  Castro,  Ronciglione,  and  Carpegna. 
With  regard  to  these  and  to  the  possession  of  Comacchio  and 
Ferrara  the  Pope  was  somewhat  reassured  by  article  15 
of  the  treaty,  which  guaranteed  the  status  quo  of  all  the  Italian 
states.^  He  was  no  less  gratified  by  France's  steadfast  opposi- 
tion to  the  Bavarian  elector's  demand  for  compensation  in 
the  form  of  secularization  and  by  its  prevention  of  any 
discussion  of  the  subject.^  The  Curia's  apprehensions  on  this 
score  had  been  very  great  at  first. ^  Keenly  as  Rome  resented 
the  lack  of  respect  towards  the  Papal  suzerainty  over  Parma 

'  *Cifra  al  Jacquet  of  February  8,  1749,  loc.  cit.  Pennachi 
♦reported  to  Uhlfeld  on  January  25,  1749,  that  on  communicating 
his  protest  to  the  Cardinals  the  Pope  expressed  his  pleasure 
"  dal  non  essersi  eseguito  il  divulgate  progetto  della  secolarizza- 
zione  de'  vescovati  in  Germania  ".    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

'  The  "  Ristretto  "  mentioned  above  (p.  134,  n.  2)  remarks 
that  "  Si  us6  molta  destrezza  principalmente  in  tener  segreti 
i  timori  del  Papa  d'essere  perturbato  nel  possesso  de'  suoi  domini, 
e  siccome  si  trovo  molta  facilita  nel  ministero  di  Francia  per 
condiscendere  alle  premure  di  S.  S*^,  cosi  fu  facile  I'inserzione 
nel  medesimo  articolo,  approvato  anche  dalle  corti  di  Spagna 
e  di  Sardegna  ". 

^  "  Inquanto  alia  secolarizzazione  di  alcuni  vescovati  di 
Germania,  benche  fosse  questa  promossa  dal  duca  di  Baviera, 
il  quale  bramava  di  cosi  avere  un  compenso  de'  danni  sofferti 
dalla  guerra,  nondimeno  la  Francia  non  vi  voile  mai  aderire, 
quantunque  avesse  a  cuore  gl'interessi  di  quell'  elettore,  anzi 
diede  ordine  al  Conte  di  San  Severino  di  tagliar  curto  su  questo 
articolo,  accioche  nel  congresso  non  se  ne  facesse  discorso, 
conoscendo  benissimo  esser  questa  una  cosa  di  pessimo  esempio, 
e  che  rovescierebbe  tutto  il  sistema  dell'  impero."  Ristretto, 
loc.  cit.  Hanoverian  plans  for  the  secularization  of  Osnabriick, 
in  Droysen,  V.,  3,  485. 

*  Cf.  Durini's  report  of  January  15,  1748,  in  C.\lvi,  Curiositd, 
III  ;  *Cifra  al  Durini  of  February  7,  1748,  loc.  cit.  ;  Merenda, 
*Memoric,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome  ;    Heeckeren,  I.,  441. 


140  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

and  Piacenza.i  it  was  nevertheless  a  consolation  that  no  right 
of  investiture  had  been  given  to  the  Emperor.  On  the  whole, 
Benedict  considered  that  he  might  well  be  satisfied  with  the 
"  general  pacification  ",  in  that  it  had  wrought  no  great 
damage  to  the  Church  or  the  Holy  See.^ 

'  Heeckeren,  411. 

^  Cf.  ibid.,  440  seq.  Jacquet's  position  during  the  congress 
was  very  difficult.  "  *Nel  fondo,"  he  wrote  on  July  27,  1748, 
"  non  vi  e  ministro  alcuno  che  si  curl  di  noi  e  delle  cose  nostre, 
pochi  sono  informati,  di  modo  che  bisogna  masticar  lor  la  pappa 
e  le  insinuazioni  in  voce  a  nulla  servono,  e  quante  se  ne  faranno 
tante  se  nc  portera  il  vento."  This  last  remark  is  an  attempt  to 
justify  himself  for  having  put  forward  some  arguments  in  writing, 
concerning  the  cession  of  Parma,  which  step  he  had  been  ad\'ised 
not  to  make  in  a  *Cifra  of  July  13,  1740.  In  the  end  the  Pope 
was  completely  satisfied  with  his  conduct  ;  see  the  Cifra  of 
February  8,  1744,  in  Garampi,  94.  With  regard  to  Parma  and 
Piaccnza  the  Pope,  in  1752,  protested  also  against  the  treaty  of 
Aranjuez  concluded  on  June  14  between  Austria  and  Spain. 
Cf.  *Millini  to  Uhlfeld  on  November  18,  1752,  State  Archives, 
Vienna,  and  Heeckeren,  II.,    227. 


CHAPTER   III. 

The    States   of   the    Church — The    Encouragement   of 
Art  and  Learning. 

On  ascending  the  Papal  throne  Benedict  XIV.  had  every 
intention  of  improving  the  condition  of  his  subjects  to  the 
best  of  his  abihty.  First  and  foremost  he  directed  his  attention 
to  the  improvement  of  the  financial  situation,  which  had 
become  deplorable.  The  State  debt  had  mounted  to  56  million 
scudi,  and  in  1743  the  deficit  for  the  year  was  200,000  sciidi} 
The  Pope  straightway  reduced  expenditure  on  food  and 
drink,  lessened  the  number  of  domestics,  and  cut  down 
the  pay  of  the  officers  (by  half)  and  the  soldiers,  which  was 
abnormally  high.  He  abstained  from  reviving  the  Monti 
vacahili,  which  had  become  extinct  through  the  deaths  of 
the  beneficiaries,  and  urged  the  greatest  possible  thrift  in 
all  departments. 2  Among  the  many  important  measures  of 
economy  which  he  carried  out  the  most  outstanding  was  the 
reduction  in  the  number  of  the  troops.  Of  these  there  were 
not  very  many  even  before  the  reduction,^  and  they  usually 
failed  in  an  emergency. 

^  Merenda,  *Memorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome. 

^  Thun's  *report  to  Cftarles  VI.  of  August  30,  1740,  in  which 
it  is  noted  that  Benedict  XIV.  intends  "  formare  la  sua  corte 
sul  piede  di  quella  d'lnnocenzo  XII.  ch'e  la  ristretta  dope 
rabolizione  del  nipotismo,  toltone  pero  quella  di  papa  Benedetto 
XIII.,  che  non  voile  nel  roto  del  palazzo  apostolico  neppure  le 
otto  lancie  spezzate  o  siano  cavalieri  di  cappa  e  spada  che  aveva 
papa  Innocenzo  ".  The  reduction  in  the  soldiers'  pay  is  *reported 
by  Thun  on  September  24,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna.  See 
also  M.  Foscarini's  report  of  September  3,  1740,  in  Brosch,  II., 
92,  n.  2.  Cf.  NovAES,  XIV.,  14.  A  "  *Discorso  per  un'  economico 
regolamento  della  Camera  Apost.",  composed  by  the  Marchese 
Girol.  Teodoli  in  1740,  in  Cod.  Vat.  8677,  pp.  253  seqq.,  Vatican 
Library. 

^  Thun's  *report  of  December  24,  1740,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 

141 


142  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

In  1741,  his  expenditure  showing  no  decrease,  he  took  the 
advice  of  Cardinal  Aldrovandi  and  endeavoured  to  create 
a  fresh  source  of  income  by  introducing  stamped  paper  for 
legal  documents,  as  had  been  done  by  the  Governments  of 
France,  Spain,  and  Sardinia.^  But  as  this  measure  failed  to 
have  the  desired  effect  -  he  abolished  it  in  1743,  on  Argen- 
villiers'  advice.  The  taxes  on  imported  cattle,  oil,  and  raw 
silk  had  been  reduced  on  the  introduction  of  the  stamped 
paper,  but  this  concession  had  now  to  be  withdrawn  and  new 
taxes  imposed  on  lime,  china  clay,  salt,  wine,  straw,  and  hay.^ 

As  early  as  1741  the  Pope  had  discovered  irregularities 
in  the  accounts  of  the  Dataria,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  them  he 
ordered  the  accounts  to  be  submitted  direct  to  him,  month 
by  month.'*  Later  on  he  gave  instructions  that  the  accounts 
of  all  the  communes  in  the  Papal  States  were  to  undergo 
examination  and  that  debts  found  to  be  owing  to  the  Camera 
were  to  be  collected.^  This  measure,  however,  was  impossible 
of  execution,  as  the  Papal  States  were  too  sorely  stricken 
by  the  storm  of  war  in  which  every  European  Power  was 
successively  involved.  Unable  to  defend  himself,  the  Pope 
was  forced  to  look  on  while  his  neutral  territory  was  used 
by  the  Spaniards,  the  Austrians,  and  the  Neapolitans  as 
a  passage,  a  theatre  of  war,  and  winter  quarters.  In  these 
circumstances  it  was  impossible  to  put  the  State  finances  on 
a  sound  footing.  By  the  end  of  1743  the  deficit  had  risen  from 
180,000  to  200,000  scudi.^ 

Consequently  the  Pope  found  himself  obliged  to  raise  the 
taxes  for  1744  in  Rome  and  district  on  land,  house-rents,  the 

^  Cf.  Thun's  *report  of  March  4,  1741,  ibid.  ;  Moroni,  LXXIV., 

313- 

^  Merenda,  *Memorie,  he.  cit. 

'  "  Muratori  ad  ann.  1741  "  ;  Novaes,  XIV.,  22  ;  Brosch, 
II.,  94  ;  Heeckeren,  I.,  78.  For  Argenvillicrs'  innuoiicc,  see 
Merenda,  *Memorie,  he.  cit. 

*  Thun's  *report  to  Maria  Theresa  of  July  S,  1741  (he.  (it.), 
according  to  which  Aldrovandi  was  offended  by  the  measure. 

^  Brosch,  II.,  94. 

•  Ibid.,  95. 


FINANCIAL   MEASURES   IN    THE    PAPAL   STATES      I43 

feudal  benefices  of  the  barons,  and  pensions  derived  from 
prebends. 1  In  1745  a  tax  which  was  expected  to  produce 
400,000  scudi  was  imposed  on  the  Monte  creditors,  though 
only  for  one  year.^  Even  then  it  was  found  impossible  to 
balance  the  budget.  The  Pope  sought  to  remedy  the  situation 
by  lessening  administrative  costs  and  by  reducing  his  military 
expenses  by  110,000  scudi  annually,  but  neither  now  nor  at 
any  future  time  in  his  pontificate  did  he  manage  to  free 
himself  from  financial  trouble.^  In  a  confidential  letter  to  his 
old  friend  Innocenzo  Storani  of  Ancona,  of  October  13th, 
1751,  he  said  that  apart  from  the  sums  that  were  necessary 
for  his  upkeep  he  had  not  taken  a  bajocco  from  the  Camera, 
and  that  if  his  predecessor  had  acted  likewise  there  would 
not  be  a  debt  of  millions  causing  a  perpetual  deficit.'*     Even 

^  Edict  of  December  18,  1743  ;   see  Novaes,  XIV.,  71  seq. 

2  "  Motu  proprio  "  of  January  16,  1745  ;   see  Brosch,  II.,  95. 

*  Brosch,  II.,  96,  where  there  is  further  information  about 
the  deterioration  of  military  power  in  the  States  of  the  Church. 
In  these  circumstances,  Merenda's  complaints  in  his  *Meniorie 
(Bibl.  Angehca,  Rome)  about  Benedict  XIV.'s  "  neutralita 
disarmata  "  seem  to  be  unjustified.  Once  the  Great  Powers  had 
developed  their  miHtary  strength  to  a  degree  corresponding  to 
their  vast  extent,  it  was  impossible  for  the  diminutive  States  of 
the  Church  to  protect  their  neutrahty,  even  if  no  expense  had 
been  spared  for  the  development  of  the  army.  Brosch  (II.,  97) 
rightly  judges  that  the  only  means  of  protection  for  the  States 
of  the  Church  lay  in  the  poUtical  situation,  not  in  the  army, 
which  no  longer  commanded  respect.  This  being  so,  it  is  also 
easy  to  understand  how  Benedict  XIV.  was  more  conciliatory 
towards  the  Neapolitans  and  Spaniards,  who  were  closer  at  hand, 
than  towards  the  Austrians.  The  ineffectiveness  of  the  Papal 
troops  was  demonstrated  in  1752  at  the  uprising  in  Subiaco 
against  Cardinal  Spinola,  who  was  commendatory  abbot  there  ; 
see  Coppi,  Annal.  ad  ann.  1752  ;  Brosch,  II.,  97  n.  After 
Spinola's  death,  Benedict  XIV.  separated  the  Abbot  of  Subiaco's 
judicial  powers  in  the  ecclesiastical  sphere  from  those  in  the 
civil  sphere,  and  he  intended  to  repeat  this  measure  in  other 
places  ;  see  Muratori,  Annal.  ad  ann.  1752. 
*  Maroni,  Letter e,  791. 


144  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

his  severest  critics  could  not  deny  that  he  deserved  the 
compliment  paid  him  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  by  the 
Venetian  ambassador  Marco  Foscarini,  namely  that  it  was 
fortunate  that  they  had  a  Pope  who  was  free  from  ambition 
and  self-seeking,  for  otherwise  the  States  of  the  Church  would 
have  fallen  into  irreparable  decay. ^ 

In  the  sphere  of  political  administration,  too,  the  Pope  had 
many  unpleasant  experiences,  for  doubtful  elements  had  crept 
in  here  since  Coscia's  time  which  were  not  easily  removed. ^ 
Wherever  improvement  was  possible,  Benedict  chd  not  shirk 
his  duty,  and  many  abuses  he  ruthlessly  removed.^  Innova- 
tions of  a  radical  nature,  however,  especially  in  the  administra- 
tion of  the  States  of  the  Church,  he  could  not  bring  himself  to 
make.  "  I  am  too  old,"  was  his  excuse,  "  and  it  is  impossible 
for  me  to  say  whether  my  successor  would  continue  so 
laborious  and  costly  an  undertaking."  * 

From  every  point  of  view  the  "  general  pacification  "  agreed 
to  at  the  congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  brought  considerable 
relief  to  the  ruler  of  the  Papal  States,  for  it  freed  him  of  the 
fear  that  the  "  tragedy  "  of  the  first  years  of  his  reign  would 
be  repeated.^  The  whole  of  Italy  now  began  to  enjoy  a  period 
of  peace  which  was  to  last  for  forty  years  and  which  has  not 
yet  been  granted  to  the  peninsula  a  second  time.  It  made  it 
possible,  after  a  long  period  of  warfare,  to  attend  to  the 
healing  of  grievous  wounds  with  some  prospect  of  success. 

'  M.  Foscarini's  report  in  Brosch,  II.,  98,  n.  3. 

*  Benedict  remarked  sardonically  to  Cardinal  Tencin  in  a  letter 
of  August  I,  1753,  that  unfortunately  he  had  to  plough  with  his 
predecessor's  oxen.    Heeckeren,  II.,  82. 

'  Spittler,  Gesch.  der  europdischen  Staaten,  II.,  105  ;  Brosch, 
II.,  99.  An  order  of  October  30,  1756,  was  directed  against  the 
clipping  of  coins  ;  see  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  262.  For  Benedict  XIV. 's 
coinage,  see  Martinori,  Zecca,  21. 

*  Caracciolo,  135  ;   cf.  143. 

*  "  *Gran  peso,"  Benedict  had  written  to  Cardinal  Tencin  on 
July  28,  1742,  "  h  quello  del  pontificato,  ma  intollerabile  quando 
fra  i  principi  cattolici  non  si  h  pace."  Miscell.  XV.,  154,  Papal 
Secret  Archives. 


THE    NEW    DEMARCATION    OF   THE    RIONI      145 

Of  this  epoch,  which  was  of  particular  benefit  to  the  city  of 
Rome.i  the  peace-loving  Benedict  was  a  true  representative. 
In  his  reign  the  population  of  the  city  rose  from  145,580  (in 
the  year  1740)  to  154,058.2 

One  improvement  made  in  the  Eternal  City  was  the  new 
demarcation  of  the  Rioni,  which  had  been  increased  to  fourteen 
under  Sixtus  V.  The  project  was  announced  in  1742  and  put 
into  effect  the  following  year  under  the  direction  of  the 
Cardinal  Camerlengo  Albani.  Formerly  the  boundaries  had 
been  so  ill  defined  that  it  was  uncertain  to  what  district  many 
a  house  belonged,  a  case  in  point  being  the  Palazzo  Conti, 
about  which  a  dispute  arose  in  the  time  of  Innocent  XI 11.^ 
The  manifold  irregularities  thus  occasioned  were  now  re- 
moved. 

The  instigator  of  this  reform  was  the  Prior  of  the  Caporioni, 
Count  Bernardino  Bernardini,  who  in  1744  published  an 
exact  description  of  the  fourteen  Rioni,  with  their  churches, 
convents,  hospitals,  hospices,  colleges,  palaces,  ancient 
monuments,  piazzas,  and  streets.^  The  boundaries  were 
marked  by  marble  tablets  bearing  names  and  coats  of  arms,  ^ 
many  of  them  being  still  extant.  With  their  aid,  both  residents 
and  visitors  could  find  their  way  about  without  difficulty. 
The  basis  of  the  whole  work  was  a  large  plan  of  ancient, 
mediaeval,  and  modern  Rome  made  by  the  famous  surveyor 
and  architect,  Giovanni  Battista  Nolli,  of  Como.  Drawn  and 
engraved  in  accordance  with  the  researches  made  by  the 
learned   Jesuit   Contucci   and  the   Papal   chaplain   Antonio 

^  Cf.  Reumont,  III.,  2,  656  seqq. 

*  Monografia  d.  cittd  di  Roma,  II.,  354.  According  to  Corri- 
DORE,  La  popolazione  dello  Stato  Romano,  Roma,  1906,  the  total 
population  of  Rome  in   1742,  including  the  city  districts,  was 

'622,535. 

*  See  the  work  by  Bernardini  (pp.  8  seqq.)  mentioned  below. 
Cf.  Baracconi,  26. 

*  B.  Bernardini,  Descrizione  del  nuovo  ripartimento  de'  Riant 
di  Roma  fatto  per  ordine  di  N.  S.  Papa  Benedetto  XIV.,  Roma, 

1744.      Cf.   FORCELLA,   I.,   83. 

*  Ibid.,  19. 

VOL.  XXXV.  L 


146  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Baldani,  it  was  published  in  1748.^  Nolli,  turning  to  account 
the  invaluable  work  done  by  the  Roman  topographer  Leonardo 
Bufalini,  edited  the  latter 's  plan  (which  had  been  published 
in  1551)2  with  a  new  orientation  and  at  the  same  time  produced 
a  new  plan  showing  ground-plans  and  sites  with  great  distinct- 
ness. Orientation  east  and  west  which  had  formerly  been  the 
rule,  was  here  abandoned  altogether  in  favour  of  that  by  north 
and  south.  In  addition  to  this,  Nolli's  plan,  in  twelve  sheets, 
marks  an  important  advance  in  that  it  provides,  not  a  bird's- 
eye  view,  as  did  its  predecessors,  but  an  exact  and  detailed 
ground-plan,  including  those  of  the  churches  and  palazzi,  public 
grounds,  and  the  villas  and  their  gardens,  also  the  confonnation 
of  the  ground.  This  work,  which  was  incidentally  a  remarkable 
example  of  copper-engraving,  became  the  prototype  of  modern 
Roman  cartography.  More  recent  plans  are  improvements  on 
it  only  in  point  of  technical  production  .^ 

The  constitution  of  the  Roman  aristocracy  was  regularized 
by  a  decree  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  dated  January  4th,  1746,  and 
it  thenceforward  remained  essentially  unaltered  until  the 
dissolution  of  the  Papal  States.*  Benedict's  decree,  which 
was  known  by  its  opening  words,  "  Urbem  Romam,"  restricted 
the  title  of  "  nohilis  Romanics  "  to  187  families,  whose  names 
were  entered  in  a  golden  book.  The  right  to  bear  the  title  was 
granted  only  to  those  whose  ancestors,  or  they  themselves, 
had  taken  part  in  the  administration  of  the  city  of  Rome, 

^  Cf.  De  Rossi  in  Studi  e  docum.,  IV.  (1883),  153  seqq.  See 
also  JusTi,  II.,  122.  A  new  and  reduced  copy  of  Nolli's  large 
plan,  which  is  no  longer  easy  to  obtain,  was  given  in  the  last 
volume  of  Reumont's  Gesch.  der  Stadt  Rom. 

^  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XIII,  363. 

'  Petermann's  Geograph.  Mitteilungen,  LVII.  (191 1),  311  ; 
Gnoli,  Mostra  di  Topografia  Romana,  Roma,  1903,  10,  16 ; 
Brinckmann,  Stadtbaiikunst,  52,  57,  who  remarks  that  ^v^th  the 
exception  of  Verniguct's  large  plan  of  Paris  nothing  on  this 
scale  had  ever  been  done  for  any  other  city.  A  rectification 
of  Nolli  in  Arch.  d.  Soc.  Rom.,  XXIX.,  538  seqq. 

*  Decrees  of  only  a  supplementary  nature  were  issued  by 
Pius  IX.  on  May  2,  1853  ;    see  Reumo.xt,  III.,  2,  657. 


RECONSTITUTION    OF   THE    ARISTOCRACY      147 

either  as  "  conscrvatori  "  or  "  caporioni  " .  To  perpetuate  the 
memory  of  the  ancient  Senate,  sixty  of  these  famihes  were 
accorded  the  special  title  of  "Gives  nohiles  conscripti" . 
Applicants  for  admission  to  this  latter  circle  were  subject  to 
examination  by  a  heraldic  commission  presided  over  by  the 
Senator,  while  plain  nobility  was  granted  by  a  communal 
council  composed  of  families  which  had  distinguished  them- 
selves in  public  service  ;  the  Pope's  relatives  were  ipso  facto 
plain  nobles.  From  their  ranks  were  to  be  chosen  the  holders 
of  the  most  important  posts  :  the  Conservatori,  the  Prior  of 
the  Caporioni,  the  consuls  of  the  guild  of  land  workers,  the 
superintendents  of  roads  and  buildings,  and  the  fifty  coun- 
cillors of  the  Roman  people — the  last  relic  of  the  Senate — 
who  were  to  officiate  during  the  vacancy  of  the  Papal  See.^ 

The  Pope,  while  coming  to  the  aid  of  impoverished  nobles, 
strongly  advocated  the  diminution  of  the  immoderate  luxury 
which  had  brought  many  of  them  to  ruin.^  The  incomes  of 
most  of  the  Roman  notables  were  insufficient  because  of  the 
bad  management  of  their  estates  and  the  considerable  expense 
attached  to  their  exalted  positions.  Large  sums  were  spent 
in  repairing  their  vast  palazzi  and  in  performing  social 
duties. 

The  "  Conversazioni " ,  as  receptions  were  called,  were 
continued  in  the  theatre,  where  music  held  first  place.  An 
ordinance  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  published  in  1742  shows  his 
solicitude  lest  the  bounds  of  propriety  be  exceeded  on  the 
stage. ^  Every  noble  owned  a  box  in  the  public  theatres 
(Alibert,  Argentina,  Tor  di  Nona,  Valle,  Capranica),  and  here 
the  ladies  received  their  visitors,  paying  no  regard  to  the 
beginning  of  the  melodrama,  in  which,  as  before,  women  were 


^  Ibid.  ;  Bull.,  XIV.,  337  seq.  Cf.  the  inscription  in  Forcella, 
I.,  85.  In  this  connexion  it  is  worth  noting  also  the  "  *Ristretto 
di  notizie  di  famiglie  nobili  esistenti  in  Roma  sotto  il  pontificato 
di  Innocenzo  XII.  raccolte  dagli  Archivi  particolari,  dall'  istorie 
etc.  sino  all'  Anno  Santo  1750  ",  in  the  Costaguti  Archives,  Rome. 

^  NOVAES.  XIV.,  14. 

3  Btdl.  Lux.,  XVI.,  116  scq. 


148  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

forbidden  to  appear.  The  expenses  of  the  Carnival  were  borne 
by  the  aristocrats  ;  it  was  they  who  drove  in  the  gala  carriages 
and  showered  sweetmeats  on  the  populace,  and  it  was  their 
horses  which  ran  in  the  Barberi  races. ^  Though  the  Carnival 
festivities  had  now  lost  much  of  the  roughness  with  which 
they  had  been  accompanied  even  in  the  foregoing  century, 
outbreaks  of  licence  were  not  unknown.  Against  these 
excesses  Benedict  XIV.  set  his  face  as  sternly  as  he  did 
against  public  immorality  ^  :  the  wearing  of  masks  was 
forbidden  on  Fridays,  Sundays,  and  holidays  in  Carnival 
time  and  the  practice  was  not  to  be  extended  into  Ash  Wed- 
nesday.^ 

An  excellent  notion  of  the  Roman  Carnival  in  the  first 
half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  when  numerous  visitors  were 
attracted  to  it  from  abroad,  especially  England,*  may  be 
gained  from  the  drawings  of  Pier  Leone  Ghezzi.^  The  portraits, 
mostly  caricatures,  of  this  amusing  artist  have  immortalized 
the  inhabitants  of  Rome  of  his  time,  from  the  Pope  and  the 
Cardinals  down  to  the  beggars,  charlatans,  and  cooks.  The 
ecclesiastical  world  was  not  spared  thereby,  but  this  did  not 
prevent  Benedict  XIV.  from  enjoying  the  caricatures.^ 
In  the  same  way  lie  tolerated  the  free  criticism  of  the  Govern- 
ment, the  Secretary  of  State,  and  even  himself,  at  social 
gatherings  and  in  the  cafes.    He  even  listened  with  a  placid 

*  Navenne,  II.,  53  seqq.  For  the  prohibition  of  women  on  the 
stage,  see  Maroni,  Lettere,  754  seq. 

*  Cf.  the  *report  from  Rome,  dated  November  29,  1747,  in 
the  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican,  and 
Caracciolo,  159. 

*  For  the  decrees  of  1748  and  1751,  which  applied  to  the  whole 
of  the  States  of  the  Church,  see  Barrier,  VII.,  83  seqq.,  85  seqq., 
90  seqq.  ;  Bandini,  Roma  al  trainontn  del  settecento,  Roma,  1922, 
123. 

*  Cf.  *Report  from  Rome  of  December  z\,  1748,  Archives  of 
the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

*  Hermanin,  in  Bollet.  d'Arte,  1907,  I.,  2,  17  seqq. 

*  Cf.  Arch.  Rom.,  II.,  430  seq.;  Hermanin,  loc.  cit.,  19; 
Tietze,  Handschriften  der  Rossiana,  165. 


ROMAN    ENGRAVINGS  I49 

content  when  this  kind  of  talk  was  reported  to  him.^  The 
prevailing  atmosphere  in  Rome  at  this  period  was  one  of 
gaiety  and  unrestraint,  an  unbelievable  freedom  as  Winckel- 
mann  expressed  it.^ 

In  conjunction  with  Ghezzi's  coarsely  realistic  drawings, 
the  iiles  of  the  contemporary  Roman  journal  Cracas  provide 
an  unusually  vivid  picture  of  daily  life  in  Rome.  Every  event 
was  fully  reported  :  firstly  the  ecclesiastical  functions,  then 
the  academic  disputations,  the  illuminations  and  fireworks  on 
public  holidays,  the  new  plays  and  works  of  art,  and  even  the 
sacred  music  performed  in  the  Oratories.  In  the  matter  of  dress 
the  Spanish  fashion  of  the  preceding  period  had  been  ousted  by 
the  French,^  though  in  some  other  respects  the  influence  of  the 
Iberian  peninsula  was  still  perceptible,  one  instance  being 
the  bull-fights  in  the  Mausoleum  of  Augustus."* 

The  setting  in  which  this  unique  world  lived  and  moved — 
a  world  to  which  its  numerous  foreign  visitors  and  residents 
imparted  an  international  flavour — may  be  seen  in  the  ten 
volumes  of  engravings  by  Giuseppe  Vasi,  published  in  1747-61, 
with  an  historical  explanation  by  Giuseppe  Bianchini.  In 
250  small  folio  engravings  Vasi  depicts  the  Rome  of  his 
time — its  gates,  piazzas,  basilicas,  and  streets,  its  most 
famous  palazzi,  its  bridges,  parish  churches,  convents, 
schools,  villas,  and  gardens.  Never  delving  beneath  the  surface 
he  presents  a  faithful  picture  of  the  exteriors  of  buildings  and 

^  Caracciolo,  15S. 

*  JusTi,  II.,  I,  II,  and  Otto  Harnack,  Deutsches  Kunstleben 
in  Rom  ini  Zeitalter  der  Klassik,  Weimar,  1896,  xiv.  By  reason 
of  the  Romans'  lighthearted  way  of  living,  the  pilgrimages  to 
the  church  "  Del  Divino  Amore  ",  near  Castel  di  Leva,  on  the 
Via  Ardeatina,  built  in  1744,  also  took  on  the  character  of 
popular  festivals,  which  has  continued  to  the  present  day. 
See  G.  Zamboni,  1st.  del  santuario  del  D.A.,  Roma,  1872  ; 
Pezzani,  La  Madonna  del  D.A.,  Roma,  1908  ;  Tomassetti,  II., 
430  seqq. 

'  Navenne,  II.,  55. 

*  Cf.  Bertolotti,  La  giostra  dei  tori  nel  tnausoleo  d' Augusta 
1755.  iri  Rassegna  settim.,  III.,  Roma,  1879,  No.  78. 


150  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

localities,  but  his  uniform  and  unimaginative  style  soon 
becomes  wearisome.^ 

On  an  immeasurably  higher  level  of  artistry  are  the  en- 
gravings of  his  pupil  Giovanni  Battista  Piranesi,  a  native  of 
Venice  who  was  living  in  Rome  in  1740-43  and  permanently 
settled  there  in  1745.  No  other  exponent  of  reproductive  art 
has  produced  so  powerful  an  impression  of  the  characteristic 
magnificence  of  ancient  and  modern  Rome.  His  etchings,  most 
of  which  appeared  in  the  largest  folio  size,  are  perfect  in 
technique  and  illustrate  in  the  manner  of  a  genius  the  imposing 
bulk  and  overawing  effect  of  the  ancient  ruins.^  The  pas- 
sionate enthusiasm  with  which  he  drew  easily  compensates  for 
a  few  exaggerations  and  artistic  licences.^  His  Antichita 
Romane,  published  in  four  volumes  in  1756,  won  for  him 
a  European  reputation.* 

To  some  extent  as  a  relief  from  this  work,  which  inaugurated 
the  systematic  study  of  the  Roman  ruins,  Piranesi  began  to 
produce  in  1748  a  series  of  Vedute  di  Roma,  which  eventually 
totalled  137  sheets.^  A  comparison  with  his  teacher  Vasi  is 
wholly  favourable  to  Piranesi.  Though  Vasi's  Roman  picture 
may  be  more  comprehensive,  his  pupil's  is  infinitely  more 
impressive,  colourful,  romantic,  and  lifelike.  The  effects 
produced  by  his  distribution  of  light  and  shade  were  so  magical 
that  he  was  known  as  the  Rembrandt  of  the  ancient  ruins. 
Another  distinctive  feature  of  his  earlier  sheets  is  the  originality 

1  Gius.  Vasi,  Delle  magnificenze  di  Roma  antica  e  tnoderna  con 
una  spiegazione  istorica  del  P.  Gins.  Bianchini,  Roma,  1 747-1761, 
10  vols. 

'  Cf.  MissiRlNi,  238  ;  JusTi,  342  seq.  ;  V'ogel,  Gocthes  romische 
Tage,  67  seqq.  ;  Giesecke,  G.  B.  Piranesi,  Leipzig,  191 1,  41  seqq.  ; 
Sulger-Gebing  in  Goethe- J ahrhiich,  XVIII.,  Frankfort,  1897,  221 
seq.  ;   H.  Focillon,  G.  B.  Piranesi,  Paris,  191 8,  51  seqq.,  145  seqq. 

3  VoGEL,  68  seq.  ;   Focillon,  218  seqq. 

*  Giesecke,  86  seqq.  ;  Focillon,  204  seqq.  Benedict  showed 
his  approval  of  Piranesi  by  allowing  him  to  import  for  his 
"  Antichita"  200  bales  of  paper  free  of  duty,  which  was  equivalent 
to  a  substantial  sum  of  money  ;    see  Focillon,  72. 

*  Giesecke,  41  seqq.  ;    Focillon,  122  seqq. 


THE    POPE  S   LIBERALITY  151 

of  his  accessory  figures.  At  the  foot  of  his  buildings,  both 
ancient  and  modern,  the  whole  of  Roman  street  life  is  seen  in 
action  :  carriages  and  sedan  chairs,  gallants,  ladies  in  bustles, 
priests,  monks,  beggars,  soldiers,  cooks,  bakers,  hawkers,  and 
artisans,  succeed  each  other  in  animated  sequence.  Piranesi 
has  created  a  picture  of  the  Rome  of  Benedict  XIV.  the  like  of 
which  has  not  been  drawn  for  any  other  city  in  the  world. ^ 
In  his  work  there  lives  still  the  city  through  which  the  light- 
hearted  Pope  was  so  fond  of  wandering. 

Hand  in  hand  with  Benedict's  good  spirits  went  his  readiness 
to  relieve  distress.  Thrifty  where  his  own  person  was  con- 
cerned, he  was  extraordinarily  generous  to  all  in  need.^  So 
as  to  be  able  to  support  the  poor,  he  refrained  from  revisiting 
his  beloved  home-town.^  In  times  of  widespread  disaster  his 
assistance  was  on  a  lavish  scale.  In  1741  he  spent  100,000 
scudi  in  relieving  the  grave  distress  caused  by  an  earthquake 
in  Urbino,  the  Marches,  and  Umbria.  Generous  alms  were 
given  by  him  at  the  great  flooding  of  the  Tiber  in  December 
1750  *  and  on  the  occasion  of  further  earthquakes  which 
wrought  much  damage  in  Umbria  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
reign.  ^ 

1  JusTi,  II.,  342  seq.  ;  Giesecke,  47  seqq.  ;  Focillon,  123 
seqq.  ;   Ant.  Munoz,  G.  B.  Piranesi  (1920),  28  seq. 

"  Benedict  XIV.  displayed  his  charity  so  promptly  and  in  so 
high  a  measure  that  Thun  *reported  it  to  Charles  VI.  on  August  23, 
1740,  adding  :  "  essendo  di  sua  natura  portato  a  far  del  bene." 
State  Archives,  Vienna. 

'  Maroni,  Lettere,  746. 

*  For  these  subsidies,  see  the  *Avvisi  of  August  21  and  28, 
and  December  18,  1751,  February  12,  September  9,  and  November 
28,  1752,  and  May  25,  1754  (Cod.  ital.  199,  State  Library, 
Munich). 

*  NovAEs,  XIV.,  34  ;  Caracciolo,  148  seq.  Rome  was  visited 
by  another  natural  misfortune  in  Benedict  XIV. 's  reign  ;  in  1749 
occurred  a  violent  storm  which  caused  great  damage  {cf. 
BoscoviCH,  Sopra  il  turbine  che  la  notte  tra  gli  XI .  e  XII.  Giugno 
MDCCXLIX.  danneggio  una  gran  parte  di  Roma,  Roma,  1749). 
For  the  overflowing  of  the  Tiber,  see  Lettere  di  iiomini  illustri, 


152  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

The  many  ordinances  issued  by  Benedict  XIV.  for  the 
reform  of  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction  were  highly  beneficial,^ 
and  the  enlightened  spirit  showoi  by  the  learned  jurist  in  this 
sphere  was  also  manifest  in  his  decrees  affecting  economic 
administration.  As  early  as  March  30th,  1741,  he  ordered 
ecclesiastical  penalties  to  be  revived  for  anj^one  who  impeded 
the  import  of  foodstuffs  into  Rome.  No  one  was  to  be  exempt, 
not  even  Cardinals  and  princes. ^  In  the  same  year,  during 
his  stay  at  Castel  Gandolfo,  there  came  to  his  ears  the  com- 
plaints of  the  poor  peasants  who  had  been  forbidden  to  glean 
what  was  left  of  the  crops  after  the  harvest.  Moved  by  true 
Christian  charity,  he  opposed  this  harshness  in  an  ordinance 
of  May  22nd,  1742.  ^  The  great  landowners,  however,  being 
too  selfish  to  observe  this  ordinance,  it  was  later  renewed 
under  pain  of  penalty  and  at  the  same  time  the  custom  of 
gleaning  was  so  regulated  that  no  harm  could  come  to  the 
landowner's  property.* 

For  the  better  provisioning  of  their  inhabitants  the  Pope 
ordered  granaries  to  be  built  in  every  town  and  village  of  the 
Papal  States,  and  various  reliefs  were  granted  to  the  bakers 
in  Rome,  who  were  groaning  under  the  burden  of  the  taxes  laid 
upon  them.^ 

A  Motu  Proprio  of  July  8th,  1748,  contained  a  particularly 
wise  measure  by  which  the  Pope  permitted  the  free  export 

128  ;  Armellini  in  Triplice  Omaggio  a  Pio  IX.,  Roma,  1877,  89. 
Benedict  XIV.  had  previously  commissioned  two  engineers  to 
make  a  thorough  study  of  the  whole  course  of  the  Tiber,  which 
became  the  basis  for  the  famous  work  :  Delia  cagione  e  dei  rimedii 
delle  inondazioni  del  Tevere,  della  somma  difficultd  d'introdiirre  una 
/dice  et  stabile  navigazione  da  Ponte  Novo  sotto  Perugia  e  del  modo 
dt  renderlo  navigabile  dentro  Roma,  Roma,  1746.  See  also  the 
periodical  Buonaroti,  1871. 

>  Btill.  Lux.,  XVI.,  268  seqq..  XVII.,  205  seqq.,  XVIII.,  41  seq.  ; 
Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  I..  161  seqq.,  188  seqq.,  202  seqq. 

*  De  Cupis,  309. 
3  Ibid.,  310. 

*  Ardant,  Papes  et  paysans,  165. 

'  See  Benigni,  Getreidepolitik,   83,  and,  for  a   *memorial  by 


ECONOMIC    MEASURES  153 

of  grain,  vegetables,  cattle,  and  wood,  not  only  from  place  to 
place,  but  also  from  province  to  province  and  from  legation  to 
legation.  Those  districts,  however,  which  were  subject  to 
the  Annona,  Rome's  provisioning  authority,  were  excepted.^ 
Speculation  in  oil,  an  indispensable  commodity  for  Rome,  the 
Pope  had  already  countered  by  allowing  it  to  be  imported 
free  of  duty.^  Two  edicts  issued  in  1749  had  as  their  object  the 
prevention  of  harm  being  done  to  shepherds  by  speculation 
in  pastures. 2 

An  ordinance  of  December  30th,  1748,  specified  the  measures 
to  be  taken  for  the  repair  and  upkeep  of  the  roads  of  the  Papal 
States,  which  had  been  badly  damaged  by  the  passage  of  the 
troops.*  Attempts  were  made  to  encourage  industry,  cotton- 
spinning  in  particular,  by  the  granting  of  privileges,  but 
unfortunately  they  were  not  successful.^ 

As  the  Mediterranean  was  still  being  made  unsafe  by  the 
Barbary  pirates,  Benedict  provided  corresponding  protection 
for  the  coasts  of  the  Papal  States.     These  measures,  which 


the  Prefect  of  the  Roman  Annona  in  Arm.  XI.,  Miscell.  202  of 
the  Papal  Secret  Archives,  see  Canaletti-Gaudenti  in  Corr. 
d'lialia,  1921,  No.  3. 

^  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  233  seqq.,  cf.  ibid.,  XVIII.,  38  seqq.  ; 
Moroni,  LXXIV.,  312. 

'  *Reports  by  Mocenigo  of  March  30  and  April  6,  1748,  State 
Archives,  Venice.    Cf.  Brosch,  II.,  98. 

'  De  Cupis,  663  seqq.,  667  seqq. 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  300  seq.  According  to  the  *Avviso  of 
February  i,  1755,  the  chief  streets  of  Rome  were  to  be  bordered 
with  elms  (Cod.  ital.,  199,  State  Library,  Munich).  In  1749  the 
cleaning  of  the  city's  streets  was  regularized  ;  see  *reports  from 
Rome  of  January  4  and  11.  1749,  Archives  of  the  Austrian 
Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

*  Caracciolo,  66 ;  Merenda,  *Meinovie,  Bibl.  Angelica, 
Rome.  The  latter  reports  for  the  year  1745  the  invention  of 
a  new  cannon  by  an  engineer  of  Rieti.  It  was  tried  out  in  the 
presence  of  the  Pope,  but  no  order  for  casting  ensued.  For  the 
project  of  utilizing  mineral  products  near  Tolfa,  see  Heeckeren, 
I-,  319. 


154  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES 

profited  also  the  English  and  Dutch  merchantmen,  helped 
to  make  the  name  of  the  learned  Pope  respected  in  the  Protes- 
tant as  well  as  in  the  Catholic  world.  Evidence  of  this  is  the 
praise  offered  him  by  Vattel  in  his  work  on  international  law 
published  at  Neuchatel  in  1758.^ 

To  guard  the  coast  against  the  pirates  Benedict  commis- 
sioned a  new  galley,  named  after  himself,  to  be  built  in  the 
yards  of  Civitavecchia,  and  later  two  frigates  were  bought  in 
England  and  named  after  the  Princes  of  the  Apostles.^  At  the 
end  of  April  1745  the  Pope  went  to  Civitavecchia  to  attend  the 
launcliing  of  the  Benedetta  and  to  christen  the  vessel  himself.^ 
In  the  May  of  the  previous  year  he  had  visited  Porto  d'Anzio 
from  Castel  Gandolfo,^  having  in  mind  the  modernization  of 
the  old  harbour  on  the  plan  drawn  up  by  the  French  engineer 
Marechal,^  who  was  also  inspecting  the  dykes  of  Fiumicino  and 
the  harbour  of  Ancona.*'  But,  like  Innocent  XIII.,  he  was 
unable  to  realize  his  design  ;  in  March  1752  the  work,  which 
was  very  costly,  had  to  be  abandoned.'  The  Pope  then  devoted 
all  the  more  attention  to  Civitavecchia.     He  confirmed  and 


^  N.  Vattel,  Le  droit  des  gents,  I.,  266.  Cf.  also  the  inscription 
in  FoRCELLA,  II.,  502. 

-  GuGLiELMOTTi,  Ultimi  futti,  139  seqq.,  163  seqq. 
^  Ibid.,  138  seqq.  ;    Calisse,  552  seqq. 

*  Guglielmotti,  137. 

*  See  the  *Nova  sent  to  Vienna  by  A.  Albani  on  June  29  and 
August  17,  1748,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the 
Vatican.  Cf.  Merenda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit.,  and  Heeckeren,  I., 
412.  One  of  Marechal's  three  plans  is  preserved  in  the  State 
Archives,  Rome. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  412. 

'  Cf.  the  detailed  information  in  the  *Avvisi  of  June  6,  1750, 
March  13,  April  24,  July  10  and  24,  1751,  January  29,  February  5 
and  March  18,  1752,  where  there  is  talk  of  building  a  harbour 
in  Stagno  di  Maccarcse  instead  of  in  Anzio.  The  Pope,  however, 
still  thought  of  building  a  harbour  in  the  latter  place  ;  see 
*Avvisi  of  August  12,  November  4,  and  December  30,  1752, 
and  November  23,  1754  ;  Cod.  ital.  199,  State  Library, 
Munich. 


DEVELOPMENT   OF   CIVITAVECCHIA  I55 

extended  its  privileges  as  a  free  port,^  so  that  its  maritime 
trade,  which  was  already  considerable,  was  greatly  increased. 
He  had  more  granaries  built  there,  also  a  new  church  and,  by 
the  harbour,  a  handsome  fountain  designed  by  Vanvitelli. 
Improvements  were  made  to  the  harbour  walls,  the  harbour 
itself,  and  the  landing  place.  In  the  town  he  saw  to  the  erection 
of  better  dwelling-houses.  The  church  at  the  Porta  Romana 
was  enlarged,  and  outside  the  gate  a  fine  new  suburb  arose. ^ 
Similarly  the  harbour  of  Ancona  was  freed  of  its  old 
deficiencies.^ 

Other  benefactions  made  by  Benedict  to  the  States  of  the 
Church  were  the  embellishment  of  the  pilgrimage-church  of 
Loreto  *  and  of  the  palazzo  at  Castel  Gandolfo,^  the  restora- 
tion of  S.  Maria  della  Piazza  at  Ancona,^  and  the  assistance 

^  GuGLiELMOTTi,  122  seqq.  ;  Calisse,  564  seqq.  Thun  notes 
in  his  *report  of  August  12,  1741,  that  in  spite  of  this  Civita- 
vecchia would  hardly  compete  with  Leghorn,  "  perche  il  governo 
dei  preti  e  poco  atto  a  cattivare  il  commercio,"  as  was  evident 
in  the  case  of  Ancona.    State  Archives,  Vienna. 

2  Calisse,  568  seqq.,  572  seqq. 

3  Merenda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit. 

*  The  church  was  given  a  new  campanile  and  portico  ;  for  the 
arms  of  Benedict  XIV.  over  the  door  leading  from  the  palazzo 
to  the  campanile,  see  Guida  di  Loreto,  163.  In  the  palazzo  the 
Pope  had  the  great  Salone  restored,  and  here  his  portrait  has 
been  hung  ;  further  information  in  the  *Awisi  of  October  3,  1750, 
and  October  27,  1752,  loc.  cit. 

*  "II  Maggiordomo  durante  Testate  aveva  fatta  accomodare 
la  galleria  del  Palazzo  di  Castello  et  allestire  altre  piccole  stanze 
con  pitture  a  guazzo  del  Ghezzi,  il  quale  vi  dipinse  diverse 
caricature,  nelle  quali  era  eccellente,  di  diversi  familiari  e  fra 
gl'altri  Msgr.  Reali  primo  Maestro  di  Cerimonie  che  scaccia  un 
asino,"  reports  Merenda  {*Meniorie,  loc.  cit.)  for  the  second  year 
of  the  Pope's  reign.  Benedict  had  built  here  a  clock  tower  and 
a  vaulted  gallery  (called  the  "  Galleria  del  bigliardo  "  after  the 
billiard  table  it  contained)  with  beautiful  landscapes  in  fresco, 
of  the  surrounding  country,  and  an  open  view  of  the  sea.  I  also 
found  two  coats  of  arms  in  the  palazzo. 

®  Maroni,  Lettere,  793. 


156  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

given  towards  the  rebuilding  of  the  cathedral  at  Fossombrone.^ 
But  the  town  which  profited  most  from  the  Pope's  generosity 
was  his  native  city  of  Bologna.  On  becoming  Pope  he  remained 
its  archbishop  and  paid  the  See  especial  honour  by  conferring 
on  it  the  Golden  Rose.^  The  sum  of  200,000  scudi  was  spent 
on  completing  the  cathedral  church  of  S.  Pietro  (a  sumptuous 
facade  and  two  new  chapels  being  designed  by  Alfonso 
Torregiani)  and  the  adjoining  seminary.^  The  cathedral  also 
received  many  handsome  gifts  in  the  form  of  church  utensils  ; 
the  silver  altar-frontal,  with  cross  and  candlesticks,  were 
valued  at  20,000  scudi.  On  relinquishing  the  archiepiscopal 
dignity  in  1756  to  Cardinal  Malvezzi,  the  ageing  Pope  sent  to 
the  cathedral,  to  commemorate  the  new  archbishop's  con- 
secration, two  silver  candlesticks  costing  13,000  scudi.*  A  still 
more  handsome  present  was  the  set  of  large  tapestries  w'oven 
to  the  designs  of  Raphael  Mengs  in  the  factory  attached  to 
S.  Michele  a  Ripa  in  Rome.  They  were  hidden  away  when  the 
cathedral  was  plundered  by  French  re\olutionary  troops  and 
are  used  to  this  day  to  decorate  the  church  on  high  festivals.^ 
The  church  of  S.  Petronio  in  Bologna  received  a  large  and 

^  *Av\'iso  of  October  19,  1754,  Cod.  ital.  199,  State  Library, 
Munich. 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  195  seqq.  ;    Kraus,  Briefe,  80. 

'  Cf.  G.  Gatti,  Descrizione  delle  piit  rare  cose  di  Bologna, 
Bologna,  1803,  i  seqq.  ;  M.  Gualandi,  Tre  giorni  in  Bologna, 
Bologna,  1850,  31  seqq.  ;  G.  Zucchini,  Bologna,  Bergamo  (no 
date),  134  seq.,  138;  Berixger,  31  seqq.;  L.  Manaresi,  La 
cattedralc  di  Bologna,  in  Bollet.  d.  dioc.  di  Bologna,  I.,  198  seq. 

*  Acta  Benedictt  XIV.,  I.,  254,  II.,  135  ;  Heeckeren,  II., 
309;  NovAES,  XIV.,  225,  255.  Cf.  Atti  d.  Emilia,  II.  (1877), 
196  seq.  The  second  consecration  of  the  cathedral  did  not  take 
place  till  1756  ;   see  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  222. 

*  The  tapestries  are  marked  "  Pctrus  Ferloni  fecit  in  Hospitio  ". 
Benedict  XV.  had  them  photographed  ;  illustrations  in  C. 
Cantoni,  Lambertmiana,  27  seq.  Cf.  Diario  Betiedcttino  che 
contiene  una  ampia  serie  di  beneficenze  fatte  da  Benedetto  XIV. 
alia  sua  pair ia,  Bologna,  1754. 


RESTORATION    OF   ROMAN    CHURCHES  I57 

richly  ornamented  reliquary/  and  costly  gifts  were  made  to 
the  church  of  S.  Caterina.^  The  Pope's  first  episcopal  church, 
that  of  Ancona,  was  richly  rewarded  every  year,^  but  the 
churches  which  received  his  cliief  attention  were  those  of  the 
Eternal  City. 

The  approach  of  the  jubilee  year  1750  afforded  a  particular 
incentive  for  the  restoration  of  various  churches.^ 

An  extensive  scheme  of  this  nature  had  been  undertaken 
at  the  Pope's  command  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  and  the 
cost  of  it  he  had  partly  borne  himself.  At  S.  Maria  Maggiore, 
the  glorious  church  of  the  Virgin  crowning  the  summit  of  the 
Esquiline,  the  south-east  portico,  a  work  of  Pope  Eugene  III., 
was  threatening  to  collapse.'*     The  task  of  erecting  in  its 

^  A.  Gatti,  Catalogo  del  Museo  di  S.  Petronio,  Bologna,  1893, 
30  seqq.,  for  the  "  reliquario  detto  della  passione  ".  Cf.  Kraus, 
Briefe,  11,  and  ibid.,  88,  for  Aldrovandi's  plan  for  a  fa9ade  for 
S.  Petronio. 

*  *Report  from  Rome  of  October  21,  1747,  Archives  of  the 
Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

»  Maroixi,  Lettere,  727  seqq.,  -j^j,  742  seqq.,  744,  749,  753,  763 
seq.,  772,  777,  781,  783  seq.,  786  seq.,  788  seq.,  790,  792. 

*  Cf.  *Avviso  of  October  4,  1749,  Cod.  ital.,  199,  State  Library, 
Munich  ;  Merenda,  *Memorte,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome.  For  the 
complete  rebuilding  by  Cardinal  Quirini  of  his  titular  church,  see 
Zambarelli,  55.  Bonifacio  e  Alessio  neW  Aventino,  Roma,  no 
year  of  publication,  141.  For  the  later  restoration  of  S.  Luigi 
de'  Francesi,  see  Heeckeren,  II.,  523. 

*  See  Thun's  *report  of  1741,  mentioned  below,  p.  158,  n.  i. 
On  December  26,  1740,  Thun  had  *reported  ;  "  Ascenderanno 
a  20,000  scudi  le  propine  che  per  le  dette  chiese  [in  Portugal] 
appartengono  al  papa,  il  quale  ha  ordinato,  che  si  depositino, 
volendo  formare  un  capitale  per  metter  mano  alia  fabbrica  della 
facciata  della  basilica  di  S.  Maria  Maggiore."  State  Archives, 
Vienna.  Cf.  Heeckeren,  I.,  205,  according  to  whom  a  further 
30,000  scudi  were  set  aside  for  S.  Maria  Maggiore.  Cf.  also 
Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  281  seqq.,  and  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  447  seqq. 
In  a  letter  to  the  Marchesa  Camilla  Caprara  Bentivogli  of 
December  23,  1744,  the  Pope  reckoned  that  80,000  scudi  had 
already  been  spent  on  S.  Maria  Maggiore  and  that  50,000  more 


158  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

place  a  new  facade  consisting  of  two  galleries,  one  above  the 
other,  was  entrusted  to  Ferdinando  Fuga,  who  until  his 
departure  for  Naples  in  1750  held  the  position  of  Papal  archi- 
tect to  which  he  had  been  appointed  by  Clement  XII.  The 
foundation  stone  of  this  new  structure  was  laid  by  Benedict 
XIV.  on  March  4th,  1741.^  In  the  lower  gallery  the  eight  fine 
antique  columns  of  granite  were  re-erected.  In  order  to 
preserve  in  the  facade  as  far  as  possible  the  valuable  mosaics 
of  the  early  fourteenth  century,  Fuga  created  the  upper 
gallery,  with  the  loggia  from  where  the  Pope  was  to  give  his 
blessing  on  the  feast  of  the  Assumption,  this  being  placed  in 
such  a  position  in  front  of  the  old  facade  as  to  preserve  the  old 
mosaics.  For  the  embellishment  of  the  fa9ade  and  porch, 
statues  and  reliefs  were  commissioned  by  the  Pope  from  the 
best-known  sculptors  of  the  day  :  Giuseppe  Lironi,  Filippo 
deUa  Valle,  Carlo  Marchionni,  Agostino  Corsini,  Carlo  Monaldi, 
Giambattista  Maini,  Pietro  Bracci,  the  Frenchman  Michel- 
angelo Slodtz,  and  the  Fleming  Peter  Verschaffclt.  Simul- 
taneously with  these  works,  which  were  completed  in  1749,^ 
the  ancient  basilica  underwent  a  thorough  restoration,  in  the 
course  of  which  the  pavement  was  renewed  in  places,  the 
ceilings  of  the  aisles  were  decorated  with  stucco  work,  and, 
unfortunately,  the  choir  was  lowered  and  the  tabernacle  of 
the  high  altar,  a  gift  of  Cardinal  Estouteville's,  was  replaced 
by  a  new  one.^  On  the  roof  of  the  baldacchino,  which  is  borne 

would  be  necessary.  See  B.  Manzone,  Frammenti  di  lettere 
inedite  di  Benedetto  XIV.,  Bra,  1890  (Xozze  Publ.),  IV.,  n.  2. 

*  *The  Pope  proceeded  in  state  to  S.  Maria  Maggiore  "  e  vi 
ha  fatta  la  funzione  di  porre  la  prima  pietra  al  nuovo  portico  che 
vi  si  fa  a  spese  di  S.  S'^  essendosi  demolito  Tantico  da'  fundamenti 
perch^  minacciava  rovina."  Thun's  report  of  March  4,  1741, 
State  Archives,  Vienna.  For  the  ceremony,  see  *Cod.  Vat.,  S54G, 
pp.  I  seqq.,  Vatican  Library. 

2  D.  Taccone-Gallucci,  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  Roma,  191 1,  83. 
Over  the  principal  entrance  in  the  portico  is  a  tablet  inscribed  : 
"  Benedictus  XIV  .  .  .  1753,"  and  over  the  inner  portal  another: 
"  Bened.  XIV.  .  .  .  1750." 

'  Cf.  Letarouilly,  Edifices,  te.xt,  613  seq.,  (bi-j  seq.,  624  seq.  ; 


S.    MARIA   MAGGIORE  159 

by  four  ancient  columns  of  porphyry  wound  around  with 
garlands  of  gilded  bronze,  rise  four  angels  sculptured  in  marble 
by  Pietro  Bracci,  with  palms  and  lilies  in  their  hands.  Above 
them  is  a  gilded  crown  held  aloft  by  two  putti.^  The  high  altar 
itself  was  also  renewed  by  order  of  the  Pope  ;  his  marble  table 
rests  on  a  bronze-gilt  porphyry  basin  that  was  thought  to 
be  the  sarcophagus  of  the  patrician  Johannes,  the  founder  of 
the  church. 2 

Finished  in  1750,^  this  restoration  is  said  to  have  cost  over 
300,000  scudi.  The  character  of  antiquity  formerly  possessed 
by  the  Basilica  Liberiana  has  undoubtedly  been  impaired,  if 
not  actually  obliterated  by  it.  This  was  realized  by  many 
observers  at  the  time,*  including  the  Pope  himself,  who 
imparted  his   opinion   to  his  architect  with  his   customary 

Lavagnino-Moschini,  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  41  ;  Forcella,  XI., 
92  seqq.  ;  Adinolfi,  Roma,  II.,  178  seq.  ;  Jozzi,  Storia  di  S.  Maria 
Maggiore,  Roma,  1904,  16;  Taccone  Gallucci,  90  seqq.,  117; 
Boll,  d'arte,  1915,  22,  140,  147  seqq.  ;  Braun,  Altar,  II.,  Munich, 
1924,  240.  For  the  sculptures  in  the  decoration  of  the  vestibule, 
see  TiTi,  250  seq.  ;  Moroni,  XII.,  125  seqq.  ;  Nibby,  Roma 
moderna,  I.,  384  ;  Domarus,  8,  n.  2.  For  Bracci's  statue  of 
Humility  and  Maini's  companion  piece.  Virginity,  see  Domarus, 
28  seqq.  ;  of.  ibid.,  31  seq.  for  Bracci's  marble  relief  representing 
the  Council  which  was  held  in  S.  Maria  Maggiore  in  465.  See 
also  C.  Gradara,  48  seq.,  53  seq.,  103.  For  Verschaffelt's  putti, 
see  Beringer,  27  seqq. 

^  Domarus,  36  ;  Gradara,  62  seqq.,  105,  and  tav.  XIX.  and 
XX. 

2  Letarouilly,   625.      Cf.   Bull.  Lux.,   XVIII.,    176.      Later, 
Bianchini  submitted  his  history  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  in  manu- 
script, to  the  Pope,  who  advised  him  to  have  it  printed  ;    see 
Cardinal  Albani's  *Ietter  of  May  17,  1755,  Archives  of  the  Austrian  . 
Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

'  Cf.  the  inscriptions  in  Forcella,  XI.,  95  seqq. 

*  "  *Nel  giorno  di  S.  Tomaso,  il  Papa  voile  consagrare  la  gran 
Tribuna  di  S.  Maria  Maggiore  fatta  di  nuovo,  sostenuta  da 
quattro  gran  colonne  intiere  di  porfido  coH'urna  compagna.  In 
tale  congiuntura  fu  scoperto  il  soffitto  e  le  navate  laterali  terminate 
di  abellire  di  stucchi  et  indorature  e  di  motivi  in  simetria.    Fatto 


l60  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

frankness.^  Nevertheless  he  not  only  entrusted  him  with  the 
designing  of  a  new  wing  and  cemetery  for  the  hospital  of 
S.  Spirito,2  but  saw  to  it  that  he  was  given  the  task  of  erecting 

un  calcolo  della  spesa  fatta  dal  Papa  in  riuovare  questa  Basilica 
nella  facciata  e  palazzo  laterale,  nel  spiccolire  e  ridurre  a  simetria 
la  colonne,  capitelli  e  basi,  nel  sbassare  e  rifare  il  coro,  pavimento, 
ara  massima,  navatc  et  altri  infiniti  lavori,  si  trova  che  passano 
li  300™  scudi.  Molti  per6  desideravano  e  piangevano  quella 
venerabile  e  santa  antichita  cosi  scomposta  e  sproporzionata 
come  era,  de  tanti  magnifici  abellimenti  et  ornamenti."  Merenda, 
loc.  cit. 

^  According  to  Caracciolo,  84,  Benedict's  words  were  "  Nun 
abbiamo  motivo  di  gloriarci  troppo  di  quest'  opera ;  potrebbe 
credere  taluno  che  noi  fossimo  impresari  di  teatro  :  giacche 
sembra  essere  una  sala  da  ballo  ".  See  Magni,  Storia  dell' arte 
ital.,  III.,  Roma,  1901,  603  ;  Biasiotti,  La  basilica  Esquil., 
Roma,  191 1,  22. 

*  See  Merenda,  *Memorie,  who  relates  that  "  Considerando 
poi  che  rOspedale  di  S.  Spirito  in  tempo  di  influenze  e  specialmente 
neir  estate  non  haveva  luogo  per  ricevere  tanti  infermi,  li  quali 
percio  dovevano  porsi  nei  granari  con  incomodo  degl'infermi  e  dei 
serventi,  per  consiglio  del  card.  Gentili,  che  n'era  visitatore, 
ordin6  la  fabrica  del  nuovo  braccio  suntuoso,  e  nello  scavare  le 
fondamenta  fu  trovata  una  cassa  nella  quale  si  contrnevano  due 
corpi  vestiti,  I'uno  d'huomo  piii  grande  del  naturale,  e  I'altro 
di  donna  ben  piccola,  senza  -alcun  segno  di  cristianesimo,  et 
avendosi  voluti  estrarre,  andarono  in  polvere  le  vesti  e  le  ossa, 
restando  una  catena  d'oro  con  alcune  gioie  al  collo  della  donna 
e  sopra  il  coperchio  dell'  urna  le  lettere  G.  I.  P.  IIII.  in  caratteri 
romani,  che  diedero  molto  esercizio  alii  belli  ingegni  per  interpre- 
tarli  ".  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome.  Cf.  the  inscriptions  in  Forcella, 
VI.,  4^8  seqq.,  452  seqq.,  which  mention  also  the  restoration  of 
the  Palazzo  del  Commendatore.  The  cost  amounted  to  1 00,000 
scudi  ;  see  Heeckeren,  I.,  241.  For  the  laying  of  the  foundation 
stone  of  the  new  building  by  the  Pope,  see  *Cod.  Vat.,  8545, 
pp.  245  seqq.,  Vatican  Library.  The  wing  erected  by  Benedict 
XIV.  was  pulled  down  in  1908,  when  the  new  Ponte  Vittorio 
Emanuele  was  being  constructed  ;  nothing  remains  but  the  portal 
with  its  inscription.  Cf.  Canezza  in  Atti  d.  Accad.  "  Arcadia  ", 
I.  (191 7),  164,  and  in  the  Con.  d' Italia  of  June  5,  1928. 


S.    CROCK    IN    GERUSALEMME  l6l 

a  new  church,  S.  Apollinare,  for  the  German  College.  To  this 
church  too  the  Pope  presented  a  splendid  liigh  altar  at  his 
personal  expense. ^  In  the  valley  between  the  Co'lius  and  the 
Esquiline,  not  far  from  the  Lateran,  was  the  church  of  SS. 
Petrus  and  Marcellinus,  who  were  martyred  in  the  reign  of 
Diocletian  ;  it  was  on  the  point  of  collapse,  and  Benedict  had 
it  rebuilt  by  the  Marchese  Girolamo  Teodoli.^  The  old  church 
of  S.  Michele  in  Borgo  was  restored  in  1756.^ 

The  restoration  of  his  old  titular  church  of  S.  Croce  in 
Gerusalemme  was  entrusted  by  the  Pope  to  Domenico 
Gregorini,  This  Romanesque  basilica,  notwithstanding 
various  improvements  and  additions  made  in  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  centuries,  had  retained  in  the  main  its  ancient 
character,  but  it  was  now  to  lose  it  almost  entirely.  Only  the 
picturesque  campanile  was  left  untouched.  The  interior  was 
embellished  in  the  latest  fashion  by  Gregorini,  assisted  by 
Pietro  Passalacqua.  Of  the  twelve  stately  columns  of  granite 
which  stood  in  the  nave,  four  were  converted  into  piers  ;  the 
ceiling  was  replaced  by  a  new  one,  with  a  painting  by  Corrado 
Giaquinto  ;    and  the  character  of  the  apse  was  completely 

^  FoRCELLA,  VII.,  523;  Steinhuber,  II 2,  144  seqq.  ; 
Heeckeren,  I.,  397  ;  Gurlitt,  526  ;  Brinckmann,  Baukunst, 
113.  Ant.  Pennachi  *reported  to  Uhlfeld  on  April  20,  1748, 
that  on  the  following  day  the  Pope  would  consecrate  S.  Apollinare, 
"  ch'e  riuscita  bella,  ma  non  a  proporzione  della  spesa,  perche  Sua 
Beat,  di  propria  borsa  ha  spesi  50,000  scudi  per  incrostare  I'altare 
maggiore  di  fini  marmi  e  di  metalli."  State  Archives,  Vienna. 
In  the  church  are  the  Pope's  coat-of-arms  and  an  inscription  on 
red  marble  with  bronze-gilt  keys. 

2  *Avvisi  of  April  11,  May  2  and  30,  1750,  Cod.  ital.,  199, 
State  Library,  Munich,  according  to  which  the  cost  amounted 
to  30,000  scudi.  An  *Avviso  of  July  22,  1752,  records  the 
completion  of  the  exterior  of  the  church,  and  *one  of  December  16, 
1752,  records  the  completion  of  the  whole  {ibid.).  Cf.  Forcella, 
XII.,  398.  To  the  church  of  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso  Benedict  XIV. 
presented  a  new  altar  ;  see  *Cod.  Vat.,  8545,  pp.  85  seqq.,  Vatican 
Library. 

^  Forcella,  VI.,  273. 

VOL.  XXXV.  M 


l62  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

altered  by  stucco  decorations  and  the  erection  of  an  altar- 
ciborium  in  the  manner  of  Bernini.  The  old  portico  was 
replaced  by  Gregorini  with  an  oval  vestibule  with  a  surroun- 
ding passage  and  a  curved  and  boldly  projecting  front,  which 
comprised  an  order  of  large  pilasters  and  was  crowned  with 
statues/  including  one  of  John  the  Evangelist,  of  classic 
simplicity  and  dignity. ^  The  work  was  commenced  in  1741 
and  was  finished  in  1744.  The  Cistercian  abbot  of  S.  Croce, 
Raimondo  Besozzi,  presented  the  Pope  with  a  history  of  the 
basilica  in  which  he  observed  that  a  majesty  and  splendour 
had  been  given  to  the  building  which  would  astound  anyone 
who  had  known  it  in  its  former  condition.^ 

Paolo  Posi's  various  works  of  restoration  in  the  interior 
of  the  Pantheon  were  unsuccessful,*  and  still  more  unfortunate 

^  Besozzi  in  the  work  mentioned  below  (n.  3),  42  seqq.,  48 
seqq.  ;  S.  Ortolani,  S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme,  Roma,  no  year  of 
publication,  22,  28,  35  seq.,  45  seqq.  ;  Brasiotti  in  Bollet.  Parroch. 
A.,  II.  (1913),  No.  18  ;  Braun,  Altar,  II.,  240.  Cf.  also  Justi, 
Winckelmann,  XL,  143  ;  Gurlitt,  Barockstil,  534  ;  Thieme, 
XIV.,  578. 

^  Beringer,  30.  Here  also  (28  seqq.)  are  illustrations  of 
Verschaffelt's  relief  in  stucco,  four  putti  with  the  instruments  of 
the  Passion,  in  the  interior  of  the  church. 

*  R.  Besozzi,  La  storia  della  basilica  di  S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme, 
Roma,  1750,  in  the  preface.  According  to  Merenda  {*Memorie) 
Benedict  XIV.  was  not  of  the  same  opinion  :  "  terminata  I'opera 
con  spesa  eccessiva  ne  fu  assai  mal  contento  avendo  guastata  la 
venerabile  antichita  di  quella  chiesa  con  una  porcaria  modema 
come  si  diceva  "  (Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome).  According  to  the  letter 
to  the  Marchesa  C.  Caprara  Bentivogli  mentioned  above  (p.  157, 
n.  5),  the  cost  amounted  to  100,000  scudi. 

*  Justi,  II.,  140  ;  Eroli,  Iscrizioni  del  Pantheon,  277.  Cf. 
Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  271.  Caracciolo  (130)  praises  the  restoration 
of  the  Pantheon  ;  "  II  di  fuori  divenne  piii  maestoso  e  di  dentro 
piu  lucido,"  and  the  many  English  visitors  to  Rome  had  con- 
gratulated the  Pope  on  this  restoration  !  Details  of  the  works 
are  recorded  in  the  *Awisi  of  September  27,  1755,  and  October  9, 
1755  (plan  for  a  "  cupolino  sopra  il  Pantheon  "  to  protect  it 
against  the  weather  !),  Cod.  ital.,  199,  State  Library,  Munich. 


S.    MARIA    DEGLI    ANGELI  163 

were  the  alterations  made  in  1749  to  S.  Maria  degli  Angeli. 
It  was  the  Pope's  desire  to  build  a  chapel  there  to  the  memory 
of  Blessed  Niccolo  d'Albergati  ;  Luigi  Vanvitelli  selected  for 
its  site  the  former  entrance,  which  was  therefore  walled  up. 
In  consequence,  the  arrangement  of  this  magnificent  structure, 
a  work  of  Michelangelo's,  was  completely  distorted.  The 
imposing  nave,  originally  the  central  apartment  of  the  Baths 
of  Diocletian,  Vanvitelli  turned  into  a  transept  ;  the  choir 
was  made  into  a  chapel  of  St.  Bruno  ;  and  the  entrance  was 
moved  to  the  west  side.  For  the  sake  of  symmetry  eight 
columns  of  brick  and  stucco  were  set  up  in  the  new  nave  which 
were  supposed  to  resemble  the  eight  antique  columns  of  red 
syenite  in  the  central  apartment  of  the  baths. ^ 

In  1735,  in  the  reign  of  Clement  XII,  there  had  been 
a  recrudescence  of  the  rumour  originally  started  in  the  time 
of  Innocent  XI.,^  that  the  cracks  which  had  appeared  in  the 
dome  of  St.  Peter's  would  lead  to  the  coUapse  of  this  archi- 
tectural marvel.  At  the  end  of  1740,  Benedict  XIV.,  very 
soon  after  his  accession,  set  up  a  commission  composed  of 
Cardinals  Amadori,  Lanfredini,  and  Rezzonico,  for  the  purpose 
of  making  a  minute  examination  of  the  whole  structure.  Their 
opinion  was  that  no  danger  threatened  Michelangelo's  work.* 
Since,  however,  the  disquieting  talk  went  on,  the  manager  of 
the  Fabbrica  di  S.  Pietro,  Monsignor  Olivieri,*  had  a  fresh 

*  NiBBY,  Roma  moderna,  331  seqq.  ;  Letarouilly,  Edifices, 
657  seqq.  ;  Gurlitt,  538.  For  Michelangelo's  building,  see  our 
account,  Vol.  XVI.,  443  seqq. 

2  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXII,  35. 

3  MiGNANTi,  II.,  133  seqq.  ;  the  periodical  Roma,  II.  (1924),  402. 

*  Merenda  {*Memorie)  records  for  the  year  1752  :  "  Era 
morto  in  Pesaro  Msgr.  Olivieri,  Canonico  di  S.  Pietro  et  Economo 
della  Fabrica.  La  Basilica  di  S.  Pietro  deve  molto  e  molto  alia 
aflezionata  attenzione  di  questo  Prelato,  il  quale,  oltre  varie 
spese  fattevi  del  proprio,  fece  serrare  molti  buchi  e  spiragli  d'aria 
e  porte,  rendendola  calda  I'inverno  e  commoda  Testate,  dove 
prima  era  impraticabile  in  ogni  tempo,  a  fece  ornare,  dipingere 
et  ordinare  le  grotte  nella  maniera  che  era  si  vedono  come  una 
galleria."    Biblioteca  Angelica,  Rome. 


164  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

examination  made,  under  the  direction  of  the  architect  of 
the  Fabbrica,  Luigi  Vanvitelli,  which  resulted  in  the  same 
conclusion.  In  spite  of  this,  Benedict  XIV.  was  stiU  apprehen- 
sive, and  in  the  autumn  of  1742  the  stability  of  the  colossal 
structure  was  tested  yet  again  by  the  architects  Domenico 
Gregorini,  Ferdinando  Fuga,  Pietro  Ostini,  Nicola  Salvi,  and 
Vanvitelli.  They  reported  with  absolute  assurance  that  there 
was  no  cause  for  alarm  and  that  the  cracks  meant  nothing 
more  than  that  the  structure  had  settled  ;  the  same  effect 
had  been  produced  in  other  domes,  in  that  of  Florence 
Cathedral,  for  example.  This  opinion  was  confirmed  by  the 
highly  reputed  mathematicians  Ruggero  Boscovich,  the 
Jesuit,  and  Thomas  le  Seur  and  Francois  Jacquier,  of  the 
Order  of  Minims,  who  were  consulted  by  the  Pope  in  the  early 
part  of  1743.  Desirous  of  taking  every  possible  precaution, 
Benedict  then  sought  the  advice  of  the  famous  Professor  of 
Mathematics  at  Padua,  Giovanni  Poleni,  making  him  acquain- 
ted with  all  the  consultations  and  the  numerous  reports  which 
had  previously  been  published  and  which  differed  as  to  the 
measures  to  be  taken  for  the  future  security  of  the  structure.^ 
In  the  end  the  Pope  decided  to  take  the  advice  of  Poleni,  for 
whom  he  had  a  very  high  regard  and  who  demonstrated  with 
considerable  perspicacity  that  the  cracks  were  caused  by  the 
lateral  pressure  of  the  upper  components.^  His  proposal  was 
that  the  dome  should  be  strengthened  by  more  of  the  iron 
rings  which  had  been  affixed  to  it  in  the  time  of  Sixtus  V. 
This  work  was  accordingly  carried  out  under  Vanvitelli 's 
supervision  in  1 743-44. ^ 

1  MiGNANTi,  II.,  134  seqq.  Cf.  Gurlitt,  534  ;  Frev, 
Michelangelo-Studien,  Vienna,  1920,  99  seq. 

2  G.  PoLKNi,  Memorie  istoriche  della  gran  Cupola  del  Tempio 
Vaiicano,  Padua,  1748,  who  cites  all  the  wTitings  on  the  dome 
of  St.  Peter's  that  had  appeared  up  to  his  time  but  consistently 
ascribes  the  damage  to  a  structural  defect.  Cf.  Navier,  Mechanik 
der  Baukunst,  translated  by  Westphal-Foggl,  Hanover,  no  year, 
176.    Praise  of  Poleni  in  Fresco,  Lettere,  XVIII.,  64. 

»  MiGNANTi,  II.,  136  ;  Voss,  631,  651  ;  Durm,  Renaissance  in 
Italien,  'jt.  ;    E.  Pucci  in  the  periodical  Roma,  II.    (1924),  402 


EMBELLISHMENT   OF   ST.    PETER's  165 

It  was  also  Vanvitelli  who  was  responsible  for  the  enrich- 
ment with  gilded  stucco  of  the  vaulting  of  the  three  tribunes 
in  St.  Peter's.i    In  1746-47  new  copies  in  mosaic  of  paintings 
by  Pietro  Bianchi  and  Pierre  Subleyras  were  made  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  painter  Pier  Leone  Ghezzi  for  the 
altars   of  SS.   Basil   and   Chrysostom.2      Afterwards,   other 
altarpieces  were  replaced  by  mosaic  copies,  the  originals  in 
every  case  being  transferred  to   S.  Maria  degli  Angeli.3    As 
the  bells  installed  by  Innocent  VI.  had  cracked,  Benedict  XIV. 
presented  the  church  with  a  new  one,  which  he  consecrated 
himself.  4   Other  gifts  made  by  the  Pope  to  the  basilica  of  the 
Princes  of  the  Apostles  took  the  form  of  gorgeous  vestments, 
several  costly  antependia,  six  silver  candlesticks  and  a  cross,' 
and  the  same  gilt  urn  which  is  still  used  for  laying  before  the 
Confessio  the  newly  blessed  pallia.  ^ 

Maria  Clementina  Sobieski  (d.  1735),  the  wife  of  the 
pretender  to  the  English  throne,  James  III.,'  was  given  a 
particularly  handsome  monument  in  St.  Peter's,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  left  aisle,  over  the  door  leading  to  the  dome. 

seqq.  ;    Frey.  100  seq.  ;    Platner,  IL,  i,  20S.     Cf.  Heeckeren, 
I.,  52  (for  the  costs). 

1  MiGNANTi.  II.,  121,  with  information  about  further  works  of 
restoration. 

2  Thieme,  XIII. ,  540. 

*  Kraus,  Briefe,  57.  An  *Avviso  of  October  15,  1757,  relates 
that  "as  the  famous  picture  by  Batoni,  'The  fall  of  Simon 
Magus,'  could  not  be  executed  in  mosaic,  as  the  Pope  would 
have  wished,  he  presented  it  to  S.  Maria  degli  Angeli."  Cod.  ital., 
199.  State  Library,  Munich. 

*  *Cod.  Vat.,  8545,  pp.  161  seqq.,  Vatican  Library.  Merend  \ 
i^Memorie)  notes  for  the  year  1753  :  "  Msgr.  Costanzo  nuovo 
economo  della  fabrica  fece  in  questo  tempo  levare  la  balaustrata 
di  marmo  posta  d'intorno  alia  guglia  della  piazza  di  S.  Pietro 
postavi  in  tempo  di  Papa  Innocenzo  XIII."    Loc.  cit. 

^  The  vestments  and  paliotti  are  kept  in  the  treasury  of  St. 
Peter's.  One  of  the  paliotti  is  illustrated  in  A^muaire  Pontif.. 
1913,  565.  The  museum  at  Parma  has  a  "  palraetta  pasquale  '' 
of  Benedict  XIV. 's.  His  famous  altar- veil  with  embroidery  in 
relief  is  still  used  on  the  feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul. 


l66  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES 

It  cost  the  Pope  18,000  scudi.  The  memory  of  so  pious  a  queen, 
her  good  husband,  and  their  worthy  children  deserved  to  be 
cherished,  wrote  Benedict  to  Cardinal  Tencin.^  The  imposing 
monument  was  designed  by  Filippo  Barigioni  ;  its  sculptures 
were  executed  by  Pietro  Bracci.  Maria  Clementina  was  the 
third  woman  to  be  given  a  tomb  in  St.  Peter's,  the  two  former 
being  Matilda  of  Tuscany  and  Christina  of  Sweden.  This 
honouring  of  the  queen,  whose  faith  had  been  the  cause  of  her 
dying  in  exile,  was  indirectly  a  protest  against  England's 
falling  away  from  the  Church.^ 

It  was  also  under  Benedict  XIV.  that  St.  Peter's  acquired 
some  of  its  finest  statues  of  saints  :  in  1744,  St.  Bruno,  perhaps 
the  best  sculpture  ever  made  by  the  Frenchman  Michelangelo 
Slodtz  ;  in  1745  and  1754,  St.  John  of  God  and  St.  Teresa,  by 
Filippo  della  Valle  ;  in  1755,  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  by  Bracci, 
and  St.  Joseph  Calasanctius,  by  Maini's  pupil,  Innocenzo 
Spinazzi  ;   in  1756,  St.  Girolamo  Miani,  also  by  Bracci.^ 

A  noble  work  which  Clement  XII.  had  left  his  successor  to 
finish  was  the  construction  of  the  Fontana  Trevi.  The  sculp- 
tors Salvi  and  Maini  failing  to  agree  on  the  decorative  statues 
and  reliefs,  the  Pope  commanded  the  fountain  to  be  made 
without  them  for  the  time  being.*    By  June  1742  the  marble 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  175. 

*  DoMARUS,  Bracci,  26. 

'  See  Cracas  in  the  respective  years  ;  Domarus,  2,  7,  8,  38, 
40  ;  JusTi,  II.,  135.  Actuated  by  a  sense  of  duty,  Benedict  XIV. 
saw  to  it  that  Cardinals  Da  via  and  Tanara  had  monuments 
erected  to  them  in  S.  Lorenzo  in  Lucina  and  S.  Maria  della 
Vittoria  respectively. 

*  The  decorative  statuary  was  completed  in  the  reign  of 
Clement  XIII.  ;  see  Gradara,  Bracci,  78  seq.  For  the  work 
done  under  Benedict  XIV.,  see  the  series  of  sketches  beginning 
with  the  year  1740  in  Arte  e  storia,  1912,  271  seq.  According  to 
the  letter  to  the  Marchesa  C.  Caprara  Bentivogli  mentioned  on 
p.  157,  n.  5,  the  cost  was  60,000  scudi.  It  was  only  for  this 
structure  and  for  the  rock-monument  in  the  garden  of  Monte- 
cavallo  that  the  Pope  drew  on  the  funds  of  the  Apostolic  Chamber  ; 
in   every   other  instance   he   defrayed   the   cost   himself,    {ibid.) 


FONTANA   TREVI  167 

surround  of  the  basin  and  the  steps  ascending  to  it  had  been 
finished,  and  on  a  blazing  day  in  August  of  the  following  year, 
before  a  dense  concourse  of  spectators,  the  waters  of  the  Aqua 
Virgo,  brought  from  the  hills  many  miles  away,  flowed  for  the 
first  time  over  the  massive  blocks  of  stone  piled  up  as  if  by  the 
hands  of  Titans,  and  fell  foaming  into  the  lower  basin.^  After 
the  inscription  Perfecit  Benedictus  Pont.  Max.  had  been  affixed, 
in  July  1745,  the  Pope  paid  a  visit  of  inspection  to  this,  the 
largest  and  most  famous  of  all  the  Roman  fountains,^  from 
which  it  is  the  custom  to  drink  when  leaving  Rome,  in 
accordance  with  the  old  tradition  that  to  do  so  ensures  the 
traveller's  eventual  return  to  the  Holy  City.^ 

In  the  garden  of  the  Quirinal,  which  was  still  the  official 
residence,  Benedict  XIV.  had  a  casino  built,  where  he  could 
entertain  his  learned  friends  without  restraint.^  It  was 
a  building  remarkable  for  its  dignified  simplicity  and  was 
decorated  with  paintings  by  Batoni  and  Pannini.^     In  the 


For  the  restoration  of  the  fountain,  see  Fea,  Acqiie,  10  seq. 
A  fountain  in  the  Via  CoUatina  bears  an  inscription  of  Benedict 
XIV.'s  dated  1753. 

^  Cracas,  1742,  No.  3882,  1743,  No.  4068. 

*  Cracas,  on  July  4  and  11,  1744;  cf.  Domarus,  50.  Justi 
(II.,  143),  in  reply  to  those  who  found  the  inscription  too  emphatic, 
rightly  observes  :  "  Nowhere  else  should  we  assent  with  such 
goodwill  to  the  Popes'  self-praise  in  lapidary  style  as  here,  where 
following  the  example  of  their  unbaptized  predecessors,  even 
those  patriarchs  who  founded  empires,  by  sinking  wells  they  pour 
out  '  rivers  of  living  water  '."    Cf.  Justi,  Briefe  aiis  Italien,  249. 

'  There  is  no  wTitten  evidence  until  the  nineteenth  century  of 
the  custom  (still  practised,  especially  by  German  visitors)  of 
drinking  from  the  Fontani  Trevi  on  leaving  Rome,  but  there  is 
an  earlier  Roman  tradition  ;   see  Noack,  357. 

*  Cf.  Caracciolo,  91. 

*  A  picture  of  the  Casino,  which  cost  12,000  scudi  (see 
Benedict's  *letter  to  the  Marchesa  C.  Caprara  Bentivogli 
mentioned  above,  p.  157,  n.  5),  is  included  in  the  painting  (in 
the  museum  at  Naples)  of  the  meeting  of  Benedict  XIV.  with 
Charles  III.  ;  see  L'Arte,  XII.,  21  ;   Ozzola,  Gian  Paolo  Pannini, 


l68  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

gallery  of  the  Quirinal  was  displayed  the  costly  porcelain 
presented  by  King  Charles  III.  as  the  first  products  of  the 
factory  which  he  had  established  at  Capo  di  Monte,  near 
Naples,  in  1743.^     They  were  considered  by  experts  to  be 

Turin,  1921,  tav.,  7.  Ibid.,  tav.,  4  and  5,  illustrations  of  the 
lunette  and  fa9ade  of  S.  Maria  Maggie  re  on  the  walls  of  the 
Casino  at  the  Quirinal.  The  ceiling-paintings  by  Batoni  depict 
two  scenes  from  the  New  Testament  ;  see  Barbier,  Les  Musees 
et  Galeries  de  Rome,  Rome,  1870,  81  ;  cf.  M.  de  Benedetti, 
Palazzi  e  Ville  Reali  d' Italia,  21,  64,  68  seqq.  ;    Forcella,  XIII., 

163. 

*  The  first  consignment  was  accompanied  by  an  autograph 
letter  from  Charles  III.  (dated  Naples,  1745,  July  27  ;  see 
Princ,  172,  p.  21,  Papal  Secret  Archives),  to  which  the  Pope 
replied  on  August  10.  With  reference  to  Charles's  statement 
that  he  was  sending  these  "  primizie  "  as  "  tributo  ",  he  observed  : 
"  *Questa  e  una  specie  di  primizie,  non  dissimile  da  quella,  che 
Mois6  intimo  al  popolo  cletto  che  dovesse  fare  al  sacerdote,  dopo 
esser  entrato  nella  Terra  assegnatagli  per  sua  abitazione  da  Dio  ; 
imperocche  Vostra  Maesta  ci  favorisce  delle  prime  produzioni 
della  sua  fabbrica  di  porcellane  poco  dopo  il  suo  ritorno  piu 
glorioso  del  primo  ingresso,  ed  assai  piii  specioso  per  la  visibile 
assistenza  del  Signore,  alia  Terra  destinatale  e  mantenutale  da 
Dio  per  sua  abitazione  e  dominio.  Noi  siamo  bench6  indegnamonte 
il  Sacerdote,  e  riconoscendo  di  non  dover  ricevere  le  primizie 
senza  adempire  I'obbligo  annesso  ad  esse,  che  era  di  prcgare 
Dio  per  gli  offerenti,  promettiamo  a  Vostra  Maesta  di  continuare 
ad  aver  memoria  di  Lei  e  della  sua  reale  famiglia  ne'  nostri  bcnche 
tepidi  sacrifici  anche  per  il  sopradetto  titulo  aggiunto  "  [ibid.,  22). 
On  receiving  from  Charles  in  1746  a  "  belHssima  tazza  di  porcellana 
e  un  bastone  col  manico  pure  di  belHssima  porcellana  ",  the  Pope 
wrote  in  acknowledgment  on  January  27  :  "  *E  ritomando  al 
regalo  che  non  ci  pu6  uscire  di  mente  per  la  finezza  con  cui  ci 
h  stato  fatto,  diremo  a  V.  M.  di  riconoscere  in  esso,  che  se  Noi 
amiamo  lei  come  padre,  ella  ania  Noi  come  figlio,  pcnsando  il 
buon  figlio  ai  bisogni  del  padre,  e  conoscendo  ancor  Noi  che  la 
nostra  avanzata  eta  ci  conduce  a  poco  a  poco  all'uso  del  brodo, 
per  cui  sara  opportuna  la  tazza  trasmessaci,  ed  a  non  lasciare 
il  bastone  per  poter  caminarc  :  per  In  che,  o  bevendo  o  caminando, 
saremo  necessitati  a  ricordarci  di  V.  M."  {ibid.,  45). 


THE  STATUE  OF  ST.  MICHAEL       169 

superior  even  to  Dresden  ware,  and  the  collection  here  was 
reputed  to  be  the  best  in  Europe. ^ 

In  the  course  of  time  Raffaello  da  Montelupo's  marble 
statue  of  the  Archangel  Michael  on  the  Castel  S.  Angelo  had 
been  badly  damaged  by  weathering  and  lightning.  This 
conspicuous  addition  to  the  huge  Mausoleum  of  Hadrian  the 
Pope  had  replaced  by  a  bronze  statue  cast  in  1752  by  Fran- 
cesco Giardoni  from  a  model  made  by  the  Flemish  sculptor 
Peter  Verschaffelt.^ 


^  "  *Non  vi  e  principe  che  ne  abbia  altrettanto,"  Benedict  XIV. 
was  already  writing  to  the  Marchesa  C.  Caprara  Bentivogli  [loc. 
cit.)  on  December  23,  1744.  Vases  with  the  arms  of  Benedict  XIV. 
were  preserved  in  1870  ;    see  Barbier,  Les  Muse'es,  77.     ^ 

*  BoRGATTi,  Castel  S.  Angelo,  Roma,  1890,  159,  which  also  see 
for  the  completion  of  the  "  Appartamento  per  il  Castellano  " 
begun  by  Clement  XII.  For  Benedict  XIV. 's  alteration  of  the 
amphitheatre  in  the  Court  of  the  Belvedere,  see  Frey,  Michel- 
angelo-Studien,  48.  See  also  Noack,  45  seq.  ;  Rodocanachi, 
St-Ange,  233  ;  Beringer,  31.  Benedict  lent  his  support  to  the 
rebuilding  of  the  convent  of  S.  Agostino  (see  Repert.  fiir  Kunstwiss., 
1911,  II  seqq.),  the  fountain  in  its  courtyard  being  his  gift ;  see 
FoRCELLA,  v.,  103  seq.  Reference  to  the  help  he  gave  in  the 
erection  of  other  buildings  is  contained  in  the  inscriptions  ibid., 
XIII.,  191  seqq.,  and  in  Inventario,  263,  279.  For  the  restoration 
of  the  fountain  at  the  Villa  Giulia,  see  Letarouilly,  Text,  40. 
His  restoration  of  the  city  walls  is  proved  by  inscriptions  (see 
FoRCELLA,  XIII.,  42  seq.),  especially  the  portion  between-  the 
Porta  S.  Sebastiano  and  the  Lateran.  For  the  new  road  from 
the  Lateran  to  S.  Croce,  see  Adinolfi,  Roma,  I.,  272.  Inscriptions 
with  threats  of  penalties  for  befouling  the  streets  in  Inventario, 
467,  and  in  Maes,  Curiositd  Romane,  III.  (1885),  34  seq.  When 
the  piazza  near  S.  Cecilia  was  being  laid  out,  the  Pope,  after 
reading  the  architect's  report  and  viewing  the  site  himself,  gave 
more  of  the  pubhc  ground  than  was  asked  for  by  the  titular  of 
the  church,  Acquaviva  ;  see  Thun's  *report  of  August  19,  1741, 
State  Archives,  Vienna.  In  the  Via  degli  Schiavoni  I  took  down 
the  following  inscription  :  Benedicto  XIV.  |  P.  M.  quod  in  haec 
aedificia  veteribus  |  iam  paene  collapsis  |  in  ornatiorem  amplio- 
remque  formam  |  iussu  et  auctoritate  |  Caroli  Rezonici  S.  R.  E. 


lyo  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Another  monument  of  importance  in  the  history  of  the 
Church  was  preserved  by  Benedict  XIV.  when  he  had  a  true 
copj'^  made  from  fragments  and  old  drawings  of  the  mosaics 
in  the  middle  tribune  of  Leo  III.'s  triclinium  and  commissioned 
Fuga  to  erect  in  its  place  a  new  tribune  near  the  Scala  Santa. ^ 
It  stands  in  the  street  leading  to  S.  Croce,  which  the  Pope  had 
rebuilt  at  great  expense. 2  Luckily  the  proposal  to  restore  the 
venerable  basilica  of  S.  Paolo  fuori  le  Mura  was  not  carried 
out  ;  Benedict  confined  himself  to  a  careful  renovation  of 
the  portraits  of  the  Popes,  the  task  being  entrusted  to  the 
painter  Monosili,  assisted  by  the  learned  Giuseppe  Marangoni.^ 

The  base  of  the  column  of  Antoninus  Pius,  which  had  been 
excavated  in  the  time  of  Clement  XI.  and  whose  principal 
face  displayed  the  apotheosis  of  the  Emperor  and  his  wife 
Faustina,  was  set  up  by  the  Pope  on  the  Monte  Citorio. 
A  competition  was  announced  for  the  best  suggestion  as  to 
how  this  base  was  to  be  surmounted."*    Some  suggested  the 

card.  I  patroni  beneficentissimi  |  recens  excitata  |  aquam  vir- 
ginem  in  sextante  deduci  |  sua  liberalitate  concesserit  |  curante 
Ferdinando  M.  de  Rubeis  |  patriarcha  C.politano  |  nationis 
illuricae  [sic]  congregatio  |  largitori  munificentissimo  |  D.  N.  M. 
Q.  E.  I  Anno  salut.  MDCCLIII. 

^  "*Benedetto  XIV.,  di  genio  naturalmente  fabricatore,  pochi 
mesi  dopo  la  sua  assunzione  al  Pontificate  aveva  posto  mano 
a  piu  fabriche  in  un  tempo,  cio  h  ad  aprire  la  gran  strada  o  piazza 
da  San  Giovanni  a  S'»  Croce  in  Gerusalemme,  con  spianare  vigfte, 
empire  valli  e  spianare  alture  con  spesa  grandiosa,  come  si  vede, 
e  terminata  la  piazza,  fece  copiare  al  naturale  il  celebre  Triclinio 
e  lo  pose,  ove  ora  si  vede."  Merenda,  *Memorie,  Bibl.  Angelica, 
Rome.  The  *Avvisi  of  March  25  and  May  6,  1752,  record  the 
Pope's  intention  "  di  rendere  in  linea  diritta  la  strada  Papale  " 
near  S.  Andrea  della  Valle.  Cod.  ital.,  199,  State  Library,  Munich. 

*  NovAES,  XIII.,  261,  XIV.,  156.  Cf.  David  in  the  Rom. 
Quartalschrift ,  XXXI.  (1923),  139  seqq. 

'  I.  Marangonius,  Chronologia  Rom.  Pontif.  superstes  in  pariete 
basil.  S.  Pauli  apost.,  Romae,  1751  ;  Novaes,  I.,  3  seqq.,  XIV., 
154  ;  Papers  of  the  British  School,  IX.,  174  seqq.  ;  Wilpert, 
Mosaiken,  II.,  563  seq. 

*  Thun's  *report  of  May  18,  1743,  State  Archives,  Vienna. 


THE    COLOSSEUM  I7I 

granite  column  that  lay  in  the  courtyard  of  the  Curia  Innocen- 
ziana/  others  a  statue  of  Justice  and  Peace.  As  no  agree- 
ment could  be  reached,  either  on  this  point  or  on  the  site  of 
erection,  the  matter  was  left  in  abeyance. ^ 

In  1748,  during  the  strengthening  of  the  foundations  of 
a  house  near  S.  Lorenzo  in  Lucina,  there  was  brought  to  light 
the  great  obelisk  of  the  sun  which  had  been  mentioned  by 
Pliny.  On  the  advice  of  Costantino  Ruggieri,  Benedict  XIV. 
had  it  completely  excavated,  having  no  desire,  as  he  playfully 
remarked  to  Cardinal  Tencin,  to  have  the  reputation  of  being 
a  "  Gothic  "  Pope.  Owing  to  scarcity  of  funds,  however,  the 
credit  of  restoring  this  monument,  which  had  been  broken 
into  three  pieces,  had  to  be  left  to  his  successor.^ 

The  Pope's  treatment  of  the  Colosseum  was  a  great  benefit 
to  the  city.  Situated  in  a  sparsely  populated  neighbourhood, 
the  labyrinthine  passages  and  dungeons  of  this  gigantic 
building  had  long  been  used  as  a  place  of  retreat  by  gangs  of 
rulftans.  For  this  reason,  in  1675,  under  Clement  X.,  the  outer 
arches  had  been  walled  up  and  the  interior  enclosed  for  the 
performance  of  the  Stations  of  the  Cross.  Later,  however, 
after  being  severely  damaged  by  the  earthquake  of  1703,  in 
the  time  of  Clement  XL,  the  building  was  again  neglected. 
President  de  Brosses  suggested  in  1739  that  the  portion  lying 
over  against  the  Monte  Celio  should  be  pulled  down  and  that 

*  This  column  was  used  by  Pius  IX.  for  the  monument  in  the 
Piazza  di  Spagna  commemorating  the  proclamation  of  the  dogma 
of  the  Immaculate  Conception. 

'  Cerroti,  Lettere  di  artisti,  Roma,  i860,  49  seq.  ;  JusTi,  II., 
140.  Under  Pius  VI.  the  pedestal  was  taken  to  the  Vatican 
Gardens,  under  Gregory  XVI.  to  the  Villa  of  the  Giardino  della 
Pigna  (see  G.  de  Fabric,  //  Piedestallo  d.  Colonna  Antonina, 
Roma,  1844),  and  in  1855  it  was  moved  to  its  present  position  ; 
see  Helbig,  P,  74. 

'  Heeckeren,  I.,  405  ;  Lettere  d'uomini  illustri,  85.  The 
obelisk  was  written  about  by  G.  Poleni  ;  see  Lombardi,  VI.,  37. 
A  "  *Commento  sull'  obelisco  di  Campo  Marzo  ",  by  Ridolfino 
Venuti,  dedicated  to  Cardinal  Quirini,  in  Cod.  Vat.,  9024,  pp.  181 
scqq.,  \''atican  Library. 


172  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  remainder  should  be  restored  to  its  original  condition, 
"  The  arena,"  he  wrote,  "  would  make  a  fine  open  space,  and 
would  not  half  a  tidy  Colosseum  be  better  than  a  whole  one 
in  this  dilapidated  state  ?  And  then,  ye  noble  Romans,  why 
not  set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  space  so  created  a  great  foun- 
tain, or  even  make  a  lake  there  and  revive  the  ancient  nau- 
machia  ?  "  ^ 

Benedict  XIV.  was  not  in  the  least  inclined  to  adopt  the 
plan  put  forward  by  the  French  free-thinker.  In  1743  he 
devoted  a  considerable  sum  of  money  to  the  restoration  of  the 
enclosing  walls  ;  in  the  following  year  he  issued  an  edict  for- 
bidding the  misuse  of  the  ruins  under  pain  of  penalty  ;  and 
on  the  approach  of  the  jubilee  year  he  decided  ^  to  renew  the 
measures  taken  in  1675  and  to  preserve  from  ruin  Rome's 
most  imposing  monument  of  antiquity  by  consecrating  it 
to  the  memory  of  the  sufferings  of  Christ.  A  simple  cross 
was  set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  arena  and  the  fourteen  Stations 
of  the  Cross  which  surrounded  it  were  restored  ;  the  latter 
were  consecrated  by  the  Vizegerente  Ferdinando  de'  Rossi. 
The  devotion  of  the  Stations  of  the  Cross  took  place  every 
Friday  and  Sunday,  two  hours  before  the  A\e  Maria  :  it  was 
conducted  by  the  Lovers  of  Jesus  and  Mary,  a  confraternity 
founded  at  the  time,  to  which  the  Pope  presented  the  Stations 
in  1752.^  In  Lent  especially,  when  they  were  conducted  by 
a  Franciscan,  the  devotions  were  attended  by  large  crowds. 

1  See  Brosses,  Lettres  (tr.  Briefe),  II.,  190  seqq. 

*  On  December  13,  1749  ;  for  the  decision,  which  was  taken 
as  the  result  of  a  memorial  presented  by  Leonardo  da  Porto 
Maurizio,  see  Prinzivalli,  Atini  Santi,  181  seq.,  who  consulted 
the  text  of  the  decision  preserved  in  the  Capitoline  Archives. 

'  P.  CoLAGROSSi,  L'anfiteatro  Flavio  nei  suoi  venti  secoli  di 
storia,  Florence,  1913,  217  seqq.  Cf.  Clementi,  II  Colosseo,  Roma, 
1912,  203  seqq.  ;  Bartoli,  Cento  vedute  di  Roma  antica,  Florence, 
1911,  Nos.  17  and  18;  Babucke,  Kolosseum,  40,  47,  52  scq. 
A  splendid  engraving  by  Piranesi  shows  the  stations  which,  as 
Justi  (II.,  142)  correctly  observes,  "  fell  victims  to  the  neo-Italian 
fanaticism."  Since  1919,  at  least,  the  beautiful  cu.stom  of 
performing  the  Stations  of  the  Cross  here  has  been  revived. 


LEONARDO    DA    PORTO   MAURIZIO  I73 

At  the  end  of  the  jubilee  year,  on  December  27th,  1750, 
a  service  of  this  nature  was  held  in  the  Colosseum  by  Leonardo 
da  Porto  Maurizio,  a  Franciscan  who  was  highly  esteemed  by 
Benedict  XIV.  Here  where  human  creatures  had  been 
sentenced  to  torture  and  death  to  indulge  a  savage  lust, 
Leonardo  preached  with  eloquent  words  the  sufferings  of  Him 
who  had  freed  the  world  from  such  atrocities.^  The  Pope  gave 
2,500  scudi  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Cappella  della  Pieta, 
which  was  set  up  in  the  inner  arches  facing  the  Lateran.^ 
From  time  to  time  the  interior  of  the  Colosseum  was  used  as 
if  it  were  a  church.  Thus  on  September  19th,  1756,  the  Pope's 
Vicar  General,  Cardinal  Guadagni,  celebrated  High  Mass  in 
the  arena,  with  a  general  Communion  in  which  thousands 
participated.^ 

As  with  the  Colosseum,  the  name  of  the  learned  Pope  is 
inseparably  connected  with  the  collections  in  the  palaces  on 
the  Capitol,  the  statues  adorning  which  he  had  restored.* 
Firmly  convinced  that  the  masterpieces  of  ancient  art  ought 
not  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  whim  of  private  owners,  Benedict 
enriched  the  Capitoline  Museum  with  magnificent  donations. 
Although  in  other  directions  scarcity  of  money  forced  him  to 
be  careful,  in  this  matter  his  generosity  was  unbounded.  In 
Rome,  he  said,  ruins  were  riches  ;  one  had  only  to  look  around 
a  little  and  one  found  treasures.^  By  tightening  up,  in  1750, 
Clement   XII. 's   ban    on    exportation,^    he   kept    control    of 

^  Opere  compl.  di  S.  Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio,  IV.,  Venice, 
1868,  52  seq.,  393  seqq.  Cf.  B.  Innocenti,  5.  Leonardo  da  Porto 
Maurizio.    Prediche  e  Lettere,  Quaracchi,  1915,  p.  x. 

2  *Avviso  of  May  5,  1735,  Cod.  ital.,  199,  State  Library, 
Munich.  Here  also  was  set  up  the  large  inscription,  the  text  of 
which  is  in  Colagrossi,  21. 

3  Colagrossi,  222. 

*  Cf.  RoDOCANACHi,  Capitole ,  178  seq. 

^  Caracciolo,  75. 

«  *Avviso  of  January  17,  1750,  Cod.  ital.,  199,  lac.  cit.  A  list 
of  the  hcences  issued  by  Benedict  XIV.  for  the  export  of  works 
of  art  is  given  by  Bertolotti,  Esportazione  di  oggetti  di  belle 
arti  da  Roma,  in  the  Rivista  Europea,  i8yj,  II.,  724. 


174  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

everything  that  was  brought  to  Hght  in  thecourse  of  excavation. ^ 
Further,  he  seized  on  every  opportunity  of  making  acquisitions 
on  favourable  terms.  Thus  he  entered  into  negotiations  with 
the  Bishop  of  Piacenza  with  a  view  to  obtaining  the  bronze 
tablet  of  the  Emperor  Trajan  found  in  Velleia.^  From  Duke 
Francis  III.  of  Modena,  to  whose  persistent  lack  of  money 
Dresden  owes  its  picture  gallery,  he  bought  the  pick  of  the 
sculptures  from  the  Villa  d'Este,  most  of  them  originating 
from  Hadrian's  villa  at  Tivoli.  Year  after  year  the  Capitoline 
collection  was  increased,  either  by  presents  made  to  the  Pope 
by  Cardinals  and  others  ^  or  by  purchases.    As  early  as  1741 

^  Cf.  Fea,  Miscall.,  II.,  Roma,  1836,  208  seqq.  ;  Hautecceur, 
57.  An  *Awiso  of  September  2,  1752,  mentions  antique  finds  in 
Frosinone,  which  were  brought  to  the  Capitol.  *Avvisi  of 
September  30  and  October  7,  1752,  record  the  discovery  of 
rooms  with  paintings  and  mosaics  near  the  Pyramid  of  Cestius, 
which  were  to  serve  as  models  for  a  room  in  Cardinal  Valenti's 
villa.  *Awiso  of  March  20,  1756  :  Excavations  outside  the  Porta 
Maggiore.  *Avviso  of  April  24,  1756:  Finds  near  the  Palazzo 
Bolognetti  (Cod.  ital.,  199,  State  Library,  Munich).  A  *report 
from  Rome  of  September  14,  1748  :  "  Nella  continuazione  del 
cavo  si  fa  a  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  e  stato  ritrovato  un  superbo 
bagno  sotteraneo  con  un  mosaico  molto  bello  ed  intatto  con  tutti 
li  suoi  acquedotti  di  piombo."  Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy 
to  the  Vatican. 

2  C.  Masnovo,  La  tavola  alimentaria  di  Velleia,  Benedetto  XIV. 
e  G.  du  Tillot,  in  Bollet.  stor.  Piacent.,  VIII.  (1913),  3,  in  which 
four  letters  from  the  Pope  to  the  Bishop  of  Piacenza  are  published. 

*  Forcella,  I.,  84;  Rodocanachi,  Capitole,  161.  For  the 
antiquities  presented  by  the  Bishop  of  Spalato,  see  Maroni, 
Lettere,  752,  755,  758  seq.  In  the  catalogue  of  the  Capitoline 
Museum  published  in  1750  (see  below,  p.  176),  which  was  acquired 
by  the  Biblioteca  Vittorio  Emanuele  from  the  estate  of  Cardinal 
Besozzi,  is  a  handwritten  note  referring  to  the  "  Piede  di 
Fontana  "  found  near  S.  Croce  in  Gerusalemme  and  mentioned 
on  p.  62  of  the  catalogue  :  "  *Questo  piede  fu  ritrovato  quando 
io  Card.  Besozzi  ero  abbate  di  S.  Croce  e  fu  poi  donato  alia  S»^ 
di  N.  S.  Benedetto  XIV.  nell'  occasione  che  si  porto  a  S.  Croce 
e  dono  per  un  suo  chirografo  alia  chiesa  ii  stradone  et  aprrtura 


THE    CAPITOLINE    MUSEUM  175 

the  Pope  bought  the  Boy  struggHng  with  a  goose  ;  in  1743 
he  bought  the  double  herma  of  Epicurus  and  his  favourite 
pupil  Metrodorus  (discovered  during  the  building  of  the  front 
of  S.  Maria  Maggiore)  ;  in  1744  the  figure  of  a  girl  arbitrarily 
entitled  "  Flora  ",  the  Harpocrates,  and  the  Amazon  sarco- 
phagus ;  in  1746  the  Satyr  with  a  bunch  of  grapes,  in  rosso 
antico  ;  in  1749  the  group  of  Cupid  and  Psyche  found  on  the 
Aventine  ;  in  1752  the  famous  Venus,  probably  identical  with 
that  found  in  the  reign  of  Clement  X.,  opposite  S.  Vitale.  In 
1753  he  paid  5,000  scudi  for  twelve  of  the  best  marble  statues  in 
the  Villa  d'Este,  including  the  Praxitelean  Satyr,  the  Cupid 
bending  his  bow,  two  Amazons,  a  Venus,  and  the  Tormented 
Psyche.^  From  the  Vatican  Gardens  the  Pope  ordered  to  be 
brought  to  the  Capitol  the  tombstone  of  Titus  Stuilius  Aper, 
from  Araceli  the  Capitoline  fountain-mouth,  from  S.  Sebas- 
tiano  fuori  le  Mura  the  pedestal  dedicated  to  Jupiter  Sol 
Serapius,  from  Albano  the  reliefs  of  events  in  the  life  of 
Jupiter,  from  Nepi  the  sarcophagus  with  the  education  of 
the  boy  Bacchus,^  from  Anzio  mosaics.^  It  would  be  tedious 
to  enumerate  the  many  other  statues,  busts,  sarcophagi, 
bas-reliefs,  mosaics,  columns,  and  inscriptions  which  were 
taken  to  the  Capitol  at  this  period.  A  particularly  valuable 
acquisition  was  the  fragments  of  the  ancient  plan  of  the  city 
of  Rome  which  were  discovered  in  the  reign  of  Pius  IV.  behind 
the  church  of  SS.  Cosma  e  Damiano,  came  into  the  possession 
of  Cardinal  Alessandro  Farnese,  and  were  first  described  by 
BeUori  in  1673.  After  difficult  negotiations  with  the  Spanish 
Ambassador  Acquaviva,  Benedict  XIV.  obtained  them  for 

con  la  piazza  che  da  S.  Croce  porta  a  S.  Giov.  Laterario,  sito  che 
prima  era  signato  e  comprato  dalla  S*^  Sua  era  stato  fatto  aprire 
nella  maniera  che  era  si  vede.  Furono  nella  stessa  occasione 
donati  a  N.  S.  alcuni  libri." 

^  JusTi,  II.,  26,  135.    Cf.  Helbig,  1.3,  426,  431,  445  seq.,  447, 

474,  477,  480,   485,  487,  488,  490,   491,  494,   497  ;      RODOCANACHI, 

Capitole,  160 ;  Heeckeren,  II.,  268.  For  the  purchase  of 
hermae,  see  Amelung,  II.,  502  seq. 

2  Helbig,  I.*,  419,  422,  423,  434,  485,  488. 

^  Forcella,  I.,  84. 


176  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

his  museum  from  Charles  III.  of  Naples  at  the  end  of  1741  ^  ; 
they  were  then  immured  in  the  walls  of  the  staircase. ^ 

The  catalogue  of  the  Capitoline  Museum  compiled  by 
Ridolfino  Venuti  and  published  in  1750  by  the  keeper, 
Marchese  Giovanni  Pietro  Locatelli,  informs  us  how  the 
treasures  were  exhibited.^  The  most  important  were  on  the 
upper  floor.  In  the  first  room,  called  the  Stanza  del  Vaso  after 
a  splendid  marble  vase  found  near  the  tomb  of  Caecilia 
Metella,  were  the  most  valuable  reliefs,  the  sarcophagi  with 
the  Muses,  the  Battle  of  the  Amazons,  the  myth  of  Endymion, 
and  the  Fate  of  the  human  soul.  The  second  room,  named 
after  the  Hercules  slaying  the  Hydra,  contained  the  Cupid 
and  Ps5'che,  the  tormented  Psyche,  the  Drunken  old  woman, 
the  statues  of  the  children  with  the  snake,  the  mask  of  Silenus, 
and  the  Goose  ;  in  the  centre  of  the  room  was  the  seated 
Agrippina,  on  the  wall  the  Lex  Regia,  before  which  Cola  di 
Rienzo  had  proclaimed  the  sovereign  powers  of  the  Roman 
people  and  which  Gregory  XIII.  had  had  removed  hither  from 
the  Lateran.  Facing  each  other  in  the  central  room,  which 
was  lit  by  three  windows,  were  the  bronze  statues  of  Innocent 
X.,  the  builder  of  the  palace,  and  Clement  XII.,  the  founder 
of  the  museum.  Of  the  many  ancient  sculptures  assembled 
here,   notably   the   Juno   Cesi,   the   Vestal   Virgin,   and   the 

1  Acquaviva's  *reports  to  Villarias  of  September  14,  October 
26,  November  9,  December  7  and  9,  1741,  Archives  of  Simancas. 
The  inscription  of  the  town  plan  in  Forcella,  I.,  82. 

"  *Avviso  of  November  14,  1750,  Cod.  ital.,  199,  loc.  cit. 

'  "  Museo  Capitolino  o  sia  Descrizione  delle  statue,  busti, 
bassirilievi,  urne  sepolcrali,  iscrizioni  ed  altre  ammirabili  ed 
erudite  antichita,  che  si  custodiscono  nel  Palazzo  alia  destra  del 
Senatorio  vicino  alia  chiesa  d'Araceli  in  Campidoglio,"  Roma, 
1750.  Cf.  JusTi,  II.,  139.  In  the  Appendix  of  the  catalogue, 
pp.  69-71  :  "  Nota  de'  preziosi  e  rari  marmi,  che  dalla  munificenza 
del  regnante  Sommo  Pontefice  Benedetto  XIV.  sono  stati  al 
Museo  donati."  An  *Avviso  of  January  16,  1751,  states  that 
the  museum  has  doubled  itself  under  Locatelli  (Cod.  ital.  199, 
loc.  cit.).  Cf.  Platner,  II.,  2,  328  seq.,  333  seq.  ;  H.  Mackowski, 
/.  G.  Schadow,  Berlin,  1927,  74  seq. 


THE    CAPITOLINE   MUSEUM  177 

Amazon  of  Sosicles,  five  statues  were  placed  in  the  middle  of 
the  room  as  being  of  particular  importance  :  the  dying  Gaul, 
the  youth  from  Hadrian's  villa,  wrongly  named  Antinous,  an 
Egyptian  priest  from  the  same  place,  Harpocrates,  the  god  of 
silence,  and  the  Discus  thrower,  restored  by  Monot  as  a  warrior. 
The  adjoining  Room  of  the  Philosophers  contained  busts  of 
philosophers  and  other  men,  some  famous,  some  obscure.  In 
the  Room  of  the  Imperial  Busts,  which  were  arranged  in 
chronological  order,  were  the  colossal  statue  of  the  youthful 
Hercules,  chiselled  out  of  green  touchstone,  and  the  so-called 
"  Flora  ".  The  passage  and  a  room  opening  off  it  were  also 
filled  with  antique  statues. 

On  the  ground  floor  was  the  Egyptian  Museum  inaugurated 
by  Benedict  XIV.  in  1748,  its  nucleus  being  the  Roman 
imitations  of  Egyptian  statues  found  in  the  shrine  of  Serapis 
(Canopus)  in  Hadrian's  villa  at  Tivoli.  Here  also  was  the  statue 
of  Anubis,  the  guardian  of  graves,  found  in  1750  in  the  Villa 
Pamfili  at  Porto  d'Anzio.i 

The  Capitoline  Museum  was  open  to  all  for  the  purpose  of 
study.  In  1753  anyone  who  wished  to  take  a  plaster  cast  had 
first  to  obtain  a  special  permit. 2  One  of  the  greatest  of  the 
scholars  who  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  of  studying 
the  treasures  here  was  Winckelmann,  who  arrived  in  Rome  in 
1755  and  was  continually  visiting  the  museum.  "  This  is 
Rome's  treasure  trove  of  antiquities,  statues,  sarcophagi, 
busts,  inscriptions,  and  the  like,"  he  wrote  to  Dresden  on 
December  7th,  1755,  "  and  one  can  wander  about  here  quite 
freely  from  morning  till  night."  It  was  probably  here  that 
the  great  archaeologist  conceived  the  outlines  of  his  history 
of  art. 3 

A  comprehensive  publication  on  the  Capitohne  Museum  had 
appeared  before  Venuti's.      Its  author,  the  Abbate  Guido 

'  The  Egj^tian  monuments  in  the  Capitoline  Museum  were 
transferred  to  the  Museo  Egizio  in  the  Vatican  by  Gregory  XVI. 
in  1836;    see  Marucchi,  Museo  Egizio  Vaticano. 

-  *  A  wise  of  September  29,  1753,  Cod.  ital.  199.  loc.  cit. 

3    JUSTI,    II.,    136. 
VOL.  XXXV.  „ 


178  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Bottari,  born  in  Florence  in  1689,  had  worked  in  that  city  for 
ten  years  on  the  lexicon  of  the  Crusca  before  coming  to  Rome, 
where  he  was  employed  in  arranging  the  Corsini  collections  of 
paintings  and  engravings.^  He  had  long  been  acquainted  with 
Lambertini,2  who,  on  becoming  Pope,  made  him  the  keeper 
of  the  Vatican  Library  ^  and  preferred  him  to  a  canonry  in 
S.  Maria  in  Trastevere.  He  was  entrusted  by  the  Pope 
with  the  re-editing  of  Bosio's  Roma  Sottoierranea.'^  The  first 
two  volumes  of  his  description  of  the  Capitoline  Museum 
appeared  in  1750.  He  stated  here  with  pride  that  Benedict 
XIV.  was  increasing  the  collection  daily. ^  A  third  volume 
followed  in  1755,  a  fourth  in  1782.  He  was  assisted  in  this  work 
by  Pier  Francesco  Foggini,  Giuseppe  Querci,  and  Niccolo 
Foggini.^  The  engravings  were  supplied  by  Giuseppe  Vasi, 
who  published  also  a  separate  volume  of  engravings  of  "  the 
glories  of  ancient  and  modern  Rome  ".' 

Benedict  XIV. 's  desire,  however,  was  to  make  the  venerable 
Capitol  a  centre,  not  only  of  ancient  but  also  of  modern  art. 
Encouraged  by  his  art-loving  Secretary  of  State,  Valenti,  he 
decided  to  establish  a  picture  gallery  in  the  Palazzo  dei 
Conservatori,  a  project  which  had  already  been  considered  by 
Clement  XII. ^  The  idea  was  first  entertained  by  Benedict  in 
1744.  His  motive  was  to  prevent  the  best  pictures  leaving  the 
country,  and  with  this  intention  he  had  already  contemplated 
the  purchase  of  the  large  collection  of  paintings  owned  by  the 

1  Ibid.,  138  seq. 

'  P.  Lambertini  (poi  Benedetto  XIV.),  *Lettere  autografe 
scritte  a  Msgr.  Giov.  Bottari  1 726-1 746,  Cod.  32  G.  49,  Bibl. 
Corsini,  Rome. 

*  Studi  e  docum.,  XXIV.,   177. 

*  The  work,  which  had  begun  under  Clement  XII.,  was  not 
a  success  ;  see  Kraus,  Roma  Sottoterranea,  14  ;    Buchberger,  I., 

7^3- 

'  Museum  Capit.,  I.,  i. 

«  Cerroti,  Lettere  di  artisti,  Roma,  i860,  59,  63. 

'  "  Delle  magnificenze  di  Roma  antica  e  modenia,  con  spieg. 
istor.  del  P.  Gius.  Bianchini,"  Roma,  1747  and  1752. 

*  CoLASANTi,  La  Galleria  Capitolina,  Roma,  1910,  iv  seq. 


PALAZZO  DEI  CONSERVATORI        I79 

Sacchetti  family.^  The  purchase  was  effected,  and  for  the 
reception  of  the  paintings  the  Pope  reserved  the  room  which 
was  built  in  1747-48  above  the  archives  of  the  Capitol.^  His 
second  important  acquisition  consisted  in  the  paintings 
forming  part  of  the  estate  of  Cardinal  Pio  da  Carpi. ^  An 
inspection  of  his  pictures  made  by  the  Pope  in  the  middle  of 
October  1751  convinced  him  of  the  necessity  to  extend  the 
gallery.'* 

A  bust  of  the  Pope  by  Peter  Verschaffelt,  with  an  inscription 

*  Merenda  relates  in  his  *Memorie  :  "  Essendo  il  Papa  molto 
dotto  et  amante  della  erudita  antichita,  andava  arrichendo  lo 
studio  di  Campidoglio,  eretto  da  Clemente  XII.,  con  molte  rarita, 
e  prese  fin  d'allora  il  pensiero  di  erigere  incontro  airaltro  un 
nuovo  studio  di  pitture  insigni  per  impedire  che  non  escissero 
da  Roma,  e  diede  ordine  di  trovare  il  site  proprio  per  fabbricarvi 
le  sale  per  collocarvi  li  quadri.  Non  si  avvide  esser  questo  un 
suggerimento  del  Card.  Colonna  Pro-Maggiordomo  a  stimolo 
della  sua  favorita  Dama  Patrizi,  figlia  del  Marchese  Sacchetti, 
per  indurre  poi  il  Papa  a  comprare  li  quadri  di  quella  casa,  che 
andava  in  rovina."    Biblioteca  Angelica,  Rome. 

-  "  Descrizione  delle  statue,  bassorilievi,  busti,  altri  antichi 
monumenti  e  quadri  de'  piu  celebri  pennelli  che  si  custodiscono 
ne'  palazzi  di  Campidoglio,"  ediz.  terza,  Roma,  1775,  141  ; 
RoDocANACHi,  Capitole,  179.  A  *report  of  December  14,  1748 
(Archives  of  the  Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican)  states 
that  the  "  nuova  fabbrica  "  for  the  gallery  was  then  almost 
finished. 

^  Merenda,  *Meniorie,  loc.  cit. 

*  "  *I1  Papa  verso  la  meta  del  mesa  [ottobre  anno  XIF]  and6 
a  veder  li  quadri  collocati  e  disposti  nella  nuova  Galleria  in 
Campidoglio,  ma  restano  ancora  da  collocarsi  altri  150  pezzi, 
e  forse  dei  migliori  della  casa  Pio,  per  li  quali  si  cerca  il  luogo 
per  proseguire  la  Galleria.  Forse  e  senza  forse  era  piu  decente 
e  proprio  di  collocare  questi  quadri  nelle  Gallerie  di  S.  Pietro 
e  di  Monte  Cavallo.  In  Campidoglio  fu  ricevuto  dal  Card. 
Valenti."  (ibid.).  Cf.  Heeckeren,  II.,  145  seq.  ;  *Avvisi  of 
January  23,  March  29,  October  18  and  23,  1751,  January  i  and 
March  4,  1752  (plan  sanctioned).  Cod.  ital.,  199,  State  Library, 
Munich. 


l80  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

recording  his  services  to  art,  was  set  up  in  the  first  room  in 
1752.1 

Cardinal  Giuho  Sacchetti,  who  had  been  legate  in  Ferrara 
and  Bologna  in  1626-31,  under  Urban  VIII.,  had  specialized 
as  a  collector  in  works  of  the  famous  school  of  Bologna.  Like 
his  brother  Alessandro,  he  was  a  close  friend  of  Guido  Reni, 
while  Marcello  Sacchetti  stood  in  a  like  relationship  with 
Pietro  da  Cortona.  Cardinal  Pio  da  Carpi's  collecting  had  been 
done  by  the  painter  Giovanni  Bonatti,  chiefly  in  Venice. ^  Of  the 
works  purchased  by  Benedict  XIV.  for  the  Capitoline  Gallery, 
nearly  200  in  all,  a  large  proportion  were  of  outstanding 
merit,  and  most  of  these  are  still  exhibited  in  the  Capitol.^ 
Guido  Reni  is  particularly  well  represented  by  a  Magdalen, 
a  Sebastian,  his  self-portrait,  and  the  two  unfinished  pictures 
of  a  soul  rising  to  Heaven  ;  Domenichino  equally  well  by 
a  Sebastian  and  the  Cumaean  Sibyl  ;  Annibale  Carracci  by 
a  St.  Francis  ;  Ludovico  Carracci  by  a  Sebastian  ;  Pietro  da 
Cortona  by  the  Triumph  of  Bacchus,  Alexander  and  Darius, 
and  the  portrait  of  Urban  VIII.  ;  Domenico  Tintoretto  by 
a  Scourging  of  Christ,  His  crowning  with  thorns,  and  a  Mag- 
dalen ;  Guercino  by  one  of  his  most  famous  pictures,  the 
Persian  Sibyl.  Of  the  many  other  works  in  the  gallery  the 
most  remarkable  are  Titian's  Baptism  of  Christ,  Garofalo's 
Annunciation,  Caravaggio's  Fortune-teller,  Paolo  Veronese's 
Rape  of  Europa,  Romanelli's  St.  Cecilia,  Rubens'  Romulus 
and  Remus  (a  delightfully  naive  group  of  children),  and 
finally  Vanvitelli's  charming  views  of  Rome,  of  the  first  half 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  As  Bottari  observed  in  the  third 
volume  (1754)  of  his  edition  of  Bosio's  Roma  Sottoterranea,  all 
these  treasures,  together  with  the  antiquities  in  the  Capitoline 
Museum,  would  have  been  scattered  far  and  wide,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  foresight  of  Benedict  XIV. 

'  Illustrated  in  Beringer,  plate  6. 

*  See  in  this  connexion  *Cod.,  33  /V  11,  Bibl.  Corsini,  Rome. 
Cf.  Arch.  Rom.,  XXTT.,  313,  and  L.  O/.zola  in  the  Corriere  d' Italia, 
1907,  No.  8. 

^  Ad.  Venturi,  La  galleria  del  Campidoglio,  Roma,  1890. 


CONTEMPORARY   ART  lOI 

The  Pope  was  as  interested  in  contemporary  artists  as  he 
was  in  the  old  masters.  He  used  to  say  with  a  smile  that  not 
having  sufficient  gravity  himself  he  relied  on  artists  to  supply 
him  with  it.^  Unfortunately,  however,  he  was  precluded  from 
indulging  in  a  thoroughgoing  patronage  of  art  by  the  lack, 
not  only  of  financial  means,  but  also  of  artists  of  creative 
ability.  Of  the  architects  employed  by  him  only  Fuga  was 
outstanding,  of  the  sculptors  Bracci  and  Verschaffelt,  of  the 
painters  Giuseppe  Maria  Crespi  of  Bologna,^  Pannini  of 
Piacenza,  and  Batoni  of  Turin.  And  how  puny  they  were 
compared  with  the  great  men  of  the  Renaissance  and  the 
baroque  period  !  ^ 

One  of  the  objects  of  the  Capitoline  Gallery  was  to  provide 
models  for  the  students  of  the  academy  of  St.  Luke.  The 
yearly  prize-givings  at  this  institution,  which  was  intended 
to  foster  the  arts  of  sculpture  and  architecture  as  well  as  that 
of  painting,  had  been  suspended  for  some  time  past,  but  they 
were  now  revived.  In  the  jubilee  year  of  1750  the  Pope 
attended  the  prize-giving  in  person.  The  speech  of  the  day 
was  delivered  by  the  Bolognese  Francesco  Zannotti.  In 
presenting  his  report  on  the  prize-winning  works  he  empha- 
sized the  Pope's  services  to  art,  making  special  reference  to 
the  two  collections  on  Rome's  most  famous  hiU.  After  the 
performance  of  a  piece  of  music  composed  by  the  musical 
director  at  St.  Peter's,  Nicola  lommella,  there  followed  the 
distribution  of  the  prizes,  which  took  the  form  of  silver  medals 
with  portraits  of  St.  Luke  (the  patron  of  the  academy)  and 

^  MissiRiNi,  228. 

*  Cf.  H.  Voss,  G.  M.  Crespi,  Roma,  1921,  15. 

^  JusTi  observes  aptly  (II.,  144)  that  "  In  the  same  way  as 
Batoni's  genius  was  slight  in  comparison  with  Carlo  Maratta's, 
Maratta  is  a  mere  imitator  compared  with  Domenichino  and 
Guido,  to  whom  Titian  and  Correggio  appear  in  the  light  of 
heroes  ".  Batoni,  a  friend  of  Winckelmann  and  Mengs,  wanted 
to  strike  out  on  his  own  but  remained  nothing  more  than  an 
accomplished  eclectic,  notable  only  as  a  portrait-painter  ;  see 
WoLTMANN-WoERMANN,  Gcsch.  der  Malcrei,  III.,  Leipzig,  1888, 
914  seqq. 


l82  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  reigning  Pope.     The  proceedings  ended  with  the  recital 
of  poems  by  members  of  the  Arcadia.^ 

Another  function  which  had  a  stimulating  effect  on  artistic 
life  was  the  exhibition  of  pictures  held  every  year  in  the  portico 
of  the  Pantheon,  under  the  auspices  of  the  society  of  virtuosi 
located  there,  the  opening  day  being  the  feast  of  St.  Joseph. 
From  time  to  time  similar  exhibitions  were  held  in  the  church 
of  S.  Rocco.2 

Up  to  this  time  the  only  institution  in  Rome  where  art 
students  could  draw  from  the  nude  (and  then  only  from  male 
models,  by  order  of  the  Papal  Government)  was  the  French 
Academy,  which  had  moved  in  1725  from  the  Palazzo  Capra- 
nica  to  the  Palazzo  Nivers-Salviati  on  the  Corso.^  Benedict 
XIV.  and  Cardinal  Valenti  were  responsible  for  the  first  public 
institution  in  Rome  to  offer  facilities  for  drawing  from  the 
nude.  It  was  founded  in  1754  and  was  situated  in  a  circular 
room  beneath  the  Capitoline  picture  gallery,  near  Vignola's 
arch  and  facing  the  Monte  Tarpeo.  In  this  Accademia  del  Nudo 
instruction  was  free  and  was  regulated  by  an  ordinance  of  the 
art-loving  Cardinal  Girolamo  Colonna.  The  sessions  lasted 
three  hours  and  took  place  in  the  evening,  under  the  super- 
vision of  an  academician  of  St.  Luke.  Not  only  Italians  but 
Frenchmen,  Spaniards,  and  Germans  were  to  be  seen  here, 
among  the  last  being  Raphael  Mengs,  who  had  returned  to 
the  Church  in  1754. 

,  Benedict's  love  of  art,  great  as  it  was,  was  exceeded  by  his 
zeal  for  learning.  Ten  years  before  he  was  raised  to  the  see 
of  Peter,  when  still  Archbishop  of  Ancona,  he  wrote  to  the 
archaeologist  Giovanni  Bottari,  "  The  duty  of  a  Cardinal,  and 
the  greatest  service  he  can  render  to  the  Holy  See,  is  to  attract 

1  *Avviso  of  May  30,  1750,  Cod.  ital.  199,  loc.  cit. 

*  NoACK,  Deutsches  Leben,  55. 

'  See  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  94  seqq.,  and  the  Dcscnzione  delle  statue, 
etc.,  164  seq.,  mentioned  above  (p.  179,  n.  2).  Cf.  Noack,  55  ; 
Hautecceur,  43  seq.,  51.  According  to  Caracciolo  (ioi), 
Benedict  XIV.  said  of  the  French  Academy  :  "  Ringraziamoli 
con  tutto  il  cuore  che  cosi  vengono  con  la  loro  emulazicne 
a  suscitar  de'  grand'  uomini." 


THE    ROMAN    ACADEMIES  183 

learned  and  honest  men  to  Rome.  The  Pope  has  no  weapons 
or  armies  ;  he  has  to  maintain  his  prestige  by  making  Rome 
the  model  for  all  other  cities."  ^  Benedict  XIV.  put  the  ideas 
of  Lambertini  into  practice  ;  he  attracted  scholars  to  the 
Eternal  City  from  every  part  of  Italy  and  did  his  best  to 
encourage  learning  with  every  means  at  his  disposal. 

One  of  the  first  steps  he  took  was  to  establish  in  Rome  four 
academies,  each  of  which  was  given  a  meeting-place,  a  definite 
membership,  a  patron,  and  a  secretary.  The  first  academy, 
that  of  the  Councils,  which  was  regarded  as  a  revival  of  the 
one  founded  by  Ciampini  in  1671,  met  in  the  Propaganda  ; 
the  second,  devoted  to  church  history,  in  the  convent  of  the 
Oratorians  near  the  Chiesa  Nuova,  where  Baronius  had 
written  his  famous  Annals  ;  the  third,  for  liturgy  and  rites,  in 
the  college  of  the  Pii  operai  near  S.  Maria  ai  Monti ;  the  fourth, 
for  Roman  history  and  antiquities,  which  was  supposed  to 
work  in  the  tradition  of  Livy,  on  the  Capitol. 

The  respective  patrons  of  these  academies  were  Cardinals 
Landi,  Tamburini,  and  Portocarrero,  and  the  "  Gran  Conesta- 
bile  "  Lorenzo  Colonna.  The  secretaries  were  Niccolo 
Antonelli,  Giuseppe  Bianchini,  Niccolo  Panzuti,  and  Antonio 
Baldani.2 

The  number  of  the  members  was  twelve  in  each  case,  except 
for  the  academy  of  Roman  antiquities,  where  it  was  fourteen. 
The  original  members  were  nominated  by  the  Pope  but  were 
expected  to  fill  subsequent  vacancies  themselves.  Meetings 
took  place  monthly,  on  Mondays,  and  there  was  a  printed  list 
of  the  subjects  to  be  discussed.^    Lectures  could  be  delivered 

1  JusTi,  II.,  132. 

*  "  Notizia  delle  Accademie  erette  in  Roma  per  ordine  della 
S.  di  N.  S.  Papa  Benedetto  XIV.,"  Roma,  1740.  Cf.  Renazzi, 
IV.,  277  seqq.,  280  ;  JusTi,  II.,  133  seqq.  ;  Noack,  55.  For 
Baldani  and  Contucci,  see  Justi,  II.,  122  seq.,  124  seq.  ;  for 
Bianchini,  see  Cabrol,  Diet,  d'archeol.,  II.,  i,  837  seqq.  Brief 
reports  on  the  first  sessions  in  January  1741  in  Arch.  stor.  ital.  4, 
Series  XX.,  369. 

'  "  Argomenti  de'  discorsi  da  farsi  nelle  Accademie,  negl'anni 
1742,  43.  44.  46,  48.  50.  52.  53.  54.  55.  56." 


184  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

in  Italian  as  well  as  in  Latin,  except  in  the  Propaganda,  where 
only  Latin  was  allowed,  on  account  of  the  presence  of  foreign- 
speaking  students.  After  the  Pope  had  invited  the  academy 
of  church  history  to  hold  a  session  in  his  presence  in  the 
Quirinal,  in  1745,^  the  other  academies  were  similarh' 
honoured.  The  seating  arrangements  were  such  that  the  Pope 
could  not  be  seen  by  any  of  the  academicians  except  the 
lecturer.  After  the  session  the  lecturer  was  presented  to  the 
Pope,  who  spoke  with  him  and  the  others  on  the  subject  of  the 
lecture.  Enthusiasm  was  stimulated  by  commendation  and 
awards.^  To  maintain  the  scholarly  character  of  the  meetings 
and  to  confine  them  to  purely  intellectual  matters,  even 
Cardinals  were  excluded  unless  they  were  members  of  an 
academy.  The  sole  exception  was  the  highly  popular  Cardinal 
York.3 

Among  the  academicians  were  many  of  the  most  distin- 
guished scholars  then  living  in  Rome  :  the  Dominicans  Orsi 
and  Mamachi,  the  Augustinians  Berti  and  Giorgi,  the  Jesuits 
Contucci,  Faure,  Lazzeri,  Azevedo,  and  Giuseppe  Rocca  Volpi, 
the  Theatines  Paciaudi  and  Vezzosi,  the  Minorite  Pietro 
Bianchi,  the  Minims  Jacquier  and  Le  Seur,  the  Somaschi 
Antonio  de  Lugo  and  Giovan  Francesco  Baldini,  the  two 
Assemani,  Buonamici,  Gaetano  Cenni,  Giuseppe  Garampi, 
Michelangelo  Giacomelli,  Giovan  Pietro  Locatelli,  Bottari, 
Francesco  Antonio  VitaH,  Francesco  Vettori,  and  Ridolfino 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  213.  The  *lectures  given  in  the  presence  of 
the  Pope  by  Ridolfino  Venuti  "  sulle  supplicazioni  degli  antichi  " 
(January  23,  1747)  and  "degl'edili  e  lore  ufficio  "  (July  12,  1746) 
in  Cod.  Vat.  7292,  pp.  217  seqq.,  224  seqq.,  Vatican  Library  ; 
the  *lectures  given  in  the  presence  of  the  Pope  by  G.  Bianchini 
"  sopra  I'antico  Foro  Boario  "  (September  i,  1749).  "  sopra  gh 
antichi  spettacoli  dei  gladiatori  "  (July  23,  1750).  and  "sopra 
la  curia  e  sua  situazione  "  (September  6,  1751)  in  Cod.  Vat. 
81 13,  pp.  I  seqq.,  42  seqq.,  113  seqq.,  ibid.  The  following  appeared 
in  print  :  G.  Cenni,  Dissert,  sopra  varii  punti  interess.  d.  istoria 
eccl.,  pontificia,  canonica  e  romana,  ed.  B.  Colti,  Pistoia,  1778  seq. 

*  CaRACCIOLO,    III. 

3  Heeckeren.  I.,  364. 


CHURCH    HISTORY  185 

Venuti,  who  preceded  Winckelmann  as  commissioner  of  Papal 
antiquities.^ 

The  study  of  Roman  antiquities  had,  it  is  true,  for  long 
been  flourishing  in  the  Eternal  City,  but  Benedict  XIV.  had 
the  joy  of  seeing  church  history  also,  especially  the  history 
of  the  Popes,  take  on  a  new  lease  of  life  during  his  reign. 
A  number  of  works  of  solid  worth  were  published  on  these 
subjects,  such  as  the  two-volumed  biography  of  Paul  IV.  by 
the  Theatine  Bartolomeo  Carrara  and  the  copious  biography  of 
Sixtus  V.  by  the  Franciscan  Casimiro  Tempesta.  Pollidorus' 
monograph  on  the  noble  MarceUus  II.,  which  is  still  useful, 
was  written  at  Benedict  XIV.'s  instigation,  and  the  edition 
of  Gregory  XIII. 's  important  records  by  the  Jesuit  Giampietro 
Maffei  was  dedicated  to  the  Pope.^  This  was  the  case  with 
many  other  historical  works  :  Domenico  Giorgi's  biography 
of  Nicholas  V.,^  Borgia's  Life  of  Benedict  XIII.,*  Antonio 
Fonseca's  monograph  on  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso,^  Marangoni's 
history  of  the  Sancta  Sanctorum,®  Giuseppe  Garampi's 
article  on  a  silver  coin  of  Benedict  III.'s,'  Marescotti's  work 


1  Renazzi,  IV.,  179;  JusTi,  II.,  84  seqq.,  123,  126,  128,  134, 
255  seqq.,  339.  Cf.  ibid.,  316  seq.,  for  Mgr.  G.  M.  Ercolani's  visit 
to  the  Accademia  delli  Infecondi.  For  Garampi's  participation, 
see  Dengel,  Garampis  Tdtigkeit,  2. 

2  For  these  works,  c/.  our  account,  Vol.  XIV.,  11,  n.  2,  4895^^^. 
'  Rome,  1742.     In  the  dedication  of  this  work,  which  deals 

especially  with  the  encouragement  given  to  art  and  letters  by 
the  first  Pope  of  the  Renaissance,  the  author  draws  a  parallel 
between  Nicholas  V.  and  Benedict  XIV.  D.  Giorgi's  '*Istoria  del 
dominio  temporale  d.  S.  Sede  sopra  il  ducato  d'Urbino,  il  Monte- 
feltro  e  la  Massa  Trabaria',  which  was  begun  at  the  instigation 
of  Clement  XII.  and  was  dedicated  to  Benedict  XIV.  in  1740, 
has  remained  unprinted  (Cod.  Vat.,  7758-7761,  Vatican  Library). 

*  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIV.,  108  seqq. 

*  FoNSECA,  De  Basilica  S.  Laurenti  in  Daniaso  libri  (res, 
Romae,  1745. 

*  Lettere  d'uomini  illustri,  70. 

^  De  numnio  argenteo  Benedicti  III.,  Romae,  1749.  Cf.  Dexgel, 
Garampi,  3. 


l86  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

on  the  Fontana  Trevi.^  the  large  collection  of  Bulls  and 
Briefs  relating  to  St.  Peter's,^  the  edition  supervised  by  the 
Jesuit  Lesley  of  the  Mozarabic  liturgy, ^  and  the  first  volume, 
edited  by  Joseph  Aloisius  Assemani,  of  the  famous  Codex 
litiirgicus  Ecclesise  imiversse.^  The  Pope  took  a  personal  part 
in  the  last-mentioned  work,  also  in  the  Kalendaria  Ecclesiae 
universae,  edited  by  Joseph  Simonius  Assemani, ^  and  in  the 
new  edition  of  the  works  of  Leo  L 

This  last  work  had  been  undertaken  at  the  Pope's  instiga- 
tion. It  was  necessitated  not  only  on  scholarly  but  also  on 
ecclesiastical  grounds,  the  critical  supplements  of  Quesnel's 
edition  of  1675  showing  distinct  traces  of  their  author's 
Jansenistic  and  anti-Papal  doctrines.  The  brothers  Pietro 
and  Girolamo  Ballerini,  who  were  commissioned  with  the 
work,  were  granted  by  the  Pope  the  unusual  privilege  of  access 
to  the  relative  Vatican  manuscripts  not  included  in  the 
library.  He  also  obtained  for  them  the  requisite  collations 
from  other  libraries.  They  were  thus  able  to  say,  in  dedicating 
the  work  to  the  Pope,  that  it  was  his  edition  they  were  laying 
before  him.''  It  was  worthy  of  its  exalted  patron,  for  it  was 
a  truly  model  production. 

1  Mgr.  Marescotti,  De  Aqua  Virgine  comnientarii  ad 
Benedictum  XIV.,  1742,  *MS.  in  the  Bibl.  Corvisieri,  Rome, 
which  unfortunately  was  sold  in  1904. 

2  Collectio  Bullarum  eccl.  basilicae  Vaticanae,  t.  I.,  Romae,  1747. 
'  Missale  mixtum  sec.  regulam  b.  Isidori  dictum  Mozarabes  ab 

A.  Lesleo  S.J.,  1755. 

*  Rome,  1749.  By  1758  two  more  volumes  had  appeared. 
—  Cf.  also  Gerdil's  (afterwards  Cardinal)  '  Einleitung  zum 
Studium  der  Religion  '  (see  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  V,  361)  ; 
'  *Seminarii  Vaticani  descriptio,  eiusdem  hoc  tempore  status 
a  Raphaele  Sindone  rectore,'  Cod.,  701  (1367),  University  Library, 
Bologna  ;  Aemil.  Naisc,  O.S.B.  (Weihcnstcphan-Freising), 
'*Isagoge  ad  reparandam  optatam  pacem  et  unitatem  fidei  in 
Germania',  Cod.  599  (1105),  ibid. 

*  Vol.  I.  (Romae,  1755)  was  dedicated  to  the  Pope. 

*  See  the  dedication  of  the  first  volume,  which  appeared  in 
Venice  in  1753,  the  second  following  in  1756,  the  third  in  1757. 


PAPAL   BIOGRAPHIES  187 

A  new  edition  of  the  letters  of  Innocent  III.  was  entrusted 
by  the  Pope  to  Domenico  Giorgi  and,  after  he  had  died,  to  the 
learned  Dominican  Tommaso  Maria  Mamachi,i  who  dedicated 
to  the  Pope  the  first  volume  of  his  annals  of  the  Dominican 
Order.2 

Mario  Guarnacci's  biographies  of  the  Popes  and  Cardinals  ^ 
owed  more  than  their  origin  to  Benedict  XIV.  They  were  to 
be  a  continuation  of  the  work  by  Ciaconius  and  Oldoin, 
which  ended  with  Clement  IX.  For  this  purpose  Guarnacci 
was  granted  access  to  the  archives.*  Benedict  found  time  to 
give  him  precise  instructions  as  to  the  desired  method  of 
treatment,  which  was  not  to  be  too  detailed.  Before  the  work 
was  printed  he  had  it  examined  by  other  scholars,  and  he 
himself  corrected  his  own  biography,  which  stopped  short  at 
his  election  to  the  Papal  see.^  The  work  thus  ends  with  the 
year  1740.  Avoiding  every  kind  of  polemic,  it  aimed  at  being 
a  reliable  and  factual  exposition.  A  work  that  may  suitably 
be  read  in  conjunction  with  it  is  that  by  Ridolfino  Venuti, 
still  much  esteemed,  on  the  medals  of  the  Popes,  from  Martin 
V.  to  Benedict  XIV.  The  Minorite  Antonio  Pagi  the  younger 
continued  the  epitome  of  the  history  of  the  Popes  which  his 
uncle  had  commenced.  He  was  allowed  to  dedicate  his  work 
to  the  Pope  and  was  encouraged  to  complete  it  by  a  Papal 
commendatory   Brief.  ^      The    General   of   the    Dominicans, 

Adopting  the  suggestion  made  in  the  dedication,  Benedict  XIV., 
in  1754,  gave  to  Leo  I.  the  title  of  "  Doctor  Ecclesiae  "  in  the 
Liturgy. 

^  Lettere  d'uomini  illustri,  58. 

*  Annales  ord.  Pvaedic,  I.,  Romae,  1756. 
^  Cf.  Renazzi,  IV.,  334  seq. 

*  Guarnacci,  I.,  Praef.  XII.  The  first  volume  was  dedicated 
to  the  Pope. 

*  Heeckeren,  II.,   lOI. 

*  "  *Dilecte  fili  etc.  Pater  Procurator  Generalis  vestri  Ordinis 
ad  Nos  detulit  quatuor  antiquos  Libros  de  Gestis  Romanorum 
Pontificum  et  etiam  Librum  quintum  a  te  nuper  editum,  et 
Nobis  dicatum,  una  cum  aliis  muneribus,  quae  omnia  Nobis,  tuo 
nomine,  dono  dedit.     Libenti  animo  omnia  accepimus,  tibique 


l88  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Tommaso  Ripoll,  was  also  of  service  to  historiography  with  his 
edition  of  the  great  Bullarium  of  his  Order  ;  on  falling  ill  in 
his  old  age,  he  was  frequently  visited  by  the  Pope.^  Benedict 
cordially  approved  of  the  Spanish  Government's  intention  to 
set  up  an  academy  for  the  study  of  church  history  in  the 
Iberian  peninsula,  and  he  placed  at  its  disposal  the  relative 
archival  sources.^ 

To  cultivate  the  historical  sense  among  young  students, 
especially  future  priests,  the  Pope  caused  to  be  set  up  in  the 
Roman  College  chairs  for  church  history  and  liturgy  and 
provided  for  their  future.^ 

Every  effort  was  made  by  Benedict  XIV.  to  prevent  the 
decline  of  the  Roman  University,  of  whose  condition  he  had 
gained  first-hand  knowledge  when  he  had  been  its  Rector, 
under  Clement  XI. ^  In  the  very  first  year  of  his  reign  he 
showed  his  interest  in  it  by  celebrating  High  Mass  in  the 
university  church  on  the  feast  of  its  patron,  St.  Ivo,  on  May 
16th,  1741,  and  by  listening  to  a  speech  delivered  in  the 
Great  Hall.  A  preliminary  measure  of  reform  followed  in 
1744,   when  the   privileges  of  the  consistorial  advocates  in 


ex  corde  gratias  agimus.  Lectioni  quiiiti  Libri  proximo  mense 
Octobris  operam  dabimus,  et  ex  nonnullis  quae  cursim  legimus, 
videmus  te  strenuam  operam  navasse,  egregie  facinora  Nostrorum 
Praedecessorum  tuis  scriptis  illustrando.  Ea  profecto  merebantur 
egregios  scriptores  ;  sed  nullus,  praeter  te,  Patruumque  tuura, 
repertus  est,  qui  rem  pro  dignitate  perficeret.  Perge  itaque, 
dilecte  fili,  nee  manum  a  calamo  et  atramento  submoveas  :  sed, 
quae  supersunt,  adimple.  Solas  Nos  esse  tui  amantissimos,/ 
semperque  promptos,  ut  rem  gratam  oblata  occasione  pro  te 
faciamus.  Tibique  interea  Apostohcam  Benedictionem  imper- 
timur."  Datum  Romae  apud  S.  Mariam  Maiorem  die  19 
Septembris  1748.  Pontificatus  Nostri  Anno  nono.  Epist.  ad 
princ.  241,  p.  35,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  Merenda,  *Memorie,  loc.  cit. 

*  Bolet.  de  la  Acad,  de  la  Historia,  LXV'III.   (1916),  76  seqq., 
418  seq.,  435  seqq. 

*  Acta  Bcnedtcti  XIV.,  I..  527  seq. 

*  Renazzi,  IV..  64. 


THE    ROMAN    UNIVERSITY  189 

regard  to  the  rectorate  were  extended.  Undesirable  rivalry 
for  the  occupation  of  the  professoriates  was  lessened  by  the 
Pope's  reserving  for  himself  the  nomination  of  deserving 
scholars.^ 

Botany  being  of  particular  interest  to  Benedict  XIV.,  he 
appointed  a  second  professor  in  this  subject  and,  the  Botanic 
Garden  having  fallen  into  decay,  he  had  it  renovated  and  made 
himself  acquainted  with  its  condition  by  a  personal  visit. ^ 

In  his  reform  of  the  university,  in  the  course  of  which 
considerable  obstacles  were  encountered,  the  Pope  adopted  the 
proposals  made  by  the  Rector,  Argenvilliers,  for  whom  he  had 
a  very  high  regard,  and  by  the  jurists  Filippo  Pirelli  and 
Niccolo  de'  Vecchi.  The  principal  innovations  were  set  down 
in  an  autograph  letter  of  October  14th,  1748.  They  consisted 
in  the  regularization  and  increase  of  the  lectures,  in  the  stipula- 
tion that  every  professor  would  have  to  confine  himself  to  the 
department  to  which  he  had  been  appointed,  in  the  renewal 
of  Leo  X.'s  decree  that  the  professors  were  to  devote  them- 
selves exclusively  to  their  professorships  and  were  to  deliver 
their  lectures  regularly,  and  in  the  establishment  of  a  special 
fund  under  the  control  of  the  Rector  for  the  Botanic  Garden 
and  for  anatomical  and  physical  research.^ 

The  reform  aroused  dissatisfaction  in  many  quarters.  The 
professors  in  particular  were  indignant  that  their  lectures, 
but  not  their  salaries,  had  been  increased.  Another  defect  in 
the  reform,  the  omission  to  excite  the  students'  zeal,  was  made 
good  by  the  awarding  of  titular  honours  to  those  who  had  pur- 
sued their  studies  with  success  for  three  consecutive  years.* 

On  Cardinal  Valenti's  suggestion,  two  new  professorial 
chairs  were  instituted  in  the  autumn  of  1748,  one  for  higher 
mathematics,  the  other  for  chemistry,  a  branch  of  the  natural 
sciences  in  which  considerable  research  was  then  beginning  to 

^  Ibid.,  200  seq.,  207,  450  seqq. 
-  Renazzi,  IV.,  220  seqq. 

^  Ibid.,  212  seqq.,  214  seqq.,  453  seqq.     For  Leo  X.'s  reform, 
see  our  account.  Vol.  VIII,  272. 
*  Renazzi,  IV.,  218  seqq.,  224. 


IQO  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

be  made.^  Nor  did  it  escape  the  many-sided  Pope  that  the 
teaching  of  physics  at  the  Roman  University  no  longer 
corresponded  to  scientific  progress.^  On  the  retirement  of  the 
Theatine,  Orsi,  he  accordingly  appointed  in  his  place  a  dis- 
tinguished Frenchman,  Jacquier,  a  Minim.  The  Pope  also 
saw  to  the  establishment  of  a  chemical  laboratory  and  a 
physical  institute,  and  it  was  to  him  that  the  university  owed 
the  renovation  of  its  "  anatomical  theatre  ".  On  a  visit  to  the 
university  on  the  feast  of  St.  Ivo,  1751,  he  was  able  to  see  with 
his  own  eyes  that  these  improvements  had  been  duly  carried 
out.  The  visit  was  repeated  five  years  later,  though  on  this 
occasion  the  eighty-year-old  Pope  was  no  longer  able  to  mount 
the  steps  to  the  Great  Hall,  and  the  reception  took  place  in 
the  laboratory  on  the  ground  level. ^ 

Professor  Giovanni  Carafa,  whom  Benedict  had  appointed 
to  the  chair  of  church  history,  was  entrusted  with  the  task 
of  compiling  the  history  of  the  university.  This  was  dedicated 
to  the  Pope*  and  the  author  was  rewarded  with  the  bishopric 
of  Mileto.  He  was  succeeded  in  the  professorship  by  the 
learned  Theatine,  Francesco  Vezzosi,  who  edited  the  works  of 
Cardinal  Tommasi.  Other  professors  who  owed  their  appoint- 
ments to  the  Pope  were  the  botanist  Francesco  Marotti,  the 
chemist  Luigi  Filippo  Giraldi,  and  the  famous  Latinist 
Benedetto  Stay,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Jesuit 
Boscovich.^  Ruggero  Giuseppe  Boscovich,  a  Dalmatian  from 
Ragusa,  famous  as  a  mathematician,  astronomer,  and  philo- 
sopher, was  a  professor  at  the  Roman  College,  where  among 
other  objects  that  he  showed  the  Pope  was  the  model  of  the 
observatory  he  had  designed.^ 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  280  seqq.  For  chemistry',  see  the  works 
mentioned  in  Herder's  Konvcrsalionslexikon,  II.',  635. 

*  See  the  works  mentioned  in  Herder's  Konversationslexikon, 
VI.',  1597  ;    LoMBARDi,  II.,  216  seq.,  218. 

'  Renazzi,  IV.,  222  seqq.,  228  seqq. 

*  los.  Carafa,  De  gymnasio  Romano,  Romae,  1751. 
'  Renazzi,  IV.,  262,  270,  281. 

"  Ibid.,  302.  Re  Boscovich,  see  Sommervogel,  Bibliothique, 
I.,  1828  seqq.     The  mathematician  H.  Poincare  referred  to  him 


NATURAL    SCIENCES  I9I 

A  service  to  physical  geography  was  rendered  by  Benedict 
XIV.  when  he  commissioned  Boscovich  and  his  fellow  Jesuit, 
Maire,  to  measure  a  degree  of  the  meridian  and  to  prepare 
a  detailed  map  of  the  Papal  States.*  To  promote  the  study 
of  the  natural  sciences,  experimental  physics  in  particular, 
he  reorganized  the  old  Accademia  dei  Lincei  and  called  it  the 
academy  "  dei  Nuovi  Lincei  ".- 

In  his  solicitude  for  Rome  Benedict  XIV.  did  not  forget 


as  the  precursor  of  modern  ideas  on  the  composition  of  matter. 
His  Theoria  philosophise  naiuralis  has  been  reprinted  (with  an 
English  translation  by  J.  M.  Child)  by  the  Open  Court  Publishing 
Co.  (London  and  Chicago,  1923).  Cf.  Arch.  stor.  Lomb.,  5th  series, 
L  243  ;  Sir  William  Thomson,  On  Boscovich's  Theory,  in  the 
Report  of  the  British  Association,  LIX.,  494-6  ;  Nature,  XL. 
(i88g),  545-7  ;  Smithsonian  Institution,  Annual  Report,  1889, 
Washington,  1890,  435-9.  The  discoverer  of  oxygen,  Priestley 
(d.  1804),  agreed  with  Boscovich's  ideas  on  the  nature  of  matter  ; 
see  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biography ,  XLVL,  361.  This,  of  course,  does 
not  preclude  the  possibility  of  Boscovich's  ideas  on  the  subject 
being  contradicted. 

^  R.  J.  BoscovicH  ET  C.  Maire  S.J.,  De  litteraria  expeditione 
per  pontificiani  ditionem  ad  dinietiendos  duos  meridiani  gradus  et 
corrigendam  mappam  geographicam  iussii  Benedicti  XIV.  P.M., 
Romae,  1755.  "  II  Boscovich,"  reports  Merenda  in  his  *Memorie, 
"  fu  incaricato  dal  Papa,  che  ne  somministrava  la  spesa,  di 
girare  per  tutte  le  provincie  dello  Stato  minutamente,  misurare 
le  altezze  e  le  distanze  dei  luoghi  per  elevarne  poi  una  carta 
geografica  esatta  di  tutti  [luoghi  ?]  e  delle  provincie  in  particolare, 
come  ancora  per  rettificare  il  meridiano  di  Roma."  Bibl.  Angelica, 
Rome.  Further  details  in  the  *Avvisi  of  September  19,  1750, 
April  ID,  1751,  April  i,  1752,  Cod.  ital.  199,  State  Library, 
Munich.  The  Pope's  plan  of  inducing  the  Protestant  princes, 
through  the  medium  of  the  nuncio  Stoppani,  to  adopt  the 
Gregorian  calendar,  had  to  be  given  up  owing  to  the  circumstances 
being  too  unfavourable.  The  "  *i\Iemoria  sopra  Tafiare  del 
Calendario  ",  dated  November  i,  1744,  in  which  the  advantages 
of  the  new  calendar  were  set  out,  is  in  the  Nunziat.  di  Vienna, 
37,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

2  Moroni,  I.,  43. 


192  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

his  native  city  of  Bologna.  His  dissatisfaction  with  the  state 
of  studies  there  ^  was  an  added  incentive  to  him  to  arouse 
among  the  Bolognese  a  desire  for  knowledge.  In  commissioning 
(and  financing)  Mauro  Sarti  to  write  a  history  of  the  University 
of  Bologna  ^  and  Costantino  Ruggieri  to  write  another  of  the 
Bolognese  bishops, ^  he  was  actuated  not  only  by  his  interest  in 
history  but  also  by  the  hope  that  the  memory  of  its  great  past 
would  revive  scholarship  in  Bologna.  The  same  purpose  was  to 
be  served,  by  his  generous  presents  of  books  and  coins  to  the 
Istituto  delle  Scienze  in  Bologna.  As  an  expression  of  its 
gratitude,  the  Accademia  degli  Inquieti,  which  was  located  in 
that  institution,  called  itself  the  Benedettina.* 

Too  noble  to  be  influenced  by  prejudice,  Benedict  gave  his 
consent  to  two  learned  women  being  appointed  professors  at 
Bologna  :  Maria  Gaetana  Agnesi,  who  was  famous  as  a  mathe- 
matician, and  Laura  Caterina  Bassi,  who  was  making  a  name 
for  herself  as  a  philosopher.^ 

Benedict  had  already  endeavoured  to  revive  the  practice 
of  anatomical  studies  in  Bologna  when  he  was  archbishop 
there,  pointing  out  that  a  decree  of  Boniface  VIII. 's  of  the 
year  1299  which  apparently  forbade  it  was  directed  only 
against  the  profanation  of  corpses.  Among  other  points  he 
made  in  the  course  of  his  argument  was  that  Francis  of  Sales, 
when  afflicted  by  a  serious  illness  in  his  youth,  had  given 
directions  for  his  body  to  be  handed  over  to  the  anatomists 
in  the  event  of  his  illness  proving  fatal. ^   When  he  was  Pope, 

*  Cf.  Kraus,  Briefe,  84,  108,  116,  123,  126. 

*  Cf.  the  preface  in  M.  Sarti  e  M.  Fattorini,  De  claris 
archigymnasii  Bonon.  professoribtis  a  saeculo  XI.  usque  ad  sasculum 
XIV.,  Bononiae,  1769-1772,  iterum  ed.  C.  Albicinius  et  C. 
Malagola,  t.  I.,  Bononiae,  1888. 

'  Lettere  d'uomini  illustri,  58. 

*  Cf.  F.  Cavazza,  Le  scuole  deW  antico  studio  Bolognese,  Milano, 
1896,  286  ;  Le  Bret,  Magazin,  IX.,  546  seq.,  556.  Cf.  Edith 
E.  CouLSON  James,  Bologna  (London,   1909),  84,  190. 

*  Cf.  Cavazza,  loc.  cit.,  289  ;  Lombardi,  II.,  57,  132.  For 
M.  G.  Agnesi,  see  the  monograph  by  L.  Angelotti  (Milano,  1900). 

'  Giov.  Martinotti,  P.  Lanibcrtini  e  lo  studio  dcW  anatomia  in 


PAPAL  INTEREST  IN  BOLOGNA       I93 

Benedict  founded  a  chair  of  surgery  ^  in  Bologna  and  handed 
over  to  its  occupant,  Professor  Mohnelli,  the  valuable  surgical 
instruments  given  him  by  Louis  XV.^  In  1752  he  spent 
a  considerable  sum  in  founding  an  anatomical  museum,  and 
in  1757  he  sent  there  a  collection  of  anatomical  preparations.^ 
His  chief  concern,  however,  was  that  the  Istituto  delle 
Scienze  should  have  a  weU-stocked  library,  and  in  this  he 
found  a  sympathetic  helper  in  the  friend  of  his  student  days, 
Cardinal  Filippo  Maria  Monti,  who  bequeathed  to  the  institute 
his  uncommonly  useful  collection  of  20,000  volumes.  On  the 
Cardinal's  death,  on  January  17th,  1754,  Benedict  saw  to  it 
that  these  treasures  were  duly  conveyed  to  their  proper 
destination.^  The  gift  was  all  the  more  pleasing  to  the  Pope 
inasmuch  as  he  too  had  decided  in  1750  to  make  over  his 
private  library  to  the  institution.  On  February  2nd,  1754,  he 
wrote  to  Bologna  that  it  would  have  given  him  great  pleasure 
to  visit  his  native  city  once  again  and  to  have  consecrated  its 
cathedral,  but  that  the  building  operations  had  lasted  too  long 
and  he  was  retained  in  Rome  by  the  burden  of  his  years  and 
his  financial  straits.  As  a  proof  that  he  had  not  forgotten  his 
native  city  he  was  now  sending  it  as  a  substitute  Cardinal 
Malvezzi,  who  was  to  be  its  archbishop,  while  to  the  institute 
he  was  sending  his  beloved  and,  if  he  might  so  call  it,  his 
famous  library,  which  was  worth  more  than  his  person.^  In 
July  1755  the  printers  were  given  instructions  to  supply  the 

Bologna,  in  Studi  e  mem.  p.  la  storia  dell'  Univ.  di  Bologna,  II., 
Bologna,  1911,  148,  151  seq.,  who  rectifies  the  information  given 
by  Toply  in  the  Handbuch  der  Gesch.  der  Medizin,  edited  by 
Neuburger  and  Pagel,  II.,  Jena,  1903,  227,  as  though  the  ordinance 
of  1747  applied  to  Rome. 

1  See  the  Motu  Proprio  of  August  23,  1742,  in  Lettere,  brevi 
e  chirogr.  di  Benedetto  XIV.  per  la  ciUd  di  Bologna,  I.,  Bologna, 
1749,  258  seq. 

"  Cavazza,  285,  290. 

'  Martinotti,  173,  174,  175. 

*  E.  GuALANDi  in  Studi  e  mem.  p.  la  storia  dell'  univ.  di  Bologna, 
VI.,  Bologna,  1921,  76,  8i  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  100. 

VOL.  XXXV.  o 


194  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

library  of  the  institute  with  presentation  copies,  and  in  the 
autumn  of  that  year,  presuming  that  he  was  not  to  hve  much 
longer,  he  had  a  beginning  made  with  the  transport  of  his 
private  library  to  Bologna.  A  year  later  he  commanded  the 
library  of  the  institute  to  be  thrown  open  to  the  public.^ 

It  was  a  truly  regal  gift  that  Benedict  was  making  to  his 
native  city,  for  his  private  library  comprised  the  rarest  and 
best  works  from  the  most  diverse  countries,  and  all  were 
magnificently  bound  and  stamped  with  the  family  arms.^  It 
also  included  about  450  MSS.  of  historical,  literary,  artistic, 
and  palaeographical  value.  Among  these  were  the  Codex 
diploniaticus  Bononiensis,  forty-four  volumes  of  copies  from 
Papal  archives,  which  Benedict  XIV.  had  had  collected  by 
Costantino  Ruggieri,  and  a  MS.  of  Dante's  Divine  Comedy, 
of  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  which  has  been  the 
subject  of  much  discussion  recently.^  Rome  apart,  no  other 
Italian  city  could  boast  of  such  a  library  as  was  now  possessed 
by  Bologna.^  With  the  books  presented  by  Cardinal  Monti 
and  some  other  acquisitions,  it  numbered  80,000  volumes  and 
2,500  MSS. 5  The  statue  of  Benedict  XIV.  which  was  erected 
by  Bologna  has  disappeared,  but  his  library  endowment  has 
endured  ;  the  handsome  room  with  its  beautiful  cases  con- 
taining so  many  precious  treasures  still  bears  witness  to  the  en- 
lightened vision  of  the  greatest  scholar  Bologna  has  produced.^ 

^  Lettere,  brevi  e  chirogr.  di  Bened.  XIV.  p.  I.  cittd  di  Bologna, 
III.,  385  ;    GuALANDi,  loc.  cit.,  84  seq. 
2   GUALANDI,  ibid. 

*  Frati  in  Sorbelli,  Inventari  dei  manoscritti  delle  biblioteche  di 
Bologna,  XV.,  Forli,  1908,  5  seq.  For  the  Cod.  diplom.  Bonon., 
see  Blume,  II.,  138  seq.  ;  ibid.,  143,  for  the  Pope's  interest  in 
the  manuscripts  of  the  Spanish  College.  For  the  Dante  MS.  see 
Esemplare  delta  Divina  Commedia  donato  da  Papa  Lambertini 
{Benedetto  XIV.),  edito  secondo  la  sua  ortografia,  illustrato  dai 
confronti  di  altri  XIX.  codici  Dante schi  inediti  e  fornito  di  note 
critiche  da  Luca  Scarabelli,  3  vols.,  Bologna,  1870-3. 

*  Heeckeren,  II.,  307. 

'  Notizie  sior.  d.  Bibl.  univ.  di  Bologna  nel  1898,  13. 

'    GUALANDI,   loc.   Clt.,    85. 


PAPAL  SUPPORT  OF  LEARNING       195 

Benedict  XIV. 's  support  of  learning  was  not  confined  to 
his  homeland  of  Bologna.     It  was  extended  in  many  other 
directions/  principaUy  in  Italy.      The  number  of  scholars 
whom  he  promoted  and  encouraged  is  extraordinarily  large.2 
In  the  works  of  many  of  them  he  took  the  greatest  interest. 
He   was   delighted   to   receive   from   the   Venetian   senator 
Flammio  Cornaro  a  copy  of  his  great  work  on  the  Venetian 
bishoprics.      In  a  long  Brief  he  encouraged  the  author  to 
contmue    with   the    work,    acknowledged   its    solidity,    and 
spoke  of  the  benefit  which  would  accrue  to  the  Church  there- 
from.    At  the  same  time,  citing  a  number  of  examples    he 
refuted  the  idea  that  ecclesiastical  matters  of  this  sort  ought 
not  to  be  handled  by  a  layman.    He  mentioned  also  that  the 
Bollandists  had  made  use  of  Cornaro 's  works  for  their  excellent 
Acta  Sanctorum.^     The  praise  which  on  this  occasion  he 
bestowed   on   the   huge   work   undertaken   by   the   Belgian 
Jesuits  was  a  repetition  of  that  contained  in  the  Brief  which 
he  had  addressed  to  them  on  April  3rd,  1751.    It  was  occas- 
sioned  by  the  unjustifiable  attempt  made  on  the  authority  of 
a  private  letter  written  by  the  Pope,  to  show  that  his  opinion 
of  the  Acta  Sanctorum  was  no  longer  favourable.   He  affirmed 
that  this  was  far  from  being  the  truth  and  that  he  had  never 
thought  of  censoring  the  work  on  account  of  some  isolated 
errors.     At  the  same  time  he  expressed  the  hope  that  the 
BoUandists  would  be  able  to  finish  their  enormous  task  before 
the  end  of  his  pontificate  and  suggested  various  improvements 

'  In  the  University  of  Coimbra  Benedict  XIV.  founded  new 
chairs  of  Church  History  and  Liturgy  ;    see  Novaes,  XIV..  269. 

2  In  addition  to  those  already  mentioned  :  F.  Danzetta  G  de 
Cattaneo,  V.  M.  Avvocati  (Avogadro).  B.  Beccari,  G.  B  Bortoli 
C.  Pohni.  F.  M.  Ottieri,  Fr.  Quadrio,  Fil.  Scarselli,  P.  Chelucci' 
G.  Lagomarsini,  D.  Vallarsi,  G.  Vita,  A.  Olivieri,  P.  L.  Galletti' 
A.  Pohti,  P.  Grazioli.  Ed.  Corsini,  A.  M.  Bandini.  G.  Lombardi ' 
see  Lombardi,  I..  122.  172,  350  ;  n.,  46  ;  iv.,  10,  12  18  29' 
144.  173;  v.,  150,  265,  305,  312  ;  VL,  79,  87,  91,  118.  175. '205' 
216,  244,  276.  ' 

'  Ada  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  164  seqq. 


196  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

for  the  volumes  which  had  already  appeared.^  To  the  Bollandist 
Johannes  Stiltinck,  who  went  to  Rome  at  the  end  of  1752  for 
the  purpose  of  further  study,  he  gave  the  warmest  welcome.^ 
With  the  greatest  Italian  historian  then  living,  Ludovico 
Antonio  Muratori,  Benedict  XIV.  had  become  acquainted  in 
the  autumn  of  1731  when  he  was  Cardinal  of  Bologna.' 
Muratori  expressed  his  joy  that  in  Benedict  God  had  given 
the  Church  a  Pope  from  whom  the  furthering  of  scholarship 
might  confidently  be  expected.*  He  had  heard,  he  said,  with 
particular  pleasure  of  the  institution  of  the  new  academies  in 
Rome  and  of  the  choice  as  secretaries  of  such  scholars  as 
Bianchini  and  Valesio,  for  men  of  this  type  would  bring 

^  Ibid.,  81  seqq.  A  second  *Brief,  not  yet  printed,  to  Joh. 
Stiltinck  S.J.  and  the  other  Bollandists,  dated  1748,  Jan.  20, 
was  in  reply  to  a  letter  of  November  11,  1747.  In  it  the  Pope 
observes  :  "  Magnam  vero  semper  apud  Nos  fuisse  opinionem, 
adeoque  esse,  de  ingenti  opere  "  Acta  Sanctorum  "  nuncupate, 
quod  a  decessoribus  collegii  vestris  optimo  consilio  susceptum, 
atque  incredibili  labore  continuatum,  nunc  demum  vestro  studio 
ac  diligentia  in  banc  amplitudineni,  in  qua  conspicitur,  perductum 
fuit.  Ex  hoc  opere  libentcr  agnoscimus  ac  profitemur  Nobis 
suppeditata  fuisse,  si  quae  sunt  eruditorum  gustui  non  inepta  in 
Nostris  Libris  de  Canonizatione  Sanctorum  alias  conscriptis  : 
quorum  editioni  Bononiae  olim  factae,  alteram  nuper  addidimus 
Patavii  adomatam,  quae  et  accurata  correctione,  et  complurium 
rerum  utiliter  cognoscendarum  accessione,  priori  illi  multo 
antecellit.  Haec  ut  ad  vos  perferatur,  idem  Hieronymus 
[Lombardus  S.  J.]  affirmavit  .se  curaturum.  lidem  nunc  libri 
iterum  subiiciuntur  praelo  typographi  Romani,  qui  unica  editione 
turn  ipsum  opus  de  Canonizatione  Sanctorum,  turn  alia  omnia 
a  Nobis  exarata,  ac  secundis  curis  retractata,  et  aucta,  com- 
plectitur.  Vos  pergite  in  Sanctorum  monumentis  colligendis, 
illustrandisque,  de  Ecclesia  Dei  bene  mereri  etc.  Epist.  ad  princ. 
241,  fo.  470,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

"  His  long  audience  is  reported  in  the  *Avviso  of  December  30, 
1752,  Cod.  ital.  199,  State  Library,  Munich. 

*  Siudi  e  docum.,  XXL,  347.  For  Muratori's  biography,  see 
Hist.-polit.  Blatter,  LXXIV.,  333  seqq.,  524  seqq. 

*  Epist.  di  L.  A.  Muratori,  ed.  Campori,  IX.,  4057,  4065. 


MURATORI  ON    CHURCH    HISTORY  197 

honour  and  profit  to  the  Holy  See.  Writing  to  Bianchini  on 
this  occasion,  Muratori  expressed  himself  in  really  memorable 
words  on  the  subject  of  church  history.  If  the  academy  which 
had  been  founded  for  this  purpose  was  to  produce  good  fruit, 
it  must  be  given  the  necessary  freedom.  Certainly  the  actions 
of  the  Popes  should  be  upheld  as  much  as  possible,  but 
adulation  should  be  ruled  out.  Nor  should  anything  be  passed 
off  as  old  and  lawful,  which  was  not  so.  A  healthy  criticism 
of  books,  authors,  miracles,  legends,  and  other  similar  matters 
should  be  allowed.  "  It  is  better,"  continued  Muratori,  "  that 
we  ourselves  should  speak  the  truth  than  that  we  should  hear 
it  spoken  by  our  enemies  with  scorn.  Nothing  is  gained,  and 
much  is  lost,  by  pretending  that  something  is  true  when  it  is 
not.  I  keep  before  my  mind  the  immortal  Baronius,  who  was 
often  daring  in  his  judgments.  Holy  Church  has  no  need  of  lies, 
thank  God.  She  does  not  fear  the  truth.  I  say  this  because 
the  people  in  Rome  are  sometimes  too  timid  and  anxious— 
an  error  which  is  not  made  by  true  scholars,  who  have  always 
and  everywhere  loved  the  truth.  Praised  be  God  who  has 
given  us  a  Pope  who  is  imbued  with  these  opinions."  1 

Benedict  XIV.  showed  himself  to  be  most  favourably 
inclined  towards  "  the  father  of  Italian  historical  research  "  ; 
he  ranked  him  more  highly  than  any  other  Italian  writer  of 
the  time  and  he  doubted  that  he  had  his  equal  beyond  the 
Alps.  The  Holy  See,  he  wTote,  has  need  of  men  like  him. 2 
As  the  aged  scholar  could  not  comply  with  the  Pope's  desire 
that  he  should  come  to  Rome,^  Benedict  did  what  he  could 
to  secure  his  material  existence  in  Modena.^  Muratori  dedi- 
cated to  his  exalted  patron  his  excellent  work  Dei  difetti  delta 

1  See  the  letter  to  Bianchini  of  November  5,  1740,  ibid.,  IX., 
4074.    Cf.  also  the  letter  ibid.,  4091. 

2  A  caustic  criticism  of  the  ecclesiastical  intelligentsia  of  the 
period  in  a  letter  of  June  30,  1745,  in  Kraus,  Brief e,  27  seqq., 
and  elsewhere  ;   cf.  above,  p.  1S7,  n.  6. 

^  Cf.  Epist.  di  L.  A.  Muratori,  IX.,  4172. 

'  Letter  to  the  Marchese  d'Ormea  of  July  31,  1742,  in 
B.  Manzone,  Frammenti  di  lettere  inedite  di  Benedetto  XIV.  (1900) 
(Nozze-Publ.),  II.,  No.  i. 


198  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Giurispnidenza}  and  in  1743  he  sent  the  Pope  through 
Cardinal  Tamburini  some  notes  on  the  proposed  reform  of  the 
Breviary,  suggesting  at  the  same  time  that  new  editions 
should  be  brought  out  of  Ughelli's  Italia  sacra  and  Leandro 
Alberti's  Italia.^  Benedict  repeatedly  showed  his  approval  of 
Muratori  through  letters  and  the  bestowal  of  favours,  besides 
sending  him  copies  of  his  o^vn  works. ^ 

In  one  of  his  letters  of  thanks,  in  August  1748,  Muratori 
announced  as  a  return  gift  his  work  on  the  early  Roman 
liturgy.  He  wrote  also  that  he  intended  shortly  to  send  his 
defence  of  a  Papal  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg  for 
examination  but  that  he  first  wished  to  submit  it  for  approba- 
tion."* Shortly  after  this  occurred  an  incident  which  caused 
much  pain  to  both  parties.  The  Spanisli  Inquisitor  General  had 
ordered  the  suppression  of  the  histor\-  of  Pelagianism  written 
by  Cardinal  Noris  of  the  Augustinian  Order,  and  Benedict  XIV., 
in  a  confidential  letter  handed  to  the  Procurator  General  of 
the  Augustinians,  had  expressed  his  disapproval  of  the  pro- 
hibition, observing  that  the  works  of  distinguished  writers 
ought  not  to  be  forbidden  even  though  they  might  contain 
some  erroneous  information.  By  way  of  example,  he  men- 
tioned, together  with  the  works  of  the  Bollandists,  Tillemont, 
and  Bossuet,  the  name  of  Muratori.  To  the  Procurator 
General's  suggestion  that  the  letter  might  suitably  be  printed 
at  the  head  of  Noris's  works,  the  Pope  replied  that  it  was  not 
to  be  published  yet  and  that  when  the  time  did  come  Mura- 
tori's  name  was  to  be  omitted.  In  spite  of  this  the  letter  was 
published  two  days  later,  at  which  the  Pope  was  so  angry  that 
he  forbade  the  Procurator  General  ever  to  enter  his  palace 
again. 

The  publication  of  the  Papal  letter  was  a  grievous  blow  to 
Muratori.    In  a  letter  to  the  Pope  of  December  17th,  1748,  he 


»  Cf.  Epist.  di  L.  A.  Muratori,  X.,  4289. 

*  Studi  e  docum.,  XXL,  350. 

*  Epist.  di  L.  A.  Muratori,  IX.,  xvi  seq.,  X.,  431 1,  4671,  XI.. 
xi.  seqq.,  5046  seq.,  5186. 

«  Ibid.,  XL,  xxi.,  5187. 


MURATORI  S    REPUTATION    RESTORED  I99 

stated  candidly,  though  respectfully,  the  bewilderment,  if  not 
despair,  which  had  come  upon  him.  The  unfavourable  judg- 
ment, he  complained,  would  endure  for  ever  ;  never  would  it 
be  forgotten  that  he  had  incurred  this  reproach  without  being 
formally  condemned,  and  his  errors  and  demerits  would  be 
thought  to  be  greater  than  they  actually  were.  Relying  on  the 
continuance  of  the  favourable  attitude  that  had  formerly  been 
taken  towards  him,  he  asked  that  his  errors  be  pointed  out  to 
him,  that  he  might  retract  them  and  thus  by  his  dutiful 
repentance  obtain  forgiveness.  In  this  way  the  fatherly  hand 
which  had  inflicted  the  wound  would  also  bring  relief.^ 

Benedict  XIV.  lost  no  time  in  rehabilitating  this  faithful 
son  of  the  Church,  to  the  latter's  complete  satisf action. ^  In 
a  letter  of  September  25th,  1748,^  he  told  him  quite  frankly 
of  the  indiscretion  committed  by  the  Procurator  General. 
With  regard  to  the  passages  to  which  exception  had  been 
taken,  he  assured  him  that  it  was  not  a  question  of  dogma  or 
discipline  but  merely  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Pope  of  Rome 
within  his  States,  concerning  which  Rome  adhered  to  other 
principles  than  those  held  by  Muratori  and  could  not  accept 
as  true  several  assumptions  and  facts  which  Muratori  had 
stated.  Had  they  been  published  by  any  other  author,  such 
matters  would  have  undoubtedly  been  publicly  denounced 
by  the  competent  Congregation.   In  Muratori's  case,  however, 

1  Studi  e  docum.,  XXI.,  352  ;  Epist.  di  L.  A.  Muratori,  XI., 
5203  (cf.  XII.,  5549)  ;  Braun,  Ehrenrettung  Muratoris  durch 
Papst  Benedikt  XIV.,  Trier,  1838,  17  seq. 

^  Cf.  the  letter  to  Bianchini  of  October  6,  1748,  Epist.  di 
L.  A.  Muratori,  XL,  5213. 

'  Printed  in  Gian  Francesco  Soli-Muratori,  Vita  del  provosto 
L.  A.  Muratori,  Venice,  1756,  416,  and  Riv.  Europ.,  VIII.  (1877), 
III.,  430.  Cf.  Braun,  loc.  cit.,  18  seqq.  ;  Cantu,  Eretici,  II.,  302. 
Cf.  also  Benedict  XIV. 's  letters  to  Cardinal  Quirini  of  September  4 
and  November  9,  1748,  in  Fresco,  Lettere,  XIX.,  183  seqq. 
In  this  second  letter  the  Pope  especially  stated  that  his  censure 
referred  to  Muratori's  statement  concerning  the  "  giurisdizione 
temporale  del  Papa  ne'  suoi  stati  e  suo  dominio  e  tutto  ci6  concerne 
I'acquisto  di  Ferrara  ". 


200  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

this  step  had  not  been  taken,  on  account  of  the  great  affection 
and  respect  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  Pope.^  In  handing 
this  Brief  to  a  friend,  Canon  Pier  Francesco  Peggi,  of  Bologna, 
the  Pope  referred  to  Muratori  as  "  the  light  of  Italian  scholar- 
ship ".2 

Another  scholar  towards  whom  Benedict  XIV.  showed  the 
utmost  leniency  and  indulgence  was  Scipione  Maffei  of  Verona, 
who  was  one  of  his  oldest  friends,  having  been  a  student  with 
him  in  Rome.^  As  the  result  of  a  controversy  which  had  arisen 
in  his  native  city,  Maffei  published  in  1744  a  work  on  the  use 
of  money,  in  which  he  subjected  the  Church's  condemnation 
of  interest  to  a  thorough  examination.  He  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  it  was  not  every  kind  of  interest  that  was 
condemned  by  the  Scriptures,  the  Fathers,  the  Councils,  and 
the  Popes  but  only  that  which  was  oppressively  high  and 
which  was  extorted  from  the  poor,  and  that  a  moderate 
interest  taken  from  the  rich  was  not  in  itself  unjust.*  This 
assertion  gave  rise  to  considerable  discussion. 

Benedict  XIV.  could  hardly  maintain  silence  on  the  subject, 
especially  as  the  work  in  question  had  been  dedicated  to  him. 
Accordingly,  in  July  1745,  he  appointed  a  commission  of 
Cardinals  and  theologians,  among  whom  was  the  Dominican 
Daniele  Concina,  to  examine  impartially  the  Church's  prin- 
ciples in  the  matter  of  interest  and  usury.  The  report  of  this 
commission  adhered  to  the  Church's  principles,  and  the  Pope 
confirmed  it  in  an  Encyclical  of  November  1st,  1745.  It  was 
stated  in  the  document  that  "  on  the  one  hand  the  profit 
obtained  from  the  loan  and  in  virtue  of  the  loan  is  stamped  as 

'   Braun,  19  seq. 

*  Kraus,  Briefe,  57.  For  Muratori's  hfe,  cf.  Tiraboschi,  Bibl. 
Modenese,  III.  and  VI.  Lombardi  (IV.,  74)  was  of  the  opinion 
that  Muratori  was  too  harshly  judged  by  G.  Fontanini. 

'  See  Benedict's  *letter  to  Maffei  of  October  31,  1744,  thanking 
him  for  a  literary  work  he  had  sent  him  :  "  Cosi  e,  dal  1698 
incomincia  Tepoca  della  nostra  amicizia."  Epist.  ad  princ.  240, 
p.  195,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  Dell'  impiego  del  danaro,  Verona,  1744.  Cf.  Funk  in  the 
Tiibinger  Theol.  Quartalschr.,  LXI.  (1879),  6  seqq. 


MAFFEI    ON    USURY  201 

usury,  so  that  any  loan-interest  is  shown  to  be  sinful,  whether 
it  be  large  or  small,  whether  it  be  taken  from  the  poor  or  the 
rich,  or  whether  the  loan  in  question  be  used  by  the  borrower 
to  relieve  his  financial  straits  or  to  enrich  himself.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  exaction  of  interest  is  declared  permissible 
when  special  titles  are  attached  to  the  loan  which  are  in  no 
way  naturally  connected  with  it  and  which  justify  it,  or  when 
the  investment  of  capital  can  be  effected  in  other  lawful 
contractual  forms.  It  is  admitted  that  this  may  often  happen 
but  at  the  same  time  the  view  is  rejected  that  the  exaction  of 
a  moderate  interest  is  always  allowed,  whether  it  be  the  case 
of  a  loan  based  on  special  titles  or  by  the  application  of  other 
contracts.  This  view  is  opposed  by  the  Scriptures,  the  teaching 
of  the  Church,  and  human  intelligence,  for  no  one  can  deny 
that  there  are  cases  in  which  a  man  is  bound  to  come  to  the 
assistance  of  his  neighbour  with  a  simple  loan  for  which  no 
charge  is  made.  This  is  the  doctrine  to  be  taught,  and  the 
putting  forward  of  a  contrary  doctrine  is  liable  to  be  censored. 
Questions  in  dispute  among  the  theologians  and  canonists,  to 
which  a  solution  cannot  be  found,  are  to  be  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  scholars.  These  are  admonished  to  beware  of  extremes, 
which  are  always  wrong,  and  in  this  case  consist  either  in 
holding  the  view  that  any  profit  drawn  from  money  is  unjust 
and  usurious  or  in  being  so  indulgent  as  to  hold  that  every 
form  of  profit  is  free  from  usury  ;  nor  are  they  to  consider 
controversies  on  the  subject  of  usury  mere  battles  of  words, 
on  the  plea  that  interest  is  demanded  on  nearly  every  loan  ".^ 
The  Encyclical  was  couched  entirely  in  general  terms  ;  no 
mention  was  made  of  Maffei  or  his  publication.  Maffei  was 
so  convinced  of  the  correctness  of  his  view  that  he  could  not 
think  of  retracting  it.  So  far  was  he,  indeed,  from  doing  this 
that  he  asked  permission  of  the  Pope  to  bring  out  a  new 
edition  of  his  treatise.  This  was  granted  by  the  Pope  on 
condition  that  the  text  of  the  Encyclical  be  inserted  as  well 
as  the  letter  in  which  Maffei  sought  to  show  that  by  no  manner 

'  Bttll.  Lux.,  XVI.,  328  seqq.  ;    Funk,  Gesch.  des  Zinsverbotes, 
Tubingen,  1901,  67  seqq. 


202  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

of  means  had  he  taught  the  doctrine  which  had  been  con- 
demned but  rather  that  he  had  anticipated  the  doctrine 
contained  in  the  Encyclical.^ 

Meanwhile  the  Dominican  Concina  had  made  known  his 
intention  of  dealing  with  the  question  of  interest  in  a  special 
article.  Benedict  had  a  high  opinion  of  Concina  as  a  theologian 
but  feared  that  as  before  he  would  adopt  too  immoderate 
a  tone  and  draw  too  far-reaching  conclusions  from  the 
Encyclical.  At  first,  therefore,  he  was  not  prepared  to  consent 
to  Concina's  work  being  printed.^  But  when  the  new  edition  of 
Maffei's  work  appeared  in  1746  he  gave  permission  for  his 
opponent's  work  to  be  published  also.  He  refused,  however, 
to  comply  with  Concina's  request  that  Mallei's  work  should 
be  censored.^  A  few  years  later  the  Pope  had  to  compel 
Concina  to  retract  the  unfounded  accusations  the  contentious 
Dominican  had  brought  against  some  Jesuits  on  account  of 
their  moral  doctrine.*  Another  occasion  on  which  Benedict 
decided  against  Concina  was  when  the  latter  put  forward  too 
rigorous  views  concerning  what  was  lawful  on  the  stage. 
Maffei  opposed  him  in  a  treatise  on  the  ancient  and  modem 
theatre,  and  in  a  letter  to  Maffei  of  October  6th,  1753,  the 
Pope  remarked  that  he  had  read  his  defence  of  dramatic  art 
with  satisfaction.  Maffei,  he  said,  had  defended  him  too,  for 
his  decree  on  the  theatre  was  not  by  any  means  intended  to 
be  a  prohibition  of  every  comedy  and  tragedy  but  only  to 


*  Fresco,  Lettere,  XVIII. ,  294  ;  Heeckeren,  I.,  244.  Cf- 
Funk,  loc.  cit.,  43  seq. 

"  Heeckeren,  loc.  cit.  ;  Fresco,  296  seq.  It  appears  from  a 
♦letter  of  Concina's  to  the  Pope,  dated  Venice,  1744,  June  24, 
in  which  he  thanks  him  for  accepting  the  dedication  of  his 
theological  textbook,  that  the  Pope  had  counselled  him  to  be 
more  moderate  in  his  dealings  with  his  opponents  (Papal  Secret 
Archives).  In  a  letter  of  October  18,  1746,  the  Pope  advised 
Cardinal  Quirini  not  to  engage  in  polemics  over  Broedersen's 
work,  De  usura  (1743)  ;   see  Fresco,  Lettere,  XIX.,  159  seq. 

'  Cf.  Funk,  loc.  cit.,  48  seqq.,  54  seqq. 

*■  Heeckeren,  II.,  157,  162  ;   cf.  483. 


THE    pope's    relations    WITH   WRITERS      203 

prevent  decency  and  morality  being  outraged  in  the  theatre. ^ 
In  a  previous  letter  to  Maffei  of  October  31st,  1744,  Benedict 
had  made  the  remark  that  the  only  happy  moments  in  his 
hard  life  were  when  he  had  the  chance  to  take  up  a  book. 2 
He  let  fall  a  similar  observation  when  writing  to  Canon 
Peggi  of  Bologna  :  "  The  only  relief  We  get  from  Our  con- 
tinual and  painful  labours  is  when  We  take  a  glance  at  Our 
library."  ^  That  such  an  ardent  book-lover  should  be  sent 
new  publications  from  every  quarter  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at.'*  Much  to  his  pleasure,  the  most  distinguished  writers,  not 
only  of  Italy  but  of  all  countries,  vied  with  one  another  in 
keeping  him  supplied  with  their  newly-published  works.  Thus 
in  1754  Giovan  Maria  Mazzucchelli  sent  him  the  first  two 
volumes  of  his  lexicon  of  Italian  authors  (a  work  which  is  stiU 
indispensable)  and  received  the  praise  he  deserved.  ^  The 
nephews  of  the  archaeologist  Francesco  Bianchini,  who  had 
died  in  1729,  sent  him  the  works,  published  by  themselves, 
of  their  famous  uncle,  who  also  was  praised  by  Benedict  as 
a  noted  scholar  and  a  holy  priest. «  The  Jesuit  Lazzeri  dedicated 
his  edition  of  Dante  to  the  Pope,  knowing  how  fond  he  was  of 
reading  the  works  of  the  "  sommo  poet  a  "  in  his  leisure  hours.' 

1  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  159.  Cf.  also  Heeckeren,  II., 
323  seq.,  for  Quirini's  edicts  against  the  theatre.  For  Benedict's 
ordinance,  see  above,  p.  147. 

-  "  *Non  avendo  altro  momento  felice  in  questa  nostra 
miserabile  vita  che  quelle  in  cui  ci  e  permesso  il  leggere  qualche 
libro."    Divers.,  173,  p.  195,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

'  Kraus,  Brief e,  22. 

*  Cf.  Caracciolo,  66.  Numerous  *letters  on  this  subject  in 
the  Epist.  ad  princ,  239-241,  loc.  cit. 

'  Mazzucchelli's  *letters  to  Benedict  XIV.  of  September  20, 
1754,  and  January  12,  1758  (sends  the  fifth  volume  of  the  Episi. 
card.  Polo  and  promises  to  send  before  long  the  third  volume  of 
his  Scrittori,  which  the  Pope  praised),  ibid.,  240,  p.  217. 

*  *Briefs  to  Gasp,  and  Franc.  Bianchini  of  November  24,  1753, 
ibid. 

'  Cf.  Kraus,  Dante,  754,  and  Sommervogel,  Bibliotheque,  IV., 
1609  seqq.     Benedict  XIV.  appointed  Lazzeri  Corrector  of  the 


204  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Pietro  Metastasio,  whom  Benedict  had  introduced  to  the 
practice  of  the  law  in  days  gone  by,  in  Rome,  was  invited  by 
him  to  come  to  Rome,  but  the  celebrated  poet  preferred  to 
remain  in  Vienna. ^  Another  highly  commendatory  Brief  was 
received  by  the  Venetian  diplomat,  Marco  Foscarini,  who  was 
also  distinguished  as  a  scholar. ^ 

Of  German  scholars  the  one  who  received  the  greatest 
recognition  from  the  Pope  was  Anton  Roschmann,  the 
Tyrolese  historian,  topographer,  and  archaeologist.  Almost 
all  the  works  of  this  uncommonly  industrious  investigator 
were  honoured  by  commendatory  Briefs  ;  for  example,  the 
"  Life  of  St.  Notburga  ",  his  studies  of  St.  Cassian,  and  his 
writings  on  the  Roman  town  of  Veldidena  (Wilten),  with 
which  he  became  the  pioneer  in  the  study  of  the  ancient 
topography  of  the  T>to1.^ 

The  number  of  French  works  which  were  sent  to  the  Pope 
was  especially  large.  He  did  not  speak  the  language  but  he 
took  great  pleasure  in  reading  the  masterpieces  of  French 
literature ;  the  eloquence  of  Bourdaloue  and  Bossuet  in 
particular  excited  his  admiration.*    The  French  ambassadors 

Oriental  Books  and  employed  him  in  the  reform  of  the  Index. 
Cf.  Renazzi,  IV.,  343. 

^  Landau,  Italienische  Literatur,  538. 

-  ♦Brief  of  January  16,  1753,  loc.  cit.,  239,  p.  174.  For  the 
relations  between  Benedict  XIV.  and  the  writer  Fr.  Benaglia 
of  Treviso,  see  A.  Marchesan,  l^ita  e  prose  di  Fr.  Benaglia, 
Treviso,  1894. 

'  *Briefs  to  A.  Roschmarm  of  December  9,  1752,  April  14,  1753, 
and  January  26,  1754,  loc.  cit.  240,  pp.  174  seqq.,  181  seq.  ;  for 
Roschmann,  see  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  Tirols,  pub.  by  the 
Ferdinandeum,  II.,  Innsbruck,  1826,  i  seqq.,  and  Allg.  Deutsche 
Biographte,  XXIX.,  167  seqq.  With  regard  to  German}'-,  see  also 
the  *Brief  of  acknowledgment  to  I.  A.  Zeidler  of  June  19,  1756 
{loc.  cit.,  250,  p.  11).  I.  A.  V.  Ickstatt  {cf.  Hisi.-polit.  Blatter, 
LXX.,  359  seqq.,  585  seqq.  ;  Allg.  Deutsche  Biographie,  XIII., 
740  seqq.)  sent  the  Pope  one  of  his  writings,  accompanied  by 
a  *letter  dated  Ingolstadt,  1757,  Jan.  i. 

*  Caracciolo,  137. 


THE  POPE  S  LOVE  OF  FRENCH  LITERATURE    205 

were  always  suggesting  to  their  king  to  send  the  Pope  the 
finest  productions  of  the  printing  press  in  the  Louvre.  Cardinal 
Tencin  and  his  talented  sister  rarely  omitted  to  take  the 
opportunity  of  pleasing  the  Pope  by  putting  him  in  the  way 
of  some  literary  novelty  or  a  rare  edition.  France's  foremost 
writers  sent  their  works  to  the  learned  head  of  the  Church  ; 
Archbishop  Belsunce  of  Marseilles  sent  him  his  history  of 
his  diocese,  the  Benedictine  Remy  Ceillier  his  rare  work  on 
ecclesiastical  writers,  President  Renault  his  chronology — and 
Voltaire  his  Mahomet}  The  tragedy  was  submitted  to  the 
Pope  by  Cardinal  Passionei,  who  at  the  time  was  on  very 
friendly  terms  with  the  author, ^  and  later  he  was  handed  by 
Monsignore  Leprotti  the  famous  verses  which  Voltaire  had 
composed  for  the  Pope's  portrait  : 

Lambertini  hie  est,  Romae  decus  at  pater  orbis. 
Qui  mundum  scriptis  docuit,  virtutibus  ornat. 

In  return  the  Pope  sent  Voltaire  some  gold  medals,  for  which 
the  poet  thanked  him  in  a  most  dutiful  letter  dated  August 

^  Heeckeren,  I.,  xc,  542  seq.  The  Brief  to  Belsunce  in  Acta 
Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  418  seqq.  CeiUier's  *letter  accompanying 
his  Bibl.  eccl.  and  the  resultant  commendatory  *Brief  of  September 
4,  1751,  in  Princ.  241.  Papal  Secret  Archives.  The  learned 
Bishop  of  Carpentras,  DTnquembert,  also  received  encouragement 
from  Benedict  XIV.  ;   see  Mazzatinti,  Bibl.  di  Francia,  III.,  18. 

^  Cf.  E.  Cellani,  Voltaire  e  Passionei,  in  Fanfulla  della 
Domenica,  XXVI.  (1904),  Nos.  19  and  20,  who  quotes  (from 
Passionei's  collections  of  material  on  the  Bull  "  Unigenitus  "  in 
the  Miscell.  d.  Bibl.  Angelica)  a  bitter  satire  of  Voltaire's  on  this 
Papal  decree.  Voltaire  here  declaims  against  Rome,  extols  the 
Galilean  Church,  and  scoffs  at  St.  Ignatius,  the  Jesuits,  and  the 
Bull  "  Unigenitus  "  : — 

Et  du  Siege  de  Rome  une  Bulle  emanee, 
Traitant  I'amour  de  Dieu  de  vaine  et  d'erron^e, 
De  ee  premier  precepte  affranehit  les  esprits. 

Nos  pr61ats,  lasehes  et  perfides, 

De  la  pourpre  romaine  avides. 

Resolvent  le  dogme  inconnu,  etc. 


206  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

17th,  1745,  which  was  handed  to  the  Pope  by  Cardinal 
Acquaviva.i  The  medals,  he  said,  were  worthy  of  the  age  of 
Trajan  and  Antoninus  and  he  rejoiced  to  know  that  a  ruler 
who  was  loved  and  honoured  as  much  as  these  emperors  had 
been  was  in  possession  of  medals  of  such  excellence.  The 
couplet  was  the  result  of  reading  the  book  with  which  his 
Holiness  had  enriched  the  Church  and  literature.  He  was 
astonished  at  such  a  stream  of  learning  remaining  undisturbed 
by  the  whirlpool  of  affairs.  "  Permit  me,  Holy  Father,"  he 
continued,  "  to  express  the  wish  of  all  Christendom  and  to  beg 
of  Heaven  that  Your  Holiness  may  be  gathered  as  late  as 
possible  among  the  Saints  whose  canonization  You  have 
examined  with  such  diligence  and  such  success.  Kissing 
Your  Holiness's  feet  with  the  greatest  veneration,  I  ask  with 
the  deepest  respect  for  Your  blessing," 

The  unsuspecting  Benedict  acceded  to  this  request  in 
a  letter  of  September  15th,  1745,  in  which  he  thanked  Voltaire 
for  the  compliments  he  had  paid  him.  For  the  sake  of  saying 
something  else,  he  added  that  a  French  litterateur  had  found 
fault  with  the  couplet  on  prosodic  grounds,  the  word  hie 
having  been  used  as  though  it  were  a  short  syllable.  He 
himself,  however,  did  not  agree  with  this  complaint  and  cited 
in  Voltaire's  support  two  passages  from  Virgil  which  he 
happened  to  remember,  although  he  had  not  read  that  poet 
for  fifty  years. 

Voltaire,  who  felt  himself  highl}^  honoured,  replied  in 
a  letter  full  of  flattery  on  October  10th,  1745.  He  acknowledged 
the  infallibility  of  His  Holiness,  he  wrote,  in  questions  of 
literature  as  well  as  in  other  and  more  venerable  matters,  and 
he  marvelled  at  his  knowledge  of  Virgil.  Among  monarchs 
who  engaged  in  writing  none  were  so  scholarly  as  the  Popes, 
but  among  these  there  was  none  who  to  such  an  extent  em- 
bellished scholarship  with  literary  knowledge.  He  ended 
with  another  fulsome  compliment  :  on  the  election  of  Benedict 
XIV.  Rome  must  have  called  out,  "  Hie  vir  hie  est,  tihi  qiiem 
promitti  saepius  audis." 

*  For  this  and  subsequent  correspondence  between  Benedict 
XIV.  and  Voltaire,  see  the  Appendix,  No.  5. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND    VOLTAIRE  207 

That  the  Pope  should  have  entered  into  friendly  relations 
with  a  writer  such  as  Voltaire  inevitably  led  to  gossip.  When 
it  came  to  Benedict's  ears  that  an  exaggerated  importance  was 
being  given  to  the  affair,  he  tried  to  clear  himself  in  a  letter 
to  Cardinal  Tencin  of  February  9th,  1746.  He  wrote  that  the 
letter  from  Voltaire  which  accompanied  the  presentation  of 
his  tragedy  Mahomet  was  full  of  expressions  of  reverence 
towards  the  Holy  See  and  the  Primacy.  Under  the  impression 
that  the  author  was  not  outside  the  Church,  he  thought  that 
he  ought  to  reply  to  him.  He  had  had  before  his  mind  the 
example  of  St.  Jerome,  who  when  he  was  reproached  for 
having  praised  Origen,  replied,  "  We  had  in  mind  the  philo- 
sopher, not  the  dogmatist."  Later,  when  an  Italian  translation 
of  Mahomet  had  come  into  his  hands  he  had  forbidden  the 
tragedy  to  be  printed  or  staged.^ 

This  affair,  in  which  Benedict  XIV.  had  undoubtedly  failed 
to  act  with  the  necessary  caution,^  was  not  allowed  to  die 
a  natural  death  in  France.  On  October  7th,  1746,  Francois 
Philibert  Louseau  of  Paris  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Pope 
which  was  definitely  frank  in  tone.  Every  good  Catholic  in 
France,  he  wrote,  had  heard  with  the  keenest  regret  that  His 
Holiness  had  honoured  the  "  infamous  atheist  Voltaire  "  by 
sending  him  two  gold  medals.  Being  sure  that  the  Pope  had 
not  read  all  the  works  of  this  "  monster  ",  Louseau  cited 
a  number  of  blasphemous  passages  from  Voltaire's  writings 
and  asked  the  Pope  to  honour  another  French  writer,  Louis 

1  Heeckeren,  I.,  246. 

*  De  Lanzac  de  Laverie  in  his  article  Un  grand  pape  du 
XVIII".  siecle  :  "  II  participait  dans  une  certaine  mesure 
a  I'engouement  de  son  siecle  pour  las  ecrivains  at  philosophes 
frangais  ;  tout  en  condamnant  at  en  refutant  leurs  doctrinas. 
I'eclat  de  leur  celebrite  lui  an  imposait  quelque  peu.  Cast  ainsi 
qu'au  liau  de  prendre  la  dedicace  de  la  tragedia  da  Mahomet 
pour  ce  qu'elle  etait  an  realite,  c'ast-a-dira  pour  le  comble  de 
I'impertinence  at  de  la  derision,  Banoit  XIV.  commit  la  faiblesse 
d'en  accuser  reception  a  Voltaire,  et  d'engager  une  controverse 
avec  lui  sur  una  question  de  prosodie  latine."  Correspondant 
CCXLIX.  (1912),  676. 


208  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

de  Racine,  son  of  the  famous  tragic  poet  and  a  member  of 
the  "  Academie  des  Inscriptions  ",  who  had  merited  the 
favour  of  His  Holiness  through  his  poems  on  "  Grace  "  and 
"  Rehgion  ".  It  is  not  known  what  reply  was  made  to  this 
letter,  but  Benedict  acceded  to  the  request  that  Racine  be 
thanked  for  his  poetrA'.^ 

Other  French  scholars  and  men  of  letters,  whose  religious 
opinions  were  by  no  means  beyond  suspicion,  took  advantage 
of  the  Pope's  liberal  interest  in  literature  to  put  themselves  in 
touch  with  him. 2      Voltaire's  bitter  adversary,  Pierre  Louis 

^  I  found  the  original  of  Louseau's  *letter  in  the  Instr.  Miscell., 
5370,  of  the  Papal  Secret  Archives.  It  begins  thus  :  "  Tous  les 
bons  catholiques  de  France  ont  apris  avec  une  extreme  douleur 
que  V.  S'^  avait  en\oye  a  I'infame  Athee  Arrouet  de  Voltaire 
deux  medai{les  d'or  comme  une  marque  de  la  protection  et  de 
la  bienveillance  dont  V.  S*^  daigne  I'honorer.  Sans  doute  que 
V.  S*^  ne  connait  point  tous  les  ouvTages  du  monstre  quelle  [sic] 
a  daigne  recompenser. "  There  follow  a  number  of  blasphemous 
passages  taken  from  Voltaire's  works.  In  view  of  these  declara- 
tions, said  Louseau,  he  was  much  embarrassed,  especially  as 
"  nous  avons  en  France  un  poete  aussi  estimable  par  son  esprit 
que  par  ses  ou\Tages  qui  a  fait  un  poeme  admirable  sur  la  grace 
et  un  autre  sur  la  religion  qui  n'est  pas  moins  beau  et  qui  a  juste 
titre  meritoit  la  bienveillance  de  S.  S*^,  c'est  Racine  de  I'Academie 
des  Inscriptions."  In  a  postscript  Louseau  says  that  he  has 
WTitten  direct  to  the  Pope  because  France's  representative  in 
Rome,  Canillac,  is  a  friend  of  Voltaire's. 

*  Caracciolo,  71,  who  defends  the  Pope  in  these  terms  : 
"  Ma  aflin  di  non  trovax  dissonanze  nella  sua  condotta,  bisogna 
considerar  due  personaggi  in  Lambertini,  I'uomo  letterato,  ed 
il  Pontefice  ;  e  cosi  non  rechera  piu  maraviglia  vederle  scrivere 
a  Volter  sopra  la  sua  tragedia  di  Maometto,  sentirle  a  far  I'elogio 
della  poesia,  leggere  la  sua  dissertazione  intomo  gli  sf)ettacoli 
in  una  lettera  al  celebre  Scipione  Maffei,  sapere  che  conversava 
co'Russi,  cogli  Inglcsi,  in  somma  cogli  uomini  illustri  di  tutte  le 
comunioni.  In  questi  casi  non  k  piii  Benedetto  XIV.  che  parla, 
ma  un  poeta,  uno  storico.  Quando  poi  ringrazia  Racine  pe'  due 
suoi  poemi  suUa  Grazia  e  suUa  Rehgione,  in  tal  caso  risponde  da 
Pontefice,  perch6  il  soggetto  cosi  richiede." 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND   MAUPERTUIS  209 

Maupertuis,  President  of  the  Berlin  Academy  since  1740, 
known  for  his  principle  of  mechanics  but  a  most  confused 
philosopher,  was  able  in  1749  to  thank  the  Pope  for  a  letter 
he  had  received  from  him  and  took  the  opportunity  to  ask 
to  be  presented  to  a  canonry  in  his  native  town  of  St-Malo.^ 
As  it  happened,  the  post  had  already  been  allocated,^  but  in 
1756  Maupertuis  was  again  favoured  by  the  Pope,^  who  tried 
from  time  to  time  to  make  use  of  his  influence  with  Frederick 
II.  for  the  benefit  of  the  Silesian  Catholics.*  Another  member 
of  Frederick's  literar^^'  circle.  Count  Francesco  Algarotti, 
a  charming  WTiter  but  not  a  man  of  stainless  character,^  sent 
the  Pope  one  of  his  works  in  1751  ^  and  received  in  return 
a  Brief  which  he  triumphantly  communicated  to  the  Prussian 
king.  By  way  of  thanks  Algarotti  wrote  to  the  Pope  that 
Frederick  II.  was  great  as  a  warrior,  Benedict  as  a  prince  of 
peace.' 

1  Maupertuis'  *Ietter,  dated  St-Malo,  1749,  March  4,  in  Princ, 
239.  P-  370,  Papal  Secret  Archives.  This  and  subsequent  letters 
from  the  scholar  are  all  originals  but  \\Tongly  included  in  the 
"  Lettere  di  principi  ".  For  Maupertuis,  see  the  monograph  by 
Damirox  (Paris,  1856),  especially  p.  149  ;  Harnack,  Gesch.  der 
Berliner  Akademie,  I.,  254  seqq. 

2  See  the  draft  of  the  *Brief  to  Maupertuis  of  March  19,  1749 
{loc.  cit.,  369)  in  which  the  Pope  assures  him  of  his  good- 
will. 

^  *Letter  from  Maupertuis,  dated  Berlin,  1756,  March  23 
{ibid.),  in  which  in  high-flown  language  he  thanks  the  Pope  for 
his  "  present  inestimable  "  (probably  a  book  ^vTitten  by  the 
Pope)  and  says  that  he  is  "  comble  des  bienfaits  du  pape  ". 

*  Heeckerex,  I.,  264. 

^  Cf.  MiCHELESSi,  Mem.  int.  alia  vita  d' Algarotti,  Venice,  1770. 
Algarotti  is  severely  judged  by  Maynard  in  his  Voltaire  (Paris, 
1867)  ;   see  also  Harxack,  loc.  cit.,  253  seq. 

*  See  Algarotti's  flattering  *letter,  dated  Berlin,  1750,  Novem- 
ber 28,  in  Princ.  239,  p.  207,  loc.  cit. 

'  Algarotti's  *letter  to  the  Pope,  dated  Berlin,  1751,  February'  6 
{ibid.,  p.  209),  enclosing  Frederick  II. 's  letter  of  February  20,  1751 
(old  style),  praising  the  Pope  as  a  "  grand  homme  "  {CEuvres  de 
Frederic  le  Grand,  XVIII.,  78).    In  a  *letter  dated  Venice,  1754, 

VOL.  XXXV.  p 


210  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

No  less  remarkable  in  appearance  were  the  friendly  relations 
between  Benedict  XIV.  and  the  Neapolitan  Antonio  Genovesi, 
whose  subsequent  attitude  was  entirely  hostile  to  the  Church. ^ 
In  1747  Genovesi  asked  the  Pope's  permission  to  dedicate  to 
him  his  Metaphysics,  for  which,  as  regarded  miracles  and 
prophecies,  he  was  greatly  indebted  to  the  Pope's  works.  He 
wanted,  he  said,  to  defend  religion  against  the  unruly  spirits 
beyond  the  Alps.^  Benedict  immediately  accepted  the 
dedication,^  and  Genovesi,  highly  pleased,  expressed  his 
thanks  and  sent  "  the  supreme  judge  of  the  Church  and  the 
great  scholar  "  a  copy  of  his  Logic  too,  announcing  at  the  same 
time  his  intention  of  writing  a  theological  work.*  In  thanking 
him  for  his  Logic,  part  of  which  he  had  read,  the  Pope  took  the 
author  at  his  word  with  regard  to  what  he  had  said  about 
writing  on  theological  matters.^  The  truth  was  that  he  was 
only  too  willing  to  give  encouragement,  without  worrying 
overmuch  whether  the  work  done  was  really  worthy  of 
a  Papal  Brief.  Thus  Papal  recognition  was  accorded  more  than 
once  to  the  Professor  of  Law  at  Constance,  Joseph  Anton  von 
Ban  del,  who  in  a  weekly  journal  and  other  publications  had 
been  attacking  the  Protestants  and  Febronians  in  excessively 
caustic  language.^ 

May  12  {loc.  cit.,  p.  210),  Algarotti  writes  that  illness  prevented 
his  coming  to  Rome. 

'  Brosch,  II.,  II  ;  G.  M.  Monti,  Due  grandi  riformatori  del 
settecento  :  A.  Genovese  e  G.  M.  Galanti,  Florence,  no  date  [1926]. 

"^  *Letter,  dated  Naples,  1747,  July  8,  Princ.  239,  p.  287, 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 

'  *Bricf  of  July  14,  1747,  ibid.,  p.  289. 

*  *Letter,  dated  Naples,  1747,  August  15,  ibid.,  p.  290  ;  *Brief 
of  August  29,  1747,  ibid.,  p.  291. 

*  *Brief  of  August  29,  1747,  ibid. 

*  "  *Si  heterodoxi  adversus  iubilaeum  insurroxcrunt,  gratias 
agimus  Deo  quod  tu  invicto  robore  adversus  eosdem  pugnas. 
Perge  igitur,"  runs  the  *Brief  of  May  29,  1751,  Princ.  240, 
p.  561,  loc.  cit.  Similar  in  tone  is  a  second  *Brief  of  August  28, 
1756  [ibid.).  Cf.  also  Bandel's  *lettersto  Benedict  XIV.  [ibid.].  For 
Bandel,  see  Allg.  Deutsche  Biographie,  II.,  39  ;    Hurter,  V.»,  42. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND   AMORT  211 

On  the  other  hand,  in  matters  of  which  he  had  first-hand 
knowledge  Benedict  XIV.  showed  himself  possessed  of 
accurate  judgment  and  proportionate  circumspection.  When 
Eusebius  Amort/  a  Canon  of  the  Lateran  in  the  convent  of 
Polling,  who  in  his  day  was  Germany's  most  important 
theological  writer,  asked  the  Pope's  permission  to  dedicate  to 
him  his  work  on  scholastic  theology, ^  Benedict  first  asked  to 
see  a  portion  of  the  work.  The  author  was  reluctant  to  comply 
with  this  legitimate  request,  but  Benedict  persisted  in  it.^ 
Eventually  Amort  submitted  the  first  part  of  his  book,  and 
the  Pope  passed  it  for  examination  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Index,  the  Dominican  Tommaso  Agostino  Ricchini,  to  obviate 
any  unpleasantness  that  might  arise  after  publication  both 
for  the  author  and  himself.  At  the  same  time  he  advised 
Amort  to  submit  his  works  for  approval  before  publication 
on  future  occasions.^  On  the  conclusion  of  the  affair  he 
was  able  to  commend  the  author's  willingness  to  accept 
Rome's  revision.^ 

The  Pope  proved  himself  to  be  a  good  judge  of  character 
in   his  dealings  with  Cardinal   Angelo  Maria   Quirini,®  who 

^  For  Amort,  see  Baader,  Das  gelehrte  Bayern,  I.,  Niirnberg, 
1804,  20  seq.  ;  Werner,  Gesch.  der  kath.  Theologie,  97  seqq., 
108  seqq.  ;  Hist-polit.  Blatter,  LXXVI.,  107  seqq.  ;  Hurter,  V.^, 
226  ;  Diet,  de  theol.  cath.,  I.,  11 15  seqq.  Amort  had  been  invited 
to  Rome  on  a  previous  occasion  (1733  ?)  by  Cardinal  Lercari, 
who  was  afterwards  secretary  to  Benedict  XIV.  ;  see  Hist.-polit. 
Blatter,  loc.  cit.,  no  seq.  Job.  Friedrich's  disquisitions  [Beitrdge 
zur  Kirchengesch.  des  18  J ahrhunderts ,  compiled  posthumously 
from  Amort's  writings,  Munich,  1876)  are  arbitrary  and  in  many 
places  erroneous.  An  earlier  request  is  mentioned  in  a  *Brief 
of  July  13,  1748.    Princ.  241,  p.  38,  loc.  cit. 

-  Theologia  eclectica  moralis  et  scholastica. 

^  *Briefs  of  January  10  and  February  25,  1750,  loc.  cit.,  241. 

••  *Brief  of  January  2,  1751,  ibid. 

*  *Brief  of  February  20,  1751,  ibid.  In  consequence  of  this, 
Amort  had  printed  on  his  work  :  "  sub  auspiciis  S.D.N.  Benedicti 
XIV."  The  Pope  thanked  Amort  for  his  moral  theology  in  a 
♦Brief  of  July  2,  1752,  loc.  cit. 

«  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIV,  185. 


212  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

was  ranked  \vdth  Tamburini,  Monti,  and  Passionei  as  one  of 
the  greatest  scholars  of  his  time  and  whose  reputation  in 
certain  quarters  was  undeservedly  high.  The  Pope,  who  had 
known  him  for  a  long  time,  gave  him  a  proof  of  his  confidence 
in  him  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  by  making  him 
Prefect  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Index,^  in  the  hope  that 
so  great  a  scholar  would  increase  the  efficiency  of  this  autho- 
rity.^ Quirini  had  been  Prefect  of  the  Vatican  Library  since 
1730,  but  even  after  this  appointment  he  continued  in  his 
habit  of  spending  the  greater  part  of  the  year  in  his  bishopric 
of  Brescia.  Naturally  enough,  the  Pope,  in  his  solicitude  for 
the  library,  could  not  view  with  equanimity  the  absence  of 
its  chief  director.  Quirini  refused  to  retire  from  his  bishopric 
and  offered  to  resign  his  post  as  Prefect  of  the  Vaticana. 
Benedict  would  not  hear  of  this,  but  as  the  library,  which  at 
that  time  had  been  increased  by  purchases,  could  not  be  left 
deserted  for  long  periods  at  a  time,  he  appointed  Cardinal 
Passionei  as  Pro-Librarian  for  the  months  in  which  Quirini 
was  away  in  Brescia.  Although  Quirini  had  been  advised  by 
the  Pope  of  this  justifiable  step,  be  took  it  in  very  bad  part.^ 
However,  good  relations  were  soon  restored,  they  wrote  to 
one  another  in  a  friendly  way,  and  they  exchanged  books  and 
gifts.'*  Benedict  thought  more  of  Quirini's  suggestions  con- 
cerning the  Congregation  of  the  Index  than  he  did  of  the 
Dominican  Orsi's  ^  and  he  showed  as  much  interest  in  Quirini's 
health  as  in  the  success  of  his  scholarly  researches.  For  the 
edition  of  Cardinal  Pole's  letters  which  Quirini  began  to 
publish  in  1744  he  allowed  him  to  use  the  relative  manuscripts, 

'  CoLETi,  p.  1.  ;  *Epist.,  I.,  Papal  Secret  Archives  ;  Bau- 
DRiLLART,  Card.  Quirini  vita,  35. 

^  L.  Fresco,  Lettere  inedite  di  Benedetto  XIV.  al  card.  .4.  M. 
Quirini,  XVIII.,  37.  The  edition  is  based  on  the  copy  in  the 
archiepiscopal  library  in  Udine.  A  better  text  is  provided  by 
the  *Cod.  Ashbumh.  1341,  in  the  Bibl.  Laurenziana,  Florence. 
Cf.  Amelli,  II card.  A.  M.  Quirini,  in  Rassegna  naz.,  191 1.  II.,  371. 

*  Fresco,  he.  cit.,  37  seqq.,  40. 

*  Ibid.,  42  seqq. 

'  Amelli,  loc.  cit.,  369. 


CARDINAL   QUIRINI  213 

knowing  full  well  the  importance  of  the  work  for  the  true 
history  of  England  under  the  Tudors,  which  was  frequently- 
distorted  by  the  Anglicans.^ 

Quirini's  services  to  scholarship,  which  were  undeniable, 
brought  him  many  honours.  He  was  even  elected  a  honorary 
member  of  Protestant  academies  in  Germany.  Writers  of  the 
most  diverse  tendencies,  including  Voltaire  and  Frederick  II., 
wrote  in  praise  of  the  learned  Cardinal, ^  who  accepted  all 
these  tributes  in  a  very  self-complacent  spirit.  Benedict  XIV. 
also  gave  him  credit  for  his  industry  and  erudition,  without, 
however,  being  blind  to  his  weaknesses.  He  considered  it  his 
duty  as  a  genuine  friend  to  warn  him  against  intellectual  pride 
and  the  concomitant  disdain  for  others.  He  reminded  him  of 
the  great  humility  of  Cardinals  Baronius  and  Bellarmine,  the 
fathers  of  church  history  and  dogmatics,  and  cited  the 
examples  of  Cardinals  Noris,  Sfondrati,  Casanata,  Aguirre,  and 
Ferrari,  who  had  carefully  guarded  themselves  against  any 
inclination  to  conceit  and  contempt  for  others,  even  when 
they  were  provoked. ^  When  in  the  summer  of  1744  Quirini 
was  attacked  in  an  abusive  article  which  appeared  in  The 
Hague  Allgemeine  Zeitung,  Benedict  XIV.  took  the  Cardinal's 
part  but  warned  him  to  be  moderate  in  his  defence.  Such 
attacks,  he  said,  should  be  treated  with  contempt  ;  the 
competent  authorities  in  Rome  would  take  action,  but  there 
was  no  need  to  set  up  a  special  Congregation  for  the  purpose, 
as  Quirini  was  demanding.*  The  Cardinal,  whose  vehemence 
had  developed  in  the  course  of  many  previous  disputes,  was 
so  annoyed  by  this  advice  that  he  accused  the  Pope  of  making 
common  cause  with  the  Protestants.    Benedict  XIV.  felt  this 

^  Fresco,  73  seq. 

^  For  his  election  to  the  Berlin  Academy,  see  Harnack,  I., 
475  ;  for  his  relations  with  Voltaire,  see  Baudrillart,  79  seqq. 
See  also  the  Otto  lettere  inedite  di  Federico  il  Grande  al  card. 
Quirini,  published  by  G.  Livi  in  the  Illustraz.  Ital.,  1885, 
November  15. 

*  See  the  Pope's  beautifully  composed  letter  of  March  21,  1744, 
in  Fresco,  XVIII.,  80  seqq.  ;  cf.  ibid.,  84,  the  letter  of  July  4,  1744. 

*  See  the  letters  in  Fresco,  XVIII.,  87  seqq. 


214  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

charge  to  be  beneath  his  notice  and  put  it  out  of  his  mind  as 
soon  as  Quirini  had  made  his  peace  with  him.^  On  May  6th, 
1745,  he  praised  him  unstintingly  for  his  defence  of  the  Holv 
See  against  the  Gallicans.^  About  this  time  Quirini  sent  him 
the  proof-sheets  of  his  work  on  Paul  III.  Benedict  made  some 
apposite  remarks  about  it  and  urged  the  author,  for  the  sake 
of  historical  truth,  to  mention  also  the  failings  of  the  Famese 
Pope,  particularly  his  nepotism,^  but  the  self-opinioned 
Cardinal  gave  little  heed  to  this  advice.^  At  the  same  time 
another  matter  threatened  to  disturb  his  good  relations  with 
the  Pope.  Quirini  had  presented  his  valuable  library  to  the 
Vaticana,  and  the  gift  had  been  made  known  by  the  erection 
of  a  marble  tablet  and  the  distribution  of  printed  Briefs  of 
commendation  issued  by  Clement  XII.  In  the  summer  of 
1745  Quirini  asked  the  Pope  to  cancel  this  donation,  so  that 
he  might  give  his  library  to  his  bishopric  of  Brescia.  Benedict 
considered  this  unfitting  and  proposed,  by  way  of  compromise, 
that  Quirini  should  compensate  the  Vaticana  with  a  sum  of 
money.  Lengthy  negotiations  had  to  be  gone  through  before 
this  proposal  was  accepted.^  Subsequently,  however,  the  two 
men  recommenced  a  lively  correspondence  the  tone  of  which 
was  never  anything  but  friendly.  The  Brief  concerning  the 
transference  of  the  library  to  Brescia  was  drawn  up  by  the 
Pope  entirely  in  accordance  with  Quirini 's  wishes.^ 

In  the  spring  and  autumn  of  1748  the  Cardinal,  who  among 
his  many  other  activities  busied  himself  with  peaceful  attempts 
to  win  back  the  Protestants,'  made  two  journeys  to  Germany, 
to  visit  the  Benedictine  monasteries  in  Swabia  and  Bavaria.^ 

*  Ibid.,  91.  -  Ibid.,  92. 

'  Ibid.,  279  seqq.  *  Ibid.,  282. 

^  Ibid.,  283  seq.,  286,  288  seqq. 

*  Ibid.,  XIX.,  164.  Cf.  E.  Michel,  La  Biblioteca  Quiriniana  di 
Brescia,  Citta  di  Castello,  1916. 

'  Lauchert  in  Studien  und  Mitteilungen  aus  dem  Benediktiner- 
orden,  XXIV.  (1903),  243  seqq.  ;    Illgcns  Zeitschrift,  VII.,  166. 

*  Lauchert,  Die  Reiscn  des  Kardinals  Quirini  in  Bayern  und 
Schwaben,  in  the  Beil.  zur  Augsburger  Postzeitung,  1902,  Nos.  41 
and  42. 


QUIRINl'S    DISRESPECT  215 

The  Pope,  who  as  time  went  on  was  becoming  more  and  more 
distrustful  of  Quirini's  vanity  and  rashness,  took  care  to 
mention  in  a  letter  to  Cardinal  Tencin  that  these  excursions 
were  not  being  made  with  his  approval  and  recalled  Quirini's 
failure  to  achieve  his  object  of  reconciling  to  the  Church 
a  Lutheran  preacher  and  the  ex- Jesuit  writer  Quadrio.^  In 
1748,  when  the  question  of  reducing  the  number  of  feast-days 
became  a  controversial  topic,  Quirini,  in  opposition  to  his 
friend  Muratori,  stoutly  asserted  that  no  such  step  was 
necessary  and  went  so  far  as  to  maintain  that  it  was  not 
a  question  of  disciplme  but  of  dogma. ^  The  Pope  was  highly 
incensed  at  this  ^  and  rendered  the  imprudent  prelate  a  service 
in  forbidding  him  to  engage  in  any  further  polemics.  Quirini 
obeyed  but  considered  that  his  honour  demanded  that  he 
should  justify  himself  in  Rome  in  person,  and  he  took  it 
sorely  amiss  that  the  Pope,  diminishing  the  number  offcast  days 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  should  have  decided  against  him.* 

1  Heeckeren,  I.,  442.  For  Quadrio  and  Benedict  XIV.,  cf., 
to  supplement  the  brief  note  in  Landau,  228,  the  detailed 
information  in  Fresco,  Lettere,  XIX.,  170,  172,  174,  182,  184, 
190  seq.,  193.  Quirini  was  also  completely  mistaken,  about  the 
Benedictine  F.  Rothfischer,  whom  he  visited  in  Ratisbon  in  1748  ; 
in  1 75 1  Rothfischer  went  over  to  Protestantism,  and  Quirini 
wrote  several  letters  to  him  in  a  vain  endeavour  to  win  him 
back  ;    see  Allg.  Deutsche  Biographie,  XXIX.,  362  seqq. 

^  Heeckeren,  I.,  453.  Cf.  also  Amelli,  375  seqq.  For  Quirini's 
relations  with  Muratori,  see  the  letters  published  by  Zanelli  in 
Arch.  stor.  ital.,  5th  series,  II.,  324  seqq.,  and  Palmieri,  Spicil., 
I.,  143  seqq. 

'  "  *I1  Papa  sempre  piu  irritato  contro  il  Card.  Quirini 
coir  occasione  d'una  Congregazione  di  Stato  adunata  per  altre 
materie,  propose  le  sue  querele  e  si  dolse  della  maniera  poco 
rispettosa  e  quasi  scismatica  colla  quale  scriveva  contro  Sua  S'*, 
chiedendo  consiglio  per  obbligarlo  a  tacere  ;  ma  fu  creduto  dai 
cardinali  piii  sano  espediente  il  mostrarne  disprezzo."  Merenda, 
*Memorie,  Biblioteca  Angelica,  Rome. 

"  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  283  seq.,  286  seq.  ;  Heeckeren,  I.,  453, 
454,  462.  Cf.  Riv.  Europ.,  iSj'/,  III.,  423  seqq.  ;  Fresco,  Lettere, 
XIX.,  179,  187  seq. 


2l6  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Quirini's  exalted  opinion  of  himself  grew  more  and  more 
difficult  for  the  Pope  to  tolerate  ^  and  finally  he  went  too  far 
when  in  1750,  in  the  conflict  between  the  Pope  and  Venice 
with  regard  to  the  Patriarchate  of  Aquileia,  he  took  up  the 
cudgels  for  the  Republic  and  even  adopted  a  threatening 
attitude  towards  the  Pope.^  He  now  fell  into  complete 
disgrace.  Although  his  conduct  in  this  affair,  in  which  the 
Head  of  the  Church  had  no  other  interest  than  the  good  of 
souls,  was  inexcusable,  he  tried  to  stir  up  the  Cardinals  against 
the  Pope. 3  In  these  circumstances  it  is  easy  to  understand  how 
Benedict  was  forced  to  resort  to  sterner  measures.  When 
Quirini,  who  had  stayed  in  Rome  the  whole  of  the  jubilee 
year  of  1750,  sought  a  farewell  audience  of  him,  it  was  intimated 
to  him  that  this  would  not  be  granted  unless  he  undertook 
not  to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  argue  with  the 
Pope  on  the  question  of  Aquileia.  As  Quirini  was  unwilling 
to  agree  to  this  the  audience  was  not  granted.* 

How  strained  their  relations  were  may  be  judged  by 
Benedict's  refusal  to  grant  the  Cardinal's  application  for 
permission  to  take  up  residence  in  Rome  in  the  winter  of 
1751-52.  Benedict  wrote  to  his  friend  Tencin  that  Quirini's 
only  object  was  to  open  an  academy  for  satire  and  scandal.^ 
The  prelate  thus  reproached  allowed  his  resentment  to  get  the 
better  of  him  to  such  an  extent  that  he  sent  a  letter  to  the 
Cardinals  in  which  he  cited  the  examples  of  Cardinals  Paleotto 
and  Sadoleto  in  support  of  his  contention  that  it  was  his  duty 
to  oppose  the  Pope  when  his  actions  were  harmful  to  the 
Church.®  Further,  in  his  dedication  to  Tencin  of  the  fourth 
volume  of  Cardinal  Pole's  letters  he  insinuated  some  more 
charges  against  the  Pope.    Benedict,  however,  declared  that 

1  Heeckeren,  I.,  518  ;    cf.  471. 

»  Fresco,  XVIIL,  ii. 

'  Heeckeren,  II.,  16,  19  seqq.,  29  seqq.,  38.  Cf.  also  Amelli, 
372,  377  seq.,  381.  For  the  dispute,  cf.  the  present  work,  vol. 
XXXVI. ,  Ch.  III. 

*  Heeckeren,  II.,  loi  seqq, 

*  Ibid.,  174. 

»  Fresco,  XVIIL,  13  ;    XIX.,  213  seqq. 


QUIRINI  S    PROPOSED   VISIT   TO    BERLIN       217 

any  reproofs  that  came  from  persons  of  this  kind  left  him 
completely  unmoved.^  Nevertheless  he  was  just  enough  to 
express  his  thanks  to  Quirini  in  a  Brief  of  August  4th,  1753, 
for  establishing  a  sacerdotal  college. ^  This  was  all  the  more 
creditable  inasmuch  as  shortly  before  the  Cardinal  had  placed 
him  in  an  awkward  situation. 

In  the  early  part  of  1753  Quirini  had  written  to  his  friends 
in  Rome  that  he  intended  to  travel  to  Berlin  to  perform  there 
a  great  task  in  the  service  of  the  Church.  The  news  aroused 
universal  interest.  Some  conjectured  that  the  object  of  the 
journey  was  the  conversion  of  Frederick  II.,  others  that  it 
was  the  conversion  of  Voltaire,  with  whom  Quirini  was  on  very 
good  terms.  The  Pope's  view  was  that  the  Cardinal  had  such 
a  lively  imagination  that  he  always  saw  his  hopes  as  already 
fulfilled.  The  worst  aspect  of  the  journey,  he  said,  would  be 
its  utter  uselessness.  The  world,  however,  would  ascribe  every 
kind  of  project  to  the  appearance  of  a  Cardinal  in  the  Prussian 
capital.  In  Germany  especially  the  rumour  would  go  around 
that  he  had  been  entrusted  with  a  mission  concerning  the 
election  of  the  Roman  king.  "  Meanwhile,"  he  concluded, 
"  We  shall  be  subjected  to  every  kind  of  attack  by  Germany."  ^ 
In  this  delicate  situation  the  Pope  consulted  a  Congregation  of 
Cardinals  as  to  what  was  to  be  done.  The  Cardinals  addressed 
a  letter  to  Quirini  in  which  they  advised  him  not  to  make  the 
journey.  Although  it  was  couched  in  the  most  laudatory 
terms  it  was  far  from  being  sufficiently  complimentary  to 
satisfy  the  recipient.^  In  the  end  the  journey  was  never  made, 
as  it  was  also  opposed  by  the  Government  of  Venice.^  Quirini 
also  intervened  in  a  very  clumsy  manner  in  the  negotiations 
concerned  with  the  beatification  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine,^  and 
on  the  publication  of  the  Pope's  new  and  wise  ordinance 


1  Heeckeren,  II.,  221  ;    cf.  356. 

2  Fresco,  XVIIL,  8. 

'  Heeckeren,  II.,  238. 

*  Ibid.,  239  seqq.,  251  seqq. 
^  Ibid.,  247,  252,  256. 

*  Ibid.,  295. 


2l8  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

regarding  the  Index  he  tried  to  secure  for  himself  the  honour 
of  having  been  its  author,  although  his  share  in  it  was  incon- 
siderable.^ 

When  Quirini  died,  in  1755,  not  a  word  in  his  disfavour  was 
heard  to  come  from  the  Pope's  lips.  On  the  contrary,  he 
acknowledged  his  efficiency  as  a  bishop  and  his  generosity  to 
the  poor. 2  His  services  to  learning  were  possibly  under- 
estimated by  Benedict  XIV.,  but  his  judgment  of  the 
Cardinal's  character  was  shown  to  be  correct  :  when  the 
Venetian  Government  took  possession  of  Quirini 's  papers 
there  was  found  among  them  his  correspondence  with  an 
unnamed  person  in  Rome,  which  was  fuU  of  spite  and  cal- 
culated to  provoke  nothing  but  discord.^  The  general  opinion 
in  Rome  was  that  Quirini  had  been  a  very  learned  man  who 
had  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  but  that  in  all  his  undertakings 
he  had  revealed  an  inordinate  desire  for  fame.'* 

Quirini 's  successor  as  Prefect  of  the  Vatican  Library  was 
the  well-known  bibliophile.  Cardinal  Passionei.  The  appoint- 
ment was  made  by  Benedict  XIV.^  although  he  was  well 
aware  that  the  Cardinal  was  not  without  his  weaknesses, 
especially  his  vanity  and  his  childish  animosity  towards  the 
Jesuits.  The  Pope,  however,  merely  smiled  at  his  follies,  as  at 
his  predecessor's,^  and  with  justice,  seeing  that  as  a  scholar 

1  Ibid. 

2  Ibid.,  392.  In  the  new  cathedral  at  Brescia  an  inscription 
set  up  by  the  Septemviri  in  1737  praises  Quirini  in  these  terms  : 
"  quod  praeclaro  huic  temple  perficiendo  ab  anno  MDCV 
aedificari  coepto  curam  omnem  impendens  proprio  acre  large 
collato  illud  ara  maxima  et  splendidis  aliis  ornamentis  muni- 
ficentissime  decoravcrit." 

^  Heeckeren,  II.,  428. 

■*  "  *Era  huomo  dotto  e  di  molta  reputazione,  ma  vaniglorioso 
in  ogni  sua  cosa  "  (Merenda,  Memorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome). 
Quirini's  autobiography  :  Brescia,  1749,  continued  by  Sanvitale, 
ibid.,  1761. 

"  Brief  of  February  22,  1755,  in  Assemani,  Cat.  Bibl.  Vat.,  I. 
(1756),  xxiv. 

"  More  authentic  than  the  story  about  the  Pope  having  a  work 


THE    MUSEUM    OF   CHRISTIAN    ANTIQUITIES   219 

he  towered  above  them  both,  but,  unlike  them,  was  distin- 
guished for  his  modesty.  In  a  letter  to  Quirini  of  April  3rd, 
1749,  he  mentioned  that  of  all  the  books  that  had  been 
dedicated  to  him  he  had  never  read  one  of  their  dedications  to 
the  end,  as  he  had  always  passed  over  the  pages  that  he  saw 
were  devoted  to  his  praise.^ 

Passionei's  previous  appointment  in  1741  ^  as  Pro-Librarian 
of  the  Vaticana  was  due  in  some  measure  to  the  project  then 
being  considered  of  opening  a  museum  of  Christian  antiquities 
in  connexion  with  the  library,  as  had  already  been  proposed 
to  Clement  XL  by  Marcantonio  Boldetti  and  Francesco 
Bianchini.3  The  idea  had  engaged  the  attention  of  Benedict 
XIV.  even  before  he  had  been  raised  to  the  see  of  Peter.*  He 
was  now  able  to  acquire  the  collection  of  Cardinal  Gaspare 
Carpegna,  a  large  part  of  which  consisted  of  objects  taken 
from  the  Catacombs.^  The  gilded  glasses  and  imperial  coins 
in  this  collection  had  been  discussed  in  separate  publications 
by  the  Florentine  senator  Filippo  Buonaroti.^  Further 
acquisitions  were  the  leaden  seals  formerly  belonging  to  the 
antiquary  Francesco  Ficoroni  and  the  antiquities  collected 
with  great  difficulty  and  at  much  expense  by  Francesco 
Vettori  and  generously  presented  by  him.  Included  in  this 
latter  collection  were  no  less  than  6,500  gems.  A  numismatic 
cabinet  was  also  formed  ;  to  supplement  the  imperial  coins 
the  Albani  collection  of  coins,  with  an  atlas  in  copper,  was 

of  the  Jesuit  Busenbaum's  put  on  Passionei's  desk,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  laugh  at  his  annoyance  (see  Justi,  XL,  2,  97),  are  the 
remarks  he  passed  about  him  in  his  letters  to  Tencin  (Heeckeren, 
II.,  250,  288,  295).    Cf.  also  Kraus,  Briefe,  28. 

*  Fresco,  Lettere,  XIX.,  197. 
2  Cf.  above,  p.  212. 

'  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIII.,  509  seq. 

*  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  282. 

■■*  Cf.  *Cod.  Vat.  9153/54,  Vatican  Library  ;  Docum.  per  la 
storia  del  Musei  d'ltalia,  II.,  Roma,  1879,  182  seqq.  ;  Corsini, 
Bibl.  Vatic,  no  ;  Cerroti,  Lettere,  47  ;  Fresco,  Lettere,  XVIII., 
39- 

*  FiL.  BuoNAROTi,  Osservaz.  sopra  alcuni  ntedaglioni  antichi, 


220  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

bought  for  12,000  scudi,  and  to  these  were  added  the  Papal 
coins  collected  by  Clement  XII. ^ 

The  Carpegna  and  Vettori  collections  formed  the  nucleus 
of  the  museum,  which  was  established  at  the  instigation  of 
Scipione  Maffei,  who  dedicated  to  the  Pope  his  description  of 
the  museum  of  Verona.  Benedict  XIV.  took  up  the  proposal 
with  enthusiasm,  a  collection  of  this  nature  seeming  to  him  to 
be  truly  worthy  of  the  Holy  See  and  the  city  of  Rome.-  As 
Maffei  in  particular  had  pointed  out,  a  Christian  museum  would 
not  only  be  of  assistance  to  archaeology  but  it  would  demon- 
strate the  antiquity  of  Catholic  dogma  and  the  discipline  of 
the  Church  to  those  who  denied  them.^  Further,  the  members 
of  the  academies  of  church  history  and  liturgy  which  the  Pope 
had  founded  would  find  here  excellent  material  for  their 
learned  productions.*  The  Pope  was  strengthened  in  his 
purpose  by  the  archaeologist  Bottari,  who  in  1750  observed  in 
the  dedication  of  his  work  on  the  paintings  in  the  Catacombs 
that  all  who  were  interested  in  the  antiquities  of  Christianity 
looked  to  Benedict  to  open  a  museum  of  this  kind.^  Valua^Dle 

Roma,  1698  ;    Osservaz.  sopra  alcuni  franivienli  di  vasi  antichi  di 
vetro  ovnati  di  figure  trovati  nei  ciniiteri  di  Roma,  Fircnze,   1716. 
»  Fresco,  Lettere,  XVIII.,  39  ;   Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  283  ; 
JusTi,  II.,  287;   Carini,  1 10. 

*  See  the  *Brief  to  Scip.  MafiEei  of  September  13,  1749,  in 
which  the  Pope  thanks  him  for  the  dedication  of  the  Museum 
Veron.  and  "  per  haver  proposta  I'idea  di  fare  un  Museo  cristiano 
alia  quale  certo  non  lascieremo  d'andar  pensando  riconoscendola 
per  un'  opera  propria  d'un  Papa  e  di  Roma."  Princ.  240,  p.  197, 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 

'  "  Neque  de  recreandis  solummodo  primum  animis  ac  do  sacrae 
eruditionis  cultoribus  iuvandis  agitur.  Dogmata  ipsa  catholica 
incorruptamque  disciplinam  mirum  est,  quantum  contra  veteres 
recentesque  oppugnatores  monumenta  antiqua  .  .  .  confirment, 
corroborent,  patefac'ant." 

*  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II.,  282. 

"  "  Quicumque  bonas  htteras  et  aiitiqua,  quae  ad  nostrae 
religionis  cultum  ritusque  pertinent,  impense  amant,  a  te  hoc 
[Museum]  expectant."  Dedication  of  Picturae  antiquae  cryptarum 
Romanarum  eccL,  Romae,  1750. 


THE    MUSEUM    OF   CHRISTIAN    ANTIQUITIES    221 

finds  made  in  the  Catacombs  in  1749,  1751,  and  1752  were 
now  earmarked  for  this  collection  ;  its  location,  however, 
remained  uncertain  for  some  time  yet,  the  two  possible  sites 
being  the  Capitol  and  the  Vatican.^  It  was  not  until  the 
autumn  of  1755  that  the  decision  was  made  to  establish  it  in 
connexion  with  the  Vatican  Library.^ 

In  the  preface  to  the  third  volume  of  his  Roma  Sottoterranea , 
which  appeared  in  1754,  Bottari  lamented  the  fact  that  there 
were  so  many  Christian  monuments  distributed  in  different 
places  and  he  eagerly  welcomed  the  new  undertaking.^  To 
the  Oratorian  Giuseppe  Bianchini  the  Pope  entrusted  the  task 
of  collecting  material  for  the  Christian  Museum.  This  scholar 
proposed  that  the  passage  leading  to  the  library  should  be 
used  for  the  housing  of  the  inscriptions.  The  science  of  keeping 
a  museum  being  still  in  its  infancy,  no  effort  was  made  when 
the  various  inscriptions  were  gathered  together  from  different 
churches  into  one  collection,  to  ascertain  the  places  where  they 
had  originally  been  discovered.  Another  mistake  that  was 
made  was  to  saw  off  the  sculptures  from  the  Christian  sarco- 
phagi which  had  been  brought  together  from  private  palaces 

1  *Avvisi  of  January  i6,  1751  ("  una  rarissima  testa  di  vetro 
fuse  ",  much  admired  by  the  Pope,  is  deposited  in  the  "  Museo 
sagro  "),  February  26,  1752  (expansion  of  the  "  Museo  sagro  "), 
May  6,  1752  ("  urna  sagra  "  from  the  catacombs  of  S.  Sebastiano 
with  a  representation  of  the  miracle  of  the  loaves  and  five  fishes, 
reserved  by  the  Pope  for  the  "  Museo  sagro  "),  Cod.  ital.  199, 
State  Library,  Munich.  Merenda's  report  for  May  10,  1749, 
concerning  the  discoveries  in  the  catacomb  of  Priscilla  {*Memorie, 
Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome)  :  "  Veramente  venerabili  sono  le  s.  cata- 
combe  ultimamente  scopcrte  fuori  porta  Salara,  mentre  si 
h  ritrovata  la  piccola  chiesa  di  quelli  antichi  cristiani  con  tre 
ordini  di  sepolcri  di  s.  martiri,  e  molto  s'internano  continuandosi 
per6  il  cavo.  Si  e  rinvenuto  il  corpo  di  s.  Priscilla  coll'  ampolla 
del  sangue  del  suo  martirio  in  una  urna  di  superbo  marrao,  dal 
che  si  e  rinvenuto  essere  quelle  le  catacombe  Priscilliane,  che 
non  eransi  mai  scoperte,  e  la  suddetta  urna  S.  S.  ha  destinato 
mandarla  nella  sala  del  Campidoglio  per  la  sua  rarita." 

2  *Avviso  of  October  18,  1755,  loc.  cit. 

*  De  Rossi  in  Triplice  Omaggio  a  Pio  IX.,  Roma,  1877,  93. 


222  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

and  from  public  localities,  so  as  to  be  able  to  hang  them  on  the 
walls  of  the  museum.  Splendid  cases  were  made  at  the  Pope's 
order  for  the  other  Christian  antiquities.  Here  were  placed 
the  glasses,  paintings,  ivory  carvings,  bronze  and  clay  lamps, 
gems,  jugs,  works  in  gold  and  silver,  leaden  seals,  and  the 
Papal  coins  from  Adrian  I.  to  Benedict  XIV.  which  had  been 
collected  by  Saverio  Scilla  and  had  been  bought  with  money 
from  Benedict's  privy  purse. ^  Pagan  antiquities  also  were 
admitted.  All  scholars  were  to  have  the  free  use  of  the 
museum,  and  their  studies  were  to  be  facilitated  by  a  detailed 
inventory. 2 

The  inscription  placed  above  the  entrance  in  1756  relates 
that  the  museum  was  founded  to  heighten  the  splendour  of 
Rome  and  to  confirm  the  truth  of  the  Catholic  religion. ^ 
Francesco  Vettori  was  appointed  director,  with  a  monthly 
salary  of  100  scudi.  On  his  death  the  Prefect  of  the  Library 
was  to  assume  charge  of  the  collection  for  the  time  being.* 

Benedict  XIV.  had  so  much  at  heart  the  interests  of  the 
library  at  the  Vatican  that  he  transferred  to  it  his  rarest 


*  Ibid.,  94,  and  in  Bollett.  di  archeol.  crist.,  1876,  137  seqq. 
Cf.  Galletti,  Passionei,  227  seqq.  ;  Renazzi,  IV.,  281  seq.  ; 
Kraus,  Roma  Sottoterranea,  15  ;  Fresco,  Lettere,  XVIII.,  297. 
In  the  courtyard  of  the  Palazzo  Rondinini  on  the  Corso  is  the 
following  inscription  :  "  Sarcophagum  |  quo  facta  quaedam  ex 
veteri  testamento  |  repraesentantur  |  losephi  marchionis  Ronda- 
nini  donum  |  Benedictus  XIV.  |  in  sacro  Vatic.  Museo  col- 
locavit.  I  1747.  In  FoRCELLA,  XL,  354,  the  inscription  in  S.Agnese 
recording  the  transference  thence  in  1757  of  a  sarcophagus  to  the 
Museo  Cristiano.  In  1854  almost  all  the  sarcophagus  sculptures 
were  taken  to  the  Museo  Lateranense  Cristiano,  which  was  then 
in  course  of  erection  ;  see  Ficker,  Die  altchristl.  Bildwerke  im 
Christl.  Museum  des  Lateran,  Leipzig,  1890  ;  Marucchi's 
Caialogo,  Roma,  1898. 

'^  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  II..  316. 

*  Barrier  de  Montault,  CEuvres,  IL,  187.  Ibid,  for  Giov. 
Angeloni's  frescoes  [cf.  Thieme,  L,  512)  depicting  Benedict  XIV.'s 
buildings,  in  the  last  room  of  the  library  wing. 

*  Acta  Benedicti  XIV.,  IL,  282  seqq.,  312. 


THE    OTTOBONIANA  223 

printed  works  and  many  Oriental,  Greek,  and  Latin  manu- 
scripts.^ 

Of  immeasurably  greater  value  were  the  two  famous  private 
collections  acquired  by  the  Vaticana  during  Benedict's 
pontificate.  The  Marchese  Antonio  Gregorio  Capponi,  who 
died  in  1746,  left  his  antiquities  to  the  Museo  Kircheriano,  and 
his  choice  library  to  the  Vaticana,  which  was  thus  increased 
by  numerous  incunabula,  other  rare  prints,  285  MSS.,  and  the 
famous  Ruthenian  calendar.^  On  the  death  of  the  last  of  the 
Ottoboni  in  1748  the  library  founded  by  Cardinal  Pietro 
Ottoboni  was  threatened  with  dispersal,  but  the  whole  collec- 
tion was  bought  by  Benedict  XIV.  Part  of  the  purchase  money 
came  from  his  private  resources,  the  remainder  from  the  Banco 
di  S.  Spirito,  which  was  to  be  paid  back  from  the  revenue  of 
the  Vaticana.3 

The  praise  which  even  his  contemporaries  bestowed  upon 
Benedict  XIV.  for  acquiring  the  Ottoboni  library  was  fully 
deserved.  The  nucleus  of  the  collection  was  the  library  of  the 
learned  Pope  Marcellus  II.,  who  bequeathed  it  to  Sirleto. 
Increased  by  him,  it  was  bought  by  Cardinal  Ascanio  Colonna, 
who  also  added  to  it.  On  his  death  it  passed  into  the  hands 
of  Duke  Giovanni  Angelo  Altemps.  Finally  the  greater  part 
of  it  was  combined  with  his  own  manuscripts  by  Cardinal 
Pietro  Ottoboni,  who,  on  becoming  Pope  Alexander  VIII., 
added  to  it  100  codices  forming  part  of  the  bequest  of  Queen 
Christina  of  Sweden.  In  this  way  the  Ottoboniana  possessed 
more  Greek,  Latin,  and  Hebrew  manuscripts  than  any  other 
private  collection  in  Rome  ;   they  numbered  in  all  3,300.* 

^  "  Alia  Biblioteca  Vaticana  sempre  abbiamo  consegnate  le 
cose  piu  rare  che  ci  sono  state  regalate  ancorche  si  avessero 
potuto  conservare  nella  nostra  domestica  biblioteca  donata  per 
USD  pubblico  airistituto  di  Bologna."  Ibid.,  311.  Cf.  Assemani's 
catalogue  of  the  Vaticana,  I.,  xxiv. 

-  Catalogo  della  libreria  Capponi,  Roma,  1747  ;  G.  Salvo 
Cozzo,  /  codici  Capponiani  d.  Bibl.   Vatic,  Roma,  1897. 

'  Carixi,  112  seqq.    Cf.  Kraus,  Briefe,  57. 

*  Blume,  III.,  67  seqq.  The  work  written  for  Benedict  XIV. 
by  Costantino  Ruggieri,  the  last  librarian  of  the  Ottoboniana,  is 


224  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Various  other  manuscripts  were  presented  to  the  Vaticana 
by  Benedict  XIV.,  notably  a  Pentateuch  in  Persian  and  a 
commentary  on  Dante.  Other  gifts  were  the  drawings  by 
Pier  Leone  Ghezzi,  the  manuscripts  on  the  rehgion  and 
history  of  the  Chinese  which  had  been  left  to  the  Pope  by 
the  missionary  Fouchet,  and  a  volume  of  the  records  of  the 
Council  of  Constance  which  had  been  given  him  by  Abbot 
Norbert  of  Wilten.^ 

Benedict,  who  also  devoted  his  attention  to  the  Roman 
archives, 2  reached  the  summit  of  his  efforts  on  behalf  of 
learning  when  he  took  in  hand  the  vast  undertaking  (which 

mentioned  here  as  being  to  hand  in  manuscript  form,  but  it  has 
not  been  used  ;  it  was  published  by  A.  Mai  in  Mem.  stor.  degli 
archivi  della  S.  Sede  e  della  Bihl.  Ottoboniana,  Roma,  1825,  40  seqq. 
Cf.  Codices  manuscripti  grasci  Ottoh.  Vatic.  Bibl.,  Romae,  1893, 
XV.  seqq.,  xxv.  seqq.,  xl.  seqq.,  which  contains  a  new  and  better 
reproduction  of  Ruggieri's  treatise.  See  also  Fresco,  Lettere, 
XVIII.,  294,  297.    Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXII. ,  553,  554. 

^  Carini,  113  seqq.  The  *Brief  of  thanks  to  the  Abbot  Norbert, 
dated  1754,  IV.  Cal.  Mai.,  in  Princ,  241.  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  The  employment  of  G.  Garampi  in  1749  was  of  epoch-making 
importance  for  the  Papal  Secret  Archives.  Appointed  Prefect  on 
August  I,  1 75 1,  on  the  death  of  Ronconi,  he  set  about  the  task 
of  cataloguing  the  archives  with  great  energy  ;  see  Dengel, 
Garampis  Tdtigkeit,  3  seqq.  Another  acquisition  for  the  Holy  Gee 
made  by  Benedict  XIV.  was  the  papers  of  Clement  XL,  which 
had  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Albani  (see  Heeckeren,  II., 
155).  He  also  saw  to  the  safekeeping  of  the  records  in  the  Castel 
S.  Angelo  ;  see  Rodocanachi,  St-Ange,  191,  232  seq.  Cf.  Kraus, 
Briefe,  57  seqq.  For  the  institution  of  the  Archivio  del  Tribunale 
delle  Strade  in  1743,  see  Git  Arch,  ital.,  Rivista,  VI.  (1919),  163  seqq. 
Cf.  FoRCELLA,  I.,  82.  Other  acquisitions  for  the  Papal  Secret 
Archives  were  307  MSS.,  mostly  in  the  Fondo  Pio  (see  *Catalogo 
dei  libri  della  Biblioteca  di  casa  Pio,  fatti  acquistare  dall'  Em. 
Valenti  per  I'archivio  nell'  anno  1753,  in  Archivietto,  i,  fo.  148, 
ibid.),  and,  for  25  scudi,  the  MS.  of  Bernardo  of  Naples  (for  whom 
see  Bresslau,  Urkundenlehre,  II.*,  i,  267,  n.  6),  Reg.  Vatic,  29A, 
through  a  donation  of  Benedict  XIV. 's,  "  qui  in  colligendis  apost. 
sedis  monumentis  nulli  parcit  sumtui,  nulli  labori,  nuUique 
diligentiae." 


CATALOGUE    OF   THE    VATICAN    MANUSCRIPTS         225 

was  not  resumed  until  the  time  of  Leo  XIII.)  of  bringing  out 
a  detailed  and  complete  catalogue  of  all  the  manuscripts  in 
the  Vatican  Library. 

This  colossal  work,  which  was  to  make  accessible  to  every 
scholar  the  treasures  of  the  finest  collection  of  manuscripts  in 
the  world,  was  to  be  contained  in  twenty  folio  volumes  :  six 
for  the  Oriental,  four  for  the  Greek,  and  ten  for  the  Latin, 
Italian,  and  other  European  manuscripts.  A  beginning  was 
made  with  the  Oriental  treasures  by  Stephan  Evodius  and 
Joseph  Simon  Assemani,  who  in  1756  were  able  to  present 
the  Pope  with  the  first  folio  volume,  which  dealt  with  the 
Hebrew  and  Samaritan  manuscripts.^  Two  more  volumes, 
dealing  with  the  Syrian  manuscripts,  followed  in  1758  and  1759. 

In  the  preface  to  the  first  volume,  which  is  dedicated  to 
Benedict  XIV.,  the  editors  enumerate  his  services  to  learning  : 
his  "  own  golden  works  ",  the  restoration  of  the  frescoes  in 
the  Salone  Sistino  and  the  decoration  of  the  cases  there  with 
paintings,  the  important  increases  made  to  the  manuscripts, 
especially  through  the  purchase  of  the  Ottoboniana,  and  the 
collections  of  antiquities  that  had  been  joined  to  the  library, 
notably  the  Christian  Museum,  which  might  well  be  called  the 
Lambertinian.  Since  the  days  of  Sixtus  IV.  and  V.  no  other 
Pope  had  done  so  much  for  the  Vatican  Library — a  tribute 
weU  deserved  by  the  man  who  was  called  by  Montesquieu 
the  "  scholars'  Pope  ".^ 

^  Bibliothecae  apostolicae  Vaticanae  codicum  mss.  Catalogus  in 
tres  partes  distributus,  in  quarum  prima  orientales,  in  altera  graeci, 
in  tertia  latini  italici  aliorumque  europaeoriim  idiomatum  codices  : 
Stephanus  Evodius  Assemanus  archiepiscopus  Apamensis, 
ET  Ioseph  Simonius  Assemanus  eiusdem  bibliothecae  prae- 
FECTUS  .  .  .  illustrarunt.  Partis  Primae  Tomus  primus,  com- 
plectens  codices  ebraicos  et  samaritanos,  Romae  MDCCLVI, 
Ex  tj-pographia  linguarum  orientalium  Angeli  Rotilii,  in  aedibus 
IMaximorum.  For  the  fate  of  the  first  four  volumes,  which  were 
printed  down  to  1768,  and  almost  the  whole  edition  of  which 
was  destroyed  in  a  fire,  see  Blume,  III.,  98  seq.  After  this  the 
printing  was  suspended. 

"  Lettres  familieres  du  President  de  Montesquieu,  Baron  de 
Brkde,  d  divers  amis  d'ltalie  (no  place  of  publication),  1767,  214. 

VOL.  XXXV.  o 


CHAPTER  IV. 
JANSENISM   IN   FRANCE   AND   HOLLAND. 

(1) 

Religious  conditions  in  France  were  at  first  scarcely  affected 
by  Benedict  XIV. 's  accession  to  the  throne.  In  acknowledging 
the  congratulations  of  the  French  bishops  he  took  the  oppor- 
tunity of  expressing  his  approval  of  the  attitude  they  had 
adopted  hitherto  towards  Jansenism.  Thus  he  commended  the 
action  taken  by  Colbert's  successor  to  the  See  of  Montpellier, 
Berger  de  Charancy,  who  had  demanded  the  subscription  to 
Alexander  VII. 's  formulary.  This,  he  said,  would  pave  the 
way  for  the  acceptance  of  the  "  most  salutary  "  constitution, 
Unigenitus,  which  was  extremely  dear  to  the  heart  of  the  new 
Pope,  "  on  personal  as  weU  as  other  grounds."  ^  Bishops 
La  Fare  of  Laon,  Lafitau  of  Sisteron,  and  Belsunce  of  Mar- 
seilles were  commended  ^  for  the  zealous  way  in  which  they 
had  upheld  the  Bull  in  the  face  of  the  opposition  of  certain 
Dominicans  in  Marseilles  and  Sisteron.  Saint- Albin  of  Cambrai 
and  Belsunce  were  thanked  for  their  writings  against  the 
Jansenists,^  and  La  Rochefoucauld  of  Bourges  and  Fitzjames 
of  Soissons  were  encouraged  to  take  action  against  error.* 
The  Jansenists,  therefore,  had  no  cause  to  rejoice  at  Lamber- 
tini's  election  ;   though  the  admonition  he  gave  to  Charancy, 

^  "  Sternct  viam  ad  publice  proponendam  saluberrimam 
Constitutionem  Unigenitus,  nobis  unice  private  etiam  sensu 
commendatissimam."  Document  of  October  14,  1740,  Benedicti 
XIV.  Acta.  I.,  28  ;   cf.  29,  39. 

»  On  February  7,  September  18,  and  December  18,  1741,  ibid., 
40,  84,  86. 

'  On  December  9,  1741,  and  January  17,  1743,  ibid.,  86,  141. 

*  On  December  15  and  20,  1740,  ibid.,  29,  30. 

226 


THE    JUBILEE    INDULGENCE    OF    I74O  227 

not  to  take  any  steps  that  might  cause  a  stir  without  first 
consulting  Fleury/  might  possibly  have  been  regarded  as 
a  preliminary  symptom  of  the  cautious  attitude  adopted 
subsequently  by  the  new  Pope.  On  another  occasion  too  he 
let  it  be  understood  ^  that  the  Minister's  wary  method  of 
procedure  met  with  his  approval,  and  he  was  particularly 
pleased  ^  that  on  Fleury's  instigation  the  king  was  demanding 
that  the  Sorbonne  should  submit  to  the  Bull.^  There  were  in 
fact  a  considerable  number  of  the  doctors,  about  200  in  all,  who 
were  now  for  the  first  time  announcing  their  submission. 

An  embarrassing  situation  arose  immediately  on  the  occasion 
of  the  jubilee  indulgence  ^  which  it  was  the  custom  to  grant 
at  the  beginning  of  every  new  pontificate.  Should  it  be  said 
in  the  Bull  proclaiming  the  indulgence  that  the  appellants  were 
excluded  from  the  graces  of  the  Holy  Year  ?  If  this  were  done 
the  French  parliaments  would  seize  the  opportunity  to  ban 
the  Bull.  Ought  nothing  at  all  to  be  said  about  the  appellants  ? 
The  Jansenists  would  undoubtedly  make  use  of  this  silence 
to  represent  the  Pope  as  being  in  favour  of  them.  Cardinal 
Fleury  was  strongly  against  anything  that  might  lead  to 
trouble,^  it  having  been  found  possible  to  reduce  the  number 
of  the  innovators  by  taking  action  against  avowed  Jansenists, 
by  keeping  agitators  and  suspects  out  of  public  appointments, 
and  by  reserving  episcopal  sees  and  prebends  for  those  who 
could  be  trusted.  As  a  result  of  this  policy,  he  maintained, 
parliamentary  opposition  was  becoming  less  lively  and  some 
of  the  worst  infected  religious  congregations  were  showing 
signs  of  repentance.  But  let  them  be  under  no  delusion  :  the 
party  was  still  in  existence  and  its  adherents,  now  dispersed, 
would  reunite  on  the  slightest  excuse.  The  first  principle  of 
this  sect  was  its  independence  of   any  authority,    whether 

1  Ibid.,  28. 

2  On  January  7,  1741,  ibid.,  35. 

'  On  November  26,  1741,  ibid.,  85. 

*  Document  of  September  6,  1741,  in  Feret,  VL,  106. 
'"  Heeckeren,  L,  xxii.  seq. 

*  To  Tencin  on  October  13,  1740,  ibid. 


228  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

spiritual  or  temporal ;  the  Jansenists  were  no  less  enemies  of 
the  State  than  of  the  Holy  See.^  Thus  the  wary  Minister.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Inquisition  and  the  supporters  of  the  Bull 
in  France  were  pressing  for  a  strongly  worded  pronouncement 
against  the  innovators.^ 

Benedict  XIV.  tried  to  escape  from  the  dilemma  by  using 
only  general  terms  in  his  jubilee  Bull  ^  in  excluding  from  the 
graces  of  the  jubilee  year  aU  who  had  incurred  ecclesiastical 
censure.  In  an  accompanying  Brief  addressed  to  Louis  XV. 
the  appellants  were  expressly  included  in  their  number,  but 
it  was  left  to  the  king  to  publish  this  Brief  or  not,  as  he  thought 
fit.*  Even  so  the  jubilee  was  not  accepted  in  France.^ 

In  the  midst  of  the  turmoil  caused  by  the  war  of  the  Austrian 
succession,  by  which  the  States  of  the  Church  also  were  sorely 
affected,  Benedict  XIV.  proclaimed  another  jubilee  for  Italy 
and  the  surrounding  islands.^  Louis  XV.  desired  it  to  be 
extended  to  France,  and  the  difficulties  of  1740  were  renewed. 

*  "  Le  fond  de  cette  secte  est  rindependance  de  toute  autorite 
spirituelle  ou  temporelle  et  ils  ne  sent  pas  moins  enncmis  de 
rfitat  que  du  Saint-Si^ge  "  {ibid.,  xxiii.).  Of  the  appellants  in 
particular  Massillon  draws  a  picture  that  is  hardly  flattering  : 
"  Je  connais  le  caractere  des  appellants,  et  c'est  parce  que  je  les 
connais  que  dans  aucun  temps  il  ne  m'a  ete  possible  de  les  gouter  : 
orgueil.  amour  de  la  singularite,  mepris  pour  tout  ce  qui  ne  pense 
pas  comme  eux,  quelque  rang  qu'on  puisse  tenir  dans  I'figlise, 
partis  extremes  sur  tout,  hardiesse  a  decider  et  a  revenir  sur  ce 
qu'il  y  a  mieux  etabli,  nuUe  regie,  nul  amour  de  la  paix,  une 
intrigue  et  une  cabale  6temelle  et  puerile  ;  les  ignorants.  les 
femmes,  les  devotes,  les  mondaines,  tout  leur  est  bon.  Si  vous 
les  connaissez,  les  voilk.  Je  les  ai  toujours  vus  tels  k  mes  propres 
yeux  pendant  pr^s  de  30  ans  que  j'ai  ete  k  Paris."  To  Tourouvre 
on  February  28,  1728,  in  Sicard,  L'ancien  clerg^  de  France,  I., 

471- 

2  Heeckeren,  I.,  xxiii. 

=>  Of  November  11,  1740,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  i  seq. 

*  Heeckeren,  I.,  xxiv. 

'■>  Benedict    XIV.    to    Tencin,    January    z,    1745,    ibid.,    170; 

cf-  31.  159- 

*  On  November  20,  1744,  Bull.  Lu.x.,  XVI.,  254. 


THE    JUBILEE    OF    I744  229 

The  Pope  desired  the  proclamation  of  the  jubilee  year  because 
it  contained  the  last  remaining  evidence  that  France  was  in 
communion  with  the  Holy  See.^  However,  he  handed  the 
matter  over  to  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  Tencin, 
who  was  to  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  nuncio,  and  said 
that  he  was  ready  expressly  to  exclude  the  Jansenists  in  the 
Bull  or  in  the  accompanying  Brief,  or  to  omit  such  a  clause, 
just  as  the  king  wished.  ^  At  this  point,  to  make  things 
awkward  for  Tencin,  Canillac,  the  French  ambassador  to  Rome, 
spread  the  rumour  that  the  Pope  had  already  published 
a  jubilee  Brief  without  the  clause  against  the  Jansenists.  On 
being  informed  of  this  by  Fleury's  successor,  Boyer,  Benedict 
replied  ^  that  the  appellants  were  already  excluded  from  the 
jubilee  year  without  the  need  for  a  separate  declaration  and 
that  therefore  Boyer  could  follow  Tencin 's  advice  as  to  what 
he  was  to  do  in  any  particular  case.  The  jubilee  Brief  for 
France  *  was  the  same  as  that  for  Italy,  except  that  it  was 
made  a  condition  for  obtaining  the  jubilee  indulgence  that 
prayers  should  be  said  for  the  king,  who  had  just  recovered 
from  an  illness.  In  an  accompanying  letter  to  the  king  ^  the 
Pope  explained  why  the  appellants  had  not  been  excluded 
expressly  but  only  indirectly.  On  this  occasion,  probably  out 
of  consideration  for  the  king,  for  whose  health  prayers  were 
being  offered,  the  parliament  placed  no  difficulties  in  the 
way. 

^  "  *E  stata  una  politica  ridicola  quella  del  sig"".  d'Argenson. 
Sara  pero  bene  dissimulare  sine  a  che  sia  una  volta  pubblicato 
il  Giubileo,  troppo  importando,  che  non  se  ne  perdesse  costa 
aflfatto  la  memoria,  come  che  e  il  solo  segno  che  vi  resta  della 
communione  colla  Santa  Sede."  The  Secretary  of  State  to  the 
nuncio  Durini  on  June  9,  1745,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  162, 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 

2  Heeckeren,  I.,  175. 

'  On  February  5,  1745,  Benedicti  XIV.  Acta,  I.,  253.  Cf. 
Heeckeren,  I.,  175,  177,  198. 

*  Of  February  18,  1745,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  287. 

'"  Of  February  20,  1745,  ibid.,  287.  Cf.  P.  Richard  in  Revue 
des  quest,  hist.,  XCII.  (1912),  373  seq. 


230  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Benedict  wrote  not  only  to  individual  French  bishops  on 
the  question  of  the  Jansenists  but  also  to  them  all  collectively.^ 
On  the  latter  occasion  he  confirmed  their  authority  to  proceed 
against  anyone,  even  members  of  religious  Orders,  who 
refused  to  submit  to  the  Bull  Ufiigenitus  or  who  defended  the 
tenets  put  forward  by  Bajus,  Jansen,  and  Quesnel,  which  had 
been  condemned  by  the  Apostolic  See.  The  Brief  was  wTitten 
at  the  request  of  many  of  the  Bishops  themselves,  who 
complained  that  the  audacity  of  the  innovators  was  growing 
from  day  to  day. 

Even  before  this  admonition  the  aged  Fleury  had  done  his 
best  towards  the  end  of  his  life  to  deprive  the  innovators  of 
their  mainstay  in  the  religious  Congregations.  In  so  doing, 
however,  he  pursued  his  usual  policy  of  avoiding  anything 
that  might  cause  unrest,  contenting  himself  with  banishing 
particularly  noisy  exponents  of  Jansenistic  opinions,  with 
closing  certain  theological  seminaries,  and  with  preventing 
the  Quesnelists  from  filling  important  posts. ^  The  Pope  in 
his  turn  took  care  not  to  intervene  with  general  measures 
which  were  certain  to  have  met  with  parliamentary  opposi- 
tion. The  new  Bishop  of  Montpellier,  for  example,  had  been 
forced  to  withhold  the  Sacraments  from  some  Jansenistic 
nuns  and  wanted  the  Pope  to  apjirove  his  action  in  writing. 
Benedict  assured  the  Bishop  of  his  full  approval,  but  so  as  not 
to  expose  himself  to  the  accusation  of  causing  unrest  in  France, 
he  referred  him  to  Fleury  and  sent  the  latter  a  letter  of 
commendation  for  the  Bishop. ^  A  former  vicar  of  Saint- 
Medard  in  Paris,  who  had  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the 
alleged  miracles  of  the  deacon  Paris,  was  continuing  his 
malpractices  as  an  official  of  the  Order  of  Malta  in  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Rheims,  and  the  Vicar  General,  for  fear  of 
Parliament,  did  not  dare  to  withdraw  his  licence  to  say  Mass. 
The  nuncio  appealed  to  Rome,  but  Benedict  contented  himself 
with  writing  for  assistance  to  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Order,* 

'  On  August  4,  1741,  Benedictl  XIV.  Acta,  I.,  83  seq. 
-  Hardy,  325. 

^  Of  May  3,  1742,  Bencdicti  XIV.  Acta,  I.,  123. 
*  On  January  7,  1746,  ibid.,  286. 


JANSENISM   AMONG   THE    ORATORIANS         23I 

who  some  time  before  had  instructed  the  superiors  of  the 
French  province  ^  not  to  allow  any  cleric  who  was  an  appellant 
to  serve  in  the  churches  of  the  Order  or  to  share  in  its  revenue. 
Fleury,  who  died  a  nonagenarian,  was  succeeded  by  the 
former  Bishop  of  Mirepoix,  Jean  Francois  Boyer,  of  the  Order 
of  Theatines,  who  in  his  administration  of  ecclesiastical 
affairs  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor.  In  1746  he 
succeeded  in  wresting  from  the  Jansenists  one  of  their  chief 
strongholds,  the  Congregation  of  the  Oratorians.  The  appel- 
lants had  been  excluded  from  the  general  assemblies  of  the 
Congregation  since  1723,  against  which  measure,  needless  to 
say,  they  had  never  failed  to  protest. ^  The  Superior  General, 
De  la  Tour,  although  he  himself  had  once  been  an  appellant, 
did  his  utmost  to  secure  the  acceptance  of  the  constitution, 
but  contented  himself  for  the  time  being  with  demanding  the 
signature  of  the  formulary.  Under  the  generalship  of  De  la 
Valette,  De  la  Tour's  successor,  it  was  decreed  by  royal 
command  that  no  one  should  attend  the  general  assembly  of 
1745  who  had  not  accepted  the  constitution  UnigenUus.  The 
assembly  had  to  be  postponed  till  the  following  year  and  even 
then  it  met  under  serious  difficulties.  Protests  were  sent  by 
several  of  the  Order's  estabHshments  ;  many  of  the  houses  of 
the  Congregation  failed  to  elect  a  delegate  ;  and  others  had  to 
be  excluded  at  the  assembly  itself.  The  remaining  eighteen 
members  accepted  the  formulary,  with  the  distinction  between 
right  and  fact,  and  the  Bull  as  a  law  of  the  Church  and  the 
State,  but  not  as  a  rule  of  Faith.  On  the  conclusion  of  the 
assembly  very  many  of  the  Oratorians  protested.^  It  was 
hardly  surprising  that  Benedict  XIV.  gave  voice  to  his  dis- 
pleasure ^  when  he  read  the  minutes,  and  a  letter  from  the 

'  On  March  7,  1742,  ibid.,  107. 

^  [Nivelle]  II.,  2,  618-623. 

^  Ibid.,  623-630. 

'  To  the  Superior  General  on  December  28,  1746,  Benedicti 
XIV.  Acta,  I.,  395  seq.  ;  to  Tencin  on  December  14,  1746, 
Heeckeren,  I.,  288.  On  September  i,  1745,  Benedict  had 
written  to  Tencin  of  the  necessity  of  having  the  general  assembly 
superintended  by  a  commissary.    Ibid.,  208. 


232  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Superior  General  afforded  but  little  satisfaction.  Neverthe- 
less, the  Oratory  as  such  had  submitted,  and  the  assemblies 
of  1749  and  1752  were  further  manifestations  of  loyalty  to 
the  Church.^ 

The  Congregation  of  Doctrinarians,  founded  by  Cesar  de 
Bus,2  had  decided  on  obedience  some  time  before.  One  of 
their  three  provinces,  that  of  Avignon,  was  loyally  inclined, 
and  it  was  from  here  that  attempts  were  made  to  induce  the 
other  two  provinces,  Paris  and  Toulouse,  to  accept  the  Bull. 
This  object  was  attained  at  the  general  assembly  at  Beaucaire 
in  1744,  by  the  same  means  as  had  been  used  in  the  case  of 
the  Oratorians,  though  naturally  here  too  vigorous  protests 
were  made  by  those  who  were  inclined  towards  Jansenism. 
Acceptance  of  the  Bull  was  made  a  condition  for  attendance 
at  the  meetings  of  the  Order,  for  electing  a  Superior,  for 
taking  vows,  and  for  receiving  holy  orders.  These  stipulations 
were  renewed  by  the  next  general  assembly,  of  1749.^ 

In  the  same  way  the  acceptance  of  the  constitution  was 
obtained  in  the  French  Congregation  of  Canons  Regular  known 
as  the  Genevievans,^  in  1745,  1748,  1751,  and  1753.  Every- 
where the  general  assemblies  were  held  in  the  presence  of 
royal  commissioners  and  on  instructions  given  by  Boyer. 

Benedict  XIV.  was  very  char}'  of  intervening  personally  in 
the  French  situation,  which  may  have  been  the  reason  why  he 
was  represented  by  the  Jansenists  as  an  opponent  of  the  Bull 
Unigenitus.  A  Papal  letter  of  1749  in  particular  was  inter- 
preted in  this  sense.  Two  works  by  a  well-known  Augustinian 
scholar,  Cardinal  Noris,  had  been  put  on  the  list  of  forbidden 
books,  or  rather  books  which  needed  correction,  by  the  Spanish 
Inquisition,  after  the  author's  death  in  1704.  Noris 's  works 
having  been  examined  and  passed  in  Rome  both  before 
and  after  they  had  been  printed,  before  his  nomination  as 
Cardinal,  and  again  afterwards,  the  Pope  wrote  a  confidential 

^  [Nivelle],  II.,  2,  630-33. 

2  Cf.  our  account.  Vols.  XXIII,  185,  XXIV..  165. 

»  [Nivelle],  II.,  2,  633-642. 

*  Ibid.,  644-652. 


CARDINAL   NORIS    AND    THE    INQUISITION      233 

letter  to  the  Grand  Inquisitor,^  pointing  out  that  even  if  the 
forbidden  books  did  bear  traces  of  Bajanism  and  Jansenism, 
it  would  be  inexpedient  to  condemn  them  after  so  long  an 
interval,  if  only  on  account  of  the  commotion  that  would  be 
bound  to  arise  among  the  Augustinian  and  other  scholars. 
On  these  grounds  the  Holy  See  had  waived  its  right  to  censor- 
ship in  many  previous  instances,  the  examples  quoted  by 
Benedict  being  Tillemont,  the  Bollandists,  Bossuet,  and 
Muratori,  who  was  still  living.  Through  a  breach  of  confidence 
on  the  part  of  the  Procurator  General  of  the  Augustinians 
the  letter  became  public  knowledge,  and  the  Pope  was  forced 
not  only  to  propitiate  Muratori,^  but  to  defend  himself  against 
the  French  Jansenists,^  who  drew  the  inference  from  his  letter 
that  he  had  revoked  the  Bull  Unigenitus.  This  was  pure 
imagination,  said  the  Pope  ;  he  had  merely  instructed  the 
Grand  Inquisitor  not  to  encroach  on  the  liberty  of  the  Catholic 
schools,  the  Thomists,  the  Augustinians,  and  the  Jesuits. 
The  Dutch  Jansenists,  he  said,  would  have  declared  their 
readiness  to  submit,  if  only  they  had  not  to  accept  the  BuU 
publicly  ;  but  he  had  demanded  their  acceptance  of  it  in 
plain  terms,  without  conditions.  So  much  for  his  so-called 
revocation  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus.^ 

Like  Cardinal  Noris  in  Spain,  another  Augustinian,  Lorenzo 
Berti,  became  the  object  of  violent  attacks  in  France.  In 
a  vast  synthesis  he  had  composed  of  the  whole  of  theological 
knowledge  he  propounded  a  new  way  of  explaining  the 
efficacy  of  grace.  According  to  him,  grace  consisted  in  a  super- 
natural sweetness,  which,  when  it  attracted  the  will  so  strongly 
as  to  overcome  the  contrary  attraction  of  sin  was  efficacious 


^  On  July  31,  1748,  Benedicti  XIV.  Acta,  I.,  554  seq.  ;  Reusch, 
II.,  832  [cf.  671  seqq.).     Cf.  above,  p.  198. 

2  On  September  25,  1748,  Benedicti  XIV.  Acta,  II.,  396  ;  also 
the  Bollandists  (letter  of  April  3,  1749,  in  Fleury,  LXXIX., 
703  seq.). 

'  To  Tencin,  May  14,  1749,  Heeckeren,  I.,  485. 

*  "  Voila  comment  Nous  avons  revoque  la  bulle  Unigenitus." 
Ibid.,  486. 


234  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

grace  ;  when  it  failed  to  do  so  it  was  only  sufficient  grace.* 
Needless  to  say,  this  solution  of  the  problem  had  points  in 
common  with  Jansenism.  Consequently,  Ize  de  Salmon, 
Bishop  of  Rodez  and,  from  1746  onwards.  Archbishop  of 
Vienne,  petitioned  the  Pope  to  take  action  against  the  book. 
This  petition  was  repeated  by  Archbishop  Languet  of  Sens,^ 
who  stressed  the  fact  that  the  Pope's  silence  was  being 
represented  by  the  Jansenists  as  approval  of  the  Jansenistic 
doctrine.  Archbishops  Tencin  of  Lyons  and  De  la  Rochefou- 
cauld of  Bourges  also  held  unfavourable  opinions  of  Berti's 
book.^  The  assembly  of  the  French  clergy  only  refrained 
from  condemning  it  because  the  case  was  pending  in  Rome.* 
In  this  matter,  as  in  so  many  others,  Benedict  XIV.  took 
a  moderate  course.  Wishing  to  form  his  own  opinion  on  the 
subject,^  he  gave  Berti  time  to  defend  himself,  for,  as  he 
maintained,  even  when  it  was  only  a  book  that  was  in  question 
and  not  also  its  author,  it  was  difficult  not  to  give  the  author 
a  hearing.^  Finally  he  replied  to  the  Archbishop  of  Vienne  ' 
that  nothing  had  been  found  in  Berti's  work  which  was 
against  the  decisions  of  the  Church.  An  over-hasty  judgement, 
he  added  in  his  reply  to  Languet,^  might  start  a  fire  that  would 
spread  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.    It  was  not  just  to  condemn 

'  Cf.  for  instance,  Chr.  Pesch,  Praelectiones  dogm.,  V.»,  Frei- 
burg, 1908,  prop.  21,  p.  156. 

^  Cf.  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin  on  May  5,  1745,  Heeckeren, 
I.,  197  ;  to  Saleon  on  January  22,  1749,  and  December  30,  1750, 
Benedicti  XIV.  Acta,  II.,  33,  74  ;  to  Languet  on  July  17,  1750, 
and  May  12,  1751,  ibid.,  397,  4r2.  Languet's  letter  of  complaint 
(not  Saleon's,  as  stated  by  Reusch,  II.,  838)  in  Fleury,  LXXX., 
667-687. 

^  Heeckeren,  I.,  281,  313. 

*  Ibid.,  316. 

*  To  Tencin  on  October  6,  1743,  ibid.,  216. 

*  November  16,  1746,  ibid.,  281.  Cf.  the  letter  to  Tencin  of 
June  10,  1749,  in  Etudes,  CXXXII.  (1912),  342  seq.  (not  included 
by  Heeckeren). 

'  On  December  30,  1750,  Benedicti  A'/F.  Ada,  II.,  74. 
»  On  July  15,  1750,  ibid.,  397. 


BERTI    AND    BELLELLI  235 

everything  that  had  been  put  to  a  wrong  use  by  sectarians, 
especially  the  Jansenists.  Some  harsh  expressions  that 
had  been  used  by  Berti  and  his  fellow-Augustinian  Bellelli, 
whose  writings  had  also  been  attacked,  had  been  satisfactorily 
explained  by  them  in  other  passages. ^  After  both  parties  in 
the  dispute  had  written  against  each  other,^  Berti  and 
Bellelli  were  left  in  peace,  but  a  list  of  Jansenistic  works 
compiled  by  the  Jesuit  De  Colonia  was  banned  in  Rome,  one 
reason  being  that  it  had  included  works  by  Noris,  and  the  same 
fate  befell  the  new  and  enlarged  edition  of  Patouillet's  list, 
which  omitted  Noris  but  included  Berti  and  Bellelli.^ 

Another  matter  brought  the  Pope  into  direct  conflict  with 
the  Paris  parliament.    A  Dominican  of  the  name  of  Viou,  who 

'   May  12,  1 751,  ibid.,  412. 

-  Vols,  ^-y  of  Berti's  Theologia,  pubhshed  at  Bassano  in  1776, 
are  full  of  these  writings  {Baianismus  redivivus  and  lansenismus 
redivivus,  by  Saleon,  also  Languet's  pastoral  letter).  Cf.  Hurter, 
Nomenclator,  IV.^  (1910),  1371,  V.^  (191 1),  i  seqq.  ;  Reusch,  II., 
837  seq.  The  Nouvelles  ecclesiastiques  of  1751  devoted  an  appendix 
of  22  pages  to  Berti's  case.  Dudon  in  Recherches  de  science  rel., 
IX..  247. 

^  Reusch,  II.,  827  seqq.  The  Pope  called  the  book  an  "  ouvrage 
hardi  qui  donne  le  brevet  de  janseniste  a  tant  d'hommes  eleves 
par  leur  dignite,  leur  piete  et  leur  savoir  "  (To  Tencin  on  January 
22,  1750  ;  in  Heeckeren,  II.,  5).  Ibid.,  I.,  209,  Benedict  XIV. 
applied  the  epithet  "  livre  vraiment  mauvais  "  to  Bellelli 's  book 
discussed  by  [Patouillet]  in  II.,  107  seqq.  The  Jansenists  exulted 
at  the  prohibition,  although,  as  the  Pope  ordered  to  be  \vritten 
to  the  French  nuncio  :  "  *e  un  trionfo  ben  ridicolo  quello  che 
fanno  i  Giansenisti  del  decreto  proibitivo  della  Biblioteca 
Giansenista,  mentre  non  so  vedere  cosa  possino  dedurne  a  loro 
favore.  La  Congregazione  non  deve  soffrire  che  un  particolare 
di  sua  propria  autorita  s'arroghi  il  diritto  di  dichiarare  Giansenisti 
o  sospetti  almeno  di  Gianscnismo  una  quantita  di  scrittori 
cattolici  e  di  comprender\'i  ancora  un  Cardinale  tanto  dotto 
e  tanto  benemerito  della  S.  Sede.  Questa  temerita  doveva 
reprimersi."  The  Secretary  of  State  to  the  nuncio  Durini  on 
December  17,  1749,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442  seq.,  fo.  328^. 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 


236  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

had  become  a  confirmed  Jansenist,  on  being  expelled  from 
his  Order  went  to  Paris  and  appealed  to  the  parliament,  which 
ruled  that  he  was  to  stay  in  his  monastery  and  wear  the  habit 
of  his  Order. 1  If  the  king  did  not  come  to  his  aid  in  this  affair, 
wrote  the  Pope,  he  would  not  know  what  to  do  in  future.  If 
he  took  no  action  against  the  Jansenists,  he  was  accused  of 
favouring  them,  and  if  he  did  proceed  against  them  out  of 
a  sense  of  duty  he  had  his  arms  and  legs  cut  off.^  The  king 
sided  with  the  Pope  against  Viou,  as  did  also  the  judgement 
given  by  twelve  advocates.^ 

The  question  which  had  been  the  subject  of  Antoine 
Amauld's  first  publication,  when  Jansenism  was  only  just 
beginning,  still  seemed  to  be  a  burning  one  in  Benedict  XIV. 's 
time.  In  1745  a  Jesuit,  Jean  Pichon,  after  thirty  years  of 
missionary  work  among  the  people,  considered  it  his  duty  to 
resort  to  the  pen  to  advocate  frequent,  even  daily.  Com- 
munion * — a  daring  undertaking  at  a  time  when  the  deacon 
Paris  was  being  praised  for  abstaining  from  Easter  Com- 
munion, especially  as  Pichon  represented  frequent  Com- 
munion as  nothing  less  than  a  duty.^  His  book  caused  a  great 
sensation.  Although  it  had  been  published  with  the  approval 
of  five  bishops,  twenty  of  their  colleagues  declared  themselves 
to  be  against  Pichon,^  several  of  them  being  firm  opponents 
of  the  Jansenists,  such  as  Languet  of  Sens,  Brancas  of  Aix, 
Beaumont  of  Paris,  and  Tencin  of  Lyons.  Pichon  found 
himself  compelled  to  sign  a  recantation,  which  was  published 
by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  in  a  pastoral  letter.  This  rendered 

'  Heeckeren,  I.,  41,  47,  77. 

*  To  Tencin,  October  24,  1744,  tbid.,  159. 

*  To  the  same,  January  9,  1745,  ibid.,  171. 

*  Cf.  P.  DuDON  in  Recherches  de  science  religieuse,  VT.  (1916), 
513  seqq.,  VII.  (1917),  no  seqq.,  507  seqq.,  VIII.  (1918),  102  seqq., 
256  seqq.,  IX.  (1919),  243  seqq.,  373  seqq.  In  a  private  letter  to 
Rome  a  Jesuit  in  Paris  surmised  that  Pichon 's  object  was  "  denuo 
suscitare  extinctum  prope  fidelium  in  Gallia  fervorem  circa 
frequentem  Eucharistiae  at  Poenitentiae  usum  ".    Ibid.,  VII.,  508. 

»  Ibid.,  VI.,  522. 

"  Ibid.,  VII.,  121  ;    SoMMERVoGEL,  VI.,  718-722. 


pichon's  book  on  frequent  communion  237 

pointless  the  action  which  had  already  been  brought  by 
Antoine  Arnauld's  family,  first  in  the  parliament  and  then  in 
the  royal  council,  against  the  defamer  of  his  name  ^  ;  but 
Pichon  failed  to  put  into  print  in  time  a  second  edition  of  his 
book  which  had  been  prepared  by  the  Jesuit  Patouillet  ^  on 
the  advice  of  Languet  and  Rastignac,  Archbishop  of  Tours, 
and  thus  to  expunge  his  inaccurate  quotations  and  exaggera- 
tions. The  Paris  nuncio  Durini  was  very  guarded  in  his 
judgement  of  the  matter.  The  majority  of  the  French  bishops, 
he  wrote,^  have  made  no  move  and  were  right  in  not  doing  so  ; 
those  who  did  speak  were  not  unanimous  in  their  opinions, 
and  some  of  them  held  suspicious  doctrines.  Even  when  this 
was  not  the  case  it  was  difficult  to  see  on  what  grounds  they 
had  condemned  Pichon.  Among  most  of  the  Paris  Jesuits,  said 
Durini,  Pichon  found  no  support.  Benedict  XIV.  was  also  of 
the  opinion  ^  that  Pichon's  little  book  hardly  deserved  the 
uproar  that  was  being  made  about  it,  especially  as  it  had 
been  written  in  such  good  faith.  Nevertheless  the  book  was 
put  on  the  Index  on  August  13th,  1748,  though  by  order  of 
the  Pope  its  suppression  was  not  published  ^  until  September 
11th,  1750.^  Nor  was  Pichon's  teaching  on  frequent  Com- 
munion the  reason  for  its  suppression. '^ 

The  affair  had  an  unpleasant  sequel  for  the  Pope.^  The 
publication  of  Pichon's  book  prompted  Archbishop  Rastignac 
of  Tours  to  publish  some  pastoral  letters,  one  of  which,  on 
Christian  justice,  was  thought  by  many  to  be  dangerously  akin 
to  Jansenistic  notions,  when  treating  of  the  sacraments  of 
Penance  and  the  Holy  Eucharist.    Benedict  XIV.  was  most 

1  DuDON,  VI.,  524  seqq.  ;  Regnault  in  Etudes,  1876,  II., 
810-820. 

2  DuDON,  VII.,  507-519,  VIII,  256  seqq. 
^  Ibid.,  376. 

^  To  Tencin,  March  20,  1748,  Heeckerex,  I.,  391. 

*  To  the  same,  September  17,  1749,  ibid.,  517. 

*  Reusch.  II.,  453  seq. 

'  Communication  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Congregation  of  the 
Index,  Thomas  Esser,  O.P.,  of  June  i,  1910,  in  Dudon,  IX.,  253. 

*  DuDON,  VIII.,  102-122. 


238  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

upset  at  the  thought  of  another  controversy  among  the 
Bishops  of  France  after  all  that  had  already  happened  in  that 
country.i  He  had  the  letter  examined,  entrusting  this  delicate 
task  to  the  scholars  whom  he  thought  to  be  least  affected  by 
party  spirit.^  Rastignac's  death  on  August  3rd,  1750,  put  an 
end  to  the  investigation  ;  a  few  months  before,  when  writing 
in  defence  of  his  letter,  he  had  declared  in  the  most  unam- 
biguous terms  his  acceptance  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus  and  his 
rejection  of  Quesnel's  101  propositions. ^ 


(2) 

On  March  13th,  1746,  Vintimille  du  Luc,  Archbishop  of 
Paris,  died  at  the  age  of  ninety-one,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Gigault  de  Bellefonds,  who  reigned  only  for  a  few  weeks.  Next 
to  succeed  as  the  first  prelate  of  the  realm  was  Christophe  de 
Beaumont  de  R^payre,  who  had  exchanged  the  diocese  of 
Bayonne  for  the  archdiocese  of  Vienne  as  recently  as  1745  and 
had  shown  himself  to  be  a  zealous  bishop.*  The  Jansenists 
gave  the  appearance  of  being  pleased  with  the  choice  of  the 
new  primate  ;  in  Rome  the  pleasure  was  genuine.  ^ 

Beaumont  was  determined  from  the  start  to  oppose  Jan- 
senism in  the  most  definite  manner  possible  and  not  to  allow 
anyone  to  exercise  the  cure  of  souls  who  had  not  accepted  the 
Bull  Unigenitus  with  both  outward  and  inward  obedience.^ 

'  To  Tencin,  June  11,  1749,  Heeckeren,  I.,  490. 
-  To  the  same,  February  11,  1750,  ibid.,  II.,  10. 
'  DuDON,  VIII.,  120. 

■•  Biography  by  E.  R^gnault  in  Etudes,  1876  seqq.  (special 
edition,  Paris,  1882). 

*  "  *Non  mi  fa  specie  che  i  Giansenisti  si  mostrino  contenti 
del  nuovo  arcivescovo.  Questo  6  il  lore  solito  anche  quando  non 
lo  sono  internamente.  Conosco  particolarmente  il  prelate  quanto 
savio  altrettanto  zelante  per  la  buona  causa  ;  onde  voglio  sperarne 
un  ottimo  governo."  The  Secretary  of  State  to  the  nuncio  Durini, 
April  13,  1746,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  187V,  Papal  Secret 
Archives. 

•  Regnault,  1876,  II.,  796. 


THE    FRENCH    KING   AND    JANSENISM  239 

That  these  principles  would  bring  him  into  conflict  with  the 
parliament  was  brought  in  upon  him  as  early  as  the  second 
year  of  his  administration,  by  the  fate  that  befell  one  of  his 
colleagues.  The  Bishop  of  Amiens  had  demanded  the  accep- 
tance of  the  Bull  Unigenitus  as  a  condition  for  giving  Com- 
munion to  the  dying  and  the  parliament  suppressed  this 
instruction. 1  In  this  case,  it  is  true,  the  matter  ended  with 
the  king  forbidding  the  justiciaries  to  pronounce  judgement  in 
ecclesiastical  affairs,^  but  the  incident  was  only  a  foretaste  of 
what  was  to  follow.  During  the  war  of  the  Austrian  Succession 
the  controversy  about  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments  tem- 
porarily ceased,  but  after  the  Peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  in  1748 
it  blazed  up  more  furiously  than  ever.  Everything  depended  on 
the  attitude  of  the  Court.  Personally  the  king  had  preserved 
a  certain  feeling  for  religion  deriving  from  his  education  by 
Fleury  ;  the  Bull  Unigenitus  he  regarded  as  a  law  of  the 
Church  and  of  the  State,  and  consequently,  to  his  mind,  the 
Jansenists  were  disturbers  of  the  peace  and  of  his  personal 
tranquillity.  He  was,  however,  entirely  dependent  on  his 
entourage,  and  here  the  pious  Queen  Marie  Leszczinska  and 
her  daughters  were  opposed  by  the  Pompadour,  advised  by 
the  Comptroller-General  and  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  Machault,  by 
Marshal  de  Noailles  (with  whom  it  was  a  family  tradition  to 
regard  Jansenism  as  a  mere  chimera) ,  and  in  the  last  instance 
by  the  anti-religious  party  of  the  so-called  philosophers. 
The  Chancellor,  D'Aguesseau,  was  on  the  side  of  the  clergy 
but  had  no  influence.  Not  ill-disposed  at  first  towards  the 
clergy,  the  king  allowed  himself  to  be  influenced  more  and 
more  by  the  Pompadour's  party.  Decisive  measures,  which 
alone  could  have  saved  the  situation,  were  never  to  be  expected 
of  him.3 

The  struggle  between  the  new  Archbishop  and  the  parlia- 
ment  began   in   connection   with  the   so-called   "  confession 

^  On  January  7,  1747,  [Nivelle],  III.,  625.    Cf.  Cahen,  52. 
^  Regnault,  loc.  cil.  ;    Glasson,  II.,  147  seq. 
^  Crousaz-Cretet,  109-113  ;    Nuncio  Durini  on  April  24  and 
May  22,  1752,  in  Calvi,  243-5. 


240  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

tickets  ".^  Authorization  to  hear  confessions  being  unobtain- 
able from  the  Archbishop  by  Jansenist  priests,  one  of  them 
tried  to  prove  in  a  quarto  volume  of  800  pages  that  episcopal 
authorization  was  in  any  case  unnecessary,  as  the  authoriza- 
tion was  given  by  the  universal  Church. ^  These  principles 
were  put  into  practice.  Jansenist  priests  went  from  one 
Parisian  parish  to  another  hearing  the  confessions  of  their 
adherents.^  The  giving  of  Communion  to  the  sick,  however, 
remained  the  exclusive  right  of  the  parish  priest.  To  put 
a  stop  to  this  unauthorized  hearing  of  confessions  by  Jansenist 
priests,  Beaumont  ordered  that  Communion  should  be  given 
to  the  dying  only  when  they  could  prove  by  the  production  of  a 
"  confession  ticket  "  that  they  had  confessed  to  an  authorized 
priest.  This  was  no  new  measure.  It  had  already  been 
used  by  Cardinal  Noailles  against  the  Jesuits,  to  prevent  them 
from  taking  part  in  the  cure  of  souls.*  In  1749  there  died 
without  the  Sacraments  a  noted  appellant,  Charles  Coffin, 
who  had  been  Rector  of  the  University,  then  director  of 
a  school  to  which  the  Jansenists  were  pleased  to  entrust  their 
sons,  and  incidentally  the  composer  of  the  hymns  in  the  new 
Paris  breviary.  Coffin  had  asked  his  parish  priest,  Bouettin, 
to  give   him   Communion   and   Extreme    Unction    but    had 

^  F.  RocQUAiN,  Le  refus  des  sacrements  in  Rev.  hist.,  V.  (1877), 
241-264. 

2  [Travers],  Les  pouvoirs  legitimes  du  premier  et  du  second 
ordre  dans  V administration  des  sacrements  (1744).  Cf.  [Patouillet] 
III.,  273  seqq.  ;  first  draft  of  1734,  ibid.,  I.,  340.  Another  Jansenist 
maintained  that  in  view  of  absolute  predestination  confession 
was  futile.    Rocquain,  loc.  cit.,  250. 

3  Regnault,  1877,  I.,  76.  "  Entre  eux,  ils  se  confessent,  et 
s'administrent,  dit-on,  les  sacrements  secretement  sans  s'em- 
barrasser  autrement  des  pouvoirs  de  rarcheveque."  (Barbier, 
Journal,  IV.,  504  ;  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  86).  In  the  Lemere  case 
(see  below,  p.  243)  a  parliamentary  councillor  defended  the 
confession  tickets  on  the  ground  that  "  trop  sou  vent  des  pretres 
habilles  en  laiques  et  I'epee  au  cote,  vont  confesser  les  malades 
sans  pouvoir  aucun  ".    Crousaz-Cr6tet,  102. 

*    REGNAULT,    1877,   I.,   77;     CrOUSAZ-Cr6tET,  94-161. 


THE  CASE  OF  CHARLES  COFFIN      24I 

steadfastly  refused  to  divulge  the  name  of  the  priest  who  had 
heard  his  confession.  His  family  referred  the  matter  to  the 
Archbishop,  who  demanded  as  a  condition  for  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Last  Sacraments  that  the  dying  man  should 
submit  to  the  Bull  Unigenitus  ;  but  Coffin  would  not  hear  of 
such  a  thing.  As  he  finally  died  without  the  Sacraments,  the 
clergy  took  no  part  in  his  funeral,  which  was  made  the  occasion 
for  an  imposing  demonstration  against  the  Archbishop.  The 
University  was  represented  by  the  Rector,  the  faculty  of 
philosophy  by  the  procurators  of  the  four  nations,  and  over 
four  thousand  persons  are  said  to  have  followed  the  hearse 
through  the  streets. ^  It  was  a  manifestation  of  the  spirit  of 
revolt,  which  for  the  time  being  was  directed  only  against 
the  spiritual  authority  ;  but  already  by  1750  the  Parisians 
were  being  called  "  republicans  ".^ 

The  dead  man's  nephew  then  procured  four  counsels' 
opinions  on  the  case  and  distributed  them  in  Paris.  They 
contained  the  advice  to  bring  an  action  in  the  parliament 
against  the  Archbishop  for  abuse  of  official  authority.  But 
whatever  steps  the  parliament  might  have  taken  were  fore- 
stalled by  a  decision  of  the  Council,  issued  on  August  1st, 
1749,  annulling  the  four  counsels'  opinions.^ 

The  Government  thus  seemed  to  have  decided  to  leave 
Church  matters  to  the  Church.  But  it  failed  to  abide  by  this 
principle.  When  six  more  actions  were  brought  in  the  parlia- 
ment for  refusal  of  the  Sacraments  *  the  king,  in  his  reply, 
abided  by  his  last  decision  but  at  the  same  time  declared  that 
in  matters  of  this  kind  he  would  be  the  guardian  of  public 
order  and  that  further  cases  would  be  reported  to  him.  If  any- 
one were  refused  Communion  in  a  public  church,  the  royal 
judges  could  decide  the  case.^  Thus  the  Government  ran  with 

^  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  80  seq.  ;    Glasson,  II.,  153  seq. 
2  Barbier,  Journal,  V.,  253,  in  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  81,  n.  3. 
^  Regnault,  ibid.,  83  seq.    For  the  parliament's  deliberations 
on  this  occasion,  see  [Nivelle],  III.,  492-494. 
••  [Nivelle],  III.,  494. 
^  Decision  of  March  20,  1750,  ibid.,  497. 

VOL.   XXXV.  R 


242  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  hare  and  hunted  with  the  hounds,  and  it  was  easy  to  see 
where  this  would  lead,  even  though  the  king  did  continue 
to  hold  to  his  former  principles  in  the  complications  that  at 
first  ensued.  One  case  that  cropped  up  not  long  afterwards 
aroused  considerable  feeling. 

The  same  young  member  of  the  Coffin  family  who  had 
complained  about  the  treatment  of  his  uncle  fell  ill  himself 
towards  the  end  of  the  year  and  asked  his  parish  priest — 
Bouettin  again — for  the  Sacraments.  Bouettin  having  been 
asked  in  vain  three  times,  Coffin  appealed  to  the  parliament. ^ 
The  court  was  only  too  glad  to  hear  the  case  ;  lengthy  dis- 
cussions ensued  and  Bouettin  was  kept  in  custody  for  a  day, 
but  finally  the  parliament  found  itself  in  a  blind  alley,  for  the 
Archbishop  persisted  in  maintaining  that  he  had  found  the 
rule  as  to  confession  tickets  already  in  existence  and  that  he 
neither  could  nor  would  alter  it.  The  parliament  then  put  the 
case  before  the  king,  who  said  that  he  would  reserve  it  for 
a  royal  decision.  In  the  end  all  the  parties  concerned  were 
relieved  of  their  difficulties  by  the  sick  man  agreeing  to  make 
his  confession  to  a  priest  authorized  by  the  Archbishop.  The 
parliament,  however,  availed  itself  of  the  opportunity  to  make 
a  lengthy  representation  to  the  king  ^  in  which  it  again 
defended  its  right  to  intervene  in  matters  relating  to  the 
administration  of  the  Sacraments. 

A  further  collision  with  the  parliament  came  about  as  the 
result  of  Beaumont's  measures  against  the  Jansenist  nursing 
sisters  in  the  general  hospital  in  Paris.^  The  Archbishop 
forbade  these  nuns  to  go  into  the  town  whenever  they  liked  on 
the  pretence  of  going  to  confession  ;  whereupon  the  Mother 
Superior  with  some  of  the  Sisters  left  the  convent  altogether. 
At  the  election  of  a  new  Superior  Beaumont  decided  in  favour 
of  a  widow  of  the  name  of  Moisan,  who  was  supported  by  the 
most  highly  reputed  but  not  the  majority  of  the  electors  ;  of 
the   twenty-two   votes  only   ten   were   cast   in   her   favour. 

^  [Nivelle],  III.,  499-515. 

"  On  March  4,  1751,  tbid.,  507-515.  For  Coffin,  cf.  R6gnault, 
1877,  I.,  81-91. 

^  R^GNAULT,  ibid..  208-220;    Glasson,  II.,  165-173. 


THE    LEM^RE    CASE  243 

Nevertheless,  the  Archbishop's  action  was  approved  in  a  royal 
declaration  of  March  24th,  1751,  which  also  empowered  him 
to  nominate  the  chaplains  to  the  hospital.  This  led  to  a  con- 
test which  had  a  most  important  bearing  on  the  future  history 
of  the  constitution.  When  the  time  came  for  the  parliament 
to  enter  the  royal  declaration  in  its  records,  it  demanded  that 
it  be  amended  according  to  the  wishes  of  the  court  ;  in  other 
words,  this  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  parliament 
intervened  in  the  legislation  and  assigned  to  itself  a  legislative 
power.  This  time,  it  is  true,  the  Government  upheld  the 
Archbishop  in  his  choice  of  the  new  officials  and  on  August 
16th  administered  a  reprimand  to  the  parliament,  which 
replied  with  further  remonstrances.  The  whole  affair  was 
important  as  a  sign  of  the  times  :  the  Revolution  was 
announcing  its  approach  through  the  principles  held  by  the 
parliament  and  by  the  treatment  meted  out  to  the  Archbishop 
by  the  Jansenist  church  journal.  On  its  reassembly  after  the 
vacation  the  parliament  continued  its  resistance,  and  on 
November  24th  went  so  far  as  to  suspend  itself,  though  it  very 
soon  thought  lit  to  resume  its  functions.  The  truth  was  that 
the  parliament's  prestige  was  on  the  decline  at  this  period  ; 
the  prices  asked  for  the  parliamentary  posts  which  were  for 
sale  had  dropped  considerably.^ 

But  the  parliament,  as  the  chief  opponent  of  the  monarchy, 
which  was  becoming  more  and  more  despised,  still  had  a  strong 
support  in  the  people,  and  the  recovery  of  its  influence  was 
accelerated  by  the  weakness  shown  towards  it  by  the  king. 
At  the  beginning  of  1752  the  Sacraments  were  refused  to  a  sick 
priest  named  Lemere — once  again  by  Bouettin — and  the  game 
began  anew.^  Lemere  appealed  to  the  parliament,  which 
summoned  Bouettin  before  it,  forbade  him  under  pain  of  heavy 
penalties  to  set  a  bad  example  again,  and  ordered  the  Arch- 
bishop to  prevent  the  repetition  of  similar  scandals.^  The 
king  declared  this  order  to  be  null  and  void,  but  when  the  sick 

1  Glasson,  II.,  170-175. 
-  [Nivelle],  III.,  515-530. 

*  "  Ordonne  en  outre  que  I'archeveque  de  Paris  sera  tenu  de 
veiller  a  ce  que  pareil  scandale  n'arrive  plus."    Ibid.,  517. 


244  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

man  had  again  asked  for  the  Sacraments,  this  time  through 
the  court-baiHff,^  without  success,  and  a  parhamentary 
deputation  went  to  wait  on  the  king,  he  began  to  give  way. 
He  promised  2  to  give  the  necessary  orders  without  delay  and 
to  take  care  of  the  invahd,  and  he  assured  the  deputation 
that  they  could  rely  both  on  his  zeal  for  religion  and  his 
determination  to  preserve  public  order.  Meanwhile  Lemere 
died.  On  the  eve  of  the  Easter  recess  the  parliament  met  at 
six  o'clock  in  the  evening  and  remained  in  session  until  three 
o'clock  the  following  morning,  which  was  that  of  Maundy 
Thursday.  At  midnight  the  order  was  given  for  Bouettin's 
immediate  arrest,  but  he  had  taken  to  flight. 

After  the  Easter  vacation  ^  the  king  annulled  the  decree 
against  the  parish  priest  and  reserved  to  himself  the  right  to 
decide  on  the  whole  affair.  The  parliament,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  made  more  remonstrances,*  in  which  it  represented 
itself  as  the  judge  of  both  matters  of  Faith  and  of  Bishops, 
and  tried  to  intimidate  the  king  by  stressing  the  danger  of 
a  schism  if  a  section  of  the  faithful  were  to  be  excluded  from 
the  Sacraments.  Louis  XV.  now  as  good  as  yielded.  He  said 
in  his  reply  ^  that  he  would  always  listen  to  the  parliament's 
representations  with  a  favourable  ear  when  they  had  as  their 
subject  the  good  of  religion  and  the  peace  of  the  State  ;  he 
then  spoke  of  the  danger  of  schism  and  announced  that  he  had 
punished  a  parish  priest  of  Orleans  who  had  preached  a  sermon 
of  which  the  parliament  had  complained,  that  measures  were 
being  taken  to  remove  Bouettin  from  his  parish,  and  that  he 
had  never  intended  entirely  to  withdraw  from  the  parliament's 
control  the  matters  now  in  question.  A  commission  of  prelates 
and  ofhcials  was  to  discuss  the  appropriate  measures  to  be 
taken.® 

•  Ibid.,  520. 

■■^  On  March  27,  1752,  ibid.,  518. 
'  On  April  9,  ibid.,  521. 
•■  On  April  15,  ibid.,  525-528. 
'-  [Nivelle],  III.,  528  seq. 

*  Crousaz-Cr^tet,  104  ;  Durini  to  Valeuti,  May  22,  1752,  in 
Calvi,  245. 


PRO-JANSENIST   DECREE    OF   THE    PARLIAMENT    245 

This  gave  the  pariiament  what  it  wanted.  As  expected,  the 
commission  effected  nothing,  and  on  April  28th,  1752,  there 
was  pubhshed  the  fateful  decree  of  the  parliament  by  which 
clerics  were  forbidden  to  do  anything  that  might  lead  to 
schism.  In  particular  it  was  forbidden  publicly  to  refuse  the 
Sacraments  on  the  ground  that  no  confession  ticket  had  been 
produced,  or  that  the  name  of  the  confessor  had  not  been 
stated,  or  that  the  Bull  Unigenitus  had  not  been  accepted. 
Further,  clerics  were  not  allowed  to  use  in  their  sermons  such 
terms  as  innovators,  heretics,  schismatics,  Jansenists,  and 
semi-Pelagians,  when  speaking  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus. 
Offenders  would  be  treated  as  disturbers  of  the  peace. ^  In 
the  face  of  this  decree  the  Government  acted  with  its  usual 
weakness.  It  published  an  order  in  council  in  which  it  under- 
took to  settle  the  question  by  itself  but  allowed  the  parlia- 
ment's decree  to  stand,  and  in  a  covering  letter  to  the  Bishops 
it  recommended  its  observance.^ 

Naturally  those  who  were  loyal  to  the  Church  did  not  fail 
to  raise  their  voices  against  the  counsellors  who  had  prevailed 
upon  the  king  to  make  "  so  weak  and  submissive  a  reply  " 
to  the  "  provocative  and  subversive  "  remonstrances  of  the 
parliament,  but  they  made  no  impression  on  the  originators 
of  the  answer,  the  Comptroller-General,  the  Pompadour,  and 
Marshal  Noailles.  With  the  exception  of  the  Chancellor,  who 
protested  in  vain,  the  Ministers  had  been  bought  by  the 
Pompadour  and  feared  to  lose  their  posts. ^ 

The  Jansenists  had  good  cause  to  exult.  Printed  copies  of 
the  parliamentary  decree  were  distributed  by  the  thousand, 
and  they  were  soon  to  be  seen  posted  up  at  every  street 
corner  ;  they  were  even  affixed  to  the  Archbishop's  palace  in 
twelve  different  places.  Many  persons  had  a  copy  framed 
and  hung  it  at  the  head  of  their  beds,  along  with  the  images 
of  Saints.  They  also  distributed  printed  invitations  to  the 
funeral  of  "  the  noble  lady,  Madame  la  Constitution  Uni- 
genitus,  daughter    of    Clement     XI.,    widow    of    Monsieur 

1  [Nivelle],  III.,  530. 

*  Regnault,  1877,  I.,  231  seq.  ;   Glasson,  II.,  181. 

^  Nuncio  Durini  on  April  24,  1752,  in  Calvi,  243. 


246  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Formulaire,  who  died  suddenly  in   the  Great   Hall  of  the 
parliament  in  Paris."  ^ 

To  make  things  difficult  for  the  clergy  several  Jansenists 
took  up  their  residence  in  the  parish  of  Saint-£tienne-du- 
Mont,  knowing  that  the  Sacraments  would  be  refused  them 
there. ^  "  You  all  know,"  wrote  the  Bishop  of  Amiens,  "  the 
confusion  that  reigns  in  Paris.  The  king  commands  his 
subjects  to  obey  the  Bull  as  much  as  if  it  were  a  law  of  the 
State,  while  the  parliament  punishes  those  who  demand  this 
obedience.  I  should  like  to  know  what  object  the  king  had  in 
view  when  he  published  his  order  in  council.  It  is  easy  to  see 
what  the  parliament  wants,  but  for  the  life  of  me  I  cannot  see 
what  the  king  is  aiming  at."  ^  Other  Bishops  would  have  liked 
the  Pope  solemnly  to  condemn  the  representations  of  the 
parliament,  since  that  would  have  impressed  those  who  meant 
well.  But  in  that  case  the  parliament  would  have  burnt  the 
condemnation  in  public,  and  the  situation  would  have  been 
worse  than  before.*  Beaumont  then  circulated  for  subscription 
by  his  parish  priests  a  memorial  in  which  the  confession  tickets 
were  described  as  an  old  custom  of  the  archdiocese.  This  gave 
rise  to  further  debates  in  the  parliament,  to  interrogations, 
to  declarations  of  invalidity  on  the  part  of  the  Court,  and  to 
threats  on  the  part  of  the  parliament  to  cease  functioning.^ 
There  was  no  lack  of  attacks  on  the  Archbishop,  one  decree 
of  the  parliament  referring  to  the  schism  "  of  which  the 
Archbishop  dares  to  declare  himself  in  favour  ".®   In  the  face 

'  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  232  seq.  ;    Rocquain,  156. 

*  Glasson,  II.,  184.  "  II  etait  evident,"  Glassou  says  here, 
"  que  le  Parlement,  au  lieu  d'eteindre  le  feu,  I'excitait." 

'  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  232  seq. 

*  Durini  to  Valenti,  May  22,  1752,  in  Calvi,  244.  C.  Stryienski 
in  Le  dix-huitUme  siecle,  Paris,  191 2,  136  :  "  Le  Parlement  fait 
du  Jansenisme  une  arme  politique  empi^tant  le  pouvoir 
ecclesiastique,  fomentant  sous  le  couvert  des  libertes  gallicanes 
une  opposition  qui  menace  le  pouvoir  royal." 

^    [NiVELLE],   III.,  530-539- 

*  Ibid.,  534  ;  repeated  in  the  president's  first  speech  before  the 
king,  ibid.,  538. 


THE    BISHOPS     PROTEST   TO   THE    KING        247 

of  these  insults  Beaumont's  fellow-Bishops  made  representa- 
tions to  the  king.^  "  What,"  they  asked,  "  will  the  people 
think,  what  will  they  be  able  to  respect,  when  those  who  in 
virtue  of  their  office  ought  to  cultivate  submissiveness  set  it 
an  example  of  insubordination  ;  when  they  set  themselves  up 
as  censors  and  teachers  in  matters  in  which  they  ought  to 
allow  themselves  to  be  instructed,  namely  in  matters  of 
religion  ?  "  At  the  same  time,  with  Beaumont  at  their  head, 
they  protested  against  the  violations  of  the  ecclesiastical 
authority.^  But  it  was  all  in  vain.  While  the  decree  of  the 
parliament  was  being  circulated  in  thousands  of  printed  copies 
a  "royal  command  forbade  the  publication  of  the  Bishops' 
petitions.  Nevertheless,  these  latter,  which  were  signed  at 
first  by  twenty  Archbishops  and  Bishops,  were  eventually 
agreed  to  by  sixty  prelates.^  At  about  this  time  the  nuncio 
Durini  represented  to  the  Minister  Saint-Contest  that  the  king 
would  have  to  deprive  the  parliament  once  for  all  of  the  right 
to  pronounce  unfavourable  judgement  on  the  refusal  of  the 
Sacraments.  If  Jansenism  were  no  longer  able  to  rely  on  the 
royal  protection,  he  maintained,  it  would  disappear  from 
France  in  a  few  years.  It  seemed  to  the  nuncio  that  his 
representations  had  made  a  certain  impression,  but  nothing 
resulted  from  them.^  With  Marshal  Noailles  he  was  even  less 
successful.^ 

The  parliament  took  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the 
Government  to  make  the  fullest  use  of  its  decree  against  the 
refusal  of  the  Sacraments.  Clerics  were  found  guilty  and 
arrested  in  every  diocese  that  was  within  the  administrative 
area  of  the  Paris  parhament.®  In  the  parish  of  Saint-fitienne- 
du-Mont  in  Paris,  by  July  1753,  not  only  the  parish  priest 

^  On  June  11,  1752,  in  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  234. 

2  Regnault,  1877,  I.,  235  ;   Fleury,  LXXVII.,  695. 

3  Regnault,  loc.  cit.  ;    Schill,  282  seq. 

*  Durini  to  Valenti,  July  17,  1752  ;  Calvi,  248. 

°  Durini  on  October  9,  1752,  ibid.,  254. 

''  Cf.  Journal  historique  of  the  parliamentary  sessions  from 
May  17  to  September  6,  1752,  in  [Nivelle],  III.,  548-595,  from 
November  29,  1752,  to  the  banishment  of  the  parliament,  ibid.^ 


248  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Bouettin  but  also  his  three  vicars  had  fled  before  the  persecu- 
tion of  the  parhament,^  so  that  there  was  no  priest  left  to 
conduct  the  services.  The  Bishop  of  Amiens  wrote  to  the 
king  that  several  parishes  in  his  dioceses  had  been  deserted, 
their  pastors  having  flown  ;  surely  the  king  would  not  abandon 
the  clergy  to  the  wrath  of  his  lay  officials. ^  Nevertheless,  the 
persecution  continued.  When  the  parliament  went  into 
recess  at  the  beginning  of  September  its  part  was  taken  over 
by  the  Chambre  des  Vacations,  and  when  this  retired  from  the 
scene  on  October  27th,  1752,  it  was  replaced  until  the  parlia- 
ment reopened  on  November  12th  by  the  officials  of  the 
Chatelet,  who  ordered  a  letter  from  their  Archbishop  to  be 
burned  by  the  public  executioner.^  "  Things  are  going 
persistently  badly  for  us,"  wrote  this  prelate  on  September 
22nd,  1752  *  ;  "the  Court,  it  is  evident,  is  disturbing  itself 
very  little  on  our  account,  and  the  parliament,  which  is  being 
given  a  free  hand,  is  bent  on  destroying  the  Bull  so  far  as 
France  is  concerned,  and  it  will  succeed  in  its  purpose  only 
too  well  if  the  clergy  are  forced  to  administer  the  Sacraments 
to  the  Jansenists.  If  the  lower  ranks  of  the  clergy  are  not 
supported  they  will  lose  courage  and  do  whatever  the  parlia- 
ment wants.  No  respect  is  paid  to  the  Bishops  ;  false  hopes 
are  held  out  to  them,  and  they  are  prevented  from  taking 
action.  Everyone  to  whom  I  write  replies  that  we  can  only 
wait  ;  but  the  parliament  does  not  wait  ;  it  persecutes  us 
incessantly."  ^ 

651  seqq.  ;  also,  for  the  parliamentary  vacations,  the  records  of 
the  Chambre  des  Vacations  for  1752,  ibid.,  595  seqq.,  for  1753, 
ibid.,  721  ;  of  the  Chatelet  for  1752,  ibid.,  607  seqq.,  for  1753, 
ibid.,  723.  For  the  measures  taken  by  the  tribunals  dependent 
on  the  parliament,  ibid.,  619  seqq. 

'  Cf.  the  records  in  [Nivelle],  III.,  539-548. 

-  RocQUAiN,  161. 

'  Glasson,  II.,  185. 

*  In  R^GNAULT,  1877,  I.,  237  seq. 

*  "  Au  commencement  de  1753  la  querelle  entre  les  Jans6nistes 
et  les  Molinistcs  [namely  over  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments] 
avait  pris  un  degre  d 'acuity  inoui  et  cela  au  depens   de    tous, 


THE    CASE    OF   SISTER   PERPETUA  249 

At  the  end  of  1752  another  case  in  which  the  Sacraments 
were  refused  gave  rise  to  more  confusion  and  to  far-reaching 
discussions  on  constitutional  law.^  In  the  convent  school  of 
St.  Agatha  five  of  the  Jansenist  nuns  had  already  died  without 
the  Sacraments,^  and  when  in  December  1752  a  certain  Sister 
Perpetua  had  an  apoplectic  stroke,  the  parliament  ordered 
the  Sacraments  to  be  given  her.  The  vicars  of  the  parish  cited 
the  prohibition  of  the  Archbishop,  and  when  he  refused  to 
retract  his  former  instructions  the  court  ordered  the  episcopal 
revenues  to  be  confiscated  and  invited  the  peers  of  France 
together  with  the  king  to  sit  in  judgement  on  Beaumont, 
since  he,  being  a  peer,  could  only  be  tried  by  his  equals.  At 
this  the  prelates  who  were  present  in  Paris,  the  rest  of  the 
clergy,  and,  to  no  less  a  degree,  the  king,  were  highly  indignant. 
The  king  called  the  parliament  an  assembly  of  republicans 
and  could  find  no  other  consolation  for  himself  than  that  the 
present  state  of  things  would  last  at  least  as  long  as  he  did.^ 
He  reserved  for  himself  the  handling  of  the  affair  and  forbade 
the  convening  of  the  peers,*  which  action  gave  rise  to  the 
following  questions  of  constitutional  law  :  Had  the  parliament 
the  right  to  convene  the  peers  ?  Could  the  king  reserve  for 
himself  the  judgement  of  a  case  after  the  summons  to  the 
peers  had  gone  forth,  and  if  he  did  so,  could  a  peer  be  sub- 
sequently judged  by  the  Council  of  State  ?  ^  The  first  question 
was  answered  by  the  parliament  in  the  affirmative,  by  the 
king  in  the  negative  ;  nevertheless  the  parliament  convened 
the  peers,  and  the  king  again  forbade  them  to  assemble.  Then 
the  parliament  sent  a  deputation  to  the  king  to  explain  the 
necessity  for  the  summons,  and  he  replied  curtly  that  he  had 

surtout  au  prejudice  de  la  religion.  Ces  querelles  faisaient  soulever 
des  controverses  de  toutes  sortes  at  regner  un  veritable  souffle 
revolutionnaire."    Glasson,  II.,  186. 

1  [Nivelle],  III.,  542-8,  654-662  ;  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  240- 
243  ;    Glasson,  II.,  187. 

2  [Nivelle],  loc.  cit.. 

^  Regnault,  loc.  cit.  ;   Crousaz-Cretet,  113. 

^  On  December  16,  1752,  [Nivelle],  loc.  cit.,  657. 

'  Glasson,  II.,  189  seqq. 


250  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

every  respect  for  the  peers,  but  that  they  knew  what  command 
he  had  issued,  and  that  he  was  amazed  at  the  parhament's 
presumption.  This  reply  was  then  the  subject  of  long  and 
heated  arguments  among  the  magistrates,  and  nine  different 
proposals  were  made  as  to  what  was  to  be  done.^  FinaDy 
they  agreed  on  twenty-two  articles  as  the  basis  of  an  extensive 
representation  to  be  made  to  the  king.^  Meanwhile  Sister 
Perpetua  had  recovered  from  her  stroke  and  had  been  taken 
to  the  convent  of  Port-Royal  in  the  suburb  of  Saint- Jacques, 
which  had  long  ceased  to  be  Jansenist.  The  other  nuns  had 
to  dismiss  their  pupils  and  were  dispersed  among  other 
convents.^ 

While  the  proposed  representations  were  being  elaborated 
the  parliament  continued  on  its  former  course,  though  opposed 
by  the  royal  Council  of  State.  On  January  18th,  1753,  the 
Bishop  of  Orleans  received  instructions  to  administer  the 
Sacraments  to  a  sick  nun  within  an  hour.^  The  Council 
reserved  the  case  for  its  own  judgement,  but  in  spite  of  that 
the  parliament  imposed  a  fine  of  6,000  Itvres  on  the  Bishop 
and  summoned  him  to  appear  in  person,  whereupon  the 
Council  again  objected  to  all  that  had  been  done.^  The 
parliament  also  met  with  objections  and  censures  on  the  part 
of  the  jurists.  Opinions  were  published  which  disputed  its 
authority  in  the  matter  of  the  administration  of  the  Sacra- 
ments, notable  examples  being  that  which  was  signed  at  the 
end  of  January  1753  by  forty  doctors  of  the  facult}-  of  law 
in  the  University  of  Paris,  and  another  one  which  appeared 
about  the  same  time  and  was  signed  by  various  canonists  and 
barristers.   There  was  also  a  recrudescence  of  the  old  question 

1  Glasson,  loc.  cit. 

2  Copy  in  [Nivelle],  III.,  678. 

'    RiGNAULT,    1877,    I.,    342. 

••  [Nivelle],  III.,  662  seqq.  She  was  the  twentieth  nun  in  her 
convent  to  die  without  the  Sacraments.    Ibid.,  663. 

*  [Nivelle],  III.,  662-673.  At  the  time  the  Bishop  of  Autun 
proposed  a  national  council,  but  it  was  not  approved  of  by  the 
nuncio  Durini.  Durini  to  Valenti,  February  26,  1753.  Calvi, 
257- 


THE    PARLIAMENT   BANISHED    BY   THE    KING  25I 

whether  the  Jansenists  still  believed  in  the  presence  of  Christ 
in  the  Sacrament  of  the  Altar.  The  parliament,  of  course, 
condemned  all  these  documents.^ 

To  put  an  end  to  the  turmoil  the  king  addressed  letters 
patent  to  the  parliament  on  February  22nd,  1753,  forbidding 
it  to  occupy  itself  any  further  with  the  question  of  the  Sacra- 
ments.2  The  parliament  replied  by  deciding  to  extend  the 
representations  to  the  king,  which  had  been  in  preparation 
for  a  long  time  past.  On  April  5th  the  work  was  ready  at  last, 
and  the  king  was  asked  when  a  deputation  might  appear  before 
him.  His  answer  was  that  it  would  be  enough  for  him  to  see 
the  outline  of  the  representation,  namely  the  twenty-two 
articles  of  February  25th.  On  May  4th,  1753,  he  announced 
his  decision  not  to  accept  the  representations  in  full  and 
ordered  the  parliament  to  place  on  record  his  letters 
patent  of  February  22nd.  The  parliament's  reply  was  that  as 
it  was  impossible  to  bring  the  truth  to  the  steps  of  the  throne, 
the  chambers  of  the  parliament  would  continue  to  sit  but 
without  performing  their  official  functions.  The  king  ordered 
it  to  resume  its  functions  and  to  record  the  letters  patent  of 
February  22nd.  This  command  being  disobeyed,  there  was 
no  other  measure  to  apply  but  that  of  force.  At  3  o'clock  on 
the  morning  of  May  9th  orders  were  handed  by  musketeers  to 
every  member  of  the  five  parliamentary  chambers  of  the 
Enquetes  and  the  two  chambers  of  the  Requetes,  according  to 
which  they  were  to  betake  themselves  within  twenty-four 
hours  to  specified  towns  in  the  kingdom.  The  highest  section 
of  the  parliament,  the  Grand' C ha mbre,  was  spared,  and  on 
May  10th  dealt  with  another  case  of  refusal  of  the  Sacraments, 
but  with  no  cases  of  another  kind  ;  and  this,  indeed,  was  not 
possible,  owing  to  the  barristers  having  ceased  to  function. 
On  May  11th  the  Grand' Chambre  was  also  banished,  to  Pon- 
toise  ;  but  here  too  it  refused  to  attend  to  any  other  matter 
than  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments.  The  banished  members 
were  cheered  by  the  people  in  the  streets,  and  incidentally 

»  [NivELLE],  III.,  635-642. 
''  Ibid.,  673. 


252  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

were  quite  content  to  be  in  exile,  which  for  them  was  by  way 
of  being  a  hohday.^ 

The  voluminous  representations  of  April  9th,  1753,^  failed 
to  fulfil  their  purpose  inasmuch  as  they  were  never  laid 
before  the  king,  but  they  are  noteworthy  nevertheless  as 
presaging  the  principles  of  the  coming  revolution.  After 
violent  protests  had  been  made  against  the  "  pretensions  "  of 
the  clergy  it  was  explained  to  the  king  that  he  was  acting 
unjustly  in  interfering  with  the  jurisdiction  of  the  parliament 
so  as  to  reserve  for  himself  the  decision  of  certain  cases,  and 
that  the  resistance  of  the  parliament  was  justified.  In  other 
words,  the  nation,  of  which  the  parliament  felt  itself  to  be  the 
representative,  was  above  the  king.^ 

The  banishment  of  the  parliament  naturally  entailed  some 
very  harmful  consequences.  The  administration  of  justice 
practically  ceased  ;  almost  the  onl}-  court  which  continued  to 
function  was  that  of  the  Chatelet,  which  dealt  with  minor 
cases  only.  Advocates  and  auxiliary  officials  were  deprived  of 
their  living,  there  was  no  longer  any  revenue  from  the  tax  on 
legal  documents,  and  provincials  no  longer  came  to  Paris  to 
have  their  cases  heard.  It  was  calculated  that  the  population 
of  the  city  was  reduced  by  20,000.* 

Some  substitute,  therefore,  had  to  be  found  for  the  missing 
courts.  In  November  1753  the  king  removed  the  members  of 
the  parliament  from  Pontoise  to  Soissons,  and  with  this  the 
Grand' Chambre  was  dissolved.  A  Chambre  Royale  was  set 
up  in  its  place,  but  no  one  would  make  use  of  it  ;  its  members 
met  and  after  waiting  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  went  away 
again. ^     In  the  provinces  the  other  parhaments  joined  with 

'  Glasson,  II.,  195  ;    Cahen,  54. 

«  [Nivelle],  III.,  678-708  (heads  60). 

'  "  II  y  a  dans  ces  remontrances  un  reflet  de  la  doctrine  nouvelle 
qui  commen9ait  a  se  faire  jour  et  suivant  laquelle  la  nation  est 
au-dessus  du  roi,  comme  I'figlise  est  au-dessus  du  pape."  Glasson, 
II.,  199.  These  remonstrances  have  been  termed  "  le  coup  de 
tocsin  avant-courreur  de  la  revolution."   Ri^gnault,  1877,  I.,  347. 

*  Glasson,  II.,  199,  205. 

*  Ibid.,  203,  205,  209.  • 


DETERIORATION   OF  THE   ROYAL  PRESTIGE    253 

that  of  Paris  in  resisting  the  Government,  and  the  persecution 
of  the  clergy  there  was  continued  with  greater  energy  than 

before.^ 

Even  before  his  differences  with  the  parliament  the  king's 
prestige  had  sunk  extremely  low,  owing  to  the  maladministra- 
tion of  the  Government,  the  impoverishment  of  the  people, 
and  the  presence  of  the  Pompadour.  On  one  occasion  when 
the  Dauphin  and  his  wife  were  driving  to  Notre-Dame  to  give 
thanks  for  the  birth  of  a  child,  their  carriage  was  surrounded 
by  two  thousand  women  who  shrieked  out  at  them,  "  Give  us 
something  to  eat,  we  are  starving  !  Away  with  that  strumpet 
who  is  ruling  France  and  bringing  her  to  ruin  !  Once  we  lay 
our  hands  on  her  there  won't  be  enough  of  her  left  to  make 
relics  of  !  "  ^  In  his  reports  to  Rome  the  nuncio  Durini  related 
that  the  king  was  bringing  about  his  own  downfall  by  his 
weakness  towards  the  parliament  and  that  the  ground  was 
being  prepared  for  a  political  as  well  as  a  religious  upheaval.^ 
All,  he  said,  who  were  still  Catholic  in  thought  and  cared  for 
the  king's  honour  and  renown  deplored  the  remissness  of  the 

1  Glasson,  II.,  207. 

2  ROCQUAIN,   144. 

3  On  May  22,  1752,  in  Calvi,  243-5.  The  king  did  not  realize, 
wrote  Durini  on  October  9.  1752  {ibid.,  254),  "  che  la  debolezza 
delle  sue  risoluzioni  6  la  vera  maniera  di  perdere  affatto  coUa 
religione  anche  la  sua  autorita,  ed  aprire  la  strada  a  catastrofi 
che  saranno  un  giorno  senza  riparo,  se  con  forza  non  vi  si  rimedia 
a  tempo."  Similarly  on  March  12,  1753  {ibid.,  262)  :  "  L'indolenza 
e  grande,  e  I'ignoranza  o  piuttosto  malignita  di  chi  guida  i  gabinetti 
di  Versailles  e  incredibile."  While  the  parliament  was  active, 
"  la  corte  non  da  segno  di  vita,  perche  si  travaglia  sempre  dal 
Guardasigilli  [Machault]  colle  sue  lancie  spezzate  [Noailles]  che 
ha  nel  Consiglio,  a  ritenere  il  Re  da  quelle  maschie  risoluzioni 
che  mostra  di  tanto  in  tanto  di  voler  prendere,  ora  con  larva 
d'emozione  nel  popolo,  ed  ora  con  pretesti,  di  non  doversi  fare 
nuove  illegalita,  perche  queste  darebbero  maggiori  prese  ai 
Parlamentarii  di  conculcar  davantaggio  I'autorita  regia.  Cosi  il 
povero  Re  e  tradito.  e  la  religione  ogni  giorno  piti  discapita  con 
scandalo  universale  e  dolore  dei  buoni,  che  pure  non  ne  mancano 
in  questa  cloaca  d'iniquita." 


254  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Government.  The  queen  herself  had  spoken  to  him  about  the 
matter  with  tears  in  her  eyes.  The  king  was  fundamentally 
good  at  heart  but  ill-advised.  He  could  find  no  way  out  of  his 
difficulties  and  meanwhile  his  reputation  was  lessening  every 
day,  and  when  things  had  become  desperate  in  both  the 
religious  and  political  sphere  it  would  be  too  late  for  him  to 
exert  his  authority.  He  listened  willingly  enough  to  the 
remonstrances  of  the  queen  and  Boyer,  but  when  it  came  to 
making  a  decision  he  followed  the  advice  of  the  Ministers,  who 
out  of  regard  for  a  false  policy,  for  the  sake  of  their  own 
interests,  and  for  lack  of  intelligence  and  religion,  inspired  the 
king  with  the  fear  of  still  greater  encroachments  on  his  rights 
by  the  parliament,  and  told  him  that  it  would  do  no  harm  to 
religion  to  abolish  the  Confession  tickets.  It  had  been  said  in 
the  Council  that  Christ  Himself  gave  Communion  to  Judas. 

The  chief  obstacle  to  any  decisive  action  was  the  popularity 
of  the  parliament,  which  had  been  increased  enormously  by 
its  resistance  to  the  maladministration  of  the  Government  ; 
and  the  loss  of  prestige  suffered  by  the  king  was  accompanied 
by  a  corresponding  lack  of  respect  for  the  clergy,  which  was 
looked  on  as  an  ally  of  the  Government.  At  the  time  when  the 
parliament  was  preparing  its  grand  remonstrances  with 
Louis  XV.  posters  with  the  words  "  Long  live  the  parliament  ! 
Death  to  the  king  and  the  bishops  !  "  were  affixed  to  the  walls 
of  houses  ;  every  night  for  a  week  mounted  troops  rode 
through  the  streets  to  maintain  public  order  ;  the  Arch- 
bishop's palace  was  guarded  by  soldiers  ;  and  clerics  could 
rarely  appear  in  the  streets  without  being  insulted. ^  To  the 
banished  Grand' Chambre  legal  officials  who  had  also  been 
banished  wrote,  "  The  king  may  have  100,000  men  but  the 
parliament  has  the  hearts,  the  respect,  and  the  will  of  all."-^ 
Even  at  this  time  a  work  written  against  the  grand  remon- 
strances of  the  parliament  contained  the  warning  that  its 
republican  princii)les  were  more  threatening  to  the  crown  than 
aU  the  teacliings  of  Rome  regarding  indirect  authority,  which 
had  raised  such  an  outcry  in  France.   Thanks  to  the  influence 

'  RocQUAiN,  170. 

•■'  Ibid..  173. 


THE    PARLIAMENT    RETURNS   TO    PARIS        255 

it  had  won  it  was  more  in  a  position  to  dethrone  the  king  than 
was  the  Pope.  The  Bishop  of  Montauban  seems  to  have  had 
the  gift  of  prophecy  when  in  a  pastoral  letter  he  reminded  his 
readers  of  the  English  revolution  and  the  fate  of  Charles  I.^ 

Louis  XV.  gradually  realized  that  he  would  have  to  make 
peace.  Welcomed  by  bonfires,  the  parliament  returned  in 
September  1754,  and  its  sessions  were  opened  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  cheers  and  clapping.  The  "  Royal  Chamber  " 
was  dissolved  before  it  had  given  its  first  verdict. ^  On  Septem- 
ber 2nd  the  king  had  an  announcement  read  in  the  parliament, 
imposing  a  general  silence  on  religious  questions  and  instruct- 
ing the  parliament  to  see  to  its  observance. ^  In  spite  of  this 
concession  the  parliament  made  difficulties  about  recording 
the  announcement.  On  September  5th  it  debated  the  matter 
from  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  five  in  the  evening  and 
in  addition  sent  deputies  to  the  king  to  protest  against  much 
that  had  been  said  to  the  detriment  of  the  parliament  in  the 
preamble  to  the  announcement.^  It  was  also  stated  expressly 
that  the  parliament's  attitude  towards  the  administration  of 
the  Sacraments  remained  unchanged. 

For  the  clergy  the  reconciliation  between  the  king  and  the 
parliament  brought  no  relief,  but  rather  the  reverse.   Hitherto 

'  Ibid.,  175. 

-  Ibtd.,  184  ;    Glasson,  II.,  208  ;    [Nivelle],  III.,  994  seq. 

3  Glasson,  II.,  209  ;  [Nivelle],  III.,  995  seq.  The  congratula- 
tions of  the  various  Paris  corporations  on  the  parliament's  return, 
ibid.,  998-1000. 

*  Glasson,  210  seq.  The  opinion  in  Rome  was  "  *II  silentio 
imposto  non  sara  osservato  et  invece  di  quiete  continueranno 
i  torbidi  e  ne  insorgeranno  dei  nuovi,  si  coi  fatti  che  con  i  scritti, 
come  in  simili  casi  ha  fatto  conoscere  I'esperienza  del  passato. 
Sopra  tutto  ha  fatto  ammirazione  I'audacia  e  temerita  del 
Parlamento,  che,  abusando  della  facilita  e  bonta  del  Re,  ha 
registrato  la  regia  dichiarazione  con  tante  modificazioni  e  riserve 
che  intieramente  la  distruggono,  specialmente  con  aver  dichiarato 
che  a  tenore  della  medesima  dichiarazione  abbia  ad  intendersi 
proibita  qualunque  innovazione  nell'  amministrazione  esteriore 
e  publica  dei  sagramenti."  To  the  nuncio  Gualtieri,  September  25, 
1754,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  458.    Papal  Secret  Archives. 


256  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  king  had  been,  on  the  whole,  on  the  side  of  the  clergy  ; 
that  this  was  no  longer  the  case  was  discovered  by  the  Arch- 
bishops of  Paris  and  Narbonne,  when,  together  with  Cardinals 
Soubise  and  La  Rochefoucauld,  they  remonstrated  with  the 
king  about  the  decree  he  had  issued  in  September  commanding 
silence  ;  they  were  simply  turned  away.^  The  truth  was  that 
the  situation  had  entirely  altered.  A  law  of  silence  was  nothing 
new  ;  what  was  new  was  that  the  bitterest  enemy  of  the  clergy 
had  been  appointed  as  guardian  of  this  silence  and  to  judge 
whether  it  had  been  observed.^  The  parliament  saw  at  once 
that  there  was  no  longer  any  fear  of  its  decisions  being  quashed 
by  the  Council  of  State  and  made  good  use  of  the  new  condi- 
tions. The  vacation  chamber  had  been  dealing  with  the  case 
of  a  Canon  of  Orleans,  Cougniou  by  name,  who  on  his  death- 
bed had  called  the  Bull  Unigenitus  a  work  of  the  Devil  and  had 
consequently  been  refused  the  Sacraments.  On  August  25th 
1755,  by  way  of  punishment  the  Paris  parliament  inflicted  a 
fine  of  100  livres  on  the  Canons  of  Orleans  and  compelled  them 
to  give  400  livres  to  charity  ;  four  of  them  were  permanently 
banished  from  the  country,  their  property  was  confiscated,  and 
part  of  the  capital  had  to  be  spent  on  holding  an  annual  com- 
memorative ceremony  for  the  deceased  and  on  erecting  a 
marble  tablet  in  the  church  as  a  lasting  record  of  the  judgement 
of  the  court. ^  A  protest  sent  to  the  king  by  the  clergy  met  in 
assembly  effected  nothing,  whereupon  the  Bishop  of  Orleans 
forbade  services  to  be  held  in  the  church.  The  parish  priest, 
however,  continued  to  hold  them,  and  not  only  he  but  also  the 
Bishop  were  sent  into  exile  by  the  king.*  Incidentally,  the 
parliament  took  it  upon  itself  to  declare  as  an  abuse  the  fact 
that  some  priests  were  calling  the  Bull  Unigenitus  a  rule  of 
Faith.''  But  against  this  encroachment  on  the  spiritual  sphere 

*  [Nivelle],  III.,  996. 

■'    R^GNAULT.    1878,   II.,  673. 

^  [Nivelle],  III.,  1000-3. 

*  ScHiLL,  287  seq.  ;   [Nivelle],  III.,  1020  seq. 

*  "  Et  attendu   les   faits   de   la   cause,    revolt   le   procurateur 
g6n6ral    du     Roi    incidemment    appellant    comme    d'abus    de 


HARSHER   PERSECUTION    OF   THE    CLERGY     257 

the  Royal  Council  intervened.  This  time  the  parliament 
accepted  the  reprimand,  having  secret  information  that  the 
Council  of  State  had  only  made  this  gesture  because  the  king 
was  hoping  to  obtain  from  the  assembly  of  the  clergy  a 
contribution  of  fifteen  to  sixteen  millions  for  the  conduct  of  the 
Seven  Years'  War,  which  was  just  commencing.^  By  the 
beginning  of  1775,  however,  priest-baiting  had  become  general, ^ 
and  the  harshest  measures  were  approved.  A  cleric  who  in  the 
name  of  his  Archbishop  had  openly,  in  church,  forbidden  two 
priests  to  take  the  Sacraments  to  a  Jansenist,  was  condemned 
— in  his  absence,  it  is  true — as  a  disturber  of  the  peace,  to  be 
branded  with  a  red-hot  iron  and  to  work  for  the  rest  of  his  life 
in  the  galleys. ^  Other  than  that  of  Paris,  the  parliaments  that 
showed  the  greatest  zeal  in  persecuting  clerics  were  those  of 
Aix,  Rennes,  and  Toulouse.*  Even  prelates  could  not  count 
on  being  spared.  At  Troyes  the  Bishop  himself  had  taken  the 
place  of  a  parish  priest  who  had  been  driven  away,  and  he  had 
refused  the  Sacraments  to  a  Jansenist.  For  this  he  was  fined 
3,000  livres,  his  property  was  sold,  his  income  was  sequestrated, 
and  he  was  relegated  by  the  king  to  a  humble  little  town  in 
his  diocese.  From  here  he  wrote  a  pastoral  letter  in  which  he 
complained  of  the  insolence  of  the  Jansenist  heresy,  and  the 
document  was  publicly  torn  up  and  burnt  by  the  public 
executioner.  The  Bishop  in  his  turn  forbade  his  subordinates 
to  take  any  cognizance  of  this  decree  of  the  parliament,  and 
the  conflict  continued  until  in  1756  the  king  removed  the 


rex6cution  de  la  buUe  Unigenitus,  notamment  en  ce  qu'aucuns 
ecclesiastiques  pretendent  lui  attribuer  le  caract^re  ou  lui  donner 
les  effets  de  regie  de  foi."  Decree  of  March  18,  1755,  [Nivelle], 
III.,  1002. 

*  ROCQUAIN,   188. 

-  "  Ces  hostilites  etaient  generales  au  commencement  de 
I'annee  1755  "  (Glasson,  II.,  215).  For  cases  of  refusal  of  the 
Sacraments  brought  before  the  parliament  of  Toulouse,  see 
A.  Degert,  in  the  Bulletin  de  litterat.  eccl.,  1924,  277  seqq. 

8  On  May  14,  1755,  [Nivelle],  III.,  1005  seq. 

*  Glasson,  II.,  219. 

VOL.  XXXV.  s 


258  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Bishop  to  Murbach  in  Alsace,  where  he  was  outside  the  par- 
liament's jurisdiction. 1  The  Bishop  of  Auxerre  had  forbidden, 
his  clergy  to  follow  the  Jansenistic  custom  of  reading  aloud 
the  Canon  of  the  Mass.  Even  this  instruction  was  adjudged  by 
the  parliament  to  be  an  abuse  and  a  breach  of  the  peace  and 
it  was  accordingly  abrogated.^  A  document  in  which  the 
Bishops  of  the  ecclesiastical  province  of  Auch  expressed  their 
common  opinion  on  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments  had  to  be 
torn  up  and  burnt  by  the  executioner  at  the  order  of  the 
Paris  parliament. 3  Such  incidents  as  these  should  be  remem- 
bered in  connection  with  certain  features  of  the  French 
Revolution.  The  people  were  deliberately  trained  to  despise 
first  the  spiritual  authority  and  then  authority  of  any  kind. 

The  cleric  who  had  most  incurred  the  wrath  of  the  all- 
powerful  tribunal  was  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  Christophe  de 
Beaumont.  When  questioned  about  a  case  of  the  refusal  of  the 
Sacraments  which  had  occurred  in  his  archdiocese  his  reply 
was  that  for  this  he  was  answerable  to  God  alone.  He  was  then 
charged  with  contempt  of  court  by  the  president  of  the  par- 
liament, whereupon  the  king  banished  the  Archbishop  to  his 
country  residence  of  Conflans,  near  Paris.  Here  he  continued 
to  express  his  standpoint  in  fresh  cases  of  the  refusal  of  the 
Sacraments  and  forbade  two  priests  who  in  defiance  of  his 
prohibition  had  administered  the  Sacraments  to  Jansenists, 
to  exercise  their  priestly  functions.  Beaumont  was  then 
banished  to  Legay,  which  was  still  further  from  Paris,  but  was 
soon  allowed  to  return  to  Conflans.* 

The  Bishops  who  were  faithful  to  the  Church  spoke  of 
a  systematic  religious  persecution.  "  Our  priests,"  wTote  the 
Bishop  of  Amiens,^  "  are  still  scattered,  with  no  assistance  or 
protection.  Everything  is  managed  so  carelessly  in  this  respect 

1  [Nivelle],  III.,  1021-7. 

2  Ibid.,  1027. 

=■  Ibid.,  1027-9.  Cf.  ScHiLL,  286 ;  Degert,  loc.  cit.,  340  ; 
RoHRBACHER,  Hist.  universelle  de  I'liglise,  XIII.,  Paris,  1877,  99. 

*  [Nivelle],  III.,  1003  seq.,  1001-1020 ;  Regnault,  1878, 
II.,  674-688. 

^  On  September  17,  1753,  in  Regnault,  1877,  I.,  353. 


DISAGREEMENT   AMONG   THE    PRELATES       259 

that  the  greatest  indifference  would  not  be  worse.  Hard  as 
your  hfe  may  be  " — he  was  writing  to  a  Trappist — ■"  there  are 
days  in  mine  which  are  bitterer.  When  I  am  forced  to  see 
people  who  openly  talk  against  the  Bishops  and  the  Pope,  flout 
their  judgements  and  then  have  the  impudence  to  demand  the 
Sacraments  and  extort  them  by  the  temporal  power,  I  can  no 
longer  control  myself,  and  my  suffering  is  intensified  by  the 
number  of  priests  who  allow  themselves  to  be  intimidated. 
A  persecution  with  fire  and  sword  would  be  easier  for  me  to 
bear,  for  then  the  people  would  not  be  led  astray.  But  if  the 
Sacraments  are  given  to  everyone  without  distinction  the 
people  do  not  understand  why  they  should  not  subscribe  to 
views  which  do  not  exclude  them  from  the  Sacraments." 

Not  only  were  the  Bishops  attacked  from  without,  but  they 
were  not  fully  agreed  among  themselves.  An  assembly  of 
twenty-six  prelates,  headed  by  Cardinals  La  Rochefoucauld, 
Archbishop  of  Bourges,  and  Soubise,  declared  it  to  be  unneces- 
sary to  demand  Confession  tickets,  and  to  meet  their  wishes 
the  Archbishop  of  Paris  consented  to  postpone  the  discussion 
of  the  matter  until  the  assembly  of  the  clergy.  This  decision 
was  approved  by  the  Pope  in  a  letter  to  the  two  Cardinals.^ 
Cardinal  La  Rochefoucauld,  Boyer's  successor  as  administrator 
of  ecclesiastical  affairs  and  consequently  the  leading  personality 
among  the  prelates,  was  inclined  as  far  as  possible  towards 
conciliation  and  compromise.^  At  the  assembly  of  the  clergy 
which  took  place  on  May  25th,  1755,  a  commission  under  his 
presidency  discussed  the  questions  connected  wath  the  Bull 
Unigenitus,  the  refusal  of  the  Sacraments,  and  the  rights  of 
the  spiritual  and  temporal  authoritj'.  Their  principles  were 
embodied  in  ten  articles,  which  were  signed  by  seventeen 
Bishops  and  twenty-two  delegates.  In  disagreement  with 
them,  16  Bishops  and  10  delegates  formulated  their  views 
under  eight  headings.^  Both  parties  agreed  that  the  Sacra- 
ments had  to  be  refused,  even  pubhcly,  to  notorious  opponents 

^  Crousaz-Cri^tet,  131  seq.  ;    P.  Richard  in  Rev.  des  quest, 
hist.,  XCII.  (1912),  397  ;   Heeckeren,  II.,  404  ;   Boutry,  37. 
-  Brimont,  Le  cardinal  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  Paris,  1913. 
*  RoskovAny,  III.,  196-8  ;    ScHiLL,  288-293. 


26o  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

of  the  Bull  Unigenitus,  but  they  differed  as  to  what  constituted 
notorious  opposition.^  The  tenets  of  the  minority  struck 
a  clearer  and  more  definite  note,  but  as  they  did  not  enter  into 
difficult  individual  cases,  they  might,  in  practice,  have  led  to 
excesses.  For  although  no  one  was  in  any  doubt  that  an 
unworthy  person  ought  not  to  receive  the  Sacrament,  the 
Church's  principle  was  that,  as  a  rule,  the  question  of  worthi- 
ness or  unworthiness  must  be  left  to  the  conscience  of  the 
recipient.  It  was  only  in  certain  cases  that  the  Sacrament 
could  be  openly  withheld.  The  assembly  failing  to  come  to  an 
agreement,  there  was  no  other  course  open  but  to  ask  the 
Pope  for  his  decision.  In  a  letter  to  the  king  the  assembly 
asked  for  freedom  for  the  Bishops  and  for  theological  instruc- 
tion, for  the  cessation  of  the  unprovoked  molestation  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  recall  of  the  Archbishop  of  Paris. ^  Both  to 
this  request  of  the  Bishops  and  to  that  of  the  parliament,  that 
a  circular  letter  written  by  the  prelates  to  their  fellow-Bishops 
should  be  suppressed,  the  king  gave  no  definite  reply.^ 

One  reason  for  his  non-committal  attitude  may  have  been 
that  there  were  already  under  way  negotiations  with  the  Pope, 
which  the  Government  did  not  want  to  prejudice.  Considera- 
tion for  Rome  may  also  have  had  something  to  do  with  the 
Government's  failure  to  support  the  parliament  in  the  measures 
it  was  taking  against  the  Sorbonne.  Some  theses  which  were 
not  entirely  Gallican  in  tone  had  incurred  the  disapproval  of 
the  self-opinioned  magistrates,  who  warned  the  syndic  not  to 
aUow  anything  of  the  kind  in  future.  This  order  of  the  parlia- 
ment the  faculty  was  commanded  to  enter  in  its  records. 
Secretly  encouraged  by  the  Government,  the  doctors  refused 
to  obey  the  order,  and  when,  on  May  14th,  1755,  they  were 


'  La  Rochefoucauld  being  in  control  of  the  "  feuille  des 
benefices  " ,  his  followers  were  known  as  Feuillants  ;  their 
opponents,  who  adhered  to  the  principles  of  the  former  Theatine 
Boyer,  went  by  the  name  of  Theatins. 

^  R^GNAULT,  loc.  cit.,  690  seq. 

'  [NiVELLE],  III.,  1029  seqq. 


parliament's  dispute  with  the  sorbonne   261 

forced  to  appear  before  the  parliament  and  to  make  the 
required  entry  in  the  records,  which  had  been  brought  with 
them,  all  examinations  for  the  licentiate  and  baccalaureate 
ceased  forthwith.  The  parliament  objected,  but  farther  theses 
which  displeased  it  were  defended.  The  parliament  raised 
objections  again,  and  again  the  examinations  for  the  licentiate 
and  baccalaureate  were  suspended.  Then,  when  two  doctors 
sought  the  right  to  attend  the  meetings  of  the  faculty,  they 
were  asked  to  subscribe  to  the  decree  of  December  15th,  1729, 
by  which  the  faculty  had  submitted  to  the  Bull  Unigenitus. 
The  parliament  examined  the  decree,  judged  it  to  be  invalid, 
and  forbade  it  to  be  signed.  This  decision  of  the  parliament 
the  theologians  were  commanded  to  put  on  record,  but  it  was 
cancelled  by  a  decree  of  the  Royal  Council. ^ 


(3) 

When,  in  1755,  on  the  birth  of  the  future  Louis  XVIIL,  the 
Bishop  of  Castres,  in  a  pastoral  letter,  invited  the  mediation 
of  the  king,  so  that  peace  might  be  restored  to  France  through 
a  Papal  decision,  the  letter  was  banned  by  the  parliament  as 
being  an  insult  to  the  country,  whose  king  and  laws  were 
a  sufficient  guarantee  of  peace. ^ 

Nevertheless  it  was  becoming  clearer  as  time  went  on  that 
even  for  Galilean  France  the  last  hope  of  its  escaping  from 
its  difficulties  lay  in  an  appeal  to  Rome.  It  had  long  been 
evident  to  everyone  that  nothing  was  to  be  expected  from  the 
Court.  The  hope  that  had  been  cherished  in  Church  circles 
that  the  assembly  of  the  clergy  would  provide  a  solution  had 
proved  to  be  illusory.  It  has  come  to  no  conclusion,  wrote  the 
Bishop  of  Amiens,^  and  has  possibly  done  more  harm  than 
good.  To  show  its  contempt  for  it,  the  parliament  had  been 
persecuting  the  priests  even  more  than  before.     While  the 

'  [Nivelle],  III.,  Ixxvii.,  1031-8. 

-  Degert,  loc.  cit.,  341. 

^  On  January  25,  1756,  in  Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  697. 


262  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

assembly  was  still  in  progress  this  same  prelate  had  com- 
plained ^  that  the  king  was  abandoning  the  clergy  entirely  to 
the  mercies  of  the  parliament,  which  was  boldly  attacking 
religion  and  was  treating  its  servants  as  disgracefully  as  it 
could.  If  this  continued  they  would  have  a  Galilean  religion 
in  France  in  the  same  way  as  England  had  its  Anglican 
religion. 

As  it  happened,  the  Bishop  underestimated  the  utility  of 
the  assembly's  activity,  since  its  deliberations  were  the 
starting-point  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  decision  which,  so  far  as  the 
ecclesiastics  were  concerned,  put  an  end  on  all  cardinal  points 
to  the  doubts  about  the  administration  of  the  Sacraments. 
Even  before  the  assembly  met,  at  the  end  of  1754,  Louis  XV. 
had  appointed  Count  Choiseul-Stainville,  afterwards  Duke  of 
Choiseul,  to  be  envoy  extraordinary  to  Rome.^  His  instructions 
began  with  the  statement  that  religion  'had  always  been  the 
foundation  of  the  kingdom,  the  safeguard  of  princes,  and  the 
joy  of  nations.^  It  went  on  to  say  that  the  king  had  devoted  all 
his  attention  to  settling  the  religious  troubles,  and  that  the 
Pope  could  rely  on  his  prudence  and  constancy  but  that  not 
one  of  the  Gallican  liberties  would  be  surrendered.'* 

Like  the  Bishop  of  Amiens,  Benedict  XIV.  feared  that 
a  State  Church  independent  of  the  Pope  would  be  formed  in 
France  under  the  leadership  of  the  parliament,  on  the  model 
of  the  English  one.^  Consequently  conditions  in  France  caused 
him  more  anxiety  than  any  other  consideration.^  No  one 
with  any  religion  and  any  heart,  he  wrote,  could  fail  to  be 
appalled  by  what  is  being  done  there  against  the  Church  and 

'  On  August  21,  1755,  ibid.,  690. 

2  Cf.  BouTRY,  Choiseul  d  Rome,  Paris,  1895  ;  W.  M.\rcus, 
Der  J ansenistenstreit  und  seine  Beilegung  durch  Choiseul  (Progr.), 
Wohlau,  1906  ;  P.  Richard  in  Rev.  des  quest,  hist.,  XCII.,  27-61. 
364-403. 

*  BouTRY,  iv. 

*  Ibid.,  xxi. 

*  To  Tencin,  March  21,  1753,  Heeckeren,  IL,  253  ;  to  the 
same,  January  i,  1755,  ibid.,  384. 

*  July  4,  1753,  ibid..  278. 


pope's  anxiety  about  the  FRENCH  SITUATION   263 

the  royal  authority,  without  there  appearing  to  be  any  human 
solution  of  the  trouble. ^  He  was  quite  convinced  that  France 
was  threatened  with  nothing  less  than  the  "  utter  ruin  of 
religion  and  the  kingdom  ",  with  the  "  destruction  of  the 
Faith,  the  Church,  and  the  realm  ",2  and  with  a  repetition  of 
the  old  persecutions  of  the  Christians,^  and  he  deplored  the 
"  intolerable  indifference  "  with  which  the  most  important 
matters  were  treated  in  France. ^  It  was  therefore  with  the 
keenest  attention  that  he  followed  the  sequence  of  events  in 
the  country  which  he  had  formerly  thought  to  be  the  strongest 
bulwark  of  the  Church. ^  There  was  no  action  taken  by  the 
parliament  against  the  Church  that  he  did  not  bitterly  bemoan 
in  his  correspondence  with  Cardinal  Tencin,^  no  sign  of  firm- 
ness on  the  part  of  the  king  that  did  not  fill  him  with  joy.' 

It  was  therefore  certainly  not  indifference,  but  only  un- 
favourable circumstances,  that  kept  the  Pope  from  openly 
intervening.  During  the  last  centuries,  he  wrote,  the  Pope's 
prestige  had  been  damaged  by  the  French  ;  the  propagation 
of  their  tenets  in  Germany,  in  parts  of  Spain,  and  even  in 
Italy  had  done  much  harm  to  the  Papacy.  In  consequence  the 
Popes  had  not  been  able  to  come  to  the  aid  of  the  oppressed  as 
in  the  past.^  There  were  few  countries  now,  he  lamented, 
which  did  not  offer  insults  to  the  Pope.^  As  for  France,  the 
parliament  was  showing  the  utmost  contempt  for  the  Papal 
authority  ;  no  one  from  there  had  asked  for  his  advice  in  the 
present  situation.  He  refrained  from  intervening,  for  fear  of 
doing  greater  harm,  although  this  attitude  reminded  him  of 
Nero,  lyre  in  hand,  looking  down  from  his  window  on  the 


*  May  21,  1755,  ibid.,  414. 

^  October  9,  1755,  ibid.,  464. 

*  February  19,  1755,  ibid.,  395. 
^  January  30,  1754,  ibid.,  319. 

^  Letter  of  October  9,  1754,  ibid.,  365. 

«  Ibid.,  234,  237,  251,  etc. 

'  Ibid.,  213,  269,  310. 

»  To  Tencin,  May  28,  1755,  Heeckeren,  II.,  414. 

*  To  the  same,  October  18,  1752,  ibid.,  219. 


264  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

burning  city  of  Rome.^  The  Jansenists,  indeed,  made  use  of 
this  silence  of  the  Pope's  to  depict  him  as  a  supporter  of  the 
parhament  and  an  opponent  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus.  To  Durini, 
his  nuncio  in  France,  he  had  to  administer  a  sharp  reproof 
when  he  reported  to  him  the  stupid  stories  and  gossip  about 
his  supposed  indifference  ^ ;  as  a  rule,  however,  he  was  silent 
when  this  kind  of  talk  came  to  his  ears.  "  What  means  have 
We,"  he  wrote,^  "  to  close  the  mouths  of  these  calumniators  ?  " 
He  replied  to  them  indirectly,  however,  by  issuing  a  Brief  in 
condemnation  of  a  work  written  in  defence  of  the  parliament, 
for,  as  he  said,  he  would  never  let  pass  the  slightest  opportunity 
of  showing  his  adherence  to  the  Bull  Unigenitus,  and  he 
firmly  believed  that  he  was  strictly  bound  to  do  so.*  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  his  Brief  was  suppressed  by  the  Royal 
Council  of  State,  on  the  plea  that  it  was  thus  preventing  the 
parliament  from  having  it  publicly  burnt.  In  these  circum- 
stances, he  asked,  how  was  he  to  com]:)ly  with  Archbishop 
Languet's  request  that  he  should  declare  that  to  disobey  the 
Bull  was  a  grievous  sin  ?  ^  In  other  matters,  too,  the  parlia- 
ment was  trampling  under  foot  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See. 
That  was  the  thanks  he  got  for  the  moderation  and  the  extreme 
delicacy  with  which  he  had  consistently  avoided  an  attack  on 
the  doctrines  of  the  French,  opposed  as  they  were  to  those  of 
Rome,  and,  in  fact,  to  those  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  even 

1  Letter  of  June  14,  1752,  ibid.,  193. 

2  Durini  to  Valenti,  August  14,  1752,  in  Calvi,  264.  "  *Li 
Giansenisti  sostenevano  e  dicevano  publicamente  in  Parigi  che 
il  Papa  stesso  fosse  del  lore  sentimento,  et  e  certo  che  vedeva 
mal  volontieri  il  card.  Durini,  perch^,  quando  era  Nuncio  in 
Francia,  avesse  scritto  con  sincerita  questa  falsa  nova  per 
stimolarlo  a  fare  qualche  passo  pubhco  che  la  smentisse,  come 
fece  con  alcuni  Brevi  e  con  la  proibizione  di  alcuni  libercoli." 
Merend.\,  Mcmorie,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome,   1613,  fo.  155. 

'  On  August  9,  1752,  Heeckeren,  II.,  205. 

*  December  6,  1752,  ibid.,  230  ;    cf.  228. 

^  February  7,  1753,  ibid.,  243.  Actually  he  agreed  with  Languet. 
Ibid.,  365,  376,  415,  495.  Choiseul  maintained  that  he  had  heard 
the  opposite.    Boutrv,  104. 


REASONS  FOR  THE  PAPAL  RETICENCE    265 

to  those  which  had  been  held  by  the  French  themselves 
before  1682.1  jje  was  not  asking  the  French  to  speak  in  the 
Italian  way,  but  they  ought  to  let  the  Italians  speak  in 
their  own  way.^ 

There  was  only  one  action  that  the  Pope  thought  that  he 
could  take  without  harming  France  still  more,  namely  to 
write  again  to  the  king,  as  he  had  already  done  on  several 
previous  occasions, ^  since,  in  spite  of  his  weakness  and  incom- 
petence, he  was  the  only  protection  against  the  parliament. 
His  hopes  were  raised  somewhat  when  there  was  talk  of  an 
assembly  of  the  clergy,*  but  they  sank  again  when  the 
assembly  failed  to  invite  his  intervention,  when  it  protested  in 
vain  against  the  "  outrageous  "  decree  of  the  parliament 
dealing  with  the  chapter  of  Orleans,  and  finally  when  dissension 
among  the  Bishops  seemed  to  preclude  the  possibility  of  any 
definite  action. ^  Nevertheless  he  still  held  back,  it  being  the 
opinion  of  many  in  Rome  that  there  was  only  one  way  of 
uniting  the  Bishops  :  for  the  Pope  to  open  his  mouth  ;  then 
with  one  voice  they  would  all  turn  against  him.® 

On  Choiseul's  arrival  in  Rome  Benedict's  attitude  towards 
him  was  again  guided  by  the  thought  that  nothing  could  be 
done  in  the  religious  question  without  the  king.  He  therefore 
let  the  envoy  make  his  peace  proposals,  merely  making  a  few 
additions  to  them  and  adapting  them  to  the  requirements  of 
the  Church.  The  Secretary  of  State,  Valenti,  assured  Choiseul 
at  their  very  first  meeting  that  the  Pope  would  do  nothing 
that  would  displease  the  king.  Benedict  himself  spoke  in  the 
same  vein  '  and  continued  to  maintain  a  friendly  attitude 


'  March  14,  1753,  Boutrv,  251. 
2  May  30,  1753,  ibid.,  268. 

=»  Ibid.,  196,  207  (1752),  318  (1754).  395.  397  (i755)- 
^  Letters  of  November  27,  1754,  and  May  7,  1755,  ibid.,  375, 
411. 

^  Letters  of  September  10,  October  8  and  29,  1755,  ibid.,  438, 

445.  551- 

"  To  Tencin,  November  12,  1755,  ibid.,  453  seq. 

"'  Choiseul  on  November  6  and  13,  1754,  Boutrv,  4-9. 


266  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

towards  the  envoy,'  even  when  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  was 
banished  to  Conflans  and  the  attitude  of  the  French  Bishops  on 
this  occasion  was  the  daily  talk  of  the  Cardinals  in  Rome,  while 
he  himself  was  writing  to  Tencin  ^  that  the  news  of  the  Arch- 
bishop's banishment  had  made  his  blood  run  cold,  and  finally 
when  a  storm  of  indignation  was  sweeping  through  the  city, 
and  the  French  nuncio  was  forwarding  bitter  complaints  to 
Rome.^  On  the  other  hand,  Valenti  explained  to  the  envoy 
that  it  was  hardly  surprising  that  the  Pope  considered  himself 
obliged  to  make  representations  to  the  French  Court,  for  it 
was  very  painful  to  him  to  be  accused  of  cowardice  by  the 
French  Bishops.*  Benedict  did  in  fact  send  a  letter  to  the 
kLng,^  emphasizing  the  unrestricted  right  of  the  Church  to 
decide  on  matters  connected  with  the  Sacraments ;  and 
Cardinals  Besozzi,  Tamburini,  and  Galli  were  instructed  to 
confer  together  on  the  French  situation.^ 

Otherwise,  however,  in  spite  of  the  many  alarming  events  in 
France,  the  Pope  remained  steadfast  in  his  resolution  to  show 
every  confidence  in  the  French  Government.  He  accepted 
Rouille's  explanation  of  the  banishment  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Paris,  that  the  king  had  only  wanted  to  forestall  the  parlia- 
ment and  to  prevent  its  interference.'  When,  on  March  18th, 
1755,  the  parliament  decided  against  the  validity  of  the  Bull 
Unigenitus  ^  Valenti  expressed  his  amazement  at  such  arro- 
gance, but  after  the  decree  in  question  had  been  declared 
invalid  by  the  Council  the  Pope  expressed  himself  as  satisfied  ^ 
and  said  that  he  would  act  in  conjunction  with  the  king  and 
that  he  had  his  confidence. ^° 

'  Ibid.,  40. 

2  On  December  18,  1754,  Heeckeren,  II.,  380. 

^  Choiseul  on  January  8,  1755,  ibid.,  27. 

*  The  same  on  November  15,  1754,  ibid.,  11. 

^  On  February  26,  1755,  ibid.,  30,  n.  2. 

"  Choiseul,  on  January  8,  1755,  ibid.,  23. 

'  Ibid.,  14. 

"  See  above,  p.  256,  n.  5. 

"  Choiseul  on  April  23,  1755,  ibid.,  43. 

'"  Ibid.,  53  seq.,  59. 


rouille's  letter  to  choiseul         267 

Choiseul  would  have  liked  Benedict  to  have  settled  the 
trouble  without  having  recourse  to  a  Congregation  of  Cardinals 
but  the  Pope  assured  him  that  only  those  Cardinals  would  be 
called  in  consultation  who  had  his,  Choiseul's,  approval. 
Accordingly  Tamburini,  Galli,  and  Spinelli  were  selected. 
D'Elce  was  rejected  by  the  envoy  as  being  too  old,  and  in 
his  place  he  chose  Landi,  on  account  of  his  sincere 
devotion  to  France.  Passionei,  too,  had  to  be  included  as 
being  too  dangerous  a  personage  to  be  omitted,  and  it  was 
thought  that  in  spite  of  his  pride,  his  fiery  temperament,  and 
his  superficial  way  of  thinking,  he  would  follow  the  lead  of 
Tamburini  and  Spinelli.i  Thus,  to  quote  the  Pope,  the  selection 
of  the  Cardinals  might  have  been  made  by  the  French  Court 
itself.2 

On  December  19th,  1755,  Rouille  wrote  to  Choiseul  that  the 
Pope  ought  not  merely  to  issue  another  Brief  in  the  manner  of 
Clement  IX.,  whose  acceptance  would  have  to  be  ensured  by 
a  decree  of  the  Royal  Council,  but  that  he  should  make  up 
his  mind  to  publish  a  formal  Bull  which  would  acquire  legal 
force  through  being  registered  in  every  parliament.  In  this 
Bull  the  expression  Motu  propria  was  to  be  avoided,  the  Bull 
Unigenitus  was  not  to  be  described  as  a  rule  of  Faith  or  by 
any  other  means  to  be  given  its  full  value  ;  it  should  simply 
be  said  that  it  was  to  be  respected  and  obeyed  by  the  faithful. 
Finally,  in  the  spirit  of  the  royal  declaration  of  September 
2nd,  1654,  the  Pope  was  to  recommend  silence  on  the  points  at 
issue  and  to  leave  to  confessors  in  the  confessional  the  decision 
as  to  disobedience  against  the  Bull  Unigenitus.^ 

In  a  covering  note  intended  only  for  Choiseul  the  Govern- 
ment itself  expressed  its  doubts  as  to  the  possibility  of  all  the 
foregoing  stipulations  being  observed."  Under  the  same  date 
the  king  forwarded  the  Pope  the  statement  made  by  the 
assembly  of  the  clergy  and  assured  him  of  his  intention  to 

'  Ibid.,  61  seq. 

2  Heeckeren,  IL,  484. 

'  BouTRY,  68  n. 

*  Crousaz-Cretet,  147. 


268  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

co-operate  with  him  in  settUng  the  various  disputes.^  Again 
the  Pope  received  Choiseul  in  a  very  friendly  manner.  He 
agreed  with  what  had  been  said  in  the  royal  communication 
about  the  incompleteness  of  the  Clementine  peace  and  he  read 
the  relative  passage  twice. ^  He  made  no  difficulty  about 
undertaking  to  issue  a  Bull  in  which  French  ears  would  not  be 
offended  by  any  objectionable  expression  and  said  that  he  was 
prepared  to  submit  the  draft  of  it  to  the  French  king.  Nor  had 
he  any  objection  to  silence  being  imposed  on  the  questions  in 
dispute.  But  the  other  points  gave  rise  to  difficulties  in  his 
mind.  How  could  he  avoid  expressing  his  opinion  on  the 
character  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus  ?  All  the  Bishops  of  France 
described  it  as  a  dogmatic  Bull  and  consequently  as  a  rule  of 
Faith.^  The  demand  that  seemed  to  the  Pope  the  most  difficult 
to  grant  was  that  the  question  of  revolt  against  the  Bull 
Unigenitus  should  be  decided  only  in  the  secrecy  of  the 
confessional.  A  concession  such  as  this  needed  careful 
consideration  if  it  was  not  to  provoke  a  fresh  war.  Open 
rebellion  demanded  open  atonement,  and  whoever  declared 
himself  to  be  opposed  to  the  Bull  on  his  death-bed  ought  also 
to  suffer  public  ecclesiastical  punishment.  Choiseul  replied 
that  he  would  report  to  the  king.^  It  was  then  agreed  that 
the  Pope  was  to  set  down  briefly  in  writing  the  doubtful 
points  in  the  proposed  Bull  and  refer  them  to  the  six  Cardinals 

'    BOUTRY,  67  n. 

2  Ibid.,  70. 

•■'  Choiseul,  suspecting  that  Benedict  held  a  diflEerent  view  of 
the  matter,  asked  him  point  blank  whether  he  personally  con- 
sidered it  to  be  a  rule  of  Faith.  "  I  ?  No,"  replied  the  Pope, 
caught  off  his  guard.  "  Well,"  said  Choiseul,  "  all  that  the  king 
wants  is  Your  Holiness's  personal  opinion."  "  In  this  matter," 
said  Benedict,  "  we  shall  be  able  to  satisfy  the  king  "  [ibid.,  71  ; 
cf.  208  and  PiATTi,  Storia  de'  Pontefici,  XII.,  Venezia,  1768,  423). 
The  only  conclusion  to  be  drawn  is  that  according  to  Benedict 
XIV.,  and  theologians  as  a  whole,  the  Bull  is  not  a  rule  of  Faith 
in  the  strict  sense  ;  its  validity  in  other  respects,  however, 
Benedict  frequently  upheld  in  unambiguous  terms.  See  above, 
p.  226. 

'  BouTRY,  73. 


cardinals'  commission  on  proposed  bull   269 

composing  the  commission,  who  in  their  turn  were  to  write 
down  their  individual  proposals  for  the  draft  of  the  Bull  and 
present  them  signed  and  sealed,  without  conferring  among 
themselves,  to  the  Pope.  The  Pope  was  then  to  draft  the  Bull 
himself  and  to  send  the  draft  to  the  king,  who  was  being 
informed  by  a  Papal  letter  ^  of  the  proposed  method  of 
procedure.  Benedict  then  delivered  to  the  six  Cardinals  the 
memorial  presented  by  the  assembly  of  the  clergy,  together 
with  the  covering  letter  from  the  king,  the  proposals  of  the 
French  Court,  and  an  instruction  from  himself,  asking  for 
suggestions  how  the  troubles  in  France  might  be  finally 
settled.2 

The  Cardinals  began  their  work  but  made  but  little  progress, 
while  the  envoy  did  his  best  to  expedite  affairs  and  to  remove 
possible  obstacles.  In  particular  he  asked  the  Pope  not  to 
reply  to  any  letters  that  might  come  from  the  French  prelates, 
lest  he  might  tie  his  hands  by  some  imprudent  expression  of 
opinion.  Benedict  replied  that  he  had  already  written  to 
them  that  he  could  not  give  them  a  decision  until  he  had  come 
to  a  clear  understanding  with  the  king,  and  as  for  the  memorial 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Auch,  which  was  particularly  unwelcome 
to  the  envoy,  he  had  made  no  mention  of  it  to  the  Cardinals.^ 
Choiseul  also  wrote  to  Paris  that  communication  between  the 
Bishops  and  the  Pope  ought  to  be  restricted  as  much  as 
possible  ;  in  their  letters  they  spoke  in  an  exaggerated  fashion 
of  schism  and  the  downfall  of  religion.  In  any  case  the  Pope 
was  apprehensive,  and  after  a  time  it  would  be  impossible  to 
banish  this  fear  from  his  mind.  Moreover,  if  the  slightest  sign 
of  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Cardinals  the  negotiations 
would  be  spun  out  indefinitely.  It  was  therefore  suggested 
that  the  king  should  hold  back  the  letters  from  the  French 
Bishops  for  six  months,  by  which  time  everything  would 
probably  be  settled.^ 

'  Of  January  3,  1756  (ibid.,  74  seq.,  n.),  delivered  on  January  15 
{ibid.,  80). 

2  Ibid..  81.  »  BouTRY,  82. 

*  Ibid.,  83  seq. 


270  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Meanwhile  Choiseul  was  doing  all  he  could  to  bring  the 
matter  to  a  conclusion.  Through  Valenti  he  urged  the  Pope  to 
spur  on  the  Cardinals  in  their  work  ^ ;  he  visited  the  Cardinals 
separately  ^  and  in  Paris  he  advised  that  the  Pope's  letter  be 
answered  with  the  least  possible  delay,  since,  until  he  had  an 
answer,  the  Pope  would  take  no  further  step.^  To  confirm  the 
Pope's  good  will,  he  suggested  in  Paris  *  that  at  the  same  time 
as  the  draft  of  the  Bull  was  returned  the  Pope  should  be  sent 
the  draft  of  the  royal  declaration  by  which  the  Bull  would  be 
endowed  with  full  legal  force  in  the  eyes  of  the  French  law. 
At  last  Choiseul  was  able  to  hand  the  Pope  the  royal  reply  of 
January  25th, ^  which  described  the  order  of  universal  silence 
on  the  points  in  dispute  as  the  only  way  of  obtaining  peace. ^ 
But  with  this  the  Pope  refused  to  agree,  arguing  that  he  was 
being  asked  to  take  a  step  which  would  cover  him  with  shame 
both  at  the  present  time  and  in  the  centuries  to  come.  To 
this  Choiseul  said  quite  openly  such  expressions  made  him 
feel  that  it  was  the  French  Bishops  who  were  speaking  through 
the  Pope's  mouth.  On  the  question  of  silence  another  lively 
argument  arose  in  connection  with  a  memorial  on  the  French 
demands.'  The  Pope,  highly  indignant,  said  that  he  would 
not  allow  his  work  to  suffer  the  same  fate  as  the  Bulls  of 
Clement  XI.,  that  it  was  unthinkable  that  a  Pope  should 
prevent  his  Bishops  speaking  about  a  Papal  decree,  that  he 
had  no  desire  to  make  himself  despised,  in  short,  that  he  refused 
to  yield  on  this  point.  Nor  would  he  allow  Choiseul's  retort 
to  pass  uncorrected,  that  in  other  countries  besides  France 
a  deep  silence  was  everywhere  maintained  on  the  Bull  Uni- 
genitus.     In  France,  he  replied,  the  Bull  had  actually  been 


1  Ibid..  82. 

«  Ibid.,  87. 

»  Ibid.,  85,  86. 

"  On  February  4,  1756,  ibid.,  SS. 

*  On  February  7;    see  Choiseul  on  February  ii,  1756,  ibid., 
89  seqq. 

•  Ibid.,  90  n. 

'  Ibid.,  91  seq.,  n. 


THE    CARDINALS     OPINION  27I 

demanded,  by  Louis  XIV.,  which  was  not  the  case  in  other 
countries.  Nevertheless  Choiseul  persisted  in  his  request, 
arguing  that  the  king  knew  his  country  and  that  the  memorial 
had  indicated  the  only  means  of  obtaining  peace  which  he 
could  accept  at  the  hands  of  the  Roman  Court.  The  Pope 
responded  with  general  assurances  that  he  would  do  nothing 
without  the  king  and  referred  the  envoy  to  the  draft  of  the 
Bull,  which  he  would  have  ready  in  a  short  time. 

The  other  demands  made  in  the  memorial  met  with  no 
opposition.  It  was  desired  in  Paris  that  the  Pope  should  not 
describe  the  Bull  Unigenitus  as  a  judgement  on  the  teaching 
of  the  Church,  since  then,  on  the  strength  of  the  opinion 
expressed  by  the  French  Bishops,  it  would  be  represented  as 
a  rule  of  Faith,  and  this  would  provoke  the  opposition  of  the 
civil  authorities.  The  last  point  made  in  the  memorial  con- 
cerned the  opponents  of  the  Bull.  The  king,  it  held,  obviously 
could  not  insist  on  secret  ecclesiastical  penalties  for  the 
public  contradiction  of  the  Bull,  but  once  the  law  of  silence 
was  promulgated  its  infringement  became  a  public  offence  and 
could  be  punished  publicly  as  well  as  privately. 

By  the  middle  of  February  the  Cardinals  who  had  been  asked 
for  their  opinions  had  handed  them  in,  except  Passionei  and 
Tamburini,  who  were  still  engaged  in  preparing  a  lengthy  joint 
memorial.  The  Cardinals'  opinion  on  the  law  of  silence  was 
more  accommodating  than  the  Pope's  ;  it  was  that  the  BuU 
should  recommend  but  not  actually  command  silence  ;  the 
king  could  then  give  this  admonition  the  force  of  law.  As  to 
the  duty  of  questioning  an  applicant  before  administering  the 
Sacraments,  they  held  that  the  parish  priest  ought  not  to  put 
any  questions  on  his  own  authority  but  to  follow  the  ritual  of 
the  diocese  and  when  dealing  with  the  sick  not  to  be  guided  by 
any  other  principles  than  those  he  would  follow  when  dealing 
with  the  healthy.  Choiseul  made  out  that  he  had  persuaded 
the  Pope's  theological  adviser,  the  Dominican  Ricchini,  to 
adopt  the  more  lenient  view.  Cardinal  Spinelli  had  assured 
Choiseul  that  the  Pope  had  said  himself  that  to  satisfy  the 
king  he  would  alter  the  draft  of  the  Bull  four  or  five  times 
if  necessary.     During  the  Carnival,  said  Choiseul,  the  Pope 


272  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

would  make  up  his  mind  and  draft  the  Bull.  Once  the  draft 
had  been  prepared,  the  king  would  have  won  the  game,  for 
the  Pope  valued  his  work  too  much  to  allow  it  to  be  wasted 
altogether  ;  rather  than  that  he  would  resign  himself  to  the 
most  far-reaching  alterations.^ 

And  indeed,  immediately  after  Shrove  Tuesday,  Choiseul 
was  able  to  report  that  the  Pope  had  finished  his  work  and 
that  after  it  had  been  looked  over  by  the  Cardinals  it  would  be 
in  his  hands. 2  Its  secrecy  was  well  kept  even  though  there 
were  fifteen  persons  who  could  have  divulged  it.^  The  Pope 
wrote  to  Tencin  that  in  spite  of  his  old  age  and  the  pain  he 
was  suffering  from  the  gout,  he  had  seen,  read,  and  examined 
everything,  and  had  then  drawn  up  the  outline  of  the  constitu- 
tion, which  he  had  communicated  to  the  most  judicious  and 
moderate  of  the  Cardinals.^  Debts  had  to  be  paid  before  the 
Easter  Communion,  he  said  jokingly  to  the  envoy, ^  and  he  too 
hoped  that  everything  would  be  finished  before  then.  The 
remarks  that. had  been  sent  in  by  the  nuncio  Gualtieri  and 
those  which  he  foresaw  would  be  made  by  the  French  Bishops 
would  be  disregarded,  since  time  was  precious.^  Translated 
into  French  and  accompanied  by  a  letter  to  the  king,  every- 
thing was  then  sent  to  Paris  through  Choiseul.'  The  Pope  had 
abstained  from  issuing  a  formal  Bull  owing  to  the  many 
formalities  which  would  be  necessary  to  make  it  effective  in 
France  ;  he  contented  himself  with  writing  an  ordinary 
Encyclical  to  the  Bishops.^ 

But  although  Benedict  did  all  he  could  to  show  that  he 
trusted  in  the  French  Government,  he  was  very  doubtful  that 
his  efforts  would  be  rewarded  with  success,®  and  events  seemed 

>  Choiseul  to  Rouille,  February  18,  1756,  ibid.,  98  seqq. 

2  Ibid.,  103. 

3  Ibid.,  108,  131. 

■•  To  Tencin,  March  10,  1756,  Heeckeren,  II.,  484. 

*  On  March  17,  ibid.,  486. 
«  Ibid..  484'. 

'  Letter,  of  March  24,  1756,  ibid.,  487. 

*  Crousaz-CriiTet,  150. 

»  Choiseul,  on  May  5,  1756,  Boutry,  136. 


MEMORIALS    OF   THE    FRENCH    BISHOPS        273 

to  show  that  he  was  right.  Week  after  week  went  by,  but 
no  answer  came.^  At  last  he  became  impatient,  complaining 
that  when  he  had  been  at  work  a  pistol  had  been  held  to 
his  head,  forcing  him  to  hurry,  but  that  now  the  Govern- 
ment seemed  in  no  hurry  at  all.^  Choiseul  did  his  best  to 
calm  him  and  at  the  same  time  urged  haste  on  Paris,  for  at 
the  end  of  May  the  Pope  would  retire  into  the  country,  when 
the  envoy  would  be  able  to  speak  to  him  only  once  a  month 
and  would  thus  be  unable  to  refute  the  arguments  of  his 
adversaries.^ 

Meanwhile  the  Bishops  who  had  formed  a  minority  at  the 
assembly  of  the  clergy  were  writing  treatise  after  treatise.* 
Benedict  read  the  first  part  of  their  memorial  and  then  sent 
word  to  France  that  there  was  no  need  to  send  the  second.^ 
There  were  also  a  number  of  writings  being  sent  in  by  the 
majority  party  at  the  assembly,  including  a  letter  from 
Cardinal  La  Rochefoucauld,  but  Choiseul  wrote  to  Paris  ® 
that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  hand  on  anything  of  this  kind 
to  the  Pope,  lest  he  might  think  that  he  was  being  taught  his 
business.  Benedict  refused  to  accept  a  memorial  presented  by 
the  majority  party,  saying  that  all  that  kind  of  writing  was 
futile.  He  had  reflected  long  enough,  he  maintained,  and  he 
had  made  up  his  mind  what  course  to  take.  When  the  king's 
answer  came  he  would  decide  the  matter  without  reference  to 
either  party.  He  had  read  something  of  what  had  been  written 
by  La  Rochefoucauld's  opponents  and  was  convinced  that  it 

^  "  *Continua  N.  S.  le  sue  serie  applicazioni  sul  grande  ed 
importantissimo  affare,  ma  sempre  piu  dubbioso  dell'  esito,  attesa, 
come  ha  detto,  la  debolezza  della  Corte,  I'ardire  del  partite  e  la 
disunione  de'  vescovi,  i  quali  di  tanto  tempo  non  hanno  neppur 
terminato  non  che  trasmesse  le  loro  informazioni."  The  Secretary 
of  State  to  the  nuncio  Gualtieri,  March  3,  1756,  Nunziat.  di 
Francia,  442,  fo.  519^,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  For  the  cause  of  the  delay,  see  Crousaz-Cretet,  150  seq. 

^  Choiseul,  on  April  21  and  May  3,  1756.  Boutry,  134,  136  seqq. 

*  The  same  on  May  5,  ibid.,  136  seqq. 

^  The  same  on  April  7,  ibid.,  128  seqq. 

^  On  May  12,  1756,  ibid.,  141. 

VOL.  XXXV.  T 


274  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

was  only  adding  fuel  to  the  flames.^  He  also  wrote  to  Tencin  ^ 
that  the  writings  of  the  minority  had  been  examined  by 
himself  as  well  as  by  Tamburini  and  Galli,  and  they  were  all 
of  the  opinion  that  in  places  they  had  overstepped  the  limits 
of  a  salutary  strictness,  that  their  assertions  were  theologically 
and  canonistically  untenable,  and  that  if  put  into  practice  they 
would  disrupt  the  country. 

On 'the  night  of  May  23rd  the  courier  arrived  with  Louis 
XV. 's  reply. ^  In  the  accompanying  memorandum  exception 
was  taken  to  three  points  in  the  Papal  draft.  Disobedience  to 
the  Bull,  it  was  thought  in  Paris,  ought  not  to  be  described  as 
grievous  sin,  since  the  Bishops  had  not  employed  this  term. 
Submission  to  the  Bull  "  in  mind  and  heart  "  ought  not  to  be 
demanded,  since  this  would  make  it  an  article  of  Faith. 
Finally,  up  till  then,  the  only  discussion  in  France  had  been 
about  the  refusal  of  Communion  to  persons  who  were  seriously 
ill ;  the  draft,  however,  contemplated  the  withholding  of  it 
from  the  healthy  also,  and  this  might  provoke  fresh  disputes.* 
It  was  also  asked  that  the  Pope  should  make  no  mention  of 
appellants,  and  that  both  appellants  and  reappellants,  if  there 
were  any  of  them  left,  should  be  allowed  to  live  and  die  in 
their  obscurity,  for  their  day  was  over.  Nor  should  there  be 
any  mention  of  the  writings  against  the  Bull,  since  their 
authors  had  not  disclosed  their  names. ^  The  Pope  replied  to 
Choiseul  that  he  could  not  give  an  immediate  decision  on  these 
matters.  He  had  the  memorandum  inspected  in  turn  by 
Cardinals  Spinelli,  Landi,  Tamburini,  Galli,  and  Valenti,  and 
assured  Choiseul  of  his  intention  to  meet  the  king's  wishes  as 
far  as  possible  but  that  nothing  would  come  from  his  pen  that 
might  afterwards  be  brought  up  against  him  as  being  a  slur 

1  Choiseul,  on  May  19,  1756,  ibid.,  143,  145,  153. 
-  On  May  12,  Heeckeren,  II.,  498. 

*  Of  May  14,  ibid.,  150  n. 

*  Benedict  to  Tencin,  June  2,  1756,  ibid.,  504  ;   Boutrv,  154  n. 
'  "...  afin  de  ne  pas  en  rendre  le  gout  qui  commenijait  a  passer 

et  jugeant  preferable  de  laisser  las  appellants  et  reappellants,  s'il 
en  reste  encore  quelques-uns,  vivre  et  mourir  dans  leur  obscurity." 
BouTRY,  155  n. 


THE  PAPAL  LETTER  TO  THE  FRENCH  BISHOPS  275 

on  the  Papal  reputation.^  He  did  not  ask  the  French  to  speak 
Italian  instead  of  French,  and  he  ought  not  to  be  asked  to 
speak  French  instead  of  Italian.^ 

In  his  eagerness  to  satisfy  the  French  Court  the  Pope 
continued  to  work  during  his  viUeggiatura  in  Frascati.  To  the 
French  Court's  desire  that  he  should  send  an  Encyclical  to 
the  Bishops  rather  than  issue  a  Bull,  he  assented,  and  con- 
sideration was  paid  to  aU  the  proposed  modifications.  In  this 
Encyclical  he  refrained,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  from  saying  a 
word  about  the  maltreatment  of  the  French  Bishops  by  the 
parliament,  and  it  was  only  in  an  accompanying  letter  to  the 
king  that  any  reference  was  made  to  the  rights  of  the  episco- 
pate. If  the  usual  custom  had  been  followed  the  Encyclical 
would  have  been  printed  in  Rome,  but  out  of  special  con- 
sideration for  the  king  permission  was  given  for  this  to  be  done 
in  Paris,  and  it  was  left  to  him  to  decide  whether  it  was  to  be 
published  or  not.^  As  all  the  wishes  of  the  Court  had  been 
fulfilled  it  seemed  to  Benedict  unnecessary  to  send  the  draft 
of  the  Encyclical  to  Paris  a  second  time,  but  when  Choiseul 
insisted  on  it  he  gave  way.* 

In  a  covering  letter  to  the  king  ^  the  Pope  stated  that  he  had 
been  unable  to  make  any  further  concession  and  that  it  had 
been  difficult  enough  to  carry  the.  Cardinals  with  him  as  far 
as  he  had.  He  asked  the  king  to  see  to  the  observance  of  the 
Encyclical,  for  without  the  support  of  the  royal  authority 
it  would  be  of  no  avail.  He  asked  him  also  to  see  that  his 
Brief  was  put  into  effect,  otherwise  the  ecclesiastical  authority 
in  the  matter  of  the  administration  of  the  Sacraments  would 
be  suppressed,  and  the  clerical  and  civil  authorities  would 
never  be  in  harmony.  It  was  impossible  for  the  Bishops  to 
relinquish  the  authority  with  which  God  had  endowed  them 
for  the  guidance  and  the  welfare  of  souls. 

•  Ibid.,  148  ;  to  Tencin  on  June  23,  1756,  Heeckeren,  II.,  500. 
-  To  Tencin,  May  26,  1756,  ibid.,  502  ;    Boutry,  154. 

^  To  Tencin,  June  30,  1756,  Heeckeren,  II.,  510. 

*  Choiseul,  on  July  7,  Boutry,  158. 
'"  Of  July  r8,  ibid.,  163  n. 


276  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Again  there  was  an  interval  of  over  two  months  before  an 
answer  came  from  Paris.  At  the  end  of  August  Benedict 
expressed  his  discontent  in  unmistakable  terms.  When  he 
had  been  at  work  pressure  had  been  put  upon  him  to  make  all 
possible  speed  for  the  sake  of  religion  and  the  kingdom,  but 
now  more  time  was  being  taken  than  Rome  had  found  neces- 
sary to  examine  and  make  ready  the  whole  draft  of  the  letter. 
It  was  clearly  useless  for  him  to  entertain  the  hope  of  seeing 
peace  restored  before  his  death. ^ 

Choiseul  impressed  on  Paris  the  necessity  for  speed, 
especially  now  that  the  Secretary  of  State  Valenti  was  dead,^ 
and  there  was  little  hope  of  obtaining  any  successful  result 
from  his  successor  Archinto  when  he  took  command  of  affairs. 
The  Pope  declined  to  delay  Archinto's  nomination  for  a 
fortnight,  by  which  time  the  king's  reply  was  expected  to 
arrive,  but  he  made  the  concession  of  allowing  the  envoy  to 
continue  dealing  directly  with  himself.^  On  the  whole,  the 
Pope  was  more  than  satisfied  with  the  envoy  ;  he  paid  him  the 
compliment  of  saying  that  when  Choiseul  had  returned  to 
France  he  would  have  two  nuncios  there.* 

At  last,  on  September  23rd,  the  draft  of  the  Encyclical 
came  back  from  Paris, ^  with  remarks  made  by  the  Court  ;  but 
of  these  the  only  one  which  seemed  at  all  encouraging  to  the 
Pope  was  that  the  envoy  was  empowered  to  conclude  the 
negotiations  without  further  reference  to  the  king.  Apart  from 
some  minor  points,  which  were  easy  to  settle,  there  was  one 
great  stumbling  block  :  the  king  desired  that  "  notorious  " 
Jansenism,  on  which  account  the  Sacraments  were  to  be 
withheld  from  the  dying,  should  be  found  to  be  present  only 
when  it  was  confirmed  by  a  judicial  decision  or  by  the  ad- 
mission of  the  invalid  himself ;   a  "  notoriety  "  deduced  from 


'  Choiseul,  on  August  31,  1756,  Boutrv,  170  seq. 
2  He  died  on  August  28,  1756,  Heeckeren,  II.,  528. 
^  BouTRY,  174. 

*  Choiseul,  on  September  29,  1756,  ibid.,  i-jfy  ;  Benedict  XIV. 
to  Tencin  on  August  ir,  1756,  Heeckeren,  II.,  520. 
^  BouTRY,  176. 


BEAUMONT  S    PASTORAL   LETTER  277 

the  general  conduct  of  the  invahd  in  the  past  was  not  to  be 
recognized,  since  this  would  subject  him  entirely  to  the  caprice 
of  the  parish  priest.  The  Pope  rejoined  ^  that  notoriety 
resulting  from  the  actual  behaviour  of  the  invalid  was 
recognized  by  everyone,  including  the  Bishops  at  the  last 
assembly  of  the  clergy  ;  he  could  not  leave  the  Bishops  in  the 
lurch,  and  the  precise  description  of  actual  notoriety  as 
contained  in  his  Encyclical  precluded  any  abuse. ^  Finally, 
Choiseul  had  to  rest  content  with  Benedict's  toning  down  of 
some  of  his  expressions.^ 

But  before  the  final  conclusion  was  reached,  several  other 
difficulties  and  disturbances  had  to  be  overcome.  The  Pope 
wanted  to  discuss  with  the  Cardinals  the  concessions  he  had 
made,  but  except  for  Landi  and  Galli  all  the  consultors  were 
away  from  Rome.^  And  then  at  the  most  unfortunate  moment 
possible  another  disturbance  arose  in  France.  On  September 
19th  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  who  had  been  banished  to 
Conflans,  had  read  from  the  pulpit  a  pastoral  letter  which  he 
had  also  had  printed  in  secret  and  distributed.^  In  the  intro- 
duction to  this  letter  Beaumont  protested  against  the  mis- 
guided desire  for  conciliation  which  on  the  plea  of  maintaining 
peace  compromised  dogma  to  some  extent.  The  Bishops  had 
kept  silent  because  of  their  love  of  peace,  the  fear  of  embit- 
tering relations,  the  hope  that  better  times  would  come,  and 
the  thought  that  a  shepherd  of  souls  was  in  duty  bound  to 
exhaust  every  expedient  that  was  charitable  and  moderate  ; 
but  when  he  saw  how  the  Church  was  laid  waste,  the  sanctuary 
desecrated,  the  Sacraments  handed  over  to  the  authority  of 
secular  courts,  dogmatic  decisions  flouted,  priests  banished, 
imprisoned,  and  outraged,  he  quivered  with  indignation  at 
the  silence  that  was  being  kept.     He  therefore  forbade  his 

■  To  Tencin,  September  29,  1756,  Heeckeren,  II.,  531. 
2  Ibid.    Cf.  letters  to  Tencin  on  October  20  and  November  3, 
1756,  xbid.,  536,  538. 

'  Choiseul  on  October  9  and  17,  1756,  Boutry,  182,  184. 

•»  To  Tencin,  October  6,  1756,  Heeckeren,  II.,  533. 

5  Regnault,  1878,  II.,  833  ;   Fleury,  LXXVIL,  703  seq. 


278  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES 

flock  to  read  or  to  keep  certain  parliamentary  decrees.  WTio- 
ever,  in  order  to  receive  the  Sacraments,  invoked  the  interven- 
tion of  lay  judges  or  advised  others  to  do  so,  were  forthwith 
excommunicated,  as  was  also  every  official  or  judge  who  in 
his  official  capacity  interfered  with  the  administration  of  the 
Sacraments.  Priests  were  forbidden  to  administer  the  Sacra- 
ments in  compliance  with  an  official  order.^  Quite  a  number 
of  Bishops  openly  sided  with  Beaumont. ^ 

The  Archbishop's  letter  was  welcomed  by  the  French 
Government.  Rouille  wrote  at  once  to  Choiseul,^  instructing 
him  to  give  an  exact  description  of  the  incident  to  the  Pope  and 
to  use  it  as  a  means  of  extracting  from  the  Pope  the  desired 
alterations  in  the  Encyclical  ;  the  envoy  was  unlikely  to 
have  a  better  opportunity  of  rendering  an  important  service 
to  the  Church  and  State.  The  Secretary  of  State  Archinto 
most  definitely  disapproved  of  the  Archbishop's  action  and 
told  Choiseul  that  the  Pope  too  would  condemn  it  as  an 
obstacle  to  the  peace  which  it  was  hoped  to  restore  and  as 
showing  scanty  respect  for  the  king  or  even  for  the  Pope. 
Benedict  did  indeed  express  his  astonishment  at  the  pastoral 
letter  and  said  that  he  had  thought  Beaumont  was  more 
discreet.^  Nevertheless  he  did  not  entirely  withdraw  his 
favour    from    the    Archbishop,    describing    as    "  fine  "    the 

1  Ri;GNAULT,  loc.  ciL,  834-6  ;    Fleury,  he.  cii.,  704. 

*  Between  October  29  and  December  5  the  Bishops  of  Saint- 
Pons,  Troyes,  Metz,  Amiens,  Auxcrre,  Tours,  Chartres,  Meaux, 
Saint-Paul-Trois-Chateaux.    Regnault,  loc.  cit.,  841. 

«  On  September  26,  Boutry,  179  n. 

*  Choiseul  on  October  6,  1756,  ibid.,  179  seq.  In  a  letter  of 
October  10  Benedict  asked  the  king  "  de  continuer  d'user  de  son 
heroique  moderation  a  I'egard  du  pauvre  archeveque  de  Paris, 
.  .  .  sur  ce  qu'il  n'a  pas  fait,  dans  Tembarras  oil  il  se  trouvait, 
toutcs  les  reflexions  qu'il  aurait  dii  faire  "  {ibid.,  182  n.  ; 
Heeckeren,  II.,  534  n.).  In  writing  to  the  king,  the  Pope 
informed  Tencin  on  October  13  {ibid.,  534),  he  had  dis- 
regarded the  "  fond  du  mandement  "  [of  the  Archbishop]  "  qui 
nous  a  paru  juste  "  and  had  based  his  letter  on  the  assumption 
that  Beaumont  had  broken  his  promise  to  the  king. 


THE    pope's   illness  279 

accompanying  letter  which  Beaumont  sent  him  together  with 
his  pastoral  letter,  though,  in  accordance  with  the  king's  wish, 
he  replied  to  it  with  an  admonition  to  keep  the  peace. ^ 

Archinto  was  thus  able  to  write  to  Gualtieri  2  that  the  Pope 
had  played  his  part  and  that  it  was  now  the  duty  of  the  king, 
in  accordance  with  his  repeated  promises,  to  persevere  in 
exerting  his  authority  for  the  preservation  of  religion  and  the 
peace  of  the  realm. 

After  Choiseul  had  sent  the  Pope's  Encyclical  to  Paris 
his  task  in  Rome  had  been  accomplished,  and  he  was  thinking 
of  returning  to  France  when,  on  November  18th,  the  Pope  was 
seized  with  an  illness  which  brought  him  near  to  death. ^  On 
November  21st  he  received  the  Last  Sacraments  and  on 
December  14th  he  signed  the  profession  of  Faith  to  which  it 
is  the  custom  of  the  Popes  to  subscribe  before  their  death. * 
Arrangements  for  the  funeral  had  already  been  made  and  the 
order  given  for  the  preparation  of  the  conclave. ^  But  even  on 
his  sick-bed  Benedict  still  continued  to  take  an  interest  in 
French  affairs  and  asked  if  a  courier  had  come  with  news  of 
his  EncycHcal.^  To  the  surprise  of  his  physicians  he  rallied 
once  again  and  at  a  consistory  of  Cardinals  at  the  end  of  the 
year  spoke  of  his  recovery  and  gave  notice  of  his  Encyclical 
and  of  the  accompanying  Brief.'  On  January  3rd,  1757,  he 
gave  them  fresh  news  of  the  steps  taken  by  Louis  XV.  in 
dealing  with  the  Parhament.^ 

Meanwhile  the  two  documents  had  arrived  in  Paris.    The 

1  Heeckeren,  IL,  540.  The  letter  has  been  lost.  Boutry,  189. 

2  *On  October  20,  1756,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  fo.  544^, 
Papal  Secret  Archives. 

3  Choiseul  on  November  20,  1756,  Boutry,  194. 

*  Choiseul  ibid.,  copy,  and  on  December  15.  Boutry,  200. 

*  The  same  on  December  22,  ibid.,  201. 

*  Ibid.,  199,  202,  204. 

'  Fleury,  LXXVIL,  726  seqq. 

8  "  *Diede  parte  al  s.  CoUegio  delle  resoluzioni  prese  dal  Re  di 
Francia  col  suo  Parlamento  con  un  discorso  proprio  e  bello  et 
air  improviso,  che  poi  nell'  istesso  giorno  voile  dettare  ad  istanza 
del  marchese  di  Stainville  ambasciatore  di  Francia  per  mandarlo 


280  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Encyclical, 1  which  alone  was  the  subject  of  public  dis- 
cussion, was  addressed  to  the  members  of  the  clerical  assembly, 
whose  representations  had  called  forth  the  Papal  decision. 
The  expressions  to  which  the  Government  had  objected  for  the 
sake  of  the  parliament  were  not  employed.  Thus  the  Bull 
Unigenitiis  was  not  explicitly  referred  to  as  a  "  rule  of  Faith  ", 
nor  its  rejection  as  a  "  grievous  sin  ",  nor  was  it  demanded 
that  submission  to  the  Bull  must  be  made  "  with  mind  and 
heart  "  ;  but  all  this  was  expressed  in  equivalent  terms  of 
speech.  The  authority  of  the  Bull  within  the  Church  was  so 
great,  it  was  stated,  and  in  every  place  it  called  for  such 
sincere  respect,  compliance,  and  obedience  that  no  member 
of  the  Church  could  refuse  the  submission  due  to  it  or  oppose 
it  in  any  way  without  endangering  his  eternal  salvation. ^ 
Whoever,  therefore,  publicly  and  notoriously  revolted  against 
the  Bull  and  was  convicted  of  this  revolt  by  a  judicial  sentence, 
his  own  admission,  or  his  conduct,  could  not  receive  Com- 
munion ;  on  the  other  hand,  he  was  not  to  be  excluded 
because  of  rumours,  conjectures,  and  the  like.  Whoever, 
therefore,  asked  for  the  Sacraments  for  the  dying,  was  in 
general  not  to  be  refused  unless  he  was  excluded  from  the 
Easter  Communion.  But  if  anyone  was  suspected  with  good 
reason,  the  parish  priest  was  to  speak  to  him  in  private  and 
make  it  clear  to  him  what  he  was  about  to  do.  If  he  continued 

al  Re,  e  ci6  fu  cagione  che  nella  notte  fu  nuovamente  attaccato 
dalla  febre  e  dal  male  d'orina  e  ridotto  a  cattivi  termini.  Per 
altro  la  dichiarazione  del  Re  accennuta,  della  quale  fu  fatta 
tanta  pompa,  non  era  punto  favorevole  alia  Chiesa  ;  e  cosi  ne 
giudicavano  prudentemente  quelli  che  erano  bene  intesi  dei 
costumi  di  Francia,  et  e  certo  che  il  Papa  fu  sorpreso  e  circonvenuto 
dal  marchese  di  Stainville  ambasciatore  di  Francia."  Merenda, 
Memorie,  fo.  162^,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome. 

1  Of  October  16,  1756.  Fleurv,  LXXVTI.,  706-716  ;  Rosko- 
VANY,  III.,  199-203.  The  well-informed  Merenda  writes  : 
"  *Questo  Breve  o  lettera  fu  opera  del  card.  Spinelli,  studiato 
e  consultato  in  Palestrina  con  alcuni  teologi  e  particolarmente 
col  Castegnasco,  Min.  obs."    Loc.  cit. 

2  Fleurv,  LXXVII.,  709. 


choiseul's  task  completed  281 

to  demand  the  Sacrament  he  was  to  be  left  to  the  judgment 
of  his  own  conscience. 

Choiseul's  task  being  now  completed,  he  sent  his  letter  of 
farewell  to  the  Pope  on  March  25th,  1757. ^ 

(4) 

The  assembly  of  the  French  clergy  of  the  year  1760  gave 
its  unanimous  assent  to  the  Papal  Encyclical.^  With 
regard  to  the  Brief,  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  was  of  the 
opinion  ^  that  the  zeal  of  many  of  the  faithful  would  not  be 
satisfied  by  it  but  that  it  contained  all  that  was  essential ; 
had  the  Pope  been  able  to  do  more  in  the  conditions  which 
then  prevailed  in  France,  he  would  have  done  it.  The  Bishop 
of  Amiens,  one  of  the  most  zealous  of  the  Bishops  who  formed 
the  minority  party,  wrote  of  the  Papal  decision  *  that  what 
was  essential  had  been  said  and  that  the  Jansenist  party 
could  no  longer  assert  that  the  Pope  had  no  great  opinion  of 
the  Bull  Unigenitus  and  would  like  to  see  it  buried  in  an 
everlasting  silence.  Against  the  Jansenists  it  had  been  laid 
down  that  it  was  not  to  be  rejected  without  grievous  sin,  and 
against  the  parliament  that  there  were  cases  in  which  the 
Sacraments  must  be  publicly  refused.  It  was  true  that  the 
boundaries  had  been  drawn  in  such  a  way  that  refusals  of  the 

1  BouTRY,  217. 

*  Crousaz-Cretet,  187. 

*  On  January  27,  1757,  Regnault,  1878,  II.,  696.  A  satire 
on  the  Encyclical,  dedicated  to  Cardinals  Spinelli  and  Tamburini, 
was  communicated  to  all  the  Cardinals  in  Rome.  Its  author 
was  thought  to  be  a  Jesuit  (*Merenda,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome, 
1613,  fo.  166^,  169^  ;  dispatch  by  the  agent  of  Lucca,  Filippo 
Maria  Buonamici,  of  August  13,  1756,  in  Arch.  stor.  ital.  XX. 
[1887],  373  ;  Reusch,  Index,  II.,  758  seq.).  Benedict  XIV. 
condemned  the  writing  in  a  Brief  of  September  5,  1757  {Bull. 
XIX.,  287).  "  *I1  peggio  e,"  writes  Merenda  {loc.  cit.),  "  che  il 
Papa  presso  li  Frances!  sia  tenuto  comunemente  per  favorevole 
ai  Giansenisti." 

*  On  November  29,  1756,  Regnault,  1878,  II.,  695  seq. 


282  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Sacraments  would  be  extremely  rare  ;  on  the  other  hand,  it 
was  not  good  that  evei^'thing  should  be  left  to  the  judgment 
of  the  priest.  For  himself,  he  was  firmly  resolved  to  comply 
with  the  Papal  answer  and  he  thought  that  the  majority  of 
the  Bishops,  if  not  all  of  them,  would  act  as  he  did. 

But  though  the  Bishops  might  bow  to  the  Papal  decision 
there  was  another  power  which  had  no  desire  for  peace,  least 
of  all  when  it  came  from  the  hands  of  the  Pope.  Even  while 
the  Encyclical  was  still  in  preparation  the  courts  had 
vented  their  fury  on  the  pastoral  letter  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Paris  and  on  the  Bishops  who  supported  him.^  WTien 
Beaumont's  letter  appeared  the  parliament  was  in  recess,  but 
on  September  24th  the  vacation  chamber  forbade  the  priests 
to  publish  it. 2  Then  a  series  of  judgments  were  issued  by  the 
Chatelet  against  the  Bishops  who  had  agreed  with  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Paris.  On  November  9th  it  condemned  a  document 
written  by  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Malines  to  be  torn  up 
and  burnt ;  and  the  same  treatment  was  ordered  for  the 
pastoral  letters  of  the  Bishops  of  Saint-Pons,  Auxerre,  and 
Troj^es  (on  the  19th)  and  for  the  writings  of  the  Bishops  of 
Orleans  and  Amiens  (on  the  26th).  More  lenient  was  the 
sentence  passed  by  the  court  of  Tours  against  the  Archbishop 
of  that  town  ;  his  letter  was  only  prohibited.^ 

When  the  parliament  reassembled  after  the  vacation  the 
Archbishop's  pastoral  letter  was  the  first  matter  to  which  it 
directed  its  attention.  Twice,  however,  the  king  commanded 
it  to  postpone  the  debate  on  this  subject.  Between  November 
25th  and  December  7th  protest  after  protest  was  made  against 
this  order,  the  occasions  for  them  being  provided  by  a  pastoral 
letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Troyes,  a  sequel  to  the  Cougniou  case 
in  Orleans,  and  a  fresh  refusal  of  the  Sacraments  in  Paris.* 
The  king  continuing  to  answer  evasively,  the  parliament 
became  more  explicit  and  on  December  7th  banned  the  Pope's 

•  A  list  of  them  in  [Nivelle],  III.,  Ixxxiv. 
2  Ibid. 

»  Fleury,  LXXXIII.,  216  seq. 

*  [Nivelle],  III.,  iv-lxxxvi. 


THE    ROYAL   MANIFESTO  283 

Encyclical.^  This  action  was  copied  by  the  parliament  of 
Rouen  on  December  9th. ^  On  December  7th  also  fresh  protests 
were  made  by  the  Paris  parliament  against  a  letter  written  by 
the  Bishop  of  Troyes,  who  had  been  banished,  and  two  days 
later  similar  protests  were  made  against  the  Bishop  of  Orleans.' 
In  the  protests  made  on  December  7th  it  was  claimed  that 
the  excesses  of  the  French  Bishops  who  were  revolting  against 
the  royal  authority  had  increased  to  such  a  terrible  extent 
that  only  the  most  unconditioned  and  continuous  exercise 
of  that  authority,  with  the  full  force  of  the  law,  could  prevent 
the  fatal  evils,  domestic  strife  and  disturbances,  with  which 
France  was  threatened.* 

The  king  now  announced  that  he  would  attend  in  person 
a  lit  de  justice  to  be  held  on  December  13th.  The  first  step 
taken  at  this  meeting  was  the  proclamation  of  a  manifesto  ^ 
on  the  religious  question.  In  the  preamble  of  this  manifesto 
Louis  XV.  stated  that,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  peace, 
he  had  tried  to  ensure  for  the  Bull  Unigenitus  the  respect 
due  to  it  but  that  he  had  also  tried  to  obviate  the  abuse 
of  attributing  to  the  Bull  an  importance  which  it  did  not 
possess.  It  was  for  this  purpose  that  the  command  of  silence 
had  been  issued.  His  efforts  in  the  cause  of  peace,  he  claimed, 
had  been  acknowledged  by  the  Pope  ;  to  complete  his  work 
he  was  issuing  some  further  regulations  for  the  execution 
of  previous  laws.  There  followed  five  points  which  were 
supposed  to  satisfy  both  the  Bishops  and  the  parliament  and 
which,  of  course,  satisfied  neither.  To  every  concession  made 
to  the  Church  was  attached  a  clause  which  to  some  extent  at 
least  nullified  it.  All  the  former  ordinances  concerning  the 
BuU,  it  was  affirmed,  remained  in  force,  but  it  was  to  have  no 
right  to  the  title,  nature,  or  consequences  of  a  rule  of  Faith. 
The  law  of  silence  was  not  to  hinder  the  Bishops  in  the  religious 

1  Fleury,  LXXXIIL.  221-4. 

"  Ibid.,  220. 

*  [Nivelle],  III.,  Ixxxvii. 

«  Ibid. 

^  Of  December  10,  1756,  Fleury,  LXXVII.,  717-722. 


284  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

instruction  of  the  people,  but  nevertheless  it  was  to  be  strictly 
observed.  The  right  to  give  rulings  as  to  the  administration 
of  the  Sacraments  was  withdrawn  from  the  civil  judge,  who 
in  no  circumstance  was  allowed  to  order  their  administration, 
and  the  priest  was  not  to  be  arraigned  for  refusing  to  administer 
the  Sacraments  when  the  applicant  was  under  ecclesiastical 
censure  or  had  announced  his  intention  of  disobeying  the 
Bull.  But  all  these  concessions  were  rendered  practically 
valueless  by  the  fact  that  the  right  of  appeal  to  a  civil  court 
in  cases  of  alleged  abuse  of  the  official  ecclesiastical  authority 
was  expressly  upheld.  All  previous  judgments  on  ecclesias- 
tical disputes  were  to  be  forgotten. 

The  manifesto  on  the  religious  question  was  not  the  only 
one  to  be  proclaimed  at  the  lit  de  justice  on  December  13th. 
The  Government  had  long  desired  to  restrict  the  excessive 
influence  of  the  parliament  ;  but  the  attempts  made  in 
previous  years  to  increase  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Grand 
Conseil  at  the  expense  of  the  parliament  had  been  in  vain. 
The  king  now  issued  two  more  manifestoes,  the  first  of 
which  suppressed  two  chambers  and  sixty-four  places  in  the 
council  which  formed  part  of  the  department  of  the  parliament 
concerned  with  the  examination  of  lawsuits,  while  the  second 
effected  drastic  changes  in  the  procedure  of  the  court. ^  The 
right  of  remonstrance  was  severely  curtailed,  the  junior 
members  of  the  parliament  were  excluded  from  the  general 
meetings  of  all  the  parliamentary  chambers,  and  the  right  to 
register  royal  decrees  was  denied  to  any  but  these  general 
meetings. 

The  result  of  these  measures  was  that  except  for  a  round 
score  of  councillors  of  the  Grand' Chamhre  the  whole  of.  the 
parliament  ceased  functioning,  so  that  the  Government  was 
again  faced  with  the  choice  of  giving  way  on  yet  another 
occasion  to  the  overweening  magistrates  or  of  suspending 
legal  activity,  which  would  have  stirred  up  the  discontent  of 
the  people,  which  was  already  near  revolt,  and  would  thus 
have  forced  the  Government  to  give  way  in  any  case.    The 

1  Cahen,  59  seqq. 


DAMIENS'    ATTEMPT   ON    THE    KING'S    LIFE    285 

dilemma  was  solved  by  the  attempted  assassination  of  the 
king  by  Damiens  on  January  5th,  1757,  the  king  being  shghtly 
wounded  by  a  penknife.  Damiens  having  been  a  servant  in 
the  Jesuit  College  in  Paris  twenty  years  back,  the  Jesuits 
became  the  object  of  the  worst  suspicions.^  At  the  inquiry, 
however,  it  came  to  light  that  Damiens  had  attended  the 
meetings  of  the  parhament  with  great  enthusiasm  and  had 
imbibed  his  hatred  of  the  king  and  clergy  from  the  speeches 
which  he  had  heard  delivered  there. ^  The  magistrates,  having 
no  desire  to  appear  as  the  accomplices  of  an  assassin,  were 
willing  to  accept  a  compromise  by  which  the  rearrangement 
of  the  parliament  was  indeed  postponed  but  not  abandoned, 
and  thus  the  Government  was  enabled,  at  least  to  some 
extent,  to  save  its  face.^  Subsequently  the  victorious  parlia- 
ment stressed  still  more  its  alleged  rights  as  a  sharer  in  the 
governmental  authority  and  became  still  more  of  a  danger 
to  unlimited  monarchy  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  all  the 
parliaments  in  the  realm  formed  themselves  as  "  classes  " 
into  one  great  body.* 

As  for  the  clergy,  their  position  improved  after  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Pope's  Encyclical  in  so  far  as  "  Confession 
tickets  "  were  no  longer  demanded.  The  parliament,  however, 
continued  to  consider  itself  entitled  to  interfere  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Sacraments.  After  Damiens'  attempt  at  assassi- 
nation the  banished  Bishops  were  allowed  to  return,  though 
the  Archbishop  of  Paris  was  soon  expelled  again  from  his  city 
of  residence  for  having  taken  measures  against  some  Jansenist 
hospital  sisters.^ 

The  Government  was  bolder  in  its  dealings  with  the 
Sorbonne  than  it  was  with  the  parliament.    A  royal  decree  of 

1  Regnault,  1879,  I.,  198. 

-  Abstracts  from  the  judicial  examinations  in  Rohrbacher, 
Hist,  universelle  de  l'£glise  cath.,  XIII.,  Paris,  1877,  loi. 

^  Cahen,  61. 

■•   Ibid.,  62  seq. 

'-  Regnault,  1879,  I.,  211  seq.,  220;  A.  Gazier,  Une  suite 
ci  I'histoire  de  Port-Royal.  Jeanne  de  Boisgnorel  et  Christophe  de 
Beaumont.  Paris,  1906. 


286  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

December  2nd,  1757,  forbade  it  to  make  any  mention,  in  its 
lectures  or  its  records,  of  the  disputes  about  the  Bull  Unigenitus, 
since  this  would  be  an  offence  against  the  law  of  silence,  which 
was  renewed  by  the  manifesto  of  December  10th,  1756.  The 
order  was  impossible  of  execution,  for  how  was  one  to  lecture 
on  the  doctrine  of  grace  without  referring  to  the  Bull  which 
was  the  burning  question  of  the  hour  ?  The  faculty  was 
therefore  compelled  to  remonstrate  against  it,  and  since  it 
stood  on  its  rights  in  spite  of  many  signs  of  unfriendliness 
evinced  by  the  Government,  the  king  gave  waj'  again  in 
December  1758.^ 

In  other  respects  also  the  law  of  silence  was  found  to  be 
incapable  of  restoring  peace.  It  closed  the  mouths  of  the 
Catholics,  while  the  Jansenists  paid  it  little  attention.  The 
journal  Nouvelles  Ecclesiastiques  pursued  its  former  course,  and 
it  was  precisely  the  period  beginning  with  1750  that  saw  the 
appearance  of  a  number  of  voluminous  historical  works  on 
Port-Royal,  whose  authors,  although  otherwise  at  loggerheads 
with  one  another,  were  at  one  in  their  glorification  of  the 
famous  abbey.2 

Even  the  Government  saw  that  other  methods  would  have 
to  be  adopted.  Secret  negotiations  were  opened  between  Paris 
and  Rome,  for  the  expenses  of  which  Louis  XV.  is  said  to 
have  placed  a  million  livres  at  the  disposal  of  the  Comptroller- 
General,  Laverdy.  Their  object  was  to  induce  the  Pope  to 
issue  a  Bull  in  which  were  laid  down  clearly  and  definitely  the 
tenets  concerning  the  doctrine  of  grace  which  must  be  held 
by  every  Catholic.  It  has  been  said  that  Benedict  XIV. 
viewed  the  plan  with  favour  and  that  the  matter  was  taken 
up  again  in  the  reign  of  his  successor  but  came  to  nothing.^ 
Rome  could  not  but  have  been  shocked  to  find  that  in  the 
Government's  decree  on  Benedict's  EncycHcal  tlie  king  had 

•  Feret,  VI.,  1 1 2-1 6. 

^  Gazier,  II.,  127-130. 

^  Ibid.,  109-113.  The  only  source  for  these  negotiations  is  the 
account  given  by  Augustin  CI6ment,  who  was  sent  as  a  delegate 
to  Rome  to  represent  the  Jansenists. 


THE   POLICY   OF   CARDINAL   BERNIS  287 

taken  it  on  himself  to  decide  that  the  Bull  Unigenitus  was 
not  a  rule  of  Faith.  To  this  new  encroachment  on  his  rights 
Benedict  said  nothing,  either  because  it  had  been  kept  from 
him  in  his  poor  state  of  health,  or  because  he  was  not  inclined 
to  ascribe  too  much  importance  to  a  single  statement.^ 

From  the  beginning  of  1757  the  leading  statesman  in  France 
was  the  Abbe  Bernis,  who  was  made  a  Cardinal  in  the  October 
of  that  year.  His  principle  was  to  keep  on  friendly  terms  with 
both  parties  to  the  struggle,  namely  the  parliament  and  the 
Bishops,  to  offend  neither  of  them,  and  by  evasive  methods  to 
avoid  collisions  with  them.  Similarly  he  advised  the  new 
envoy  to  Rome,  Bishop  Rochechouart  of  Laon,  to  hold  Rome 
in  check  by  means  of  Gallicanism,  and  Gallicanism  by  means 
of  Rome.  Acting  on  these  principles,  he  had  succeeded  in 
making  a  beginning  with  the  reconciliation  of  the  king  and  the 
parliament  and  in  bringing  about  the  recall  of  the  banished 
clerics.  On  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  however,  he  practised  his 
art  of  persuasion  with  no  success,  although  Beaumont's 
banishment  met  with  only  his  qualified  approval.  At  the 
end  of  1758  Bernis  himself  was  sent  into  exile  by  the  Pompa- 
dour, his  place  being  given  to  Choiseul.^ 


(5) 

In  HoUand  the  cleavage  between  Catholics  and  Jansenists 
was  essentially  complete.  In  the  provinces  of  Zealand,  Gelderland, 

1  "  *Per  quelle  poi  che  mi  richiede  di  ci6  che  fece  Benedetto 
XIV.  dope  la  sua  enciclica  famosa,  le  dir6  che  quel  pontefice 
non  fece  mai  verun  atto  contro  Tarresto  del  Re,  in  cui  eravi 
Tespressione  avanzata  di  non  attribuire  alia  constituzione 
Unigenitus  la  qualita  di  regola  di  fade.  Egli  o  nello  state  languente 
in  cui  era  di  salute  nulla  seppe  o  non  credette  che  una  semplice 
espressione  meritasse  tanto  risentimento  contro  Tarresto  d'un 
Re  e  d'un  Re  che  allora  prometteva  tutto  bench^  poi  niente 
obtendesse."  The  Secretary  of  State  to  the  Spanish  nuncio 
Pallavicini  on  October  14,  1762,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  431.  fe. 
483V,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

-  Crousaz-Cretet,  162-185. 


288  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

and  the  Upper  Yssel  there  was  not  a  single  Jansenist  priest  ; 
Friesland,  with  the  exception  of  Leeuwarden,  had  long  since 
cast  them  off  entirely  ;  and  not  one  village  in  the  province  of 
Utrecht  had  a  Jansenist  as  parish  priest.  In  the  chief  towns 
of  the  province  of  Holland  there  were  Jansenists  enough,  but 
they  were  as  shepherds  without  flocks.^ 

Moreover,  the  Jansenist  Church  was  not  only  small  in 
numbers  ;  it  was  threatened  with  extinction.  Its  four  Bishops, 
Steenoven,  Barchman,  Van  der  Croon,  and  Meindaerts,  had 
been  consecrated  by  the  deposed  missionary  Bishop  Varlet, 
but  Varlet  had  died  on  May  15th,  1742,  and  however  much  the 
Jansenists  might  boast  of  their  recognition  abroad,  no  Catholic 
Bishop  was  ]")repared  to  give  them  a  new  head  in  the  event  of 
Meindaerts'  death.  Meindaerts  himself,  therefore,  nominated 
and  consecrated  as  Bishops  of  Haarlem,  first  Hieronymus  de 
Bock,  a  parish  priest  of  Amsterdam,  in  1742,  and  then,  on  his 
speedy  demise,  another  parish  priest  of  Amsterdam,  Van 
Stiphout,  in  1744.^  Against  these  new  Bishops  Benedict 
XIV.  did  not  fail  to  raise  his  voice. ^  Later,  in  1757,  Meindaerts 
nominated  a  third  Bishop,  Bartholomaeus  Johannes  Bijlevelt 
of  Deventer,  whom  he  consecrated  on  January  25th,  1758.* 
To  Meindaerts'   advice  of  the  election  of  the  new  Bishop 


*  Mozzi,  II.,  333  seqq.  For  conditions  in  the  Dutch  mission  in 
1741,  see  A.  Van  Lommel  in  Archief  voor  de  Geschiedenis  van  het 
aartsbisdom  Utrecht,  1874,  59-117. 

'  Mozzi,  II.,  337,  370  seq. 

*  Against  the  election  and  consecration  of  De  Bock  on  January 
24,  1741,  and  September  i,  1742  (Mozzi,  III..  117  seqq.,  121  seqq.  ; 
Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  115,  127),  against  the  election  and  consecration 
of  Van  Stiphout  on  June  26  and  August  28,  1745  (Mozzi.  III., 
136  seqq.,  141  seqq.  ;    Bull.,  loc.  cit.,  302,  311). 

*  Mozzi,  II.,  382  seqq.  ;  [Dupac],  592-602.  Documents  for  the 
Haarlem  election  in  Recueil  des  temoignages,  291-9  ;  for  that  of 
Deventer,  ibid.,  300-4.  The  Jansenist  Bishop  of  Auxcrre  had 
declared  himself  in  favour  of  both  the  Haarlem  and  the  Deventer 
elections  {ibid.,  294,  297,  299,  32S),  for  Deventer,  also  Verthamon 
of  Lu9on  [ibid.,  363). 


A   JANSENIST   HIERARCHY   IN    HOLLAND       289 

Benedict  XIV.  answered  in  the  usual  wa}^  ^ ;  to  his  announce- 
ment of  the  consecration  he  made  no  reply.  In  this  last 
communication  ^  Meindaerts  had  abandoned  the  humble, 
suppliant  tone  he  had  used  in  his  former  petitions  of  a  like 
character  ;  it  was  nothing  but  a  violent  attack  on  the  Jesuits, 
whom  he  accused  of  having  been  the  cause  of  the  schism. 
Like  so  many  other  writings  against  the  Order  at  this  period, 
it  was  repeatedly  printed  and  translated.^  When  appealing 
in  1744  against  their  condemnation  in  Rome,  Meindaerts  and 
De  Bock  had  sent  in  a  confession  of  Faith  ;  this  also  failed  to 
escape  the  Papal  condemnation.* 

The  chapter  of  Haarlem  had  had  no  part  in  the  election  of 
the  Haarlem  Bishops.  It  was  not  till  May  27th,  1743,  that  De 
Bock  informed  it  of  his  election  and  consecration,^  and  it 
quickly  protested.^  De  Bock  had  no  church  in  Haarlem,  his 
permanent  residence  being  in  Amsterdam. 

In  the  reign  of  Benedict  XIV.  some  more  or  less  serious 
negotiations  were  undertaken  by  the  Jansenist  and  Catholic 
clergy  for  the  restoration  of  ecclesiastical  unity.'  After  some 
fruitless  discussions  had  taken  place,^  the  ex-Capuchin 
Norbert  in  particular,  who  had  won  notoriety  in  the  troubles  in 
Malabar  and  who  found  himself  in  Holland  in  1747,  saw 
in  the  confused  conditions  in  that  country  a  promising  field 
for  his  disturbing  activity.   There  was  no  quarter  in  which  he 

^  On  December  29,  1757,  in  Mozzi,  III.,  189  seqq.  ;    Benedicti  . 
XIV.  Acta,  II.,  326. 

2  On  February  13,  1758,  [Dupac],  600  ;   JVIozzi,  II.,  386. 
^  [DuPAc],  602. 

*  Of  June  26,  1745,  in  Mozzi,  III.,  132  ;  Bull.,  loc.  cit.,  303  : 
Acta,  II.,  303. 

5  In  Mozzi,  III.,  345  seqq. 

"  On  June  21,  1743,  ibid.,  348  seq. 

'  Ibid.,  148  seqq.  ;  G.  Brom,  De  H.  Stoel  en  de  Klerezy,  reprinted 
from  the  Archief  voor  de  Geschiedenis  van  het  aartsbisdom  Utrecht, 
XXXVIII.  (1912). 

*  Bijdragen  voor  de  Geschiedenis  van  het  bisdom  Haarlem,  XX. 
(1895),    I   seqq.,   221   seqq.  ;     XXI.  (1896),  429  ;     XXIII.    (li 
178  seqq. 

VOL.  XXXV. 


290  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

failed  to  exert  his  influence.  To  the  Stadtholder  he  propounded 
the  argument  that  it  was  the  concern  of  the  civil  as  well  as  of 
the  ecclesiastical  authority  to  extirpate  the  roots  of  national 
disunity.  The  favour  of  Cardinal  Corsini  he  succeeded  in 
winning  to  such  an  extent  that  the  Cardinal  wrote  him  two 
letters,  in  November  and  December  1747,  encouraging  him  in 
his  project.  He  won  over  to  himself  the  dean  of  the  so-called 
chapter  of  Utrecht,  Nikolaus  Broedersen  ;  and  another  notable 
person  whom  he  induced  to  fall  in  with  his  way  of  thinking 
was  the  Italian  prelate  Antonio  Niccolini,  who  in  June  1748 
had  been  commissioned  by  the  Secretary  of  State  Valenti  to 
report  on  conditions  in  the  Netherlands  on  his  way  from 
England  to  Rome.  The  Brussels  nuncio,  Crivelli,  on  the  other 
hand,  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  Norbert  ;  he  instructed 
the  arch-priest  Van  der  Valck  to  keep  himself  clear  of  the 
peace  negotiations.  Norbert 's  audacity  and  liking  for  trickery 
were  notorious,  he  said,  and  it  was  impossible  to  be  too  much 
on  one's  guard  against  him.^  Everything  should  be  done  to 
bring  about  his  departure  from  Holland  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment. 2 

Neither  Norbert  nor  the  Jansenists  were  serious  with  their 
submission  to  the  decrees  of  Rome.  On  March  8th,  1747, 
Broedersen  wrote  to  Cardinal  Valenti  that  the  impediment  to 
agreement  was  the  stringent  prohibitions  issued  by  the  States 
against  acceptance  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus  ;  it  would  be  best, 
therefore,  for  Rome  to  be  satisfied  with  a  general  promise  of 

*  "  Novimus  ilhus  in  suscipiendo  audaciam  ac  in  confingendis 
fallaciis  et  commentis  proclivitatem  adeoque  numquam  satis 
comincndatum  putamus,  ut  ab  illius  fraudibus  vos  caveatis." 
(Crivelli  to  V^an  der  Valck,  June  30,  174S,  in  Brom,  loc.  cit.,  10). 

Infinita  pena  mi  da  co'  suoi  raggiri  il  Padre  Norberto  unito 
co'  Giansenisti  ;  ha  suscitato  un  vespaio  e  lo  sta  stuzzicando  in 
maniera  da  sentire  pessime  conseguenze  "  (Crivelli  to  Valenti, 
July  12,  1748,  ibid.,  15). 

*  Ibid.  Cf.  Crivelli  under  the  same  date  to  Valenti  [ibid.,  16)  : 
"  Prevedo  che  se  non  si  trova  la  maniera  di  sradicare  d'OIanda 
questo  frate  ben  presto,  ci  mettera  in  combustione  colle  sue 
machine,  raggiri  e  menzogne  tutta  quella  fioridissima  missione." 


BROEDERSEN  S    PROPOSALS  29I 

obedience  to  the  Papal  decrees,  among  which,  though  not 
expressly  mentioned,  the  constitution  Unigenitus  would  be 
included.^  The  probable  object  of  these  proposals,  however, 
was  to  bring  about  the  Pope's  recognition  of  the  Jansenists 
without  their  acceptance  of  the  Bull  against  Quesnel.  But 
Benedict  XIV.  was  not  to  be  deceived.  He  wrote  to  Cardinal 
Corsini  ^  that  Father  Norbert  had  no  right  to  speak  of 
Broedersen's  obedience  to  the  Apostolic  constitutions  on  the 
ground  that  he  accepted  the  Tridentine  confession  of  Faith 
and  the  ruling  of  the  Council  of  Florence  on  the  primacy  of  the 
Pope  ;  Quesnel  too  could  have  been  had  on  these  terms. 
What  was  intended,  he  wrote,  was  to  get  hold  of  a  letter  from 
the  Pope  or  some  other  important  person  and  to  turn  it  to 
a  wrong  use.  For  this  reason  he  himself  was  on  his  guard  and 
he  trusted  that  Corsini  was,  too.  Broedersen's  proposals  were 
examined  by  a  Congregation  of  Cardinals,  which  at  a  meeting 
on  October  6th,  1748,^  decided  that  the  Dutch  Jansenists 
must  first  adopt  the  formulary  of  Alexander  VII.  and  the  Bull 
Unigenitus.  The  Jansenists,  of  course,  were  not  prepared  to 
do  this,  as  they  had  already  stated  expressly  in  a  manifesto 
of  September  12th,  1747,  though  no  actual  protest  was  made."* 
Meanwhile,  the  Brussels  nuncio,  Crivelli,  had  bluntly  refused 
to  listen  to  Norbert  and  his  citation  of  letters  from  Cardinal 
Corsini  and  had  ordered  him  to  leave  the  Dutch  mission 
without  delay. ^ 

In  spite  of  everything,  however,  a  not  inconsiderable 
movement  had  been  set  going  among  the  Dutch  Jansenists  by 
Norbert's  proposals.   Putting  their  trust  in  the  States,  they 

*  Mozzi,  III.,  148  seqq.  Van  der  Valck's  opinion  on  Norbert's 
motives  was  expressed  to  Crivelli  on  August  16,  1748  :  "...  cum 
lansenistae  hie  culinam  eius  tam  sollicite  curent."     (Brom,  29.) 

*  On  May  20,  1747,  Mozzi,  III.,  146.  Cf.  the  letter  to  the 
Brussels  nuncio  of  November  11,  1747,  Acta,  I.,  453. 

^  Extract  from  the  records  in  Mozzi,  III.,  148-163.  The 
members  of  the  Congregation  were  Cardinals  Valenti,  Corsini, 
Tamburini,  Besozzi,  and  the  secretary  Lercari. 

*  Mozzi,  III.,  158. 

*  Ibid.,  154  seq. 


292  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

pressed  for  a  public  conference  with  the  CathoHcs  who  were 
faithful  to  the  Pope  and  they  appealed  also  to  the  civil 
Government  to  bring  such  a  conference  into  being.  Benedict 
XIV.  then  became  apprehensive  lest  some  unwelcome  Papal 
decision  might  provoke  the  States  against  the  Catholics. 
Preferring  not  to  make  any  reply  at  all  and  to  let  the  matter 
rest,  he  desired,  before  coming  to  a  definite  decision,  to 
have  the  opinion  of  the  most  reputable  priests  in  Holland.^ 
Their  opinion,  given  almost  unanimously,  was  that  it  would 
be  wrong  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  Jansenists, 
as  they  were  not  to  be  trusted.  To  allege  as  an  excuse  the 
State  decrees  against  acceptance  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus  was 
a  dishonourable  evasion,  for  of  the  priests  in  Holland  who  had 
been  questioned  some  had  said  they  had  failed  to  discover  any 
such  decrees, 2  while  others  professed  their  ignorance  of  any 
difficulties  put  in  their  way  by  the  Government  on  account  of 
the  Bull  Unigenitus,^  although  it  was  aware  that  this  con- 
stitution was  accepted  by  the  Catholics  along  with  all  the 
others.*  Accordingly  the  Congregation  of  Cardinals,  meeting 
again  on  May  1st,  1749,^  declared  that  it  abided  by  its  decision 
of  the  previous  year. 

In  his  report  to  Cardinal  Valenti  ^  on  conditions  in  the 
Dutch  mission  and  the  prospects  of  reincorporating  the 
Jansenists,  Niccolini  spoke  most  highly  of  the  Catholics  in  the 
Netherlands.  He  said  that  he  had  never  seen  a  finer  Church 
and  that  were  it  not  for  the  schism  it  would  certainly  be  the 
best  of  all.'    As  opposed  to  the  200,000  Catholics  there  were 

1  Letter  of  Cardinal  Valenti,  December  21,  1748,  ibid.,  166  seq. 

"  Mozzi,  III.,  172. 

=»  Ibid.,  182. 

*  Ibid.,  180.  An  ordinance  of  the  States  of  September  20,  1730, 
concerning  the  office  of  Gregory  VII.,  is  cited  by  Brocdcrsen  ; 
it  mentions  the  Bull  but  lays  down  no  penalty  for  the  infringement 
of  the  ordinance.    Ibid.,  183  ;    cf.  177. 

'-  Extract  from  the  records,  ibid.,  164-189. 

«  End  of  August  1748,  in  Brom,  36-67. 

'  "  Ho  provato  la  consolazione  di  vedere  una  chiesa  di  catto- 
lici,  di  cui,   bench^  in  mezzo  agli  eterodossi,  non  ho  giammai 


NICOLINI  S    REPORT   TO    VALENTI  293 

only  6-10,000  Jansenists.  Among  the  faithful  the  Pope  was 
held  in  the  highest  respect.  The  places  of  worship,  including 
those  in  the  country,  were  fully  equipped  with  costly  furniture 
and  vestments,  while  the  parish  priests,  though  living  on  the 
charity  of  their  flocks,  had  more  than  enough  with  which  to 
support  the  poor.  Everywhere  the  parish  priest  was  the  central 
figure  of  his  parish  and  its  sole  leader  and  comforter  ;  among 
the  Catholics  scandals  were  unknown. ^  The  schism,  however, 
was  disuniting  families  :  parents  were  in  disagreement  with 
their  children,  fathers  with  mothers,  relatives  with  relatives, 
to  such  a  degree  that  they  had  ceased  to  recognize  each  other 
in  the  street. ^ 

veduto  sin  ora  la  piu  bella  e  che  .  .  .  chiamarei  semplicemente 
e  assolutamente  la  bellissima  per  eccelenza."    Ibid.,  39. 

*  Ibid.,  40  seqq. 

^  Ibid.,  44. 


CHAPTER   V. 

Benedict  XIV.'s  Activity  within  the  Church — His 
Legislation — The  Veneration  of  the  Saints — The 
Jubilee  Year  of  1750 — The  Appointment  of  Car- 
dinals— The  Index — The  Beginning  of  the  Under- 
mining of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

(1) 

When,  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  Benedict  XIV.  addressed 
himself  in  an  Encyclical  to  all  the  Bishops  of  the  Church,^ 
he  put  before  them  as  their  chief  duty  the  education  and 
maintenance  of  a  good  clergy.  They  were  to  be  careful  in 
their  choice  of  candidates  ;  it  were  better  to  have  fewer 
priests  so  long  as  they  were  good  ones.  They  were  to  establish 
seminaries,  for  clerics  needed  to  be  trained  from  their  youth 
onwards.  These  seminaries  were  to  be  visited  frequently,  for 
clerics  were  not  born  but  made.  Priests  entrusted  with  the 
cure  of  souls  were  to  be  impressed  with  the  necessity  for 
Sunday  sermons  and  for  teaching  Christian  doctrine.  Other 
episcopal  duties  were  residence  among  the  flocks,  visitations, 
and  vigilance,  for  what  had  been  prescribed  at  a  visitation 
had  also  to  be  carried  out.  To  ensure  a  supply  of  good  Bishops 
a  special  Congregation  was  instituted,^  which  was  to  decide 
on  the  merits  of  the  nominees.  The  duty  of  visiting  Rome  every 
three  years  was  henceforth  to  apply  not  only  to  Bishops  but 
also  to  all  who  wielded  the  equivalent  of  episcopal  authority  ^  ; 
an  instruction  was  drawn  up,  giving  the  points  to  which 
attention  was  to  be  paid  on  visits  to  the  Eternal  City  *  ;  and 
a  Congregation  was  established  for  the  purpose  of  answering 
questions  on  difficult  points  propounded  by  the  Bishops.^ 

'  On  December  3,  1740,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  3  seq. 

-  On  October  17,  1740,  ibid.,  7  seq. 

^  Brief  of  November  23,  1740,  ibid.,  11  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  13  seq. 

*  On  November  23,  1740,  ibid.,  16  seq. 

294 


BENEDICT   XIV.    ON   THE    DUTIES    OF   BISHOPS       295 

The  Pope  returned  more  than  once  to  the  episcopal  duty  of 
residence  ;  for  example,  in  a  constitution  for  the  Bishops  of 
Ireland  ^  and,  a  few  years  later,  in  a  special  Bull,  in  which  the 
subject  was  treated  generally.^  It  would  be  difficult,  he  said, 
to  name  any  requisite  for  Church  discipline  that  had  been 
more  frequently  inculcated  by  the  Councils  and  the  Popes 
than  this  particular  duty  of  the  Bishops.  So  long  as  the 
prelates  conformed  to  it,  he  ruled,  they  would  be  entitled  to 
the  nomination  to  benefices  in  the  Papal  months  alter- 
nately with  the  Holy  See,  during  the  term  of  his  pontificate. 
There  being  differences  of  opinion  about  the  length  of  time 
during  which  Bishops  might  legitimately  absent  themselves 
from  their  Sees,  Benedict  XIV.  revived  the  Congregation 
which  had  akeady  been  instituted  by  Urban  VIII.  for  the 
settlement  of  the  various  questions  arising  therefrom. 

So  that  ecclesiastical  offtces  might  be  held  by  the  most 
deserving  persons  available  at  any  particular  time  the  Council 
of  Trent  had  prescribed  the  method  of  competition  ;  Bene- 
dict now  supplemented  the  regulations  for  this  procedure.^ 
The  pastor's  most  important  duty,  he  declared,  was  to  instruct 
the  faithful  in  the  Christian  religion.*  For  all  clerics  he 
confirmed  the  prohibition  against  engaging  in  commerce. ^ 
As  a  means  of  strengthening  the  priestly  spirit  he  recom- 
mended yearly  exercises, «  which  he  himself  performed  under 
the  direction  of  a  Jesuit,  on  the  approach  of  the  jubilee  year.' 
The  undertaking  of  such  spiritual  exercises  in  retirement 
would  be  blessed  by  the  Church  ;  since  the  time  of  Ignatius  of 
Loyola  all  the  Orders  had  performed  these  exercises,  and  the 
Jesuits  had  established  special  houses  for  the  purpose.  On 
several  occasions  Benedict  XIV.  showed  his  approval  of  the 

1  Of  August  15,  1741,  ibid.,  39. 

2  On  September  3,  1746,  ibid.,  XVII.,  79- 

»  On  December  14,  1742,  ibid.,  XVI.,  121-5. 
^  On  February  7,   1742,  and  June  26,   1754,  ibid.,  XVI.,  64; 
XIX.,  108. 

5  On  February  25,  1741,  ibid.,  XVI.,  19. 
8  Of  September  3,  1740,  ibid.,  3. 
'  NovAES,  XIV.,  148. 


296  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

movement  by  granting  special  favours.^  Similarly  he  praised 
the  exercises  of  the  Capuchins  ^  and  encouraged  missions  to 
the  people,  the  benefits  of  which  he  had  observed  when 
holding  former  posts,  including  that  of  Bishop.^  Missionaries 
in  England  who  were  members  of  an  Order  were  bidden  ^  to 
retire  to  the  Continent  every  six  years  and  there  devote  two 
weeks  to  spiritual  exercises.  On  several  occasions  he  ordered 
that  seminarians  should  perform  these  exercises  regularly. ^ 
Related  to  these  decrees  on  exercises  was  one  in  which  he 
recommended  the  practice  of  contemplative  prayer.^ 

Having  so  much  at  heart  the  need  for  good  priests,  the  Pope 
naturally  did  not  fail  to  bestow  his  favour  on  the  institutions 
devoted  to  their  training.  On  acknowledging  his  regulations,' 
the  seminary  at  Naples  was  endowed  with  spiritual  favours,^ 
while  that  at  Coimbra,  which  had  just  been  established, 
received  an  increase  of  revenue.^  The  training  school  at 
Recanati  was  given  the  property  of  a  dissolved  brotherhood, ^° 
and  a  similar  establishment  at  Piacenza  was  presented  with 
the  property  of  a  hospital  which  had  closed  its  doors. ^^  To  the 
German  College  in  Rome  Benedict  XIV.  showed  especial 
friendliness.     Its  church  was  rebuilt  at  his  instigation,  the 

1  Briefs  of  January  25,  1746,  March  29  and  May  16,  1753, 
Acta,  I.,  305,  433-6  ;  Institutiones  ecclesiasticae  in  Benedicti  XIV 
0pp.,  X.,  Romae,  1747  seqq.,  Inst.  51  and  104  ;  De  synodo, 
Ferrariae,  1764,  I.,  11,  c.  2,  n.  16,  p.  65.  Cf.  H.  Watrigant, 
Benoit  XIV.  .  .  .  et  les  retraites  spirituelles,  Enghien-Paris,  1919. 

2  Bull.  Cap.,  VII.,  376. 

'  To  the  Bishops  in  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  on  September  8, 
1745,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  315  seq. 

*  On  May,  30,  1753,  ibid.,  XIX.,  54. 

*  Ibid.,  XVII.,  270  ;    Acta,  I.,  317. 

*  On  December  16,  1746,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  97.  The  Brief  was 
issued  at  the  instigation  of  Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio. 
Watrigant,  25. 

'  January  13,  1746,  Acta,  I.,  301,  304. 

*  On  August  19,  1746,  ibid.,  359. 

*  On  March  10  and  July  29,  1755,  ibid.,  II.,  227,  461. 
1"  On  June  3,  1748,  ibid.,  I.,  539. 

"  On  February  23,  1746,  ibid.,  309-329. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AS    LEGISLATOR  297 

foundation  stone  was  laid  by  his  hands,  and  the  high  altar 
was  his  gift.  He  never  failed  to  attend  there  for  the  devotion 
of  the  Forty  Hours. ^  The  greatest  proof,  however,  of  his 
interest  in  training  schools  was  the  visitation  which  he 
ordered  to  be  made  of  all  the  colleges  dependent  on  the 
Propaganda. 2  For  the  dioceses  also  he  considered  visitation 
the  chief  means  of  remedying  defects.  He  had  recommended 
it  to  the  Bishops,  and  in  Rome  the  custom  was  inaugurated 
by  Cardinal  Annibale  Albani  in  1745.^ 

Benedict  XIV. 's  importance  in  the  life  of  the  Church 
consisted  chiefly,  however,  in  his  activity  as  a  legislator.  From 
the  very  beginning  he  seems  to  have  set  himself  the  task  of 
finishing  what  was  incomplete  in  ecclesiastical  statutes,  of 
clearing  up  uncertainties,  of  filling  in  gaps,  and  of  recalling 
what  had  been  more  or  less  forgotten.*  In  this  way  it  might 
be  said  of  him  that  he  rounded  off  the  modern,  post-Tridentine 
development  of  Church  discipline.^  In  so  doing  he  drew 
freely  on  the  "  store  of  experience  and  wisdom  "  which  had 
been  amassed  in  the  Roman  Church  in  the  course  of  the 
centuries  ;  on  the  other  hand,  "  a  wealth  of  excellent  annota- 
tions and  wise  judgments  owed  their  origin  directly  to  him."® 
Of  the  constitutions  he  issued  in  the  first  six  years  of  his 
pontificate,  noted  for  their  "  wealth  of  material  and  their 
legal-historical  foundation  ",  he  himself  made  a  collection, 

'  Steinhuber,  II.,  144. 
"  See  below,  p.  392. 
'  NovAES,  XIV.,  79. 

*  To  quote  his  own  words,  "  Per  omnem  vitae  Nostras  aetatcm 
nihil  curavimus  impensius,  quam  ut  e  medio  sublatis  conten- 
tionum,  litium.  disceptationumque  forensium  dissidiis  et  tricis, 
per  solam  liquidamque  veritatis  inspectionem  ius  suum  unicuique 
tribueretur."  Brief  for  the  Italo-Greek  College  in  Rome,  of 
December  17,  1745,  Ius  pontif.,  III.,  248  ;  similarly  in  the  Brief 
of  February  15,  1748,  on  the  Marian  Congregations,  Institutum 
S.J.,  I.,  Florentise,  1892,  305. 

*  H.  Lammer,  Zur  Kodifikation  des  kanonischen  Rechts, 
Freiburg,  1899,  27. 

«  Ibid.,  36. 


298  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

which  is  of  great  legal  value  ^  ;  he  was  known  as  "  the  greatest 
of  all  canonists  ".^ 

His  legislative  activity  began  in  the  first  years  of  his  pontifi- 
cate. He  was  already  issuing  ordinances  in  1741  concerning 
the  system  of  benefices,  which  was  to  be  kept  free  of  any 
commercial  spirit. ^  These  were  followed  in  the  same  year  by 
regulations  for  the  observance  of  Lent,^  which  were  later 
repeated  in  a  Bull  addressed  to  all  the  Bishops  of  the  Church. ° 
More  important  were  a  constitution  designed  to  protect  from 
abuse  the  administration  of  the  Sacrament  of  Penance,*  and 
another  '  which  forbade  over-zealous  confessors  asking  their 
penitents  the  names  of  their  accomplices  in  sin.  Many  of 
Benedict's  ordinances  relate  to  the  Sacrament  of  marriage. 
"  Marriages  of  conscience,"  i.e.  those  celebrated  without  the 
prescribed  public  announcements,  he  did  not  entirely  forbid, 
but  made  dependent  on  the  permission  of  the  Bishop.^    He 

1  Ibid.,  27. 

2  RiCHTER,  ibid.,  36.  Cf.  J.  Fessler,  Sammlung  ver mischief 
Schrifien  ilber  Kirchengeschichte  und  Kirchenrecht,  Freiburg,  1869. 
Particular  aspects  of  Benedict's  work  on  the  diocesan  synod 
are  praised  by  Schulte  also  (III.,  505),  who  disapproves  of  it 
as  a  whole  :  "  Since  at  the  time  of  its  publication  the  book  was 
incontestably  the  best  exposition  of  the  subjects  under  review 
.  .  .  unexcelled  for  the  clarity  and  intelligibility  of  its  exposition, 
surpassing  every  other  in  its  practical  usefulness  .  .  .  the  effect 
of  the  book  must  have  been  enormous."  "  For  canon  law  it  is 
the  most  important  work  of  modem  scholarship  in  existence." 
"  Benedict  was  well  ahead  of  his  time  ;  no  other  disciplinary' 
body  had  a  book  so  valuable  as  this.  Benedict  inaugurated  for 
canon  law  the  era  of  historical  jurisprudence." 

'  NovAES,  XTV.,  22. 

^  Ibid.,  23. 

5  Of  June  10,  1745,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  298  seqq.  Cf.  PrcoT. 
III.,  96  seqq. 

8  Of  June  I,  1741,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  32  seq.  Cf.  the  decree  of 
July  7,  1745,  ibid.,  304  seq. 

'  Of  June  7,  1746,  ibid.,  XVII.,  29  seq.  Cf.  the  Briefs  of 
June  2  and  September  28,  1746,  ibid.,  29,  88  seq. 

*  On  November  17,  1741,  ibid.,  53. 


MARRIAGE    REGULATIONS  299 

took  steps  to  put  a  stop  to  the  malpractice  which  had  arisen 
in  Poland  through  the  ignorance  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  of 
too  hastily  adjudging  marriages  to  be  invalid.^  On  the  other 
hand,  dispensation  to  enter  into  marriage  was  not  to  be  given 
too  easily.-  In  marriages  among  Jews  it  was  tolerated  that 
the  husband  might  give  his  wife  a  bill  of  divorce  in  the  presence 
of  the  rabbi  ;  but  this  was  forbidden  to  baptized  Jews  ;  in 
this  respect  they  had  to  keep  to  the  instructions  of  St.  Paul.^ 
A  very  important  decree  was  that  concerning  marriages  in  the 
Netherlands  ;  the  Pope  decided  ^  that  marriages  there  between 
Protestants  and  between  Cathohcs  and  Protestants  were 
valid  ;  this  was  an  exemption  from  the  legislation  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  which  was  followed  by  many  other  exemp- 
tions for  other  regions. 

There  were  also  questions  of  other  kinds  that  needed  to  be 
settled.  Through  imprudent  zeal,  Jewish  children  had  been 
baptized  without  the  consent  of  their  parents.  On  this  matter 
the  Pope  set  forth  the  Church's  principles  at  some  length. ^ 
The  question  whether  Confirmation  administered  by  Greek 
priests  in  Italy  was  vahd  was  now  decided  in  a  negative  sense,« 
on  the  ground  that  the  necessary  authorization  from  the  Pope 
had  not  been  obtained.  A  propos  of  this,  Benedict  XIV. 
often  gave  simple  priests  authority  to  confirm,  especially 
those  in  missionary  countries.'  Many  of  the  decrees  he  issued 
related  to  the  Eucharist  and  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass.  Priests 
were  allowed  to  accept  alms  at  the  celebration  of  the  Mass  but 
they  were  to  take  care  to  guard  against  avarice. ^     Severe 

1  On  April  11,  1741,  and  May  18,  1743,  ibid.,  26  seq.,  160  seqq. 

2  Brief  of  February  25,  1742,  ibid.,  73  seq. 

3  Brief  of  September  16,  1747,  ibid.,  186  seqq. 

4  Declaration  of  November  4,  1741,  ibid.,  XVI.,  52  seq. 

■•  On  February  28,  1747,  ibid.,  XVII..  110-137.  Amplified  in 
the  Brief  of  December  15,  1751,  ibid.,  247.  Cf.  C.  Ruch,  m 
Diet,  de  thiol,  cath.,  II.,  341-355- 

«  On  May  26,  1742,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  96  (in  the  constitution 
for  the  Italo-Greeks) . 

'   Cf.  the  list  in  Hughes,  II.,  568,  n.  4. 

8  Brief  of  June  30,  1741,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  35. 


300  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

measures  were  enacted  against  persons  unlawfully  posing  as 
priests  ^  and  against  anyone  who  stole  consecrated  Hosts  for 
superstitious  reasons. ^  Another  question  settled  by  the  Pope 
was  what  cases  of  necessity  entitled  a  priest  to  say  two  Masses 
in  one  day.^  In  Spain  and  Portugal  every  priest  was  to  be 
allowed  to  say  three  Masses  on  All  Souls'  Day.*  Another  ruling 
was  that  every  parish  priest  was  bound  to  offer  the  Sacrifice 
of  the  Mass  for  his  flock  on  Sundays  and  holidays, ^  and  that 
during  the  Mass  an  image  of  the  Crucified  was  to  be  exposed 
on  the  altar. ^  In  1757  his  own  infirmity  induced  the  Pope  to 
apply  his  learning  to  the  question  whether  a  priest  might  be 
allowed  to  sit  when  celebrating  Mass.' 

Nearly  all  the  reformatory  decrees  already  mentioned  were 
enacted  during  the  first  years  of  the  Pope's  reign.  It  would 
seem  that  as  Benedict  XIV.  he  felt  impelled  to  remedy  with 
the  least  delay  the  shortcomings  he  had  observed  as  Prospero 
Lambertini.  Also  in  the  years  that  followed  he  discovered 
much  that  needed  his  decision  and  elucidation.  Thus  in  1744 
he  issued  regulations  for  the  Penitentiary,  and  in  1746  for  the 
Dataria.^  His  Brief  on  interest  and  usury  amounted  to  a 
relaxation  of  the  stringent  views  which  had  hitherto  been  held.® 

^  January  20,  1744,  ibid.,  196. 

^  March  4,  1744,  ibid.,  161. 

"  On  March  16,  1746,  ibid.,  XVII.,  8. 

*  August  26,  1748,  ibid.,  276-280.  Cf.  Kneller,  in  the 
Zeitschr.  f.  kath.  Theologie,  XLII.  (1918),  74-113.  The  concession 
was  granted  as  the  result  of  a  written  work  by  the  Jesuit  Em.  de 
Azevedo.    Sommervogel,  I.,  726,  n.  10. 

*  August  19,  1744,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  214  seqq. 

*  Brief  of  July  16,  1746,  ibid.,  XVII.,  77.  At  private  Masses 
there  was  to  be  no  obligation  to  administer  Communion. 
November  13,  1742,  ibid.,  XVI.,  117. 

'  NovAES,  XIV.,  242  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  70,  85. 

»  Of  November  i.  1745.  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  328  ;  PicoT,  III.. 
99-105  ;  Funk  in  the  Theol.  Qiiartahchrift,  1879,  6,  and  in  the 
special  edition  issued  in  honour  of  A.  Schafflc,  Tiihingen,  1901  ; 
T.  TiBERGHlEN,  EncycUque  Vix  pervenit,  Tourcoing,  192 1  ; 
Reusch,  II.,  847.    See  above,  pp.  100,  201. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AS   LITURGIST  3OI 

His  decree  on  duelling  was  important, ^  and,  as  was  only 
to  be  expected,  he  took  up  the  question  of  ecclesiastical 
immunity,^  which  had  given  so  much  trouble  to  his  immediate 
predecessors. 

No  one,  it  has  been  said,  has  possessed  so  wide  a  knowledge 
of  the  liturgy  as  Benedict  XIV.^  In  this  field  he  rendered 
service  both  as  a  writer,  in  his  work  on  the  Mass  and  the 
feasts  of  the  Church,  and  as  Pope,  through  several  legislative 
measures.  At  the  time  when  the  King  of  Portugal  was  con- 
templating the  production,  at  his  own  expense,  of  a  new  edition 
of  the  missal  and  a  translation  of  the  martyrology  (a  list  of  the 
Saints,  to  be  used  each  day  in  choir),  the  Pope  took  the 
opportunity  to  have  the  martyrology  read  through  and 
improved.^  In  Croatia  the  Glagolitic  missal  in  the  Old  Slavonic 
language  of  the  Church  was  still  in  use  ;  as  many  modem 
Croat  and  Latin  elements  had  been  incorporated  in  it,  the  Pope 
ordered  a  return  to  the  unadulterated  Old  Slavonic.^  He 
decided  also  to  have  the  liturgical  books  of  the  Alexandrine 
rite  printed  in  the  Arabic  and  Coptic  languages  and  entrusted 
the  task  to  Raphael  Tukhi,  a  former  pupil  of  the  Propaganda, 
who,  after  completing  it,  died  in  1772.^  The  edition  of  the 
Greek  Euchologion,  on  which  work  had  been  in  progress  in 
Rome  since  the  time  of  Urban  VII.  and  Innocent  X.,  was 
completed  in  the  reign  of  Benedict  XIV.  ;  a  Brief  of  March  1st, 
1756,  prescribed  it  for  the  use  of  the  Greeks.'  In  1741  a  start 
was  made  with  the  revision  of  the  Roman  breviary,  whose 

*  Of  November  10,  1752,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  19.  Cf.  Brief  to 
Stadler  of  March  3,  1753,  Acta,  II.,  127  ;  Fourneret  in  Diet,  de 
thiol,  cath.,  IV.,  185  seq. 

«  On  March  15,  1750,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  161. 

*  "...  la  plus  vaste  science  liturgique  dent  jamais  homme  ait 
ete  ome."  Gu^ranger,  Institutions  liiurgiques,  II.,  Paris,  1880, 
494,  quoted  in  the  Diet,  d'archeol.  chretienne,  II.,  Paris,  1910,  771. 

*  Brief  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  of  July  i,  1748,  Bull.  Lux., 
XVII..  240. 

^  On  August  15,  1754,  ibid.,  XIX.,  112. 

*  Karalevskij  in  the  Diet,  d'hist.  et  de  geogr.  eceles.,  III.,  863. 
'  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  192. 


302  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

defects  had  been  observed  by  Benedict  before  he  became 
Pope.^  In  1744  a  special  Congregation,  composed  of  Cardinals 
Gentili,  Monti,  Valenti,  Tamburini,  and  Besozzi,  was  appointed 
to  examine  the  proposals  made  by  the  consultors,  but  when  the 
Cardinals  handed  in  their  work  the  Pope  expressed  his  extreme 
dissatisfaction  with  it.  If  only,  he  wrote, ^  he  had  undertaken 
the  work  liimself,  unaided  !  It  was  easier  to  put  the  breviary 
itself  to  rights  than  the  proposals  for  improvement  made  by 
the  Cardinals.  He  did  in  fact  take  up  the  work  himself  but 
could  not  find  the  time  to  finish  it.^  The  Congregation  for  the 
breviary  had  allowed  itself  to  be  influenced  by  various  currents 
of  thought  running  in  France,  where  since  c.  1680  almost  every 
diocese  had  a  breviary  for  itself.*  The  revision,  however,  of  the 
manual  for  episcopal  functions  {Cxremofiiale  episcoporum) 
which  had  been  begun  under  Benedict  XIII.  was  brought  to 
a  conclusion  ;  it  was  published  together  with  a  Brief  on  March 
25th,  1752.^  The  Pope  also  attempted  to  free  Church  music 
of  the  theatrical  style  which  had  invaded  it  ^  and  opposed 
the  habit  of  behaving  in  church  as  in  a  concert  hall.' 


(2) 

In  the  organization  of  the  religious  Orders  Benedict  found 
no  lack  of  opportunity  to  act  as  legislator  or  as  protector  of 
ecclesiastical  legislation.  Of  importance  here  are  his  directions 
regarding  the  relations  between  religious  and  their  Bishops  ^  ; 
they  were  to  be  subject  to  them  in  all  that  concerned  the 

*  Baumer,  Brevier,  562-584.  Of  his  plans  for  its  improvement 
Benedict  wrote  to  Tcncin  on  June  7,  1743,  Heeckeren,  I.,  61. 
Of  the  need  for  improvement  he  spoke  in  De  can.,  IV.,  2,  c.  13. 

"  To  Tencin,  on  August  7,  1748,  Heeckeren,  I.,  421  ;   cf.  125. 
^  To  Tencin,  on  September  25,  1748,  ibid.,  431  ;   Baumer,  584. 

*  Baumer,  529-536. 
'  Ibid.,  530. 

*  On  February  19,  1749,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIIL,  9-24. 
'  Brief  of  March  11,  1755,  ibid.,  XVII.,  240  seqq. 

*  Bulls  of  November  6,  1744,  and  February  24,  1746,  ibid., 
XVI.,  249;    XVII.,  I. 


RELATIONS  BETWEEN  RELIGIOUS  AND  BISHOPS    303 

cure  of  souls,  and  the  same  rule  applied  to  their  relations 
with  the  Vicars  Apostolic,  in  India  or  England,  for 
example.^  Religious  living  outside  the  house  of  the  Order 
were  likewise  subject  to  episcopal  authority.^  That 
churches  of  an  Order  could  be  visited  by  the  Bishop  had 
already  been  ordained  by  the  Council  of  Trent  ;  a  few  doubtful 
questions  connected  with  this  decision  were  now  settled  by 
Papal  decree.^  The  question  whether  a  priest  could  join 
a  religious  Order  without  the  permission  of  his  Bishop  had 
been  raised  by  Cardinal  Quirini  at  the  time  when  Leonardo 
Chizzola,  Archdeacon  of  Brescia  Cathedral,  becanle  a  Jesuit 
without  informing  the  Cardinal.  Benedict  XIV. 's  decision  * 
was  that  everyone  must  be  free  to  choose  a  more  perfect  state 
of  life.  A  special  commission  to  examine  the  matter  was 
unnecessary,  he  maintained,  since  out  of  a  hundred  arch- 
deacons scarcely  one  would  want  to  enter  an  Order,  while 
out  of  a  hundred  monks  almost  all  would  like  to  be  arch- 
deacons. Ordination  of  a  religious,  the  Pope  ruled,^  was  the 
right  of  the  Ordinary  ;  a  religious  was  not  to  apply  to  any 
Bishop  he  liked. 

A  question  of  prime  importance  was  touched  on  by  the 
Pope  in  a  Brief  addressed  to  the  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine. 
The  Order  was  contemplating  a  return  to  its  original  custom, 
by  which  the  Prior  General  was  chosen  for  life.  Benedict 
permitted  and  encouraged  this  step.  On  confirming  the 
election  of  the  new  Augustinian  General  ^  he  said  that  for  the 

1  Decree  of  May  30,  1753,  ibid.,  XIX.,  49  seq.  For  the 
importance  of  the  Bull,  cf.  A.  Gasquet,  History  of  the  Ven. 
English  College  at  Rome,  London,  1920,  175  seqq. 

2  Brief  of  May  27,  1746,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  28. 
^  On  November  6,  1745,  ibid.,  XVI.,  49. 

*  On  January  14,  1747,  ibid.,  XVII.,  loi. 

*  On  February  17,  1747,  ibid.,  106. 

«  On  August  6,  1745,  ibid.,  XVI.,  289.  Cf.  Acta  Capitult 
generalis  a.  1745  Bononiae  celebrati,  in  Analecta  Augustiniana, 
XIII.  (1929),  5  seqq.  Ibid.,  82,  renewed  Papal  confirmation  of 
December  13,  1749,  and  ibid.,  86,  records  of  the  general  chapter 
of  1753- 


304  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

heads  of  Orders  lifelong  office  was  desirable.  On  March  4th, 
1748,  he  enlarged  upon  the  difficult  question  when  the  validity 
of  vows  taken  in  an  Order  might  be  contested.^  Another 
constitution  protected  the  enclosure  of  an  Order  by  abolishing 
the  authority  to  grant  dispensations  ^ ;  this  important 
requisite  of  discipline  in  religious  Orders  was  re-emphasized 
for  the  benefit  of  female  religious  in  particular.^  Benedict 
would  have  liked  nunneries  to  be  independent  of  the  male 
branch  of  the  Order,^  but  as  the  execution  of  such  a  plan 
was  fraught  with  difficulties  he  had  to  content  himself  with 
issuing  an  instruction  ^  that  female  religious  should  be  given 
an  extraordinary  confessor  from  time  to  time. 

The  privileges  of  the  Order  of  Malta  and  the  association  of 
secular  priests  that  went  by  the  name  of  the  "  Pious  Workers  " 
were  confirmed  by  Benedict  XI V.,^  also  those  of  the  Olivetans  ' 
and  the  Brothers  of  Charity  ^  ;  to  the  Premonstratensians  he 
granted  exemption  ^  and  the  right  to  take  charge  of  parishes.^" 
The  Institute  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  he  ruled, ^^  was  to  be 
subject  to  the  Bishops  and  was  not  to  regard  Mary  Ward  as 
its  foundress.  For  the  canons  and  the  women  members  of  the 
Order  of  the  Holy  Ghost  who  lived  too  far  from  Rome  he 
prescribed  12  ^j^g^^  ^}^gy  should  now  be  subject,   not   to  the 

'  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  220  seq. 

"  On  January  3,  1742,  ibid.,  XVI.,  60. 

'  Under  the  same  date  and  on  October  13,  1749,  ibid.,  XVI., 
62,  XVIII.,  54.  Special  decree  for  Portugal,  of  June  i,  1741, 
ibid..  XVI.,  30. 

*  To  Tencin,  August   19,   1750,  Heeckeren,  II.,  50  ;    cf.  40, 

43.  97- 

^  On  August  5,  1748,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  39. 

'  On,  March  12,  1753,  and  April  12,  1752,  ibid.,  XIX.,  38  seqq., 
and  XVIII.,  299  seq. 

'  On  April  i,  1755,  ibid.,  XIX.,  137. 

*  On  February  14,  1749,  Acta.  II.,  5-24. 

*  On  September  11,  1753,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  66. 
*"  On  September  i,  1750,  ibid.,  XVIII.,  174. 

"  On  April  30,  1749,  ibid.,  30-8. 
'2  On  April  5,  1741,  ibid.,  XVI.,  24. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND    THE^^CAPUCHINS        305 

Superior  of  the  Roman  Hospital  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  to  their 
Bishops. 

The  importance  ascribed  by  Benedict  to  the  various  Orders 
was  also  shown  by  his  consenting  on  several  occasions  to 
preside  in  person  over  the  election  of  new  Generals.  He  paid 
this  honour  to  the  Franciscan  Conventuals  on  May  20th,  1741, 
to  the  Franciscan  Observants  on  May  16th,  1750,^  and  to 
the  Dominicans  on  July  5th,  1756.2  jje  would  have  hked 
Ricchini,  the  Secretary  of  the  Index,  to  become  General  of  the 
Order  of  Preachers,  but  it  was  urged  against  Ricchini  that  he 
was  devoted  to  the  Jesuits.  This  "  devotion  ",  objected 
Benedict,  merely  meant  that  he  did  not  place  individual 
opinions  on  the  same  level  as  defined  dogmas  and  did  not 
approve  of  an  acrimonious  dispute  between  two  famous  Orders 
whose  unity  would  have  brought  to  the  Church  much  benefit 
which  was  now  prevented  by  their  discord.^ 

This  was  not  the  only  reproach  which  Benedict  XIV.  had 
to  make  against  the  conduct  of  the  Orders  in  his  time.  The 
Capuchins  alone  received  his  unqualified  praise.  On  March 
11th,  1743,  he  decreed*  that  the  preacher  for  the  Apostolic 
Palace  was  always  to  be  provided  by  this  Order,  as,  indeed, 
had  long  been  the  custom  in  the  past.  Among  the  Capuchins 
whose  sermons  he  had  heard  he  singled  out  for  praise 
Bonaventura  Barberini,  who  had  been  raised  to  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Ferrara.  To  a  letter  thereupon  addressed  to  him 
by  Bonaventura  he  replied  ^  that  the  Order  of  Capuchins 
deserved  the  praise  that  had  been  given  it,  since  it  was  the 


1  NovAES,  XIV.,  32,  158  ;  to  Tencin  on  May  20,  1750,  II.,  33, 
34.  The  allocution  of  May  16,  1750,  in  Bull.  Benedicti  XIV., 
Vol.  XIII.,  Mechliniae,  1827,  179. 

2  To  Tencin,  June  9  and  July  7,  1756.  II.,  505,  512.  An 
anecdote  connected  with  this  election  in  Reumont,  Ganganelli, 
215.  The  Pope's  address  to  the  assembled  electors  in  Bull. 
Benedicti  XIV.,  Vol.  XIII.,  199. 

3  Heeckeren,  II.,  505. 
•>  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  141. 

^  On  March  26,  1753,  Bull.  Capuc,  VII.,  356. 

VOL.  XXXV.  X 


306  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

only  remaining  example  of  evangelical  perfection.^  It  had  an 
abundance  of  distinguished  preachers,  and  the  truths  to  be 
proclaimed  from  the  pulpit  to  the  Pope,  the  Cardinals,  and 
the  prelates  sounded  better  coming  from  the  lips  of  a  Capuchin 
than  from  any  others. 

Obviously  this  praise  implied  a  rebuke  for  other  Congrega- 
tions, and  in  fact  Benedict  expressed  his  objection  to  the 
Orders  of  his  time  more  than  once.  Thus  he  complained  that 
the  Dominicans  in  France  had  often  showed  themselves 
favourable  to  Jansenism. ^  As  for  the  Jesuits,  the  continual 
complaints  that  in  China  and  India  they  did  not  obey  the 
Papal  ordinances  found  credence  with  him  at  first.^  At  the  same 
time,  these  complaints  against  the  Dominicans  and  Jesuits 
were  applicable,  as  Benedict  expressly  said,  only  to  small 
groups  within  the  two  Orders.*  He  also  observed  serious 
disorders  among  the  Franciscans.^   On  the  other  hand  it  must 

1  "  cum  sit  unicum  exemplar,  quod  hod  ledum  de  perfectione 
evangellca  remanet  "  (ibid.).  Cf.  Eberl  In  Freib.  Kirchenlex., 
VII.,  134.  At  about  this  time  there  were  two  members  of  the 
Capuchin  Order  who  were  afterwards  beatified  :  Angelo  d'Acri 
(d.  1739)  and  the  lay-brother  Crispino  of  Viterbo  (d.  1750). 
There  had  already  been  mention  of  the  office  of  preacher  to 
the  Papal  Court  in  the  middle  ages.  Father  Antonio  RIassa, 
a  Minorite,  preached  in  1422  at  the  Court  of  Martin  V.,  the 
Vicar  General  of  the  Capuchins,  Father  Francesco  da  lesi,  in 
1529,  under  Clement  VII.  But  it  was  not  until  the  pontificate 
of  Paul  IV.  (1555-59)  that  the  permanent  office  of  preacher  to 
the  Papal  Court  was  established.  Until  the  time  of  Benedict  XIV. 
the  Preachers  Apostolic  were  chosen  from  various  religious 
Orders  ;  thus  Fathers  B.  Palmi,  Toledo,  Oliva,  Segneri  from  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  Da  Pegna  from  the  Carmelites  ;  Fathers  Brandi, 
Riccardi,  and  Ferrari  were  Dominicans,  Father  Pellegrini  was  a 
Missionary  Brother,  others  were  Capuchins.   Cf.  Moroni,  LV.,  74. 

2  See  below  (p.  ^44)  and  the  Briefs  to  the  Bishops  of  Sisteron 
(Lasitau)  and  Marseilles  (Belsunce),  of  September  18  and 
December  9,  1741,  Acta,  I.,  84,  86. 

'  See  below,  p.  445. 

*  Ibid. 

'  To  Tencin,  March  27,  1745,  I.,  188. 


THE    CARTHUSIANS   AND   THEATINES  307 

not  be  forgotten  that  at  that  time  this  last-mentioned  Order 
included  among  its  members  a  great  Saint  whom  the  Pope 
highly  valued  :  Leonardo  of  Porto  Maurizio — and  Leonardo 
himself  testified  of  the  reform  group  of  the  Franciscans,  to 
which  he  belonged,  that  it  had  rendered  excellent  service  and 
was  most  highly  thought  of  in  every  quarter.^  Teofilo  da 
Corte,  canonized  in  1930,  died  shortly  before  Benedict  XIV.'s 
election. 

Otherwise,  when  speaking  of  the  religious  associations  of 
his  time,  the  Pope  can  hardly  be  cited  as  a  witness  to  the 
general  decay  of  the  Orders.  When  certain  reforms  among  the 
Carthusians  came  up  for  consideration,  he  wrote  ^  that  this 
Order  was  worthy  of  every  consideration  and  if  in  France  it 
was  the  most  exemplary  of  all,  the  same  was  true  of  the  Order 
in  Italy.  The  Brief  ^  with  which  he  reserved  for  the  Theatines 
a  post  among  the  consultors  of  the  Congregation  of  Rites, 
speaks  of  the  shining  examples  of  piety  and  religious  perfec- 
tion, combined  with  outstanding  knowledge  of  sacred  subjects 
which  the  sons  of  the  Order,  from  its  very  beginning,  had  given 
the  world,  day  after  day,  to  the  benefit  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
Among  the  Theatines  who  had  rendered  meritorious  service 
Cardinal  Giuseppe  Maria  Tommasi  ■*  and  Gaetano  Merati 
(d.  1745)  were  singled  out  for  special  praise. 

When  Benedict  XIV.  allotted  to  the  Jesuits  also  a  per- 
manent place  among  the  consultors  of  the  Congregation  of 

1  "  Non  si  pu6  negate  che  questa  Congregazione  non  faccia  un 
gran  bene  nella  nostra  Italia,  e  da  per  tutto  dove  vado  sento 
il  buon  odore  di  questi  ottimi  operai,  perche  assistono  al 
confessionale  e  sono  indefessi  in  aggiustare  le  anime  e  porle  nel 
buon  sentiero."  To  Benedict  XIV.,  on  July  9,  1751,  in  Innocenti, 
301. 

-  To  Tencin,  April  26,  1752,  II.,  182. 

3  Brief  of  March  20,  1745,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  288  :  "  luculenta 
pietatis  et  religiosae  perfectionis  exempla  .  .  .  ,  quae  ...  in  dies 
proferre  pergunt  religiosissimi  eiusdem  [ordinis]  alumni." 

*  "  immortalis  memoriae  vir,  doctrinse  praestantia,  morum 
sanctimonia  et  austerissima  vivendi  forma  clarissimus  et 
spectatissimus  ".      [ibid.).    Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIII.,  351. 


308  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Rites  he  did  not  stint  his  praise  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  the 
introduction  to  his  Brief.  The  members  of  this  Order,  he 
wrote,  by  their  practice  of  virtue  and  learning,  were  still 
justifying  ^  the  universal  conviction  that  God  had  opposed 
the  reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century  with  St.  Ignatius  and 
his  sons,  so  that  they  deserved  fresh  evidence  of  the  good 
favour  of  the  Holy  See  ;  the  Society  of  Jesus  which  was  being 
so  violently  decried  for  its  disobedience  was  then  described  as 
"  most  devoted  to  the  Holy  See  ".^  A  few  years  later,  from 
among  the  many  virtues  for  which  the  Order  was  famous,  he 
picked  out  for  special  tribute  no  other  than  its  extraordinary 
obedience  to  the  Apostolic  See,^  and  gave  the  missionaries 
of  the  Order  special  privileges.  On  quite  a  rmmber  of  occasions 
he  went  out  of  his  way  to  compliment  them.  Thus  in  one  of  his 
Briefs  ^  he  said  that  he  was  opening  the  store  of  heavenly 
treasures  for  those  who  from  love  of  God  and  their  neighbour 
and  from  religious  zeal  were  doing  their  utmost  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  souls  in  the  missions,  and  that  among  them  he 
included  the  members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  especially  those 
who  had  been  sent  out  by  the  then  General,  Retz. 

These  words  of  commendation  were  borne  out  by  the  favours 
which  he  bestowed  on  the  Order.  Great  relief  was  afforded  to 
it  by  the  granting  of  its  repeatedly  expressed  desire  for  the 

1  "  comprobare  pergunt  ".  Brief  of  April  24,  1748,  Bull.  Lux., 
XVII.,  227. 

*  "  addictissima  huic  S.  Sedi  ipsa  lesu  Societas  ".    Ihid. 

'  "  Quo  luculentioribus  religiosarum  virtutum  exemplis  ac 
praesertim  singulari  erga  Nos  et  Apostolicam  banc  Sedem 
observantia  et  obedientia  increscere  te,  dilecte  fill  [the  Jesuit 
General,  Visconti],  et  inclitaru  Societatem  lesu  .  .  .  magna  cuni 
pontificii  animi  Nostri  laetitia  intelligentes  gratulamur,  eo 
amplioribus  apostolicae  benignitatis  potestatisque  argumentis  par 
aequumque  esse  ducimus,  uti  to  eiusdemque  Societatis  tuae 
religiosos  alumnos  [in  the  Portuguese  possessions],  assiduos 
labores  sedulamque  operam  navantes,  prosequamur."  Brief  of 
March  3,  1753,  Acta,  II.,  128  ;  similarly  in  the  Brief  of  March  2, 
for  the  Spanish  colonies,  lus  pontif..  III.,  520. 

*  Of  January  12,  1743,  Acta,  I.,  139  ;    lus  pontif..  III..  95. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND   THE    JESUITS  309 

abrogation  of  Innocent  X.'s  instruction  that  a  general  con- 
gregation be  held  every  nine  years.  ^  In  the  introduction  to  the 
relative  Brief  the  Pope  again  bore  witness  to  the  Society's 
indefatigable  activity,  which  was  of  the  greatest  profit  to  the 
Church  of  God.^  Further  evidence  of  his  good  wiU  towards  the 
Order  was  afforded  by  his  confirmation  of  all  the  privileges 
enjoyed  by  the  Marian  congregations,^  the  beneficial  effects 
of  which  he  had  himself  experienced  in  his  youth,  and  by  his 
recommendation  of  the  Jesuit  exercises.* 

The  General  of  the  Order,  Retz,  was  honoured  by  the  Pope 
with  special  marks  of  his  esteem;  his  state  of  health  was 
frequently  described  by  him  in  his  correspondence  ^  and  once, 
when  he  was  ill,  he  was  unexpectedly  visited  by  Benedict  from 
Castel  Gandolfo.^  He  was  received  by  the  Pope  on  an 
appointed  daj^  in  every  week,  and  on  important  matters  he 

1  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXX.,  178. 

"  "  Devotam  maiori  Dei  gloriae  promovendae  adiuvandasque 
proximorum  saluti  Societatem  .  .  .  sicuti  Ecclesiae  Dei  utilissimam 
operam  assidue  navare  .  .  .  compertum  habemus,"  etc.  Brief  of 
December  17,  1745,  Institutum  S.J.,  I.,  262. 

3  "  Golden  Bull  "  of  September  27,  1748,  ibid.,  283-292. 

*  See  above,  p.  295.  In  a  Brief  of  April  24,  1748,  concerned 
with  these  Congregations  he  said  that  the  sons  of  the  Order 
"  Christi  bonus  odor  sunt  at  ubique  gentium  habentur  "  [Ins tit. 
S.J.,  I.,  278).  In  a  Brief  of  July  15,  1749,  it  was  said  of  the 
priests  of  this  Order  that  they  "  non  ultimum  locum  et  gradum 
inter  tot  religiosos  ordines  .  .  .  sibi  vindicant,  quippe  qui  assiduis 
laboribus  ",  etc.  {ibid.,  293  seq.). 

^  To  Tencin  on  November  4  and  25,  1750,  II.,  73,  75. 

^  To  the  same,  November  4,  1750,  II.,  70.  On  this  occasion 
he  referred  to  him  as  a  "  grand  homme  de  bien  et  de  beau  coup 
de  prudence  "  (ibid.).  On  the  death  of  Visconti,  Retz's  successor, 
Benedict  wrote  :  "  Questa  morte  e  stata  ed  e  di  rammarico  agli 
esteri  ed  ai  domestici  ;  agli  esteri,  appresso  i  quali  era  in  una 
gran  stima  per  la  sua  prudenza  :  ai  domestici,  perche  govemava 
con  tutta  place  volezza  e  bon  gar  bo  "  (to  Tencin,  on  May  7,  1755, 
II.,  410  ;  Papal  Secret  Archives,  Arm.  XV.,  Vol.  157).  On  the 
election  of  Ccnturioni,  Visconti 's  successor,  the  Pope  wrote  to 
Tencin  on  December  3,  1755  (II.,  459)  :    "  Non  ha  avuto  altra 


310  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

was  asked  to  write  letters  to  the  Court  confessors,  which  very 
often  had  the  desired  effect.^  On  the  other  hand,  the  Pope  had 
serious  complaints  to  make  against  the  confessor  of  the  Spanish 
king,  the  French  Jesuit  Le  Fevre,^  nor  was  he  satisfied  with 
Querini,  the  confessor  of  the  Polish  king,  Augustus  of  Saxony  ; 
for  fear  of  the  Protestant  Minister,  he  alleged,  Querini  was  not 
sufficiently  active  on  behalf  of  the  Catholic  religion,  which 
consequently  made  no  progress  in  Saxony  in  spite  of  the 
presence  there  of  seventeen  Jesuits.^ 

As  Archbishop  of  Bologna,  Prosper©  Lambertini  had  written 
to  the  Jesuit  Caravita  and  thus  indirectly  to  the  General  of 
the  Order,  Retz,  that  as  time  went  on  he  was  more  and  more 
pleased  with  the  conduct  of  these  learned  and  holy  religious.'* 
As  Pope,  he  made  use  of  their  services  in  important  questions 
of  canon  law  and  for  the  improvement  of  his  own  written  works. 
Two  Jesuits  who  were  intimate  friends  of  his  were  the  Venetian 
Lombardi  and  Budrioli,  whom  he  valued  particularly  highly 
on  account  of  his  experience  in  matters  connected  with 
canonization.  In  difficult  cases  the  Pope  sought  the  opinion  of 
the  Jesuit  Turano,  the  theologian  of  the  Penitentiaria.  In 
his  view  the  most  sagacious  of  the  Italian  Jesuits  was  Egidio 
Maria  de'  Giuli,  who  had  a  firm  grasp  of  the  Church's  prin- 
ciples, was  moderate  in  his  views,  and  was  well  versed  in  canon 
law  and  Church  history.  For  Benedict  XIV. 's  most  out- 
standing work,  on  the  diocesan  synod,  the  material  supplied 
by  himself  was  arranged  and  co-ordinated  by  Giuli,  who  was 
also  responsible  for  its  Latin  form  ;  its  rather  long  preface 
was  provided  by  Cordara.  In  return  for  these  services  Giuli 
was  to  have  been  offered  the  post  of  one  of  the  secretaries 

eccezione  che  quella  dcIl'  eta  "  (70  years).  Papal  Secret  Archives, 
he.  cit. 

'  Cordara  in  Dollinger,  Beitrdge,  III.,  12. 

*  To  Tencin,  May  17,  1747,  I.,  326.  See  above,  pp.  63  seqq., 
and  P.  A.  Kirsch  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  XXIV.  (1903),  551. 

"  To  Tencin,  February  22,  1747,  I.,  307. 

'  "  *che  sempre  piii  sono  contento  di  questi  suoi  dotti  e  santi 
religiosi  ".  Letter  of  September  5,  1731,  original  in  Jesuit 
ownership. 


NEW    RELIGIOUS   ORDERS  3II 

to  the  Congregation  of  the  Bishops,  but  he  died  before  he  could 
take  it  up.^  Another  Jesuit  who  enjoyed  Benedict's  favour  was 
Emanuel  de  Azevedo  ;  in  collaboration  with  his  fellow- 
religious  Lazzeri  he  brought  out  in  1747-1751  a  complete 
edition  of  Benedict's  works,  the  cost  being  met  by  the  King  of 
Portugal, 2 

Benedict  XIV.  was  also  destined  to  realize  that  even  in  the 
rationalistic  eighteenth  century  the  Church  still  possessed 
sufficient  vigour  to  produce  new  Orders.  To  two  religious 
associations  that  had  recently  come  into  existence  he  bestowed 
the  Papal  confirmation  :  in  1741  to  the  Passionists,  founded  by 
Paul  of  the  Cross  (d.  1775),3  and,  on  February  25th,  1749,*  to 
the  Redemptorists,  founded  by  Alphonsus  Liguori  in  1732. 
Two  other  associations,  missionary  Orders  like  the  Passionists 
and  Redemptorists,  were  formed  in  the  reign  of  Benedict  XIV. 
and  received  from  him  the  confirmation  of  their  rules  :  the 
so-called  Scalzetti,^  founded  by  the  Spaniard  Juan  Varella 
y  Losada,  and  the  Baptistines,  founded  by  Domenico  Fran- 
cesco Olivieri  and  confirmed  by  the  Pope  on  September  23rd, 
1755.  More  lasting  than  the  Baptistines  was  the  female 
congregation  of  that  name,  founded  by  Giovanna  Battista 
Solimani,  directed  by  the  same  Olivieri,  and  papally  approved 
in  1744.  The  Church  therefore  had  its  Saints  in  those  days  too. 

1  To  Tencin,  February  16,  1746,  October  31  and  November  20, 
1748,  I.,  247,  438,  442.  Costantino  Ruggieri  wrote  on  November 
16,  1748,  the  day  after  Giuli's  death  :  "  Era  un  galantuomo  di 
24  carati,  amato  e  stimato  moltissimo  per  la  sua  grande  abilita 
ed  onoratezza  dal  Papa  e  da  tutta  Roma.  Era  anche  amicissimo 
del  nostro  Concina."   Nardinocchi,  95. 

2  To  Tencin,  May  29,  1748,  I.,  407.  A  *letter  of  Benedict 
XIV. 's  to  the  king  of  Portugal,  of  December  4,  1748,  with  a 
request  for  support  for  Azevedo 's  liturgical  publications,  in 
Princ.  173,  p.  342,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

3  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  IX.,   1719. 
"  Ihid.,  VII.,  2025  seq. 

*  "  Ordo  religiosus  de  pcenitentia,"  ibid.,  II.,  1450  ;  V.  Men- 
GHiNi,  Memorie  sioriche  del  servo  di  Dio  P.  Giovanni  Varella  y 
Losada,  Roma,  1879. 


312  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

(3) 

It  was  not  only  as  a  scholar  that  Benedict  XIV.  had  much  to 
do  with  Saints  and  canonizations.  He  himself  reviewed  his 
services  in  this  field  in  his  Consistorial  address  of  April  18th, 
1746.^  As  a  young  jurist  he  came  into  touch  \\-ith  the  future 
Cardinal  Caprara,  who  was  then  auditor  of  the  Rota  and  who 
initiated  him  into  the  procedure  of  that  tribunal.  The  Rota 
having  occupied  itself  with  canonizations  in  former  times  and 
as  Caprara  was  also  consultor  of  the  Congregation  of  Rites, 
Lambertini  was  afforded  the  opportunity,  which  he  eagerly 
seized,  of  perusing  the  records  of  canonizations.  On  becoming 
Consistorial  advocate  he  was  entrusted  by  Clement  XI.  with 
the  processes  of  Pius  V.  and  Catherine  of  Bologna,  and  the 
same  Pope  afterwards  made  him  Promotor  Fidei ;  this  latter 
office  he  filled  for  twenty  years,  handling  all  the  processes  of 
canonization  which  were  brought  forward  during  the  reigns 
of  Clement  XL,  Benedict  XIII.,  and  Clement  XII.  As 
Cardinal  he  was  allotted  to  the  Congregation  of  Rites,  but  he 
was  soon  called  away  from  Rome  by  his  elevation  to  episcopal 
rank.  When  a  Bishop  he  managed  through  skilful  disposition 
of  his  time  and  by  working  late  into  the  night  to  expand  the 
notes  he  had  made  in  his  stay  in  Rome  into  a  large  work  on 
beatification  and  canonization.  For  the  accomplishment  of 
this  task  he  was  greatly  helped  by  the  libraries  of  his  episcopal 
residence,  Bologna,  and  by  the  intercourse  he  had  there  with 
various  physicists  and  doctors.  After  he  became  Pope  he 
brought  out  a  second  edition  of  his  work. 

And  yet  only  one  solemn  canonization  was  celebrated  by 
Benedict  XIV.  It  took  place  in  St.  Peter's,  the  church 
expressly  designated  by  him  for  canonizations  and  beatifica- 
tions. On  one  or  two  occasions  Benedict  XIII.  and  Clement 
XII.  had  departed  from  the  ancient  custom  of  performing  these 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  62.  Cf.  abov^e,  p.  25.  For  his  services  for 
the  beatified  members  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  see  below,  p.  315, 
n.  3.  For  the  processes  of  the  canonization  of  Augustinians  under 
consideration  in  his  reign,  see  Analecta  Augustiniana,  XIII. 
(1929),  103-6. 


CANONIZATIONS  313 

ceremonies  in  the  largest  of  the  churches  and  had  chosen  in 
its  place  the  Lateran  ;  Benedict  XIV.  now  restored  its  rights 
to  St.  Peter's.  The  ceremony  was  carried  out  on  the  feast  of 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul  in  1746,  in  honour  of  five  new  Saints.^ 
The  Order  of  Capuchins,  which  up  to  then  had  had  only  one 
canonized  Saint,  Felix  of  Cantalice,  was  now  able  to  give  him 
two  companions.  One  of  these  was  Fidelis  of  Sigmaringen, 
who  in  1622  in  consequence  of  his  apostolic  activity  had  been 
done  to  death  by  Calvinist  peasants  in  the  Prattigau  and  had 
been  beatilied  by  Benedict  XIIL^ ;  the  other  was  Joseph  of 
Leonissa  (d.  1612),  who  also  suffered  the  torments  of  martyr- 
dom at  Pera  in  Turkey  and  after  his  rescue  spent  twenty  more 
years  as  an  ardent  missioner  to  the  people  in  Italy. ^  These  two 
Capuchins  were  joined  by  a  third  son  of  St.  Francis  :  Pedro 
Regalato  (d.  1456),  a  Spaniard  who  was  a  reformer  of  the 
Spanish  Observants.  Whether  or  not  he  himself  was  an 
Observant  is  still  disputed,*  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  his 
reforming  activity,  which  he  exercised  in  collaboration  with 
Petrus  ViUacretius,  was  of  importance  for  the  whole  Church, 
seeing  that  the  reformed  convent  of  S.  Maria  Saliceti,  which 
was  under  the  direction  of  the  two  men,  produced  Cardinal 
Ximenes,  who  prepared  the  ground  for  the  Catholic  reform  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  CamiUus  de  LeUis  (d.  1614),  founder  of 
the  "  Fathers  of  a  Good  Death  ",  had  been  raised  to  the 
altars  as  one  of  the  beatilied  by  Benedict  XIV.  on  April  7th, 
1742  ;  after  only  four  years  he  was  now  honoured  as  a  Saint. ^ 
Like  the  family  of  St.  Francis,  the  Third  Order  of  the  Domini- 
cans was  also  honoured  by  the  canonization  of  Caterina  de' 

1  The  Bulls  in  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  35,  40,  46,  51,  56. 
=>  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXVII.,  212,  XXXIV.,  166.  Biographies 
by  F.  von  Scala  (1897)  and  F.  de  la  Motte-Servoleix  (1901). 
'  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  VI.,  1869  seq. 

*  NovAES,  XIV.,  91  ;    Acta  SS.  Mart.,  III.  (reprint),  850  seqq. 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  83  ;  cf.  74.  Biographies  by  Baumker 
(1888),  Latarche  (1907),  and  others.  Description  of  the  beatifica- 
tion in  Amici,  Memoria  intorno  S.  Camillo  de  Lellis,  Roma,  1913, 
73  seq.  ;  ibid.,  83,  for  the  canonization.  Cf.  our  account,  Vol. 
XXL,  140  seqq. 


314  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Ricci  (d.  1590),  a  noblewoman  of  Florence  who  was  a  con- 
temporary of  Philip  Neri  and  Maddalena  de'  Pazzi  and  shared 
their  ideals.^  Honour  was  paid  by  Benedict  XIV.  to  still 
another  Saint  :  Queen  Elizabeth  of  Portugal  (d.  1336),  who 
had  been  declared  a  Saint  by  Urban  VIII.  in  1625  but  who 
had  not  been  given  the  usual  testimony  in  the  form  of  a  Bull  ; 
this  defect  was  now  remedied. ^ 

Apart  from  this  one  solemn  canonization,  Benedict  XIV. 
furthered  the  veneration  of  several  deceased  persons  of 
saintly  life.  Only  on  six  occasions,  however,  in  the  years 
1741-1753  did  he  actually  proceed  to  solemn  beatification.  The 
first  person  to  be  beatified  in  this  period  was  Alessandro  Sauli, 
the  "  Apostle  of  Corsica  "  (d.  1592),^  the  last  the  Minorite 
Joseph  of  Copertino  (d.  1663),  whose  life  was  so  full  of  unusual 
and  inexplicable  features  that  he  finally  had  to  be  removed 
to  secluded  convents  on  account  of  the  immoderate  attention 
he  attracted.^  All  the  other  four  persons  to  be  beatified  (and 
afterwards  canonized)  were  founders  of  Orders  :  besides 
CamiUus  de  Lellis,  the  founders  of  the  Somaschi  and  the 
Piarists,  Girolamo  Miani  and  Giuseppe  da  Calasanza,^  and 
Francis  de  Sales'  collaborator  in  the  founding  of  the  Order  of 
the  Visitation,  Jeanne  Frangoise  de  Chantal.® 

1  Only  two  years  after  her  death  her  biography  was  published 
by  the  Bishop  of  Fiesole,  Francesco  de  Cataneo  Diaceto,  and  it 
was  followed  by  others.    Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XIX.,  igi,  n.  7. 

2  By  the  Bull  of  April  28,  1742.  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI..  84. 

=»  Brief  of  April  23,  1741,  ibid.,  XVI,  27  ;  P.  Casari,  In 
occasione  d.  solenne  triduo  che  si  celebra  in  S.  Carlo  a'Catinari  per 
il  b.  Alessandro  Saoli  vescovo  di  Aleria  in  Corsica,  rime  offerte  alia 
Santitd  di  N.  S.  Papa  Benedetto  XIV.,  Roma,  1741.  Cf.  Cibrario, 
Lettere,  268,  and  our  account,  Vol.  XVII.,  237  seqq.,  XIX.,  81,  n.  4. 

*  Brief  of  November  20,  1753,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  37.  For  his 
influence  on  the  conversion  of  Duke  John  Frederick  of  Brunswick- 
Liineburg  (1651),  cf.  Rass,  Konvertiien,  VI.,  451. 

'"  Briefs  of  July  17  and  September  22,  1747,  and  August  7, 
1748,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  204,  261,  271. 

«  Brief  of  November  13,  1751,  ibid.,  XVIII.,  243.  For  this, 
cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXVI.,  68  seqq.  ;   Cibrario,  loc.  cit.,  270. 


THE   VENERATION    OF    HOLY   PERSONS         315 

On  the  strength  of  declarations  made  by  the  Congregation 
of  Rites,  Benedict  XIV.  confirmed  in  many  cases,  though  not 
by  solemn  beatification,  the  veneration,  mostly  long-estab- 
lished, of  distinguished  members  of  the  Church.  Among  them 
was  a  queen  of  France,  Jeanne  de  Valois  (d.  1505),  who,  after 
the  annulment  of  her  marriage  with  Louis  XII.,  founded  the 
Order  of  the  Annunciation  (the  Annunciades).^  A  Cardinal, 
the  Carthusian  Niccolo  d'Albergati  (d.  1443)  ,2  was  honoured 
in  the  same  manner,  and  along  with  him  a  Servite,  Francesco 
Patrizi  (d.  1328),^  and  a  Benedictine  of  the  Congregation  of 
St.  Silvester  Guzzolini  (d.  1267),  Ugo  degli  Atti,  who  was  also 
a  pupil  of  that  Saint  ;  also  the  laymen  Girio  or  Gerard  (d. 
1298)  and  Heinrich  of  Bozen  (d.  1315),  and  Andreas  of  Rinn, 
a  child  said  to  have  been  murdered  by  the  Jews  in  1460. 
Benedict  XIV.  sanctioned  the  traditional  veneration  of  these 
persons  but  on  May  23rd,  1755,  refused  their  canonization. 
Of  the  other  holy  persons  eight  were  Franciscans.  Some  of 
them  bore  famous  names  :  the  Blessed  Coletta  (d.  1447, 
canonized  in  1807),  whose  reformation  of  the  Clarissines 
spread  to  the  male  branch  of  the  Order,  Odorico  Matiussi  da 
Pordenone  (d.  1331),  the  heroic  traveller  and  missionary,  who 
though  without  the  means  of  transport  available  in  later  days 
penetrated  to  the  heart  of  Asia  and  reached  Peking,*  and  the 

The  decree,  stating  that  the  beatification  could  confidently  be 
proceeded  with,  was  composed  by  the  Pope  himself  (letter  to 
Tencin,  August  25.  1751,  II.,  136).  For  the  beatification,  cf. 
ibid.,  142  seq.,  153. 

1  Decree  of  July  18,  1742,  Acta  SS.  Febr.,  I.,  574-591  ; 
Heimbucher,  II. ^,  271  seq. 

2  Decree  of  October  4,  1744,  Fresco,  XVIII.,  24  ;  XIX.,  201. 
For  D'Albergati,  see  our  account,  Vol.  II.,  14-18. 

'  A  fuller  account  of  the  persons  subsequently  mentioned  and 
of  the  date  of  the  confirmation  of  their  cult,  in  Novaes,  XIV., 
95-108.  The  Pope  related  his  services  in  connexion  with  the 
canonization  and  beatification  of  Franciscans  in  his  allocution 
to  the  General  Chapter,  Bull.  Benedicti  XIV.,  Vol.  XIII., 
Mechliniae,  1827,  181. 

*  Acta  SS.  Ian.,  I.,  984-6;    Buchberger,  II.,  1193. 


3l6  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

learned  Angelo  da  Chiavasso  (d.  1495),  who  compiled  a  syn- 
thesis of  moral  cases  {Summa  de  Casibus  Conscientise).  The 
other  Franciscans  to  be  honoured  are  noteworthy  as  showing 
that  even  in  the  periods  before  and  during  the  Reformation 
holiness  in  the  Church  was  not  extinct.  They  were  Gabriel 
Ferretti,  of  the  fifteenth  century ;  Pacifico  da  Ceredano 
(d.  1482)  ;  the  Pole,  Ladislaus  of  Gielniow  (d.  1505)  ;  the 
lay-brother  and  son  of  Ethiopian  slaves,  Benedict  "  the 
Moor  ",  of  San  PhiladeLfi  (or  S.  Fradello  ;  d.  1589)  ^  ;  and 
the  Franciscan  Sister,  Seralina  Sforza  (d.  1478).  Only  slightly 
less  was  the  number  of  Dominicans  whose  veneration  was 
confirmed.  Of  these  Pedro  Gonzalez  Telmo  (d.  1246)  is  well 
known  through  the  "St.  Elmo's  fire  "  which  takes  its  name 
from  him.  Marcolino  Amanni  of  Forli  (d.  1397)  and  Alvaro  of 
Cordova  (d.  ca.  1430)  were  distinguished  for  their  zeal  in 
reforming  the  Order,  while  Matteo  Carrieri  (d.  1470)  and 
Giovanni  Liccio,  who  was  more  than  a  hundred  years  old  when 
he  died  in  1511,  were  famous  preachers.  The  Third  Order  of 
St.  Dominic  was  represented  by  Giovanna  (Vanna)  of  Orvieto 
(d.  1306)  and  Stephana  de  Quinzanis  (d.  1530). 

Many  processes  for  beatification  which  were  not  brought  to 
a  conclusion  during  his  pontificate  were  furthered  by  Benedict 
XIV.  by  means  of  Briefs.  One  of  these  processes  was  that 
of  the  Cardinal  of  Arezzo,  Paolo  Burali,  whose  virtues  he 
declared  to  be  heroic  ^ ;  another  was  that  of  the  Jesuit, 
Andrew  Bobola,  a  missionary  in  Lithuania,  who  was  to  be 
considered  as  good  as  a  martyr. ^  In  the  case  of  Crescentia 
of  Kaufbeuren,  however,  laudatory  reports  of  whom  had 
reached  the  Pope  even  during  her  lifetime,  he  impressed 
caution  on  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg  on  May  17th,  1744,  and 


•  PiCOT,  III.,   114. 

-  February'  8,  1756,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  191.  For  Burali  cf.  our 
account.  Vol.  XVI.,  165,  and  the  biographies  by  G.  B.  Bagatta 
(Venice,  1698),  G.  Bonaglia  (Rome,  1772),  and  G.  A.  Cagiani 
(Rome,  1669). 

'  February  9,  1755,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  120.  Cf.  Anal,  luris 
pontif.,  XX.,  927. 


MARIA   OF   AGREDA  317 

repeated  this  admonition  in  a  long  Brief,i  in  which  he  also 
disapproved  of  the  extraordinary  pictures  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
which  Crescentia  was  supposed  to  have  distributed.  The 
Brief  afforded  an  excuse  for  Protestant  attacks,  which  were 
answered  by  Muratori.^  The  beatification  of  the  Franciscan 
nun  Maria  of  Agreda  (d.  1665)  was  impeded  by  the  writings, 
including  alleged  revelations,  which  were  ascribed  to  her. 
They  had  been  approved  by  the  Spanish  Inquisition  after  an 
examination  lasting  fourteen  years,  but  had  been  condemned 
by  the  Sorbonne  and  on  August  4th,  1681,  had  been  prohibited 
by  Rome,  though,  at  the  request  of  the  Court,  Spain  was 
exempted  from  the  prohibition.  The  dispute,  in  which  Cardinal 
Aguirre  had  taken  part  in  1699  and  Eusebius  Amort  in  1734, 
was  still  in  progress  when  Benedict  XIV.  pronounced  on 
January  16th,  1748,^  that  it  was  not  certain  at  the  time  of 
speaking  whether  the  writings  were  really  those  of  Maria  of 
Agreda  ;  but  until  the  doubts  connected  with  the  revelations 
had  been  cleared  up,  the  discussion  of  the  nun's  virtues  could 
come  to  no  conclusion.  On  the  veneration  enjoyed  by  Lucas 
Casalius  at  Nicosia,  and  Maro  among  the  Maronites,*  the  Pope 
expressed  his  opinion  at  some  length  in  a  document  ^  of  his 
own  composition  ;   from  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Thraso  he  sent 

1  Of  October  i,  1745,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  318-323-  Crescentia 
(d.  April  5,  1744)  was  beatified  in  1900  ;  biography  by  Jeiler 
(»i90i).  For  the  pictures  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  mentioned  later, 
ibid.,  5th  ed.  (1900),  176-183. 

-  NOVAES,  XIV.,  83. 

3  To  the  Minister  General  of  the  Franciscans,  Raffaele  de 
Lucagnano,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  214-220.  Cj.  Fresco,  XVIII.,  25  ; 
Kraus,  47.  According  to  Friedrich  (Bollinger,  I.,  403)  it  was 
Amort  who  had  induced  the  Pope  to  come  to  this  decision.  The 
difficulties  in  which  he  was  involved  by  this  affair  were  described 
by  Benedict  in  letters  to  Tencin  on  February  14  and  April  3,  1748 
(I.,  384  seq.,  395),  and  to  Quirini  on  August  17,  1748  (in  which 
he  spoke  of  Gonzalez'  writing  against  Amort).  Fresco,  XIX.,  178. 

*  Brief  of  September  28,  1753,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  70  seq. 

5  Of  February  8,  1747,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  138-147-  Cf.  Lex. 
fUr  Theol.  u.  Kirche,  7.  (1930),  146  seq. 


3l8  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

to  Bologna  relics  which  on  the  score  of  several  distinguishing 
marks  were  held  to  be  the  body  of  a  St.  Procus  ^  ;  and  at  the 
request  of  the  Council  of  Tarragona  he  permitted  ^  a  greater 
veneration  to  be  paid  to  St.  Maginus.  The  veneration  of  the 
Empress  Aelia  Pulcheria,  which  had  already  been  granted  to 
the  Augustinian  Canons  in  Portugal,  he  extended  to  the 
Society  of  Jesus. ^ 

Of  his  devotion  to  the  Mother  of  God  Benedict  XIV.  gave 
many  proofs.*  He  had  the  basilica  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore 
restored,  endowed  it  with  a  yearly  income,^  and  ordered  a 
solemn  Papal  Cappella  to  be  held  there  every  year  on  the 
feast  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.^  He  drafted  a  BuU  on 
the  Immaculate  Conception  but  it  was  never  published  ;  in 
it  was  stated  that  it  was  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  holiness 
of  the  Mother  of  God  began  at  the  first  moment  of  her  exis- 
tence.' In  a  Brief  on  the  veneration  of  the  Holy  House  of 
Loreto  ^  he  stated  frankly  that  his  visit  to  it  had  filled  him 
with  devotion.    A  decree  of  Innocent  XII. 's  making  the  Holy 


'  Brief  and  letter  of  April  20,  1745,  tbid.,  App.  ii-x.  Cf.  Acta, 
I-,  254. 

2  On  December  22,  1745,  Acta,  I.,  285. 

*  On  February  2,  1752,  ibid.,  II.,  90.  Benedict  XIV.  to 
Cardinal  Quirini  on  the  cult  of  St.  Simeon,  in  Cibrario,  Lettere, 
284. 

'  "  quam  toto  vitae  Nostras  cursu  propitiam  Nobis  atque 
indulgentissimam  experti  sumus."  Allocution  of  May  5,  1749, 
Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  70.     Cf.  allocution  of  September  30,   1750. 

5  On  February  11,  1745,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  281  seq. 

^  In  the  consistory  of  November  26,  1742,  ibid.,  282.  Delia 
papal  cappella  per  la  fesia  dell'  Inimacolata  Concezione  di  Maria 
Vergine  Madre  di  Dio  da  N.  S.  Papa  Bened.  XIV.  in  perpetuo 
decretata.    Discorso  storico  e  panegirico.    Padova,  1752. 

'  V.  Sardi,  La  solenne  definizione  del  dogma  dell'  Immacolato 
Concepimento  di  Maria  SS.  A  Hi  e  documenti,  II.,  Roma,  1905. 
Cf.  Civ.  Catt.,  1905,  IV.,  59  seq.  For  discussions  on  the  Immaculate 
Conception  in  the  reign  of  Benedict  XIV.,  see  Civ.  Catt.,  loc.  cit., 
513-527,  655-674. 

*  Of  December  2,  1747,  Acta,  I.,  459. 


HONOURS    PAID   TO   THE    SAINTS  319 

House  independent  of  the  Bishop  of  Loreto  had  given  rise  to 
disputes  ;  Benedict  ordered  the  collation  of  the  Papal  decrees  ^ 
by  which  the  disputes  were  to  be  settled.  He  encouraged  the 
pilgrimage  in  honour  of  Our  Lady  at  Coimbra  by  granting 
favours  to  those  taking  part  in  it.^  The  most  striking  proof, 
however,  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  devotion  to  the  Mother  of  God 
was  the  great  Bull  of  September  27th,  1748,  by  which  he 
confirmed  the  privileges  of  the  Marian  Congregations.^ 

He  ordained  that  the  feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  was  to  be 
solemnly  celebrated  not  only  on  June  29th  but  also  in  the 
following  octave  *  and  that  the  two  Princes  of  the  Apostles 
were  to  rank  as  the  chief  patrons  of  the  Eternal  City.^  An 
ancient  shortcoming  of  the  Roman  Church,  due  to  excessive 
cautiousness,  had  been  the  insufficient  honour  paid  to  one  of 
the  most  prominent  of  its  teachers  in  the  times  of  the  Fathers, 
Leo  the  Great  ;  Benedict  now  named  him  a  Doctor  of  the 
Church.^ 

Of  mediaeval  Saints  Benedict  honoured  St.  Francis  by 
conferring  special  privileges  on  his  basilica  at  Assisi ' ;  of  the 
Apostle  of  Andalusia,  Juan  de  Avila  (d.  1569) ,8  of  John 
Leonardi  (d.  1609),^  and  of  the  Trinitarian  Michael  de  Sanctis 
(d.  1625)  ^°  he  said  that  they  had  reached  the  degree  of  virtue 
which  was  required  for  canonization. 

'  On  January  3,  1743,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  129.  Cf.  Anal,  iurts 
pontif.,  I.,  470. 

2  On  February  25,  1748,  Acta  I.,  493. 

*  Institutum  Societatis  lesu,  I.  (Bull.),  Florentiae,  1892,  283. 
Other  decrees  on  these  Congregations,  ibid.,  278  ;    Acta,  II.,  94. 

*  Bull  of  April  I,  1743,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  155.  Two  of  the 
Pope's  treatises  on  the  celebration  in  Rome  and  Antioch  of  the 
feast  of  the  Chair  of  Peter  were  published  by  Foscolo  (Rome,  1828) 
and  J.  G.  Brighenti  (Rome,  1829). 

^  Decree  of  October  16,  1743,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  157. 

*  On  October  15,  1754,  ibid.,  XIX.,  115. 
'  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  II.,  21. 

*  Decree  of  February  8,  1758,  Anal,  iuris  pontif.,  XX.,  7. 
'  Decree  of  December  27,  1757,  ibid.,  802. 

'"  Decree  of  March  6,  1742,  Novaes,  XIV.,  40. 


320  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

A  noticeably  large  number  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  pronounce- 
ments were  concerned  with  Jesuit  Saints.  He  gave  his  per- 
mission for  special  prayers  to  be  said  to  Ignatius  Loyola  and 
Francis  Xavier  and  attached  indulgences  to  them.^  At  the 
request  of  the  King  of  Portugal  he  nominated  Francis  Xavier 
patron  of  the  foreign  missions, ^  and  Francis  Borgia  patron 
of  Portugal.^  He  said  of  Ignatius  of  Azevedo  and  of  Rudolph 
Acquaviva  that  they  were  to  be  regarded  as  martyrs,*  and  of 
the  Indian  missionary  John  de  Brito  that  his  alleged  obser- 
vance of  Malabar  customs,  even  if  a  fact,  was  no  obstacle  to 
his  beatification,  seeing  that  he  was  a  martyr.^  The  process  of 
the  Pole  Andrew  Bobola  gave  him  the  opportunity  of  eluci- 
dating certain  doubts  connected  with  beatification  in  general,^ 
as  did  also  the  decree  on  the  heroic  virtue  of  the  apostle  to  the 
negroes,  Peter  Claver.'  He  attached  an  indulgence  to  the 
feast  of  St.  Aloysius  and  allowed  a  beginning  to  be  made  with 
the  processes  of  beatification  of  John  Berchmans  and  Luis 
de  Ponte.^  The  last  decree  which  he  signed,  on  May  10th, 
1758,  shortly  before  his  death,  was  concerned  with  the  beatifi- 
cation of  the  Jesuit  Franciscus  de  Hieronymo.^ 

In  Benedict  XIV. 's  correspondence  vcr3'  many  references 
are  made  to  the  beatification  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine.^"  Under 
Clement  XI.  Prospero  Lambertini  had  been  Promotor  Fidei 

1  Ada,  I.,  187  ;    IL,  298. 

*  On  February  24,  1748,  Ins  pontif.,  III.,  367  seq. 
3  Acta,  II.,  265. 

*  NovAES,  XIV.,  35,  40.  For  Azevedo,  cf.  our  account,  Vol. 
XVIII.,   326  seq. 

*  Decree  of  July  2,  1741.    Cf.  Anal,  iuris  pontif.,  I. ,  1257. 
"  Brief  of  May  22,  1749,  lus.  pontif.,  III.,  398  seq. 

'  September  24,  1747,  Anal,  iuris  pontif,  XX.,  8-10. 

"  On  March  23,  1754,  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  I.,  580;  II.,  388; 
X.,  185. 

»  Ibid.,  IV.,  1824  ;    NovAES,  XIV.,  244. 

'"  Heeckeren,  II.,  265,  274,  277,  280,  288,  292, 294, 295,  300, 301, 
339.  356  s^y.,  364,  374  sf<7.  Cf.  "Ekv CKKK  in  l^tudes,  LXVII.  (1896), 
663-676  ;  Rosa,  Passionei  e  la  causa  di  beatificazione  del  ten. 
card.  Bellarmino,  Roma,  191 8. 


THE    BEATIFICATION    OF   BELLARMINE         32 1 

in  Bellarmine's  process  and  in  this  capacity  had  had  to  bring 
forward  objections  to  the  hohness  of  the  great  controversiahst, 
but  he  disposed  of  all  of  these  in  his  work  on  beatification. 
After  becoming  Pope,  Benedict  caused  the  process  to  be 
revived  and  at  the  General  Congregation  of  May  5th,  1753,  he 
himself  bore  witness  on  Bellarmine's  behalf  in  brilliant  fashion  ^ ; 
of  the  votes  cast  by  the  twenty-one  Cardinals  and  six  consultors 
only  three  were  against  him,  those  of  Passionei,  York,  and 
Corsini.  With  feverish  activity  the  enemies  of  the  Jesuits  had 
launched  a  campaign  to  prevent  the  beatification. 2  Passionei 
did  all  he  could  to  disparage  Bellarmine,  but  Benedict  XIV. 
said  quite  definitely  that  aU  his  "  gossip  "  {ciarle)  made  no 
impression  on  him.^  In  France,  however,  the  defenders  of  the 
Gallican  liberties  saw  in  Bellarmine  their  mortal  enemy  ; 
Benedict,  not  wanting  to  "  throw  oil  on  the  flames  ",  decided 
to  let  the  matter  rest  "  as  long  as  the  bull  was  on  the  ram- 
page ".^  When  Choiseul  arrived  in  Rome  the  following  year 
as  envoy  he  had  been  given  instructions  to  raise  objections  to 
a  resumption  of  the  proceedings  ;  Bellarmine's  canonization 
would  never  be  recognized  in  France,  he  said.^  At  the  same 
time  the  Minister  Boyer  wrote  to  the  General  of  the  Jesuits 

1  "  Le  cardinal  Bellarmin,  outre  qu'il  etait  tres  savant,  a  ete 
comme  religieux,  commc  archeveque  et  comine  cardinal  un 
exemple  vivant  dc  vertu."  In  addition,  he  performed  "  travaux 
immenses  et  utiles  "  in  the  various  Congregations  (to  Tencin, 
May  9,  1753,  11.,  265).  "  Nous  savons  parfaitement  ce  qu'en 
bonne  justice  nous  devons  faire,  mais  en  meme  temps  nous  voyons 
le  danger  auquel  nous  nous  exposons  en  la  rendant  "  (to  the 
same,  July  25,  1753,  ibid.,  280). 

2  Rosa,  14  seqq. 

'  "  Nous  avons  dit  au  general  des  Jesuites  que  le  retard  de  la 
cause  ne  provenait  pas  des  pauvretes  [ciarle]  debitees  par  le 
cardinal  Passionei,  mais  des  tristes  circonstances  du  temps  ;  que 
ne  voulant  pas  jeter  de  I'huile  sur  le  feu,  nous  croyons  ainsi 
rendre  service  a  la  cause."  To  Tencin,  August  29,  1753,  ibid.,  288. 

■I  To  the  same,  September  19,  1753,  ibid.,  292. 

5  "  que   certainement   pareille   canonisation  ne   serait   jamais 
reconnue  en  France."    Boutry,  237  seqq. 
VOL.  xxxv.  Y 


322  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

that  at  the  moment,  if  an  uproar  was  to  be  avoided,  it  would 
be  better  to  raise  any  other  person  to  the  altar  than  a  Jesuit, 
and  any  Jesuit  rather  than  Bellarmine  ;  Bellarmine's  canoniza- 
tion would  be  the  signal  for  the  adherents  of  the  parliament 
to  raise  a  tumult.^  Consequently  the  process  was  left  in  abey- 
ance until  recent  years,  when  the  facts  concerning  Bellarmine's 
hoHness  established  in  Benedict  XIV. 's  time  were  taken  into 
consideration. 2  On  the  process  of  the  canonization  of  his 
predecessor,  Innocent  XL,  Benedict  expressed  himself 
unfavourably. 3 

Hostility  towards  the  Society  of  Jesus  not  only  postponed 
the  honouring  of  Bellarmine  but  favoured  the  process  of 
beatification  of  an  opponent  of  the  Jesuits,  Palafox.'*  The  idea 
of  paying  him  this  honour  had  first  cropped  up  in  1691.  It  was 
supported  by  the  Spanish  king  and  about  a  score  of  Spanish 
Bishops,  but  when  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  Gonzalez,  had 
convinced  the  Bishops  that  an  insulting  letter  written  against 
the  Jesuits  ^  really  was  the  work  of  Palafox,  the  matter  was 
shelved.^  In  1726,  however,  the  process  of  beatification  was 
actually  begun.  In  1756  Cardinal  Passionei,  whose  task  it 
had  been  since  1741  to  promote  the  process,  joined  with 
Cardinal  Enriquez  in  seeking  support  from  the  Spanish  Court. 
Subsequently,  the  Spanish  envoy  in  Rome  was  instructed  to 
take  no  steps  for  the  time  being,  either  for  or  against  the 
process '  ;   but  it  was  not  long  before  Passionei 's  request  was 

'  Regnault,  Beaumont,  I.,  259. 

"  For  an  account  of  Bellarmine's  canonization,  see  Dudon  in 
Recherches  de  science  reltg.,  XII.  (1921),  145-167  ;  Raitz  von 
Frentz  in  Stimmen  der  Zeit,  CXIX.  (1930).  332-344- 

3  To  Tencin,  November  14,  1744,  I.,  162.  On  October  10,  1744, 
the  French  envoy  *wrote  that  there  was  no  fear  of  Innocent  being 
canonized  in  his  time  ;  it  was  only  with  a  view  to  the  future 
that  the  Pope  allowed  the  witnesses  still  living  to  be  heard. 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442,  Cifre  al  Durini,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

^  For  Palafox,  see  our  account,  Vol.  XXX,  207  seqq. 

*  Ibid.,  211,  n.  I. 

«  AsTRAiN,  VI.,  369.  Letter  from  Gonzalez  to  the  Spanish  king 
in  Vie  dii  vin.  Dom  Jean  de  Palafox,  Cologne,  1767,  506  seq. 

'  *Wall    to    Portocarrero,    March    9,    1756,    Archives    of   the 


REDUCTION    OF    FEAST    DAYS  323 

granted,  probably  as  a  result  of  the  influence  exercised  by 
the  Minister  Wall.^ 

Notwithstanding  all  his  zeal  for  the  veneration  of  God  and 
His  Saints,  Benedict  XIV.  considerably  diminished  the 
number  of  feast  days.  From  the  beginning  of  his  pontificate, 
he  wrote, 2  requests  of  this  nature  had  reached  him  from 
Bishops  on  both  sides  of  the  Alps.  These  desires  were  satisfied 
by  him  in  a  BuU  of  September  13th,  1742.3  He  had  long 
studied  the  question  and  had  inserted  a  discussion  of  it  in  his 
work  on  canonization,  in  which  he  wrote  in  favour  of  a  diminu- 
tion of  the  number  of  feast  days,  on  the  grounds  that  they 
were  not  worthily  celebrated  by  many  persons  and  that  their 
excessive  number  made  it  difficult  for  the  poor  to  earn  their 
hving.  After  publishing  this  discussion  the  Pope  sought  the 
opinions  of  forty  scholars  ;  thirty-three  were  in  favour  of 
diminishing  the  number  of  feast  days,  fifteen  suggested  that 
the  Holy  See  should  draw  up  a  new  table  of  feasts  for  the 
whole  Church,  and  eighteen  were  of  the  opinion  that  any 
such  reform  should  be  granted  only  to  the  Bishops  who  might 
apply  for  it.  Between  1742  and  1748  twenty-five  Bishops  from 
Spain  alone  applied  for  the  diminution,  eight  from  the  Papal 
States,  and  six  from  Tuscany. -*    On  a  dispute  arising  between 

Spanish  Embassy  to  Rome,  Reales  Ordenes,  39  ;    *Portocarrero 
to  Wall,  April  i,  1756,  ibid.,  Registro  de  la  correspond,  oficial,  99. 

1  *\Vall  to  Portocarrero,  November  16,  1756,  ibid.  R.  6rdenes 
39  ;   *Portocarrero  to  Wall,  December  9,  1756,  ibid.   Registro,  99. 

2  To  the  Bishop  of  Breslau,  March  i,  1755,  Acta,  II.,  224  ; 
letter  of  August  17,  1748,  in  Fresco,  XIX.,  179.  Cf.  Arch.  Rom., 
XXXVII. ,  697- 

3  Bidl.  Lux.,  XVI.,  116.  As  far  back  as  1727  the  Council  of 
Tarragona  had  presented  a  petition  to  the  Pope  for  the  diminution 
of  the  feast  days.  The  people  went  on  working  on  these  days 
in  spite  of  the  prohibition,  pleading  as  an  excuse  the  infertility 
of  the  soil,  the  heavy  taxes,  and  the  fact  that  there  were  as 
many  as  ninety-one  holidays  of  obligation  in  the  year.  Coll. 
Lac,  I.,  785. 

*  NovAES,  XIV.,  134  seq.  ;  Brief  for  Naples,  December  12, 
1748,  Bull.  Lux..  XVII.,  286  ;   for  Poland,  1745,  tbid.,  XVI.,  312  ; 


324  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Muratori  and  Cardinal  Quirini  on  the  diminution  of  the  feasts 
the  Pope  suppressed  it  by  a  decree  of  November  14th,  1748, 
in  which  he  forbade  anyone  to  write  on  the  subject.^ 

The  demand  for  the  diminution  of  feast  days  may  have  been 
due  to  some  extent  to  the  decrease  of  rehgious  fervour.  On 
the  other  hand  there  were  living  at  that  time  in  Italy  quite 
a  number  of  persons  who  were  afterwards  paid  the  honour  of 
canonization, 2  notably  Alphonsus  Liguori  (d.  1787),  the  foun- 
der of  the  Redemptorists,  Gerard  Majella  (d.  1755)  ,3  a  lay- 
brother  in  the  same  Order,  Paul  of  the  Cross  (Paolo  Danei  ; 
d.  1775),*  the  founder  of  the  Passionists,  the  Franciscan 
Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio  (d.  1751),^  and  the  secular  priest 
Giovanni  Battista  de   Rossi   (d.    1764).**     Even   in   her  best 

for  Maria  Theresa  and  the  Milanese  possessions,  December  3,  1 754, 
Acta,  II.,  214.  According  to  the  Brief  of  September  28,  1745,  the 
Ascension  was  not  to  be  included  in  the  diminution  of  feast-days 
for  Spain.    Ibid.,  I.,  284. 

'  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  283  ;  Amann  in  Diet,  de  theol.  cath.,  X., 
2554  seq.  —  A  MTiting  of  Muratori's  against  Quirini  in  Scritti 
inediti  di  L.  A.  Muratori,  Documenti,  Bologna,  1872,  261-322. 
Cf.  above,  p.  215. 

-  De  Waal,  Roma  Sacra,  546  seq. 

*  Biography  by  Dilgskron,  Diilmen,  1909. 

*  Biography  by  Strambi  (Rome,  1786)  ;  Amadeo  della 
Madre  del  B.  Pastore,  Lettere  di  S.  Paolo  della  Crocc,  disposte 
ed  annotate,  Roma,  1924.  Paul  of  the  Cross  wTote  about  thirty 
letters  weekly  ;    2,000  have  been  preserved. 

*  Opere,  12  vols.,  Roma,  1853  seq.  ;  5  vols.,  Roma,  1867  seq.  (in 
the  latter  edition  the  "  Diario  delle  missioni  "  ;  biography  by 
Salvatore  d'Ormea  at  the  beginning  of  the  editions)  ;  Prediche 
e  lettere  inedite,  published  by  B.  Innocenti  (Quaracchi,  191 5). 

"  Cf.  Katholik,  1881,  II.,  487-526  ;  biography  by  Leitner 
(1899).  —  Among  others  who  died  with  a  reputation  for  sanctity 
were  the  Capuchin  Archbishop  of  Ferrara,  Bonaventura  Barberini 
(see  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  VII.,  130  ;  cf.  above,  p.  305)  ;  Paolo 
Buono  (Pianelli)  of  Naples,  who  tended  the  poor  for  forty  j'ears, 
and  was  buried  in  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso  (*Merenda,  loc.  cit.)  ; 
the  Franciscan  Conventual  Francesco  Antonio  Fassani,  d.  1742 
(PicoT,  III.,  369). 


THE    STATIONS   OF   THE    CROSS  325 

periods  the  Church  has  seen  nothing  better  than  the  hves  and 
influence  of  these  men  and  their  followers. 

(4) 

For  De  Rossi,  whose  priestly  activity  was  entirely  devoted 
to  the  care  of  the  poor,  the  sick,  and  the  imprisoned,  the 
jubilee  year  of  1750  was  an  especially  fruitful  opportunity  of 
showing  his  love  for  the  poor  among  the  pilgrims.^  No  less 
zeal  was  displayed  by  Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio.  In  prepara- 
tion for  the  Holy  Year,  and  beginning  in  July  1749,  he  gave 
three  missions  lasting  two  weeks  each,  with  intervals  of  one 
week  between  them  ;  the  Pope  was  present  in  person  at  the 
sermons  and  gave  Benediction  with  the  Blessed  Sacrament. 2  The 
missions  were  followed  by  exercises.^  This  great  missionary 
had  long  had  at  heart  the  devotion  to  the  Passion  of  Christ  by 
means  of  Stations  of  the  Cross,  of  which  he  was  responsible  for 
the  erection  of  no  less  than  572,  and  through  him  the  devotion 
was  adopted  by  the  whole  Church.  In  the  jubilee  year  he  set 
up  the  most  famous  of  these  Stations  ;  on  November  27th, 
1750,  at  his  instigation,  a  cross  with  the  appropriate  Stations 
was  erected  in  the  middle  of  the  Colosseum.^ 

Benedict  had  a  very  high  regard  for  this  ardent  preacher. 
He  gave  him  permission  to  come  into  his  J)resence  every 
Sunday  without  formality  ^  and  often  had  to  come  to  his 
assistance  when,  carried  away  by  his  zeal,  the  indefatigable 
missionary  discovered  that  he  had  promised  to  be  in  two  places 
at  once.^     Thus  it  was  that  the   Pope  himself   summoned 

'  Stocker  in  the  Freib.  Kirchenlex.,  X.,  1300. 

2  NOVAES,  XIV.,  146. 

^  Innocenti,  271. 

'  "  Discorso  fatto  neH'istituzione  della  Via  Crucis  eretta  nel 
Colosseo  di  Roma  "  {Opere,  vol.  IV.),  Venezia,  1867,  393  ; 
Innocenti,  x.  ;  "  Statuti  della  ven.  Arciconfratornita  degli 
Amanti  di  Gesu  e  di  Maria  eretta  in  Roma  nell'  anno  del  giubileo 
1750,"  Roma,  1773. 

*  Innocenti,  289. 

*  "  Esse  b  un  degno  religiose,  ma  non  puo  essere  in  cinquanta 
luoghi   nello  stesso  tempo,   come   forse   per  la  sua  gran   carita 


326  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Leonardo  to  Rome  to  hold  the  jubilee  missions  and  encouraged 
the  aged  religious  to  step  into  the  breach  and  die  there  fighting 
like  a  brave  soldier. 

Already  in  1749  missions  were  being  held  in  all  the  principal 
churches  of  Rome,  mostly  by  Capuchins  ^  ;  the  next  year  they 
were  resumed  for  the  benefit  of  considerably  increased  con- 
gregations.- The  Pope  considered  the  missions  to  be  of  the 
greatest  possible  value  and  himself  instructed  the  missionaries 
how  their  duties  were  to  be  performed.^ 

Benedict  desired  most  ardently  the  success  of  the  jubilee 
in  all  its  aspects,  and  he  had  given  it  his  attention  for  a  long 
time  past.  As  far  back  as  September  25th,  1748,  he  had 
written  *  that  he  would  not  leave  Rome  the  following  month 
but  that  he  would  spend  it  all  at  his  desk  ;  much  preparation 
was  required  for  the  Holy  Year,  for  it  was  really  to  be  a  holy 
year,  a  year  of  edification  and  not  of  scandal. 

The  principles  enunciated  by  Benedict  on  this  occasion 
were  subsequently  carried  into  practice  by  him.     He  issued 

bramerebbe  d'essere.  Dice  di  si  a  tutti,  e  poi  ritrovandosi 
imbrogliato,  ora  chiama  in  aiuto  11  Papa,  era  il  suo  P.  Generale." 
Benedict  to  Storano,  March  i,  1747,  in  Maroni,  751. 

'  *Roman  new.spapers  of  October  25,  1749,  Archives  of  the 
Austrian  Embassy  to  the  Vatican.  Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio 
wrote  on  April  25,  1749  (Innocenti,  271)  :  "  Noi  daremo 
principio  alle  nostre  [missioni]  dopo  I'Ottava  di  S.  Pietro,  e 
primieramente  se  ne  faranno  tre  in  varie  piazze,  e  poi  esercizi 
spirituali  in  varie  chiese.  Nel  mese  di  Novembre  si  ripiglieranno 
le  missioni,  e  aljora  non  saremo  soli,  ma  708  missionari  in  varie 
chiese  ;   e  poi  seguiteremo  gli  esercizi  sino  al  Natale." 

*  *Roman  newspapers  of  February  28,  1750,  loc.  cit.  The 
Pope  had  appointed  the  ablest  preachers  :  for  St.  Peter's  the 
regular  cleric  Bona,  for  the  Gesu  the  Jesuit  Tommaso  Carli,  for 
the  Minerva  the  Dominican  Tacconi,  for  S.  Lorenzo  in  Damaso 
the  Servite  Galeotti,  for  Araceli  Ludovico  da  Siena,  for  S. 
Eustachio  Pier  Maria  da  Casalini,  etc.  On  January  24  and  May 
21  mention  was  made  of  the  large  numbers  of  pilgrims. 

'  *Avviso  for  December  13,  1749,  in  Cod.  ital.  199,  of  the 
State  Library,  Munich. 

*  To  Tencin,  I.,  431. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  JUBILEE  OF  1750  327 

a  dozen  ordinances  on  the  subject,  generous  in  length  and  full 
of  learning  based  on  history  and  canon  law.  An  Encyclical 
of  February  19th,  1749,  ^  addressed  to  the  Italian  Bishops, 
instructed  them  to  get  rid  of  anything  that  might  give  scandal ; 
the  jubilee  pilgrims  were  not  to  find  ruinous  or  dirty  churches, 
with  sacred  vestments  in  tatters  or  without  any  vestments 
at  all ;  Benedict  XIII.  had  held  up  as  models  the  churches  of 
the  Capuchins,  which  though  not  costly  were  clean  and  neat. 
The  Pope  was  particularly  anxious  that  singing  and  church 
music  should  be  edifying  and  to  this  subject  he  devoted  a 
large  portion  of  his  letter.  ^  In  an  address  to  the  Cardinals  on 
March  3rd,  1749,^  he  asked  them  to  take  to  heart  the  duty  of 
repairing  their  titular  churches  in  Rome  ;  he  himself  when 
he  was  younger  had  seen  to  the  improvement  of  the  high- 
roads and  later  had  done  his  best  to  improve  the  decoration 
of  the  Roman  churches,  especially  S.  Apollinare  ;  the  Car- 
dinals were  asked  to  do  likewise.  Another  allocution  ^  followed 
on  May  5th  announcing  the  Holy  Year  and  explaining  how 
it  was  to  be  made  holy  :  the  Pope  would  arrange  for  missions 
to  be  held,  would  address  instructions  to  the  Bishops,  appoint 
confessors,  invest  them  with  special  powers,  and  elucidate  the 
doubtful  points  connected  with  the  customary  instructions 
for  the  celebration  of  the  jubilee.  On  the  same  day  the 
announcement  of  the  jubilee  was  made  to  all  the  faithful.^ 
In  this  the  Pope  explained  that  on  account  of  the  sinfulness 
and  the  indifference  of  the  world  special  times  had  been 
reserved  in  which  the  Church  could  issue  special  exhortations. 
"  Do  penance  "  was  the  burden  of  his  message.  Another 
reason  for  his  invitation  to  the  world  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to 
Rome  was  that  it  was  thus  given  an  opportunity  of  witnessing 


1  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  9  seqq. 

-  Ibid.,  12-24. 

3  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  66. 

*  Ibid.,  69  seqq. 

^  Ibid.,  70  seqq.  On  May  12,  1749,  Ruggieri  called  the  Bull 
"  un  capo  d'opera  e  ve  lo  dice  senza  adulazione."  Nardinocchi, 
106. 


328  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  splendour  of  Christian  Rome.^  "  What  could  give  a 
Christian  greater  joy  than  to  see  the  glory  of  the  cross  of 
Christ  shining  with  a  more  brilliant  splendour  than  anywhere 
else  on  earth,  and  to  testify  with  his  own  eyes  to  the  glorious 
victory  won  by  our  Faith  over  the  world  ?  We  see  here  how 
the  greatest  worldly  power  bows  down  in  awe  before  religion 
and  how  what  was  once  the  earthly  Babylon  has  been  trans- 
formed into  a  new,  heavenly  city  that  instead  of  threatening 
to  destroy  whole  peoples  and  subjugate  nations  with  the  force 
of  arms  and  the  tumult  of  war,  sets  before  our  eyes  a  heavenly 
doctrine  and  a  spotless  morality  for  the  enlightenment  and 
salvation  of  the  nations.  Here  we  see  the  former  rule  of 
superstition  buried  in  oblivion,  while  the  pure  worship  of  the 
true  God  and  the  majesty  of  divine  service  cast  their  radiant 
light  in  all  directions  ;  we  see  the  sanctuaries  of  false  gods 
razed  to  the  ground,  while  the  temples  of  God  are  hallowed  by 
holy  veneration  ;  we  can  see  here  with  our  own  eyes  how  the 
godless  pastimes  of  the  theatre  and  the  insane  spectacles  of 
the  circus  have  vanished  from  the  memory  of  man  and  how 
instead  of  them  the  resting-places  of  the  martyrs  are  thronged 
with  visitors  ;  how  the  monuments  of  tyrants  lie  prostrate  in 
the  dust,  while  the  burial  places  of  the  Apostles,  built  by  the 
hands  of  emperors,  rear  themselves  aloft  ;  how  the  precious 
works  intended  for  the  honouring  of  Roman  pride  are  used  for 
the  embellishment  of  churches  ;  how  the  memorials  erected 
in  thanksgiving  to  heathen  deities  for  the  subjugation  of 
provinces,  now,  purged  of  their  godless  superstition,  bear  on 
their  summits,  with  more  right  and  as  the  emblem  of  a  greater 
blessing,  the  victorious  symbol  of  the  unconquerable  cross. 
Lastly,  the  sight  of  the  countless  bands  of  the  faithful  who 
during  the  jubilee  year  pour  into  the  Eternal  City  from  all 
points  of  the  compass  will  fill  your  hearts  with  joy,  for  each 
of  you  will  find  his  own  Faith  shared  by  the  members  of  many 
different  nations,  speaking  different  languages.  With  all  of 
these  you  will  be  joined  in  brotherly  love  in  the  Lord,  under 
the  protection  of  our  common  Mother,  the  Church,  and  you 

»  Ball.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  73  seq. 


ENCYCLICAL  ON  THE  JUBILEE  OF  I750   329 

will  feel  with  joy  how  the  dew  of  heavenly  grace  will  be  rained 
down  on  you  more  lavishly." 

The  following  month  saw  the  publication  of  another  Encj'^cli- 
cal  ^  which,  after  a  learned  preface  dealing  with  the  antiquity 
of  pilgrimages  in  general  and  of  that  to  Rome  in  particular 
was  directed  especially  to  Bishops,  priests,  and  religious. 
The  reason  why  the  invitation  to  Rome  was  issued  was  to 
venerate  the  Princes  of  the  Apostles  ;  moreover,  Rome  was 
the  head  of  the  Catholic  religion  and  the  centre  of  its  unity, 
and  the  prospect  was  offered  of  the  complete  remission  of  the 
punishment  for  sin  by  means  of  a  plenary  indulgence.  The 
Encyclical  then  dealt  with  the  confessors,  who  were 
instructed  how  they  were  to  prepare  the  faithful  for  the 
gaining  of  the  jubilee  indulgence.  The  confessors'  powers 
were  enumerated  in  a  special  decree,^  and  in  a  further  instruc- 
tion ^  the  difficulties  which  had  formerly  attached  to  the  use 
of  these  powers  were  discussed  and  solved  under  ninety-one 
headings.  According  to  custom,  all  indulgences  except  the 
jubilee  indulgence  were  suspended  during  the  Holy  Year.^ 
A  special  Brief  ^  set  forth  the  manner  in  which  those  persons 
were  to  be  treated  who  were  ]:)revented  from  visiting  the  Holy 
City,  namely  enclosed  nuns,  invalids,  and  prisoners.  After 
the  Holy  Year  had  begun  apostates  from  monastic  life  were 
invited  to  return.®  Thus  nothing  seemed  to  be  forgotten  ; 
even  judges  were  appointed  to  settle  possible  legal  disputes 
among  the  pilgrims.' 

At  a  secret  consistory  on  December  1st  the  Pope  made 
arrangements  for  the  opening  of  the  Holy  Door,  which  accor- 
ding to  custom  had  to  be  performed  at  the  beginning  of  the 

'  Of  June  26,  1749,  ibid.,  78-97. 

-  Of  November  25,  1749,  ibid.,  97-102. 

^  Of  December  3,  1749,  ibid.,  102-145. 

*  Brief  of  May  17,  1749,  ibid.,  77. 

^  Of  December  17,  1749,  ibid.,  149-151. 

*  On  February  12,  1750,  ibid.,  15 1-2. 

'  Brief  of  November  28,  1749,  ibid.,  145.  Quirini  had  advised 
the  Pope  to  invite  also  the  Protestant  sovereigns  to  the  jubilee. 
Fresco,  XIX.,  196. 


33^  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Holy  Year  by  the  Pope  at  St.  Peter's,  by  Cardinals  at  certain 
other  basilicas. 1  In  the  first  week  of  December  he  summoned 
the  mission  preachers  and  personally  instructed  them  in  their 
duties." 

As  the  days  went  by  the  jubilee  year  furnished  an  impressive 
proof  that  the  adherents  of  the  Catholic  Faith  formed  a  body 
that  was  still  pulsing  with  life.  According  to  Merenda,  there 
were  already  30,000  visitors  in  Rome  by  the  end  of  1749  ;  in 
the  following  January  he  noted  that  200  Armenians  and 
Greeks  had  come  for  the  jubilee. ^  The  Holy  Year  had  opened 
well,  wrote  the  Pope.  A  band  of  Armenians,  who  were  living 
at  their  own  expense,  were  attracting  attention,  and  eight 
hundred  Catholic  Swiss  who  were  visiting  the  basilicas  in 
procession  were  edifying  all  who  saw  them.  Pilgrims  from 
Vienna  had  arrived  already,  also  from  Casale.  As  so  many 
were  travelling  in  spite  of  the  severe  winter,  even  larger 
bodies  of  visitors  might  be  expected  when  the  better  weather 
came.*  Of  the  Armenians  he  wrote  again  ^  that  there  were 
a  hundred  of  them,  mostly  merchants  ;  they  had  brought 
with  them  their  womenfolk,  but  the  latter  were  always  veiled 
when  they  went  out  of  doors  ;  it  was  only  when  they  were 
being  entertained  in  the  refectory  of  St,  Peter's  by  the  Con- 
fraternity of  the  Holy  Trinity  that  one  saw  their  jewels  and 
diamonds ;  at  table  the  men  were  waited  on  by  six  Cardinals, 
the  ladies  by  the  wives  of  the  envoys  from  France  and  \'enice 
and  by  princesses.^  Many  more  bands  of  pilgrims  arrived 
for  Lent.  The  ceremonies  of  Holy  Week  were  attended  by 
large  numbers  of  the  Italian  and  foreign  aristocracy  ;  the 
concourse  was  so  great  that  people  of  rank  had  to  go  on 


*  The  allocution  in  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  147  seq. 

2  *Newspapers  of  December  11,  1749,  Archives  of  the  Austrian 
Embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

'  *Memorie,  92  5^^.,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome.  Marangoni  supplied 
a  booklet  for  pilgrims  :    //  devoto  pellegrino  guidato,  Roma,  1749. 

*  To  Tencin,  January  7,  1750,  II.,  i  seq. 

*  On  January  28,  1750,  ibid.,  6. 

*  *Merenda,  95,  loc.  cit. 


THE    JUBILEE    CELEBRATIONS  331 

foot  to  St.  Peter's  because  all  the  carriages  had  been  reserved 
1  for  visits  to  the  basilicas  and  other  devotions  of  the  Romans. 
More  than  17,000  pilgrims  had  to  camp  out  in  the  open. 
The  people  visited  the  basilicas  with  great  reverence. ^  In 
April  and  May  the  Pope  wrote  that  visitors  were  still  pouring 
into  the  city.^  At  Whitsun,  he  said,  he  intended  to  celebrate 
a  triduum  at  S.  Maria  in  Trastevere,  S.  Carlo  in  the  Corso, 
and  S.  Andrea  della  Valle  ;  every  morning  he  would  attend 
a  sermon  and  give  Benediction  with  the  Blessed  Sacrament.^ 
In  the  manner  of  the  pilgrimages  of  old,  the  Bishop  of 
Spoleto,  accompanied  by  a  goodly  part  of  his  chapter  and 
his  priests,  altogether  70  persons,  had  made  the  pilgrimage 
entirely  on  foot  and  had  himself  borne  the  cross  in  front  of 
the  procession.  He  wanted  to  take  up  his  quarters  with  the 
Confraternity  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  but  this  the  Pope  would 
not  allow.  ^  Incidentally,  this  confraternity  estimated  its 
expenditure  on  entertaining  the  pilgrims  from  December  1749 
to  the  end  of  March  1750  at  65,000  scudi.^  The  people  attended 
with  great  devotion  the  Corpus  Christi  procession  ^  and  the 
celebration  of  the  feast  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  which  took 
place  after  the  Pope's  return  from  Castel  Gandolfo  and  was 
also  attended  by  an  "  enormous  "  number  of  aristocrats  ; 
besides  the  Cardinals,  forty  Bishops  were  present  and  in  the 
evening  the  dome  of  St.  Peter's  and  the  colonnades  were 
illuminated.'  At  the  closing  of  the  Holy  Door,  wrote  the 
Pope,^  the  concourse  of  the  foreign  aristocracy  defied  des- 
cription, and  at  the  giving  of  the  Papal  blessing  the  crowd  had 
filled  the  piazza  of  St.  Peter's  and  part  of  the  adjoining 
streets. 

Requests  were  made  in  many  quarters  for  the  extension  of 

1  March  ii  and  23,  1750,  II.,  18,  21. 

'  April  I,  22,  29,  May  6  and  22,  1750,  ibid.,  21,  24,  26,  27,  32. 

*  April  22,  ibid.,  24. 

*  Ibid. 

^  Benedict  on  April  29,  1750,  ibid.,  26.  • 

*  Benedict  on  June  3,  1750,  ibid.,  36. 
'  Benedict  on  July  8,  1750,  ibid.,  41. 

*  On  December  30,  1750,  ibid.,  82. 


332  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES 

the  jubilee  for  the  whole  Church  to  the  year  1751,  but  before 
acceding  to  them  Benedict  considered  it  advisable  to  sound 
Cardinal  Tencin  ^  how  such  a  step  would  be  likely  to  be  received 
in  France.  On  November  11th  he  was  able  to  write  ^  that  the 
extension  of  the  jubilee  year  was  actually  requested  by  the 
French  envoy.  On  acceding  to  this  wish  on  December  25th, 
1750,^  and  on  reviewing  the  past  year  in  a  corresponding  letter 
to  the  Bishops,^  the  Pope  was  able  not  only  to  pride  himself 
on  the  preparatory  measures  he  had  taken — the  repair  of  the 
roads  in  the  Papal  States,  the  provision  of  food,  the  restoration 
of  the  Roman  churches — but  also  to  speak  of  the  brilliant 
success  of  the  Holy  Year  itself.  Pilgrims  had  come  from  the 
most  remote  places,  from  Armenia,  Syria,  and  Egypt  ;  he 
himself  had  taken  part  in  the  two  previous  jubOees,  but  the 
number  of  people  who  had  flocked  to  Rome  on  this  last 
occasion  had  been  far  larger.  That  the  Bishops  had  prepared 
their  flocks  for  the  jubilee  year  in  accordance  with  the  Papal 
instructions  was  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  basilicas  had 
never  been  visited  by  so  many  people  showing  evident  signs 
of  devotion  and  piety  as  during  the  past  year.  Very  many 
general  confessions  had  been  made,  as  he  had  learnt  from  the 
penitentiaries.  Nor  had  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  allowed 
themselves  to  be  outdone  in  devotion  by  the  strangers.  The 
crowds  which  had  attended  the  mission  sermons  and  the  piety 
they  displayed  were  incredible.  Edifying  e.xamples  of  repen- 
tance and  devotion  had  been  given  by  all  classes.  Those  whose 
duty  it  was  to  set  a  good  example  to  others,  namely  the 
Bishops,  the  Cardinals,  and  the  gentlefolk,  had  done  so  to 
the  Pope's  satisfaction.  He  knew,  and  had  seen  it  witli  his 
own  eyes  to  some  extent,  how  they  had  made  the  prescribed 
visits  to  the  churches,  had  waited  on  the  pilgrims  at 
table,  had  washed  their  feet,  and  had  given  them  generous 
alms. 

'  On  Janjaary  28,  1750,  tbid.,  6. 

'  Ibid.,  72. 

3  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  50. 

*  Of  January  i,  1751,  II.,  156-161. 


THE    CARDINALITIAL   CREATIONS    OF    1 743  333 

(r>) 

Benedict  XIV.  did  not  always  speak  so  approvingly  of  his 
Cardinals.  It  is  significant  that  he  was  in  no  hurry  at  first  to 
fill  the  vacancies  in  their  College.  Even  after  two  years  had 
passed  since  his  election  he  wrote  ^  that  the  position  of  the 
Holy  See  was  not  favourable  for  the  nomination  of  Cardinals. 
Except  for  Doria,  he  said,  not  one  of  the  nuncios  in  oftice  was 
worthy  of  the  red  hat.  Doria  combined  noble  blood  with  purity 
of  morals  and  erudition  ;  but  the  others  were  lacking  in 
knowledge,  and  yet  either  all  or  none  of  them  had  to  be 
promoted.  The  difficulty  was  increased  by  the  severity  with 
which  their  intellectual  views  were  held  :  whoever  was  not 
a  Molinist  or  an  upholder  of  lax  morality  was  promptly  dubbed 
a  Jansenist.^  In  any  case,  he  declared,  he  was  determined  to 
make  no  concessions  to  flesh  and  blood  when  making  his 
choices.  His  difficulties  were  still  further  increased  by  the 
financial  straits  of  the  Holy  See  ;  he  certainly  had  several 
hats  to  dispose  of  but  he  had  not  the  means  with  which  to 
endow  the  new  Cardinals  in  fitting  fashion.  Perhaps,  however, 
it  was  not  a  bad  thing,  he  added  slyly,  for  pleasure-seeking 
gentlemen  to  be  kept  a  little  short. ^ 

Meanwhile  four  more  Cardinals  had  died  :  Fieri,  Giudice, 
Belluga,  and  Colonna.*  Fieri  did  not  leave  enough  behind  him 
to  pay  for  the  funeral  that  befitted  his  position  ;  Giudice,  on 
the  other  hand,  left  vast  riches.  He  envied  the  former,  wrote 
Benedict  XIV.,  not  the  latter.^ 

By  the  end  of  1743  it  became  almost  impossible  to  put  off 

'  To  Tencin,  December  29,  1742,  I.,  20. 

*  Allusion  to  the  difficulties  connected  with  Berti,  Bellelli, 
and  Cardinal  Noris. 

^  To  Tencin,  March  8,  1743,  I.,  38  seq.  ;    cf.  40. 

'  Ibid.,  28,  38.  On  January  17,  1743,  Acquaviva  *\vrote  that 
with  the  death  of  Cibo  there  were  eighteen  hats  free  ;  on  February 
14  he  reported  the  death  of  Corradini,  on  the  28th  that  of  Cardinal 
Belluga,  who  died  "  in  gran  concepto  por  sus  virtudes  y  con 
universal  dolor  de  los  pobres  ". 

*  To  Tencin,  Febiiiary  i,  1743,  I.,  28. 


334  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  long-awaited  nomination  of  new  Cardinals  any  longer. 
The  first  appointment  to  be  made,  though  then  only  in  petto, 
was  that  of  Emperor  Charles  VII. 's  brother,  Duke  John 
Theodore,  Bishop  of  Liege  and  administrator  of  Freising  and 
Ratisbon,  where  he  had  been  Bishop.  The  "  Cardinal  of 
Bavaria  ",  as  he  was  called,  did  not  pay  a  single  visit  to  Rome 
in  the  course  of  his  life,  which  ended  in  1763  ;  the  red  hat  was 
sent  to  him  by  the  Pope  through  the  hands  of  Lazarus  Opitius 
Pallavicini,  afterwards  Secretary  of  State  under  Clement  XIV. 
and  Pius  VI. ^ 

As  a  companion  for  this  foreigner  from  the  North  Benedict 
appointed  a  Spaniard  :  Joaquin  Fernando  Portocarrero, 
a  Knight  of  Malta  and  the  Order's  envoy  to  Charles  VI.,  who 
made  him  Viceroy  of  Naples.  After  he  had  adopted  the 
ecclesiastical  state  in  Rome,  he  became  Patriarch  of  Antioch, 
Protector  of  the  Spanish  realm  (1749),  and  Cardinal  Archbishop 
of  Sabina  (1756).  Though  not  a  scholar  himself,  he  was 
a  protector  of  scholars  and  was  described  as  a  man  of  straight- 
forward and  friendly  disposition. ^ 

Except  for  these  two  foreigners  only  Italians  were  invested 
with  the  purple  in  1743.  Some  of  these  had  done  duty  as 
nuncios  :  Camillo  Paolucci  in  Poland  and  Vienna,  Giam- 
battista  Berni  in  Switzerland,  Giacomo  Oddi  in  Lisbon, 
Cologne,  and  Venice,  Marcello  Crescenzi  in  Paris,  where  also 
Federigo  Marcello  Lante  had  been  sent  to  present  the  con- 
secrated swaddling  clothes.  Giorgio  Doria,  a  Genoese  of  noble 
birth,  was  nuncio  at  the  Diet  of  Frankfort  which  elected 
Charles  VII.  and  had  remained  with  the  emperor  in  the  same 
capacity.^    He  earned  high  praise  from  Benedict  XIV.,  who 

'  M.  RoTTMANNER,  Dcr  Kurdinal  von  Bayern,  Munich,  1877. 

2  For  those  promoted  in  1743,  see  Novaes,  XIV.,  53  ; 
Bartholomaeus  Ant.  Talenti,  *Vita  sen  necrologia  Benedicti 
XIII.,  dementis  XII .  et  cardinalium  a  d.  20  mart.  1730  ad  29  iun. 
1743  defiinctorum ,  additis  iconibus  et  in.'iigniis  sere  incisis,  Bibl. 
Angelica,  Rome,  1701  ;  Item  cardinalium  defunctonmi  1743  ad 
1758,  ibid.,  1702;  Item  cardinalium  defunctorum  1758-1768  and 
1767-1777,  ibid.,  1703  and  1704  ;    Moroni,  IX.,  192  seq. 

'  Novaes,  XIV.,  53  seqq. 


THE    CARDINALITIAL    CREATIONS    OF    I743  335 

wrote  1  that  he  had  known  him  during  the  six  years  when 
Doria  had  been  vice-legate  in  Bologna  ;  he  was  a  man  of 
intelligence  and  knowledge,  and  not  only  in  legal  matters  ;  as 
nuncio  he  had  contributed  100,000  scudi  towards  his  expenses 
from  his  private  means. 

High  praise,  though  on  other  grounds,  was  also  bestowed  on 
the  French  nuncio,  Marcello  Crescenzi,  who  died  in  1768  as 
Archbishop  of  Ferrara.  He  was  not  the  man  to  write  a  com- 
mentary on  Aristotle,  was  the  Pope's  opinion,  but  seeing  that 
he  had  been  a  canon  of  St.  Peter's  with  him  he  had  known  him 
for  a  long  time  and  knew  that  he  was  a  consistently  good 
ecclesiastic.^  Since  1730  Crescenzi  had  been  a  close  friend  of 
the  great  Franciscan  missionary  Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio.^ 

The  learned  Bolognese  Filippo  Maria  Monti  (d.  1754)* 
had  been  a  friend  of  Benedict  XIV.  in  his  boyhood  and  student 
days  ;  he  was  the  author  of  a  work  on  the  Cardinals,  and  as 
Secretary  of  the  Propaganda  he  wrote  a  history  of  the  mission 
to  Tibet. 

On  the  whole,  Benedict  XIV. 's  first  promotion  took  the  form 
of  a  mark  of  honour  paid  to  learning  ;  though  he  could  find 
no  scholars  among  his  nuncios  he  had  not  to  look  far  for  them 
in  Rome  in  other  walks  of  life.  Raffaello  Cosimo  Girolami, 
from  Florence,  was  one  of  the  most  competent  theologians  of 
his  time  and  found  ample  opportunity  to  exercise  his  knowledge 
amid  the  various  Roman  Congregations.  A  deep  knowledge  of 
jurisprudence  was  possessed  by  Carlo  Leopoldo  Calcagnini  (d. 
1746),  who  left  behind  him  ten  manuscript  volumes  of  legal 
decisions  and  also  printed  works, ^  and  by  Carlo  Alberto 
Guidoboni  Cavalchini,  who  was  Bishop  of  Ostia  and  Velletri 
and  Dean  of  the  Sacred  College  when  he  died  in  1774  at  the 

'  To  Tencin,  February  8,  1743,  I.,  30. 

^  Ibid.,  and  to  the  same,  on  March  8,  1743,  ibid.,  38. 

^  Innocenti,  304. 

■*  GuALANDi  in  Stiidi  e  memorie  per  la  storia  dell'  Universitd  di 
Bologna,  VI.,  Bologna,  1921,  59  ;  Benedict  to  Tencin,  October  11, 
1743,  I..  89. 

^  His  tomb  is  in  S.  Andrea  dalle  Fratte  ;  see  Forcella,  VHI., 
232  ;    DoMARUs,  Bracci,  33. 


336  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

age  of  ninety.  It  was  probably  only  the  "  exclusion  "  exercised 
by  France  that  prevented  his  being  elected  Pope  on  the 
death  of  Benedict  XIV.  Giuseppe  Pozzobonelli,  who  died  in 
1783  as  the  Archbishop  of  Milan,  left  behind  him  a  reputation 
for  virtue,  scholarship,  and  beneficence.  Francesco  Ricci,  the 
Governor  of  Rome  under  Benedict  XIV.,  was  also  regarded  as 
an  authority  on  jurisprudence  but  he  was  more  highly  esteemed 
on  account  of  his  moderation,  faithfulness  to  duty,  and  piety.^ 
Francesco  Landi  was  also  noted  for  his  learning  ;  he  died  as 
Archbishop  of  Benevento  in  1757.  Antonio  Ruffo,  on  the 
other  hand,  who  died  in  1753,  had  no  reputation  for  learning, 
but  for  piety.  Three  more  Cardinals  who  owed  their  promo- 
tion to  their  learning  were  members  of  Orders  :  the  Dominican 
Ludovico  Maria  Lucini  (d.  1745), ^  the  Benedictine  Fortunate 
Tamburini,  theologian  to  the  Roman  Council  under  Benedict 
XIII.  (d.  1761),  and  the  Cistercian  Gioacchino  Besozzi  (d. 
1753).  Tamburini  received  high  praise  from  Benedict  when 
the  latter  was  distressed  by  the  prospect  of  losing  him  through 
death  ;  he  was,  he  said,  an  excellent  theologian  and  an 
untiring  worker,  and  he  wrote  in  a  good  style,  both  in  Italian 
and  Latin.  Moreover,  he  lived  in  a  little  room  with  his  fellow- 
religious  and  had  declined  a  rich  abbacy  with  the  remark  that 
he  had  enough  to  live  on  and  that  by  the  favour  of  the  Holy 
See  he  had  enough  to  pay  for  his  burial.^ 

Besides  the  nineteen  Cardinal  Bishops  and  Priests  whom 
we  have  named  above,  six  Cardinal  Deacons  were  created  in 
1743.      Of   these   it   was   learning   again    that   distinguished 

^  "  *L'illibatezza  de'  suoi  costumi,  I'integrita  e  la  vigilanza 
neir  esercizio  delle  sue  cariche,  la  sua  esemplare  pieta  e  solida 
devozione  e  finalmcnte  la  sua  invitta  pazienza  e  rassegnazione 
nella  sua  ultima  malattia  gli  meritarono  la  morte  de'giusti  " 
(Bibl.  Ricci,  Rome).  His  merits  are  duly  recorded  in  the  Storia 
di  S.  Agnete  di  Moniepulciano,  Siena,  1779,  148.  Caracciolo  (38) 
describes  Tamburini  as  "  learned  ",  Portocarrero  as  "  judicious 
and  straightforward  "  ;    in  1758  the  latter  almost  became  Pope. 

"  Cf.  Taurisano,  Hierarchia  Ordinis  Praedicatorum,  Roma, 
1916,  76. 

'  To  Tencin,  March  13,  1754,  II.,  327. 


THE    INDIGNATION    OF   VIENNA  337 

Alessandro  Tanara  ;  his  decisions  on  legal  cases  which  he 
reached  as  Auditor  of  the  Rota  were  printed  in  Rome  in  1747 
in  two  volumes.  Mario  Bolognetti,  the  Treasurer  General, 
was  esteemed  for  his  intelligence  and  his  integrity.  A  similar 
reputation  was  enjoyed  by  Prospero  Colonna  di  Sciarra,  of 
the  ducal  family  of  Carbognano,  afterwards  Prefect  of  the 
Propaganda.  Other  scions  of  the  Roman  aristocracy  besides 
Prospero  Colonna  and  Bolognetti  were  Girolamo  Colonna,  the 
Pope's  Maggiordomo,  and  Domenico  Orsini  d'Aragona,  Duke 
of  Gravina,  who  had  been  the  Queen  of  Naples'  envoy  to 
Clement  XII.  and  who  was  now  given  his  cardinalship  after 
the  death  of  his  wife.  Girolamo  Bardi  derived  from  the  noble 
Florentine  family  of  the  Counts  of  Vernio.  Famous  for  his 
rectitude,  piety,  and  charity,  he  bequeathed  30,000  scudi  for 
the  foundation  of  a  hospital  for  the  poor.  Though  not  created 
a  Cardinal  on  this  occasion,  Lazzaro  Pallavicini  was  highly 
commended  at  the  Consistory  of  September  9th,  1743,  for 
having  repeatedly  declined  tlie  purple.^ 

In  Vienna  the  nominations  of  September  9th  aroused 
a  storm  of  indignation.  It  was  true  that  among  the  new  wearers 
of  the  purple  were  two  Florentines  and  four  Milanese — that  is 
to  say  a  sufficient  number  of  the  princely  pair's  dependents 
- — but  no  importance  was  attached  to  this  ;  what  had  been 
taken  for  granted  was  the  promotion  of  Mellini,  for  which 
the  Austrian  statesmen  had  been  working  since  the  beginning 
of  the  new  pontificate. ^  The  Pope,  however,  could  not  grant 
him  this  honour  as  he  was  too  strong  a  supporter  of  Austria, 
which  was  one  of  the  worst  oppressors  of  the  Papal  States. 
It  was  Cardinal  Kollonitsch  who  was  prominent  in  urging 
MeUini's  advancement.     The  discontent  at  his  having  been 

1  Merenda  in  his  *Memorie  (43,  loc.  cit.)  renders  high  praise 
to  several  of  those  promoted  in  1743.  Girolami,  for  instance,  is 
described  as  "  dotto  e  santo  ",  Cavalchini  as  "  dotto  e  ecclesiastico 
esemplare  ",  Cresccnzi  as  "  di  costumi  angelici  ",  Landi  as 
"  dotto  ",  Ricci  as  "  di  non  molto  sapere,  ma  dolce,  ecclesiastico 
e  di  santi  costumi  ". 

-  Cf.  above,  pp.  122  seqq. 

VOL.  XXXV.  z 


338  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

passed  over  was  aggravated  by  the  grievance  that  in  the 
appointment  of  Monti  and  Landi,  France — and  in  the  latter 
case  Spain  too — had  been  favoured  in  preference  to 
Austria.^ 

In  addition  to  this  the  three  Powers,  France,  Spain,  and 
Austria  immediately  began  to  press  for  the  nomination  of 
Crown  Cardinals.  France  especially  was  insistent  in  its 
demand  that  the  Archbishop  of  Bourges,  De  la  Rochefoucauld, 
be  admitted  to  the  Sacred  College.  The  Pope,  however,  was 
unable  to  meet  the  wishes  of  all  three  Powers,  since  he  had 
not  at  the  time  that  number  of  Cardinals'  hats  to  give  away  ; 
nor  could  he  yield  to  the  demand  of  the  French  envoy,  Canillac, 
that  France  should  be  preferred  to  Spain  and  Austria,  since 
this  would  have  antagonized  the  neglected  princes  and  would 
have  provoked  Austria  especially  to  further  acts  of  oppression 
in  the  States  of  the  Church.  Benedict  therefore  urged  Canillac 
to  persuade  the  other  Powers  to  agree  to  the  selection  of  a 
Frenchman. 2 

Another  motive  for  the  postponement  of  the  nominations 
was  put  forward  in  Paris  through  the  nuncio  Durini  :  the 
oppression  of  the  Papal  States.  Let  France  put  an  end  to  the 
bondage,  Durini  was  told,  and  the  promotion  would  follow- 
without  delay.^ 

Thus  the  Governments,  unwilling  though  they  were,  were 
forced  to  contain  themselves  in  patience.  On  January  16th, 
1746,  the  nomination  of  the  "  Cardinal  of  Bavaria  ",  which 
had  formerly  been  in  petto  only,  was  openly  proclaimed  and 
he  was  given  precedence  over  the  other  wearers  of  the  purple 
who  had  been  appointed  with  him  in  1743  *  ;   but  it  was  not 

*  To  Tencin,  October  11  and  25  and  December  6.  1743,  also 
on  June  10,  1744,  I.,  89,  94,  103,  141. 

^  To  Tencin,  March  27,  1745,  ibtd.,  186  seq. 

'  "  *che  venga  a  liberari  dalla  schiavitii  in  cui  siamo  per  colpa 
della  Francia,  e  non  si  tardera  allora  per  parte  nostra  la  promo- 
zione."  To  Durini,  October  15,  1746,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  442, 
fo.  207-8,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  RoTTMANNER,  loc.  cit.,  43.  Cf.  above,  p.  334  ;  Dengel, 
Garampt,  67. 


THE    CARDINALITIAL   CREATIONS    OF    I747       339 

until  April  10th,  1747,  that  the  next  promotion  of  an  appreci- 
able size  took  place  ^  and  it  was  clear  that  in  this  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  secular  princes  was  the  first  consideration. ^  Austria 
and  France  saw  the  demands  which  they  had  urged  so  violently 
fulfilled  by  the  admission  to  the  Sacred  College  of  Mario 
Mellini  and  Frederic  Jerome  de  la  Rochefoucauld  de  Roye.^ 
Spain  and  Portugal  were  given  their  Crown  Cardinals  in  the 
persons  of  Alvaro  de  Mendoza  and  the  Patriarch  of  Lisbon, 
Jose  Manuel  d'Atalaia.  The  pressure  exerted  by  Venice,  in 
the  one  case,  and  consideration  for  the  Pretender  to  the 
English  throne,  James  III.,  in  the  other,  resulted  in  red  hats 
being  given  to  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia,  Daniel  Delfino,  and 
to  the  Frenchman  Armand  Rohan  de  Soubise.  The  kings  of 
Sardinia  and  Poland  saw  their  efforts  crowned  with  success  in 
the  nominations  of  Carlo  Vittorio  Amadeo  delle  Lanze, 
Elemosiniere  of  Charles  Emmanuel  IIL,  and  Gian  Francesco 
Albani.  Raniero  Simonetti,  internuncio  in  Turin,  nuncio  in 
Naples,  and  Governor  of  Rome,  who  died  as  Bishop  of  Viterbo 
in  1749,  had  probably  no  need  of  the  recommendations  from 
high  quarters  which  he  actually  received  ;  and  the  same  may 
be  said  of  Ferdinand  Julius  Count  Troyer,  an  alumnus  of  the 
German  College  and  Prince  Bishop  of  Olmiitz  since 
1746,  "  an  energetic  and  zealous  pastor,"  who  died  in 
1758.4 

Whereas  the  promotion  of  all  the  foregoing  was  facilitated 
by  their  noble  birth,  that  of  Giambattista  Mesmer,  the  son  of 

1  For  the  various  Cardinals,  cf.  Novaes,  XIV.,  122-7. 

*  *Cod.  Vat.  8545,  p.  1 81-5,  Vatican  Library.  Only  two  were 
nominated  without  reference  to  the  considerations  of  the 
sovereigns. 

*  De  Brimont,  Le  card,  de  Rochefoucauld  et  l ambassade  de 
Rome  1743  a  1748,  Paris,  1913.  The  following  opinion  of  him  as 
envoy  to  Rome  was  expressed  by  Benedict  XIV.  on  October  27, 
1745  (I.,  221)  :  "  Nous  n'avons  pas  assez  de  mots  pour  louer 
I'archeveque  de  Bourges,  type  accompli  d'un  ambassadcur 
ecclesiastique,  dont  la  vie  et  le  respect  qu'il  marque  au  Saint- 
Si^ge  devraient  etre  un  sujet  de  confusion  pour  tant  d'autres." 

*■  Steinhuber,  II.,  280. 


340  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

a  middle-class  family  of  Milan,  was  due  entirely  to  his  own 
ability.  Among  the  others,  too,  who  owed  their  new  dignity 
to  the  recommendations  of  princes,  there  was  considerable 
merit.  Thus  the  protege  of  Spain,  Mendoza,  who  was  ninety 
years  old  when  he  died  in  1761,  was  a  famous  enemy  of  pomp 
and  pride  and  was  known  for  his  perspicacity,  courage,  and 
prudence  ;  his  copious  income  he  distributed  among  the  poor. 
Delfino  of  Aquileia  was  a  model  priest,  a  zealous  Bishop,  and 
very  charitable.  The  death  of  Rochefoucauld  in  1757  was 
lamented  by  the  poor.  Towards  the  close  of  his  life,  which 
ended  in  1784,  the  Piedmontese  Lanze  left  liberal  incomes  to 
be  used  for  the  promotion  of  the  canonization  of  the  poorest 
of  the  poor,  Benedict  Labre  (d.  1783),  and  he  founded  at  his 
last  place  of  residence,  the  Abbey  of  S.  Benigno  di  Fruttuaria, 
a  seminary  in  which  he  maintained  thirty  pupils  at  his  own 
expense.  On  his  elevation  to  the  cardinalate  the  Pope  wrote 
to  him  that  the  honour  was  a  reward  for  his  virtue.^ 

In  July  1747  there  was  another  promotion  to  Cardinal's 
rank  of  an  unusual  nature  :  only  one  admission  was  made  to 
the  Sacred  College,  but  it  was  celebrated  with  an  unwonted 
solemnity.  The  cannon  in  the  Castel  S.  Angelo  were  fired  at 
the  moment  when  the  Pope,  on  July  8th,  was  placing  the  red 
hat  on  the  new  member's  head,  and  when  this  newly  created 
Cardinal  visited  St.  Peter's  in  the  afternoon  he  was  received 
at  the  door  by  four  Canons,  to  the  accompaniment  of  a  peal 
of  bells. 2  The  Cardinal  in  question  was  the  grandson  of  James 
II.  of  England,  Henry,  Duke  of  York.  After  the  battle  of 
Culloden  in  1746  had  deprived  the  Stuarts  of  their  last  hope  of 
obtaining  the  throne  of  England,  the  Duke  of  York  left  Paris 
secretly  on  April  29th,  1747,  for  Rome,  there  to  enter  the 
ecclesiastical  state.  On  June  30th  the  Pope  gave  him  the 
tonsure  with  his  own  hands  and  accorded  him  the  cardinalate  ^  ; 
and  he  had  no  cause  to  regret  this  mark  of  his  favour.  "  The 
Cardinal  of  York,"  he  wrote  at  various  times,  "  is  an  example 

^  CiBRARio,  T.ettere,  251. 

*  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin,  July  12,  1747,  I.,  338. 

'  To  Tencin,  July  5,  1747,  ibid.,  337. 


JEALOUSY   AMONG   THE    POWERS  34I 

to  aU  1  ;  his  conduct  is  irreproachable  and  his  love  of  study 
unbelievable  2  ;  he  is  an  angel  in  human  form  and  edifies  the 
whole  of  Rome."  ^  Duke  Henry  was  made  Bishop  of  Frascati 
in  1761  and  Bishop  of  Ostia  in  1803.  He  died  as  the  last  of 
the  Stuarts  in  1807— a  redeeming  conclusion  to  the  history  of 
an  ill-starred  family.'' 

It  was  not  long  after  the  names  of  the  new  Cardmals  had 
been  announced  that  complaints  came  in  from  Madrid  that 
two  Cardinals,  Mellini  and  Troyer,  had  been  granted  to  the 
Government  of  Vienna  ^  ;  Spain  must  demand  an  honour  of 
equal  value  for  herself.^ 

Petty  jealousies  in  other  quarters  deferred  another  promo- 
tion till  1753,  by  which  time  death  had  brought  about  seven- 
teen gaps  in 'the  Sacred  College.    King  John  V.  of  Portugal, 
after  several  attempts,  succeeded  in  persuading  Rome  to  agree 
to  the  nunciature  in  Lisbon  carrying  with  it  the  practical 
certainty  of  a  future  cardinalship  ;  in  fact  the  nuncio  was  not 
to  leave  Lisbon  without  actually  receiving  his  nomination. 
Lisbon  was  thus  placed  on  the  same  footing  as  Vienna,  Pans, 
and  Madrid.     At  this  point,  however,  the  same  preferential 
treatment  was  claimed  for  himself  by  the  king  of  Sardinia, 
and  when  the  rumour  got  abroad  that  steps  were  being  taken 
to  procure  the  red  hat  for  the  nuncio  in  Turin   (Merlini), 
Poland,  Naples,  and  Venice  objected  to  being  ranked  lower 
than  Sardinia  and  threatened  to  close  the  nunciatures  in  their 
States  if  Sardinia  was  to  be  honoured  more  than  they.  Benedict 

1  To  Tencin,  August  2  and  23  and  November  15.  i747.  ^^^d.. 

342,  346,  364- 

2  To  Tencin,  November  15,  1747,  ^bid.,  364. 
:'  To  Tencin,  May  15,  1748,  ibid.,  404. 

'  Herbert  M.  Vaughan,  The  last  of  the  royal  Stuarts  :  Henry 
Stuart,  Cardinal  Duke  of  York.  London,  1906  ;  A.  Shield,  Henry 
Stuart,  Cardinal  of  York,  and  his  times.  London,  1908.  Cf.  Dublin 
Review,  CXIX.  (1896),  97-120. 

5  Archives  of  the  Spanish  Embassy  to  Rome,  August  and 
September,  1747,  64  and  79. 

«  *Ibid.,  October  1747  :  the  envoy  was  to  "  pcdir  equivalente 
indemnizacion  por  los  capelos  concedidos  a  Vienna  y  Turino  ". 


342  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

XIV.,  not  wanting  the  Church  to  lose  its  influence  in  Turin 
or  to  give  offence  to  the  three  other  Powers,  thought  to  solve 
the  problem  by  keeping  back  one  of  the  red  hats  at  his  disposal 
at  the  next  promotion  and  to  give  it  to  Merlini  after  a  suitable 
interval,  during  which  he  hoped  that  the  three  Powers  would 
have  quietened  down  again. 

There  was  yet  another  difficulty  which  stood  in  the  way  of 
an  early  promotion.  The  Secretary  of  State,  Valenti,  would 
have  liked  his  relative  and  friend,  Gian  Francesco  Stoppani, 
the  nuncio  in  Vienna,  to  be  vested  with  the  purple,  but  at  the 
Diet  of  Frankfort  Stoppani  had  supported  the  election  of  the 
Duke  of  Bavaria,  as  against  that  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
and  consequently  Maria  Theresa,  through  her  representative, 
Cardinal  INIellini,  was  opposing  his  promotion.  Were  Benedict 
to  give  way  to  this  objection  there  was  a  danger  of  the  princes 
conferring  on  themselves  the  right  to  exclusion  in  the  choice 
of  Cardinals,  just  as  they  had  long  claimed  it  in  the  election 
of  a  Pope.  Moreover,  Stoppani 's  action  at  Frankfort  was  only 
in  accordance  with  Papal  orders.  Through  skilful  negotiations 
the  Pope  succeeded  in  overcoming  Maria  Theresa's  objection. ^ 

WTien  at  last  the  long-awaited  promotion  took  place  on 
November  26th,  1753,2  Stoppani,  who  had  represented  the 
Holy  See  in  Florence  and  Venice  besides  Vienna,  was  one  of 
the  five  prelates  who  were  raised  to  the  rank  of  Cardinal  iii 
reward  for  their  services  as  nuncios.  The  other  four  nuncios 
were  Fabrizio  Serbelloni,  Luca  Melchiorre  Tempi,  Carlo 
Francesco  Durini,  and  Enrico  Enriquez  ;  Serbelloni  had  been 
nuncio  in  Florence,  Cologne,  Poland,  and  Vienna  ;  Tempi  in 
Brussels,  Cologne,  and  Lisbon  ;  Durini  in  Switzerland  and 
Paris  ^  ;  Enriquez  in  Madrid.  Cosmo  Imperiali,  Vincenzo 
Malvezzi,  and  Gian  Giacomo  Millo  *  had  long  been  personal 

1  NovAES,  XIV.,  195  ;  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin,  September  12, 
1753,  I.,  290  seq.  ;    Tomassetti,  Palazzo  Vidoni,  44  seq. 

^  NovAEs,  XIV.,  208  seqq. 

'  A  crucifix  presented  by  Louis  XV.  to  the  nuncio  Durini  is 
in  the  Durini  Gallery,  Milan. 

*  For  the  tomb  of  Millo  (d.  1757)  in  S.  Crisogono,  see  Domarus, 
Bracci,  59. 


THE   CARDINALITIAL   CREATIONS    OF    1753  343 

friends  of  the  Pope.  Imperiali  had  been  governor  of  various 
towns,  lastly  of  Rome,  also  President  of  the  Archives  and  the 
Annona.  The  Bolognese  Malvezzi  had  been  made  a  canon  by 
Lambertini  when  Archbishop  of  Bologna  ;  on  Lambertini 
becoming  Pope,  Malvezzi  was  summoned  by  him  to  Rome 
and  was  appointed  his  successor  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of 
Bologna  in  1754.  Millo  had  been  Lambertini's  Vicar  General 
in  Ancona  and  Bologna  ;  he,  too,  was  called  to  Rome  when 
Lambertini  became  Pope  and  was  given  by  him  the  posts  of 
Datarius  and  Prefect  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Council. 
Like  Imperiali,  Gian  Francesco  Banchieri,  Ludovico  Maria 
Torrigiani,  and  Luigi  Mattei  had  made  their  mark  as  civil 
officials  :  Banchieri  as  treasurer,  Torrigiani  as  governor  (on 
Archinto's  death  he  was  made  Secretary  of  State  in  1758), 
and  Mattei  as  an  official  in  the  Fabbrica  of  St.  Peter's,  as 
Auditor  of  the  Camerlengo,  and  as  Vicar  of  St.  Peter's.  Flavio 
Chigi  had  occupied  various  positions  in  the  Apostolic  Chamber, 
while  Giuseppe  Livizzani  had  been  universally  admired  as 
Secretary  of  the  Memorials. ^  Antonio  Andrea  Galli,  Canon 
Regular  of  the  Holy  Redeemer  and  General  of  his  Congrega- 
tion, owed  his  new  dignity  to  the  recommendation  of  an  able 
theologian  of  unknown  identity  who  for  thirty  years  was 
consultor  to  the  Holy  Office  but  whose  delicate  health  had 
made  him  unwilling  to  become  a  Bishop  or  a  Cardinal.  Bene- 
dict XIV.  had  once  asked  this  good  friend  of  his  to  name  the 
ablest  of  the  theologians  who  were  free  from  any  partisanship. 
He  replied  that  there  were  only  two  :  Galli  and  Mancini.  The 
Pope  chose  the  elder  of  the  two,  GaUi,  who  was  incidentally 
a  Bolognese.  A  man  of  particularly  interesting  character  was 
Clemente  Argenvilliers,  a  Roman  of  low  estate,  who  by  his  own 
efforts  had  become  a  famous  advocate  in  the  Curia.  A  summer 
holiday  spent  at  Ariccia  brought  this  capable  person  in  touch 
with  the  Pope  at  Castel  Gandolfo,  and  after  the  promotion  of 

1  On  Livizzani's  falling  ill,  Benedict  XIV.  wrote  to  Tencin  on 
March  27,  1754  (II.,  329)  :  "  On  craint  beaucoup  pour  lui  a  notre 
grand  regret  at  a  celui  de  tout  le  monde,  tant  il  est  aime  pour 
I'exactitude  et  la  douceur  qu'il  a  mises  a  toutes  ses  fonctioris." 


344  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

1743  the  Pope,  despite  the  strong  objections  made  by  Valenti 
and  others,  made  him  his  Auditor.  Argenvilliers  was  most 
outspoken  but  he  gained  the  Pope's  confidence.  He  was  known 
as  the  Seneca  of  the  Curia  ;  a  tall,  spare  man  of  chilly  and 
severe  demeanour,  he  bore*  also  a  physical  resemblance  to  the 
Roman  philosopher,  whose  appearance  was  well  knowTi  by 
his  bust.i 

At  the  opening  of  the  promotion  of  1753  the  Pope  announced 
that  he  had  reserved  two  Cardinals  in  petto  in  1747  but  that  in 
the  meantime  both  of  them  had  died.  It  was  surmised  that 
the  persons  in  question  were  Ormeo  and  Galiani. 

Merlini,  therefore,  was  not  made  a  Cardinal  in  1753  and 
in  his  vexation  at  this  omission  the  king  of  Sardinia  closed  the 
nunciature  in  Turin.  He  did  not,  however,  recall  his  envoy 
from  Rome,  so  that  there  was  still  some  hope  of  friendly 
relations  being  restored,  especially  as  the  Pope  had  reserved 
two  Cardinals  in  petto  in  1753,  with  the  intention  of  publishing 
their  names  when  circumstances  were  sufficiently  favourable 
to  allow  of  his  doing  so.  As  it  happened,  however,  a  return 
of  favourable  conditions  were  awaited  in  vain  until  the 
Napoleonic  period. ^ 

In  the  promotion  of  1753  the  claims  of  only  the  Apennine 
peninsula  were  met  ;  in  that  of  the  following  year  a  foreigner, 
namely  a  Spaniard,  was  given  the  red  hat,  besides  another 
Italian.^  Both  were  famous  as  Bishops.  Antonio  Sersale, 
Bishop  of  Brindisi  in  1743,  Archbishop  of  Taranto  in  1750, 
and  Archbishop  of  Naples  in  1754,  was  promoted  on  April 
22nd  ;  when  he  died  in  1775  he  had  acquired  the  reputation  of 
being  an  untiring  and  extraordinarily  zealous  guardian  of  the 
spiritual  and  temporal  welfare  of  the  poor,  for  whom,  especially 

^  *Merenda,  loc.  cit.  *Description  of  the  nominated  Cardinals 
in  the  Archives  of  the  Spanish  Embassy  to  Rome,  September  12, 

1754- 

-  NovAES,  XIV.,  196,  215.  The  king  was  still  friendly  at  heart, 
wrote  Benedict  to  Tencin  on  December  4,  1754  (I.,  376),  realizing 
that  Merlini's  nomination  would  have  meant  the  closing  of  three 
nunciatures. 

'  NovAES,  XIV.,  225  seq. 


THE    CARDINALITIAL   CREATIONS    OF    1 756  345 

in  the  famine  of  1764,  he  had  not  only  founded  hospitals 
and  pledged  his  silver  plate  but  had  even  contracted  debts. 
Luis  Fernandez  de  Cordova,  dean  of  the  chapter  of  Toledo, 
had  waived  his  right  to  the  rich  inheritance  which  devolved  on 
him  on  the  death  of  his  brother  ;  after  he  had  been  made 
a  Cardinal  at  the  instigation  of  King  Ferdinand  VI.  the 
archbishopric  of  Toledo  had  to  be  forced  upon  him.  He  died 
in  1771  with  the  reputation  of  a  pastor  who  might  well  have 
lived  in  early  Christian  times  :  modest,  unassuming,  an  enemy 
of  luxury  and  idleness,  but  charitable  to  the  last  degree. 
Benedict  XIV.  had  formally  to  apologize  to  his  friend  Tencin 
for  conferring  the  purple  on  a  foreigner  ^  but  it  did  not  mean 
that  Spain  was  to  have  another  Cardinal's  hat,  for  at  the 
same  Consistory  of  December  18th  at  which  Fernandez  was 
promoted  the  Cardinal  Infante  Luis  de  Bourbon  resigned  both 
the  purple  and  his  two  bishoprics  of  Toledo  and  Seville.  Thus 
there  was  no  cause  for  any  other  nation  to  demand  another 
Cardinal's  hat  for  itself.  It  would  seem  that  it  was  not  blind 
prejudice  in  favour  of  his  compatriots  that  caused  the  Pope 
to  promote  only  Italians  the  year  before  ;  the  conferment  of 
distinctions  on  foreigners  was  clearly  a  matter  that  called  for 
extreme  caution. 

This  careful  weighing  of  the  pros  and  cons,  and  the  endea- 
vour to  be  fair  to  all  the  Powers,  were  shown  in  Benedict  XIV. 's 
last  promotion,  that  of  April  5th,  1756, ^  which  came  about  as 
the  result  of  the  representations  made  by  the  envoys,  Choiseul, 
the  French  representative,  having  persuaded  all  his  colleagues 
to  make  a  joint  demand  for  another  nomination  of 
Cardinals.^  Benedict  acceded  to  their  request,  and  on  this 
occasion  the  choice  of  every  nominee  was  influenced  by  the 
proposals  made  by  the  various  sovereigns.  Maria  Theresa 
had  recommended  the  Archbishop  of  Vienna  and  Imperial 
Councillor,  Johannes  Joseph  Trautson  of  Rodt-Busmanns- 
hausen,  Spain  the  Archbishop  of  Seville,  Francisco  de  Solis 

^  To  Tencin,  December  18,  1754,  I.,  380. 
-  NovAES,  XIV.,  238  seqq. 

'  To  Tencin,  March  31,  1756,  II.,  488  ;  *Merenda,  fo.  151  seq., 
loc.  cit. 


346  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Folch  de  Cardona,  Portugal  the  Patriarch  of  Lisbon,  Francisco 
de  Saldanha  da  Cama.  Louis  XV.  had  proposed  his  Grand 
Ahnoner,  Nicolas  de  SauLx  de  Tavannes,  Archbishop  of  Rouen, 
Poland  the  Bishop  of  Beauvais,  Etienne  Rene  de  Gesvres. 
Even  England's  interests  were  considered,  since  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Sens,  Paul  d'Albert  de  Luynes,  owed  his  promotion 
to  the  petitions  of  James  IIL  The  vacancy  which  Venice 
might  have  claimed  remained  unfilled,  owing  to  the  Signoria 
having  issued  an  anticlerical  decree.^  Merlini  was  again  passed 
over  on  this  occasion  ;  the  Pope  wrote  to  Turin  that  his 
nomination  could  not  take  place  until  the  nunciature  there  was 
reopened.2  Sardinia,  however,  had  its  share  in  the  honours 
paid  to  the  Great  Powers,  inasmuch  as  the  Archbishop  of 
Turin,  Giambattista  Rovero,  was  also  given  the  red  hat. 
After  considering  the  interests  of  so  many  others,  the  Pope 
was  entitled  to  think  of  his  own,  which  he  did  by  admitting 
to  the  Sacred  College  Alberico  Archinto,  formerly  nuncio  in 
Florence  and  Poland  and,  after  Valenti's  death.  Secretary  of 
State  from  September  1756  onwards.  Although  State  interests 
played  the  decisive  part  in  these  nominations,  it  was  definitely 
acknowledged  that  all  the  persons  selected  were  worthy 
prelates. 

The  promotion  of  1756  was  the  last  to  take  place  under 
Benedict  XIV.  In  seven  promotions  he  had  raised  sixty-six 
persons  to  the  purple. 

(6) 

Benedict  XIV. 's  claim  to  greatness  rests  not  only  on  his 
constructive  activity  as  a  legislator  but  also  on  his  services 

'  To  Tencin,  II.,  488  ;    cf.  490. 

-  *Merenda,  loc.  cit.  The  fact  that  Merlini's  nomination  was 
out  of  the  question  solved  a  difficulty  that  had  arisen  with  the 
Court  of  Naples,  which  had  demanded,  in  the  event  of  Merlini's 
promotion,  the  red  hat  for  the  Neapolitan  nuncio  Gualtieri 
[ibid.).  "  *Pendenze  coUa  corte  di  Napoli  rispetto  all  promozione 
al  cardinalato  del  Nunzio  Apost.  alia  corte  di  Torino."  Bon- 
compagni  Archives,  Naples,  Benedetto  XIV.  F  44  ;    cf.  E  129. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND   THE    CENSORSHIP       347 

in  checking  anticlerical  views  and  tendencies  through  his 
reorganization  of  the  censorship. 

As  soon  as  he  had  ascended  the  throne  he  was  called  upon 
to  deal  with  an  embarrassing  affair  left  to  him  as  a  legacy  from 
his  predecessor.  It  originated  in  a  literary  undertaking.  In 
1739  a  bookseller  in  Venice  had  begun  the  printing  of  an 
Italian  translation  of  Fleury's  history  of  the  Church.  Fleury's 
Gallicanism  and  the  pro-Jansenist  attitude  of  Fabre,  who 
continued  his  work,  had  induced  Cardinal  Corsini  in  the  time 
of  Clement  XII.  to  demand  the  suppression  of  the  book  by 
the  Signoria.  This  was  also  desired  by  the  French  Government, 
to  escape  the  indignation  of  the  Jansenists  which  any  action 
of  the  Index  against  Fleury  was  expected  to  arouse.  But 
when  Benedict  XIV.  renewed  in  Venice  the  demands  put 
forward  by  Corsini,  the  reply  was  that  the  French  edition  of 
Fleury's  work  was  being  sold  openly  in  Rome  and  was  in 
everybody's  hands,  so  that  the  suppression  of  the  translation 
would  simply  cause  bewilderment.  Besides,  the  printing  of 
the  Italian  version  had  already  begun.  Benedict  got  out  of  the 
difficulty  by  making  the  publisher  a  present  of  200  pistoles  to 
indemnify  him  for  the  sheets  which  had  already  been 
composed.^ 

More  important  than  this  particular  step  was  Benedict 
XIV. 's  legislation  for  the  administration  of  the  censorship. 
He  had  been  thinking  of  reorganizing  it,  he  wrote, ^  since  the 
second  year  of  his  pontificate.  In  the  time  preceding  the 
appearance  of  his  own  constitution  on  the  subject  in  1753  ^ 
he  had  ample  opportunity  of  gaining  personal  experience  in 
it.  He  stated  in  his  Bull  *  that  both  in  the  Inquisition  and  in 
the  Index — that  is  to  say  in  the  two  Congregations  that 
concerned  themselves  with  literary  productions — he  had  taken 
a  personal  part  in  the  examination  of  suspected  works  and  he 
could  vouch  for  the  abundant  reflection  and  good  sense  with 

'  Heeckeren,  I.,  xxi.   Cf.  Analecta  iuris  pontif.,  XX.,  513  seqq. 

*  To  Tencin,  October  3,  1753,  II.,  294. 
'  On  July  9,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  39  seqq. 

*  Ibid. 


34^  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES 

which  the  task  was  done.  This  did  not  mean,  however,  that 
no  mistakes  were  made.  The  examination  of  the  writings, 
wrote  Benedict  himself/  had  not  always  been  what  it  should, 
either  because  it  had  been  entrusted  to  persons  of  insufficient 
knowledge  of  the  subject  in  question  or  because  the  examiners 
had  been  lacking  in  circumspection.  For  the  most  part  the 
censorship  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Dominicans  ;  while  the 
Holy  See  expressed  its  recognition  that  this  famous  Order  led 
the  way  in  theology  and  was  capable  of  giving  a  trustworthy 
judgment  of  what  was  consistent  with  the  principles  of  the 
Faith  and  what  was  not,  there  was  another  side  to  the  picture  : 
the  Preacher  Friars  were  saddled  with  the  burden  of 
invidiousness  inseparable  from  their  judicial  office,  and  they 
would  have  been  angels  instead  of  men  if  they  had  prevented 
the  value  they  placed  on  their  own  views  from  at  least 
colouring  their  judgments.  As  a  natural  consequence,  those 
adversely  affected  were  embittered.  When  the  Spanish 
Inquisition  took  it  upon  itself  to  prohibit  the  first  fourteen 
volumes  of  the  work  produced  by  the  BoUandists,  solely 
because  Elias  had  not  been  recognized  as  the  founder  of  the 
Carmelites,  the  Flandro-Belgian  province  of  the  Jesuits 
proposed  at  the  ensuing  General  Congregation  that  the  Pope 
be  asked  to  grant  the  Jesuits  the  privilege  of  not  having  their 
books  censored  by  the  Dominicans,  a  similar  privilege, 
according  to  report,  being  already  possessed  by  the  Fran- 
ciscans.^  When  one  remembers  that  it  was  not  young  hot- 
heads who  were  chosen  as  delegates  to  the  General  Congrega- 
tions, such  a  proposal  is  a  striking  proof  of  the  degree  of 
intensity  which  the  discontent  had  reached  ...  a  discontent 
which  led  to  further  regrettable  expressions.  The  Jesuit 
Raynaud  considered  it  his  duty  to  expose  his  grievances  to 
the  general  public,^  which  was  certainly  not  seemly.    It  was 

'  To  Tencin,  August  i,  1753,  II.,  281. 

*  AstrAin,  VI.,  355. 

;  "  De  immunitate  authorum  Cyriacorum  a  ccnsura.  Diatribe 
Petri  a  Valle  clausa  "  :  Opera,  XX.,  267  seq.  It  need  scarcely 
be  said  that  the  work  was  put  on  the  Index  (in  1662). 


DISSATISFACTION    WITH   THE    INDEX  349 

curious,  he  wrote,  that  books  written  by  Dominicans  hardly 
ever  appeared  in  the  Index,  although  the  weaknesses  they 
displayed  were  numerous  enough  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Franciscan  Archbishop  MacCaughwell  (d.  1626)  had  com- 
plained that  it  was  especially  the  members  of  his  Order  and 
the  Jesuits  who  were  treated  tyrannically. ^  Works  by 
thoroughly  Catholic  writers,  continued  Raynaud,  were 
frequently  pilloried  together  with  the  productions  of  all  kinds 
of  gaol-birds  ;  what  was  especially  noticeable  was  that  there 
appeared  regularly  among  atheists,  heretics,  and  pornographers 
the  name  of  a  Jesuit.  An  even  more  deplorable  effect  of  these 
conditions  was  the  loosening  of  discipline  within  the  Orders. 
Without  obtaining  the  approval  of  their  Superiors,  which 
was  prescribed  by  the  constitution  of  their  Order,  writers 
who  had  been  found  wanting  by  the  Index  published  written 
defences  on  the  plea  that  the  authority  to  defend  their  good 
name  was  a  natural  right  that  preceded  any  statutory  ordi- 
nance. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  books  were  put  on  the  Index  which 
offered  no  scandal  at  all,  but  many  people  thought  that  works 
which  taken  by  and  large  were  useful  should  be  treated  more 
leniently,  by  overlooking  their  minor  blemishes. 

Grievances  of  this  nature  were  raised  in  the  first  years  of 
Benedict  XIV. 's  reign.  In  1744  a  Jesuit  work  was  prohibited 
in  a  manner  likely  to  offend  the  honour  of  the  Order  in  its 
most  susceptible  spot.  Bernardino  Benzi,  professor  of  moral 
philosophy  in  Venice,  had  published  in  1743  a  booklet  on 
reserved  cases  in  the  diocese  of  Venice,  namely  cases  in  which 
an  ordinary  confessor  was  not  empowered  to  absolve  the 
penitent.^  In  this  little  work  Benzi  had  maintained  that 
certain  sins  against  chastity — not,  however,  those  of  the 
most  serious  nature — did  not  in  certain  circumstances  come 
under  tlie  reservation.    Benzi  was  thereupon  opposed  by  the 

»  Ibid.,  268,  313. 

*  Cordara  in  Dollinger,  Beitrdge,  III.,  11  ;  Reusch,  II.,  818. 
A  *report  on  Benzi's  work  in  the  Papal  Secret  Archives,  Regolari, 
See.  lesu,  58. 


350  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Dominican  Concina,  who  in  his  "  Letters  on  Moral  Theology  " 
wrongly  ascribed  to  his  opponent  the  statement  that  the 
matters  in  question  were  not  sins  at  all.  By  prohibiting 
Benzi's  work  on  April  16th,  1744,  the  Congregation  of  the 
Index  seemed  to  side  with  Concina.  Benzi  submitted,  but 
two  of  his  fellow-religious  took  it  upon  themselves  to  publish 
anonymously  two  works  intended  to  dispel  the  shadow  which 
the  prohibition  had  cast  over  the  whole  Order.  When  the 
names  of  the  authors,  Faure  and  Castellini,  were  discovered, 
the  Inquisition  was  about  to  take  action  against  them,  when 
the  Pope  intervened  and  dealt  with  the  case  himself  ;  the 
upshot  was  that  the  General  of  the  Order  had  to  impose 
a  heavy  penance  on  the  two  religious.  Meanwhile  Benzi's 
banned  work  was  withdrawn  from  circulation,  while  Concina's 
reply  was  read  as  much  as  before.  Consequently  the  dispute 
went  on  1  ;  a  bitter  satire  against  Concina  was  also  put  on 
the  Index,  until  finally,  on  February  19th,  1746,  the  Inquisi- 
tion issued  an  order  to  the  Generals  of  both  Orders  forbidding 
any  further  polemical  writings.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
quarrel  Benedict  XIV.  had  remarked  ^  that  the  trouble  with 
the  Jesuits  was  that,  unlike  other  religious  bodies,  they  made 
an  individual's  business  the  business  of  the  whole  Society. 

Five  years  later  there  was  more  trouble  of  the  kind.  In 
1722  the  French  Jesuit  Dominique  de  Colonia  had  had 
published  a  list  of  Jansenist  or  pro-Jansenist  writings  with 
short  extracts  or  characterizations.^  It  appeared  in  its  fifth 
edition  in  1744  and  especially  as  revised  by  Patouillet  in  1752 
is  still  of  value  for  the  historian.    A  decree  of  the  Index  of 

*  Some  of  the  controversial  writings  in  Sommervogel, 
Bibliotheque,  I.,  1316.  According  to  Cordara  (in  Dollinger, 
III.,  11),  they  were  not  concerned  with  the  condemned  passage 
but  with  other  misrepresentations  made  by  Concina. 

2  To  Tencin,  June  17,  1744,  I.,  143. 

'  "  BibHoth^que  Janseniste  ou  catalogue  alphab^tique  des 
livres  Jansenistes,  Qucsncllistes,  Baianistes  ou  suspects  de  ces 
erreurs,"  [Lyon]  1722,  1731,  1735,  I739,  i744  ',  "  Dictionnaire 
des  Hvres  Jansenistes  ou  qui  favorisent  le  Jansenismc,"  Anvers, 
1752.    Cf.  Sommervogel,  II.,  1328,  VI.,  355  ;    Reusch,  II.,  832. 


THE    "  JANSENIST   LIBRARY  35I 

September  20th,  1749,  directed  against  De  Colonia,  and 
another  of  March  11th,  1754,  against  Patouillet,  condemned 
the  work  as  containing  much  that  was  false  and  ill-considered 
and  offensive  to  Catholic  schools  and  writers,  including 
individuals  on  whom  high  ecclesiastical  honours  had  been 
conferred.  1  This  was  probably  an  allusion  to  Cardinal  Noris, 
who  on  the  authority  of  the  "  Jansenist  Library  "  had  been 
put  on  the  Spanish  Index.  Circumstances  rendering  it  im- 
possible to  have  Noris  removed  from  the  latter,  its  source  was 
put  on  the  Roman  Index.^  The  condemnation  of  the  "  Jan- 
senist Library  "  was  regarded  by  the  Jansenists,  however,  as 
a  victory  for  them.  In  France,  complained  Bishop  Champflour 
of  Mirepoix,  the  struggle  against  Jansenism  was  being  waged 
night  and  day,  and  now  all  efforts  were  rendered  null  and  void 
by  a  single  stroke  of  the  pen  in  Rome.=^  The  Spanish  Minister 
Carvajal  and  the  Court  Confessor  Rabago  expressed  their 
astonishment  that  declared  enemies  of  the  Church  should 
find  protection  in  Rome  and  that  the  Jansenists  should  be 
able  to  brag  about  it.*  Benedict  was  not  unaffected  by  these 

1  Copy  of  the  decree  in  Miguelez,  442.  The  "  Bibliotheque  " 
has  now  been  removed  from  the  Index. 

"  Cf.  above,  p.  235. 

»  "  *che  in  Francia  si  faticava  giorno  e  notte  per  reprimere  et 
annientire  il  Giansenismo,  et  in  Roma  con  un  tratto  di  penna 
si  guastava  tutto  "  (to  Valenti,  December  i,  1749,  Nunziat.  di 
Francia,  Cifre  491,  Papal  Secret  Archives).  For  Tencin's 
♦complaints  about  the  decree,  see  Durini's  letter  to  Valenti  on 
December  29,  1749  {ibid.).  For  the  ill-feeling  among  the  Catholics 
and  the  jubilation  of  the  Jansenists,  cf.  *Durini's  letters  to 
Valenti,  of  November  24,  December  i  and  29,  1749,  and  January 
5,  1750  {ibid.). 

*  *Carvajal  to  Portocarrero,  April  13,  1751,  Archives  of  the 
Spanish  Embassy  in  Rome,  Reales  6rdenes  ;  Rabago  to  the 
same  on  April  13  and  May  18,  1751,  ibid.  Exped.  65/1.  A.  M. 
Weiss  {Lebensweg  und  Lebenswerk,  Freiburg,  1925,  5^4)  •  "  When 
the  invaluable  Bibl.  des  livres  Jansdnistes  was  put  on  the  Index 
on  account  of  a  few  mistakes,  their  [the  Jansenists']  respect  for 
this  institution  knew  no  bounds." 


352  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

complaints,  especially  as  the  condemnation  encouraged  the 
rumour  that  he  himself  was  in  favour  of  the  Jansenists. 
Against  the  talk  of  the  Jansenists,  he  vvrote,^  he  was  power- 
less ;  the  journals  printed  whatever  they  liked.  As  for  his 
attitude  towards  Jansenism,  he  had  already  given  sufficient 
proofs.  But  he  allowed  all  Catholic  currents  of  thought  to 
have  their  freedom,  and  if  a  school  were  unjustly  attacked  he 
would  take  its  part.  A  book  such  as  the  "  Jansenist  Library  " 
which  stamped  as  Jansenists  so  many  men  of  high  rank,  piety, 
and  scholarship  could  not  be  endured,  even  if  its  condemnation 
were  to  give  offence. 

The  condemnation  had  an  unpleasant  sequel.  The  Jesuit 
Lazzeri  opposed  it  in  a  WTiting  ^  in  which  he  held  that  the 
decree  against  the  "  Jansenist  Library  "  was  solely  the  work 
of  Ricchini,  the  Secretary  to  the  Index,  who  had  persuaded 
the  Pope  that  it  would  be  an  effective  answer  to  the  prohibi- 
tion of  Cardinal  Noris's  works  by  the  Spanish  Index.  The 
monks  employed  in  the  Index  should  be  replaced  by  prelates 
of  learning,  maintained  Lazzeri,  since,  as  a  result  of  their 
work,  the  prohibitions  of  the  Index  were  being  treated  with 
utter  contempt.  The  censure  passed  on  Lazzeri's  wTiting, 
namely  that  it  contained  false,  rash,  scandalous,  and  rebel- 
lious passages,  which  were  also  insulting  to  the  Holy  See,  was 
fuUy  deserved.  But  even  then  the  author  refused  to  hold  his 
peace.  Ironically  he  thanked  Ricchini  for  the  prohibition, 
which  had  once  again  displayed  the  partiality  of  the  Index,  for 
whereas  Ricchini  had  taken  his  writing  so  ill,  he  had  appro\-ed 
of  Lorenzo  Berti's  apology,  had  violently  attacked  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Vienne,  and  had  left  untouched  the  writings  of 
Bishop  Caylus  of  Auxerre,  in  wliich  Benedict  XIV.  had  been 
numbered  among  the  Jansenists.^ 


'  To  Tencin,  January  21,  1750,  II.,  4  seq. 

•  Episiola  Doctoris  Sorbonici  ad  amicuni  Belgam,  Parisiis  [?], 
1749. 

"  '  Sorbonici  Doctoris  ad  Rev.  Ricchiiiiiim  .  .  .  gratiarum  actio, 
quod  cpistolam  Sorbonicam  nomine  s.  Congrcgationis  proscribendo 
confirmavcrit  '  [no  place  or  date  of  publication]. 


pichon's  book  on  frequent  communion       353 

Following  closely  on  Lazzeri's  heels,  the  gifted  but  quick- 
tempered Jesuit  Faure  published  a  pamphlet  which  according 
to  its  title  was  a  commentary  on  the  Bull  concerned  with  the 
constitution  of  the  Inquisition  but  was  actually  a  bitter 
criticism  of  the  methods  employed  by  the  Dominicans  in  the 
Inquisition.  The  reason  for  the  Inquisition  being  in  disrepute, 
he  alleged,  was  not  the  organization  itself  but  the  way  in  which 
it  was  managed.  This  time  seven  years  went  by  before  this 
work,  too,  was  included  in  the  list  of  forbidden  books.  More- 
over, Benedict  XIV.  appointed  Lazzeri  as  a  consultor  to  the 
Index.  ^ 

Cordara's  opinion,  given  many  years  afterwards,  on  the 
conditions  prevailing  at  this  time  was  that  the  judging  of 
books  by  the  Index  was  in  the  hands  of  the  eight  consultors, 
four  of  whom  were  always  Dominicans,  who  formed  a  party 
against  the  Jesuits  ;  moreover,  one  of  the  four  was  the 
influential  commissary.  Among  the  Cardinals  of  the  Index 
had  been  Passionei,  Tamburini,  Spinelli,  and  Orsi,  all  of  whom 
were  hostile  to  the  Jesuits  ;  it  was  not  surprising,  therefore, 
that  almost  every  book  that  had  been  denounced  was  also 
condemned.^ 

Almost  simultaneously  with  the  condemnation  of  the 
"  Jansenist  Library ",  another  agitation  arose  in  France 
over  Pichon's  book  on  frequent  Communion.^  Three  complete 
issues  of  the  Jansenist  Noiivelles  Ecclesiastiques  *  were  devoted 
to  an  attack  on  Pichon,  and  the  appellant  Caylus,  Bishop  of 
Auxerre,  railed  against  both  the  book  and  the  Jesuits.  For 
a  time  it  looked  as  if  "  Pichonism  "  would  cause  a  split  among 
the  Bishops. 5 

^  SoMMERVOGEL,  BibUotheque ,  1609. 

-  DoLLiNGER,  Beitrdge,  III.,  11  seq. 

^  Cf.  above,  pp.  236  seq.  and  Picox,  III.,  136-9  ;  Regnault. 
I.,  142-153  ;    Reusch,  II.,  453  seqq. 

*  Of  February  20  and  27  and  March  6,  1747,  Regnault,  I.,  144, 

^  "  *Dubito,  che  siamo  alia  vigilia  di  una  scissura  fra  i  vescovl 
di  Francia  a  cento  del  note  libro  della  frequente  comunione  dei 
P.  Pichon,  Gesuita  Lorenese  "  (Durini  to  Valenti,  December  29, 
1749,  Nunziat.  di   Francia,   Cifre   491,   Papal   Secret  Archives). 

VOL.  XXXV.  Aa 


354  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Rome,  it  appears,  was  at  first  in  favour  of  the  book,^  but 
afterwards  changed  its  opinion.  On  December  16th,  1748, 
and  September  11th,  1750,  it  was  prohibited  by  the  Inquisi- 
tion. In  a  letter  written  to  the  Archbishop  of  Paris  from 
Strasbourg  on  Januar>  24th,  1748,  Pichon  had  already  publicly 
recanted. 2  The  case  was  comparable  to  that  of  Arnauld,  who 
had  escaped  the  Index.  Some  j^ears  later  the  Jesuit  Faure 
delivered  to  the  Master  of  the  Sacred  Palace  a  refutation  of 
Arnauld's  book  on  frequent  Communion,  but  Cardinal  Corsini 
had  been  prejudiced  against  Faure  by  Foggini,^  with  the 
result  that  the  work  did  not  appear  till  1791.^ 

In  the  censoring  of  another  book  the  merits  of  its  learned 
author  were  taken  into  consideration  by  Benedict  XIV.  A 
decree  issued  by  the  Bavarian  Elector,  Max  Joseph,  provided 
his  Court  Confessor,  the  Jesuit  Daniel  Stadler,  with  the 
opportunity  of  writing  at  length  on  the  evils  of  duelling.^ 
From  the  theological  and  historical  viewpoint  the  work  was 


For  Rastignac  (see  above,  p.  237)  cf.  also  *Durini  to  Valenti  on 
April  8,  1748,  ihid.  Rastignac  is  called  here  "  I'antesignano  di 
questo  fuoco  ".  *Durini  to  Valenti  on  April  28,  1749  {ibid.)  : 
Rastignac  "  diede  la  mossa  a  tutte  le  condanne  et  lettere  pastorali 
uscite  contro  il  libro  del  P.  Pichon  ". 

^  On  January  17,  1748,  Valenti  *warned  the  nuncio  Durini 
not  to  give  any  cause  "  di  far  trionfare  quelli  che  sostengono 
opinione  di  rigorismo  contro  il  vero  spirito  della  Chiesa  ". 
Nunziat.  di  Francia,  Cifre  442,  ibid.  Cf.  Benedict  to  Tencin, 
July  24,  1748,  I.,  417. 

2  Regnault,  I.,  145  ;  SoMMERVOGEL,  VI.,  718  ;  Reusch,  II. , 
453  seq. 

^  "  *Memoria  per  I'Em.  Feroni  che  concerne  le  difficolta 
incontrate  del  P.  Faure  nella  stampa  d'un  suo  libro,  con  vari 
fogli  annessi  a  questa  materia  "  [November  28,  1755],  Papal 
Secret  Archives,  Regolari,  Soc.  lesu  58. 

^    SOMMERVOGEL,   III.,  566. 

*  Tractatus  de  duello  honoris  vindice,  Ingolstadt,  1751.  For  the 
author,  see  Duhr  in  Miscellanea  Fr.  Ehrle,  III.,  Rome,  1924, 
239  seqq.  ;  for  the  condemnation,  see  Duhr,  Gesch.,  IV.,  2, 
397  seq.  ;    Reusch,  II..  823  seq.  ;    Friedrich,  Beitrdge,  84. 


STADLER  S   TREATISE    ON   THE    DUEL  355 

soundly  done/  but  Stadler  asserted  that  if  one  disregarded 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  prohibitions  and  decided  to  discuss  the 
lawfuhiess  of  duelling  from  the  standpoint  of  the  natural  law, 
on  purely  rational  grounds,  duelling  was  permissible  in  certain 
extreme  cases.  This  would  hold  good,  he  opined,  in  a  State 
in  which  complete  anarchy  reigned.  The  work  was  denounced 
in  Rome. 2  The  two  objectionable  statements  completed 
Benedict  XIV. 's  collection  of  false  tenets  on  the  subject  of 
duelling,  five  of  which  he  condemned  in  a  special  con- 
stitution of  November  10th,  1752.^  Otherwise  the  Pope  dealt 
gently  with  Stadler,  and  his  book  was  not  prohibited.  He  had 
wanted,  he  wrote  to  Tencin,^  to  show  his  displeasure  with  the 
scandal  of  duelling  in  Germany,  which  Stadler  had  treated 
too  leniently.  It  had  been  impossible  for  him  to  preserve 
complete  silence  on  the  matter,  as  the  statements  complained 
of  had  also  been  made  by  other  theologians.  He  had  privately 
instructed  the  author  to  alter  the  censored  passages,  and  to 
give  him  time  to  improve  them  he  had  postponed  the  publica- 
tion of  the  condemned  theses.  The  required  improvement, 
he  added,  had  been  carried  out.  In  January  1753  Stadler 
addressed  himself  to  Rome,  to  declare  his  submission  but  at 
the  same  time  to  complain  that  his  opponents  and  those  of 
the  Jesuits  in  general  were  now  representing  the  affair  as 
though  the  Bull  against  duelling  were  aimed  against  him 
alone,  whereas  of  the  five  tenets  which  had  been  condemned 
only  the  last  two  were  his  and  even  these  had  been  advanced 
by  other  theologians.^  A  Brief  of  March  3rd,  1753,^  commended 
the  Court  Confessor  on  his  obedience  ;  the  Pope,  it  was 
stated,  had  no  other  intention  but  of  depriving  duelling  of 

1  Cf.  Hist.-polit.  Blatter,  LXX.,  159  ;  Hurter,  Nomenclator, 
V.',  240  seq. 

^  Perhaps  by  the  Franciscans.  *Oefele  to  Lori,  December  12, 
1751,  State  Library,  Munich,  Oefeliana,  63,  VII. 

=»  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  18. 

*  November  29,  1742,  and  January  3,  1753,  II.,  229,  235. 

^  *Amort  to  Bassi,  December  26,  1752,  State  Library,  Munich, 
Clm  1408,  No.  73. 

•  Acta,  II.,  127. 


356  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

any  possible  defence  ;  the  other  three  condemned  tenets  had 
originated  with  the  Franciscans  Reiffenstuel  and  Sporer  and 
the  Dominican  Milante.^  To  Tencin  the  Pope  wrote  ^  that 
the  Bavarian  Jesuit  could  have  no  cause  to  complain  about 
him. 

At  about  this  time  Benedict  gave  further  evidence  of  his 
leniency  in  his  treatment  of  another  German  scholar.  Johann 
Kaspar  Barthel,  professor  of  canon  law  in  Wiirzburg,  was 
accused  in  Rome  of  having  allowed  expressions  detrimental 
to  the  Holy  See  to  appear  in  his  lecture  notes.  Barthel  defended 
himself  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Pope,  and  the  charges 
made  against  him  had  no  further  result. ^ 

While  dealing  with  Stadler's  case,  Benedict  was  preparing 
the  constitution  which  was  to  obviate  the  many  complaints 
which  were  being  made  against  the  Index,  whether  justified 
or  not.  The  constitution  appeared  on  July  9th,  1753,*  and 
was  retained  unaltered  when  the  Index  was  reorganized  under 
Leo  XIII.  In  it  Benedict  laid  down  regulations  for  the 
examination  of  books  both  by  the  Congregation  of  the  Index 
and  by  the  Inquisition. 

In  cases  where  the  Inquisition  was  unwilling  to  hand  over 
to  the  Index  the  judgment  of  a  wTitten  work  and  reserved 
the  matter  to  itself,  it  was  to  instruct  a  consultor  to  draw  up 
a  written  report  in  which  the  alleged  errors  were  to  be  noted, 
together  with  the  passage  in  question  and  the  page  of  the 
book  in  which  it  occurred.  The  censure  was  then  to  be  sent 
together  with  the  book  to  the  consultors  and  with  their 

'  Stadler's  letter  and  the  Pope's  reply  were  printed  under  the 
title  Epistola  S.  D.  N.  Benedicti  P.  XIV.  ad  auihorem  iractatus 
de  duello  P.  Danielem  Stadler  S.J .,  Munich,  1761  ;  reproduced  in 
Busembaum-Lacroix,  Theol.  nior.,  ed.  Zaccaria,  I.,  Venice,  1761, 
246. 

2  On  January  3,  1753,  11..  235. 

'  Reusch,  II.,  944.  According  to  1.  F.  Schulte,  III.  (1880), 
184,  Barthel  protested  against  the  "  Curial  encroachments  "  and 
upheld  the  view  "  that  the  Bishop  derived  his  power  directly 
from  God  ". 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  39  seqq. 


THE   INDEX   CONSTITUTION    OF    I753  357 

remarks   to   the   Congregation   of  Cardinals   for   their   fin^l 
decision. 

In  the  case  of  Catholic  writers,  if  the  condemnation  had 
been  approved  by  all  the  consultors,  a  second  censor  was  to 
be  appointed,  and  if  he  presented  a  divergent  report,  a  third 
censor  was  to  be  appointed.  If  this  third  censor  approved  of 
the  condemnation,  the  matter  was  to  be  referred  immediately 
(otherwise  only  after  a  fresh  examination  by  the  consultors) 
to  the  ordinary  Congregation  of  Cardinals  or,  if  the  Pope  so 
desired,  to  the  Congregation  of  Cardinals  which  came  to 
a  decision  in  his  presence. 

With  regard  to  the  Congregation  of  the  Index,  the  Pope 
stated  that  he  had  already  intended  at  the  beginning  of  his 
pontificate  to  prescribe  a  fixed  method  of  procedure  for  the 
examination  of  books.  After  consulting  Cardinal  Quirini,i  as 
the  Prefect  of  the  Index,  and  the  Dominican  Orsi,  his  former 
secretary,  he  was  now  issuing  his  instructions.  The  first 
principle  of  these  was  that  as  a  rule  the  Index  was  to  concern 
itself  only  with  books  which  had  been  definitely  denounced  as 
dangerous.  The  Secretary  of  the  Congregation  on  whom  fell 
the  duty  of  accepting  the  denunciation  was  first  to  inquire  into 
the  grounds  on  which  the  condemnation  was  desired,  and  then 
to  read  the  book  carefully  with  the  aid  of  two  consultors. 
If  the  book  seemed  to  the  Secretary  to  deserve  condemnation, 
an  expert  critic  was  to  draw  up  a  written  report  containing 
precise  information  about  the  errors  and  the  places  in  the  book 
in  which  they  occurred.  This  report  was  to  go  to  the  Con- 
gregation of  the  consultors,  which  was  to  meet  at  least  once 
a  month  and  was  to  consist  of  the  Master  of  the  Sacred  Palace 
and  six  assistants.  The  matter  was  then  to  come  before  the 
Congregation  of  Cardinals.  For  the  final  condemnation  the 
confirmation  of  the  Pope  was  necessary. 

If  the  writer  of  the  work  under  consideration  was  a  Catholic 
of  repute  against  whom  no  complaint  had  previously  been 
made,  he  was  to  be  informed  of  the  objectionable  passages.   If 

1  That  he  was  mentioned  merely  for  politeness'  sake  appears 
from  Benedict's  letter  to  Tencin,  October  3,  1753,  II.,  294  seq. 


358  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

he  was  prepared  to  amend  them,  the  prohibition  of  the  book 
was  not  to  be  published  unless  a  large  number  of  copies 
of  the  first  edition  were  already  in  circulation,  in  which  case 
the  prohibition  was  to  appear  as  though  it  applied  to  this  first 
edition  only. 

The  Congregation  had  been  blamed  for  having,  in  many  cases, 
condemned  books  without  giving  a  hearing  to  their  authors. 
It  was  true  that  the  object  of  the  censorship  was  not  to 
condemn  persons  but  to  protect  the  faithful  from  misleading 
doctrines,  but  when  the  writer  was  a  well-known  or  deserving 
Catholic  and  his  work  could  be  published  after  the  removal  of 
certain  passages,  his  defence  was  to  be  heard  or  he  was  to  be 
provided  with  a  lawyer,  as  had  often  been  done  already. 
When  important  Catholic  books  were  under  consideration  the 
Pope  was  to  attend  the  final  session,  either  of  the  Inquisition 
or  the  Index.  Strict  silence  regarding  their  proceedings  was 
imposed  on  both  Congregations  ;  the  consultors  were  to  be 
men  of  unblemished  reputation,  erudite,  impartial,  and 
capable  of  passing  judgment.  They  were  not  to  start  their 
work  with  the  idea  that  the  book  was  to  be  condemned  at  all 
costs.  If  in  the  course  of  the  examination  any  one  of  them  saw 
that  he  had  not  the  necessary  technical  knowledge  he  was  to 
inform  the  Secretary.  In  passing  judgment  they  were  not 
to  be  influenced  by  their  attachment  to  any  nation,  family,  or 
school  of  theology,  for  there  were  not  a  few  opinions  which 
were  held  by  certain  schools  and  nations  to  be  beyond  the 
possibility  of  doubt  but  which  might  be  rejected  by  others, 
with  the  knowledge  of  the  Holy  See  and  without  causing  any 
harm  to  Faith.  Passages  were  not  to  be  torn  from  their 
context,  nor  were  doubtful  matters  to  be  interpreted  in 
a  favourable  sense.  Writers  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  plead 
that  they  were  merely  informing  their  readers  of  pernicious 
doctrines  and  that  their  failure  to  insert  a  refutation  did  not 
mean  that  they  approved  of  such  doctrines.  Finally,  the 
examiners  were  not  to  let  pass  abusive  language  or  to  allow 
mere  opinions  to  be  presented  as  doctrines  of  the  Church.  On 
all  these  points  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  was  to  be  the  model  for 
Catholic  writers. 


THE    NEW   EDITION    OF   THE   INDEX  359 

No  small  service  was  rendered  by  the  Pope  when  he  caused 
his  constitution  on  the  censorship  of  books  to  be  followed  by 
a  new  edition  of  the  Index,  for  "  the  best  edition  of  the  Index 
prior  to  1900  is  undoubtedly  that  of  Benedict  XIV.,  of  1758, 
which  is  immediately  seen  to  be  a  great  improvement  on  its 
predecessors  ".  Until  the  time  of  Leo  XIII.  Benedict  XIV. 's 
Index  underwent  "  no  alteration,  even  of  a  formal  nature, 
except  for  occasional  additions,  and  certainly  no  improvement  ; 
on  the  contrary,  in  the  course  of  time,  many  grave  editorial 
errors  found  their  way  into  the  new  impressions."  ^  The  new 
edition  appeared  with  a  special  introductory  Bull  of  December 
23rd,  1757.  Compared  with  previous  editions  it  represented 
on  the  whole  a  relaxation  of  the  strictness  which  had  hitherto 
prevailed. 2  Most  of  the  many  misprints  and  inaccuracies  of 
earlier  impressions  had  been  rectified.  The  chief  merit  for 
the  improvement  was  due  to  the  Dominican  Ricchini,  who  had 
been  Secretary  to  the  Congregation  of  the  Index  since  1749.^ 

Not  long  after  his  constitution  on  the  censorship  the  Pope 
was  given  an  opportunity  of  putting  into  practice  his  prin- 
ciples of  circumspection  and  leniency.  The  French  Jesuit  Isaac 
Joseph  Berniyer,  who  in  1728  had  undertaken  the  task  of 
bringing  the  intelligentsia  of  his  time  into  closer  touch  with 
the  time-honoured  stories  of  the  Old  Testament  by  means  of 
an  imaginative  and  almost  romantic  recital,  afterwards 
attempted  to  perform  the  same  service  for  the  New  Testament.'* 
Neither  undertaking  lacked  the  support  of  the  reading 
public  :  three  years  after  its  appearance,  Berruyer's  "  History 
of  the  People  of  God  from  its  origin  to  the  Advent  of  the 
Messias  "  had  gone  into  seven  editions  and  had  been  translated 
into   several   other  languages  ;     but  in  1732  and  again  in 

1   HiLGERS,   14. 

-  Thus,  the  prohibition  of  writings  in  defence  of  the  Copemican 
system  was  rescinded,  the  Church  history  by  the  Dominican 
Noel  Alexandre  was  allowed  to  circulate  in  Roncaglia's  edition, 
and  so  forth. 

=>  Reusch,  II.,  880. 

*  Cf.  SoMMERVOGEL,  BihHotheque,  I.,  1357  ;  Regnault,  I., 
359-367- 


360  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

1757  it  was  banned  by  the  Index.  Even  greater  offence  was 
given  by  the  continuation  of  the  work,  "  from  the  Birth  of  the 
Messias  to  the  End  of  the  Synagogue  ",  which  appeared  in 

1753.  This,  too,  both  sold  well  and  provoked  opposition  ^ ; 
on  the  Jansenist  side  the  author  was  charged  with  Arianism, 
Nestorianism,  and  Socinianism,  while  i^lphonsus  Liguori  in- 
cluded him  in  his  list  of  heretics. 

In  1753,  immediately  after  the  appearance  of  the  volumes 
dealing  with  the  New  Testament,  Archbishop  Beaumont  of 
Paris  placed  10,000  scudi  {ecus)  at  the  disposal  of  the  head  of 
the  Paris  Jesuits,  for  the  purpose  of  buying  them  back  from 
the  publisher,  but  too  many  copies  had  already  been  put  into 
circulation.  The  Jesuit  Provincial  broadcast  a  statement  that 
the  book  had  been  printed  without  the  knowledge  or  the 
approval  of  himself  and  the  author's  Superiors,  and  on 
December  13th,  1753,  an  assembly  of  about  twenty  Bishops 
at  Confians  forbade  the  book  to  be  read,  though  they  made  no 
mention  of  Berruyer's  name  or  the  Jesuits.  The  French  journal 
of  the  Jesuits  published  a  statement  of  the  Superiors  that  they 
agreed  with  the  declaration  of  Confians. ^    On  December  3rd, 

1754,  the  second  part  of  Berruyer's  work  was  condemned  in 
Rome,  too,  but  true  to  the  regulations  laid  down  in  his 
constitution  on  the  Index  Benedict  XIV.  postponed  the 
publication  of  the  condemnation  until  he  had  heard  the 
verdicts  given  in  France. ^     But  despite  the  invitation  no 

1  The  Jesuits,  too,  expressed  their  disapproval.  *Gualtieri  to 
Valenti,  July  i,  1754,  Nunziat.  di  Francia,  492,  Papal  Secret 
Archives. 

=*  R^GNAULT,  I.,  360  seq.  ;  Heeckeren,  II.,  315  seq.,  41S. 
The  first  to  write  against  Berruyer  was  a  Jesuit,  Duhamel.  The 
rumour  that  the  Pope  encouraged  the  Italian  Jesuit  Trigona  to 
have  an  Italian  translation  of  the  book  made  (Cordara  in 
DoLLiNGER,  III.,  12)  must  be  founded  on  error,  seeing  that 
Benedict  knew  in  good  time  of  the  objections  raised  by  Beaumont 
and  the  Paris  Superiors  and  that  he  himself  had  disapproved  of 
the  continuation  of  the  Spanish  translation.  To  Tcncin,  August  21, 
1754.  11..  355. 

'  *Valcnti  to  Gualtieri,  October  2  and  23,  1754,  Nunziat.  di 
Francia,  Cifre,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 


BERRUYER  361 

Jesuit  appeared  for  the  defence,  and  the  appointed  lawyer 
failed  to  weaken  the  charges  brought  against  the  book.  The 
Pope  accordingly  ordered  the  decree  of  the  Index  to  be  made 
known  but  would  not  allow  Berruyer  or  the  Jesuits  to  be 
mentioned  in  it.  When,  after  the  delivery  of  the  decree, 
a  belated  reply  was  received  from  the  author,  the  Pope  had 
word  sent  to  him  that  he  was  ready  to  have  the  matter 
re-examined  if  fresh  cause  for  so  doing  could  be  proved.^ 
Under  Clement  XIII.  various  works  in  defence  of  the  book 
were  put  on  the  Index,  in  1759  and  1764,  also  the  third  part 
of  the  book  itself,  in  1758.2  Benedict  XIV.  had  refused  to 
allow  the  apologies  to  be  put  on  the  Index,  as,  in  his  opinion, 
there  was  too  much  partisanship  in  the  matter.^  Up  to  the 
last  he  was  ready  to  provide  learned  and  impartial  judges  for 
Berruyer 's  case.* 

Berruyer  found  himself  opposed  in  Parliament,  too.  On 
a  motion  put  forward  by  the  Attorney  General,  Joly  de  Fleury, 
the  History  of  the  People  of  God  was  burnt  by  the  public 
executioner  on  April  9th,  1756,  not  because  of  its  anticlerical 
doctrines  but  because  it  might  corrupt  its  readers  with  "  the 
ultramontane  doctrine  of  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope  ",  the 

1  Letter  to  Tencin,  June  11,  1755,  II.,  418. 

-  For  this  and  the  numerous  polemical  writings  connected  with 
the  work,  cf.  Sommervogel,  Bibliotheque,  I.,  1362-9.  Three 
apologies  which  Sommervogel  (I.,  1362)  and  Reusch  (II.,  811) 
ascribe  to  Berruyer  were  written,  according  to  the  Paris  Jesuits, 
by  a  non-Jesuit  who  hoped  thereby  to  bring  about  the  condemna- 
tion of  the  work  by  Rome.  *Gualtieri  to  Valenti,  August  12,  1754, 
supplement  B,  postscript,  Nunziat.  di  Francia  492,  loc.  cit. 

'  "  Neir  affare  del  predetto  religiose  [Berruyer]  regnamolto  lo 
spirito  di  partito,  et  ella  [Tencin]  dice  molto  bene  che  forse  anche 
si  pensara  a  far  proibire  le  difese  del  libro.  Noi  leviamo  il  '  forse  ' 
e  le  diciamo,  che  a  questo  si  e  anche  pensato,  e  che  Noi  abbiamo 
ostato,  e  che  asciugata  questa  burrasca,  si  vedra  quello  che  si 
potra  fare  rispetto  alia  causa  principale,  che  vuol  dire,  all'  opera 
gia  proibita  "  (Papal  Secret  Archives,  Miscell.  Arm.  XV.,  t.  157). 
Cf.  the  letter  to  Tencin,  September  24,  1755,  II.,  442. 

*  To  Tencin,  November  12,  1755,  II.,  454. 


362  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

doctrine  of  "  this  unlimited  power  by  which  an  unwarranted 
holiness  was  attached  to  him  ".^ 

In  Berruyer's  case  the  Pope  had  proceeded  against  a  blame- 
worthy book  with  great  clemency  ;  in  another  case  he  acted 
as  the  protector  of  the  justifiable  freedom  of  scholarly  inquiry. 
Incited  by  the  Calvinist  Leclerc,  Muratori  had  set  forth  the 
rights  of  a  prudent  criticism  of  certain  opinions  which  had 
endeared  themselves  to  the  defenders  of  the  Faith. 2  To  others, 
however,  many  of  his  assertions  regarding  the  veneration  of 
the  Virgin  seemed  to  infringe  the  rights  of  piety,  which 
involved  him  in  not  a  few  attacks,  to  which  he  duly  replied. 
The  dispute  dragged  on  for  decades  and  was  continued  even 
after  Muratori's  death,  in  1751,  one  of  his  writings  published 
in  1747  arousing  particular  opposition. ^  Benedict  XIV.  had 
the  book  examined  by  the  Congregation  of  the  Index,  whose 
verdict,  given  on  December  18th,  1753,  was  that  Muratori's 
writing  was  not  deserving  of  the  slightest  censure  and  that 
his  teaching  was  irreproachable  ;  the  objects  of  his  attacks 
were  either  abuses  or  popular  opinions  which  had  not  the 
Church's  approval.* 

Another  writer  to  whom  the  Pope  extended  his  protection 
was  the  Jesuit  Zaccaria.^  Zaccaria  had  written  a  defence  of 
the  Bollandists  ^  in  which  he  had  discussed  the  descent  of 
St.  Dominic  from  a  family  of  Spanish  grandees  and  the 
foundation  of  the  Carmelite  Order  by  the  Prophet  Elias. 
Zaccaria  submitted  to  the  suspension  of  the  printing  of  his 
work,  which  was  ordered  by  the  General  of  his  Order  at  the 
instigation   of  the   Venetian   and   Roman    Inquisitions,   but 

^  R^GNAULT,  1.,  365. 

■^  Lamindus  Pritanius  [Muratori],  De  ingeniorttm  moderatione 
in  religionts  negotio,  Paris,  1714.  C/.  E.  Amann  in  Diet,  de  thiol, 
cath.,  X.,  2551-4. 

'  Lamindus  Pritanius,  Delia  regolata  divozione  de'  cristiani, 
Venice,  1747. 

*  "  NuUam  illi  posse  vel  levissiraam  censoriam  notam  inuri." 
Amann,  loc.  cit.,  2554. 

*  Civiltd  Catt.,  1930,  I.,  349  seq. 

"  Ada  Sanctorum  Bollandiana  .  .  .  vindicata,  Antwerp,  1755. 


NORIS'S    DOCTRINE    ON    GRACE  363 

subsequently  appealed  directly  to  the  Pope,  complaining  that 
the  Inquisitions  at  Venice  and  Padua  had  placed  difficulties 
in  his  way  and  that  in  Rome  he  had  been  threatened  with  the 
Index,  whereas  Sarpi's  work  had  been  let  pass.  Benedict 
allowed  the  work  to  be  completed  and  to  be  dedicated  to 
him.^ 

(7) 

An  outstanding  occasion  on  which  Benedict  XIV.  put  into 
practice  his  principle  of  allowing  free  play  to  aU  Catholic 
schools  and  views  within  the  bounds  of  dogma  was  when  the 
Augustinians,  following  the  lead  of  Cardinal  Noris,  an  Augusti- 
nian  himself,  put  forth  a  new  view  on  the  difficult  problem  of 
reconciling  grace  with  free  wiU.  This  naturally  aroused 
considerable  opposition.  Enrico  Noris  (d.  1704),  who  ranked 
with  Mabillon  as  the  most  important  scholar  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  was  possessed  of  great  sagacity  and,  in  the  prime  of  his 
life,  the  strength  to  study  fourteen  hours  a  day  ;  he  acquired 
an  extensive  knowledge  not  only  of  the  history  of  theology, 
but  also  of  secular  history,  archaeology,  numismatics,  and 
chronology. 2  In  his  History  of  Pelagianism  and  his  Vindiciae 
Augustinianas  {"  Defence  of  Augustine  "),  however,  he  made 
assertions  about  the  doctrine  of  grace  for  which  he  was  attacked 
in  Germany,  Spain,  and  France.  Thus,  according  to  him, 
unbelievers  are  incapable  of  good  works,  because  only  Faith 
can  sufficiently  direct  actions  towards  their  iinal  end  ;  sufficient 
grace  is  withheld  from  many  as  a  punishment  for  original  sin  ; 
and  unbaptized  cliildren  have  to  endure  positive  sufferings  in 
eternity.^  Noris's  great  name  won  support  for  his  doctrines, 
so  that  he  became  the  founder  of  a  new  school  of  theology, 
which  for  a  time  was  brought  into  prominence  by  his  feUow- 
Augustinians  BelleUi  (d.  1742)  and  Berti  (d.  1766). 

It  would  be  useless  to  deny  that  this  school  shows  points  of 

^  Benedict  XIV.  to  Zaccaria,  September  13,  1755,  Civiltd 
Catt.,  lac.  cit.,  350  seq. 

"  HuRTER,  IV.»,  855  seqq.    Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXII,  642. 
'  PoRTALiE  in  Diet,  de  th4ol.  cath.,  I.,  2485. 


364  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

contact  with  Jansenism.  With  Baius  and  Jansenius,  it 
regards  supernatural  gifts,  especially  sanctifying  grace,  not 
as  completely  free  gifts  of  God,  but  as  belonging  to  the  equip- 
ment of  the  rational  creature.  The  creature  cannot  demand 
them,  but  the  goodness  of  God  owes  it  to  itself  not  to  leave  His 
creature  without  them.  Also,  according  to  the  Augustinian 
school,  grace  confers  on  the  creature  not  only  the  capacity  for 
action  but  action  itself ;  further,  since  the  committing  of 
original  sin,  free  will  has  no  longer  the  power  to  determine  its 
own  destiny  ;  and  finally  free  will  gives  way  to  the  attraction 
either  of  grace  or  concupiscence,  according  to  which  attracts 
it  with  the  greater  sweetness  ;  according  to  the  Jansenists, 
however,  free  will  gives  way  inevitably  to  this  attraction, 
according  to  the  Augustinian  theologians  freely,  which  is 
difficult  to  understand.  Differing  from  Jansenius,  the  Augusti- 
nian school  teaches  that  Christ  died  for  all  men  ;  but  it  also 
teaches  that  God  does  not  apply  the  merits  of  Christ  to  every- 
one, which  is  again  in  accord  with  Jansenistic  thought.^ 

The  Augustinian  school  holds  that  these  assertions  are 
the  teaching  of  Augustine,  but  it  is  possible  that  such  inter- 
pretations of  Augustine  would  never  have  been  thouglit  of 
had  it  not  been  for  the  Jansenists  ;  they  were  probably 
conceived  for  the  purpose  of  rescuing  the  Doctor  of  Hippo  from 
the  Jansenists  ;  but  that  they  are  also  capable  of  preparing 
the  ground  for  Jansenism  is  obvious.  It  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  the  printing  of  Noris's  Jiistory  of  the  Pelagians 
was  forbidden  in  France  and  was  permitted  in  Venice  only 
after  much  hesitation. ^  Noris's  name  was  included  in  the 
Jesuit  Colonia's  "  Jansenist  Library  "  and  when  an  extract 
from  Colonia's  work  was  attached  to  the  1747  edition  of  the 
Spanish  Index,  Noris  was  banned  in  Spain,  too,^  whereupon 
the  Spanish  Augustinians  appealed  to  Rome. 

*  PoRTALiE,  loc.  cit.,  2486  scq. 

^  Clarorum  Venetorum  ad  Ant.  MagliabechimA  >ionnttllosq lie  alios 
epistolee,  Florcntiae,  1745,  ep.  16  of  April  8,  1674,  ^P-  ^^-  ibid., 
p.  45  ;   Jemolo,  T38. 

^  MiGU^LEZ,  91.     The  editors  of  the  Index  were  the  Jesuits 


NORIS   ON    THE    SPANISH   INDEX  365 

So  far  as  can  be  seen,  Benedict  XIV. 's  views  on  the  question 
of  grace  were  inclined  to  accord  with  the  stringent  doctrine 
of  the  Dominicans  and  Augustinians.  In  a  Brief  of  March 
31st,  1745,  which  the  Spanish  Augustinians  presented  to  the 
Inquisitor  General  in  vindication  of  Noris,  he  had  praised  the 
Augustinian  doctrine  and  praised  Noris  as  a  resplendent  light 
of  the  Catholic  Church.^  So  long  as  the  Dominican  doctrine  on 
grace  was  permitted  in  the  Church,  it  was  impossible  to  forbid 
the  Augustinian  view. 

As  soon,  therefore,  as  the  Pope  was  informed  by  the  Augusti- 
nian General  Gioja  of  what  had  happened  in  Spain  he  wrote  ^ 
to  the  Grand  Inquisitor,  Perez  de  Prado  y  Cuesta,  that  even 
if  Noris's  works  did  show  traces  of  Baianism  or  Jansenism,  as 
had  been  maintained,  unjustly,  in  the  "  Jansenist  Library  ", 
one  ought  to  refrain  from  condemning  them  so  long  after  the 
author's  death  (in  1704),  lest  the  Church's  unity  be  disturbed 
by  fresh  disputes.  The  Holy  See  had  acted  in  this  manner  on 
many  previous  occasions,  said  the  Pope.  Thus  under  Clement 
XL  the  denouncers  of  the  Jansenistic  historian  Tillemont  had 


Casani  and  Carasco  {ibid.,  92),  Casani  and  Guerrero  {ibid.,  473 
seq.)  ;  cf.  E.  De  Uriarte,  Catdlogo  razonado  de  obras  anonimas 
y  seud&nimas  de  autores  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus,  Madrid,  1904, 
III.,  344  n.,  1023  ;  II.,  194  n.,  21 16.  The  MS.  cited  by  Miguelez 
(94,  107,  149)  is  not  by  a  Jesuit  ;  see  Uriarte,  I.  (1904),  280  n., 
866. 

'  "  Maximi  enim  omni  tempore  fecimus  insignem  huiusmodi 
familiam,  turn  propter  eiusdem  s.  Augustini  tutissima  atque 
inconcussa  dogmata  ab  iUius  alumnis  tradita  ac  servata,  turn 
propter  eximios  viros,  quos  edit  pietate  et  doctrina  prsestantes 
et  quorum  instar  b.m.  Henricus  .  .  .  Norisius  nuncupatus,  cuius 
olim  in  minoribus  constituti  amicitia  fruebamur,  licet  quarumcum- 
que  gentium  hnguis  celebretur,  a  Nobis  tamen  sine  speciah  laude 
tamquam  Romanae  ecclesiae  splendidissimum  lumen  numquam 
est  nominandus."    Analecta  Augustiniana,  XIII.  (1929),  31. 

-  On  July  31,  1748,  Bull.  Benedicti  Papas  XIV.,  Vol.  XIII. 
(Suppl.),  Mechliniae,  1827,  105  seqq.  ;  Benedicti  XIV.  Acta,  I., 
554 ;  Anal,  turis  pontif.,  XVII.,  28 ;  Katholik,  1884,  I.,  181 
seqq. 


366  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

produced  much  of  his  work  that  was  deserving  of  censure  ^ 
but  the  Holy  See  had  kept  silent.  Clement  XII.  had  pursued 
the  same  course  in  dealing  with  the  BoUandists  and  with 
Bossuet's  defence  of  the  four  GaUican  theses.  Much  that  was 
worthy  of  censure  in  Muratori's  works  had  been  discovered  by 
himself  or  had  been  brought  to  his  attention  by  others  ; 
nevertheless  he  had  kept  silent  and  would  continue  to  do  so. 
But  in  any  case  Noris  was  not  deserving  of  any  censure  at  all. 
At  the  time  when  his  history  of  the  Pelagians  and  his  treatise 
on  the  five  general  synods  outside  Rome  were  about  to  be 
printed  they  were  denounced  on  account  of  the  alleged 
Jansenistic  statements  they  contained.  They  had  to  be  sent 
to  Rome  for  examination,  but  no  fault  had  been  found  with 
them  there.  After  their  publication  the  assertion  was  made 
that  passages  had  been  inserted  in  them  after  their  examina- 
tion by  Rome,  but  Rome  had  replied  by  promoting  Noris  to 
be  the  chief  curator  of  the  Vaticana.  When  his  nomination 
as  Cardinal  was  under  consideration,  Innocent  XII.  had 
appointed  eight  theologians  to  examine  his  works  afresh  and 
had  afterwards  admitted  him  as  one  of  the  consultors  of  the 
Inquisition.  Then,  in  1695,  as  he  was  still  being  attacked, 
Noris  had  been  forced  to  defend  himself  in  five  learned 
treatises,  and  that  his  apology  was  accepted  was  shown  by  his 
promotion  to  the  rank  of  Cardinal  and  by  his  being  made 
a  member,  in  this  capacity,  of  the  Inquisition. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  continued  Benedict,  it  was  not  the 
business  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  to  re-examine  Noris's 
works  and  stiU  less  to  condemn  them  ;  the  Grand  Inquisitor 
ought  therefore  to  be  thinking  of  rejuiring  his  mistake.  On 
the  question  of  grace  the  doctrines  of  the  Dominicans,  the 
Augustinians,  and  the  Jesuits  were  aU  tolerated.  The  Bishops 
and  Inquisitors  ought  to  be  guided  not  by  the  censures  which 
scholars  passed  upon  each  other  in  the  course  of  their  disputes 
but  by  whether  these  censures  had  been  confimied  by  the 

*  Tillemont  had  been  denounced  by  Laderchi  and  defended 
by  Justus  Fontanini.  Clarorum  Venetorum  ad  Ant.  Magliahechium 
.  .  .  epistolx,  I.,  xlix. 


I 


THE    SPANISH   ATTITUDE    DEFINED  367 

Holy  See,  which  allowed  its  freedom  to  each  of  the  various 
schools.  The  Bishops  and  Inquisitors  might  well  imitate  the 
Holy  See  in  this  respect.^ 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  there  were  unpleasant  conse- 
quences when  this  Papal  letter  was  made  public  through 
a  breach  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  Procurator  General 
of  the  Augustinians.2  Muratori  protested  to  the  Pope,  and  the 
Bohandists'  complaints  that  they  had  been  mentioned  in  the 
letter  to  the  Grand  Inquisitor  were  also  brought  before  him  ; 
his  reply  to  them  was  that  the  letter  was  a  confidential  one 
that  had  become  public  through  an  indiscretion  and  that 
there  had  been  talk  of  attacks  but  not  that  these  attacks 
were  justified.^ 

The  Procurator  General's  rashness  had  made  it  impossible 
to  have  Noris's  name  removed  from  the  Index  clandestinely. 
Once  the  affair  had  become  a  topic  of  general  discussion  it 
was  naturally  a  point  of  honour  for  Spain  to  adhere  to  its 
original  decision. 

The  Pope's  next  step  was  to  declare  invalid,  by  a  Brief  of 
February  19th,  1749,^  the  Spanish  censure  of  Cardinal  Noris. 
The  Brief  was  to  be  made  public  by  the  Grand  Inquisitor  or, 
in  the  event  of  his  refusal,  by  the  Spanish  nuncio.^  The  king, 
however,  forbade  both  the  Inquisitor  and  the  Pope's 
representative  to  take  any  further  action  until  he  himself  had 
remonstrated  with  Rome.^  In  May  1749  the  Spanish  envoy  to 
Rome,  Cardinal  Portocarrero,  who  was  in  Spain  on  business, 
had  long  discussions  with  the  Grand  Inquisitor.'    Ferdinand 

1  "  Haec  [Sedes  Apost.]  libertati  scholarum  fa  vet,  haec  nullum 
ex  propositis  modis  conciliandi  humanam  libertatem  cum  divina 
Omnipotentia  usque  adhuc  reprobavit.  Episcopi  ergo  et 
inquisitores  .  .  .  eodem  mode  se  gerant." 

^  Fiorano  on  September  17,  1748,  Epistolario  di  L.  A.  Muratori, 
ed.  e  cur.  da  Matteo  Campori,  XL,  Modena,  1907,  n.  5612,  p.  5203  ; 
Brief  of  September  25,  1748,  Acta,  II.,  396.   Cf.  above,  pp.  198  seq. 

3  Fleury,  LXXIX.,  703  ;   Brief  of  April  3,  1751,  Acta,  II.,  81. 

*  Fabroni,  Vitee  Italoruni,  VI.,  119. 

*  Migu:6lez,  112. 

*  Ibid.,  120.  '  Ibid.,  122  seqq. 


368  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

VI.  wTote  twice  to  the  Pope  about  the  matter  ^  and  received 
two  rephes.^  The  grounds  on  which  the  Spaniards  defended 
their  position  are  typical  of  their  general  attitude  towards  the 
Holy  See  :  they  assured  it  of  their  respect  and  obedience  but 
clung  tenaciously  to  the  privileges  which  they  considered  to 
have  been  guaranteed  by  Papal  investiture.  The  Spanish 
Inquisition,  it  was  insisted,  functioned  independently  of  the 
Roman  Index,  in  virtue  of  a  privilege  granted  by  the  Papacy,^ 
but  in  any  case  there  were  reasons  enough  for  not  allowing 
Noris's  views  to  take  root  in  Spain.  Up  till  then  that  country 
had  been  spared  the  evils  of  Jansenism  and  Quesnelism  and 
there  was  no  desire  to  jeopardize  its  orthodoxy  for  the  sake  of 
Noris.*  To  ban  his  writings  it  was  enough  that  they  were 
imdoubtedly  suspicious  ;  in  France  and  Germany  the  authori- 
ties would  have  nothing  to  do  with  them  ;  and  the  Jansenists 
had  received  Benedict  XIV. 's  letter  to  the  Grand  Inquisitor 
with  a  shout  of  triumph  and  had  made  him  out  to  be  an  abettor 
of  Jansenism.  The  peace  of  the  realm,  unity  of  Faith,  and  the 
honour  of  the  Inquisition  demanded  that  the  banning  of 
Noris  be  adhered  to.  The  royal  confessor,  Rabago,  was 
a  prominent  supporter  of  these  views. ^ 

Since  the  Pope  could  not  reply  by  including  in  the  list  of 
forbidden  books  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  Index  of  1747  or 
even  only  its  appendix  (the  extract  from  the  "  Jansenist 
Library  "  mentioning  Noris),  he  restricted  himself  to  having 
the  source  of  the  appendix,  the  "  Jansenist  Library  ",  for- 
bidden by  the  Roman  Index. ^ 

'  On  July  I  ana  October  28,  1749,  ibid.,  399,  403. 

^  On  September  10  and  December  3,  1749,  tbid.,  401,  405. 

•■'  Ferdinand  VI.,  ibid.,  400  ;    Rdbago,  ibid.,  417,  etc. 

*  "  que  Espana  a  ignorado  con  mucha  dicha  suia  las  con- 
troversias  de  Jansenio  y  Quesuel,  y  que  no  quiere  aventurar  su 
religion  por  medio  de  Noris."    Ibid.,  419. 

"  "  Puntos  que  .  .  .  se  debcn  presentar  a  Su  Santidad,"  ibid., 
418  seq.,  and  RAbago's  instruction  to  Portocarrero,  ibid.,  412-18  ; 
Papeles  del  P.  RAbago,  ibid.,  412-442. 

'  On  September  12,  1749.  Copy  of  the  Index  decree  ibid.,  442. 
Cf.  above,  pp.  351  seq. 


VOLTAIRE   AND    ROUSSEAU  369 

The  Pope  subsequently  addressed  several  admonitions  to 
Spain  regarding  the  matter  but  at  first  always  without 
success.  In  the  end,  however,  he  gained  his  point.  In  1757  both 
the  offices  of  Grand  Inquisitor  and  royal  confessor  changed 
hands,  owing  to  the  king  appointing  the  new  Inquisitor 
General,  Manuel  Quintano  Bonifaz,  to  be  his  confessor. 
These  changes  meant  that  the  Noris  question  was  now  viewed 
in  an  entirely  different  light.  Following  a  report  by  the  new 
head  of  the  Inquisition, ^  a  decree  of  the  Inquisition  dated 
January  28th,  1758,^  removed  the  Cardinal's  name  from  the 
Index.  On  February  22nd  Benedict  XIV.  was  able  to  thank 
the  king  for  this.^ 


(8) 

Whether  it  was  a  bulwark  against  Jansenism,  as  some 
maintained,  or  whether  it  was  a  bridge  leading  to  it,  as  was 
feared  by  others,  the  Augustinianism  of  the  eighteenth  century 
was  important  only  for  its  relations  towards  the  most  dan- 
gerous heresy  that  was  then  rife  in  France.  But  after  a  period 
of  rule  among  the  upper  classes  of  that  country  Jansenism 
had  to  relinquish  its  sceptre  to  yet  another  mode  of  thought  : 
the  complete  denial  of  Christianity.  The  great  destroyer  was 
Voltaire  ;  he  would  not  have  the  existence  of  God  denied,  as 
the  idea  of  God  was  necessary  to  hold  the  masses  in  check,  but 
with  this  proviso  he  set  himself  out  to  make  a  laughing-stock 
of  Christianity  with  his  quips  and  sneers.  The  creation  of  a 
new  interpretation  of  the  meaning  of  human  existence  was 
undertaken  by  Rousseau  ;  its  main  features  are  delineated  in 
The  Confession  of  Faith  of  a  Savoyard  Vicar  ;  in  the  Contrat 
Social  he  propounds  a  social  order  in  which  God  plays  no  part  ; 
md  in  his  j^niile  he  expatiates  on  the  education  of  the  child  on 
a  purely  naturalistic  basis. 

1  On  December  23,  1757,  ibid.,  468-479. 

"  Ibid.,  248  seq.  ;    translation  in  Anal,  turis  pontif.,  II.,  2656. 
3  MiGUELEz,  481  ;    Ferdinand  VI. 's  reply,  of  March  14,  1758, 
ibid.,  482. 

VOL.  XXXV.  B  b 


370  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

To  understand  the  immediate  welcome  which  was  given  to 
those  new  ideas  we  must  seek  its  origin  in  the  complete  denial 
of  religious  authority  contained  in  Protestantism  and  in  its 
implied  denial  in  Jansenism.  Just  as  the  principle  of  free 
inquiry  held  by  the  disciples  of  Luther  and  Calvin  had  led  to 
endless  quarrels  and  the  formation  of  countless  sects,  so  that 
many  persons  doubted  more  and  more  in  the  existence  of  any 
religious  truth,  similarly  the  contesting  and  the  perversion  of 
Papal  decisions  by  the  Jansenists  resulted  in  many  persons 
doubting  the  existence  of  any  truth  at  all.  The  continual 
abuse  of  their  opponents,  principally  the  Jesuits,  by  the 
Jansenists  led  to  a  general  disgust  for  religious  controversy  to 
which  Voltaire  gave  expression  in  his  wish  that  every  Jesuit 
might  be  flung  into  the  sea  with  a  Jansenist  round  his  neck,  or 
that  the  last  Jesuit  might  be  strangled  with  the  entrails  of  the 
last  Jansenist.^  Thus  the  way  was  prepared  for  a  mode  of 
thought  that  turned  its  back  on  every  sort  of  controversy  and 
was  content  with  the  simple  truths  of  a  natural  religion. 
Another  force  which  worked  still  more  strongly  in  the  same 
direction  was  the  immorality  of  the  France  of  Louis  XV.  ;  the 
yoke  of  the  Christian  moral  code  had  been  thrown  off  and  an 
attempt  was  being  made  to  justify  what  was  actually  being 
practised.  In  addition,  a  distrust  of  what  was  old  and  tradi- 
tional was  astir.  Natural  science,  then  awakening,  had  been 
making  breaches  in  the  older  natural  philosophy,  though  the 
conclusion  that  the  whole  of  the  philosophy  that  had  gone 
before  was  tottering  was  unjustified  though  understandable, 
especially  as  Descartes,  Locke,  and  Condillac  offered  a  sub- 
stitute. Finally,  so  much  which  had  formerly  been  held 
in  reverence  was  shown  by  historical  criticism  to  be  only 
legend  that  the  doubt  was  entertained  whether  the  historical 
foundations  of  Christianity  itself  could  stand  the  test. 

To  this  new  current  of  thought  the  Roman  Index  devoted 
little  attention.  The  English  deism  of  the  first  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  the  father  and  the  forerunner  of  French 
encyclopedism,  was  the  concern  of  English  Protestantism  ; 

^  To  Helvetius,  May  ii,  1761,  in  Jemolo,  .vxx. 


THE    ROMAN    INDEX   AND    ENCYCLOPEDISM    37I 

special  prohibitions  of  the  Index  would  only  have  drawn  atten- 
tion to  it,  and  most  deistic  or  obscene  literature  was  already 
forbidden  by  the  general  rules  of  the  Index  and  by  the  con- 
science of  the  individual.  This  explains  why  it  was  only  on 
rare  occasions  that  such  writings  were  expressly  condemned 
by  Rome.  Nor  was  it  to  be  expected  that  a  warning  conveyed 
by  a  definite  prohibition  would  have  much  effect  on  the 
writings  of  the  French  deists.  As  a  rule,  therefore,  Rome 
contented  itself  with  prohibitions  issued  through  the  medium 
of  the  civil  power,  with  episcopal  admonitions,  and  with 
refutations  by  Catholic  writers.^  Nevertheless,  by  its  condem- 
nation of  MandeviUe's  Fable  of  the  Bees  ^  in  1745  the  Roman 
Congregation  of  the  Index  anticipated  the  Sorbonne,  which 
banned  the  book  in  1760,  and  in  1753  Voltaire's  works  were 
forbidden. 3  On  the  other  hand,  Lamettrie's  UHistoire 
Naturelle  de  I'dme  and  Pensees  Philosophiques,  two  works 
written  in  defence  of  materialism,  were  publicly  burnt  by  order 
of  the  parliament  in  1746,  whereas  it  was  not  till  1770,  in  the 
pontificate  of  Clement  XIV.,  that  a  Papal  Brief  was  issued 
against  the  author.*  Montesquieu's  De  I' Esprit  des  Lois  was 
dealt  witli  gently  in  Rome  inasmuch  as  no  mention  was  made 
of  the  author's  name  when  it  was  put  on  the  Index  on  March 
3rd,  1752.5 

The  same  causes  which  underlay  the  rise  of  deism  had  led 
since  1717  to  the  development  of  freemasonry  into  an  organi- 
zation where  the  followers  of  the  new  ideas  forgathered.* 


1  PicoT,  III.,  61,  93,  119,  139,  141,  163,  177,  195,  298,  308, 
350.  381. 

*  Ibid.,  93.    The  English  original  appeared  in  17 14. 
»  PicoT,  III.,  234  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  119,  121. 

^  C.  CoNSTANTiN  in  Dict.  de  thiol,  cath.,  X.  (1929),  2387. 
Ibid.,  2386,  for  the  attacks  on  the  book. 

*  H.  Gruber  in  The  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  IX.,  New  York 
[191 1 ],  772  seqq.  Literature  ibid,  and  in  Bertrand  van  der 
ScHELDEN,  La  Franc-Magonnerie  beige  sous  le  rigime  antrichien 
1721-1794,  Louvain,  1923. 


372  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

The  new  society  was  condemned  by  Clement  XII.*  but  in 
spite  of  this  it  continued  to  spread.  Benedict  XIV.  wrote  on 
March  25th,  1744,2  that  the  freemasons  had  held  meetings  at 
Nimes  and  Montpellier  at  which  they  had  gained  fresh  adhe- 
rents ;  that  the  party  from  Avignon  which  had  attended  the 
celebrations  were  intending  to  form  a  lodge  in  their  own  town 
on  returning  thither,  having  already  attempted  to  form  one 
under  the  title  of  the  "  Society  of  Happiness  ",  which  had 
been  prevented  by  the  Archbishop  ;  and  that  Tencin  was  to 
represent  to  Louis  XV.  that  the  freemasons  ought  not  to  be 
tolerated  and  that  they  were  being  fought  in  other  countries. 
On  Italian  soil  it  was  especially  in  Naples  that  the  association 
tried  to  secure  a  foothold.^  At  the  head  of  the  lodge  was  the 
Prince  of  San  Severo,  who,  according  to  Tanucci's  report,* 
had  succeeded  in  convincing  the  king's  confessor.  Archbishop 
Bolanos,  of  the  invalidity  of  the  Papal  censures  of  the  associa- 
tion and  in  the  privy  council  had  shown  it  to  be  harmless.  The 
army,  the  Government,  and  even  the  clergy  were  riddled  with 
freemasons.^  On  May  26th,  1751,  Benedict  complained  *  that 

•  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIV,  411. 
^  To  Tencin,  I.,  28. 

^  Arch.  Napolet.,  XXII.,  404  seqq.,  529  seqq.,  XXIII.,  249  seq., 
305  seq.  ;  Merenda,  *Metnoyie,  103,  Bibl.  Angelica,  Rome  ; 
Keller  in  the  monthly  pubhcations  of  the  Comenius-Gesellschaft, 
XIV.  (1905),  169-189  ;  E.  Ferreri,  Le  prime  loggie  di  Libert 
Muratori  a  Livorno  e  le  persecuzioni  del  clero  e  della  polizia,  Roma, 
191 1  ;  B.  Marcolongo,  La  niassoneria  nel  sec.  XVI IL  (in 
Tuscany,  Lombardy,  Piedmont,  Savoy,  Genoa,  Naples,  until 
1730),  in  Studi  storici,  XIX.  (1900)  ;  Le  prime  loggie  dei  Liberi 
Muratori  a  Napoli  [i 749-1 751],  in  Arch.  stor.  per  la  prov.  napolit., 
XXX.  (1905). 

■•  *Tanucci  to  Corsini,  January  9,  1751  (confidential),  Archives 
of  Simancas,  Estado  5934. 

^  "  *Tutto  resercito,  la  curia,  la  corte,  la  Chiesa  ancora  eran 
pieni  du  quel  confrati."  Tanucci  to  Finochetti,  July  21,  1751 
(confidential),  ibid. 

*  To  Tencin  (II.,  118).  A  printed  "  Edicto  [of  July  10,  1751] 
contra  los  Francmazones  en  el  reyno  de  Napoles  :  Carlo  Re  de 
due  Sicilie  "  in  the  Archives  of  the  Spanish  Embassy  to  Rome. 


FREEMASONRY  373 

San  Severe  had  persuaded  the  king  that  there  was  nothing 
wrong  with  the  lodges  and  that  in  Paris  they  were  open  to  the 
pubhc,  which  latter  statement,  the  Pope  admitted,  had  been 
confirmed  by  trustworthy  witnesses.  Tencin  was  to  use  his 
influence  with  the  king  to  turn  him  against  those  sects  which 
had  crept  into  France  from  England,  were  not  tolerated  even  in 
Holland,  and  could  bode  no  good  seeing  that  they  were  veiled 
in  secrecy.  Then  in  a  special  Bull  ^  freemasonry  was  again  for- 
bidden. The  effect  of  this  in  Naples  was  that  Charles  III.  took 
action  against  the  freemasons  :  members  had  to  promise  in 
the  presence  of  Government  officials  to  resign,  and  those  under 
suspicion  had  to  promise  not  to  become  members.  Tanucci 
tried  to  belittle  the  importance  of  the  step  by  pretending  that 
it  had  been  instigated  by  caricatures  against  the  monks  and 
by  writings  against  the  supposed  mysteries  of  the  Order  ;  he 
admitted,  however,  that  the  prohibition  of  secret  societies 
was  a  just  one.^ 

Benedict  XIV.  had  also  a  personal  motive  for  opposing  the 
association.  The  rumour  had  been  spread  that  he  himself 
was  a  freemason  in  secret  and  that  he  had  not  confirmed  the 
Bull  issued  against  the  association  by  his  predecessor  because 
he  disapproved   of  its    judgments   and    excommunications.^ 

Leonardo  da  Porto  Maurizio  expressed  his  joy  at  this  (to  Benedict 
XIV.,  on  July  9,  1751,  in  Innocenti,  301)  ;  he  knew  of  lodges 
in  Nice  and  Provence  (ibid.). 

'  Of  March  18,  1751,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  212  seq. 

^  To  Del  Riccio,  August  17,  1751  (confidential),  Archives  of 
Simancas,  loc.  cit.  To  his  confessor  Tanucci  wrote  :  "  *Abbiamo 
qui  fatto  molto  contro  i  Liberi  Muratori.  Iddio  ha  toccato  il 
cuore  del  Re,  e  ha  benedetto  lo  zelo  del  P.  Pepe,  a  cui  prego 
V.R.  di  ricordarmi  servitore  "  (to  Mice,  July  15,  1751,  ibid.). 
*Writing  to  Corsini  on  February  13,  1751  (ibid.),  Tanucci  scoffed 
at  Pepe's  opposition  to  the  Freemasons. 

'  Genn.  Maria  Monti,  Due  grandi  riformaiori  del  seitecento  : 
A.  Genovese  e  G.  M.  Galanti,  Firenze  [1926],  117,  n.  6;  Jemolo 
in  Riv.  trimesirale  di  studi  filosofici  e  relig.,  IV.,  23  ;  Rigatti, 
Un  illuminista  trentino  del  sec.  18,  C.  A.  Pilati,  Firenze,  1923, 
213  seq.  ;  P.  Duchaine,  La  franc-mafonnerie  beige  au  XVIII* 
sikcle,  Bruxelles,   1911,   41,  473.      Cf.  Rev.  d'hist.  ecclis.,  XIII. 


374  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

To  the  latter  charge  Benedict  replied  in  his  Bull  that  he  had 
already  given  sufficient  indication  of  his  attitude  but  that 
nevertheless  he  now  expressly  confirmed  the  decision  taken 
by  Clement  XII. ^  He,  too,  bore  witness  to  the  widespread 
extension  of  the  sects. ^  In  Belgium,  for  example,  in  spite  of 
the  Papal  prohibitions,  there  were  many  clerics  in  the  lodges, 
where  members  were  asked  to  pray  for  deceased  freemasons, 
and  the  hour  of  Sunday  Mass  was  announced  so  that  members 
could  attend  it  before  meeting  at  the  lodge,  and  so  on.^ 

In  Spain,  it  has  been  said,  the  first  lodge  was  established 
in  Gibraltar  in  1726,  and  in  1750  a  list  of  ninety-seven  lodges 
was  handed  in  to  the  Inquisition.*  A  memorial  was  laid 
before  Ferdinand  VI.  by  his  confessor  Rabago,  in  which  it  was 
pointed  out  that  the  principles  adopted  by  the  sects  had  as 
their  object  the  overthrow  of  the  State  and  the  Church,  and 
that  the  danger  was  underestimated  by  princes. ^  As  had 
already  been  done  by  Philip  V.,  Ferdinand  VI,  issued  on  July 
2nd,  1751,  a  sharply-worded  prohibition  of  secret  societies, 
citing  the  Bull  of  Benedict  XIV.^  Even  so,  in  1757  there  was 
recorded  an  action  taken  by  the  Inquisition  against  a  French 
manufacturer  of  the  name  of  Tournon,  who  was  punished  with 
a  year's  custody  and  banishment  for  the  crime  of  freemasonry.' 
After  Charles  III.'s  arrival  in  Spain  a  new  Grand  Lodge  is 
said  to  have  been  formed  there,  its  Grand  Master  being 
Aranda,  its  chief  dignitaries  Campomanes,  Nava  del  Rio,  and 
Valle  y  Salazar.^ 

(1912),  153.  Refutation  of  the  rumour  in  Van  der  Schelden, 
412-17. 

'  Bull  of  March  18,  1751,  loc.  cit. 

-  "  in  quibusdam  regionibus  tunc  [under  Clement  XII.]  late 
diffusas  atque  in  dies  invalescentes." 

^  Cf.  Van  der  Schelden,  297  seqq.  ;  Rev.  d'hist.  eccles.,  XX. 
(1924),  291. 

*  Men^ndez  y  Pelavo,  III.,  87  seq.  ;    Cuevas,  IV.,  402. 

*  Leguina,  El  P.  Rabago,  45  seqq. 

*  Men^ndez,  III.,  88. 
'  Ibtd.,  89  seq. 

*  Gallerani-Madariaga,  I  id  seq.  ;   Cuevas,  IV.,  102. 


JANSENIST    HATRED    OF   THE    JESUITS         375 

The  Savoyard  envoy,  La  Marmora,  writing  from  Paris  to 
his  Court  in  Turin  on  February  21st,  1768,  said  that  it  was 
astonishing  that  Rome  knew  nothing  or  apparently  wanted  to 
know  nothing  of  the  revolution  in  ideas  that  had  taken  place 
in  Europe  some  time  ago.^ 

Nevertheless  the  whole  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  government 
and  attitude  show  that  Rome  was  well  aware  of  the  new 
currents  of  thought  and  that  it  paid  them  due  attention.  Such 
new  aspirations  as  were  sound  at  heart  presented  no  danger 
to  the  Church  and  could  therefore  be  encouraged,  as  indeed 
they  were.  It  was  a  very  different  matter,  however,  when 
movements  were  afoot  which  aimed  at  the  total  destruction 
of  Christianity. 

(9) 

One  of  the  chief  obstacles  that  stood  in  the  way  of  the 
anti-christian  movements  of  the  time  was  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
which,  having  almost  a  monopoly  of  the  education  of  the 
young,  had  to  be  removed  at  all  costs  if  the  way  was  to  be 
cleared  for  a  thorough-going  deism.  The  leaders  of  anti- 
religious  thought  were  animated  first  and  foremost  by  their 
hatred  of  the  Holy  See,  of  which  the  Jesuits  had  won  for 
themselves  the  reputation  of  being  the  stoutest  defenders. 
Hence  the  desire  to  annihilate  the  Order,  and  the  means  to  do 
so  was  not  lacking  to  its  enemies,  since  no  Cabinet  of  any 
Government  was  free  of  their  influence. 

To  further  their  purpose  the  leaders  of  the  various  States 
found  an  ally  in  the  Jansenist  party.  It  has  been  said  of  the 
Jansenism  of  the  eighteenth  century  that  it  spent  itself  in 
its  hatred  of  the  Jesuits.  It  can  certainly  be  said  that  the 
bond  of  unity  that  held  together  the  divergent  elements  in 
Protestantism,  namely  the  rejection  of  the  Pope  and  every- 
thing Catholic,  was  paralleled  in  Jansenism  by  the  detestation 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  The  party  embraced  the  most  diver- 
gent  views   but   besides   their   exaltation   of    Jansenius    or 

^  "  II  est  bien  etonnant  qu'on  ignore  ou  qu'on  paroisse  vouloir 
ignorer  a  Rome  la  revolution  qui  s'est  faite  dans  les  idees  a  cet 
6gard  en  Europe  depuis  quelque  temps."  State  Archives  in 
Turin,  Lett.  min.  di  Francia,  in  Tortonese,  129. 


376  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Quesnel  all  its  members  were  agreed  in  their  hostility  towards 
everything  characteristic  of  the  Jesuits  :  Molinism  in  dogma, 
probabilism  in  morals,  the  principles  of  the  "  Exercises  "  in 
asceticism.  A  Jansenist  has  been  defined  as  a  Catholic  who 
hated  Jesuits  or  as  an  excellent  man  whom  the  Jesuits 
disliked. 1  From  the  beginning  the  Jansenist  journal  Nouvelles 
Ecclesiastiques  ^  set  itself  the  task  of  waging  war  against  the 
Order  and  as  time  went  on  its  hostility  grew  more  and  more 
acute  until  finally  it  was  openly  working  not  merely  for  the 
moral  ruin  of  its  enemy  but  for  its  complete  destruction 
through  suppression.  During  the  fifties  of  this  century,  when 
the  changing  fortunes  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  and  philo- 
sophical and  political  controversies,  were  diverting  attention 
from  the  questions  of  grace  and  predestination,  it  was  above 
all  by  its  campaign  against  the  Society  of  Jesus  that  the 
journal  succeeded  in  recapturing  the  interest  of  its  readers.^ 
Through  the  editor,  who  was  nothing  more  than  their  mouth- 
piece, the  heads  of  the  party  relentlessly  pursued  their  object 
of  bringing  about  the  destruction  of  the  Order,  until  it  was 
finally  achieved.*  To  the  lower  ranks  of  the  clergy  they  por- 
trayed the  Jesuits  as  the  instruments  of  Papal  and  episcopal 
tyranny,  to  the  higher  ranks  they  denounced  their  wTitings 
as  containing  anti-ecclesiastical  doctrines,  to  the  parliaments 
and  secular  powers  they  pointed  out  their  seditious  tendencies.^ 
In  four  3'ears  the  journal  published  157  anti-Jesuit  allusions, 

>  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXIX.,  152.  S.mxte-Beuve  {Port-Royal 
III.*,  Paris,  1888,  211,  n.  i),  speaking  of  the  necrology  of  Port- 
Royal,  says  that  hostility  to  the  Jesuits  was  sufficient  title  for 
admission  to  this  roll  of  honour.  "  *Odioso  nome  di  Giansenisti, 
che  in  sostanza  non  signihca  altro,  secondo  la  diffinizione  di  un 
huomo  savio  che  :  vir  egregius  qui  non  placet  lesuitis  "  (to  the 
nuncio  to  Spain,  13  October,  1680,  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  156, 
fo.  36a,  Papal  Secret  Archives).  Cf.  Jemolo,  XXXVIII.  : 
"  asserzione  dei  Giansenisti  che  questi  pretesi  eretici  (they 
themselves)  altro  non  fossero  se  non  buoni  cattolici  poco  amati 
dei  Gcsuiti."  Cf.  ibid.,  44  seq.,  99.  Gazier  (I.,  Introduction), 
quoting  no  authority,  attributes  the  definition  to  Cardinal  Bona. 

2  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIV.,  417  5^^.  ^  Preclin,  291. 

*  Ibid.,  305.  *  Ibtd.,  292  seq. 


THE    NOUVELLES    ECCLlESIASTIQUES  377 

quotations,  or  articles  ^ ;  in  one  way  or  another  the  same 
question  was  always  asked  :  "  Is  it  possible,  without  gross 
neglect  of  one's  duty  to  religion,  the  lawful  authorities,  the 
country,  public  order,  the  welfare  of  the  nation — yes,  even 
humanity  itself — to  allow  to  exist  any  longer  a  society  that 
must  be  regarded  as  the  common  enemy  of  the  whole  of 
mankind  ?  "  ^  Even  so  violent  an  opponent  of  the  Jesuits  as 
Tanucci  wrote  in  1757  that  the  journal  was  allowing  its 
prejudice  against  the  Order  to  be  too  easily  seen,^  ascribing 
as  it  did  every  evil  in  the  world  to  the  Jesuits,  their  system  of 
morals,  and  their  confessors."*  The  journal's  hatred  of  the 
Jesuits  even  outlasted  their  suppression.  On  having  occasion 
to  relate  ^  that  among  the  victims  of  the  rising  of  September 
1792  were  twenty-one  Jesuits  who  "  also  gladly  gave  their 
lives  for  religion  ",  it  could  not  repress  the  comment,  "  Not 
a  sign  could  be  seen  of  any  regret  for  having  belonged  to  a 
society  that  has  done  more  harm  to  religion  than  all  the 
atheists  in  France."  On  account  of  the  general  policy  of  the 
journal,  some  of  its  issues  were  prohibited  in  Rome  in  1740, 
and  the  journal  as  a  whole  in  1742,*^  but  without  any  effect. 
In  spite  of  the  Church's  ban,  protested  Benedict  XIV.  in 
1750,  it  was  allowed  to  continue  publication,  and  the  king 
put  up  with  it  although  it  was  causing  much  harm  and  con- 
fusion among  the  Catholics  by  its  unbridled  style  of  writing. ' 
In  Catholic  Southern  Germany,  Austria  excepted,  anti- 
Jesuitism  was  especially  active  in  the  diocese  of  Augsburg  and 
the  electorate  of  Bavaria.  Next  to  Canon  Bassi,  the  Augusti- 
nian  Canon  Eusebius  Amort  and  the  Bavarian  court  coun- 
cillors Osterwald  and  Lori  were  most  prominent  in  using 
every  means  to  break  down  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits  and  to 

*  Ibid.,  305.  2  ii)i(i_^  206. 

^  "  *Riesce  un  poco  satirica  la  Gazzetta  Ecclesiastica,  e  scuopre 
troppa  aversione  ai  Gesuiti."  To  Cantigliana,  July  16,  1757, 
Archives  of  Simancas,  Estado  5948. 

*  *To  the  Duke  of  Salas,  June  28,  1757,  ibid. 

5  On  September  23,  1796,  Hist.-polit.  Blatter,  CXXIV.  (1899), 
645.  *  Reusch,  Index,  II.,  759  seq. 

'  To  Tencin,  January  21,  1750,  II.,  4. 


378  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

reorganize  clerical  studies  on  what  they  considered  to  be 
progressive  lines. ^  Influenced  by  Amort  and  Bassi,  the  Prince 
Bishop  of  Augsburg,  Landgrave  Joseph  of  Hesse-Darmstadt, 
put  into  execution  his  predecessor's  project  of  establishing  at 
Pfaffenhausen  a  separate  diocesan  seminary  under  the  direction 
of  secular  priests,  and  to  this  new  seminary  were  assigned  the 
diocesan  alumni  formerly  boarded  in  the  school  of  St.  Jerome 
at  Dillingen,  which  was  superintended  by  the  Jesuits. 2  To 
defray  the  cost  of  the  students'  maintenance  he  proposed  to 
collect  an  annual  subscription  from  the  parishes  and  convents 
in  his  diocese.  To  obtain  the  necessary  permits  from  the  Pope 
he  addressed  a  letter  to  Rome  on  May  6th,  1746,  in  which,  to 
prove  the  necessity  for  the  new  institution,  he  painted  the 
teaching  capacity  of  the  Dillingen  Jesuits  in-  the  blackest 
colours.  Though  they  held  the  most  brilliant  testimonials,  he 
wrote,  the  students  did  not  know  as  much  about  religion  as 
was  necessary  for  a  layman.  They  were  ignorant  of  the 
simplest  truths  in  the  Catechism  ;  they  knew  neither  the 
number  of  the  Sacraments  nor  which  were  necessary  for 
eternal  salvation,  nor  how  many  natures  and  persons  there 
were  in  Christ.  They  had  no  piety,  no  manners,  and  no  respect 
for  their  Bishop.  In  the  new  seminary  those  subjects  would  be 
taught  which  the  Jesuits  refused  to  teach,  namely  exegesis, 
dogmatics,  disputation,  canon  law,  and  the  history  of  the 
Councils  and  the  Church.^  The  originator  of  this  letter,  which 
bears  obvious  marks  of  exaggeration  and  mendacity,  was,  as 
he  himself  acknowledged  in  a  letter  to  Amort,  Canon  Bassi,* 
who  completely  dominated  the  pious  but  weak-willed  Bishop 
and  was  feared  and  detested  throughout  the  diocese  for 
his  high-handed  manner  and  his  proclivity  to  slander.  The 
cathedral  chapter  avoided  his  company  and  forbade  its 
subordinates  to  have  any  dealings  with  him.^ 

^  DUHR,   IV.,    I,   248  seqq.  ;     IV.,   2,   565  seq.      For  Bassi,   cf. 
Dengel,  Garampi,  44,  72. 
'  DuHR,  IV.,  I,  250  seq. 
"  Friedrich,  Beitrdge,  60. 
*  Ibid.,  n.  3. 
'  Dengel,  Garampi,  72. 


THE    CAUSES    OF   ANTI-JESUITISM  379 

In  Rome,  too,  dislike  of  the  Jesuits  never  died  down,^ 
once  the  Jansenists  had  gained  a  foothold  there,  which  they 
did  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  seventeenth  century,  thanks  to 
Pontchateau  and  Du  Vaucel.^  Cordara,  in  fact,  suggests  that 
the  causes  of  the  final  suppression  of  the  Society  should  be 
sought  not  so  much  in  the  Bourbon  Courts  as  in  the  deep- 
rooted  hostility  of  certain  circles  in  Rome.^  Clement  XIII. , 
in  the  course  of  a  conversation  with  the  General  of  the  Jesuits, 
let  fall  the  remark  that  the  greatest  enemies  of  the  Church  and 
the  Society  had  their  home  in  Rome.*  Benedict  XIV.  was 
not,  on  the  whole,  unfavourable  towards  the  Jesuits.  Certainly 
he  made  them  more  often  than  others  the  butt  of  his  good- 
humoured  sallies,  but  on  serious  occasions  he  often  spoke  in 
praise  of  them  ^  and  he  availed  himself  of  their  services  to 
such  an  extent  that  Cordara,  who  lived  through  seven  ponti- 
ficates, said  that  no  Pope  that  he  had  known  had  so  many 
Jesuits  about  him  as  Benedict  XIV.®  At  the  same  time 
Cordara  admits  that  he  never  could  be  quite  sure  what  was 
the  Pope's  real  opinion  of  the  Order,  and  it  was  generally 
thought  that  Benedict  had  little  love  for  the  Jesuits.' 

Apart  from  the  undeniable  failings  of  individual  members 
of  the  Society  and  its  attitude  in  the  Chinese  and  Malabar 
questions,  the  reason  why  it  was  disliked  by  so  many  persons, 
including  Catholics,  may  have  been  its  general  tendency. 
Among  the  intellectuals  of  Rome,  including  those  of  the 
highest  ecclesiastical  rank,  there  were  quite  a  number  who 
gloried  in  their  detestation  of  the  Jesuits,^  who  for  their  part 
took  things  more  seriously  than  their  opponents  and,  in  the 

1  Albertotti  in  Atti  del  R.  Istituto  Veneto,  LXXXIL,  1079  seq. 
^  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXII.,  429  scqq. 

'  Ibid.,  1084,  and  Denkwurdigkeiten,  III.,  5,  12  ;  Maroni, 
Ep.  II.,  II,  31,  32,  etc. 

*  Ricci,  *Espulsione  dalla  Spagna,  63. 

*  See  above,  pp.  307  seq. 

*  Denkwurdigkeiten,  III.,  13. 
'  Ibid.,  12. 

*  "  Certains  ecclesiastiques,  meme  des  premieres  dignit6s,  qui 
pour  faire  les  beaux  esprits,  disent  et  ecrivent  bien  des  pauvretes 


380  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

literary  sphere,  notwithstanding  the  concessions  they  made  in 
cultivating  the  vernacular,  paid  the  greatest  attention  to 
the  classical  writers  and  Latin.  Another  concession  made  by 
the  Jesuits  was  to  natural  science,  for  the  sake  of  which  a 
reform  in  their  course  of  studies  was  inaugurated  by  the 
seventeenth  general  congregation  of  1751,^  the  details  being 
set  out  by  the  General,  Visconti,  in  a  general  instruction. ^ 
Broadly  speaking,  however,  they  were  reluctant  to  let  go 
entirely  of  Aristotle.  When  a  go-ahead  young  member  of 
the  Roman  College,  Benvenuti  by  name,  pleaded  the  cause 
of  experimental  physics  in  his  theses  for  disputation,  to  the 
almost  entire  exclusion  of  every  other  consideration,  the 
General  of  the  Society  proposed  to  remove  him  from  Rome, 
but  on  the  instructions  received  from  the  Pope  had  to  content 
himself  with  assigning  him  another  faculty. ^  If  this  clinging 
to  what  was  old  led  to  disagreements  within  the  Society,  it 
was  only  natural  that  it  should  be  far  more  severely  criticized 
by  those  outside  it.  The  Jesuits'  adherence  to  scholasticism 
offended  not  only  the  champions  of  experimental  physics 
but  also  those  who  seemed  to  think  that  all  knowledge  was 
confined  within  the  limits  of  critical-historical  work.  Nor  could 
it  be  gainsaid  that  the  Society  represented  a  strong  intellec- 
tual force  within  the  Church.  In  1749,  according  to  a  list 
printed  in  Rome,  it  numbered  no  less  than  22,589  members, 
11,239  of  whom  were  priests,  5  assistancies  (6  from  1755 
onwards),  39  provinces,  24  professed  houses,  669  colleges, 
61  noviciates,  176  seminaries  or  convitti  (boarding  schools),  335 
residences,  and  273  mission  stations.*  As  a  whole,  the  discipline 

et  se  font  gloire  de  hair  les  Jesuites."  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin, 
December  27,  1752,  II.,  234. 

*  Decret.  13,  Institutiim  S.J .,  II.,  436  seq. 

■  *0n  July  22,  1752,  Sylloge  ordinationum  et  epistolarum 
Praep.  Gen.  II.  (1651-1763),  345  seqq.  Cf.  Pachtler  in  Monum. 
Germ.  Paedag.,  IX.,  Berlin,  1891,  436. 

^  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin,  September  28,  1754,  II.,  360; 
Rosa,  Gesuiti,  339  seq. 

*  DuHR,  IV.,  I,  3.  The  figures  in  Rosa  {loc.  cit.,  335  seq.)  show 
some  slight  difierences. 


JANSENISM    IN    ROME  381 

of  the  Society  was  well  maintained  ;  offences,  whether  grave 
or  slight,  tliough  inevitable  in  so  large  a  body,i  were  punished, 
and  steps  were  taken  to  prevent  their  repetition  ;  these  men 
in  their  thousands  performed  their  various  tasks  in  a  spirit 
of  enthusiasm  common  to  all.  When  one  considers  the 
animosity  and  bitterness  engendered  by  clashes  between 
opposing  currents  of  thought  one  can  understand  to  some 
extent  at  least  how  even  among  Catholics  there  were  some 
who  worked  for  the  destruction  of  their  adversaries. 

This  was  especially  true  of  the  Jansenist  or  pro-Jansenist 
party  in  Rome,  whose  power  in  that  city  and  in  the  rest 
of  Italy  was  particularly  strong  in  the  reign  of  Benedict 
XIV.  and  which  found  a  not  inconsiderable  number  of  allies 
among  the  secular  and  regular  clergy,  among  the  members 
and  the  consultors  of  the  Congregations,  and  even  in  the 
highest  ranks  of  the  hierarchy.  Though  the  movement 
may  not  have  supported  all  the  errors  of  the  Jansenists 
concerning  grace  and  predestination,  its  adherents  were 
certainly  well-disposed  towards  the  aims  of  the  sects  and  were 
hostile  towards  the  Jesuits.^  It  is  related  of  Benedict  XIV. 
himself,  that  before  becoming  Pope  he  frequently  expressed 
the  opinion  that  Jansenism  was  a  chimera  invented  by  the 
Jesuits  and  that  it  was  they  who  had  induced  Clement  XI. 

'  Benedict  XIV.  spoke  of  this  in  a  letter  to  Tencin  of  November 
12  1755  :  "  Vedendosi  anche  pubblicamente  in  qualcheduno  di 
loro  [the  Jesuits]  qualche  specie  di  rilasciamento,  che  vien 
tol'lerato  dai  superiori  per  soggezione  delle  protezioni  che  si  godono 
dai  rilasciati  "  (Papal  Secret  Archives,  Miscell.  Arm.,  XV.,  t.  157  ; 
Heeckeren,  II.,  455).  Similarly  to  Tencin  on  December  3,  1755  : 
"  Quando  era  vivo  il  buon  Visconti  [the  Jesuit  General]  pareva 
al  buon  P.  Ccnturione  che  fosse  un  poco  troppo  mite,  e  che 
lasciasse  nella  Compagnia  correre  qualche  disordine,  che  quantun- 
que  in  sh  non  molto  grave,  col  tratto  del  tempo  per6  lo  pu6 
di  venire.  Ora  essendo  venute  nelle  sue  mani  le  redini  del  governo, 
vedrassi  come  lo  maneggera,  e  se  bisognera,  che  ancor  esso  pel 
quieto  vivere  tolleri  ci6  che  credeva  non  doversi  toUerare  da  chi 
prima  di  lui  era  Generale  "  (Papal  Secret  Archives,  loc.  cit.  ; 
Heeckeren,  II.,  459).     Cf.  Duhr,  IV.,  2,  483  seqq. 

•  Rosa,  336  ;    Cordara,  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  III.,  7. 


382  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

to  promulgate  the  Bull  Unigenitus.^  In  view  of  the  Pope's 
lively  and  unrestricted  way  of  speaking,  it  is  not  impossible 
that  he  may  have  let  slip  some  similarly  sounding  remarks 
which  were  eagerly  seized  upon,  given  greater  point  and 
misconstrued. 2  It  is  very  possible  that  the  reports  of  such 
remarks  may  have  given  the  Jansenists  cause  for  hoping  that 
with  the  election  of  the  new  Pope  their  daj^  had  come.  Benedict 
himself  was  painfully  affected  by  these  rumours.  After  con- 
demning a  Jansenist  writing,^  he  observed  that  it  was  a  matter 
of  conscience  for  him  to  take  every  opportunity  of  showing 
that  he  upheld  the  Bull  against  Quesnel.  Many  unfavourable 
opinions  of  the  constitution  uttered  in  Rome  had  been  repeated 
in  foreign  countries,  he  said,  but  he  had  had  no  part  in  them. 
These  opinions  came  from  clerics,  some  even  in  the  highest 
ranks,  who  wanted  to  appear  "  enlightened  "  and  for  this 
reason  spoke  and  wrote  many  petty  things  and  prided  them- 
selves on  being  Jesuit-haters.  Outside  Rome  it  was  difficult 
to  make  men  realize  that  these  persons  wrote  without  the 
connivance  of  the  Pope.  Hence  the  false  reports  which  were 
in  circulation.* 

The  leading  spirit  of  the  Jansenist  and  anti- Jesuit  party 
in  Rome  was  Cardinal  Passionei.^  In  1706,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-four,  Domenico  Passionei,  a  glittering  young  diplomat, 
who  spent  his  substance  on  making  as  fine  a  show  as  possible, 
was  sent  to  Paris  as  the  bearer  of  the  cardinal's  hat  to  the 
nuncio.  During  his  two  years'  stay  there  he  was  surrounded  by 
the  flattery  of  the  heau  monde  and  became  acquainted  with 
such  scholars  as  MabiUon,  Montfaucon,  and  Renaudot,  but 

1  CoRDARA,  8  seq. 

^  Hints  of  such  rumours  in  the  Pope's  letter  to  Tencin  of 
May  17,  1743,  I.,  55  seq. 

^  Apologia  de  tons  les  jugements.     Reusch,  II.,  237,  241  seqq. 

••  To  Tencin,  December  27.  1752,  II.,  234.  C/.  above,  p.  379, 
n.  8. 

*  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIV.,  408  ;  Goujet,  ^loge  historique, 
La  Haye,  1763  ;  Vernarecci,  Fossombrone  dai  tempi  aniichissimi 
ai  nostri,  II.,  Fossombrone,  1914,  744.  A  fairly  full  description 
of  Passional's  character  is  unavoidable  here. 


CARDINAL   PASSIONEI  383 

also  with  the  frivolous  French  wits.  In  1714  he  was  the  Papal 
agent  at  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  treaties  of  Utrecht  and 
Baden/  in  1730  he  was  nuncio  in  Vienna,  where  he  oihciated 
at  the  wedding  of  Maria  Theresa  and  Francis  I.  in  1736,  and  in 
1738  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Briefs  in  Rome  and  a  Cardinal.  As 
a  scholar  he  was  as  superficial  as  he  was  as  a  diplomat.  The 
valuable  library  he  amassed  was  partly  composed  of  costly 
books  he  had  simply  appropriated  on  his  travels  beyond  the 
Alps. 2  The  viUa  he  built  for  himself  at  Camaldoli  near  Frascati 
was  so  well  stocked  with  art-works  and  antiquities  that  it 
acquired  an  international  reputation  and  was  visited  as  such 
by  Popes  and  princes.  This  seat  of  the  Muses,  in  which  a  statue 
of  Minerva  occupied  the  place  of  honour,  he  called  his  "  Her- 
mitage ",  but  there  was  such  a  superfluity  of  comforts  there, 
said  Benedict  XI V.,^  that  it  was  a  suitable  place  for  the  most 
pampered  nabob  to  perform  his  spiritual  exercises.  Passionei, 
he  said,  gave  more  for  his  gewgaws  in  Camaldoli  than  his 
fortune  warranted.  Nor  did  Benedict's  opinion  of  Passionei's 
judgment  and  knowledge  coincide  with  that  of  his  admirers. 
Passionei  had  taken  it  upon  himself  to  deliver  to  the  Pope  the 
apology  which  Prades  had  composed  for  his  dissertation. 
Benedict  wrote  afterwards  to  Tencin  that  he  was  hardly  sur- 
prised to  hear  it.  Passionei,  he  said,^  had  his  head  full  of  titles 
of  books  and  notes  on  their  various  editions ;  he  had  read  much 
but  he  had  never  studied.  He  was,  he  wrote  on  another  occa- 
sion, one  of  those  scholars  who  are  always  reading  and  retain . 
much  in  their  memory  ;  now  and  then  such  people  managed  to 
get  along  with  some  useful  notes,  but  when  they  attempted  to 
take  a  hand  in  practical  life  they  were  generally  not  only 
useless  but  harmful.  ^    In  the  same  way  as  he  had  supported 

'   Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIII. ,  95-107. 

^  Vernarecci,  II.,  779  seq.  Passionei's  collection  of  valuable 
books,  acquired  by  the  Augustinian  General,  Vasquez,  on 
December  19,  1762,  now  forms  part  of  the  Biblioteca  Angelica, 
Rome.    Ibid.,  781. 

*  To  Tencin,  June  7,  1747,  and  April  17,  1754,  I.,  330  ;  II., 
334,  *  To  Tencin,  March  7,  1753,  II.,  250. 

^  "  Ma  se  non  passano  piii  oltre,  riescono  in  atto  prattico  il 


384  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Prades,  Passionei  also  acted  on  behalf  of  Montesquieu  when 
his  L'Esprit  des  Lois  was  being  examined  by  the  Index  ; 
he  managed  to  have  the  prohibition  of  the  book  postponed 
and  then  to  persuade  the  Secretary  of  the  Congregation, 
Ricchini,  to  await  the  emendations  which,  as  he  said,  the 
author  was  prepared  to  make.^  In  the  event,  however,  as 
little  attention  was  paid  to  the  objections  in  the  new  edition 
of  the  work,  the  book  was  finally  banned,  both  in  the  original 
French  and  in  the  Italian  translation. ^  With  the  French 
Jansenists  and  free-thinkers  Passionei  kept  up  a  lively  corre- 
spondence; even  before  1744  he  was  probably  in  touch  with 
Voltaire,  who  on  more  than  one  occasion  sent  him  a  copy  of 
one  of  his  works.  When  Voltaire's  writings  were  finally 
condemned  in  Rome,  Madame  du  Boccage  was  able  to  report 
to  France  that  Passionei  approved  of  the  condemnation  of  the 
works  but  admired  their  author.^  It  was  probably  Passionei 
and  his  fellow-thinkers  whom  Benedict  had  in  mind  when  he 
wrote  to  Tencin  *  that  he  could  not  be  held  responsible  for 
the  conduct  of  the  many  Romans  who  exchanged  letters  with 
the  enemies  of  the  Church  for  the  sake  of  appearing  important 
and  earning  what  foolish  flattery  they  could.  It  must  be  said 
in  Passionei's  favour  that  he  placed  no  difficulty  in  the  way 
of  scholars  who  wished  to  consult  his  rare  books  ^  and  many 


piu  dalle  volte  non  solo  inutili  ma  perniciosi.  E  nel  numero  di 
quelli  (sia  detto  in  confidenza)  si  debbon  riporre  i  due  card. 
Passionei  e  Monti  e  forse  anche,  se  vivesse,  Msgr.  Fontanini." 
To  Peggi,  June  30,  1745,  in  Kraus,  27  seq. 

^  *Passionei  to  Bottari,  August  28,  1757,  Bibl.  Corsini,  Rome, 
2054. 

*  Montesquieu,  however,  was  at  peace  with  the  Church  when 
he  died.  Feller,  Diet,  hist.,  VI.,  453  seq.  Cf.  *Gualtieri  to 
Valenti,  February  lo  and  April  21,  1755,  Nunziat.  di  Francia, 
493,  Papal  Secret  Archives  ;  *Valenti  to  Spinola,  May  15,  1755, 
Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  Registro  428,  ibid. 

'  Vernarecci,  II.,  760  seq. 

*  On  March  12,  1755,  II.,  399. 

'  Galletti,  179  ;   Vernarecci,  II.,  768. 


PASSIONEI   AND    JANSENISM  385 

instances  of  his  beneficence  have  been  related. ^  Nevertheless 
he  was  not  a  popular  character  ;  on  account  of  his  arrogant 
bearing  he  was  known  among  the  people  as  "  Cardinal  Scan- 
derbeg  ",  "  the  Prussian  Cardinal,"  or,  from  his  birthplace, 
"  the  Pasha  of  Fossombrone."^ 

Already  when  staying  in  Paris  and  then  when  residing  in 
Belgium  and  Holland,  Passionei  seems  to  have  been  affected 
by  Jansenism.3  As  early  as  1713  *  Fenelon  wrote  him  a  long 
letter  about  the  intellectual  condition  of  France  after  the 
publication  of  the  Bull  Unigenitus  and  urged  the  young  diplo- 
mat to  remain  loyal  to  the  See  of  St.  Peter.  In  his  library 
Passionei  collected  works  on  Jansenism  but  excluded  any 
books  by  Jesuits.^  While  Winckelmann  was  reading  Plato  in 
the  "  Hermitage  "  at  Camaldoli,  the  Cardinal,  seated  below 
a  portrait  of  Arnauld,  buried  himself  in  Pascal's  Provincial 
Letters  ^ ;  and  it  was  on  Passionei's  suggestion  that  Goujet 
wrote  the  introductions  to  Arnauld's  works.''    In  a  letter  to 

»  GoujET,  218  seq.  ;  Galletti,  223  seq.  ;  Vernarecci,  II., 
778  seq. 

2  George  Castriota  (d.  1468),  the  "  Lion  of  Albania  ",  the 
national  hero,  was  also  known  by  his  Turkish  title  of  Scanderbeg 
(Skander  Bey  =  Prince  Alexander).  JusTi,  Winckelmann,  II. »,  119. 

»  His  adviser  in  Utrecht  was  the  Abbe  Tosini,  whose  book  on 
Jansenism  (Concordia,  1717)  was  banned  in  1728.  Reusch,  II., 
719. 

*  On  November  22  (Fi^nelon,  CEuvres,  VIII.,  Paris,  1851,  198)  : 
"  En  quelque  endroit  du  monde  que  le  p6re  commun  vous  envoie, 
soyez-y  un  enfant  plein  da  candeur,  de  desint^ressement  et  de 
docilite,"  etc, 

*  Vernarecci,  II.,  765  seq.  ;  Justi,  Winckelmann,  II. »,  112  ; 
Vita  del  Papa  Benedetto  XI V.  Traduzione  dal  Francese,  Venezia, 
1783.  12.  8  JusTi,  loc.  cit.,  114. 

^  Reusch,  II.,  660.  It  is  related  in  a  *letter  from  Florence  of 
March  27,  1758,  that  the  bookseller  Gresset  of  Lausanne  had 
reported  on  his  way  home  from  Rome  that  the  Pope  had  sent 
for  him  and  had  earnestly  advised  him  to  publish  Arnauld's 
works  ;  the  misgivings  which  he  had  at  first  entertained  as  to 
the  financial  success  of  the  proposal  were  dispelled  when  three 
Cardinals  —  Tamburini,  Spinelli,  and  Corsini  or  Passionei  —  had 

VOL.  XXXV.  n  n 


386  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

his  confidant  Bottari  ^  he  described  himself  as  the  head  of 
the  Roman  Jansenists.  Cordara  bears  witness  to  his  being 
an  open  and  honourable  opponent  of  the  Jesuits  who  made 
no  secret  of  his  attitude, ^  while  Tamburini,  Orsi,  and  Spinelli 
were  more  underhand  in  their  work  against  the  Society.^ 
The  suspicion  that  Passionei  was  the  chief  author  of  the  plot  to 
destroy  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Cordara  goes  on  to  say,  is  not 


offered  to  guarantee  it.  Papal  Secret  Archives,  Regolari  See. 
lesu,  58. 

^  Of  February  12,  1752,  in  Rosa,  Passionei,  p.  11  :  "I  calum- 
niatori  al  solito  [viz.  the  Jesuits]  non  sanno  che  il  Priore  [of  the 
Hermitage,  namely  Passionei]  e  fra  Giovanni  sono  capi  de' 
Giansenisti  di  Roma,  e  che  i  Giansenisti  non  dicono  mai  bugia." 

*  "  lesuitarum  amicus  a  prima  juventute  fuit.  At  contracta 
in  Belgio  consuetudine  cum  Gerbertuio  aliisque  eiusdem  farinae 
doctoribus  adeo  mentem  ac  voluntatem  mutavit,  ut  Societatem 
insectari  deinde  nunquam  destiterit  :  hoc  laudandus  tamen,  quod 
inimicitiam  exercebat  aperte  atque,  ut  ita  dicam  honeste,  non, 
ut  alii  quidam  ex  occulto  et  simulate  "  (Cordara,  De  suis  ac 
suovtmi  rebus,  lib.  11  ;  Rosa,  Passionei,  7).  Gerbertuius  cannot 
be  the  well-known  Gerberon,  who  was  in  prison  in  Amiens  and 
Vincennes  in  1703-10  and  died  as  soon  after  his  release  as 
March  9,  171 1. 

^  Cordara,  Denkwiirdigkeiten,  III.,  11,  32  seq.  For  the  anti- 
Jesuit  Cardinals,  see  Jemolo,  ioi.  With  regard  to  Tamburini 
it  is  stated  in  the  Vita  del  Papa  Benedetto  XIV.,  fo.  58*  :  "  il 
card.  Passionei  bram6  sempre  di  vederlo  Papa,  considerandolo 
capace  di  finir  tutte  le  dispute  della  Chiesa  e  di  riconciliarsi  la 
stima  di  tutti  li  sovrani."  Of  Spinelli,  Tanucci  wrote  to  Caracciolo 
on  February  12,  1752,  that  he  was  an  enemy  of  the  Jesuits  and 
the  Bull  Unigenitus,  but  in  secret  (Archives  of  Simancas,  Estado 
5041).  On  March  12,  1752  [ibid.)  Tanucci  *reported  to  Cantiglia 
that  the  French  envoy  Stainville  (Choiseul)  would  like  Spinelli 
to  be  Pope.  During  the  conclave  of  1758  he  *assured  the  envoy 
Montcalegre  on  May  30  [ibid.,  Estado  5947)  :  "  Di  Roma  si  dice 
che  i  Francesi  vorrebbono  un  Papa  giansenista  e  per  tele  abbiano 
posti  gli  occhi  su  Spinelli  e  Tamburini."  Cf.  *Tanucci  to  Cantiglia 
on  May  20,  1758,  ibid.  ;  Rosa,  Passionei,  53  ;  Boutrv,  Choiseul, 
224  seqq. 


VASQUEZ  AS   JANSENIST  AND   ANTI-JESUIT         387 

without  foundation,  seeing  that  he  had  come  to  an  under- 
standing on  the  matter  with  the  Bourbon  Ministers. ^ 

The  Jansenistically-minded  prelates  Bottari  and  Foggini  2 
were  Passionei's  friends  and  fellow- workers,  and  he  was  also 
on  good  terms  with  the  anti-clerical  Spanish  envoy  and  future 
Minister,  Roda,  who  deplored  his  death  as  a  great  loss.^ 

The  anti- Jesuit  movement  was  joined  by  many  members  of 
religious  Orders  who  had  been  antagonized  by  intellectual  or 
personal  differences  aggravated  by  the  imprudent  actions  of 
individual  Jesuits.^  Most  prominent  among  these  was  the 
General  of  the  Augustinians,  Francis  Xavier  Vasquez,  a 
Peruvian  and  a  stormy  character,  who  repeatedly  incited 
Roda  to  take  the  offensive.^  From  his  friends  Vasquez  made 
no  attempt  to  conceal  his  leaning  towards  Jansenism  ;  in 
his  view,  the  condemnation  of  the  Synod  of  Utrecht 
was  the  work  of  the  Jesuits,  who  in  their  omnipotence  were 
striving  "  to  destroy  that  noble  portion  of  the  Church  of  God  ".^ 
Many  of  his  letters  to  Roda  ended  with  the  ironic  formula, 
"  in  communion  with  the  interpreter  of  Jansenism,"  or 
"  greetings  from  the  interpreter  of  Jansenius  ".'  In  one  letter 
to  him  he  asked  that  the  archbishopric  of  Valencia  might  be 
given  to  his  fellow-religious  Lassala  ;  the  Minister  was  invited 

*  "  Suspicio  baud  vana  fuit  quod  coquebatur  inter  ministros 
principum  Societatis  excidium,  Passioneo  praesertim  auctore  ac 
architecto  deliberatum  fuisse."    Denkwurdigkeiten,  III.,  32. 

^  Rosa,  Gesuiti,  363  seqq. 

2  *Roda  to  Wall,  July  26,  1759,  and  July  9,  1761,  Archives  of 
Simancas,  Estado  4965  and  4966.  Roda's  proposal  to  buy 
Passionei's  library^  for  the  Spanish  Government  came  to  nothing  ; 
it  was  acquired  by  F.  X.  Vasquez.  *Vasquez  to  Roda,  Bibl. 
S.  Isidro,  Madrid,  Cartas  de  Vasquez,  I. 

''  CoRDARA,  De  Suppressione,  41  seq.,  69  seq.,  95. 

'•'  *Rdbago  to  Portocarrero,  August  24,  1751,  Archives  of  the 
Spanish  Embassy  to  Rome,  Expedientes,  P.  Confessor. 

^  "  *Se  ha  empenado  a  destruir  aquella  noble  porci6n  de  la 
Iglesia  de  Dios."    Bibl.  S.  Isidro,  Madrid,  loc.  cit.   Varie  nuove. 

'  *  Vasquez  to  Caprara,  November  26,  1767,  ibid.  ;  *Caprara 
to  Vasquez,  November  5,  1767,  ibid. 


388  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

to  use  his  customary  dexterity  to  sway  the  hearts  of  those  who 
had  these  favours  to  grant,  "  so  that  Jansenism  might 
triumph  and  ignorance  perish."  ^  The  Jesuits  considered 
Vasquez  to  be  as  proud  as  Lucifer,^  while  Vasquez  wrote  to 
Roda  that  "  the  Society  of  Jesus  is  like  a  hydra  ;  as  soon  as 
you  cut  off  one  of  the  monster's  heads  it  grows  another  ".^ 

Although  to  all  appearances  it  was  only  the  Jesuits  who 
were  the  object  of  attack,  in  reality  it  was  the  Church  itself 
and  the  Holy  See,  as  was  realized  by  persons  of  insight  at  the 
time  and  was  to  be  shown  more  clearly  in  the  near  future* 
Both  openly  and,  more  often,  secretly,  the  party  caused  to 
be  published  writings  containing  spiteful  attacks  on  the 
Church's  jurisdiction,  which  it  tried  to  restrict  and  belittle  in 
favour  of  secular  princes.^  Among  its  various  groups  the 
Jansenist  Nouvelles  Ecclesiastiques  was  passed  without 
hindrance  from  hand  to  hand,^  and  the  members  of  the  party 
kept  each  other  informed  of  the  latest  writings  against  the 
Jesuits  and  Rome.'  The  Jesuit  General  wrote  to  the  con- 
fessor of  the  Spanish  Queen-Mother  that  the  campaign  against 

^  "  *que  con  su  acostumbrada  destreza  maneje  los  animos  de  los 
dispensadores  de  la  gracia,  de  modo  que  triumfe  el  Jansenismo, 
y  muera  la  ignorancia."  To  Roda,  November  2,  1769,  ibid. 
Cf.  *Vasquez  to  Roda,  October  18,  1769,  and  January  25,  1770, 
ibid. 

*  *To  Roda,  June  11,  1767,  ibid. 
«  *To  Roda.  June  6,  1768,  ibid. 

*  Ricci,  *Espulsione  dalla  Spagna,  63  seqq. 

^  Vasquez  attacked  some  theses  on  the  Church's  jurisdiction 
whose  tone  was  very  moderate  and  which  had  been  defended  in 
the  Roman  College,  but  since  his  attack  was  \vithout  effect  in 
Rome  he  had  printed  in  Portugal  a  memorial  couched  in  violent 
terms  :  Memorial  del  P.  Geral  da  Ordem  de  S.  Agostinho  ao  SS.  P. 
Clemente  XIII.  sobre  algunas  conclnsoens  dos  Jesuitas,  [1765], 
in  Nunziat.  di  Spagna,  301,  Papal  Secret  Archives.  Ricci, 
*Espulsione  dalla  Spagna,  12. 

*  *Bandini  to  Foggini,  November  22,  1763,  Bibl.  Corsini, 
Rome,  Cod.  1607. 

'  *On  November  22,  1763,  Bandini  informed  Foggini  that  a 
book  had  been  published  in  Venice  in  which  the  Church's  right  of 


THE    ANTI-JESUIT   CONSPIRACY  389 

his  people  was  being  carried  on  with  such  subtlety  that  even 
men  of  great  intelligence  and  honesty  were  deceived.^ 

The  suppression  of  the  Society  was  in  fact  the  result  of 

asylum  had  been  utterly  disproved  ;  and  on  *April  18  he  sent 
him  a  satirical  poem  directed  against  Zaccaria  and  the  Jesuit 
morality  (ibid.).  "  *Le  trasmetto  due  froutespizi  di  un  libro  assai 
terribile  pubblicato  a'giomi  scorsi  contro  la  Compagnia,  e  nel 
quale  si  cava  fuori  con  un'arte  assai  sopraffina  tutto  il  veleno 
che  s'incontra  ne'  libri  pubblicati  fino  al  presente  contro  la 
medesima.  La  cosa  piu  curiosa  si  e  che  anno  aggiunto  in  fine 
un  gazzettino  di  vari  fatti  seguiti  in  diverse  case  de'  Padri. 
Quando  ne  voglia  un  pacchetto  di  esemplari,  potra  esser 
servita.  .  .  ."  (Bandini  to  Foggini,  April  29,  1760,  ibid.).  *On 
November  28,  1760,  Orsini  offered  to  send  the  Minister  Tanucci 
I  liipi  smascherati,  which  he  described  as  the  cleverest  book 
which  had  appeared  for  years,  its  purpose  being  to  incite  the 
Powers  to  dissolve  the  Jesuits.  Archives  of  Simancas,  Estado  4964. 
^  "  *Le  circostanze  del  tempo  siccome  danno  luogo  a  temere 
ogni  cosa,  cosi  consigliano  ogni  prevenzione.  Incomincio  a  sentire 
certe  voci,  le  quali  mi  mettono  in  sospetto,  che  i  nostri  nemici, 
e  ugualmente,  anzi  principalmente  nemici  della  Chiesa  e  della 
religione  siano  per  muoverci  adesso  guerra  in  coteste  parti, 
risoluti  di  non  desistere,  finche  abbiano,  se  Dio  il  permettera, 
ottenuta  I'abolizione  della  Compagnia.  Le  loro  arti  sono  si  varie 
e  si  fine,  che  giungono  ad  ingannare  e  pre  venire  contro  di  noi 
anco  persone  di  molta  intelligenza,  d'integrita,  anzi  di  probita. 
Que.ste  qualita  convengono  tutte  al  S.  Emanuele  di  Roda  .  .  .  , 
ma  per  quanto  mi  asseriscono  molte  persone  riguardevolissime, 
non  abbiamo  la  sorte  di  meritare  il  suo  favore.  Siccome  io  I'ho 
trattato  con  tutto  il  rispetto,  cosi  egli  ha  trattato  me  con  tutta 
la  cortesia,  onde  non  ho  riprove  immediate  di  cio  che  scrivo,  ma 
questo  sentimento  e  comune.  Ho  una  intiera  fiduzia  nelle 
penetrazione  e  clemenza  di  coteste  Maesta  e  so  che  finalmente 
le  nostre  sorti  sono  in  mano  di  Dio,  r\h  ci  sera  recato  piti  danno 
di  quel  che  egli  per  i  suoi  rettissimi  fini  permettera.  Tuttavia 
egli  pur  vuole  che  si  adoperino  1  mezzi  umani.  Perci6  credo 
mio  debito  ragguagliare  V.  R.  acci6  ella  faccia  e  procuri,  che 
sieno  fatte  le  prevenzioni  che  credera  opportune,  non  gia  facendo 
il  minimo  nocumento  a  veruno,  ma  solo  per  impedire  le  sinistre 
impressioni,  nk  mai  per  offesa,   da  cui  per  divina  misericordia 


390  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

a  well-considered  plan.^  On  a  pre-arranged  weekday  the  party 
leaders  met  in  the  Archetto,  the  house  of  the  Prefect  of  the 
Vatican  Library,  Bottari.  Nearly  all  were  priests,  both 
secular  and  regular,  from  outside  Rome,  a  goodly  portion 
coming  from  Tuscany.  They  were  Cardinal  Neri  Corsini,  the 
Augustinian  General  Francis  Xavier  Vasquez,  the  Abbe 
Antonio  Niccolini,^  the  Oratorian  Prosperd  Buttari,  Foggini, 
and  others,  including  the  sixteen-year-old  nephew  of  the 
Jesuit  General,  Scipione  de'  Ricci,  a  pupil  of  the  Jesuits  from 
the  Roman  Seminary,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Pistoia.^    Another 

sono  alienissimo,  ma  quanto  solo  e  necessario  per  mera  difesa." 
Ricci  to  Bramieri,  April  25,  1765,  Epist.  gen.  secretae,  in  Jesuit 
ownership. 

*  "  Non  temere,  non  casu,  sed  consilio  ac  deliberatione  res 
agebatur.  Conveniebant  certa  die  certam  domum  partium 
primipili,  presbyteri  ferme  extern!  ac  coenobitae  ad  consultandum, 
quid  facto  esset  opus.  Multa  ponebantur  in  medio,  sententiae 
rogabantur,  acta  ad  Passioneum  cardinalcm  referebantur.  .  .  . 
Illud  videtur  semel  de  communi  sententia  constitutum,  viribus 
omnibus  connitendum,  ut  exciderent  lesuitae  hac  existimatione, 
quam  apud  vulgus  hominum  obtinebant.  .  .  .  Ubi  satis  obscurata 
aut  detrita  penitus  fuerit  Societatis  fama,  turn  demum  de  eius 
extinctione  cum  spe  aliqua  agi  posse.  .  .  .  Hanc  fuisse  belligerandi 
formam  in  iis  conventiculis  praestitutam,  non  tarn  linguis  ac 
literis  quam  ipsis  rebus  revictum  est.  Nam  post  id  tenipus  tarn 
multi  diversis  locis,  tarn  probrosi  in  Societatem  prodiere  libeUi 
aut  de  novo  conditi  aut  recusi,  ut  tota  prope  oppropriis  lesuitarum 
inundaretur  Europa  atque  ad  ultimos  usque  Americanos  et  Indos 
inundatio  pervenerit."  Cordara,  De  suis  ac  suorum  rebus, 
lib.  9  ;    Rosa,  Passionei,  8,  n.  i. 

-  "  il  piu  mordace  della  Compagnia,"  "  il  piu  spietato  avver- 
sario  dei  Gesuiti."  Since  he  spoke  so  freely  to  Bottari  of  his 
"  critiche  mordaci  al  papato,  le  accuse  ai  procedimenti  tenuti 
dalla  Curia  e  dagli  ordini  regolari,  le  approvazioni  entusiastiche 
ai  ministri  del  Portogallo  e  della  Francia  ",  Bottari  must  have 
been  of  one  mind  with  him.  "  Non  per  nulla  del  resto  i  Gesuiti 
accusavano  il  Bottari  qual  capo  dei  Giansenisti  romani." 
RoDOLico  in  the  Rassegna  nazionale,  CLXXXIII.  (191 2),  339. 

'  "  in  questa  conversazione  [at  Bottari 's]  non  meno  che  in 


THE    ANTI-JESUIT   LITERARY   CAMPAIGN       39I 

of  their  meeting-places  was  the  Oratorian  convent  at  the 
Chiesa  Nuova.^  In  Florence  the  anti-Jesuits  met  most 
frequently  in  the  Biblioteca  Riccardi,  where  their  host  was 
the  learned  Giovanni  Lami,  the  chief  representative  of  Jan- 
senistic  thought  in  Italy, ^  who  through  his  periodical  Novelle 
letterarie  (1740-1767)  was  largely  instrumental  in  propagating 
Jansenist  ideas  in  Tuscany.^  At  these  meetings  were  discussed 
the  measures  to  be  taken  against  the  Jesuits,  and  the  decision 
was  reported  to  Passionei :  first,  the  reputation  of  the  Society 
was  to  be  undermined  by  writings  on  probabilism  and  the 
ritual  dispute,  and  then,  when  this  object  had  been  attained, 
the  suppression  of  the  Society  could  be  undertaken  with 
success.  Accordingly,  from  that  time  onwards.  Catholic 
countries  were  flooded  with  anti- Jesuit  writings.  A  list  of 
publications  inserted  by  the  Venetian  publisher  Bettinelli  in 
a  work  attacking  Bellarmine's  beatification  *  included  forty- 
seven  large  and  forty-five  smaller  works  written  against  the 
Jesuits,  all  printed  in  the  one  year,  1761. 

Thus  by  incessant  attacks  and  slanders  the  ground  was 
prepared  in  every  Catholic  country.  The  first  action  to  be 
taken  was  in  Portugal,  the  occasion  being  the  conditions  in 
the  missions. 

quella  dei  Filippini  [the  Oratorians]  .  .  .  io  cominciai  a  disingan- 
narmi  su  molte  cose  relative  a'Gesuiti."  Gelli,  Memorie  di 
Scipione  de'  Ricci,  Firenze,  1865,  8  [cf.  5,  13)  ;  Rodolico,  loc.  cit., 
338. 

^  Cf.  the  foregoing  note. 

-  "  Rappresenta  il  Lami  lo  speciale  atteggiamento  dei  liberali 
cattolici  italiani  a  meta  del  700  di  fronte  al  pensiero  giansenista 
francese."    Rodolico,  loc.  cit.,  344. 

'  "  Le  Novelle  letterarie  concorrono  cosi  a  divolgare  in  Toscana 
il  pensiero  giansenista  francese."  Ibid.,  343  ;  documentation 
ibid. 

*  Voti  of  Cardinals  Barbarigo,  Casanata,  Azzolini  (Ferrara, 
1761),  59-64. 


CHAPTER   VI. 
Benedict  XIV.  and  the  Missions. 

(1) 

In  the  history  of  the  missions  the  period  of  Benedict  XIV. 's 
pontificate  was  of  great  importance.  On  many  of  the  occasions 
when  he  personally  intervened  in  the  course  of  events  in  his 
legislative  capacity,  his  intervention  was  of  permanent  effect, 
and  where  conditions  radically  altered  of  their  own  accord  they 
heralded  a  new  era  ;  so  that  for  either  reason  a  comparatively 
full  description  of  the  situation  seems  to  be  essential. 

One  of  the  first  governmental  actions  taken  by  the  new 
Pope,  on  January  14th,  1741,  was  to  entrust  the  nuncios  in 
Vienna,  Poland,  Cologne,  and  Belgium  with  the  visitation  of 
the  colleges  which  were  maintained  by  Papal  subsidy  and 
whose  object  was  the  training  of  missionaries  to  work  among 
the  heretics  and  unbelievers.^  In  the  exhausted  state  of  the 
Papal  treasury,  said  the  Pope,  he  could  not  be  so  generous  as 
his  predecessors  ;  nevertheless  in  so  far  as  it  was  possible,  the 
colleges  would  not  lack  the  care  of  the  Apostolic  See.  The 
nuncios,  therefore,  were  to  ascertain  the  condition  of  the  Papal 
seminaries  by  obtaining  answers  to  a  list  of  seventeen  questions 
and  to  report  the  result  to  Rome.  Pending  the  arrival  of  these 
reports  the  precedent  set  by  Innocent  X.  would  be  followed  : 
the  payment  of  the  Papal  subsidies  would  be  suspended. 
This  Brief  was  amplified  by  a  Motu  Proprio  published  on 
February  8th,  1741.^  At  least  forty  years  before,  it  was  stated, 
a  Congregation  of  Propaganda  Cardinals  had  been  in  being 
whose  task  it  was  to  superintend  the  Papal  colleges.  This 
Congregation  was  now  revived  as  a  permanent  institution. 
It  was  to  consist  of  five  Cardinals  who  were  to  meet  three 
times  a  year  and  who  had  full  authority  to  further  the  spiritual 
and  temporal  welfare  of  the  seminaries. 

*  Jus  pontif.,  III.,  15-17.  '  Ibid.,  17-19. 


THE    CONGREGATION    FOR   THE    COLLEGES  393 

Information  about  the  activity  of  the  Congregation  is 
contained  in  the  archives  of  the  Propaganda. ^  The  Congrega- 
tion for  the  colleges,  we  learn,  was  reconstituted  here  in  1640, 
and  its  last  session  was  held  in  1698.  There  was  then  appended 
a  list  of  the  subsidized  seminaries,  which  were  surprisingly 
numerous.  Beyond  the  Alps,  besides  the  Bohemian  boarding 
school  for  poor  students,^  there  were  seminaries  in  Vienna, 
Prague,  Olmiitz,  Fulda,  Braunsberg,  DiUingen,  Vilna,  Douai, 
and  Cologne.  All  these,  except  that  at  Fulda  and  the  Bohemian 
school,  derived  their  financial  support  from  the  marriage 
dispensations  granted  by  the  Dataria.  The  Irish  college  in 
Louvain  and  the  Armenian  and  Ruthenian  colleges  at  Lemberg 
were  financed  by  the  Propaganda  ;  the  two  seminaries  at 
Avignon,  the  college  at  Como  (S.  Maria  di  Rondineto),  and 
that  at  Graz  were  supported  by  the  Pope.  In  Rome  there 
were  the  Propaganda  itself  and  the  Irish,  Scottish,  Greek, 
German,  Maronite,  and  English  colleges  ;  at  Loreto  was  the 
lUyrian  college,  maintained  by  the  Santa  Casa.  The  following, 
though  not  strictly  Papal  seminaries,  were  dependent  on  the 
Propaganda  :  the  Irish  colleges  in  LiUe,  Douai,  Antwerp, 
and  Tournai,  the  Scottish  colleges  in  Paris,  Douai,  and  Madrid, 
the  English  colleges  in  Lisbon,  Seville,  and  Alcala,  the  archi- 
episcopal  seminary  and  the  Norbertinum  of  the  Premonstra- 
tensians  in  Prague,  the  Greek  college  in  Padua,  and  the  Swiss 
coUege  in  Milan,  It  was  also  at  the  request  of  the  Propaganda 
that  the  Chinese  coUege  in  Naples  and  the  coUege  at  Ullano 
for  Italo-Greeks  from  Albania  were  first  established.^  To 
these  institutions,  already  numerous  enough,  must  be  added 
the  colleges  belonging  to  the  various  Orders.  In  Rome,  the 
Discalced  Carmelites  had  a  college  at  S.  Pancrazio,  the 
Riformati  at  S.  Pietro  in  Montorio,  the  Observants  at 
S.  Bartolomeo  on  the  island  in  the  Tiber,  the  Trinitarians 
at  the  Madonna  deUe   Fornaci ;    at    Assisi    was    a    college 

1  *Visite  41,  Archives  of  the  Propaganda  in  Rome. 
^  In  Prague  ;    see  Kross,  Gesch.  der  hohm.  Provinz  der  Gesell- 
schaft  Jesu,  I.,  Vienna,  1910,  532  seqq. 

9  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIV,  467,  468. 


394  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES 

of  the  Minorite  Conventuals.  Under  the  Generals  of 
the  Franciscans  were  S.  Isidoro  in  Rome,  the  college  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception  in  Prague,  a  college  in  Louvain,  and 
another  at  "  Boulaggio  'V  all  for  students  destined  for 
Ireland.  The  Franciscans  were  also  in  possession  of  missionary 
convents  or  colleges  in  Algarve  (S.  Antonio  di  "Barataxo")^ 
and  Mexico  (S.  Croce,  at  Queretaro),  also  other  institutions 
in  Varatoio,  Brancanes,^  Guatemala,  and  Guadeloupe.  The 
Benedictines  possessed  the  Scottish  seminary  at  Ratisbon,  in 
which  they  were  confirmed  by  the  Holy  See  in  1737,  and  an 
English  college  at  Douai.  The  institutions  at  Ghent,  Liege,  and 
St-Omer  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits. 

In  a  session  held  on  February  18th,  1741,  the  five  Cardinals 
appointed  by  the  Pope  to  form  the  supervisory  Congregation 
divided  the  colleges  among  themselves  for  the  purpose  of 
reporting  on  them.  San  Clemente  (Annibale  Albani)  was  given 
the  institutions  at  Vilna,  Lemberg,  Braunsberg,  and  Assisi, 
Cardinal  Petra  those  in  Vienna  and  Olmiitz,  the  lUyrian 
colleges  at  Fermo  and  Loreto,  and  the  college  at  Assisi  ; 
Caraffa  took  charge  of  Fulda,  Dillingen,  and  S.  Pietro  in  Monto- 
rio,  Gentili  the  English  college  at  Douai,  the  Irish  college  at 
Louvain,  and  the  institutions  at  Cologne  and  Avignon  and 
that  on  the  island  on  the  Tiber  ;  Rezzonico  took  over  Prague, 
S.  Pancrazio,  and  the  Bohemian  school  for  poor  students.'* 
All  these  institutions  were  treated  by  Rome  as  though  they 

^  Boulages  in  the  Champagne  ?  Cf.  "  Boulaes  "  in  Marcelling 
DA  CivEzzA,  VII.,  1,  643. 

*  Baradoxa  ;    cf.  lus  pontif.,  II.,  52  11. 

'  The  names  Brancannes  {sic)  and  Varatoio  in  7ms  pontif., 
IV.,  332. 

*  The  report  of  the  visitation  of  Vilna  and  Braunsberg  is  to 
be  found  on  p.  57  of  the  *Visite  41,  that  of  Fulda  on  p.  181, 
Douai  on  p.  234  ;  on  p.  247  the  "  Informazione  del  collegio  dotto 
di  casa  salda  in  Colonia  ",  on  p.  253  the  desire  of  the  Bishop  of 
Assisi  to  visit  the  college  there.  Several  colleges  could  not  be 
visited  on  account  of  the  war.  For  the  college  at  Vilna  cf.  the 
Brief  to  the  Ruthenian  Bishops  of  August  14,  1753,  Bull.  Lux., 
XIX.,  63. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND   THE    MISSION    COLLEGES      395 

were  missionary  colleges,  even  when  their  students  were  destined 
for  pastoral  work  among  heretics. 

The  Pope's  solicitude  for  the  colleges  was  shown  also  in 
other  ways.  The  very  scanty  revenues  of  the  Chinese  college 
in  Naples  he  increased  by  making  over  to  it  the  Benedictine 
monastery  of  S.  Pietro  at  Eboli,^  afterwards  transferring  to 
it  also  a  yearly  income  of  500  ducats  which  he  had  held  back 
from  the  first  donation.  Besides  its  eight  students  from  China 
and  India,  the  college  was  to  maintain  eight  more  from 
Wallachia,  Bulgaria,  Serbia,  and  Albania. ^  He  approved  the 
rules  drawn  up  by  the  rector  of  the  Italo-Greek  college  in 
Palermo,  whose  students  were  to  train  for  pastoral  duties 
among  the  Albanians  and  as  missionaries  in  the  Near  East.' 
The  Corsini  College  established  at  UUano  for  the  purpose  of 
supplying  pastors  to  the  Greeks  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  had 
enjoyed  the  usufruct  of  the  former  Benedictine  monastery  in 
that  to\vn  ;  this  privilege  the  Pope  confirmed  by  re-conferring 
it  on  the  director  of  the  coUege.^  Duke  Casimir  of  Nieswitz 
was  thanked  for  the  zeal  he  had  displayed  in  supporting  the 
efforts  made  to  win  back  the  schismatic  Ruthenians,  also  for 
the  foundation  of  a  Ruthenian  seminary.^  The  Pope  com- 
mended to  the  Duke's  patronage  the  Ruthenian  seminary  at 
Lemberg.^  On  the  new  missionary  college  for  the  Franciscan 
Observants  which  Jose  de  Moraes  Sarmento  was  proposing  to 
establish  in  Portugal '  the  Pope  bestowed  ^  all  the  privileges 

*  Brief  of  August  31,  1743,  Iiis  pontif.,  III.,  118  seq.  The 
monastery  was  "  sine  cura  at  conventu  ",  namely  empty.  In  the 
Briefs  the  name  of  the  place  was  written  sometimes  Ebulo, 
sometimes  Embumbo  or  Embulo. 

^  Brief  of  October  6,  1746,  ibid.,  364.  Confirmation  and 
extension  of  the  privileges,  of  December  18,  1746,  and  Decem- 
ber 28,  1756,  ibid.,  310,  668. 

'  On  February  25,  1757,  ibid.,  680  seq. 

^  On  January  2,  1743,  ibid.,  94. 

*  "  seminarium  svirnense  "  (Schweidnitz) . 
«  Acta,  II.,  67. 

'  "  in  loco  de  Vinkaes  "  (Vinhaes).    Ins  pontif.,  IV.,  332. 

*  On  February  20,  1753,  Acta,  II.,  126. 


39^  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

which  had  been  granted  by  Innocent  XI.  to  the  convent  of 
St.  Antony  at  Baradoxa  on  December  23rd,  1679.  To  the 
Dominicans  Benedict  sent  his  congratulations  ^  on  the  founda- 
tion of  a  seminary  for  missionaries  on  the  Monte  Mario,  near 
Rome. 

(2) 

Benedict  XIV.  was  much  occupied  with  the  furtherance  of 
Christianity  in  the  East.^  The  first  country  to  demand  his 
attention  in  this  respect  was  Abyssinia,  which  in  his  time  was 
most  difficult  of  access.  When  Count  Le  Roux  d'Esneval  was 
forming  a  trading  company  to  open  up  the  country,  the  Pope 
took  the  opportunity  to  write  to  the  Negus  Bakafa,^  who  had 
been  reported  as  having  leanings  towards  Catholicism,  recom- 
mending to  him  as  a  messenger  of  the  Faith  the  Franciscan 
Michael  Angelus  de  Vestigne.  The  project,  however,  came  to 
nothing.  In  1751  another  attempt  on  Abyssinia  was  made  by 
the  Franciscans,  this  time  at  the  express  invitation  of  King 
Yasu  II.,  who  had  written  to  the  "  Guardian  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  "  in  Jerusalem.  A  small  band  of  missionaries 
reached  Gondar  on  March  19th,  1752,  and  laboured  so  well 
that  their  expulsion  was  demanded  and  obtained  by  the 
Abyssinian  clergy.* 

For  the  Maronite  Church  the  foundations  of  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  ecclesiastical  affairs  had  been  laid  at  the  Synod  of 
Lebanon,  held  in  1736  ^  ;  meanwhile,  however,  much  objection 
had  been  taken  to  them.  The  Congregation  of  Cardinals 
appointed  by  his  predecessor  to  investigate  the  matter  was 
confirmed  by  Benedict,  and  after  a  fresh  examination  by  the 
Italo-Greek  Rodota  and  two  Maronites  who  chanced  to  be  in 
Rome    (the  Archbishop  of  Cyprus,   Gabriel  Eva,    and  the 

'  On  July  lo,  1748,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVII.,  267  ;    Walz,  369. 

-  Benedetto  XIV.  e  le  chiese  Orientali  in  Roma  e  I'Oriente,  VII. 
(1914),  263-274  ;    Balan,  La  Chiesa  e  gli  Slavi,  216  seqq. 

'  On  January  21,  1741,  lus  pontif.,  VII.,  152  seq.  ;  Lemmens, 
185. 

*  Lemmens,  185  seq. 

'  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIV,  468. 


THE   MARONITES  397 

Abbot-General  of  the  monks  of  St.  Antony  of  Lebanon),  the 
decisions  of  the  Synod  of  Lebanon  were  approved  at  a  final 
session  of  the  Congregation  of  Cardinals  held  in  the  Pope's 
presence  on  August  7th,  1741.  They  were  subsequently  ratified 
by  Benedict  XIV.,  after  he  had  taken  cognizance  of  each  one 
of  them,  in  a  Constitution  of  September  1st,  1741. '^  A  further 
Brief  contained  particulars  regarding  the  diocesan  partition 
and  the  dues  which  had  formerly  been  paid  to  the  patriarchs 
on  the  occasion  of  the  delivery  of  the  consecrated  oils  ;  it 
was  now  laid  down  that  the  dues  were  to  be  paid  at  anothe'r 
time,  namely  the  Sunday  following  the  Assumption. ^  The 
Papal  delegate  to  the  Synod  was  attacked  in  various  writings 
ascribed  to  the  Maronite  and  Melchite  patriarchs,  but  the 
controversy  was  brought  to  an  end  by  a  Brief  issued  by 
Benedict  on  February  16th,  1742.^ 

The  bearer  of  these  decisions  was  still  on  his  way  home 
when  the  Patriarch  Joseph  El-Khazen  died,  on  May  13th, 
1742.  On  May  15th  the  prelates  who  had  been  present  at  his 
burial  elected  as  his  successor  the  Archbishop  of  Damascus, 
Simon  Avad,  and  then,  when  he  had  declined  the  office,  the 
Archbishop  of  Arka,  EHas  Mochasseb.  At  this  election  no 
attention  had  been  paid  to  the  absence  of  the  Archbishops  of 
Cyprus  and  Tyre,  who,  annoyed  at  this  neglect,  promptly 
consecrated  two  new  Bishops,  and  with  their  co-operation 
proceeded  to  elect  a  new  Patriarch,  their  choice  falling  on  the 
Archbishop  of  Cyprus,  Tobias  El-Khazen.  Both  of  the  Arch- 
bishops thus  honoured  appealed  to  Rome,  and  Benedict  ruled 
that  both  had  been  invalidly  elected*  and  exerting  his  absolute 
power  as  Pope  and  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  the  Western 
Church  he  declared  the  Archbishop  Simon  Avad  of  Damascus 
to  be  Patriarch. 5    The  Pope  did  not  take  this  step  without 

^  Bull.  Lux.,  XVL,  44  seq.  ;    DiB  in  the  Did.  de  thdol.  cath.,  X., 

83- 

2  DiB,  ibid.,  83,  123  ;  lus  poniif.,  III.,  48  ;  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI., 
66  seq. 

^  Acta,  I.,  103  seq. 

»  On  March  13,  1743,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  146. 

^  On  March  16,  1743,  ibid.,  147. 


39^  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

misgiving  ;  no  notice  of  it  was  conveyed  to  the  delegates  in 
Rome  of  the  two  pretenders  to  the  patriarchal  throne  and  the 
execution  of  the  Papal  decisions,  so  far  as  the  Lebanon  was 
concerned,  was  entrusted  to  the  Custodian  of  the  Holy  Land, 
the  Franciscan  Giacomo  da  Lucca. ^  However,  the  Maronites' 
loyalty  to  Rome  withstood  the  test,  and  on  October  11th,  1743, 
Simon  Avad  was  enthroned,  the  secretary  to  the  Papal  envoy, 
Desiderio  da  Casabasciana,  taking  back  with  him  to  Rome 
a  large  number  of  declarations  of  obedience. ^ 
•  Very  soon  afterwards  Desiderio  had  again  to  intervene  as 
the  Pope's  confidential  representative,  this  time  in  Syria, 
where  five  Bishops  had  disputed  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Patriarch  and  had  nominated  an  administrator  of  the  Patri- 
archal power.  On  both  parties  appealing  to  Rome,  it  fell  to 
Desiderio  to  restore  harmony  in  the  name  of  the  Pope.^ 
In  a  consistory  of  July  13th,  1744,  the  Pope  expressed  his 
pleasure  that  this  had  been  successfully  accomplished.* 

It  was  in  the  reign  of  Simon  Avad  that  there  first  attracted 
attention  towards  herself  a  visionary  who  subsequently  was 
a  cause  of  disturbance  in  the  Lebanon  until  nearly  the  end  • 
of  the  century.  Anna  Agemi,^  surnamed  Hendiye,  thought 
that  she  had  been  appointed  by  Heaven  to  call  into  being 
a  Congregation  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus,  and  she  did  in 
fact  succeed  in  founding  at  Bekorki  a  convent  in  accordance 
with  her  wishes.  Among  the  simple  folk  of  the  Lebanon  the 
supposed  visionary  soon  gained  adherents  ;  even  the  Jesuits, 
one  of  whom  was  her  spiritual  director,  supported  her  at  first. 
The  Patriarch  confirmed  the  rules  of  her  convent  in  1750,  and 

1  To  Da  Lucca  on  March  i6,  1743,  ibid.,  150  ;  to  the  Maronites 
on  the  same  day,  ibid.,  152. 

-  Cf.  DiB,  loc.  cit.,  85-8.  Sending  of  the  pallium  to  the 
Patriarch  :  Brief  of  August  4,  1744,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  207  ; 
praise  of  the  Maronites  :  Brief  of  August  11,  1744,  ibid.,  208 
(with  appendix  of  documents,  208-214). 

=>  Ibid.,  88. 

*  Acta,  I.,  224-231. 

"  We  keep  this  form  of  the  name  which  is  in  general  use  ; 
Dib  writes  Hendiye  or  Hendiyah  (of  the  family  of  'Ajeymi). 


ANNA   AGEMI  399 

a  priest  instructed  by  Simon  Avad  to  examine  her  spoke 
highly  of  her.  Gradually,  however,  the  Jesuits  deserted  her, 
but  as  the  Patriarch  was  still  faithful  to  her  the  opposition 
between  the  two  parties  became  so  acute  that  Avad  forbade 
the  Maronites  to  have  any  dealings  with  the  Jesuits. 

The  affair  was  now  ripe  for  the  intervention  of  the  Pope,  to 
whom  the  Jesuits  had  appealed.  In  a  Brief  of  January  4th, 
1752,  he  reprimanded  the  Patriarch  for  taking  such  serious 
steps  without  consulting  the  Holy  See,  suppressed  the  new 
Congregation  of  the  Sacred  Heart,  and  ordered  Agemi  to  be 
moved  to  another  convent.^  On  December  9th  he  instructed 
Desiderio  da  Casabasciana  to  go  to  the  Lebanon  to  undertake 
a  further  investigation  of  the  matter.  This  lasted  from  May 
18th  to  July  17th,  1753,  and  its  issue  was  so  favourable  to 
Agemi  that  Desiderio  thought  it  better  not  to  carry  out  the 
instructions  issued  by  the  Holy  See  in  her  respect.^  In  a  letter 
of  March  12th,  1754,  Benedict  urged  the  Patriarch  to  provide 
the  alleged  visionary  with  suitable  spiritual  guides,  while  she 
herself  was  to  seek  a  place  of  quiet  and  retirement  where  there 
would  be  no  opportunity  for  indulging  in  vainglory  or  for 
giving  rise  to  fresh  disputes.  At  the  same  time  he  requested 
Desiderio  to  supply  him  with  a  detailed  report  consisting  only 
of  facts  and  of  evidence  which  could  be  vouched  for  by 
Desiderio  himself.  Isidore  Mancini,  of  the  Order  of  Minims, 
was  instructed  to  examine  the  writings  on  Agemi.  Once 
again  Desiderio  declared  himself  in  her  favour,  the  other 
consultors  in  her  disfavour.  In  January  1755  the  matter  came 
before  a  Congregation  of  Cardinals,  and  on  the  25th  the  Propa- 
ganda wrote  to  the  Patriarch  that  Agemi's  ecstasies  and 
visions  were  clearly  self-delusions  and  that  her  spiritual 
advisers    could    not    be    spared    the    reproach    of   credulity. 

1  DiB,  loc.  cit.,  88  seq.  The  Brief  is  found  in  lus  poniif.,  III., 
482,  with  the  date  "  4.  Ian.  1752  anno  Pontif.  12  "  and  in  the 
Ada  Bened.  XIV.  with  the  date  "  4.  Ian.  1748  anno  Pontif.  8  "  ; 
in  both  cases  the  source  given  is  the  Bullarium  of  the  Propaganda, 
App.  II.,  160. 

^  DiB,  loc.  cit.,  89  seq. 


400  HISTORY    OF   THE   POPES 

Accordingly  the  Pope  appointed  a  new  adviser  for  her  in  the 
person  of  the  Franciscan  Observant,  Carlo  Innocenzo  da 
Cuneo.  Agemi  made  a  pretence  of  accepting  her  new  director 
but  failed  to  break  off  relations  with  her  old  one,  and  Innocenzo 
soon  left  Bekorki.i 

Rome's  verdict  on  Agemi's  visions  did  not  put  an  end  to 
her  cause.  Propaganda  had  expressed  no  opinion  on  her 
person  and  still  less  on  her  Congregation  ;  the  former  order 
for  its  dissolution  seems  to  have  been  forgotten.  This,  added 
to  the  fact  that  the  verdict  on  her  visions  was  probably  little 
known  by  the  people,  explains  how  it  was  that  after  Benedict 
XIV. 's  death  her  repute  increased  to  an  incredible  extent, 
especially  as  the  Patriarch  Tobias  El-Khazen,  who  succeeded 
Simon  Avad  (d.  1756),  though  not  particularly  attracted  by 
Agemi,  did  not  actually  oppose  her.^ 

Benedict  XIV.  also  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Maronites 
by  defending  the  holy  monk  Maro,  from  whom  the  Maronites 
derived  their  name,  against  the  Greek  Melchite  Patriarch 
Cyril,  who  had  had  the  pictures  of  Maro  torn  up,  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  not  a  Saint  but  a  heretic.  Benedict 
replied  in  a  Constitution  of  1753  that  Cyril  had  mistaken 
St.  Maro,  to  whom  Theodoretus  and  John  Chrysostom  bore 
testimony,  for  a  later  Maro.' 

To  the  Greek  Melchite  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  Cyril  VI. 
Tanas,  Benedict  XIV.  had  addressed  a  Constitution  ten  years 
before,  for  the  purpose  of  replying  to  several  misgivings  which 
had  been  expressed  in  Rome  under  Benedict  XIII.  and 
Clement  XII.  They  referred  to  the  rites  and  usages  of  the 
Greek  Church,  particularly  the  celebration  of  Mass  and  the 
law  of  fasting,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Patriarch  as  it  affected 
his  Maronite  colleague  and  the  Latin  missionaries,  and  finally 

^  Ibid..  90. 

*  Ibid.,  90  seq.  For  Tobias'  election  and  its  confirmation,  see 
Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  273-8. 

'  Constitution  of  September  28,  1753,  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  70  seq. 
An  indulgence  for  the  feast  of  St.  Maro,  of  August  12,  1744, 
in  Bened.  XIV.  Acta,  I.,  231. 


THE   EASTERN    RITE  4OI 

to  the  religious  Orders.  It  was  decided  that  the  Eastern  rite 
was  to  be  observed  in  all  its  details  and  was  not  to  be  altered 
by  the  Patriarchs.^  Not  only  the  Patriarch  but  the  missionaries 
in  the  East  were  commanded  to  respect  the  foreign  rites  ; 
the  Easterns  were  to  return  to  the  unity  of  the  Faith,  but  not 
to  become  Latins. ^  Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  the  Papal  repri- 
mand administered  to  Cyril,  Rome  soon  found  itself  obliged 
to  some  extent  to  come  round  to  his  way  of  thinking  ;  the 
Pope  was  forced  to  grant  a  dispensation  from  several  of  the 
ordinances  contained  in  his  Constitution  ^  and  to  supplement 
it  with  an  instruction.*  Cyril  Tanas  received  the  pallium  with 
a  Brief  of  February  29th,  1744.^  He  died  in  the  Lebanon, 
where  he  had  taken  refuge  from  the  persecution  of  the  schis- 
matic Patriarch.  The  firman  by  which  Cyril  had  been  allowed 
the  free  exercise  of  his  office  had  been  revoked  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  his  rival  and  the  Catholics  had  been  abandoned  com- 
pletely to  the  latter's  will.  To  set  the  matter  to  rights  the 
Pope  invoked  the  mediation  of  Louis  XV.  ^ 

It  was  in  the  reign  of  Benedict  XIV.  that  there  came  into 
existence  the  patriarchate  of  the  Armenians  of  Cilicia  and 
Lesser  Armenia,  in  union  with  Rome.  The  Archbishop  of 
Aleppo,  Abraham  Ardzivian,  who  had  been  elected  Patriarch 
of  Cis  in  Cilicia  by  three  Bishops  of  his  nation,  came  to  Rome 
in  person  to  declare  his  obedience  to  the  Pope.  Benedict  XIV. 
conferred  the  pallium  on  him  on  November  26th,  1742.    As 

1  Constitution  of  December  24,  1743,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  166  seqq. 
In  accordance  with  this  the  Armenians  were  forbidden  on 
December  29,  1755,  to  celebrate  three  Masses  on  Christmas  Day, 
as  is  done  in  the  West.    Ibid.,  XIX.,  187  seq. 

^  The  Holy  See  desires  "  ut  diversae  eorum  [the  Easterns] 
nationes  conserventur,  non  destruantur  omnesque  .  .  .  catholici 
sint,  non  ut  omnes  Latini  fiant  ".  Brief  of  July  26,  1755,  ibid., 
151-166. 

3  Briefs  of  March  7  and  10,  1746,  Acta,  I.,  329,  331  ;  lus 
pontif.,  VII.,  188. 

*  Confirmed  on  March  18,  1746,  Acta,  336-344. 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  198  seqq. 

*  On  Januar^'^  23,  1749,  Acta,  II.,  34. 

VOL.  XXXV.  D  d 


402  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

a  pledge  of  his  loyalty  to  Rome  he  took  the  surname  of 
Petrus.  Hard  pressed  by  the  heretics,  he  was  forced  to  follow 
the  example  of  his  predecessors  and  take  up  his  residence  in 
the  Lebanon.^  His  two  successors,  Petrus  II.  Jacob  and 
Petrus  III.  Michael,  also  received  the  pallium,  in  1750  and 
1754.2  Abraham  Ardzivian  may  also  perhaps  be  regarded  as 
the  real  founder  of  the  Armenian  Congregation  of  the  Monks 
of  St.  Anthony,  which  was  promoted  by  Attar-Muradian  ^ 
and  Jacob  Hovsepian. 

The  history  of  the  Uniat  Armenians  was  also  in  the 
pontificate  of  Benedict  XIV.  a  series  of  tragedies.  The 
Porte  recognized  only  the  schismatic  Patriarch  as  the  civil 
head  of  the  Armenians  ;  which  explains  how  it  was  that 
their  own  schismatic  countrymen,  rather  than  the  Turks, 
were  the  oppressors  of  the  Catholics  ;  the  only  refuge  left 
to  them  was  the  Pope,  who  on  their  behalf  appealed  in  turn 
to  Louis  XV.  and  Augustus  of  Poland.  In  1745  Benedict  sent 
to    Constantinople,    as    Visitor,    the    Archbishop    Francesco 


1  Rattinger  in  Stimmen  aus  Maria-Laach,  III.  (1872),  36  • 
LtJBECK,  Die  katholische  Orientmission,  Koln,  191 7,  130  ; 
S.  Weber  in  the  Lexicon  fiir  Theologie  und  Kirche,  I.,  Freiburg, 
1930,  668;  L.  Petit  in  Did.  de  tUol.  cath.,  I.,  1911  ;  Gams, 
Series,  455  ;  Tournebize  in  Diet,  d'hist.  et  de  gdogr.  eccUs.,  I., 
183  seq.  ;  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin  on  November  30,  1742, 
Heeckeren,  I.,  14.  In  the  Brief  of  November  24,  1742  (7ms 
pontif.,  III.,  83),  the  name  of  the  Patriarch  appears  as  Petrus 
Abraham  Vartabiet.  —  As  the  Patriarch  was  returning  by  way 
of  Marseilles  the  Pope  commended  him  to  the  Bishop  there  on 
January  14,  1743.    Acta,  I.,  40. 

^  lus  pontif.,  VII.,  175  seqq.,  and  III.,  576  seq.  Petrus  II.  was 
lauded  by  the  Pope  as  "  vir  magui  meriti,  archiepiscopalcm 
Alepinam  ecclesiam  rexit  multa  cum  laude,  pro  amplificanda  fide 
catholica  Galatae,  Angorae  et  Aleppi  plurimum  laboravit  multas- 
que  persecutiones  ab  haereticis  excitatas  pertulit,  cum  ter 
carceribus  inclusus  et  bis  in  exilium  fuerit  amandatus  ".  Ibid., 
VII.,  177. 

'  "  le  mfeme  sans  doute  qui  est  appele  par  quolquos  auteurs 
Poresiph  ou  Porisacco."    Tournebize,  he.  cit.,  184. 


THE    ARMENIANS 


403 


Girolamo  Bona,  who  was  first  to  deliver  with  his  own  hand 
a  Brief  to  the  French  monarch. ^  A  second  Brief  to  Louis  XV. 
followed  in  1753,2  and  two  years  later  envoys  from  Constan- 
tinople again  requested  the  mediation  of  the  Pope.^  The 
intervention  of  the  French  king  was  successful  more  than  once. 
On  October  10th.  1742,  he  was  thanked  by  the  Pope  for  the 
restoration  of  their  five  churches  to  the  Armenians  of  Aleppo 
and  Ancyra  ;  the  Pope  also  noted  with  pleasure  that  the  peace 
of  which  they  had  been  deprived  by  the  bribery  of  the  schis- 
matic Patriarch  had  been  restored  to  them  by  the  French 
envoy  and  that  the  hostile  Patriarch  had  been  induced  to  keep 
silent  in  return  for  a  sum  of  money.  It  would,  he  said,  make 
a  good  impression  on  the  Porte  if  the  Latin  Vicar  Bona  were 
to  be  received  with  due  formality  by  the  French  envoy.*  But 
the  peace  did  not  last  long.  In  1751  news  came  from  Aleppo 
that  the  Armenians  there  had  had  to  suffer  for  their  Faith 
imprisonment,  fines,  stripes,  banishment,  and  the  loss  of 
their  churches.  On  their  behalf  the  Pope  appealed  to  the 
king  of  Poland.  5  He  had  already  raised  his  voice  in  Paris  for 
the  sake  of  the  Catholic  Armenians  and  their  Capuchin 
missionaries  in  Georgia  in  1743  « ;  later  it  was  heard  that  the 
Capuchin  missionary  Damian  a  Leone  had  successfully 
appealed  for  their  religious  freedom  to  King  Kulican.' 

To  the  General  Chapter  of  the  Dominicans  the  Pope 
addressed  an  admonition  to  conduct  their  Armenian  mission 
at  Naxivan  with  greater  zeal,^  and  in  1758  the  Armenians  in 
Constantinople,  who  had  hitherto  been  subject  to  the  Latins, 
were  given  a  Vicar  Apostolic  of  their  own,  in  the  person  of 


1  Brief  of  August  16,  1745,  lus  pontif..  III.,  232. 

*  On  April  25,  Acta,  II.,  134. 

'  Brief  of  August  16,  1755,  ibid.,  235. 

*  Ibid.,  357- 

*  On  July  17,  1 75 1,  ibid.,  85. 

*  To  Tencin,  August  23,  1743,  I.,  81  ;    cf.  15. 

'  Brief  of  September  15,  1753,  Acta,  II.,  145.    Cf.  Bull.  Capuc, 
VII.,  247  seq. 

*  On  April  10,  1748,  Acta,  I.,  511. 


404  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Athanasius  Merassian,  who  was  subject  to  the  Latin  Apostolic 
legate.^ 

Influenced  by  the  Capuchins,  the  Georgian  Catholicos  Jesse 
went  over  to  the  Catholics  in  1754  but  was  deposed  by  a  Synod 
in  1755  and  together  with  the  Capuchins  was  banished. ^ 
According  to  a  report  made  to  the  Propaganda  in  1746,  the 
missionaries  in  Georgia  reckoned  the  number  of  Catholics  in 
that  country  at  10,000.3 

The  Copts  of  Egypt  also  acquired  ecclesiastical  indepen- 
dence. Hitherto  the  Popes  had  tried  to  win  over  the  Coptic- 
schismatic  Patriarch  to  union  with  Rome,  but,  taught  by  long 
experience  of  the  hopelessness  of  these  endeavours,  Benedict 
gave  the  Copts  who  were  true  to  Rome  a  Vicar  Apostolic  of 
their  own,^  in  the  person  of  the  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  the  only 
Bishop  of  his  nation  who  did  not  cleave  to  its  errors. 

Also  Elias  Denha,  the  Patriarch  of  the  so-called  "  Chal- 
daeans  ",  namely  the  converted  Nestorians  of  Urmia  and 
Cotchanes,  wrote  in  1751  and  on  many  other  occasions  to  the 
Pope,  asking  for  union  with  the  Roman  Church.^  In  Mesopo- 
tamia, Bagdad,  which  since  1720  had  been  the  seat  of  a 
Carmelite  mission  and  an  Apostolic  Prefecture,  became  the 
residence  of  a  Bishop  in   1742^;    to  Mosul,  in   1750,  came 

*  Rattinger,  loc.  cit.,  40  ;  Lubeck,  loc.  cit.  ;  Tournebize, 
loc.  cit.,  339.  Instructions  for  the  Archbishop  of  Carthage, 
Apostolic  Visitor  in  Constantinople,  mentioned  in  Heeckeren, 
I.,  xcvii. 

^  ScHMiDLiN,  Missionsgesch.,  369  ;  Lijbeck,  Georgien  und  die 
kathol.  Kirche,  Aachen,  19 19. 

^  Bull.  Capuc,  VII.,  237  ;  R.  Janin  in  Diet,  de  thdol.  cath., 
VI.,  1284.  The  rise  of  the  Capuchin  mission  in  Georgia  began 
under  Innocent  XI.,  when  king  George,  the  Patriarch  Entimius, 
and  the  Prince  Barzim  became  Catholic  {Bull.  Capuc,  VII.,  237, 
240  seq.).    Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXII.  465. 

"  On  August  4,  1741,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  38.  A  decision  on 
doubtful  points  in  Coptic  ritual,  of  May  4,  1745,  ibid.,  292  seq. 
Cf.  Brief  of  June  19,  1750.  ibid.,  XVIII.,  165. 

''  Gams,  Series,  456. 

*  Lubeck,  Orientmission,  141. 


THE    HOLY   PLACES  405 

Italian  Dominicans  who  set  up  a  flourishing  mission  there  ; 
through  them  the  Uniat  Chaldaean  Church  was  placed  for  the 
first  time  on  a  firm  foundation.^ 

For  the  benefit  of  the  Holy  Places  in  Palestine,  Benedict 
XIV.  ordered^  in  1741  that  at  least  twice  yearly,  and  in  1743 
that  at  least  four  times  a  year,  the  needs  of  the  Holy  Land 
should  be  recommended  from  the  pulpit  to  the  charity  of  the 
faithful.  A  firman,  decreed  in  August  1757  and  put  into  force 
in  the  following  December,  wrested  from  the  Catholics  the 
place  of  the  Nativity  and  the  basilica  at  Bethlehem,  and  the 
church  erected  over  the  tomb  of  the  Virgin.  In  the  Holy  Week 
of  1757  the  Greeks  had  forced  their  way  into  the  Church  of 
the  Sepulchre,  where  they  had  broken  the  candlesticks  and 
slashed  the  precious  tapestries,  and  had  held  the  Catholics 
responsible  for  the  damage.^  To  set  in  order  the  legal  condi- 
tions of  the  Franciscans'  custody  of  the  Holy  Land,"  the 
Pope  instructed  the  Minister  General  of  the  Holy  Land, 
Raphael  a  Lucagnano,  to  draw  up  statutes,  to  which  he 
imparted  the  Papal  confirmation.^  Roughly  160  Franciscans 
were  to  dwell  in  the  Holy  Land,  of  whom  not  more  than  two 
were  to  come  from  each  province  of  the  Order,  and  none  of 
them  was  to  stay  more  than  three  years  in  the  Holy  Places. 

In  other  respects  also  Benedict  took  steps  on  many  occasions 
to  set  to  rights  the  conditions  of  the  Christians  under  Turkish 
rule.  After  the  Albanian  National  Council  of  1703  ^  fresh 
abuses  had  crept  in,  and  these  were  countered  by  a  Papal 
Constitution.^  On  the  other  hand,  the  seventeen  pupils  of  the 
Propaganda  and  the  lUyrian  college  at  Loreto,  who  as  secular 
priests  saw  to  the  cure  of  souls  in  the  diocese  of  Scutari, 
received  all  possible  praise.'     A  difficult  question  arose  in 

1  Ibid.,  142  ;    Walz,  371. 

*  On  January  10,  1741,  and  August  20,  1743,  his  pontif.,  III., 
14,  118. 

^  Lemmens,  72  seq.  ;    cf.  69. 

*  On  January  7,  1746,  Acta,  \.,  287-301  ;    cf.  307  seq. 
»  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIII,  368. 

*  Of  February  2,  1744,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  173  seq. 

'  *Acta  S.  Congr.  de  Propag.  Fide  a.  1750,  Congr.  16  Feb. 


406  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

connection  with  the  church  property  which  had  come  into  the 
hands  of  Christians  after  its  confiscation  by  the  Turks  or 
after  the  destruction  of  churches  ;  the  matter  was  raised  by 
the  Archbishop  of  Antivari,  Lazarus  Vladagni  and  was  settled 
by  Benedict  with  his  usual  indulgence.^ 

The  Pope's  desire  to  have  the  missions  conducted  uniformly 
led  him  in  1747  to  give  also  the  islands  of  the  Greek  Archi- 
pelago a  Vicar  Apostolic,  in  the  person  of  the  Capuchin 
Arturo  Marturi.^  Some  Briefs  of  Benedict  XIV,  throw  light 
on  conditions  in  that  vicariate.  On  Santorin  the  Christians 
were  taxed  exorbitantl}^  and  those  unable  to  pay  were  faced 
with  the  prospect  of  the  rod,  prison,  and  chains.  Their 
cathedral  was  threatening  to  collapse,  they  had  no  means  to 
rebuild  it,  nor  could  permission  to  do  so  be  obtained.  Through 
its  inability  to  pay  its  taxes  the  sole  Dominican  nunnery  on 
the  island  was  falling  into  decay.  Appealed  to  for  support  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  island,  the  Pope  apportioned  them 
a  sum  of  money  from  the  funds  of  the  Propaganda  and 
recommended  the  envoy  to  the  island,  Luca  Barbarigo,  to 
the  king  of  Poland.^  The  Reformed  Franciscan  Anton  Bar- 
tuska,  a  Viennese  by  birth,  who  had  been  a  missionary  on 
Rhodes  and  Chios  for  seventeen  years,  had  built  several 
churches  for  the  Catholics,  the  most  notable  one  being  in 
Chios,  near  the  town,  but  both  the  Bishop  of  the  island  and 
the  missionary  saw  their  work  threatened  by  the  intrigues  of 
the  schismatics.  On  January  22nd,  1743,  and  again  on  January 
20th,  1752,  and  January  22nd,  1753.  the  Pope  turned  for 
help  to  the  Empress  Maria  Theresa,  asking  her  to  obtain 
permission  from  the  Porte  for  the  Catholics  on  Chios  to  cele- 
brate divine  service.^  On  the  island  of  Patmos  the  Catholics 
and  the  Basilians  were  threatened  by  pirates.    To  put  a  stop 

'  Brief  of  March  9,  1752,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Propaganda, 
Lercari,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVIII.,  266,  and  of  March  2,  1754,  ibid., 
XIX.,  loi. 

2  Gams,  Series,  448. 

3  On  October  16,  1744,  Acta,  I.,  251. 
'  lb%d..  II.,  88.  124. 


THE    GREEK   ARCHIPELAGO  407 

to  this  the  Pope  directed  the  Archbishop  of  Chios  ^  to  ex- 
communicate the  pirates,  by  which  means  Innocent  XL, 
Benedict  XIII.  and  Clement  XII.  had  in  their  time  come  to 
the  assistance  of  the  islanders  ;  for  the  benefit  of  the  islands 
Tinos  and  Mykoni  especially,  the  Pope,  in  a  letter  to  the 
competent  Bishop, ^  renewed  the  relative  Briefs  of  Innocent  XI. 
and  Benedict  XIII. 

On  Tinos,  according  to  a  visitation  report  of  1744,  there 
were  eighty-four  chapels,  a  Jesuit  church,  and  in  every  village 
a  parish  church  ;  on  Mykoni,  however,  there  was  only  one 
church.  The  Visitor  Guarchi  praised  all  the  Jesuit  missionaries, 
with  only  one  exception.^  Two  years  later  a  report  on  Santorin 
was  made  by  its  Bishop.  Praise  was  again  accorded  to  the 
Jesuit  missionaries,  both  on  this  island  and  on  Chios  and 
Naxos,  also  to  the  Observants  of  Santorin,  where  thirty-three 
Ursulines  were  working  under  the  direction  of  the  Jesuits.* 
In  1747  the  Bishop  of  Santorin,  Razzolini,  visited  the  islands 
of  Thermia,  Zea,  Siphanto,  Argentiera,  Paros,  and  Antiparos.^ 
In  one  place  on  Siro  there  were,  together  with  100  schismatic 
Greeks,  2,000  Catholics  with  five  churches  ;  the  Capuchins 
preached  in  the  cathedral,^  while  the  Jesuits  there  were  so 
needy  that  they  were  thinking  of  giving  up  the  mission.' 

Concerning  the  Capuchins  on  the  Greek  islands  there  is 
a  report  by  Romanus  of  Paris,  of  the  year  1745.^  It  confirms 
previous  news  of  the  mission.  A  noteworthy  point  is  that 
the  Capuchins  had  opened  several  schools  in  the  archipelago.^ 
In  Pera  they  owned  a  college  where  twelve  boys  were  taught 
Latin,  French,  Italian,  Greek,  Armenian,  and  Turkish,  and 


^  On  April  8,  1741,  ibid.,  I.,  45. 

2  Of  May  27,  1756,  ibid.,  II.,  266. 

^  *Acta  S.  Congr.  de  Propag.  Fide,  1744,  n.  10. 

*  *Ibid.,  Congr.,  February  28,  March  29,  and  September  5,  1746. 
^  *Ibid.,  Congr.,  February  27,  1747. 

^  *Ibid.,  Congr.,  August  29,  1757. 
"   *Ibid.,  Congr.,  November  12,  1753. 

*  Terzorio,  Missioni,  IV.,  76,  141,  181,  241,  302. 
»  Ibid. 


408  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

were  trained  as  interpreters.^  From  about  the  year  1750 
onwards  the  Capuchins  began  to  die  out  on  the  Greek  islands. ^ 
To  the  Slavs  in  Eastern  Europe  Benedict  XIV.  repeatedly 
devoted  his  attention.  Through  Propaganda  he  had  em- 
powered the  Ruthenian  Bishops  to  promote  the  union  of  the 
Basilians  in  one  Congregation.  In  executing  this  commission 
the  Bishops  did  not  show  overmuch  zeal,  fearing  that  their 
authority  over  a  single  Congregation  would  not  be  so  great  as 
over  isolated  convents.  A  statement  made  by  the  Pope  ' 
calmed  their  fears  on  this  score.  In  Lithuania  and  Poland  the 
union  in  two  Congregations  had  already  been  effected,  and 
these  were  confirmed  and  more  precisely  regularized  by  means 
of  statutes.'*  The  Bishops  and  archimandrites  in  Poland  being 
chosen  from  among  the  monks,  the  Pope  warned  them  not  to 
attempt  to  secure  these  posts  by  means  of  intrigues,  though 
he  did  not  want  them  to  renounce  any  such  offices  by  formal 
vows.^  The  authority  of  the  Metropolitans  and  archimandrites 
over  the  monks  was  more  nearly  defined  by  a  Constitution.^ 
The  college  founded  by  Gregory  XIII.  for  Ruthenians  and 
Russians  having  ceased  for  some  years  to  accommodate  pupils 
from  Russia,  Benedict  allowed  their  places  to  be  filled  by 
Ruthenians.'   The  Uniat  Ruthenian  Church  was,  as  ever,  the 

1  Ibid.,  II.,  io6. 

2  Ibid.,  IV.,  302  (Andros),  338  (Miles),  etc. 

^  On  November  27,  1742,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  120. 

^  On  May  2,  1744,  ibid.,  198. 

*  April  12,  1753,  ibid.,  XIX.,  47. 

"  On  May  30,  1756,  ibid.,  217. 

'  April  5,  1753,  ibid.,  63  seq.  At  the  urgent  request  of  the 
Capuchin  Felix  of  Bologna  in  St.  Petersburg,  Propaganda  tried 
to  better  the  conditions  of  Catholics  in  Russia  and  for  this 
purpose  invoked  the  mediation  of  King  Augustus  III.  of  Poland. 
But,  as  the  king  predicted  on  May  11,  1743,  no  success  was  possible, 
although  the  Empress  Elizabeth  showed  the  Western  missionaries 
many  signs  of  friendliness  (Pierling,  IV.,  400  seqq.).  The  wish 
of  Emperor  Francis  I.  to  replace  the  Capuchins  in  Moscow  by- 
other  missionaries  the  Pope  declared  himself  unable  to  grant, 
owing  to  the  difficulty  of  finding  others  who  could  speak  German, 
French,  and  Italian  fluently.    Brief  of  July  5,  1755,  Acta,  I..  234. 


PAPAL    SUPPORT   OF   THE    UNIATS  409 

victim  of  plots  on  the  part  of  the  schismatics,  which  were  all 
the  more  dangerous  inasmuch  as  the  Uniats  were  not  con- 
sidered as  equals  by  the  Latin  Catholics.  In  a  letter  addressed 
to  the  king,  the  Bishops  of  Poland,  the  Bishop  of  Plock,  and 
the  Ruthenian  Archbishop,  the  Pope  exhorted  them  to  support 
the  rights  of  the  Uniats  to  their  churches  and  convents,^ 
which  were  disputed  by  the  schismatics,  who  thereby  earned 
the  favour  of  the  Russian  empress.  Benedict  had  already  writ- 
ten on  this  subject  to  the  king  and  to  Cardinal  Lipski  and  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Gnesen.^  In  fact  he  did  everything  in  his 
power  to  protect  the  Union, ^  especially  by  his  forbidding  the 
adoption  of  other  rites,  even  the  Latin.'*  This  measure  was 
important,  since  the  Ruthenians  of  superior  birth  or  breeding 
inclined  towards  the  Latin  rite,  as  giving  them  the  status  of 
Poles.  The  Union  thus  became  a  religion  of  the  peasants  and 
its  powers  of  resistance  against  Moscow  were  crippled.^  On 
the  death  of  the  Metropolitan  it  was  the  custom  of  the  Ruthe- 
nian Bishops  to  recommend  a  successor  to  the  king.  Benedict 
ruled  ^  that  the  king  was  not  to  be  bound  by  these  proposals. 
The  inhabitants  of  Borisov  earned  the  praise  of  the  Pope  for 
having  returned  from  schism  to  the  Union  and  he  congratu- 
lated the  Ruthenian  Metropolitan  Hrebnicki  and  the  coadjutor 
of  the  Bishop  of  Vilna  on  contributing  to  this  success.'  To 
the  Bishop  of  Oradea  Mare  he  gave  a  suffragan  for  the  Uniat 
Greeks  of  the  diocese.^ 

In  Italy  itself  there  was  quite  a  number  of  persons  of 
Greek  or  Albanian  provenance  who  had  fled  across  the  sea 
from  the  Turks,  and  the  question  arose  how  they  were  to 
observe  their  Eastern   rite   in   Latin   dioceses.    Paying   due 


*  On  April  25,  1750,  Acta,  II.,  50-4. 

*  On  September  19,  1744,  ibid.,  I.,  233  seqq. 
'  According  to  Pelesz  (489). 

*  Ibid.,  484,  489. 

*  Ibid.,  482  seqq. 

^  On  April  i,  1748,  Acta,  I.,  510. 
'  August  8,  1753,  ibid.,  II.,  143-5. 
«  On  August  30,  1757,  ibid.,  I.,  559. 


410  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

attention  to  decisions  taken  by  former  Popes,  Benedict  XIV. 
restored  order  in  the  situation.^ 

A  Brief  affecting  all  the  Churches  of  the  East  was  issued 
by  Benedict  XIV.  on  February  24th,  1746.2  js^^  ^j^g  regulations 
ensuring  the  election  of  suitable  prelates  to  bishoprics  in 
Christian  countries  could  hardly  apply  to  Churches  in  countries 
ruled  by  non-Christians,  a  questionnaire  was  compiled  for  the 
Churches  in  Albania,  Macedonia,  Serbia,  Bulgaria,  Persia, 
and  Armenia,  and  another  one  for  the  islands  of  the  ^Egean  ; 
these  were  to  be  answered  by  the  Bishops,  their  primary 
object  being  to  provide  information  concerning  the  state  of 
Christianity  in  these  parts.  By  means  of  other  questionnaires 
it  was  sought  to  ascertain  the  suitability  of  candidates  for  the 
episcopate,  their  claims  having  to  be  backed  by  attested 
depositions. 

A  Bull  3  of  far-reaching  importance  for  all  parts  of  the 
earth  was  that  by  which  parishes  in  missionary  lands,  even 
when  they  were  administered  by  religious,  were  subject  to 
the  Bishops  in  aU  that  concerned  the  cure  of  souls  and  the 
administration  of  the  Sacraments. 


(3) 

In  his  decrees  for  the  Eastern  Churches,  Benedict  XIV. 
pursued  the  same  aims  on  which  rests  his  importance  in  the 
Christian  missions  in  general,  namely  everywhere  to  remove 
legal  uncertainties,  to  settle  questions  of  long  standing,  and  to 
establish  ]irincij:)les  for  the  rcgularization  of  difficult  situations. 
This  legislative  activity  was  least  noticeable  in  the  missionary 
territory  of  South  America,  where,  in  the  pontiiicate  of 
Benedict  XIV.,  there  took  place  events  of  great  consequence. 

There  was,  however,  at  least  one  Constitution  of  Benedict 

*  On  May  26,  1742,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  94  seq.  Cf.  Pietro 
PoMPlLio  RoDOTA,  Dell'  origine,  progresso  e  stato  presente  del  riio 
greco  in  Italia,  osservato  da  Greci,  monaci  Basiliani  ed  Albanesi, 
Roma,  1763. 

*  Bull.  Lux.,  XIX.,  264  seqq. 

^  Of  February  24,  1746,  ibid.,  XVII.,  i. 


PAPAL    BRIEF   ON    SLAVERY  4II 

XIV.'s  applying  to  South  America  which  was  of  universal 
import  :  a  Britjf  to  the  Portuguese  Bishoj)s  in  that  country, 
upholding  the  human  rights  of  the  Indians.  The  owners  of 
plantations,  especially  in  Brazil,  being  persuaded  that  they 
could  not  succeed  without  slave-labour,  had  made  slaves  of 
the  Indians  and  were  buying  and  selling  thcm.^  Benedict  XIV. 
now  instructed  the  Bishops  of  South  America  ^  to  forbid 
anyone  and  everyone,^  under  pain  of  excommunication,  to 
take  part  in  the  seizure  and  sale  of  Indians  or  to  defend  such 
action  as  permissible.  This  Brief,  like  the  former  one  issued 
by  Urban  VIII.,  had  been  brought  about  through  the  represen- 
tations of  the  Jesuits,  who  in  South  America  had  long  defended 

»  AstrAin,  VII.,  418,  474,  seq.,  828  ;    Lemmens,  279. 

'  On  December  20,  1741,  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  58. 

'  "  Universis  et  .singulis  personis  tarn  saecularibus  etiam 
ecclc.siasticis  cuiuscumque  status.  .  .  et  dignitatis  ot  iam  speciali 
nota  et  mcntione  dignis  existentibus,  quani  cuiusvis  Ordinis, 
Congregationis,  Socictatis,  etiam  lesu,  Religionis  et  Instituti 
Mendicantium  ct  non  Mendicantium  ac  monachalis  Regularibus, 
etiam  quarumcumque  militiarum,  etiam  hospitalis,  s.  loannis 
Hicrosolymitani  fratribus  militibus."  The  reason  why  some 
classes  arc  here  distinguished  by  tlae  word  "  etiam  "  is  that 
many  Orders,  on  account  of  their  privileges,  have  to  be  mentioned 
specially  when  they  fall  under  the  law.  Thus,  laws  for  the  Orders 
in  general  do  not  automatically  apply  to  the  military  Orders, 
nor  do  laws  for  the  military  Orders  necessarily  apply  to  the 
Knights  Hospitallers.  This  is  also  the  case  with  the  Jesuits,  as 
was  stated  on  a  certain  occasion  by  Benedict  XIV.  himself  : 
"  in  vigorc  de'  medesimi  ['  privilegi  '  of  the  Jesuits]  se  non  sono 
nominati  [in  the  clauses  of  the  law],  non  sono  compresi  "  (.see 
below,  p.  450).  That  the  Knights  Hospitallers  and  Jesuits  are 
specially  mentioned  in  the  above  clauses  affords  no  grounds, 
therefore,  for  presuming  that  they  taught  the  permissibility  of 
the  slave-trade,  still  less  that  they  themselves  took  an  active 
part  in  it.  Nevertheless,  among  the  many  calumnies  against  the 
Jesuits  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  occurs  from  time  to  time 
the  accusation  that  they  traded  in  slaves.  AstrXin,  VII.,  416. 
Cf.  ScHEPENS  in  Recherches  de  science  relig.,  XL,  Paris,  1920, 
388  seq. 


412  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  liberty  of  the  Indians. ^  In  1755  King  Joseph  I.  of  Portugal 
also  declared  the  enslavement  of  Indians  to  be  definitely  at 
an  end,  though  his  purpose  was  only  to  force  the  planters  to 
buy  negro  slaves  from  Pombal's  trading  company  at  high 
prices.^ 

Of  fundamental  importance  also  was  a  Brief  addressed  to 
the  Bishop  of  Sao  Paulo,  Bernardo  Rodriguez  Nogueira,  who 
shortly  after  his  elevation  had  reported  that  there  were 
several  religious  in  his  diocese  who  were  living  outside  their 
convents  with  laymen  and  were  devoting  themselves  to  worldly 
business.  Benedict  XIV. 's  reply  ^  was  that  such  religious 
were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop,  who  could  take 
action  against  them.  Nogueira  was  the  first  Bishop  of  Sao 
Paulo  ;  on  December  6th,  1746,  the  Pope  had  created  out  of 
the  excessively  large  diocese  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  the  bishoprics 
of  Sao  Paulo  and  Marianha  and  the  independent  prelatures 
of  Goyaz  and  Cuyaba.^ 

As  regards  the  rest  of  South  America,  there  is  extant 
a  report  on  the  missions  in  the  Orinoco  region,  sent  by  the 
Audiencia  of  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  to  the  King  of  Spain  on 
September  1st,  1754.  According  to  this,  there  were,  in  thirty- 
four  localities,  15,429  Christian  Indians,  9,487  of  whom,  in 
sixteen  localities,  were  under  the  care  of  the  Jesuits  ;  for  the 
remainder,  the  Augustinians,  Dominicans,  and  Franciscans 
had  made  themselves  responsible.^  The  report  relates  only  to 
the  territory  of  the  Audiencia  ;  the  remote  stretches  along 
the  Orinoco  had  been  divided  by  arrangement  among  the 
Capuchins,  the  Franciscans,  and  the  Jesuits.^ 

Also  in  the  rest  of  Spanish  South  America  the  Jesuit  missions 
in  particular  were  in  a  flourishing  condition  in  the  pontificate 

*  The  texts  in  Duhr,  Jesuitenfabeln/  656,  660.  Cf.  Schmidlin, 
Missionsgesch.,  400. 

2  Schmidlin,  ibid.  ;   Hergenrother,  IV.,  162. 
'  On  May  27,  1746,  Bull.  Lux..  XVII.,  28. 

*  Ibid.,  93  ;  Gams,  Series,  136  ;  Streit,  Bibl.  Miss.,  I.,  527-590. 

*  AstrXin,  VII.,  477  seq.,  833  seq. 
'  Ibid.,  466  seq. 


THE    MISSIONS   IN    S.    AMERICA  413 

of  Benedict  XIV.,  that  is  to  say  just  before  their  final  abohtion. 
In  1744,  by  royal  command,  the  Bishop  of  Quito  had  to 
appoint  a  Visitor  for  the  missions  on  the  Maranon.  He 
reported  ^  that  forty-one  communities  there,  comprising  2,939 
catechumens  and  9,970  Christians,  were  administered  by 
eighteen  Jesuits.  The  missionary  Adam  Widman  received 
especial  praise  ;  the  Visitor,  a  parish  priest  from  Quito,  found 
his  little  church  and  everything  necessary  for  divine  service 
in  good  condition  and  the  children  of  the  parish  well  instructed. 
The  only  regrettable  feature  was  the  lack  of  missionaries  ;  to 
judge  from  the  great  success  of  the  few  that  there  were,  all 
these  peoples,  he  said,  would  be  won  over,  if  only  there  were 
Jesuits  enough.  The  Visitor's  representative  reported  that  the 
Franciscans  on  the  Marafion  had  five  communities  with  five 
priests  and  a  lay-brother  and  500  Christians.  A  report  of 
1762  states  that  in  the  Marafion  region  there  were  thirty-five 
Christian  communities,  with  twenty-four  missionaries  and 
14,236  of  the  faithful. 

In  1747  Superunda,  the  Viceroy  of  Peru,  reported  to  the 
Spanish  king  on  the  state  of  the  missions  among  the  Moxos. 
The  Dominicans,  Augustinians,  and  Mercedarians  were  still  in 
charge  of  the  parishes  which  had  been  allotted  to  them  in  the 
first  years  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  but  they  were  not  devoting 
themselves  to  the  conversion  of  the  heathen.  In  their  twenty- 
one  settlements  among  the  Indians  the  Jesuits  were  main- 
taining forty-six  missionaries,  including  three  lay-brothers  ; 
the  number  of  Indians  they  had  converted  amounted  to  33,290, 
many  of  whom  were  still  catechumens.  It  was  impossible  for 
the  Jesuits  to  furnish  more  missionaries,  as  in  the  towns  they 
had  to  maintain  colleges  and  attend  to  the  cure  of  souls  among 
the  whites.  As  most  natives  of  South  America  were  unable 
to  bear  the  fatigue  of  missionary  work,  reinforcements  had  to 
be  drawn  from  Europe.  Nine  Franciscans  were  caring  for 
3,000  Indians  in  three  reductions.  Information  about  the 
Chiquitos  and  Moxos  missions  was  supplied  to  the  king  in 
1754  by  the  Bishop  of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Sierra,  Juan  Pablo  de 

*  Ibid.,  428-432. 


414  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Olmedo.  "  I  saw,"  he  v\Tote,i  "  this  young  offspring  of 
Christendom  so  faithful  to  the  obligations  of  the  Faith,  so 
humble  in  submission  to  its  teachers,  and  so  careful  in  its 
habits,  that  one  feels  compelled  to  thank  God  for  it.  Among 
both  missionaries  and  Christians  I  found  nothing  which  I 
ought  to  have  corrected  as  a  judge,  but  only  that  which  I  had 
to  admire  as  a  father.  In  Santa  Cruz  and  in  both  missions 
I  confirmed  17,000  persons,  and  45,000  in  the  rest  of  the 
province."  For  the  seven  missions  among  the  Chiquitos  the 
Jesuits  had  only  two  missionaries  and  it  was  "  a  miracle  of 
the  goodness  of  God  "  that  these  two  indefatigable  priests 
were  able  "  to  sow  the  seed  of  the  Faith  in  the  hearts  of  so 
many".  A  similar  disproportion  between  the  number  of  the 
faithful  and  the  missionaries  existed  in  the  twenty-two 
communities  of  the  Moxos,  where  the  handful  of  Jesuits  had 
to  redouble  their  efforts  to  maintain  the  mission  at  its  former 
level. 

Important  work  was  done  in  Peru  by  the  Franciscan  mis- 
sionary Francis  of  St.  Joseph,  who  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
missionary  college  of  Ocopa  in  1734.  From  Ocopa  a  similar 
institution  for  Chile  was  founded  in  Chilian  in  1756  ;  another 
for  Bolivia  had  been  started  at  Tarija  in  1755. ^  Already  in 
1756  the  Pehuenches  were  applying  to  Chilian  for  missionaries 
for  their  country  east  of  the  Andes.^  Tarija  supplied  the 
missionaries  for  the  seventeen  missions  among  the  Chiriguanos 
of  the  Cordilleras  ;  it  was  not  till  after  1765  that  successes 
were  obtained  there  by  the  Franciscan  Francis  del  Pilar.* 

The  Paraguayan  missions,  especially  under  Benedict  XIV., 
were  attacked  in  defamatory  writings,  the  object  of  which 
was  to  cause  the  missionaries  to  be  suspected  by  the  Spanish 


^  Ibid.,  369  seq. 

^  Lemmens,  295  seqq.,  310. 

*  Ibid.,  311  ;  Rob.  Lagos,  O.F.M.,  Historia  de  las  Misiones 
del  Colegio  de  Chilian,  Barcelona,  1908  ;  [Al.  Corrado,  O.F.M.], 
El  Colegio  Franciscano  de  Tarija  y  sus  Misiones,  Quaracchi,  1884  ; 
Hist.-polit.  Blatter,  XCV..  307  seqq. 

*  Lemmens,  319  ;    Schmidlin,  403. 


THE    MISSIONS   IN    PARAGUAY  415 

Government.  The  adventurers  who  were  arriving  in  the  New 
World  at  this  period  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  wealth 
wanted  to  exploit  the  Indians  on  the  plantations  without 
restraint,  and  for  this  reason  they  hated  the  Jesuits  as  the 
protectors  of  the  natives  and  their  freedom.  As  early  as  1715 
the  Spanish  king  had  been  handed  a  memorial  by  a  French 
cleric,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  the  Indians  in  Paraguay 
numbered  not  about  300,000  souls — which  was  double  the 
actual  number — but  300,000  families,  from  which  population 
the  Jesuits  drew  a  yearly  revenue  of  five  million  pesos.  It  was 
also  alleged  that  the  Jesuits  could  put  in  the  field  a  force  of 
60,000  armed  men  and  that  they  were  cheating  the  Spanish 
monarch  of  his  dues.^  The  Dutch  Protestant  newspapers 
eagerly  seized  on  this  story,  and  from  1732  onwards  a  reprint 
of  the  publication  was  given  consideration  by  Spanish  states- 
men,^  seeing  that  even  in  Paraguay  the  reports  by  Aldunate 
and  Barua  in  1726  and  1730  had  recommended  the  transference 
of  the  reductions  to  the  civil  authorities.^  Philip  V.  had  the 
complaints  investigated  on  the  spot  by  Juan  Vazquez  de 
Aguero,  who  in  1736,  after  studying  the  question  for  three 
years,  delivered  a  report  which  was  favourable  to  the  Jesuits 
and  was  approved  by  two  Ministers.*  Nevertheless  another 
examination  was  made  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies  ;  it  resulted 
in  the  royal  decree  of  December  28th,  1743,  which  contained 

*  AsTRAiN,  VII.,  612  seq.  For  MS.  reports  on  Paraguay  in 
Spain  and  Portugal,  cf.  Alfred  Demersay  in  Archives  des 
missions  scientifiques,  2nd  series,  II.,  Paris,  1865,  363,  365  seq., 
571.  As  for  the  supposed  silver-mines  owned  by  the  Jesuits 
Demersay  says  (365)  :  "  On  sait  aujourd'hui  ce  qu'il  faut  penser 
des  richesses  extraites  du  sol  par  la  celebre  Compagnie  et  des 
informations  positives  ont  mis  a  neant  ces  imputations  gratuites." 
For  Paraguay,  cf.  Maria  Fassbinder,  Der  Jesuitenstaat  in 
Paraguay,  Halle,  1926  ;  Moussy,  Mdm.  hist,  sur  la  decadence  et 
la  mine  des  missions  des  Jdsuites  dans  le  hassin  de  la  Plata,  Paris, 
1864. 

2  AstrAin,  VII.,  613. 
«  Ibid..  545,  564  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  613  seqq. 


4l6  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

a  complete  vindication  of  the  missionaries  to  Paragua}-.^  At 
the  end  of  it  the  king  expressed  his  joy  that  the  false  informa- 
tion and  calumnies  of  Aldunate  and  Barua  had  been  shown  to 
be  unfounded  and  his  hope  that  the  missionaries  would 
continue  to  show  the  same  zeal  as  before.  Shortly  before  his 
death  the  Bishop  of  Asuncion,  Jos^  de  Palos,  also  spoke  in 
favour  of  the  Jesuits  in  a  report  to  the  king  :  whatever  was 
said  against  them  was  due  to  sheer  spite  ;  there  were  men  who 
wanted  to  be  the  masters  of  the  Indians  in  a  greedy  desire  to 
turn  their  work  and  services  to  profit  ;  he  considered  it  to  be 
the  indisputable  truth  that  without  the  Jesuits  the  province 
would  be  given  over  to  ignorance  and  vice.^  The  Bishop  of 
Buenos  Aires,  who  travelled  through  the  reductions  in  1740, 
spoke  in  1743  with  real  enthusiasm  of  the  conditions  which  he 
had  observed  with  his  own  e3'es.^  From  1740  onwards  the 
Jesuits  had  been  trying  to  extend  their  work  to  Patagonia.* 

But  Philip  V.'s  decree  of  1743,  approving  of  the  missionaries 
in  Paraguay,  failed  to  put  an  end  to  the  calumnies  against 
them.  On  the  contrary,  the  accusations  reached  their  highest 
pitch  in  1756  when  there  appeared  a  publication  bearing  the 
title.  History  of  King  Nicholas  I.,  King  of  Paraguay  and 
Emperor  of  the  Mamelukes.  Although  it  was  a  pure  invention 
that  the  Jesuits  had  set  up  a  kingdom  in  Paraguay,  the  story 
found  credence  all  over  Europe.^ 

In  spite  of  every  calumny,  however,  the  Spanish  kings  had 
hitherto  shown  themselves  favourable  to  the  mission.  But  on 
January  18th,  1750,  King  Ferdinand  VI.  agreed  to  a  treaty 
with  Portugal  which  was  the  heaviest  blow  suffered  hitherto 
by  the  reductions  in  Paraguay.  To  put  an  end  to  the  ever- 
lasting frontier-disputes  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  the  two 

»  Ibid..  616-618. 

*  Ibid.,  619. 

'  Ibid.,  620-2. 

*  Ibtd.,  623-5. 

*  DuHR,  fesuitenfabeln*,  234  seqq.  A  Franciscan  from  Paraguay 
was  showing  round  in  Rome  a  coin  with  the  head  of  King  Anthony 
(sic)  of  Paraguay.  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin,  Nov(miber  7,  1755, 
II.,  452  seqq. 


HISPANO-PORTUGUESE   TREATY    OF   PARTITION      417 

Powers  agreed  on  a  line  running  from  the  mouth  of  La  Plata 
to  the  Orinoco  and  at  the  same  time  exchanged  certain  terri- 
tories.^ One  of  these  was  a  large  tract  of  land  between  the 
rivers  Uruguay  and  Ibicuy  in  what  is  now  the  Brazilian 
state  of  Rio  Grande  do  Sul ;  not  only  was  this  ceded  by  Spain 
to  Portugal  but  the  seven  Indian  reductions  it  contained 
were  to  be  removed  to  the  other  side  of  the  Uruguay.  Where 
exactly  they  had  to  go,  the  Indians  were  not  told  ;  they  simply 
had  to  desert  their  homes,  with  the  estates  and  public  buildings, 
and  find  another  home  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  somewhere 
in  remote,  uncultivated  country,  for  the  land  immediately 
adjoining  the  river  was  already  in  other  hands.  As  compensa- 
tion for  the  property  they  were  leaving,  worth  millions  of 
pesos,  and  for  the  enormous  cost  of  emigration,  the  Indians 
were  to  be  paid  28,000  pesos,  which  did  not  amount  to  even 
one  peso  per  head,  seeing  that  there  were  29,191  Indians  in 
the  seven  reductions.  For  the  exchange  of  territories  lying 
more  to  the  north  it  was  arranged  that  the  Indians  should  be 
allowed  to  remain  or  emigrate  as  they  wished,  but  no  such 
privilege  was  granted  to  the  seven  southerly  reductions, ^  nor 
was  there  any  mention  of  it  afterwards. 

The  Jesuits  now  found  themselves  in  the  gravest  predica- 
ment. They  had  already  been  accused  by  the  Jansenists  of 
a  want  of  obedience,  and  now  they  were  again  faced  with  an 
order  the  execution  of  which  would  involve  them  in  the  most 
serious  difficulties.    In  addition,  the  rumour  was  being  spread 

^  DuHR,  loc.  cit.,  217  seqq.  ;  Astrain,  VII.,  536-689.  Cf.  Duhr 
in  the  Zeitschriji  fur  kath.  Theol.,  XXII.  (1898),  689-708; 
Hafkemeyer,  ibid.,  XXXII.  (1908),  673-690. 

-  Text  of  Art.  13-16  of  the  treaty  in  Astrain,  VIL,  638-640. 
Cf.  Fassbinder,  136  seqq.  Popular  opinion  in  Lisbon  was  against 
the  treaty,  and  it  was  hoped  that  it  would  not  be  carried  out. 
Even  Pombal  thought  it  harmful.  Thus,  the  Uditore  *Ratta  to 
Valenti,  Lisbon,  December  29,  1750,  Nunziat.  di  Portog.,  iioA, 
Papal  Secret  Archives.  Cf  *Ratta  to  Valenti,  February  9,  1751, 
ibid.  For  Pombal's  preliminary  attitude  of  opposition,  see 
♦Instruction  for  the  Spanish  ambassador  in  Lisbon,  March  30, 
1753,  Archives  of  Simancas,  Estado  7239,  7378. 

VOL.  XXXV.  EC 


4l8  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

in  France,  England,  Holland,  Portugal,  and  Spain  that  they 
possessed  such  vast  treasures  in  the  seven  reductions  that  they 
could  only  be  made  to  surrender  them  by  force  of  arms  ;  the 
king  would  do  well,  therefore,  to  include  a  threat  against  them 
in  the  treaty  itself.  Ferdinand  VI.,  far  from  following  this 
advice,  as  good  as  vouched  for  the  willing  obedience  of  the 
missionaries  with  his  royal  word.  As  if  to  heighten  their 
distress  to  the  utmost,  the  Superiors  of  their  Order  now  seemed 
to  turn  against  them  :  the  General  Retz  and,  on  his  death  in 
1750,  his  successor  Visconti  intimated  that  they  too  had  to 
bind  the  missionaries  to  ready  obedience  ;  it  was  Visconti's 
wish  that  the  emigration  should  be  completed  before  the 
arrival  of  the  commission  for  the  execution  of  the  treaty  of 
partition. 1 

The  missionaries  took  counsel  among  themselves  but  decided 
by  sixty-eight  votes  to  two  that  the  emigration  was  impos- 
sible ;  nevertheless  representations  in  Madrid  had  no  effect. ^ 
Accordingly  a  search  was  made  for  localities  which  might  be 
suitable  for  a  new  settlement,  but  only  a  few  tolerable  spots 
were  found.  Their  situation  worsened  when  in  1752  the 
commission  appointed  to  arrange  the  details  of  the  frontier 
between  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  territories  arrived  in 
Buenos  Aires,  for  they  were  headed  by  the  Marques  de 
Valdelirios,  who  was  firmly  convinced  that  the  resistance  of 
the  natives  was  due  solely  to  the  influence  of  the  missionaries. 
To  add  to  this  misfortune,  Luis  Altamirano,  who  had  been 
attached  by  the  General  of  the  Order  to  the  commission  as  the 
highest  authority  over  the  Jesuits,  was  also  of  this  opinion  and 
he  bound   his  subjects  under   the  most   serious    obligation 


*  Visconti's  letter,  of  July  21,  1751,  in  Astrain,  VII.,  644  5^^. 
A  letter  from  the  Provincial  of  Paraguay,  of  August  2,  1753,  to 
the  royal  confessor  in  Madrid,  Ribago,  in  Migu^lez,  454  seqq.  ; 
a  letter  from  Altamirano,  of  July  22,  1753,  to  the  same,  ibtd., 
461  seqq. 

*  Astrain,  VII.,  648-651  ;  the  Jesuit  Province  of  Peru  to  the 
king,  dated  from  C6rdoba  del  Tucumein,  March  12,  1751,  Archives 
of  Simancas,  Estado  7377. 


THE    PARTITION    ENFORCED  419 

to  perform  orders  which  were  scarcely  possible  of 
execution.^ 

In  June  1752  a  beginning  was  made  with  the  emigration  ^ 
but  it  was  soon  seen  that  it  was  not  possible  to  complete  it. 
The  inhabitants  of  several  Indian  villages  started  out  on  their 
journey  but  soon  retraced  their  steps  and  in  their  indignation 
at  the  unjust  demands  that  had  been  made  of  them  rounded 
on  the  missionaries.  On  the  natives  of  Santa  Tecla  declaring 
that  they  would  allow  the  passage  of  the  Spanish  commis- 
sioners but  not  that  of  the  Portuguese,  the  commission  had 
recourse  to  force,  and  in  an  ensuing  skirmish  1,311  Indians 
and  Spaniards  lost  their  lives.  The  seven  reductions  were 
taken  by  force,  the  Indians  fled  into  the  forests,  and  the  few 
that  stayed  behind  were  compelled  to  emigrate.  Finally,  of 
the  30,702  Indians  enumerated  in  the  census  of  1756,  14,284 
were  removed  to  the  other  side  of  the  Uruguay.^ 

The  events  in  Paraguay  naturally  supplied  the  enemies  of 
the  Jesuits  with  ample  material  with  which  to  hasten  the 
destruction  of  the  hated  Order.  Being  unable  to  put  the  plan 
of  partition  into  execution,  the  commissioners  of  both  Govern- 
ments put  all  the  blame  for  their  failure  on  the  missionaries. 
They  complained,  for  instance,  that  on  their  halting  at  Santa 
Tecla  they  were  opposed  by  an  army  of  8,000  men  led  by  the 
Jesuits,*  and  such  reports  as  these  were  readily  believed  in 
Europe.  In  the  Courts  of  Madrid  and  Lisbon  the  opinion  was 
obstinately  held  that  it  was  entirely  the  fault  of  the  Jesuits  that 
the  Indians  were  unwilling  to  vacate  their  old  settlements. 
Richard  Wall,  who  had  become  the  Spanish  Minister  in  1754, 
on  the  death  of  Carvajal,  wrote  to  the  Marques  de  Valdelirios 
that  the  opposition  to  the  Government  was  inspired  solely 
by  the  Jesuits.  Valdelirios  was  to  act  with  firmness,  especially 
against  the  missionaries,  he  was  not  to  listen  to  their 
objections,  and  he  was  not  to  accept  any  proposal  but  that  of 

>  AstrAin,  VII.,  654  seqq.    Altamirano's  orders  ibid.,  526  seq. 

«  Ibid.,  661. 

»  Ibid.,  685. 

*  Ibtd.,  667. 


420  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

absolute  obedience.  He  was  not  to  believe  in  their  innocence, 
even  though  they  might  defend  themselves  by  taking  the  most 
sacred  oaths,  supported  by  apparently  irrefutable  arguments. 
He  was  to  reply  to  everything  that  the  king  said  the  contrary 
and  that  the  sovereign's  word  was  the  strongest  proof  that 
was  recognized  by  law.^ 

Better  times  came  for  the  missionaries  when  a  new  general  of 
the  royal  troops  in  Paraguay  was  appointed  in  the  person  of 
Pedro  Ceballos.  In  his  instructions  ^  also  the  guilt  of  the 
missionaries  was  maintained,  and  even  though  everything 
might  be  settled  peaceably  he  was  to  cite  eleven  Jesuits  by 
name  and  to  send  them  back  to  Europe,  unless  he  could 
convince  himself  of  their  innocence  by  secret  inquiry.  Ceballos, 
an  honourable,  upright  character,  was  so  convinced.  On 
May  25th,  1757,  he  wrote  to  Wall  that  no  necessity  had  arisen 
to  cite  even  one  of  the  eleven  missionaries  and  that  they 
should  refrain  from  the  use  of  force  and  leave  the  emigration 
of  the  Indians  to  the  peaceful  influence  of  the  missionaries. 
As  Blasco  Gascon,  the  secretary  to  the  Marques  Valdelirios, 
wrote  to  Wall  on  July  6th,  1757,  the  new  general  frequently 
stated  in  his  presence  that  he  did  not  believe  in  the  guilt  of  the 
Jesuits.^  To  make  the  matter  clear,  Ceballos  had  a  judicial 
inquiry  opened  in  due  form  in  1759,  at  which  over  seventy 
Indians  and  various  Spanish  ofhcials  gave  evidence  under 
oath.  The  upshot  of  this  inquiry  was  that  the  revolt  was  to 
be  attributed  to  the  Indians  alone,  and  that  the  Jesuits  had 
been  in  no  way  implicated.* 

Meanwhile  even  the  instigator  of  the  treaty  of  partition, 
the  governor  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  Gomez  Freire  de  Andrade, 
had  lost  his  desire  to  pursue  the  matter,  probably  because  he 
had  convinced  himself  that  the  ardently  desired  gold-mines 
were  not  to  be  discovered  in  Paraguay.     On  the  death  of 

1  Wall  on  October  7  and  December  7,  1755,  ibid.,  680  seq. 
^  Of  January  31,  1756,  ibid.,  681  seq. 
'  Ibid.,  686. 

*  Ibid.,  687.  Three  reports  from  Ceballos,  November  8  and 
30,  1759,  and  November  30,  1765,  xbid.,  835-9. 


THE    MISSIONS    IN    MARANHAO  42I 

Ferdinand  VI.  of  Spain  in  1759  his  brother  and  successor 
Carlos  III.  brought  about  the  annulment  of  the  treaty,  and 
the  Indians  were  allowed  to  return  to  their  reductions. 

Almost  at  the  same  time  as  in  Paraguay  the  first  troubles 
began  in  the  missions  in  Maranhao.  Until  about  the  middle  of 
the  century  the  work  of  converting  the  Indians  had  made 
really  gratifying  progress.  As  late  as  1752  the  Jesuits  Tedaldi 
and  Machado  had  been  appointed  to  missionary  work  among 
the  Gamellas  and  Acoroas  in  the  region  watered  by  the  Mearim.^ 
and  in  the  same  3Tar  their  fellow-religious  Santos  had  founded 
the  Indian  village  of  St.  Xavier  on  the  Solimoes,  to  which, 
by  December  8th,  he  had  brought  eighty  Indians  from  the 
wilderness. 2  It  was  about  this  time,  too,  that  the  mission 
procurator  Fonseca,  full  of  hope,  asked  the  General  of  the 
Order  for  ten  more  missionaries  from  Germany  and  Italy.^ 

But  hopes  soon  sank  when  Pombal's  younger  brother, 
Francisco  Xavier  Mendonca  de  Furtado,  was  made  governor 
of  the  colony.4  As  early  as  November  20th,  1752,  the  Rector 
of  Para,  Alexius  Antonius,  reported  to  the  General  of  the 
Order  ^  that  the  college  and  seminary  were  flourishing  but  that 
the  new  governor  was  putting  the  patience  of  the  missionaries 
to  a  severe  test  by  the  difficulties  he  was  creating  among  the 
slaves,  Indians,  and  missions.  A  year  later  the  rector  insisted 
that  he  was  doing  all  he  could  to  preserve  the  peace  ;  the 
missionaries  were  making  friends  of  the  Portuguese  soldiers 

1  *Benedict  da  Fonseca  to  the  General  of  the  Order,  Visconti, 
Lisbon,  February  8,  1752,  in  Jesuit  possession  (also  the  Jesuit 
MSS.  cited  below). 

2  *Emanuel  dos  Santos  to  Visconti,  Para,  October  20,  1753, 
ibid. 

^  *Fonseca,  loc.  cit. 

*  The  nomination  followed  in  1750  (Schafer,  V.,  242,  n.  2). 
Robert  Southey  {History  of  Brazil,  III.,  London,  1810,  507  seq.) 
describes  Mendonca  as  a  despot  who  upset  the  missionaries  in  • 
various  ways  and  at  the  same  time  sent  to  the  Court  frivolous 
complaints  about  the  condition  of  the  missions.  Handelmann, 
Gesch.  Brasiliens,  2-jj  ;    Murr,  rS,  n.  i. 

*  *MS.  in  Jesuit  possession. 


422  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

and  were  supplying  them  with  meat,  flour,  and  medicaments, 
with  the  result  that  even  their  enemies  had  to  acknowledge 
their  kindness,  but  the  question  of  the  missions  and  the 
Indians  was  still  a  burning  one.^ 

In  fact  Mendonca  was  not  only  trying  to  deprive  the 
missionaries  of  the  temporal  administration  of  the  Indian 
villages  ^  but  was  making  the  further  spread  of  Christianity 
practically  impossible.  His  officials  were  forcing  catechumens 
and  newly  made  converts  to  give  their  services  as  rowers  with- 
out payment,  the  result  being  that  many  of  them  left  the 
reductions  embittered  and  returned  to  their  forests.^  With 
the  foundation  of  the  Maranhao  and  Grao  Para  trading 
company  on  June  6th,  1755,  there  began  a  veritable  life-and- 
death  struggle.  The  so-called  "  trading  "  of  the  Jesuits,  who 
sold  the  surplus  produce  of  their  estates  for  the  benefit  of  the 
missions,  was  regarded  by  the  company  as  a  threat  to  their 
monopolies. 

To  get  rid  of  these  obnoxious  competitors  it  was  now 
decided  to  have  the  missionaries  expelled  one  after  the  other. 
"  Were  it  not  for  the  fear  of  arousing  the  anger  of  the  king 
against  the  whole  Order,"  UTote  the  missionary  Francis  da 
Veiga  on  July  1st,  1755,  to  the  General  of  his  Order,  "  we 
should  do  best  by  giving  up  the  mission  altogether  and  placing 
ourselves  at  the  disposal  of  the  Bishop."  *  Francis  da  Toledo, 
who  in  view  of  the  ever  worsening  situation  had  been  ap- 
pointed Visitor  to  the  mission  by  the  General  of  the  Order, 
Visconti,  reported  to  him  on  August  18th,  1755,  that  he 
had  received  from  the  Bishop  a  royal  command  of  March  3rd 
to  send  back  to  Portugal  the  three  missionaries  Theodore  da 
Cruz,  Anthony  Joseph,  and  Rochus  Hundertpfund.  The  reason 
given  for  the  command  was  that  it  was  demanded  by  the 
service  of  God  and  the  welfare  of  the  Order ;  but  after  inquiries 

'  *Para,  1753. 

''  *Vice-Provincial  Emanuel  Ferreira  to  Visconti,  ParA, 
October  27,  1753. 

'  *The  Rector  of  Parci,,  Ignatius  Xaverius,  to  Visconti,  October 
2,  1754  ;    *Francis  da  Veiga  to  Visconti,  July  i,  1755. 

*  *Ibid. 


GRADUAL   EXPULSION    OF   THE    MISSIONARIES        423 

had  been  made  it  was  found  that  the  three  men  were  not  to 
blame  for  anything.  To  forestall  complaints  against  him,  he 
had  had  Baretta,  a  professor  of  theology  who  had  let  fall  a 
sarcastic  remark,  transferred  on  his  own  authority  to  the 
village  of  Tremenbeen.  But  under  Pombal's  despotic  rule 
they  would  have  to  be  prepared  for  a  wholesale  expulsion.^ 

This  fear  was  proved  to  be  well-founded.  The  parishes  were 
taken  away  from  the  Jesuits  and  given  either  to  secular 
priests  or  to  other  religious. 2  In  the  following  year  two  more 
missionaries  were  sent  back  to  Europe  ;  one  was  charged  with 
having  objected  to  the  admission  of  Indians  into  the  Order, 
the  other  with  having  set  limits  to  the  sale  of  flour,  so  as  to 
be  able  to  supply  the  troops  with  the  prescribed  quantity.^ 
Toledo  bore  the  best  possible  testimony  to  the  character  of 
the  two  priests,  and  to  that  of  the  province  in  general.  Were 
it  not  that  the  welfare  of  the  Indians  compelled  the  mis- 
sionaries to  protest  against  the  oppression,  they  would  bear 
everything  in  silence  ;  the  governor,  however,  was  a  despot 
who  accused  the  Jesuits  to  the  king  of  disobedience,  and  he 
would  not  want  for  false  witnesses.  The  General  of  the  Order 
would  do  well  to  inform  the  king  of  the  true  state  of  affairs.^ 

On  February  5th,  1757,  the  governor  called  a  meeting  of  the 
missionaries  and  made  known  to  them  a  royal  decree  of  June 
7th,  1755,5  by  which  it  was  henceforth  determined   by  law 

1  According  to  *Da  Veiga  [loc.  cit.)  the  first  two  were  banished 
for  utterances  of  no  importance,  Hundertpfund  for  having  written 
to  the  Queen  Mother,  then  deceased,  about  the  conditions  in 
Maranhao.  According  to  *ToIedo,  the  reason  for  the  expulsion 
was  the  frankness  with  which  he  advocated  the  payment  of  the 
Indians  for  their  services  as  rowers  (to  Visconti,  August  18,  1755). 

^  *Toledo  to  Visconti,  Pard,  October  29,  1755. 

3  *Toledo  to  the  General  of  the  Order,  Centurioni,  on  October 
12,  1756,  ihid.  ;  Murr,  23.  The  Bishop  of  Pari,  Michael  de 
Bulh5es,  informed  the  Visitor  *on  October  16,  1756,  that  the  two 
Jesuits  were  to  be  taken  to  Lisbon  in  accordance  with  a  royal 
decree. 

*  *Toledo  to  Centurioni,  October  17,  1756. 

*  Text  in  [Biker]  I.,  20  seqq. 


424  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

that  the  temporal  administration  of  the  reductions  had  been 
taken  away  from  the  missionaries.  The  Jesuits,  it  was  stated 
in  the  decree,  were  unfit  to  exercise  an  authority  of  this  nature 
by  reason  of  their  vows,  and  as  for  the  Capuchins,  who  were 
also  in  charge  of  reductions  on  the  Maranon,  this  authority 
was  out  of  keeping  with  the  humility  which  was  an  essential 
feature  of  their  Order.  At  a  second  meeting,  on  February 
10th,  the  Bishop  announced  that  complete  jurisdiction  over 
the  religious  belonged  to  him.  The  Jesuits'  attitude  to  these 
two  communications  was  described  in  a  letter  to  the  king  from 
the  Visitor,  Toledo.  With  regard  to  the  first  point,  they  sub- 
mitted unconditionally,  but  asked  to  be  allowed  to  retain 
their  property  pending  a  contrary  decision  by  the  king.  As 
to  the  second  question,  he  had  not  directly  denied  the  Bishop's 
claim,  as  had  been  stated,  but  he  had  put  certain  questions  to 
the  prelate,  the  answer  to  which  would  decide  whether  he 
would  be  able  to  allow  his  subordinates  to  continue  to  act  as 
parish  priests  in  the  mission.^ 

The  mission  was  now  in  a  hopeless  state.  The  Visitor, 
utterly  discouraged,  wrote  to  the  General  that  the  work  of 
conversion  among  the  Indians  was  as  good  as  paralysed.  To 
address  written  complaints  to  the  king  was  useless,  as  the 
letters  were  either  confiscated  or  submitted  to  Pombal  for 
his  approval.  The  Bishop,  too,  he  said,  was  unfavourably 
disposed  towards  the  Jesuits. ^  Toledo's  fears  were  only  too 
well  justified,  for  at  the  close  of  the  3'ear  1757  he  and 
fourteen  companions  in  distress  were  conveyed  back  to 
Portugal.^ 

One  of  the  factors  in  the  expulsion  was  the  property  ad- 
ministered by  the  Jesuits,  though  it  was  not  so  valuable  as 


1  *MS. 

^  *Letter  dated  from  Pari,  April  1757.  As  early  as  *October  29, 
1755,  Toledo  had  expressed  his  fear  that  the  colonial  authorities 
were  aiming  at  the  destruction  of  the  Jesuit  mission. 

'  *Letter  of  the  Governor,  September  14,  1757,  in  Jesuit 
possession  ;  Nuncio  Acciaioli  *to  Archinto,  February  21  and  May  2, 
1758,  Nunziat.  di  Portog.,  198,  Papal  Secret  Archives  ;  Murr,  38. 


JESUIT   POSSESSIONS    IN    MARANHAO  425 

had  been  thought.  Their  possessions,  wrote  a  Jesuit  in 
Maranhao  to  his  General,  were  certainly  large  but  they  were 
not  profitable,  as  they  consisted  mostly  of  worthless  estates, 
which  might  well  be  sold  and  exchanged  for  smaller  ones.^ 
When  the  reduction  of  Trocano  was  taken  from  the  Jesuits 
and,  under  its  new  name  of  Borha  Nova,  was  handed  over  to 
a  secular  priest  on  January  1st,  1756,  the  governor,  on  January 
2nd,  made  careful  inquiries  about  the  property  belonging  to 
the  station  but  the  Visitor  could  only  inform  him  that  it  was 
saddled  with  a  huge  debt. 2 

Connected  with  the  law  of  June  7th,  1755,  by  which  the 
Jesuits  and  Capuchins  were  deprived  of  the  civil  administra- 
tion of  the  reductions,  was  that  forbidding  the  enslavement  of 
the  Indians,  signed  by  the  king  on  the  previous  day.'  The 
motive  of  this  latter  ordinance,  however,  was  scarcely  more 
philanthropic  than  that  of  the  former.  The  fact  was  that  the 
trading  company  in  Maranhao  had  the  privilege  of  trading  in 
negro  slaves,  and  the  liberation  of  the  Indian  slaves  compelled 
the  planters  to  buy  negroes  at  high  prices  from  the  trading 
company.  The  law  was  not  proclaimed  by  Mendonca 
until  the  slave  ships  from  Africa  had  arrived  in  South 
America.^ 

For  the  Jesuits  in  Maranhao  the  emancipation  law  had  an 
evil  consequence.  The  State,  they  maintained,  having  first 
sold  Indians  to  the  plantation-owners  and  then  having  forced 
them  to  set  them  free,  was  in  justice  bound  to  restore  the 
purchase  price  to  the  planters.^  Pombal  interpreted  this 
opinion  as  obstinate  opposition  to  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
whereas  in  actual  fact  the  Jesuits  in  Brazil  had  always  upheld 


1  *De  Roche,  April  21,  1757. 

2  *Toledo,  on  February  23  and  October  21,  1756. 
'  Text  in  [Biker]  I.,  14  seqq. 

*  Caeyro,  *De  exilio  provinciarum  transmarinariini  Soc.  lesn 
in  Lusitaniam,  libri  III.,  f.  90  seq.  ;  "  *Relazione  di  Msg.  Ratta  di 
quanto  ultimamente  h  accaduto  nel  America  "  (undated  [October 
4,  1756  ?]),  Nunziat.  di  Portog.,  113,  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  MuRR,  25. 


426  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

the  human  rights  of  the  Indians,  incurring  much  odium 
thereby.^ 

The  Jesuit  mission  to  the  Araucan  Indians  in  Chile  was  also 
in  a  difficult  position.  An  uprising  there  in  1723  had  ruined 
everything,  but  in  spite  of  this  there  were  112,296  baptisms 
in  the  mission  in  the  3''ears  1734-1762.2  Both  the  suffragan 
Bishop  of  Concepcidn,  Pedro  Felipe  de  Azua,  and  the  Dean 
testified  to  the  good  work  done  by  the  Araucan  missionaries.^ 

No  less  difficult  than  in  Chile  was  the  missionary  work 
among  the  Indians  in  California.  As  recently  as  1734  two 
Jesuits  had  been  murdered  by  malcontents  and  the  whole 
existence  of  the  mission  had  been  threatened  ;  but  it  quickly 
recovered  from  the  setback.^  A  survey  made  in  1742  enume- 
rates fifteen  stations,  all  of  which  were  founded,  not  with 
State  funds,  but  with  charitable  donations.^  In  1793  the 
viceroy  De  Revillagigedo  estimated  the  number  of  Christian 
Indians  in  California  in  the  years  1740-1750  at  20,000. «  The 
Spanish  government  would  have  liked  to  increase  the  number 
of  missionaries  but  this  was  prevented  by  the  lack  of  money.' 

In  Mexico  the  missionary  work  of  the  Franciscans  and 
Jesuits  continued  to  succeed.^  Conspicuous  among  the  Jesuits 
was  a  German,  Franz  Hermann  Glandorff,  from  Osterkappeln, 
near  Osnabriick.  He  went  to  Mexico  in  1719,  even  before  he 
had  completed  his  theological  studies,  and  after  his  ordination 
he  devoted  himself  untiringly  for  forty  years,  amid  the  greatest 
hardships,  to  the  care  of  the  Indians  in  the  rugged  mountains 

^  *John  de  Maia,  Governor  of  Maranhao,  to  John  V.,  Septem- 
ber 10,  1725  ;  official  report  of  the  royal  commissary  Edward  dos 
Santos  in  Weld,  81  ;  HernAndez,  Organizacidn  social,  II., 
27  seq.  ;  "  *Informatio  Benedicti  da  Fonseca  S.J.  pro  libertate 
Indorum  tuenda  ad  regem  loannem  V.,"  of  December  22,  1745. 

*  AstrAin,  VII.,  711-737. 
=>  Ibid.,  734,  735. 

■•  Ibid.,  275. 

■^  Ibid.,  283,  812. 

«  Ibid.,  284. 

'  Engelhardt,  232  seq. 

*  Lemmens,  239  seqq. 


CENTRAL   AND    NORTH    AMERICA  427 

of  Tarahumare.  In  1745,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  they  were 
maintaining  in  Mexico  120  mission  posts  in  an  area  larger 
than  Spain  itself,  the  Jesuits  proposed  to  the  king  that  they 
should  hand  over  twenty-two  of  these  stations  to  the  secular 
clergy.  The  plan,  however,  was  not  carried  out  until  1754, 
owing  to  the  unwillingness  of  the  Indians  to  part  with  their 
spiritual  guardians. ^  In  Florida  only  a  pitiful  relic  remained 
of  the  Franciscan  mission  that  had  formerly  flourished  there.^ 
In  Central  America  a  personal  intervention  of  the  Pope  has 
to  be  recorded,  namely  the  raising  of  the  bishopric  of  Guate- 
mala to  an  archbishopric,  with  the  suffragan  bishoprics  of 
Nicaragua,  Chiapa,  and  Comayagua.^  In  North  America,  so 
far  as  it  was  under  English  supremacy,  there  was  naturally  no 
question  of  any  Cathohc  missionary  activity.  In  1755,  when 
Acadia  passed  from  French  to  English  owoiership  on  the 
conclusion  of  peace,  the  Catholics  had  to  quit  the  country  in 
a  body,  unaccompanied  by  their  priests.*  In  French  Louisiana 
the  Jesuits  were  maintaining  missions  among  the  Choctaws, 
Alibamons,  and  Arkansas,  with  little  success  ;  among  the 
Illinois,  however,  the  prospect  was  more  promising.  ^  The 
mission  to  the  Iroquois,  who  were  concentrated  in  settlements 
similar  to  reductions  in  the  environs  of  Quebec  and  Montreal, 
was  hampered  by  the  ill-will  of  the  Government  and  the  bad 
example  set  by  the  French. «  Prominent  in  their  care  for  the 
scanty  relics  of  the  Huron  tribe  were  De  la  Richardie  and 
Potier.' 

(4) 
Of  the  African  missions  in  Benedict  XIV. 's  time  there  is 
little  to  relate.    The  Lazarist  Arnolph  Bossu  was  appointed 

1  AsTRAiN,  VII.,  321  seqq.,  815  seqq.  For  Glandorfif,  see  Kempf, 
Die  Heiligkeit  dev  Gesellschaft  Jesu,  Einsiedeln,  1925,  260,  275. 

2  ScHMiDLiN,  Missionsgesch.,  412. 

=»  Bull  of  December  16,  1743,  lus  pontif.,  III.,  122  seqq. 

*  RocHEMONTEix,  II.,  66  seq. 

*  Ibid.,  382  seqq.,  388. 
«  Ibid.,  20. 

'  Ibid.,  55. 


428  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Vicar  Apostolic  for  the  Christians  in  Algiers  and  Tunis, ^  and 
he  in  his  turn,  on  account  of  the  vastness  of  the  territory 
under  his  command,  was  to  appoint  the  Capucliin  Felix  of 
Affori  as  Pro- Vicar  for  Tunis.  In  1740  ^  the  French  possessions 
on  the  "  Bourbon  Islands  "  (Mascarenhas)  were  entrusted  by 
the  Pope  for  ten  years  to  Beaumont,  the  Archbishop  of  Paris, 
who  was  to  send  Lazarists  there.  In  1750  the  Capuchins  were 
maintaining  six  permanent  residences  in  their  Congo  mission, 
and  four  in  Angola.^  In  Portuguese  East  Africa  the  Dominicans 
were  still  maintaining  twelve  stations  with  2,630  of  the  faithful 
in  the  year  1751.  Adults,  however,  they  did  not  dare 
to  baptize  until  they  were  on  their  death-beds,  and  the 
missionaries  were  generally  hampered  by  their  poverty.^ 

(5) 

In  the  missionary  activities  in  Asia  Benedict  XIV.  frequently 
intervened  in  person,  sometimes  very  incisively.  The  Shah 
of  Persia,  Tamas  Kulikan,  he  congratulated  on  his  victory 
over  the  Turks  and  was  successful  in  his  request  that  the 
Capuchins  in  Tifiis  be  exempt  from  taxes. ^  Kulikan  allowed 
the  Christians  freedom  of  conscience.  The  missions  had 
been  tolerated  by  his  predecessor,  Shah  Nadir  (murdered 
in  1747),  whose  confidence  had  been  gained  by  the  medical 
knowledge  displayed  by  a  Capuchin,  and  who  had  appointed 
a  Jesuit  as  his  first  physician  in  1746.  Shah  Nadir  had  had 
thoughts  of  founding  a  religion  himself  ;  he  had  the  Bible 
of  the  Christians  translated,  listened  to  the  disputations 
between  them  and  the  Mohammedans,  and  often  decided  in 
favour  of  the  former.  Under  Kulikan 's  successor  the  Persian 
mission  fell  into  decay  ;  the  last  effort  to  revive  it  was  made 
in  1755.« 

'  On  July  II,  1746,  Ins  pontif.,  III.,  282  seqq. 

■  On  October  6,  ibid.,  6. 

3  Bull.  Capuc,  VII.,  191. 

•*  ScHMiDLiN,  Missionsgesch.,  374. 

*  On  January  30,  1742,  Bull.  Capuc,  VII.,  247. 

•  Terzorio,  Missioni,  VI.,  170  seqq. 


CAPUCHIN    MISSIONS    IN    GEORGIA   AND   TIBET       429 

The  Capuchin  mission  in  Georgia,  on  the  confines  of  Europe 
and  Asia,  appeared  at  first  to  be  developing  favourably. 
Between  1750  and  1755  the  Catholicos,  who  had  been  banished 
to  Russia  as  a  heretic  in  the  latest  persecution,  came  over  to 
the  Catholic  Church  and  he  was  very  shortly  followed  by 
a  hundred  Georgians.  The  conversion  of  a  noble  lady  in  the 
reign  of  King  Taimuras,  however,  led  to  the  persecution  of  the 
Catholics.  The  Catholicos  was  deposed  and  banished,  the 
Capuchins  were  driven  out  of  the  country,  and  the  churches 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  schismatics.  The  efforts  of  Propa- 
ganda to  obtain  the  mediation  of  the  European  Powers  met 
with  no  success.  It  was  not  till  1767  that  the  mission  was 
reopened  in  Tiflis  and  Gori.^ 

Among  the  Armenians  of  Diarbekir  and  Mardin  there  began, 
under  the  influence  of  the  Capuchins,  a  movement  for  union 
with  Rome.  In  1747  the  mission  was  interrupted  in  a  curious 
manner  :  an  impostor  acted  the  part  of  Papal  nuncio  and 
ordered  the  Capuchins  to  take  their  departure.  At  the  order 
of  Propaganda  they  returned.- 

It  was  the  Capuchins  again  who  did  their  best  to  spread  the 
Gospel  in  Tibet  and  the  lands  that  bordered  it.^  In  1733  the 
Prefect  of  the  mission,  Orazio  della  Penna,  had  journeyed 
to  Rome  to  obtain  fresh  missionaries.  After  returning  to  Patna 
in  1739  he  stayed  some  time  at  Bettia  in  Nepal,  where  he 
restored  to  health  the  son  of  the  rajah  ;  in  consequence,  the 
father,  Durup,  wrote  to  Clement  XII.,  asking  for  more 
Capuchins  for  his  country.  On  February  6th,  1740,  Della 
Penna  went  on  to  Bhatgaon,  also  in  Nepal,  where  he  was 
received  in  very  friendly  fashion  by  the  rajah  Zaije  Ranagita 
MaUa  Deva,  who  by  a  formal  decree  allowed  the  Christian 


1  Ibid.,  VII.,  272. 

^  Ibid.,  VI.,  195  seqq.,  201  seqq. 

=>  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIII.,  385,  473  ;  Adelhelm  Jann, 
Die  missionarische  und  literarische  Tatigkeit  des  A  postal.  Prdfekten 
von  Tibet  P.  Franz  Horatins  Olivierius  della  Penna  di  Billi  1712- 
1745,  in  the  special  publication  for  Gustav  Schniirer,  Paderborn, 
1930,  128-207. 


430  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

doctrine  to  be  preached  and  who  also  asked  the  Pope  for  more 
Capuchin  missionaries.  Both  rajahs  were  granted  this  request 
by  Benedict  XIV.^  In  1740  Delia  Penna  was  back  in  Lhasa  ; 
here  King  Pho-lha-nas,  who  had  been  in  correspondence  with 
Clement  XII.,  assented  by  an  edict  of  September  7th,  1741, 
to  the  Pope's  desire  for  the  official  toleration  of  Christianity. 
When,  however,  a  Christian  refused  to  offer  the  requested 
marks  of  esteem  to  the  Dalai  Lama,  the  king  changed  his 
attitude,  and  a  regular  persecution  ensued.  In  1745  Mass  was 
said  for  the  last  time  in  the  chapel  of  the  Assumption  in  Lhasa  ; 
Delia  Penna  retired  with  twenty-seven  Christians  of  Nepalese 
origin  to  Khatmandu  in  Nepal,  where  the  mission  was  con- 
tinued. About  a  score  of  Christian  Tibetans  were  banished. 
Delia  Penna  died  the  same  year,  1745.^  He  was  the  author 
of  a  Tibetan-Latin  dictionary,  and  most  of  what  was  knowTi 
about  Tibet  in  his  day  was  based  on  his  reports  to  Propaganda. 
In  the  realm  of  Pegu  in  Farther  India  the  legate  for  China 
and  Eastern  Asia,  Mezzabarba,  had  opened  a  mission  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Holy  See.^  This  was  developing  well  in  the 
town  of  Syriam,  especially  after  the  appointment  of  the 
Barnabite  Paolo  Nerini  as  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Ava  ;  there  were 
in  Syriam  a  boys'  school,  a  girls'  school,  and  a  not  unimposing 
church,  to  the  cost  of  building  which  an  Armenian  had  con- 
tributed.^ It  seemed,  however,  as  if  these  successes  were  being 
jeopardized  bj'  jurisdictional  disputes.  Syriam,  with  the  whole 
of  Pegu,  belonged  to  the  diocese  of  Meliapur,  so  that  it  lay 
outside  the  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Ava,  which  alone  had  been 

*  "  lUustri  ac  potentissimo  regi  Batgao  "  and  "  Illustri  ac 
potentissimo  regi  Bittik  ",  both  Briefs  of  May  i,  1742,  Bull.  Lux., 
XVI..  92.     Cf.  Jann.  183. 

*  Ibid.,  206.  Briefs  of  September  25,  1746  (dispensation  from 
fasting  for  the  Tibetan  Christians),  and  September  13,  1753 
("  Praefecto  Missionum  Tibeti  ",  authority  to  confirm),  Bull. 
Capuc,  VII.,  266  ;    Streit,  433. 

»  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIV,  70. 

*  Cf.  Brief  of  December  31,  1753,  lus  pontif.,  VII.,  178; 
Benedicti  XIV.  Acta,  II.,  171.  A  Brief  of  the  same  date  and  on 
the  same  subject,  to  the  king  of  Portugal  :    Acta,  II.,  174. 


THE    MISSIONS   IN    FARTHER   INDIA  43I 

entrusted  to  Nerini.  The  Bishop  of  Meliapur  felt  himself 
obUged  to  exert  his  episcopal  rights  but  for  so  doing  incurred 
a  reprimand  from  the  Pope,  who  did  not  hesitate  to  take  the 
Barnabite  mission  under  his  personal  protection.^ 

The  missionaries  in  Farther  India  being  of  various  Orders 
and  nationalities,  it  was  inevitable  that  differences  should 
arise  regarding  the  boundaries  of  their  respective  spheres  of 
activity.  The  Visitor  dispatched  by  Benedict  XIII.  in  1727 
issued  a  decree  on  July  2nd,  1740,  by  which  each  Order  was 
allotted  its  separate  mission-field. 2  The  Franciscans,  who  had 
been  represented  in  this  decree  as  interlopers,  appealed  to  the 
Holy  See,  which  at  first,  on  September  29th,  1741,  more  than 
confirmed  the  Visitor's  decision,  but  subsequently,  on 
November  23rd,  after  receiving  further  remonstrances, 
ordered  a  fresh  inquiry,  which  resulted  in  the  Franciscans 
being  given  back  their  missions.  By  a  Brief  of  November 
26th,  1744,  the  execution  of  this  decision  was  entrusted  to 
the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  East  Tongking,  the  Augustinian 
Hilarius  Costa. ^  There  were  also  disputes  between  the 
Augustinians  and  the  Dominicans  over  certain  districts  in 
East  and  South  Tongking.  To  settle  the  matter  the  Dominican 
missionary  Hernandez  betook  himself  to  Rome,  where  he 
obtained  a  favourable  ruling  for  his  Order.* 

In  Cochin  China  the  preaching  of  the  Christian  doctrine  was 
forbidden  by  royal  decree  in  1750  and  again  in  1753.  The 
missionaries  suffered  much  maltreatment  and  were  driven 
out  of  the  country  but  many  of  them  managed  to  return  to 
their  missions  in  secret.^  Edmund  Bennetat,  the  coadjutor  of 

^  Ibid.  Writing  from  Chandemagor  on  August  15,  1748, 
Nerini  gave  the  Jesuit  missionaries  a  *commendatory  testimonial, 
saying  that  they  were  full  of  zeal  and  that  they  visited  the  huts 
of  the  pariahs.  Archives  of  the  Propaganda  in  Rome,  Indie 
Or.  e  Cina,  Scritt.  riferite  Congr.  25,  n.  56. 

«  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIV,  194. 

«  Bull.  Lux.,  XVI.,  255  ;   lus  pontif.,  III.,  192  ;   Lemmens,  114. 

*  GlSPERT,  Historia  de  las  misiones  Dominicanas  en  el  Tunking, 
Avila,  1928,  251  seq. 

*  Lemmens,  115. 


432  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  Vicar  Apostolic,  was  expelled  several  times.  In  reply  ^  to 
a  letter  of  his  written  from  Pondicherry  in  1754,  the  Pope 
sought  to  encourage  him  by  the  prospect  of  a  brighter  future  ; 
as  he  had  suggested  to  him  once  before,  ^  the  persecution  of 
Christianity  always  bore  within  itself  the  pledge  of  a  sub- 
sequent revival. 

Firstly  the  Vicars  Apostolic  in  India  and  then  all  Vicars 
Apostolic  in  general  received  instructions  from  Benedict  XIV.^ 
to  appoint  in  their  lifetime  a  coadjutor  with  the  right  of 
succession  or  a  vicar  general  with  far-reaching  powers  ;  this 
would  obviate  the  confusion  which  might  otherwise  be  caused 
by  their  deaths.  It  was  emphasized  by  the  Pope  that  the 
decisions  of  the  Council  of  Trent  concerning  the  rights  of 
Bishops  in  relation  to  religious  were  valid  also  for  missionary 
Bishops  and  Vicars  Apostolic* 

In  Southern  Asia  serious  difficulties  for  the  missions  were 
caused  by  the  rise  of  the  Protestant  maritime  Powers.  Thus  in 
India  the  English  East  India  Company,  though  not  actively 
hostile  towards  the  Catholic  mission,  as  were  the  Dutch, 
nevertheless  protected  and  thus  encouraged  the  heathen 
cults.  ^  The  Bishops  of  Cochin  being  prevented  by  the  perse- 
cutions of  the  Dutch  from  landing  in  Ceylon,  authority  to 
administer  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  was  conferred  by 
the  Pope  ^  on  the  Oratorians  of  Goa,  who  were  working  in 
Ceylon  under  the  most  difficult  conditions.  On  the  Dutch 
becoming  supreme  in  Indonesia  all  the  missions  there  were 
done  awa}'  with.  It  was  only  on  Timor  and  Flores  that  the 
Dominicans  held  out  till  1754.'  In  the  Philippines,  however, 
under  the  Spanish  rule,  Christianity  continued  to  exist.  As 
late  as  1740  the  Dominicans  founded  the  large  mission  of 

*  On  September  i,  1755,  Ada,  II.,  239. 
^  On  December  4,  1751,  ibid.,  87  seq. 

*  On  Januar}^  26,  1753,  and  August  8,  1755,  lusponttf..  III., 
519,  621  seqq. 

*  Ibid.,  217-221. 

'  Hergenrother-Kirch,  IV. •,  158  seq. 

*  On  February  17,  1745,  lus  pontif.,  III.,  135  seq. 

'    SCHMIDLIN,   397  ;     WaLZ,  372. 


THE    SITUATION    IN    CHINA  433 

Santa  Cruz  on  the  island  of  Luzon,  and  in  1750  they  baptized 
the  Mohammedan  Sultan  of  lold.  On  the  island  of  Mindanao 
the  Jesuits  were  active. ^  To  the  work  of  the  Augustinians 
in  the  Philippines  the  Pope  accorded  special  praise. 2 

(6) 

For  some  decades  before  the  accession  of  Benedict  XIV.  the 
burning  question  as  to  what  attitude  was  to  be  adopted  by 
the  Christians  in  China  towards  the  national  customs  con- 
nected with  the  worship  of  Confucius  and  family  ancestors 
had  been  fraught  with  ever  growing  confusion.  Clement  XL's 
Constitution,  which  was  taken  as  the  ruling  pronouncement 
on  the  matter,  had  laid  it  down  that  only  those  customs  were 
to  be  allowed  which  were  of  a  purely  civil,  as  opposed  to  a 
religious,  nature.  Which  forms  of  the  worship  were  to  be 
considered  as  purely  civil  was  to  be  left  to  the  decision  of  the 
competent  Superiors.  The  legate  Mezzabarba  accordingly 
declared  to  be  permissible  the  laying  out  of  food,  the  lighting 
of  candles,  and  the  burning  of  incense  before  the  tablets  of 
Confucius  and  ancestors  and  before  the  grave  of  the  deceased, 
also  obeisances  in  honour  of  ancestors  or  to  the  coffin,  it  being 
presumed  there  was  no  trace  of  superstition  in  the  performance 
of  these  customs.^ 

As  Mezzabarba  WTote  in  1740,.*  Suarez,  the  noted  Jesuit 
in  China,  would  have  liked  still  more  concessions.  This  may 
refer  principally  to  the  non-extension  of  the  "  permissions  " 

1  ScHMiDLiN,  395  seqq. 

2  On  April  25,  1753,  Acta,  II.,  135. 

3  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIII.,  482  seq. 

^  *To  the  Propaganda,  dated  from  Lodi,  October  10,  1740, 
Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or  e  Cina  1 737-1 740,  Scritt. 
rif.  Congr.  22,  n.  49.  The  mandarin  Chao  commented  thus  on 
Suarez'  dissatisfaction  :  "  Ouesto  e  troppo.  Che  volete  di  piu  ? 
lo  voglio  esser  giusto.  Queste  permissioni  bastano,  sietene 
contenti  "  {ibid.).  Mezzabarba  *speaks  {loc.  cit.)  of  concessions 
"  in  Brevi  pontificio  ad  Imperatorem  Sinensem  ".  Cf.  our  account. 
Vol.  XXXIII.,  473,  n. 

VOL.  XXXV.  Ff 


434  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

to  the  obeisances  before  the  tablet  of  Confucius,  that  is  to  say 
to  the  worship  of  him  such  as  was  prescribed  by  custom  for 
lettered  people.^ 

In  other  respects  Mezzabarba's  eight  permissions  were 
favourable  to  the  Jesuits,  and  for  this  reason  it  was  not  to  be 
expected  that  the  opposing  party  would  acquiesce  in  Mezza- 
barba's ruling  and  accept  in  silence  that  which  they  had  for- 
merly opposed.  In  the  same  way  as  the  Jesuits  had  once 
resisted  Tournon,  their  adversaries  now  resisted  Mezzabarba. 
Hence  the  dissension  among  the  missionaries,  which  was 
brought  to  a  head  by  Clement  XII. 's  rejection  of  the  Bishop  of 
Peking's  attempt  to  turn  the  legate's  permissions  into  pre- 
scriptions.^  Some  were  of  the  opinion  that  the  tablets  of 
ancestors  and  Confucius  should  be  abolished  then  and  there  ; 
as  the  missionary  Arcangelo  Miralta  WTote,^  that  could  be 

^  Scant  satisfaction  with  the  concessions  was  shown  in  a  *letter 
from  the  Peking  Jesuits  to  their  General,  of  July  17,  1722  : 
"  Certum  tamen  est,  disseminatas  permissiones  proborum  animis 
Christique  fidelibus  bonae  voluntatis  plus  perturbationis  quam 
solatii  iniecisse  alio  quidem  sensu  ac  quam  innuit  111"^.  Inge- 
muerunt  videlicet  auditis  illis,  usque  sibi  aditum  claudi  filiisque 
suis  ad  literarios  honores,  ad  officia  publica  ac  magistratus 
gerendos  ;  usque  constringi  s.  legem  ad  vilissimae  sortis  homines, 
at  vel  his  ipsis  despicabilem  reddi,  cum  eius  ingressu  atque 
exercitio  arceantur,  quicumque  in  republica  honorati  et  ingenui 
censentur  "  etc.  The  legate  had  brought  nothing  more  "  quam 
permissiones '  aliquot  vix  usui  futuras,  quia  implicitas  con- 
ditionibus,  quas  adimplere  suo  minime  in  arbitrio  sit  positum. 
Nostra  enimvero  cura  fuit,  ad  patientiam  et  longanimitatem 
denuo  hortari  atque  erigere,  ex  ore  ipsius  D.  Patriarchae,  qui 
iubeat  illos  bono  animo  esse  spondeatque,  se  integre  cognita 
Imperatoris  voluntate  nunc  Romam  pergere  indeque  quam 
citissime  rediturum  cum  pleniore  ipsorum  solatio." 

2  C/.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIV.,  475. 

'  *Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Propaganda,  from  Macao, 
dated    December    20,     1736  :     From    letters    sent    by    Chinese 
missionaries  the  Propaganda  could  see  "  che  veramente  dai  soli 
ministri,    quando    questi    vogliono    uniformemente,    dipende    il 
togliersi  affatto  le  tavolette,  progenitor!  e  Confusio  ;    e  il  Breve 


THE   MISSIONARIES   AND   THE    CHINESE    RITES      435 

done  if  only  the  missionaries  acted  in  concert ;  Clement 
XI I. 's  banning  of  the  Peking  pastoral  letters  ^  had  been  of  no 
avail,  he  maintained  ;  the  Holy  See  must  suspend  Mezza- 
barba's  permissions  and  then  religion  in  China  would  be 
preserved  in  all  its  purity.  Miralta  did  not  consider  as  exces- 
sively severe  the  prohibition  of  the  permissions  by  Saraceni, 
Bishop  of  Lorima. 

A  different  opinion  was  held  by  the  Franciscan  Eugenio  da 
Bassano,  of  Shan-si.  On  receiving  Saraceni's  prohibition  he 
felt  himself  obliged  to  inform  the  Propaganda  of  his  mis- 
givings relative  to  the  tablets  and  the  table  with  food  set 
before  the  coffins  of  the  deceased. ^  Rochus  Wohnsiedler, 
a  Franciscan  missionary  in  Shan-si,  also  described  the  rites 
that  took  place  before  the  tablets  of  ancestors  and  the  coffin, 
and  added  that  it  was  extremely  difficult  for  Christians  to 
take  no  part  in  all  these  things.^  Juan  de  Villena,  another 
Franciscan,  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  if  the  permissions  were 

di  S.  S'^  che  annuUa  le  due  pastorali  del  quondam  M''  Pekinense 
niuna  specie  ha  fatto  nelli  impegnati  con  la  toUeranza,  che  se 
li  concede  delle  permissioni  del  M""  Mezzabarba,  chiamate  da 
cotesto  ]VF  Fochet  [Foucquet]  '  mail  radix  '  ;  quali,  quando 
venghino  sospese  dalla  S.  Sede,  si  potra  conservare  in  Cina  la 
purita  della  nostra  s.  religione.  E  dalle  lettere  sudette  potra 
scorgere  altresi,  se  sii  rigorosa  o  no  la  pastorale  di  M'  Lorimense  " 
[the  banning  of  the  concessions  ;  cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIV., 
475]  (Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or.  e  Cina,  1733-36, 
Scritt.  rif.  Congr.  21,  n.  61).  A  "  Relazione  dello  stato  presente, 
in  cui  si  trova  la  missione  di  Cina  "  {ibid.,  n.  62)  is  to  the  same 
effect  :  "  Ritus,  decreta,  observatio  facilis,  ubi  volunt  missionarii. 
Dicitur,  in  quibus  provinciis  vigeat  ;  non  viget  in  provinciis, 
ubi  sunt  Patres  Soc.  lesu." 

1  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIV.,  475. 

"  *0n  August  20,  1735.  "  Se  recepisse  epistolam  circularem 
episcopi  Lorimensis  cum  instructione  a  s.  Congregatione  ad 
istum  missa  et  eiusdem  responsum  ad  instructionem.  Proponit 
dubia  circa  tabellas  et  mensas  cum  cibis  et  potibus  ad  feretra 
defunctorum  paratas,  quas  describit."    Ibid.,  n.  40. 

»  *Letter  of  June  6,  1736  :  "  difficillimum  esse,  christianos  ab 
omnibus  abstinere."    Ibid.,  n.  56. 


43^  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

to  be  abolished  he  would  return  to  his  province,  since  without 
them  consciences  would  be  disturbed.^ 

In  these  confused  conditions  it  was  inevitable  that  after 
Mezzabarba's  embassy  complaints  against  the  Jesuits  should 
continue.  On  acceding  to  the  Papal  throne  Benedict  found 
that  he  was  expected  to  deal  with  a  mass  of  these  complaints, 
and  he  himself  had  often  spoken  harshly  of  the  Jesuits. ^ 
A  Visitor  to  the  missions  in  distant  Shan-si,  the  Franciscan 
Francesco  Maria  da  Ferrere,  had  reported  to  Rome  ^  that  the 
Jesuits  of  Peking  had  retained  the  superstitious  tablets  in 
spite  of  the  Papal  Constitution.*  From  Bhatgaon  in  Nepal 
a  Capuchin  wrote  that  if  the  Jesuits  were  allowed  to  do  as 
they  pleased  Christ  would  soon  be  worshipped  in  Nepal  on 
one  altar  together  with  Shakiatula  and  Zongaba,  just  as  in 
China  this  doubtful  honour  was  paid  to  Him  in  the  company 
of  Confucius,  and,  as  in  Malabar,  there  was  bound  eventually 
to  be  a  hotchpotch  of  paganism  and  Christianity.^  But  these 
are  not  the  depositions  of  eye-witnesses.  More  expert  know- 
ledge may  be  attributed  to  the  dismissed  Jesuit  Fouquet, 
who  said  of  his  former  French  fellow-religious  in  Peking  that 
they  were  still  clinging  obstinately  to  the  condemned  rites. ^ 
That  Fouquet 's  testimony  was  not  considered  valueless  in 
Rome  may  be  deduced  from  his  promotion  to  the  titular 

*  On  August  5,  1734  :  "  *Si  dichas  permisiones  estan  quitadas, 
desde  luego  me  parte  de  mi  mision,  y  me  buelbo  a  mi  santa 
provincia,  porque  sin  dichas  permisiones  todo  es  inquietud  de 
conciencia."    Ibid. 

*  *To  Tencin,  September  i  and  7,  1742,  Papal  Secret  Archives, 
Miscell.  Arm.  XV.,  t.  154  (not  in  Heeckeren). 

^  *On  May  8,  1727,  Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or. 
e  Cina,  1727-28,  Scritt.  rif.,  n.  13. 

*  "  *Patres  Pekinenses  de  observantia  Constitutionis  quoad 
tabulas  superstitioseis  non  curasse."    Ibid. 

^  *Ibid.,  1733-36,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.  21,  n.  10. 

*  "  *Supphcatio  ad  Papam,"  c.  1728.  He  says  of  the  French 
assistant  to  the  General  of  the  Order,  Joseph  de  Gallifet,  that 
he  was  "  intimo  amico  e  I'appoggio  di  quei  Padri  francesi  di 
Pekino,  che  hanno  sostenuto  et  sostengono  alia  Cina  il  pid 
pertinacemente  i  riticondannati."  Ibid.,  1727-28,  Scritt.  19,  n.  38. 


PEDRINI  S   LETTER   TO    PROPAGANDA  437 

see  of  Eleutheropolis.  Similarly,  Visdelou,  another  Jesuit 
who  opposed  the  rites  in  question,  was  created  Bishop 
of  Claudianopolis.  But  Fouquet's  depositions  were  not 
impartial  ;  on  being  dismissed  from  the  Society  he  was 
embittered  against  it  and  became  one  of  its  opponents. 

Contrary  evidence,  in  favour  of  the  party  so  keenly  attacked, 
is  also  extant.  The  Bishop  of  Nanking,  Manuel  de  Jesus 
Maria,  wrote  in  a  report  on  his  diocese  ^  that  all  the  mis- 
sionaries there  observed  the  Constitution  Ex  ilia  die  and  in 
a  strongly-worded  letter  he  described  the  principal  opponents 
of  the  Jesuits,  the  missionaries  Guigues,  Perroni,  Appiani, 
and  Pedrini,  as  disturbers  of  the  peace  and  as  the  plague  of 
the  mission  ;  they  ascribed  the  guilt  of  individuals  to  the 
whole  body.  2 

Pedrini,  the  chief  accuser,  addressed  to  Propaganda  a  letter 
of  his  own  ^  on  the  subject  of  the  disobedience  of  the  mis- 
sionaries in  China.  It  may  be  presumed  that  everything  that 
could  be  said  against  them  on  this  score  is  included  in  this 
missive.  "  I  take  it  for  granted,"  begins  Pedrini,  "  that  the 
Jesuits  have  submitted  to  Rome  written  defences  of  their 
conduct,  purporting  to  show  that  they  have  obeyed  the 
Apostolic  decrees  on  rites.  The  Sacred  Congregation  is  well 
aware  of  the  number  of  letters  they  presented  in  the  time  of 

1  *Of  December  31,  1728,  ibid.,  n.  82. 

2  *Lettcr  of  December  28,  1725,  ibid.,  n.  65.  For  Pedrini's 
final  reconciliation  with  the  Jesuits,  cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIV., 
go  ;  also  the  letter  from  the  procurator  of  the  Lazarists  in 
Rome  to  Noiret  {Menioires  de  la  Congr.  de  la  Mission,  VII.,  403)  : 
"  Ella  [Propaganda]  est  bien  informee  du  testament  qu'il 
[Pedrini]  a  fait  dans  sa  derniere  maladie  en  faveur  des  Peres 
Jesuites  et  que  lorsqu'il  etait  moribond,  il  se  leva  et  prit  un 
baton  pour  chasser  de  chez  lui  un  missionnaire  de  la  Propagande 
qui  etait  alle  pour  I'assister."  That  he  chased  him  out  of  the 
room  with  a  stick  is  not  true,  but  he  did  tell  the  missionary 
Centurioni  who  was  worrying  him  with  money  matters  to  go 
away  and  let  him  die  in  peace  {ibid.    436). 

^  Of  November  25,  1726,  Memoires  de  la  Congr.  de  la  Mission, 
VII..  202. 


438  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

Clement  XL,  of  the  number  of  petitions  for  repeal  that  came 
from  them,  of  the  number  of  declamations  they  have  distri- 
buted throughout  the  world — is  this  evidence  of  their  willing- 
ness to  obey  ?  They  have  resisted  to  the  last  breath  in  their 
bodies  and  they  are  still  struggling  although  they  are  half 
dead.  They  have  moved  heaven  and  earth,  they  have  pre- 
vented the  success  of  two  Apostolic  legations,  they  have 
rejected  a  Bull,  they  have  turned  the  East  and  West  upside 
down,  they  have  deputed  as  ambassadors  their  Provanas  and 
Gianpriamos,  their  Barros  and  Beauvolliers,  in  their  attempts 
to  avoid  the  duty  of  obeying  these  decrees  ...  is  this  how 
one  obeys  ?  I  should  like  to  see  those  defensive  writings.  No 
one  could  answer  them  better  than  we  who  are  on  the  spot ; 
but  although  I  have  not  seen  them  I  can  assure  Your  Eminence 
that  they  are  full  of  lies  or  at  least  ambiguities.  Here  they 
have  never  made  known  to  the  Christians  the  Constitution 
Ex  ilia  die  on  a  day  when  there  was  a  great  concourse  of  the 
people,  as  they  should  have  done.  If  any  of  them  ever  said 
a  word  about  it  to  an  individual  Christian  it  was  said  under 
their  breath  or  as  it  seemed  good  to  them,  and  that  is  enough 
for  them  to  say  and  swear  that  they  have  published  the 
Constitution.  Further,  nothing  has  been  seen  here  of  any 
emendation  made  in  any  of  their  pestiferous  books.  Their 
catechists — as  I  have  heard  several  Christians  say — are  still 
preaching  the  same  doctrine.  .  .  .  Your  Eminence  must  believe 
me  when  I  say  that  they  will  certainly  mislead  the  Congrega- 
tion with  their  crafty  writings.  Unless  supported  by  evidence 
from  us  too,  they  are  scarcely  to  be  believed."  Of  the  witnesses 
who  had  appeared  in  their  defence,  he  asserted,  Tomacelli 
and  Chiesa  no  longer  had  the  same  opinion  of  them,  and 
Roveda  knew  little  about  China. 

The  historian  in  search  of  solid  facts  will  hardly  be  impressed 
by  these  arguments  of  Pedrini's.  The  first  portion  of  his 
letter  consists  of  mere  declamations  and  generalities,  and  as 
for  its  particular  complaints  the  publication  of  the  Constitution 
was  in  the  first  place  the  duty  of  the  Bishops.^    The  arraign- 

*  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIII,  463,  464. 


ALLEGED    DISOBEDIENCE    OF   THE    JESUITS        439 

ment  of  the  Jesuits,  therefore,  could  have  no  point  unless 
they  had  disobeyed  the  instructions  of  the  Bishops,  and  of  this 
we  hear  nothing.^  And  in  any  case  they  could  not  possibly 
keep  the  Constitution  from  the  knowledge  of  the  Christians, 
seeing  that  they  were  not  the  only  missionaries  in  China.  As 
for  the  accusation  that  they  failed  to  emend  their  books,  some 
light  is  thrown  on  this  by  other  expressions  of  opinion  uttered 
by  Pedrini  and  Mullener.2  In  Matteo  Ricci's  book,  for  instance, 
those  sections  ought  to  be  changed,  they  said,  which  explained 
as  designations  of  the  true  God  the  names  Tien  and  Shang-ti 
which  occurred  in  the  classical  Chinese  books.^  But  it  is  not  at 
all  clear  that  this  demand  was  justified.  The  Congregation  had 
passed  no  judgment  on  the  theoretical  question  how  the  names 
Tien  and  Shang-ti  in  the  Chinese  classics  were  to  be  interpreted ; 
it  had  only  desired  that  in  practice  the  name  Tien-chu  only 
should  be  used  for  the  true  God.  Besides,  the  books  could 
not  be  amended  in  a  minute  ;  in  the  meantime,  whatever 
corrections  had  to  be  made  with  reference  to  the  Constitution 
could  be  made  by  oral  instruction.  And  even  though  it  had 
been  attested  that  several  catechists  of  the  Jesuits  had  been 
preaching  improperly  *  it  need  not  necessarily  be  inferred  that 
no  action  was  taken  against  them.^ 

1  Cf.  below,  p.  452. 

»  In  Thomas,  360  seq. 

'  "  Jusqu'a  present  ils  n'ont  pas  corrige  les  livres  qui  sent 
presque  tous  infectes  des  caracteres  condamnes  Tien  at  Schangti  " 
(Pedrini,  on  October  17,  1725,  MSmoires,  VII.,  196).  "  On 
distribue  des  livres  avec  les  caracteres  Tien  et  Chang-ti  " 
(MuLLENER,  ibid.,  201  ;    Thomas,  361). 

*  On  October  17,  1725,  Pedrini  made  a  report  in  this  sense 
about  a  catechist  of  the  family  Ho,  but  on  November  25,  1726, 
he  himself  wrote  that  the  person  in  question  was  no  longer  in 
the  service  of  the  Jesuits  {Memoires,  VII.,  196,  202).  Two  others 
who  let  themselves  be  known  as  former  catechists  of  the  Jesuits 
"  et  mordicus  ritus  damnatos  defendebant  "  are  mentioned  in 
the  "  *Relatio  visitationis  missionum  provinciae  Schansi  mandato 
episcopi  Lorimensis  ",  of  May  8,  1727,  Archives  of  the  Propaganda, 
Indie  Or.  e  Cina,  1727-28,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.  19,  n.  13. 

»  Thomas,    361  :     "  Le    bienheureux    Sanz,    Vic.    Apost.     de 


440  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

The  Jesuits,  therefore,  did  not  consider  themselves  to  be 
guilty  of  disobedience.  Three  years  before  Benedict  XIV. 's 
accession  they  assured  their  General  "  most  emphatically  and 
in  all  sincerity  "  of  their  "  constant  docility,  most  respectful 
submissiveness,  and  blind  obedience  "  to  every  ordinance  of 
the  Holy  See,  particularly  the  ritual  decrees  of  Clement  XI. 
In  accordance  with  their  vow  they  took  the  greatest  care  in 
administering  the  Sacraments  to  the  newly  baptized  and  in 
fulfilling  the  other  duties  of  a  missionary,  "  so  far  as  we  are 
concerned  and  so  far  as  it  is  possible  in  these  difficult  times 
and  amid  the  constant  dangers  arising  from  persecution."  ^ 

Foukifen,  ne  pouvait  obtenir  non  plus  (en  1733)  des  Jesuites  de 
sa  juridiction  qu'ils  fissent  le  serment  centre  les  rites  et  qu'ils 
exer^assent  le  ministfere  "  (Journal  de  M.  Connat  [read  :  Connain] 
M.  E.  Op.  cit.  [Memoires  de  la  Congr.],  VII.,  360).  Actually  the 
Jesuits  had  all  taken  the  oath  and  had  resumed  the  cure  of  souls 
long  before  1733.  The  truth  of  the  matter,  therefore,  must  have 
been  that  when  Sanz  asked  help  of  the  Jesuits  for  Fukien  they 
declined  to  take  the  oath  again  on  entering  another  vicariate 
and  gave  up  all  claim  to  the  cure  of  souls  in  Fukien.  For  the 
question  "  utrum  unica  praestatio  iuramenti  coram  uno  episcopo 
vel  vicario  apost.  sufificiat  pro  missionariis  ex  uno  in  alterum 
vicariatum  transeuntibus,  an  coram  omni  novo  vicario  apost. 
debeat  renovari  ",  cf.  Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  loc.  cit., 
1741-43,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.  23,  n.  9  (see  also  n.  32,  June  7,  1742)  ; 
also  Collect,  de  Propag.  Fide,  n.  350,  p.  179. 

^  "  *Admodum  Reverende  in  Christo  Pater  !  Nos  infrascripti 
Societatis  missionarii  Sinenses  coram  Paternitate  Vestra  admodum 
Reverenda  humillime  provoluti,  unanimi  corde  ct  ore  omnique 
cum  asseveratione  ac  sinceritate  profitemur  ac  declaramus 
SS.  Domino  Nostro  Sanctaeque  Sedi  ^postolicae  constantissimum 
obsequium,  reverentissimam  submissionem  et  obedientiam  caccam 
in  amplectendis  et  exequendis,  quaecumquc  per  eandem  S.  Sedem 
decreta  et  imperata  fuerint,  iisque  speciatim,  quae  circa  ritus 
Sinenses  a  SS.  D.  N.  Clemente  XI.  f.  r.  edita  et  constituta  fuerunt. 
Quae  quidcm  omnia  integre,  exacte  et  ad  amussim  iuxta  iuramen- 
tum  alias  a  nobis  praestitum  et  iteratas  saepius  contcstationes 
obscrvamus  et  exequimur  in  sacramentorum  erga  neophytos 
administratione   caeterisque   missionariorum   functionibus  atque 


DIFFICULTIES    OF    REMOVING   IRREGULARITIES     44I 

This  last  restricting  clause  certainly  deserves  consideration. 
Even  in  Christian  countries  the  eradication  of  ingrained 
habits  requires  the  continuous  exercise  of  the  pastoral  duty 
for  several  decades.  In  the  country  districts  of  China,  however, 
even  in  times  of  peace,  there  were  only  travelling  missionaries, 
so  that  it  is  easily  understandable  that  when  pastoral  work 
was  interrupted  by  persecution  it  was  impossible  to  remove 
every  irregularity  at  once.  The  Lazarist  MuUener,  Vicar 
Apostolic  of  Suchuen,  wrote  of  the  mission  in  Hupei  ^  that  the 
Christians  were  well  aware  of  the  Papal  Constitution  but  that 
they  had  no  clear  idea  to  what  it  bound  them  and  consequently 
retained  much  that  was  forbidden.  But  such  evidence  as  this 
was  no  proof  of  the  missionaries'  disobedience. 

In  any  case  accusations  levelled  against  the  Jesuits  from 
all  quarters  characterize  the  period  preceding  the  suppression 
of  the   Society  ;    even   in   Rome   there   was   a   considerable 


exercitiis,  quantum  in  nobis  est  et  difficilliniis  hisce  temporibus 
inter  assidua  persecutionum  pericula  fieri  potest.  Atque  in 
praefato  sensu  assertaque  obedientia  cum  divine  auxilio  perstabi- 
mus  semper.  Pekini  14.  Maii  1737."  Here  follow  the  signatures 
of  31  Jesuits.  Then  :  "  Et  ego  Philippus  Sibin  Societatis  lesu 
Visitator  provinciarum  laponicae  et  Sinarum  testor,  omnes 
supramemoratas  subscriptiones  esse  autographas,  eidemque 
professioni,  declarationi,  protestation!  nostrae  cum  omnibus 
articulis,  punctis,  clausulis  in  ea  contentis  sincere  coram  Domino 
etiam  subscribo.  Haec  sunt,  quae  omnes  firmiter  tenemus,  haec 
docemus,  haec  christianis  nostrae  curae  commendatis  per  nos  et 
catecistas  nostros,  quoad  possumus,  inculcamus  ;  et  si  quis  ex 
nostris  Patribus  contrarium  aliquid  supradictae  Constitutioni 
Clementis  XI.  docere  praesumeret,  quod  Deus  avertat,  eum 
tanquam  non  genuinum  Societatis  nostrae  filium  mente  respuimus, 
animo  aspernamur.  Humillime  interim  et  enixe  supplicamus 
adm.  Reverendae  Paternitati  V.,  ut  sincerae  huic  protestationi 
et  declarationi  nostrae  omnem  fidem  adhibere  ne  dubitet.  .  .  . 
Macai  12.  Dec.  1737,  Philippus  Sibin  m.  p."  Archives  of  the 
Propaganda,  loc.  cit.,  1737-1740,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.  22,  n.  5. 

1  On  August  2,  1732,  ibid.,  1720-1732,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.,  20, 
n.  42. 


442  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

prejudice  against  them.  To  the  complaints  made  on  this  score 
by  the  Peking  Jesuit  Ignatius  Kogler  the  General  of  the 
Society,  Franciscus  Retz,  replied  that  he  was  not  to  take  it  too 
much  to  heart  that  accusations  should  be  addressed  to  Rome 
and  that  certain  measures  followed  in  their  trail.  The  lot  of 
the  religious  was  everywhere  the  same  :  after  they  had  done 
all  the  work  they  were  treated  as  useless  servants  and  some- 
times even  as  pests.  Kogler  must  console  himself  with  the 
example  of  Christ,  who  had  fared  no  better.^ 

Nevertheless,  however  much  the  Jesuits  may  have  thought 
that  adherence  to  Mezzabarba's  "  permissions  "  was  not  to  be 
construed  as  disobedience  to  the  Bull  of  Clement  XL,  the  fact 
remained  that  the  prescriptions  of  that  Bull  were  still  not 
being  universally  observed,  in  spite  of  the  many  Papal  decrees. 
In  leading  circles  in  Rome,  in  consequence,  belief  in  the 
disobedience  of  the  Chinese  Jesuits  had  taken  root  so  deeply 
as  to  be  almost  ineradicable. ^  The  Pope  himself  gave  pointed 
expression  to  this  view  in  a  letter  to  John  V.  of  Portugal,  when 
the   latter  had  proposed  as  Bishop   of   Peking  the  Jesuit 

^  "  *Opto  non  nimis  dolenter  ferri,  si  contingat  hue  ad  versus 
nostros  querelas  scribi,  maxime  in  rebus  non  magni  momenti, 
ut  saepe  sunt,  et  tamquam  creditis  aut  veris  remedium  adhiberi. 
Communis  haec  omnibus  nostris  conditio  est,  ut  postquam 
faciunt  omnia,  tamquam  servi  inutiles  et  aliquando  etiam  ut 
noxii  tractentur.  Non  sunt  servi  meliores  Domino  suo,  ac  proinde 
omnia,  quae  huic  acciderunt,  ab  illis  expectari  debent.  Accedit, 
quod  priusquam  illuc  adveniat,  vix  eorum  quae  scripta  sunt, 
hie  memoria  habeatur,  nisi  novis  querelis  refricetur  "  (Retz  to 
Kogler,  October  29,  1738,  in  Jesuit  possession).  —  Against  isolated 
cases  of  disobedience  action  was  taken  by  the  Superiors.  Thus, 
the  French  Jesuit  Du  Halde  had,  despite  the  prohibition,  discussed 
the  Chinese  rites  in  his  Description  de  la  Chine  (Vol.  3,  Paris, 
1735)-  The  General  of  the  Order  did  not  hesitate  to  "  d^savouer, 
reprouver  et  abolcr  "  the  work.  Anal,  iuris  poniif.,  II.  (1857), 
2648. 

*  "  *Opinio  de  nostrorum  Patrum  inobedientia,  quae  aliunde 
multorum  animis  adeo  hie  insedit,  evelli  vix  ac  ne  vix  quidem 
possit."  Retz  to  Carbone  in  Lisbon,  January  21,  1741,  in  Jesuit 
possession  (as  are  also  the  following  letters  from  Retz). 


BENEDICT   XIV.  S   ATTITUDE  443 

Polycarp  de  Souza.  He  had,  he  wrote, '^  a  sincere  esteem  and 
love  for  the  Society  of  Jesus  ;  he  could  cite  as  witnesses  the 
Generals  themselves,  with  whom  he  had  had  relations  during 
the  long  period  of  forty  years  when  he  had  been  active  in  Rome. 
But  some  of  the  Fathers,  especially  those  of  Portuguese 
origin,  were  making  it  a  point  of  honour  and  a  subject  of  study 
to  evade  the  Apostolic  decrees  and  the  Bull  of  Clement  XI. 
against  the  rites.  Taking  their  stand  on  ill-founded  interpre- 
tations they  confused  the  issue  on  the  fine-sounding  pretext 
of  converting  the  unbeliever. 

Propaganda  also  objected  to  Souza  being  elected  Bishop  of 
Peking,^  and  a  memorial  opposing  him  was  presented  by 
Castorano.^  For  his  part,  Benedict  XIV.  was  inclined  to  give 
ear  to  this  objection,  seeing  that  Souza  had  not  distinguished 
himself  by  his  obedience  and  Clement  XI.  had  been  against 
any  Jesuit  holding  the  see  of  Peking  ;  nevertheless,  to  please 
the  king  of  Portugal,  he  acceded  to  his  desire.* 

The  Papal  letter  treating  of  the  matter  was  communicated 
by  Lisbon  to  the  General  of  the  Society,  Retz,  who  in  his  reply 

'  On  December  24,  1740,  Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  Indie 
Or.  e  Cina,  1737-1740,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.,  22,  n.  57,  reproduced 
by  P.   A.   KiRSCH  in  the   Tiibinger  Theol.   Quartalschrift,    1901, 

377  seq- 

"  *Wednesday  session  of  August  24,  1740,  Archives  of  the 
Propaganda,  loc.  cit.,  1744-45,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.,  24,  n.  63  :  The 
reports  on  Souza,  which  had  been  handed  over  to  the  Inquisition, 
were  to  be  laid  before  the  Pope,  "  ne  de  Souza  in  episcopum 
Pekinensem  eligatur."  The  see  of  Peking  had  been  vacant  since 
1734;  akeady  on  August  20  and  September  2,  1738,  the 
Inquisition  had  *voiced  its  opposition  to  Souza's  election.  Ibid., 
n.  57  ;    cf.  n.  58  seq. 

'  *On  September  20,  1740,  ibid.,  n.  60  :  "  non  con  venire,  ut 
lesuita  sit  episcopus,  ob  praxim  antiquam  lesuitarum  quoad 
ritus.  ..."  Under  the  same  date  Castorano  addressed  a  *report 
to  Perroni,  who  was  then  the  assessor  of  the  Inquisition  {ibid., 
n.  61).  Like  Pinheiro  and  Fridelli  he  was  accused  of  having 
omitted  several  ceremonies  (the  use  of  saliva)  from  the  baptismal 
rite  {ibid.,  n.  62). 

*  *Letter  of  December  24,  1740,  loc.  cit. 


444  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

to  Portugal  ^  wrote  that  it  was  but  another  sign  of  "  how 
difficult  a  situation  we  are  in  here.  At  every  turn  we  have  to 
listen  to  similar  complaints  against  us,  and  we  shall  never  be 
rid  of  the  deep-seated  prejudice  against  us  until  our  envious 
rivals  cease  their  accusations,  and  of  this  there  is  little  hope." 
The  king's  reply,  however,  was,  he  said,  a  consolation.  In 
this  reply  John  V.  had  agreed  to  the  Pope's  request  for  his 
support  of  Clement  XL's  Constitution,  and  added  that  his 
belief  was  that  the  Portuguese  missionaries  had  always  been 
obedient. 2 

That  John  V.  had  put  in  a  word  for  the  Jesuits  was  apparent 
from  the  Pope's  reply,  in  which  he  tried  to  rebut  the  charge  of 
prejudice  against  the  Society  of  Jesus  or  any  other  Order.  He 
was  fond  of  the  Dominicans,  he  wrote, ^  but  he  condemned  the 
attitude  of  some  of  them  who  in  France  and  Flanders  rebelled 
against  the  Papal  Constitutions  against  Jansenism  and 
Quesnel.  To  prove  the  sentiments  he  had  entertained  towards 
the  Fathers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  he  could  call  well-informed 
witnesses  out  of  their  own  ranks,  who  would  testify  to  all  the 
assistance  he  had  given  the  Society  during  the  forty  years  he 
had  been  working  in  Rome  and  the  ten  years  he  had  been 
Archbishop  of  Bologna.    But  when  day  after  day  it  came  to 

^  *To  Carbone  on  June  ii,  1741  :  "  Quam  arduo  ac  difficili 
loco  res  nostrae  hie  sint,  potuerit  Rev.  V.  aflfatim  ex  scripta 
illuc  epistola  ac  mecum  communicata  coUigere.  Similes  de  nobis 
querelae  in  omni  occasione  audiendae  sunt,  nee  habenius  modum 
eximendi  alte  de  nostris  impressam  opinionem,  nisi  finem  de 
nobis  querendi  invidi  aemuli  nostri  fecerint,  quod  tamen  speran- 
dum  vix  est.  Interim  non  modico  solatio  adiecta  copia  responsi 
digna  sane  conditione  scribentis." 

2  "  Se  semper  curasse  et  procuraturum  observantiam  Con- 
stitutionis  .  .  .  et  putasse,  missionarios  lusitanos  obedisse  " 
(letter  of  February  4,  1741,  in  Kirch,  loc.  cit.,  380).  This  is 
followed  by  further  reference  to  Souza  and  other  Jesuits.  Archives 
of  the  Propaganda,  loc.  cit.,  n.  58  ;  another  copy,  ibid.,  1741-43, 
Congr.,  23,  n.  3. 

3  "  *Ex  area  Gandulphi  "  on  June  15,  1741,  tbid.,  i-j^j-ij^o, 
Congr.,  22,  n.  55  ;    Kirch,  loc.  cit.,  381. 


BENEDICT   XIV.    AND    JOHN    V.    OF   PORTUGAL        445 

his  ears  that  some  of  them  were  unwilling  to  obey  the  Con- 
stitutions of  Clement  XI.  and  XII.  on  the  rites  of  China  and 
Malabar,  and  when  he  saw  that  there  were  many  among  them 
who,  when  convinced  of  the  truth  of  the  charge,  merely 
shrugged  their  shoulders  and  deplored  the  obstinacy  of  their 
fellow-religious,  it  cut  him  to  the  heart  and  led  him  to  suspect 
that  this  was  why  these  missions  had  so  little  success  and  that 
it  was  precisely  for  this  reason  that  either  no  conversions 
were  made  at  all  or  were  made  in  a  discreditable  manner.  The 
Apostles  had  preached  the  word  of  God  in  its  purity  and 
simplicity,  not  wrapped  around  with  the  subterfuges  of 
provisos  and  mental  reservations.^  Against  the  French  Domi- 
nicans he  had  appealed  to  the  king  of  France  ;  against  the 
Jesuits  in  China  he  appealed  to  the  king  of  Portugal. 

To  Benedict  XIV. 's  reference  to  the  primitive  Church,  John 
V.  retorted  ^  that  there  was  a  difference  between  Apostolic 
times  and  later  conditions.  Other  remarks  made  by  the  king 
referred  to  Mezzabarba's  "  permissions " ,^  the  proposed 
condemnation  of  which  had  been  announced  by  Benedict  XIV. 
to  the  Court  at  Lisbon.  John  V.  pointed  out  that  the  Jesuits 
in  China  were  strongly  in  favour  of  their  retention  and  that 
the  decisions  made  by  a  legate  of  Clement  XI.  invested  with 
fuU  authority  ought  to  be  upheld. 

The  royal  plea  on  behalf  of  Mezzabarba  had  been  made  at 
the  request  of  the  Jesuits.  The  discussions  which  had  been 
held  on  the  subject  of  the  legate's  concessions  in  the  reign  of 
Clement  XII.  and  which  had  not  been  brought  to  a  conclusion 
had  been  resumed  ^  under  his  successor  at  the  beginning  of 
August  1741  and  were  threatening  to  result  in  a  verdict 
unfavourable  for  the  Jesuits.    Benedict  XIV.  seems  to  have 

^  "  non  coperta  col  raggiro  di  occulte  iutenzioni  e  di  mcntali 
restrizzioni  "    Kirch,  loc.  cit.,  382. 

-  Cf.  Benedict  XIV.  to  John  V.  on  August  11,  1742,  in  Kirch, 
loc.  cit.,  384. 

3  Cf.  our  account,  Vol.  XXXIII. ,  482. 

*  "  *Intellexi  etiam  sub  secreti  fide,  proximo  die  lunae  initium 
dandum  examini  permissionum  circa  ritus  Sinenses."  Retz  to 
Carbone,  August  5,  1741. 


44^  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

held  the  preconceived  opinion  that  the  concessions  were  legally 
invalid  and  that  consequently  the  Chinese  missionaries'  appeal 
to  them  was  inadmissible  ;  had  he  not  held  this  view  he  could 
hardly  have  accused  the  Jesuits  in  China  of  disobedience, 
seeing  that  they  would  have  been  covered  against  Clement 
XL's  prescriptions  by  Mezzabarba's  concessions. 

Apart  from  the  Pope's  attitude  towards  the  question,  many 
other  circles  in  Rome  were  against  the  ratification  of  Mezza- 
barba's modifications,  and  many  of  them  were  vigorously 
active  in  their  opposition.  For  this  reason  Retz,  the  General 
of  the  Society,  had  tried  to  obtain  the  mediation  of  John  V., 
though  without  much  hope  of  success  ;  there  was  no  other 
course  left  open  to  the  Society,  he  wrote,  than  to  obey  the 
decisions,  whatever  they  might  turn  out  to  be,  and  to  trust 
in  Providence.!  He  was  appealing  to  Lisbon,  he  said  on 
another  occasion,  because  the  Jesuits  had  not  a  single  friend 
in  Rome  who  had  the  ear  of  the  Pope  and  who  had  the  courage 


^  "  *Videmur  quidem  post  terminatum  feliciter  .  .  .  negotium 
episcopi  Pekinensis  .  .  .  sperari  posse  ac  debere,  quod  .  .  .  res 
illius  ecclesiae  tranquillius  processurae  sint ;  id  tamen  polliceri 
vix  audemus  ob  multitudinem  ac  gravitatem  oppositionum,  quae 
etiamnum  fiunt  contra  notas  declarationes  Constitutionis  '  Ex  ilia 
die  '  factas  a  Clemente  XI.  s.  m.  Unde  a  viris  magnae  auctoritatis 
ac  Societati  faventibus  insinuatum  mihi  fuit,  opportunum  fore, 
Ser.  Lusitani  regis  hac  in  re  authoritatem  ac  patrocinium 
implorare,  ut  nempe  Maiestas  S.  res  ecclesiae  Sinensis  SS.  Pontifici 
commendet  eumque  roget,  ut  afifiictam  illam  missionem  protegat, 
nee  permittat,  nova  obstacula  inici  propagationi  fidei  et  Sinensium 
conversioni.  Id  quod  tamen  fieri  deberet  generatim  solum,  non 
facta  distincta  mentione  declarationum,  multo  plus  missionariorum 
Societatis,  ne  alioquin  plus  nocumenti  quam  commodi  afferatur 
ac  confirmetur  opinio  de  nostrorum  Patrum  inobedientia,  quae 
aliunde  multorum  animis  adeo  hie  insedit,  ut  evelli  vix  ac  ne 
vix  quidem  possit.  ...  A  nobis  [in  Rome]  nihil  videtur  illi 
[missioni]  hie  praestari  posse  auxilii,  neque  aliud  in  praesentibus 
circumstantiis  agere  poterimus,  quam  caece  iis  quae  decreta 
fuerint  obedire,  quaecumque  ilia  sint,  ac  caetera  divinae  provi- 
dentiae  commendare."    Retz  to  Carbone,  January  21,  1741. 


RETZ  S    LETTER   TO    HIS   VICE-PROVINCIAL    447 

in  the  time  of  need  to  put  in  a  word  on  their  behalf.^  The 
General  was  no  doubt  intending  to  prepare  his  subjects  in 
China  for  what  was  to  come  when  he  wrote  to  the  Vice- 
Provincial  there,  Domingo  Pinheiro,  that  under  the  reigning 
Pope  the  Society  was  suffering  from  the  prejudice  that  it  was 
not  sincerely  and  loyally  submitting  to  the  decrees  against  the 
rites,  and  that  this  prejudice  was  so  deeply  rooted  that  it 
would  not  be  possible  to  remove  it  or  even  to  lessen  it  by  means 
of  exculpations  but  only  by  deeds  and  by  the  exact  observance 
of  Papal  ordinances.  That  this  would  be  done  he  had  often 
pledged  his  word,  both  to  Benedict's  predecessor  and  to 
Benedict  himself,  so  that  he  now  exhorted  the  Vice-Provincial 
with  the  utmost  urgency  to  demand  obedience,  to  insist  on  it, 
and  to  impress  it  on  his  subordinates.  The  General  concluded 
by  expressing  the  hope  that  the  Vice-Provincial  would  take 
every  opportunity  of  relieving  him  of  his  anxieties.^ 

Meanwhile  the  discussion  of  the  problem  by  the  Inquisition 
was  continuing.     Former  missionaries  and  even  four  young 


^  "  *Maxima  qua  laboramus  [inopia]  habendi  hie  minimum 
amicum,  qui  aure,  gratia  atque  authoritate  apud  SS.  gaudeat, 
quique  rerum  nostrarum  curam  aliquam  gerere  at  verbum 
aliquod  in  casu  necessitatis  pro  nobis  loqui  non  vereatur."  Retz 
to  Carbone,  March  10,  1742. 

2  *Letter  of  November  8,  1741  :  "  Praeiudicium,  quo  apud 
hodiemum  Pontificem  laboramus,  de  minus  sincera  ac  fideli 
observ'antia  decretorum  in  materia  rituum,  tale  ac  tantum  est, 
ut  nullis  excusationibus,  sed  factis  solis  et  accurata  in  iis 
exequendis  obedientia  imminui  aut  eximi  posse  videatur.  Cuius 
cum  me  tum  apud  ilium,  turn  apud  eiusdem  praedecessorcm 
vadem  saepius  constituerim,  nequeo  non  sollicitissime  com- 
mendare  Rev.  V^^,  ut  ilia  ab  omnibus  efficaciter  exigat,  urgeat 
et  inculcet.  Expecto  suo  tempore  a  Rev.  V.  tam  circa  hoc 
punctum,  quam  circa  alia  supra  exposita  aliquod  soUicitudinis 
meae  levamen."  The  "  supra  exposita  "  were  thanks  for 
comforting  news,  praise  for  the  love  shown  to  the  missionaries 
of  other  Orders,  and  the  exhortation  to  practise  simplicity,  lest 
the  usual  accusation  of  having  great  wealth  be  brought  against 
the  Jesuits. 


448  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Chinese  were  questioned,  not  only  on  Mezzabarba's  con- 
cessions but  also  on  the  worship  of  Confucius  and  ancestors 
in  general.  On  the  subject  of  the  concessions  the  Cardinals 
and  consultors  failed  to  reach  an  unanimous  verdict.  The 
majority  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  they  did  not  clash  with 
Clement  XL's  Constitution,  but  many  of  those  who  made  up 
this  majority  considered  that  the  concessions  had  been  couched 
in  too  general  and  indefinite  terms,  so  that  they  paved  the  way 
for  the  actual  transgression  of  Clement  XL's  prescriptions.^ 

With  the  Bull  Ex  quo  of  July  11th,  1742,2  the  ritual  con- 
troversy was  finally  brought  to  a  conclusion.  The  document 
contains  first  the  confirmation  of  the  Inquisition's  decree  of 
1710  and  of  Clement  XL's  Constitution  of  1715,^  which  were 
repeated  word  for  word  in  the  new  Bull.  After  so  solemn 
a  Constitution,  it  went  on  to  say,  which,  in  Clement  XL's  own 
words,  put  an  end  to  differences  of  opinion,  those  who  in- 
scribed on  their  banner  their  outstanding  devotion  to  the 
Holy  See  ought,  in  justice  and  equity,  to  have  submitted  hum- 
bly and  refrained  from  seeking  further  means  of  evasion.  But 
certain  disobedient  and  captious  men  ^  thought  that  they 
could  avoid  the  exact  execution  of  the  Constitution.  First 
they  maintained  that  in  its  title  the  Constitution  described 
itself  only  as  a  precept  {prseceptum)  and  concluded  from  that 
that  it  was  not  a  matter  of  an  inviolable  "  law  "  but  only 
of  an  ecclesiastical  "  order  ".^  They  then  considered  the 
Constitution  to  be  limited  by  Mezzabarba's  concessions. 

With  regard  to  the  first  plea  Benedict  XIV.  now  emphasized 
that  Clement  XL's  decree  was  concerned  with  the  purity  of 
Christian  worship,  which  was  to  be  kept  free  of  any  blemish  of 
superstition.  No  one  therefore  might  treat  the  Constitution 
lightly,  as  though  it  contained  no  decision  of  the  Holy  See  and 

1  Brucker  in  the  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath.,  IL,  2387. 
^  lus  pontif.,  in.,  73-82. 
'  Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIII.,  455,  460. 
*  "  inobcdientes  et  captiosi  homines  "  (§9). 
'  For  the  difEerence  between  "  law  "    and    "  order  "    cf.    our 
account,  Vol.  XIV.,  257. 


THE    BULL    "  EX   QUO        OF    I742  449 

as  though  its  contents  did  not  refer  to  religion  but  was  some- 
thing of  no  importance  or  was  merely  a  regulation  of  ecclesias- 
tical discipline  subject  to  alteration.  This  conception  was 
rejected  as  false  and  Clement  XL's  Constitution  was  con- 
firmed and  reinforced.^ 

The  Pope  then  turned  to  the  "  permissions  ".  Mezzabarba's 
decree  on  the  subject  was  also  inserted  in  full,  as  was  also 
Clement  XI I. 's  Brief  against  the  Bishop  of  Peking,  who  wanted 
to  introduce  the  permissions  as  obligatory.  Mezzabarba's 
action  was  excused  on  account  of  the  embarrassing  situation 
in  which  he  found  himself,  but  his  permissions  were  declared 
to  be  null  and  void  and  it  was  forbidden  to  make  use  of  them. 
The  vow  which  had  been  imposed  on  the  missionaries  to  China 
by  Clement  XI.  was  now  extended.  Formerly  they  had  to 
swear  obedience  only  for  their  own  persons  ;  now  they  had  to 
promise  to  urge  submission  on  the  Chinese  Christians  also  and 
not  to  attempt  to  avail  themselves  of  Mezzabarba's  con- 
cessions.^ 

In  the  accompanying  letter  which  he  sent  with  his  Bull 
to  John  V.  of  Portugal,  Benedict  XIV.  assured  the  king  ^  that 
the  greatest  care  had  been  taken  in  its  preparation.  In  the 
end,  however,  the  Pope's  view  of  the  matter  had  developed 
into  the  conviction  that  Clement  XL's  Constitution  was 
inalterable,  that  Mezzabarba's  permissions  tended  to  invalidate 
it  or  to  destroy  it  altogether,  and  that  either  the  Patriarch  had 
exceeded  his  authority  or  that  his  statements  had  been 
amplified  or  had  been  viewed  in  a  false  light  by  those  who 
wanted  to  set  aside  the  Clementine  Constitution.  God  was 
his  witness  that  he  had  been  actuated  only  by  his  zeal  for 
the  purity  of  God's  worship.  The  prospect  of  death  would 
have  filled  him  with  terror  if  he  had  left  unsettled  a  matter  of 
such  far-reaching  importance.  The  Jesuits  were  not  cited  in 
the  Bull  as  its  adversaries  ;  it  spoke  only  of  missionaries  in 
general.  It  was  only  in  those  passages  where  obstructive 
privileges  were  restricted  or  abolished  that  the  Jesuits  were 

1  §9-10.  p.  76. 

*  §23.  p.  81. 

^  On  August  II,  1742,  KiRSCH,  loc.  ctt.,  383. 

VOL.  XXXV.  Gg 


450  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

mentioned  by  name  ;  this  had  to  be  done  because  in  virtue 
of  their  privileges  the  Jesuits  were  affected  by  an  order  only 
when  the\'  were  expressly  mentioned.^  The  Pope  ended  his 
letter  by  asking  the  king  to  extend  his  protection  to  the  Bull. 
With  this  request  the  king  complied  in  a  letter  of  September 
27th,  1742.2 

It  was  only  right  that  the  Jesuits  should  hav^e  been  treated 
with  consideration  in  the  Bull,  inasmuch  as  they  were  not 
expressly  mentioned  as  the  wrongdoers  in  the  complaints  and 
accusations  made  therein,  but  "  disobedient  and  captious 
men  "  were  harsh  epithets  and  there  was  no  doubt  for  whom 
they  were  intended. 

For  his  treatment  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  Bull  Ex  quo  Benedict 
XIV.  did  not  escape  reproach  from  certain  quarters.  Cardinal 
Tencin  seems  to  have  represented  to  him  that  the  French 
Jesuits  in  China  were  not  disobedient  and  that  the  Jesuits  in 
France  were  the  Pope's  army.  Benedict  replied  ^  that  neither 
as  Archbishop  nor  as  Pope  had  he  omitted  any  opportunity  of 
showing  his  good  will  towards  the  Society  and  individual 
members,  and  he  intended  to  maintain  the  same  attitude  in 
the  future.  But  that  did  not  preclude  his  using  the  whip 
when  one  or  other  out  of  so  great  a  number  strayed  from  the 
right  path.  If  the  French  Jesuits  or  all  the  Jesuits  in  China 
were  not  disobedient,  his  Bull  did  not  apply  to  them,  for  he  did 
not  speak  therein  of  Jesuits  in  particular  but  only  of  disobe- 
dient Chinese  missionaries  in  general  *  and  the  reproach  had 

*  Cf.  above,  p.  411,  n.  3. 

^  *  Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or.  e  Cina,  1741-43, 
Scritt.  rif.  Congr.,  23,  n.  21.  Ibid.,  *Letter  of  September  26, 
1742,  to  the  Bishop  of  Peking  and  "  ad  capitaneum  generalem 
V.-'  Regem  '  Indiae  Marchese  de  Lourical  ".  Ibid.,  Congr.,  23, 
n.  20,  the  news  that  the  Constitution  had  reached  the  ApostoHc 
Vicar  of  East  Tongking,  Hilarius  Costa. 

'  To  Tencin,  October  6,  1742,  I.,  3  seq.  ;  Kirsch,  loc.  cit., 
387  seq. 

*  "  So  nclla  Cina  non  v'e  verun  Padre  della  Compagnia  che  sia 
mai  stato  o  sia  disobbediente,  nemmeno  si  h  parlato  de'  Gcsuiti 
della  Cina."    Kirsch,  loc.  cit.,  388. 


BENEDICT  S    DEFENCE    OF   HIS   ACTION        451 

more  reference  to  the  past  than  to  the  present.  His  expression 
"  disobedient  and  captious  men  "  the  Pope  endeavoured  to 
justify  in  a  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  Coimbra,  Michael  of  the 
Annunciation/  who  on  the  occasion  of  the  despatch  of  eighteen 
Jesuit  missionaries  from  Coimbra  had  complained  to  the  Pope 
that  the  Constitutions  on  the  customs  in  China  and  Malabar 
were  being  used  as  evidence  of  Papal  disapproval  of  the 
Jesuits.  The  report  was  being  spread  by  "  malicious  persons  ", 
wrote  the  Pope,  that  these  words  were  intended  for  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Society  of  Jesus, ^  but  he  was  only  saying  what  had 
already  been  said  in  the  time  of  Clement  XI.  If  Clement  XL's 
words  were  not  construed  as  evidence  of  disapproval,  why 
should  his  ?  Besides,  his  expressions  were  directed  against 
recalcitrants  in  general,  whether  Jesuits  or  secular  priests.^ 
Against  the  reproach  of  unfriendliness  towards  the  Jesuits, 
Benedict  defended  himself  by  a  long  enumeration  of  the  marks 
of  favour  he  had  shown  the  Society.* 

If  the  Bull  gave  offence  to  the  friends  of  the  Jesuits,  the 
Jesuits  themselves  were  hurt  still  more.  They  did  not  feel 
themselves  to  be  guilty  of  disobedience,  and  their  General  was 
hard  put  to  it  to  prevent  their  protests  and  expressions  of 
discontent  from  becoming  generally  known,  which  would  only 
have  called  forth  fresh  accusations.^  Retz  sent  the  Bull  to  China 

1  Of  June  26,  1748,  Acta,  II.,  392-6. 

-  "  verba  huiusmodi  [concerning  the  '  inobedientes  et  captiosi 
homines  ']  ab  hominibus  malevolis  contendatur  pro  religiosis  viris 
Societatis  posita  fuisse."    Ibid.,  394. 

'  Ibid.,  396. 

'  Ibid.,  392-5. 

^  "  *Non  sine  multa  aedificatione  perlegi  carissimam  R.  V^^ 
epistolam  18  Sept.  ad  me  scriptam  :  ut  quae  digna  quovis 
genuine  filio  s.  parentis  nostri  sensa  atque  consilia  mihi  exhibere 
videbatur.  Utinam  eorum  similia  omnes  nostri  foverent  :  non 
maneremus  certe  expositi  tot  tamque  g^a^^ibus  inobedientiae 
accusationibus,  quot  nunc  impetimur.  Hanc  ob  causam  nihil 
frequentius,  nihil  diligentius  commendare  conatus  sum,  quam 
sinceram  ac  fidelem  observantiam  Decretorum  ac  Constitutionum 
Apostolicarum.   .  .   .  Dolorem  omnem  inter  nostros  ac  lamenta 


452  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

with  an  accompanying  letter  on  October  25th,  1742,  and  both 
documents  were  immediately  communicated  to  his  sub- 
ordinates by  the  Superior  there.  He  assured  the  General  that 
in  the  matter  of  the  rites  the  Jesuits  in  China  had  observed 
the  precepts  of  their  immediate  Superiors,  so  that  the  sharply 
worded  expressions  and  the  denunciations  in  the  Constitution 
did  not  apply  to  them,  or,  if  it  did,  it  applied  also  to  the 
Vicar  Apostolic.  In  the  archives  of  the  Propaganda  there 
should  be  a  letter  from  the  Vicar  Apostolic,  Mullener,  in  which 
after  his  visitation  to  the  Christians  in  the  care  of  the  Jesuits 
he  had  attested  that  with  regard  to  the  rites  he  had  found 
nothing  objectionable  in  the  communities  he  had  visited.  As 
the  General  had  written  to  China,  the  letter  had  been  com- 
municated to  him  at  the  time.  And  indeed  the  missionaries 
had  observed  the  instructions  of  the  Vicar  Apostolic  so  exactly 
that  to  fall  in  with  his  varying  wishes  and  not  without  great 
inconvenience  they  had  already  on  four  occasions  changed  the 
form  of  the  ancestral  tablet  and  the  attached  declaration. ^ 

cohibere  non  potui,  cum  non  deessent,  qui  iudicarent,  de  quo 
agitur  in  tempus  opportunius  reiici  aut  carta  mitiori  aliquo  mode 
confici  potuisse  :  Cum  tamen  diligentissime  no  ullum  doloris 
publicum  signum  daretur  [operam  dedi],  et  ad  impediendum 
omnem  suspicandi  occasionam,  ab  adeundis  amicorum  cardinalium 
palatii  consulto  abstinui.  Optandum  nunc  est,  ut  illi,  ac  illi  ad 
quos  observantia  atque  exsecutio  pertinet,  et  ipsi  dolori  sue 
modum  ponant,  neque  sinant  obligationibus  suis  ilium  praevalare  ; 
sed  hoc  sperare  iuvat,  praecipue  ubi  intellectum  fuerit  ipsam 
regiam  Maiestatem  protectionem  suam  ultimae  Bullae  addixisse." 
Retz  to  Carbone,  November  lo,  1742. 

'  "  *Constitutionem  Apostolicam  et  adiunctam  V.  Patermtatis 
epistolam  absque  mora  notam  feci  paucis  meis  subditis  hie 
praesentibus,  ac  ceteris  meis  subditis  Pekini  et  per  provincias 
degentibus  aa  misi  diligentla,  qua  his  in  tarris  uti  possumus. 
Omnium  iuramenta  venire  ad  me  non  posse  ante  navium 
discessum  certo  certius  est."  Ha  would  send  the  rest  to  Europe 
at  the  first  opportunity.  ..."  Quis  futurus  sit  effectus  Con- 
stitutionis,  vaticinetur  qui  voluerit.  Interim  debao  cartiorem 
facere  Patemitatem  V.,  meos  subditos  in  provinciis,  circa 
ceremonias   sinicas,   accurate  et  constanter  cam  sccutos   fuisse 


THE    RECEPTION    OF   THE    CONSTITUTION  453 

The  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Yunnan,  Joachim  Enjobert  de  Martillat, 
Bishop  of  Ecrinea,  who,  his  health  broken,  returned  to  France 
in  1745,  bore  witness  in  Rome  in  1749  that  the  Jesuits  were 
not  the  cause  of  the  persecution  and  that  the  Papal  Constitu- 
tions on  the  rites  of  China  and  Malabar  were  being  faithfully 
observed.  It  is  significant  of  the  prevailing  atmosphere, 
however,  that  the  Pope  advised  him  not  to  speak  about  these 
matters,  as  his  statements  might  be  misconstrued.^  The  Jesuit 
Louis  Marie  Dugad  wTote  from  Huquam  on  November  3rd, 
1752,  that  so  far  as  he  knew  there  was  not  one  of  his  brethren 
who  was  not  obeying  the  Papal  Constitutions  and  the  precepts 
of  the  Vicars  Apostolic  in  the  most  exact  and  almost  scrupulous 
manner   and   that    nothing   could    be    more  painful   to   the 

praxim,  quam  superior  ecclesiasticus  immediatus  praescribebat, 
ac  proinde  vel  non  cadere  in  meos  gravissimas  illas  seu  querelas 
seu  obiurgationes,  quae  in  Constitutione  leguntur,  aut  eas  cadere 
pariter  in  Vicarium  Apostolicum.  Exstat  Romae  aut  exstare 
debet  in  Archive  Congregationis  de  Propaganda  Fide  epistola 
111.  ac.  Rev.  Dni  Mullener  b.  m.  iam  a  multis  annis  scripta,  quae 
post  visitatas  nostras  christianitates  testatur  se  nihil  in  lis 
invenisse,  quod  reprehenderet  circa  ceremonias  sinicas,  de  quo  111. 
Praesulis  testimonio  scivit  V.  Patemitas  ex  s.  Congregatione  et 
nos  tunc  temporis  monuit.  Et  vero  nostri  missionarii  tam 
accurate  inhaerebant  Praesulis  directioni,  ut,  non  sine  molestia 
satis  gravi,  necesse  habuerint  ad  inconstantem  praesulis  nutum 
quater  mutare  formulam  tabellae  emendatae  et  adiunctae 
declarationis."  He  wanted  to  make  this  known  to  the  Father 
General  so  that  it  might  reassure  him  (Autograph  [?]  of  Julianus 
Placidus  Hervieu,  Macao,  December  30,  1743).  Cf.  Roman 
Hinderer  to  the  Vice-Provincial  Pinheiro  on  August  29,  1734  : 
"  *Quoad  tabellas  defunctorum  R.  P.  Mendez,  tunc  Vice- 
provincialis,  statim  post  intimationcm  praecepti  apostolici  '  Ex 
ilia  die  '  impressit  [had  printed]  formulam,  quae  multis  millibus 
exemplarium  per  omnes  Societatis  missiones  dispersa  fuit,  monitis 
neoph}i;is,  ut  iuxta  praefatum  praeceptum  suas  tabellas  antiquas 
corrigendo  et  novas  scribendo  formam  illam  observarent,  nee 
defuimus  nostro  of&cio,  ubi  omissum  invenimus,  debito  modo 
instando  et  urgendo." 

1  Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin,  April  23,  1749,  I.,  478. 


454  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

missionaries    than    to    be     decried    in     Europe    as    insub- 
ordinate.^ 

Along  with  the  General  of  the  Jesuits,  the  Generals  of  the 
other  Orders  wrote  special  letters  to  the  Propaganda  promising 
their  obedience  to  the  Bull.^  But  immediately  afterwards 
there  arose  another  dispute  as  to  the  scope  of  Benedict  XIV.'s 
prescription.  For  much  had  been  allowed  by  Clement  XL's 
Bull  and  later  by  Mezzabarba  ;  for  example,  the  tablets  with 
just  the  titles  of  the  deceased  and  an  attached  explanation.  Now 
that  Mezzabarba's  concessions  had  been  declared  null  and  v^oid, 
was  one  no  longer  allowed  to  practise  what  had  been  conceded 
previously  by  Clement  XI.  ?  The  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Shan-si 
and  Shen-si,  Eugenio  Piloti,  Titular  Bishop  of  Portimaea,  the 
Jesuits,  and  Pedrini  maintained  that  Clement  XT's  concession 
still  held  good  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  reformed  Francis- 
can Gabriel  of  Turin,  who  had  formerly  allowed  a  simple 
obeisance  to  the  deceased  ancestors,  would  have  none 
of    any    such    distinctions    and    asked    for   permission    to 


^  "  *Circa  obcdientiam  pontificiis  decretis,  quod  caput  esse 
intelligo  eorum  quae  Rev.  adm.  Paternitas  V.  avet  rescire, 
nullum  ex  nostris  scio,  qui  non  accuratissime  atque,  ut  ita  dicam, 
scrupulose  SS.  Pontificum  Constitutionibus  atque  Vicariorum 
Apostolicorum  statutis  respective  plenissime  obedientem  et 
morigerum  se  praebeat,  prout  conscientiae  suae  rationes  et 
Societatis  nostrae  bonum  postulant.  Certe  nihil  gravius  nos 
percellit,  nullaque  in  opere  evangelico  poena  gravior  nos  exercet, 
quam  quod  in  Europa  haberi  nos  e  traduci  tamquam  Sedi  Apost. 
inobedientes  audiamus."    In  Jesuit  possession. 

2  *Thus  the  General  of  the  Dominicans,  Thomas  RipoU,  on 
September  15,  1742  ;  the  General  of  the  Augustinians,  Felix 
Leoni,  on  September  21  ;  the  Vicar  General  of  the  Discalced 
Augustinian  Congregation  for  Germany  and  Italy,  Alexander  of 
the  Passion  of  our  Lord,  on  September  25  ;  the  Theatine  General 
Cajetan  a  Laurino,  on  September  29  ;  the  General  of  the  Regular 
Clerics  Minor,  Anton  Nunez,  on  September  29  ;  the  Superior  of 
the  Paris  Missionary'  Seminary,  Combes,  on  November  12,  1742. 
Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or.  e  Cina,  1741-43,  Scritt. 
rif.  Congr.,  23,  n.  45-6,  48-51. 


RITES   STILL   PRACTISED    BY   THE   CHRISTIANS   455 

return  to  Europe  if  he  was  not  to  be  allowed  merely  to  obey  the 
Pope.i 

For  some  time  there  were  no  further  developments  of  the 
dispute.  When  the  same  doubts  came  to  the  fore  again  a  few 
years  later,  Propaganda  condemned  the  more  lenient  view  and 
complained  that  the  Papal  decisions  were  again  being 
deliberately  misinterpreted.  To  honour  the  deceased  all  that 
was  allowed  was  burial,  the  preservation  of  their  portraits  and 
their  insignia  of  office,  the  setting  up  of  inscriptions  recording 
their  achievements  and  offices,  and,  if  the  deceased  was  a 
Christian,  all  the  ceremonies  which  it  was  the  custom  of  the 
Catholic  Church  to  perform.  All  other  practices  were  to  be 
extirpated  by  the  missionaries  when  instructing  the  neophytes. 
If  a  penitent  in  good  faith  and  through  ignorance  was  still 
practising  the  forbidden  rites,  or  was  clinging  to  Mezzabarba's 
concessions,  and  the  confessor  saw  that  neither  instruction  nor 
admonition  would  be  of  any  avail,  he  was  not  on  that  account 
to  forgo  the  admonition.  Christians  were  not  to  take  part  in 
burial  feasts  at  which  the  food  offered  to  the  dead  was  eaten. ^ 

The  submission  of  the  missionaries  to  the  decision  of 
Benedict  XIV.  did  not  by  any  means  entail  to  a  corresponding 
degree  the  disappearance  of  the  forbidden  rites  among  the 
Christians.^    The  Bishop  of  Peking,  Polycarp  de  Souza,  wrote 

1  *Letter  from  Gabriel  of  Turin  to  the  Propaganda,  ibid.,  n.  46. 
for  Pedrini  cf.  Mem.  de  la  Congr.  de  la  Mission,  VII.,  411  seq. 

"  To  the  Apostolic  Vicar  of  East  Tongking  on  January  14,  1753, 
Collectanea  of  the  Propaganda,  228,  n.  386.  Thus,  by  this  decree 
the  bowing  to  the  coffin  of  the  deceased  was  also  forbidden,  as 
was  declared  by  the  Congregation  on  June  30,  1757  {ibid.,  258, 
n.  406).  —  In  other  ways,  too,  the  Congregation  was  inclined  to 
be  strict  with  the  newly  converted.  For  instance,  the  first  three 
days  of  the  new  year  were  celebrated  in  Tongking  and  it  was 
thought  that  the  faithful  would  be  released  from  fasting  and 
abstinence  on  these  days,  but  on  February  28,  1760,  the  Inquisi- 
tion refused  to  grant  the  dispensation  which  had  been  solicited 
on  this  account  {ibid.,  276,  n.  425). 

'  Mouly,  the  Administrator  of  the  diocese  of  Peking,  wrote  as 
late  as  1857  :   "  comme  les  Chretiens  sont  encore  portes  a  quelques 


45^  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

to  the  Pope  on  May  5th,  1744,  that  in  the  prevailing  circum- 
stances there  was  no  hope  of  obtaining  from  the  Christians 
the  necessary  obedience  since  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  was 
not  so  much  restricted  as  entirely  suspended.  The  Christians, 
he  wrote,  were  driven  into  the  temples  of  the  idols  by  force 
and  intimidation,  so  that  it  looked  as  if  the  whole  mission 
would  come  to  an  end.  In  such  circumstances  the  abandon- 
ment of  ancestor-worship  was  clearly  dangerous,  since  by  so 
doing  one  betrayed  oneself  as  a  Christian.  For  this  reason, 
Souza  surmised,  the  Christians  would  continue  to  practise 
their  old  abuses  and  would  not  expose  themselves  to  torture 
and  other  penalties  for  the  sake  of  the  Apostolic  Constitution. 
The  Pope  replied  on  December  19th,  1744,i  that  he  had  not 
been  able  to  delay  the  publication  of  the  Bull  and  that  persecu- 
tion would  have  come  even  if  Mezzabarba's  concessions  had 
been  allowed  to  remain.  Souza  had  written  previously  to  the 
Pope  2  to  defend  himself  against  the  accusation  of  disobedience, 
which  he  called  a  calumny  and  which  he  sought  to  rebut  by 

superstitions  envers  les  morts,  et  qu'ils  ne  s'en  abstiennent  qu'a 
cause  de  la  defense  du  Saint-Siege  et  non  pas  pieusement  parce 
que  c'est  une  chose  mauvaise  en  soi  .  .  ."  Mem.  de  la  Congr. 
de  la  Mission,  VIII.,  iioi. 

*  lus  pontif.,  III.,  2IO  seq.  ;  Collectanea  of  the  Propaganda, 
178,  n.  349  ;  Thomas,  377  seqq.  On  p.  376  Thomas,  on  the 
authority  of  evidence  given  by  Rinaldi  in  the  Mdm.  de  la  Congr. 
de  la  Mission,  VII.,  198,  writes  :  "  Les  Chretiens  des  Jesuites  etant 
habitues  dans  leurs  anciennes  pratiques,  beaucoup  desobeirent, 
partie  par  malice  ou  faiblesse,  partie  faute  d 'exhortations." 
But  Rinaldi's  letter  in  the  Mdm.,  VII.,  198,  is  of  November  4, 
1725,  and  has  therefore  nothing  to  do  with  the  Bull  of  1742. 
Moreover,  Rinaldi,  in  the  passage  referred  to,  did  not  write 
"  beaucoup  desobeirent  "  but  "  peu  parmi  eux  sont  vraiment 
obeissants  en  fait  ".  Of  the  citations  in  Thomas  we  have  checked 
only  those  on  pp.  317-321  and  359-361  ;  these  swarm  with 
inaccuracies  and  arbitrary  assertions.  For  a  criticism  of  his  work 
cf.  above,  p.  439,  n.  5,  and  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIII.,  394,  n.  i, 
and  412,  n.  i. 

-  On  January  5,  1744,  Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or. 
e  Cina,  1744-45,  n.  51. 


THE    RITUAL   QUESTION    SETTLED  457 

means  of  testimonials  in  his  favour.^  In  the  following  year, 
1745,  Arcangelo  Miralta  of  the  Order  of  Minor  Clerics  reported 
that  the  publication  of  the  Constitution  Ex  quo  had  caused 
some  disturbances  at  first  but  that  they  had  died  down. 2  The 
German  missionary  to  China,  Augustin  Hallerstein,  afterwards 
President  of  the  Mathematical  Tribunal  in  Peking,  wrote  to 
his  brother  in  Vienna  on  October  6th,  1743  ^  :  "  You  will  want 
to  know  what  the  effect  has  been  here  of  Benedict  XIV. 's  new 
instructions  regarding  Chinese  customs.  My  answer  is  :  what 
it  was  bound  to  be.    We  have  accepted  them  and  sworn  to 

1  From  the  Jesuits  Kogler  (of  June  4,  1743)  and  Pereyra  (of 
June  3),  from  the  Discalced  Carmelite  Sigismund  of  St.  Nicholas 
(June  26,  1743),  and  from  Pedrini  (June  5,  1743),  ibid.,  n.  48. 
On  November  i,  1743,  Souza  sent  his  o\vn  "  luramentum  de  sua 
constanti  et  zelosa  obedientia  erga  Constitutionem  '  Ex  ilia  die  '. 
In  manibus  meis  Hilarius  episc.  Macaensis  "  [ibid.,  n.  47).  On 
November  28,  1744,  the  Roman  Inquisition  demanded  from  the 
Propaganda  "  documenta  super  aliquas  inobservantias  lesuitarum 
in  China  et  in  specie  Patris  de  Souza  episc.  Pekinensis  "  [ibid., 

n.  55-)- 

-  "*La  Costituzione  '  Ex  quo  singular!  Dei  providentia  '  nel 
principio  della  sua  publicazione  cagion6  bastanti  disturbi  dalli 
osservanti  delle  permissioni,  per6  prontamente  sono  cessati, 
passandosi  in  silenzio  detta  Costituzione  "  {loc.  cit.,  1746-48, 
Congr.,  25,  n.  23).  "  II  [Pedrini]  m'ecrit  [on  August  25,  1744] 
qu'il  y  avait  eu  dans  la  province  de  Chansi  des  troubles  parmi 
les  Chretiens  au  sujet  de  la  nouvelle  Constitution  '  Ex  quo  ', 
mais  qu'il  les  croyait  presentement  entierement  assoupis." 
Enjobert  de  Martillat,  Journal,  in  Mhn.  de  la  Congr.  de  la 
Mission,  VIT.,  411. 

'  Pray,  III.,  320.  "  La  charite  parmi  eux  [the  Jesuits  of 
Peking]  va  de  pair  avec  I'obeissance  au  Saint-Siege,  et  cette 
obeissance  est  to  tale  et  parfaite.  Le  Saint  Pere  a  parle,  cela 
sufl&t.  II  n'y  a  pas  un  mot  a  dire  ;  on  ne  se  permet  pas  meme 
un  geste  ;  il  faut  se  taire  et  obeir.  Cast  ce  que  je  leur  ai  souvent 
Qui  dire  et  recemment  encore  a  I'occasion  du  nouveau  Bref  " 
(P.  [?]  Attiret  a  d'Assant,  Pekin,  November  i,  1743,  Lettres  ddif., 
III.,  794).  Attiret  was  one  of  the  lay-brothers,  so  that  before 
them  at  least  the  priests  were  careful  in  their  speech. 


458  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

carry  them  out,  and  we  shall  do  so.  Indeed  there  are  not  by 
any  means  the  same  difficulties  in  the  matter  as  before,  since 
the  Christians  in  China  consist  almost  entirely  of  people  who 
hardly  have  any  food  or  shelter.  There  is  no  question,  there- 
fore, of  their  procuring  the  customary  gifts  for  their  ancestors, 
or  of  erecting  special  buildings  for  this  purpose."  ^ 

What  Hallerstein  says  of  the  Chinese  Christians  of  his  day  is 
more  or  less  true  of  subsequent  times  also.  With  the  decisions 
of  Benedict  XIV.  the  ritual  question  was  settled  once  for  all, 
and  the  oath  of  loyalty  to  his  Bull  taken  by  all  missionaries 
to  the  Chinese  prevented  its  revival.  The  spreading  of  Chris- 
tianity was  not  made  impossible  by  the  Constitution,  for  to-day 
there  are  ten  times  as  many  Christians  in  China  as  in  the  time 
of  Benedict  XIV.  The  original  plan,  however,  of  winning  over 
first  the  upper  classes  and  with  them  China  as  a  whole,  had  to 
be  abandoned  ;  in  the  rare  event  of  a  literate  person 
turning  towards  the  Christian  faith  he  is  not  baptized  nowadays 
until  he  is  on  his  death-bed.  The  failure  of  this  plan  in  the 
reign  of  Benedict  XIV.  need  not  be  regretted  too  keenl}^  since 
the  suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  and  the  breaking  up  of 
the  Orders  in  the  turmoil  of  the  Revolution  would  have  in  any 
case  brought  it  to  nought  fifty  years  later.  The  Papal  prohibi- 
tions of  the  Chinese  rites  thus  diverted  the  missionary  work 
into  another  channel  without  inflicting  on  it  any  permanent 
injury. 

The  situation  in  the  time  of  the  persecution  that  followed 
the  death  of  Kang-hi  was  conceived  more  or  less  in  these  terms. 
Owing  to  the  unfavourable  circumstances,  it  was  necessar}'  to 
make  use  of  native  catechists,  it  being  difficult  for  European 
priests  to  conceal  their  identity.   A  training  institute  for  these 

'  Under  Kanghi  also  most  Christians  were  of  the  common 
people,  but,  as  the  Peking  Jesuits  *\vrote  to  their  General  on 
July  17,  1722  :  "  audivit  [Mezzabarba],  quantum  nobis  divina 
bonitas  praepararit  catechumcnorum  numcrum,  etiam  ex  suprema 
nobilitate  tartarica,  ex  comitum  ordine,  ex  regia  imperante 
famiUa,  qui  at  auctoritate  sua  columnae,  et  exemplo  ac  fervore 
apostoli  queant  esse  novellac  in  hac  aula  ecclesiae  ..."  In  Jesuit 
possession. 


PERSECUTION    IN    CHINA  459 

catechists  had  been  established  in  the  capital  of  Siam  by  the 
Paris  seminary  for  missionaries  ;  on  their  reaching  the  age  of 
forty  and  after  having  acquitted  themselves  creditably  they 
were  consecrated  priests,  and  thus  the  mission  continued  to 
progress  in  spite  of  the  lack  of  European  missionaries. ^  Before 
coming  to  China,  wrote  a  missionary  in  1759,  he  thought  the 
mission  there  to  be  barren,  but  now  he  considered  it  to  be  one 
of  the  most  successful,  especially  in  the  country  districts.  In 
Canada  the  savages  had  first  to  be  turned  into  human  beings, 
whereas  in  China  the  people  were  already  possessed  of  sufficient 
intelligence  and  honesty  ;  thus  religion  was  steadily  spreading, 
although  a  probationary  period  of  two  or  three  years  was 
demanded  before  baptism.^  Another  Jesuit  ^  was  of  the 
opinion  that  there  were  even  advantages  in  the  altered 
situation  :  for  the  missionaries  the  work  was  more  of  an 
apostolic  nature  and  they  had  a  greater  share  in  the  Cross  of 
Christ  through  having  to  wander  about  with  no  fixed  abode. 
Many  of  them  had  been  incarcerated  and  tortured  in  the  most 
fearful  fashion.  Both  the  Dominicans  and  the  Jesuits  had 
had  their  martyrs.  Few  persons  of  wealth  or  position  had 
withstood  the  storm,  but  among  the  remainder  brave  witnesses 

1  Letter  from  Macao,  September  14,  1754,  Lettres  edif.,  IV.,  36. 
Cf.  Journal  d' Andre  Ly,  Pretre  chinois,  Mtsstonnatre  et  Notaire 
Apostolique  1746  a  1763,  edited  by  A.  Launay,  Paris,  1906. 

2  Lamathe  to  Brassand,  August  20,  1759,  Lettres  edif.,  IV.,  83. 
For  the  successes  of  the  Dominicans  in  China  see  Walz,  375,  of 
the  Franciscans,  see  Lemmens,  146  ;  Mathias  de  S.  Teresa 
Y  Alcazar,  Ord.  Min.,  ex-miss,  apost.  de  Cochinchina  y  actual 
de  Cina  :  Mission  seraphica  espanola  de  Xantung  en  este  Imperio 
de  la  gran  China  perteneciente  a  la  santa  y  apost.  provincia  de 
S.  Gregorio  de  la  regular  y  mas  estrecha  observancia  de  N.S.P.S. 
Francisco  en  las  islas  Filipinas.  The  account  (of  his  missionary 
journey,  lasting  from  November  29,  1756,  to  July  9.  I757.  and 
undertaken  from  Tsi-nan-fu)  is  dated  September  5,  1759  ;  a  copy 
of  this  rare  MS.  in  the  Archives  of  the  Spanish  Embassy  in  Rome, 

III.,  9- 

3  Roy  to  the  Bishop  of  Noyon,   September   12,    1759.  Lettres 

edif.,  IV.,  89. 


460  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

to  the  faith  were  not  rare.  Hallerstein  wrote  in  a  similar  vein  ^ : 
"  There  is  no  lack  of  heroic  souls,  even  among  the  weaker  sex, 
who  show  their  unshakable  courage  in  the  most  glorious 
fashion." 

Here  as  elsewhere  there  distinguished  itself  by  the  number  of 
its  martyrs  that  Order  which,  according  to  Papal  records,  was 
in  the  habit  of  winning  the  crown  of  martyrdom — the  Domini- 
cans. The  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Fukien,  Peter  Martyr  Sanz, 
Bishop  of  Mauricastro,  gave  his  life  for  the  faith  at  Fogan  in 
1747.  We  read  of  him  in  a  letter  of  about  this  time  ^  :  "He 
was  a  holy  prelate,  I  hear,  whose  canonization  is  going  forward 
in  Rome."  With  four  other  members  of  his  Order,  who  shed 
their  blood  in  the  following  year,  he  was  in  fact  beatified  in 
1893.  Benedict  XIV.  sounded  their  praises  in  the  Consistory 
of  September  16th,  1748,^  and  addressed  a  Brief  about  them 
to  the  Dominicans  in  the  Philippines.^  He  ^vrote  a  letter  of 
encouragement  to  the  Chinese  missionaries  and  wrote  also  to  the 
Emperor  of  China  on  their  behalf,  while  the  king  of  Portugal, 
at  whose  request  he  had  just  nominated  Francis  Xavier  as 
patron  of  the  missions,  was  to  support  the  Pope's  representa- 
tions in  Peking,  s 

In  Indochina  also  messengers  of  the  Faith  met  with  bloody 
deaths.    Thus  the  two  Dominicans  Gil  Federich  and  Matthias 

1  On  November  28,  1749,  in  Pray,  III.,  336. 

'■*  Of  September  14,  1754,  Lettres  ddif.,  IV.,  36.  For  Sanz's 
martyrdom  cf.  ibid.,  III.,  800  seqq.  ;  for  the  death  of  the  Jesuits 
Henriquez  and  Athemis,  ibid.,  825  seqq.,  and  E.  Massara  (Cividale, 
1908).  In  Kiangsi  a  Silesian  member  of  the  Franciscan  Order 
was  executed  for  "  seducing  the  people  by  false  doctrines  ". 
Pray,  III.,  336. 

'  Benedicti  XIV.  Acta,  I.,  560-2.  Cf.  the  letter  to  Tencin  of 
September  25,  1748,  I.,  431. 

*  On  December  2,  1752,  Acta,  II.,  116.  Ferdinand  of  Spain 
also  wrote  about  these  martyrs  to  the  Dominicans  [ibid.).  For 
the  Dominican  martyrs  cf.  Bull.  Benedicti  XIV.,  Vol.  XIII., 
Mechliniae,  1827,  167  seqq.,  174  seqq.,  185  seqq.  (allocution  on  the 
martyrdom  of  Francis  Serrano),  191  seqq.,  195  seqq. 

*  All  three  letters  of  February  24,  1748,  Acta,  I.,  487  seqq. 


INDOCHINA  461 

Leziniana  were  beheaded  at  Tongking  on  January  22nd,  1745.^ 
They  had  been  preceded  in  1737  by  a  number  of  Jesuits.^ 

In  Indochina,  moreover,  there  were  almost  the  same  diffi- 
culties regarding  the  prohibitions  of  rites  as  in  China  proper. 
For  West  Tongking  the  Vicar  Apostolic,  Louis  Neez,  Titular 
Bishop  of  Cermania,  testified  on  October  29th,  1744,  that 
every  missionary  without  exception  had  taken  the  oath  of 
loyalty  to  the  Constitution. ^  In  East  Tongking  the  Vicar 
Apostolic,  Hilarius  a  Jesu  Costa,  titular  Bishop  of  Corycus, 
made  a  similar  statement.* 

(7) 

Thanks  to  the  Pope's  energetic  action  the  ritual  question 
was  thus  settled  so  far  as  China  was  concerned,  and  he  was 
only  acting  in  accordance  with  his  character  in  undertaking 
the  solution  of  the  disputes  in  Malabar. 

The  Briefs  of  Clement  XII.  issued  in  1734  and  1739  had  not 
succeeded  in  quietening  restless  spirits  in  Southern  India.  The 
Vicar  Apostolic  of  Verapoly,  Giambattista  Maria  of  St.  Teresa, 
titular  Bishop  of  Lirima,  forwarded  on  December  8th,  1740, 
the  forms  of  oath  signed  by  the  missionaries  and  promised  to 
apply  himself  with  redoubled  energy  to  the  task  of  removing  all 
remaining  traces  of  paganism  ;  but  he  spoke  of  those  also  who 
defended  the  old  way  of  things  and  who  maintained  that  they 
had  not  been  given  a  hearing  in  Rome  ;  their  opposition,  it 
seemed  to  him,  would  make  it  very  difficult  to  extirpate 
everything.^      The    Archbishop    of    Cranganore,    the  Jesuit 

1  *  Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  loc.  cit.,  1744-5,  Congr.,  24. 
n.  9  ;    Walz,  643.    They  were  beatified  on  May  20,  IQ06. 

^  *  Archives  of  the  Propaganda,  loc.  cit.,  1 737-1 740,  Congr.  22, 
^-  35-    Cf.  our  account.  Vol.  XXXIV.,  473. 

'  *Ibid.,  1744-5,  ri.  54.  *On  January  16,  1745,  Neez  repeated  : 
"  Onines  missionarii  iurarunt  in  Constitutionem  '  Ex  quo  '  " 
[ibid.,  n.  68)  ;    similarly  on  July  12,  1745  {ibid.,  n.  76). 

*  On  July  16,  1745,  ibid.,  n.  78  :  "  omnes  utriusque  vicariatus 
missionarios  obedire  Constitutioni  '  Ex  quo  singulari  '." 

*  "  *Con  I'arrivo  del  P.  Florentio  ...  ho  ricevuti  li  Brevi  .... 


462  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

Antonio  Manuel  Pimentel,  reported  on  November  4th,  1740, 
that  he  had  received  the  letters  of  the  Propaganda, ^  and  on 
January  2nd,  1741,  he  related  what  three  Jesuits  2  had  written 
to  him  some  years  previously  regarding  their  "  complete 
submission  ".  Nevertheless  the  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Siam,  De 
Loliere-Puycontat,  reported  on  the  authority  of  a  letter 
written  by  the  Capuchins  on  August  17th,  1740,  that  the 
Jesuits  of  Malabar,  in  spite  of  their  oath,  were  not  conforming 
to  the  prohibition  of  the  rites,  on  the  plea  that  it  was  not  a 
matter  of  faith  and  that  the  Holy  See  was  badly  informed. ^ 
The  Capuchins,  however,  were  not  a  disinterested  party  in 

la  executione  de'  quali,  quanto  appartiene  a  tutti  noi,  non  sara 
negligentata,  come  vedranno  nei  giuramenti  sottoscritti  ;  e  con 
tutto  che  da'  nostri  missionarii  sempre  si  sia  travagliato  in 
estirpare  quel  che  puol  essere  di  gentilicio,  con  piu  accuratezza 
si  fara  con  la  publicazione  che  si  fara  fra  breve  tempo  de'  sudetti 
Brevi,  quali  piu  riguardano  le  missioni  di  Majasul  [Mysore  ?],  di 
Madure  e  Camati,  nelle  quali  col  battesimo  si  ricevono  tali  riti 
gentilici,  che  per  estirparli  par  mi  sara  molto  difficile,  atteso  che 
gli  assertori  si  difendono  di  non  esser  stati  uditi,  come  piu  volte 
li  habiamo  uditi  ;  spero  in  Dio,  che  si  potra  porre  qualche  rimedio, 
instrucndo  li  christian!  dell'ordini,  che  si  mandano."  Archives  of 
the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or.  e  Cina,  1 737-1 740,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr., 
22,  n.  51.  Cf.  ibid.,  1744-5,  Congr.,  24,  n.  11  :  "  *Scritture 
circa  i  riti  malabarici  dopo  la  spedizione  del  Breve  emanato  nel 
1734  e  ci6  che  si  sia  poi  risoluto  nella  Congregazione  del  s.  Officio." 
Ibid.,  1746-8,  Congr.,  25.  *Letter  from  the  Archbishop  of 
Cranganore,  October  15,  1740:  "  se  declarationes  factas  supra 
decreto  card.  Toumon  circa  missioncs  Madur.,  Maissur.  et 
Carnatensem  cum  effectu  executioni  dedisse,  et  P.  Franc.  Cardoso 
provincialem  Soc.  lesu  sibi  scripsisse,  quod  omnes  Patres  Soc. 
lesu  scripto  se  obligaverint  ad  publicandas  etc.  easdem.  Con- 
trarium  qui  dixerit  veritati  adversari." 

*  *Ibid.,  1737-1740,  Congr.,  22,  n.  51. 

'^  *Franc.  Cardoso  on  May  25,  1736,  from  Travancore  ;  Salvador 
dos  Rcys,  from  Serrinha,  on  June  16,  1736  ;  Manuel  Henriquez, 
from  Mysore,  on  September  17,  1736.  Ibid.,  1741-3,  Congr.,  23 
n.  2. 

^  *Ibid.,  n.  22. 


RITUAL    DIFFICULTIES    IN    MALABAR  463 

the  Malabar  dispute,  and  the  expressions  used  in  their  reports 
are  not  to  be  taken  literally.  Benedict  XIV.  testified  in  his 
Bull  on  the  customs  of  Malabar  that  all  the  Bishops  and 
missionaries  had  sworn  to  observe  exactly  the  decrees  of  his 
predecessor,  and  that  the  certificates  regarding  this  oath  had 
come  into  his  hands  on  the  death  of  Clement  XII.  The 
missionaries  protested  that  the  accusation  of  perversion 
brought  against  them  was  unjust.^  It  is  a  fact,  however,  that 
the  Jesuits  in  Rome  had  been  working  for  a  dispensation  or, 
rather,  since  one  had  already  been  granted  for  ten  years,  for 
a  continuation  of  it.  The  Bishop  of  Meliapur,  Joseph  Pin- 
heiro,  asked  the  Congregation  on  October  12th,  1740,  for 
a  dispensation  from  the  use  of  saliva  and  insufflation  at 
baptism  and  from  entering  the  houses  of  pariahs,  which  would 
mean  the  ruin  of  the  mission. ^  The  draft  of  a  letter  in  reply 
contains  a  severe  censure  for  the  petitioner,  who  is  commanded 
to  be  obedient. 3  Similar  drafts  of  rephes  to  Archbishop 
Pimentel  of  Cranganore  and  the  Bishop  of  Cochin  complains 
of  certain  missionaries  allowing  or  taking  part  in  a  superstitious 
rite.^  On  November  19th,  1742,  Archbishop  Pimentel  again 
approached  the  Pope.  Tournon's  decree,  he  wrote,  had  been 
published  except  for  three  points  :  the  use  of  saliva  and  salt 
and  insufflation  in  baptism,  the  admission  of  women  in  certain 
circumstances  to  the  sacraments,  and  the  entry  into  the 
houses  of  the  pariahs.  The  observance  of  these  things,  he 
said,  would  mean  the  ruin  of  the  mission.^ 

Benedict  XIV.  had  no  need  to  be  informed  about  the 
disputes  in  Malabar.  As  Consultor  to  the  Inquisition  in  the 
reign  of  Clement  XI.  he  had  already  composed  a  survey  of 
their  development  and  had  discussed  the  question  with  the 


1  lus  pontif.,  III.,  175,  §  14-16. 

-  *Congr.,  23,  n.  26. 

;  *Ibid.,  n.  27.  ^\^aether  this  "  piano  di  lettera  "  was  executed 
and  dispatched  is  not  apparent. 

*  "  *qui  permittunt  aut  practicant  aliquem  ritum  supersti- 
tiosum."    Ibid.,  n.  28. 

^  "  *Haec  enim  observata  ruinarent  missionem."    Ibid.,  n.  55. 


464  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

emissary  of  the  Jesuits  in  S.  India,  Brandolini.^  When  Pope, 
he  settled  the  matter  once  for  all  by  a  solemn  Bull.^ 

On  this  occasion  his  manner  towards  the  Jesuits  was  far 
more  lenient  than  it  had  been  two  years  before,  when  he 
condemned  the  Chinese  rites.  As  he  wrote  to  Cardinal  Tencin,^ 
he  had  kept  the  Bull  on  his  desk  thirteen  months  before 
publishing  it ;  God  knew,  he  wrote,  how  much  pains  it  had 
taken  him  not  to  give  offence  and  at  the  same  time  not  to 
fail  in  his  Apostolic  office.  He  had  discussed  everything  with 
the  Jesuits  and  had  done  his  best  to  point  out  to  them  clearly 
the  moderation  and  reasonableness  of  his  decision.  They  had 
no  right  to  complain,  therefore,  at  least  not  openly.  Their 
General  himself  had  expressed  his  gratitude  to  him.  They 
might  murmur  to  themselves,  he  wrote  to  Peggi,'*  but  it  was  an 
impertinence  to  expect  the  Pope  to  turn  the  seat  of  truth  into 
a  seat  of  concealment  merely  so  as  not  to  offend  the  Jesuits. 

The  Bull  against  the  customs  of  Malabar  deals  principally 
with  three  requests  made  by  the  missionaries.  Firstly  they 
had  complained  that  they  had  been  bound  to  obedience  by 
oaths  and  excommunications.  This  was  an  oppressive  and 
unbearable  burden  which  involved  them  in  the  most  grievous 
difficulties  of  conscience.  Being  in  continual  fear  of  losing  their 
owTi  souls  they  could  hardly  give  a  thought  now  to  the  saving 
of  others.^     The  Pope,  however,  would  not  consider  any 

'  "  qui  de  nostro  agendi  more  modoque  se  nobis  valde 
devinctum  ostendit  "  (Benedict  XIV.  to  the  Bishop  of  Coimbra 
on  June  26,  1748,  Acta,  II.,  392).  Under  Innocent  XIII.  he 
took  care  to  see  that  "  omnia  pontificiae  tolerantiae  et  benignitatis 
ofi&cia  reipsa  impertirentur  "  (to  the  Jesuits)  {ibid.). 

^  "  Omnium  sollicitudinum,"  of  September  12,  1744,  -^"^ 
pontif.,  III.,  166  seqq. 

^  On  December  19,  1744,  Heeckeren,  I.,  167. 

•*  On  October  17,  1744,  Kraus,  20.  Cf.  Fragment mn  vitae 
Benedicti  XIV.,  ibid.,  243. 

^  The  embarrassing  situations  may  have  been  caused  more  by 
the  unduly  stringent  administration  of  the  censures  than  by  the 
censures  themselves.  The  following  case,  though  from  China,  not 
India,  may  serve  as  an  example.     At  the  denunciation  of  the 


THE    BULL    ON   THE    MALABAR   RITES  465 

alleviation  in  this  respect.  The  oath  which  had  been  imposed 
upon  the  missionaries  was,  he  said,  the  best  way  of  ensuring 
unity  among  them  and  was  the  best  safeguard  against  arbi- 
trariness in  thought  and  interpretation.  The  censures  affected 
only  infringers  of  Papal  laws  and  perverse  persons  who  were 
not  to  be  kept  obedient  by  any  other  means. 

Secondly,  the  missionaries  had  asked  again  to  be  dispensed 
from  the  use  of  saliva  in  the  rite  of  baptism  and  not  to  have  to 
use  insufflation  too  openly.  This  request  had  already  been 
granted  in  1734  for  a  period  of  ten  years,  and  in  1744  Benedict 
XIV.  granted  another  postponement  for  ten  years,  but  this 
was  to  be  the  last  one  and  the  dispensation  was  to  be  used  only 
in  case  of  necessity.  He  expressed,  however,  his  displeasure 
that  he  had  not  been  able  to  note  that  the  missionaries  for 
their  part  had  exerted  themselves  to  overcome  the  distaste  of 

Bishop  of  Peking  proceedings  were  instituted  at  Tsi-nan  in 
Shantung  against,  sectarians  whose  doctrines  had  been  widely 
disseminated  also  in  Ho-nan  and  Kiang-nan  and  who  were 
hatching  revolutionary  schemes  under  the  guise  of  Cliristianity. 
As  a  result  of  the  proceedings  the  true  Christians  also  appeared  in 
a  suspicious  light,  and  as  the  Emperor  had  sent  a  plenipotentiary 
to  obtain  information  about  the  revolutionaries  the  matter 
threatened  to  have  fatal  consequences.  Luckily,  the  viceroy  was 
favourable  to  the  Christians  and  when  it  happened  that  funeral 
rites  were  about  to  be  performed  for  a  deceased  missionary  he 
offered  to  take  part  in  them,  accompanied  by  his  mandarins.  The 
missionary  of  Tsi-nan,  the  Franciscan  Michael  Fernandez,  was 
now  in  a  dilemma.  To  reject  the  viceroy's  offer  would  be  tanta- 
mount to  an  insult  ;  to  accept  it  would  be  equally  hazardous,  on 
account  of  the  ritual  prohibition.  Fernandez  thought  to  overcome 
the  difficulty  by  explaining  to  the  viceroy  in  a  written  exposition 
that  he  looked  on  the  rites  merely  as  civil  ceremonies  and  that 
he  was  setting  out  this  view  by  an  inscription  in  large  letters 
on  the  catafalque.  But  the  missionary  was  treated  by  the 
episcopal  vicar  general  as  if  excommunicated  and  his  missionary 
activit}^  was  consequently  brought  to  a  standstill  ;  three  years 
passed  before  news  came  from  Rome  that  his  case  had  been 
judged.  *K.  Stumpf  to  the  General  of  the  Order,  Peking,  1718, 
in  Jesuit  possession. 

VOL.  XXXV.  Hh 


466  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  natives.  If  the  Indians  obstinately  held  to  the  opinion 
that  these  ceremonies  were  reprehensible  in  themselves  they 
had  not  the  disposition  necessary  for  the  worthy  reception  of 
baptism. 

The  third  petition  of  the  missionaries  concerned  the  question 
of  the  pariahs  :  the  prejudice  held  b}'  the  Indians  that  a 
missionary  who  entered  a  pariah's  hut  to  administer  the 
sacraments  to  him  was  to  be  considered  as  polluted,  so  that  he 
was  no  longer  able  to  converse  with  the  higher  castes.  To 
circumvent  this  difficulty  the  Jesuits  had  offered  to  appoint 
special  missionaries  who  were  to  devote  themselves  permanently 
and  exclusively  to  the  service  of  the  pariahs.  The  Pope 
accepted  this  offer.  An  account  of  its  execution  would  have  to 
be  rendered  to  the  Holy  See  in  five  years,  and  another  relating 
to  the  baptismal  ceremonies  within  ten  years.  If  the  Jesuits 
failed  to  carry  out  these  ceremonies  other  missionaries  would 
have  to  attempt  what  they,  not  through  their  fault,  had  been 
unable  to  perform.  For  the  replacements  which  would  possibly 
be  necessary  the  Pope  was  already  making  his  arrange- 
ments. 

After  replying  to  these  requests  the  Pope  spoke  of  other 
abuses  which  had  already  been  forbidden  by  Tournon  but 
which  were  still  being  practised.  To  his  unspeakable  dismay 
he  had  heard  that  many  missionaries  were  still  allowing  the 
wearing  of  the  Taly  with  its  objectionable  representation  of 
a  heathen  marriage-god  as  the  evidence  of  a  consummated 
marriage  ;  that  at  weddings  the  future  was  still  being  foretold 
by  the  breaking  of  a  coco-nut,  and  this  with  the  consent  of  the 
missionaries  ;  and  that  at  certain  times  women  were  forbidden 
to  enter  the  house  of  God. 

In  spite  of  its  softening  expressions  the  tone  of  the  composi- 
tion was  undeniably  sharp  when  referring  to  the  Jesuits.  This 
was  justified  by  the  reports  from  India  which  had  been 
rendered  to  the  Pope  and  on  which  he  had  to  rely.  But 
probably  much  in  these  reports  was  exaggerated.  The  superior 
of  the  French  Jesuits  in  S.  India,  Gaston  Laurent  Coeurdoux, 
immediately  he  received  the  Papal  Constitution,  ordered  an 
inquiry  to  be  made  into  the  use  of  the  Taly.    Among  8,000 


THE    RITUAL   SITUATION    IN    MADURA  467 

Christians    there    were  found  only  two  of  these  prohibited 
amulets.^ 

The  situation  in  this  respect  seems  not  to  have  been  so 
good  among  the  Indians  of  Madura,  where,  however,  Benedict 
XIV. 's  instructions  were  fully  executed.  The  Jesuit  Thomas 
Celava  wrote  to  the  General  of  the  Order  on  August  25th, 
1746,  that  the  last  Papal  decree  had  met  with  a  willing 
obedience  on  all  sides.  Throughout  the  mission  the  Taly  had 
been  replaced  by  Christian  symbols.  Six  Jesuits  had  been 
appointed  by  the  Provincial  for  the  exclusive  service  of  the 
pariahs,  and  four  of  them  had  already  entered  on  their  duties  ; 
in  public  they  wore  different  clothes  from  those  of  the  other 
missionaries.  Saliva  and  insufflation  were  used  in  baptism 
and  whoever  would  not  submit  to  these  ceremonies  were  not 
admitted  to  the  sacrament.  Fortune-telling  by  means  of 
broken  coco-nuts  was  forbidden  and  had  been  practically 
abolished. 2  On  July  14th,  1747,  the  Visitor  to  the  Jesuit 
missions  in  Malabar,  Angelo  de'  Franceschi,  bore  witness  to  the 
obedience  of  all  the  Jesuits,  especially  with  regard  to  four 
points  on  which  they  had  been  accused,^  and  on  November 

1  "  *Praecepi  duobus  missionariis,  ut  disquisitionem  facerent 
circa  Taly  :  inter  octo  millia  christianorum  repererunt  solum 
duas  tesseras  reficiendas  et  quae  certe  contracti  matrimonii  die 
datae  non  fuerant.  Certe  si  in  tali  numero  totidem  in  adulterium 
aut  in  ipsam  idololatriam  incidisse  deprehenderentur,  num  missio- 
nariorum  vitio  merito  vertatur  ?  "  Archives  of  the  Propaganda, 
loc.  cit.,  1746-48,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.,  25,  n.  21. 

^  "  *Ultimo  decreto  pontificio  exacte  obeditum  est  ab  omnibus. 
Tessera  nuptialis  dicta  Taly  in  omnibus  missionis  Madurensis 
partibus  mutata  est.  Parreis  dumtaxat  curandis  sex  socios 
designavit  P.  Provincialis  ;  ex  iis  quatuor  iam  ea  provincia  fungi 
coeperunt,  eorumque  domes  palam  ingrediuntur  ac  procedunt 
alia  induti  veste  ac  ceteri  missionarii,  qui  nobiliorcm  tribum 
curant.  Saliva  et  insufflationes  iam  modo  adhibeiitur  in  baptis- 
mate,  quo  non  donabitur  in  posterum,  nisi  qui  his  sacramentalibus, 
deposito  salivae  horrore,  se  subiicere  velit.  Fractio  fructus  dicti 
Cocco  in  ceremoniis  matrimonii  ineundi  iam  prohibita  est  et 
paene  abolita  est."    Ibid.,  n.  20. 

*  *Ibid.,  n.  39. 


468  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

9th  this  evidence  was  confirmed  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Cranganore,  Pimentel.^  Lucas  da  Costa  Cravo,  Vicar  General 
of  the  Augustinian  Bishop  of  Mehapur,  spoke  to  the  same 
effect. 2  The  Bishop  himself  wrote  in  1750  that  the  French  and 
Portuguese  Jesuits  had  been  the  first  to  pubhsh  Benedict 
XIV.'s  Constitution.3  When,  in  1759  and  1764,  after  the 
abohtion  of  the  Portuguese  and  French  Jesuit  provinces,  the 
missions  in  Malabar  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  priests  from 
the  Paris  Seminary,  the  latter  found  that  the  prohibited 
customs  had  been  almost  entirely  extirpated  in  the  com- 
munities which  the  Jesuits  had  been  able  to  control  more 
closely.* 

The  introduction  of  special  missionaries  for  the  pariahs 
did  not  endure.  In  the  eyes  of  the  Indians  it  created  two 
distinct  Churches  and  confirmed  the  higher  castes  in  their 
pride.  The  distinction  between  the  missionaries  to  the  pariahs 
and  those  to  the  Brahmins  gradually  lessened,  and  with  the 
suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  the  arrangement  ceased 
altogether.^ 

So  far  as  the  native  Christians  were  concerned,  wrote  the 
Carmelite  Giambattista  Maria  of  St.  Teresa,^  the  condemna- 
tion of  the  Malabar  rites  was  accepted  by  them  without  demur, 
except  on  one  point  :   the  sign  of  the  ashes. 

The  consequences  which  followed  the  Papal  prohibitions 
were  not  so  bad  as  had  been  feared.    It  may  be  that  many 

*  *lbid.,  n.  43. 

"^  "  *Patres  See.  lesu  niission,is  Madurensis  omnia  ad  normam 
Constitutionis  peragere."    Ibid.,  n.  68. 

^  "  *Fr.  Ant.  ab  Incarnatione  O.  Erem.  S.  Aug.  episc.  Melia- 
purensis  testatur  22  Sept.  1750  Patres  Sec.  lesu  gallos  et 
lusitanos  primes  fuisse  missionaries,  qui  Censtitutionem  '  Omnium 
soUicitudinum  '  publicaverint  illesque  in  executionc  omnium 
mandaterum  ceteris  missienariis  posteriores  nen  esse."  Archives 
of  the  Propaganda,  Indie  Or.  e  Cina,  Scritt.  rif.  Congr.,  26, 
n.  85. 

*  Amann  in  the  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath.,  TX.,  1734. 

*  Ibid.,  1734  seq. 

*  *Verapoh,  on  September  21,  1744,  Archives  of  the  Propa- 
ganda, loc.  cit.,  1744-45,  Cengr.,  24,  n.  10. 


THE  CAPUCHIN  NORBERT         469 

members  of  the  higher  caste  now  fell  away,  but  in  the  years 
that  followed  the  prohibition  of  the  rites  the  increase  in  the 
number  of  Christians  was  ahnost  as  great  as  before.  It  is  true 
that  in  1840  the  number  of  Christians  in  Malabar  was  no 
greater  than  a  century  before  but  this  lack  of  increase  is  easily 
explained  even  when  the  prohibition  of  the  rites  is  left  out  of 
consideration. 1  In  the  end,  therefore,  the  Pope  was  proved 
to  be  right  in  countering  the  fears  of  the  missionaries  by 
referring  them  to  the  inward  strength  of  Christianity  and  to 
the  duty  of  obedience. 

The  severe  accusations  made  at  first  by  Benedict  XIV.  on 
account  of  the  disobedience  of  the  missionaries  in  China  were 
not  subsequently  maintained  by  him.  Already  in  preparing 
the  Bull  on  the  customs  of  Malabar  the  tone  in  which  he  dealt 
with  the  Jesuits  was  considerably  milder  2  and  nine  years 
later  he  paid  a  handsome  tribute  to  the  obedience  of  the 
Order.3 

(8) 

When  writing  to  Cardinal  Tencin  about  the  settlement 
of  the  Malabar  question,  Benedict  XIV.  closed  with  the 
remark  that  the  Capuchin  Norbert  had  had  no  influence  on  the 
judgment,  for  he  knew  him  for  a  confused  thinker  and 
a  trouble-maker.*  But  Norbert  took  good  care  to  see  that  the 
disputes  in  Malabar  had  an  unpleasant  aftermath  for  the  Jesuits. 

Pierre  Curel  Parisot,  born  in  1697  at  Bar-le-Duc,  became 
a  Capuchin  at  the  age  of  seventeen  and  took  the  name  of 
Norbert.  He  was  pugnacious  by  nature  and  his  whole  life  was 
fatally  affected  by  his  attitude  towards  the  Jesuits.  As 
a  missionary  in  Pondicherry  he  came  into  conflict  with  his 
Bishop,  a  Portuguese  Jesuit,  on  account  of  excessive  indepen- 
dence in  his  pastoral  duties  and  in  his  direction  of  an  Ursuline 

I  Amann,  loc.  cit.,  1735  seq. 

*  See  above,  p.  464. 
»  See  above,  p.  308. 

*  "  *Rispetto  poi  al  P.  Norberto  Cappucino  esse  non  ha  avuto 
che  fare  nella  Bella,  conoscendolo  ancor  Noi  per  un  uomo  torbido 
et  imbroglione."  To  Tencin,  March  19,  I744.  Papal  Secret 
Archives,  Miscell.  Arm.,  XV.,  t.  154  ;    Heeckeren,  I.,  167. 


470  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES 

convent  which  he  had  founded. ^  His  relations  with  the  French 
colonial  authorities  at  Pondicherry  he  undermined  by  the 
violence  with  which  when  speaking  from  the  pulpit  he  attacked 
the  attitude  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  ritual  dispute.  This  was 
on  the  occasion  of  an  address  he  gave  on  the  life  of  the  Jesuit 
Bishop  Visdelou  ^  (died  1737)  who  on  account  of  differences  of 
opinion  on  the  ritual  question  had  lived  apart  from  his 
fellow  Jesuits,  with  the  Capuchins.  In  February  1740 ' 
Norbert  left  the  mission.  In  Rome,  where  he  arrived  in  April 
1741,  he  found  the  situation  favourable  for  further  attacks  on 
the  Jesuits,  who  at  that  time  were  unpopular  in  the  city. 
Documents  from  the  archives  of  the  Propaganda  were  actually 
placed  at  his  disposal  *  for  the  writing  of  a  memorandum  on 
the  dispute  between  the  Capuchins  and  Jesuits  at  Pondi- 
cherry.^ On  receiving  a  copy  of  the  work,^  the  Pope  replied 
that  he  would  read  it  through  and  would  deal  with  the  trouble  ; 
meanwhile  he  sent  him  the  Apostolic  blessing.  Norbert  then 
set  about  publishing  a  work  on  the  ritual  dispute  in  Malabar,' 


'  [Patouillet],  Lettre  sur  le  livre  de  P.  Norbert,  [no  place  of 
publication],  1745,  n,  14. 

^  Reproduced  in  Norbert's  Mdmoires  hisionques,  Lucca,  1744, 
III.,  241-307. 

^  This  date  is  given  by  Norbert  himself  in  his  Mdmoires 
historiques  apologetiques,  III.,  London,  1751,  410.  Cf.  P.  A. 
KiRSCH  in  the  Tiib.  Th^ol.  Quartalschrift,  LXXXVI.  (1904),  368, 
n.  2. 

^  Benedict  XIV.  to  the  Brussels  nuncio  Crivelli  on  November 
II,  1747,  in  the  Civ.  Cait.,  1930,  I.,  513  ;  French  text  in  Feller, 
Journ.  hist,  et  litt.,  1787,  340-6. 

^  Memoires  utiles  et  necessaires,  tristes  et  consolans  sttr  les 
missions  des  Indes  Orientates,  Avignon  and  Lucca,  1742. 

•■•  On  June  9,  1742,  in  Faure,  Lettres  ddifiantes  et  curieuses, 
Venice,  1746,  343  ;   Norbert,  Mdm.  hist,  apolog.,  III.,  427. 

'  Mdm.  hist,  presentds  au  souverain  Pontife  Benoit  XIV .  sxir  les 
missions  des  Indes  Orientates,  3  vols.,  Lucca,  1744.  The  Italian 
translation,  which  appeared  simultaneously,  is  by  the  Capuchin 
Agostino  da  Parma  (Reusch,  II.,  775).  The  work  was  re-issued 
more  than  once  :     Mem.   hist,   apolog.,   3  vols.,   London,    1751  ; 


NORBERT  S    BOOK   AGAINST   THE    JESUITS     47I 

which  appeared  in  French  and  Italian  at  the  end  of  July  1744, 
in  Lucca,  where  on  the  recommendation  of  two  Roman  Car- 
dinals he  had  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  Archbishop's 
permission  to  print  the  book.  It  had  been  passed  by  two 
Roman  theologians,  the  Piarist  Ubaldo  Mignoni  and  the 
Observant  Carlo  Maria  da  Perugia,  Qualificator  of  the  Inquisi- 
tion and  Consultor  of  the  Index,  and  it  had  been  warmly 
commended  by  the  Dominican  Stefano  Maria  Mansi.^  The 
work  comprised  a  number  of  documents,  accusations,  and 
attacks  on  the  Jesuit  missionaries  for  their  attitude  in  the  ritual 
dispute,  and  on  account  of  these  invectives  it  enjoyed  an 
unusually  large  circulation  in  Rome.     It  was  smuggled  into 

also  an  edition  in  4  vols,  published  simultaneously  in  Nuremberg 
and  Lucca  in  1754.  Of  the  last-mentioned  there  is  a  reissue  in 
8  vols.,  published  at  Lucca  in  1760,  the  author's  name  appearing 
as  Abate  Curel  Parisot  Platel  ;  Vols.  I. -IV.  correspond  to  Vols. 
I. -IV.  of  the  Lucca  edition  of  1744.  The  Lisbon  edition  of  1766, 
in  7  vols.  {Mem.  hist,  sur  les  affaires  des  Jesuites  avec  le  Saint- 
Siige.  Par  I'abbe  C.  P.  Platel,  with  a  dedication  to  the  king  of 
Portugal  and  a  portrait  of  him  is  a  revision. 

1  Mem.  hist.,  I.,  xii-xix.  Kirsch's  assertion  (loc.  cit.,  366) 
that  the  book  had  been  approved  by  the  Pope  also,  is  due  to  a 
misreading  of  the  following  passage  from  Benedict  XIV. 's  letter 
to  Tencin  of  February  6,  1745  (Papal  Secret  Archives,  Arm.  XV., 
t.  154,  p.  519  seq.)  :  "  Alcuni  religiosi  a'quali  fu  comunicata  in 
Roma,  benche  ne  abbiano  [the  MS.  is  quite  clear]  fatta  un'  ap- 
provazione  assai  cautelosa  .  .  .  ,  sono  stati  pero  da  Noi  represi." 
For  "  abbiano  "  Kirsch  read,  in  error,  "  abbiamo."  Cf. 
Heeckeren,  I.,  177  seq.  Merenda's  *Memorie  (in  Kirsch, 
loc.  cit.,  364,  n.  i),  which,  among  other  things  asserts  that  the 
Pope  had  accepted  the  dedication  of  the  book,  merely  repeats 
the  rumours  that  were  current  in  Rome.  Norbert  himself  asserts 
that  he  had  presented  the  book  to  the  Pope  and  that  he  had 
accepted  it  with  pleasure  {Mini.  hist,  apolog..  III.,  502).  Merenda 
and  others  confused  the  Memoires  utiles,  of  1742,  with  the 
Menioires  hist.,  of  1744.  Norbert  relates  that  permission  to  print 
was  politely  refused  by  the  Maestro  di  Palazzo,  who  recommended 
Lucca  as  a  place  of  publication.  Mem.  hist,  apolog.,  III.,  493, 
497  seq. 


472  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

the  city  and  it  was  not  until  two  copies  had  been  left  in  the 
Papal  antechamber  that  the  Pope  had  any  knowledge  of  the 
book  or  of  its  dedication  to  himself.^  He  immediately  reproved 
the  censors  who  had  sanctioned  the  work  and  ordered  its 
examination  by  the  Inquisition.  With  the  Pope's  concurrence, 
Norbert  received  an  order  from  the  French  envoy  Canillac  to 
quit  Rome.  Feeling  that  he  would  not  be  safe  in  his  convent 
he  took  refuge  at  nightfall  with  Cardinal  Neri  Corsini,  and  at 
the  beginning  of  February  1745  he  fled  to  Florence. 

By  this  fresh  attack  the  good  name  of  the  Jesuits  was  of 
course  jeopardized  once  more,  and  they  doubted  that  any 
assistance  would  be  forthcoming.* 

Norbert  had  his  friends  even  in  the  Congregation  which  was 
to  pronounce  judgment  on  his  publication,^  and  it  needed  the 
personal  intervention  of  the  Pope  to  ensure  its  condemnation 
at  the  decisive  session  of  April  1st,  1745.  For  several  hours 
speeches  were  made  and  opinions  were  expressed  in  support 
of  varying  views  until  at  last  the  Pope  spoke,  whereupon 
Norbert 's  supporters  also  voted  for  the  book's  condemnation.* 
The  grounds  for  this  were  set  down  in  the  Congregation's 
decree  ^ :  Norbert  had  composed  his  book  in  Rome  and  had 
had  it  printed  outside  the  city  without  the  permission  of  the 

1  Benedict  XIV.  to  the  nuncio  Crivelli,  in  the  Civ.  Cati.,  1930, 
I.,  513  seq.  ;    to  Tencin,  February  6,  1745,  I.,  177  seq. 

*  "  *grave  interim  vulnus  accepit  fama  nostra  ex  vulgato 
a  certo  P.  Cappuccino,  Norberto,  contra  Societatem  libro.  An 
medelam  obtenturi  simus  incertum."  The  Jesuit  General  to 
Fr.  Carbone  in  Lisbon,  January  19,  1745,  in  Jesuit  possession. 

'  *Benedict  XIV.  to  Tencin,  May  26,  1745,  Papal  Secret 
Archives,  Miscell.  Arm.,  XV.,  t.  154  (not  mentioned  by 
Heeckeren)  ;  to  the  same,  March  20,  1745,  Heeckeren,  I.,  185. 

♦  To  Tencin,  April  7,  1745,  I.,  190  seq.  ;  Kirsch,  loc.  cit.,  365. 
Passionei  and  Corsini  were  prominent  in  their  support  of  Norbert. 
Mdtn.  hist,  apolog.,  III.,  627. 

'  Of  April  I,  1745,  Anal.  iur.  pontif.,  I.,  1257.  The  continuation 
of  Norbert 's  work  was  prohibited  (on  June  16,  1746),  as  was  also 
the  edition  of  1751  (by  a  decree  of  the  Inquisition  of  November  24, 
1 75 1,  ibid.). 


NORBERT  S  BOOK  CONDEMNED       473 

Maestro  dei  Sacri  Palazzi,  which  was  an  offence  against 
a  decree  of  Urban  VIII.'s  which  had  been  renewed  by  Benedict 
XIV.  on  September  14th,  1744.  Further,  on  December  19th, 
1672,  Propaganda  had  forbidden  any  work  on  the  subject  of 
the  missions  to  be  published  without  its  consent.  This  prohi- 
bition had  been  confirmed  by  Clement  X.  on  April  6th,  1673, 
but  had  been  disregarded  by  Norbert.  It  was  impossible  to 
sanction  the  work  without  giving  scandal  to  worthy  people 
and  endangering  souls.  The  decree  condemning  the  work  was 
drawn  up  by  Benedict  XIV.  himself.  The  Jesuits,  he  wrote 
to  Tencin,^  might  well  complain  of  the  bungled  composition  ; 
he  would  see  that  justice  was  done  to  them.  Although  he  had 
disagreed  with  the  methods  they  employed  as  missionaries  he 
had  no  desire  that  so  worthy  and  meritorious  a  society  should 
be  calumniated.  Pater  Norbert  was  an  "  obstinate  fool  "  who 
meddled  in  matters  which  did  not  concern  him  ;  his  book  had 
been  condemned  on  account  of  its  effrontery,  its  falsehoods, 
and  its  insults.  He  had  fellow-workers  in  Tuscany,  but  as  for 
his  Roman  friends,  they  could  only  applaud,  having  neither 
the  courage  nor  the  ability  to  work.  Among  the  Jesuits  the 
belief  was  current  that  they  had  to  thank  the  king  of  Portugal 
for  the  condemnation. 2  The  Paris  nuncio  Durini  had  to  prevail 

'  On  April  14,  1745,  I.,  192  seq.  ;   Kirsch,  loc.  cit.,  365,  n.  3. 

-  *Retz  to  Carbone  in  Lisbon,  April  14,  1745  :  "  Mirum, 
quantum  crevit  ex  opportunitate  beneficium,  quod  satagente 
R.  V^  serenissimus  Rex  tamquam  clementissimus  protector 
missionum  Societati  contulit  permovendo  Summum  Pontificem, 
ut  notum  infamem  Cappuccini  librum  a  compluribus  defcnsum, 
tandem  efficaciter  prohibere  vellet."  Thanks  to  Fr.  Carbone 
and  to  the  King.  —  Retz  to  Carbone  on  May  i,  1745  :  "  Cum 
elapso  die  lunae  ad  pedes  SS™'  osculandos  accessissem,  ultro 
mihi  in  commissis  dedit,  scriberem  ac  significarem  R.  V** 
nuUatenus  per  D.  Commendatorem  Zampaio  stetisse,  quominus 
per  decretum  famosus  liber  P.  Norberti  Cappuccini  citius 
prohiberetur  :  institisse  ipsum  septem  saltern  vicibus,  sed  moras 
ac  difficultates  aliunde  obiectas  fuisse  ;  cupere  proinde,  ut  banc 
Ministri  sui  diligentiam  ac  sollicitudinem,  si  necesse  videretur, 
constare  faceret  serenissimo   Regi  R.   V^  atque  impleti  in  hac 


474  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

on  them  not  to  wTite  against  Norbert,  lest  by  so  doing  they 
might  merely  fan  the  flames  ;  the  steps  taken  by  the  Pope 
were  a  sufficient  defence. ^ 

When  Pater  Norbert  felt  himself  unsafe  in  Florence  also, 
his  superiors  assigned  him  a  residence  in  a  convent  in  Switzer- 
land. From  there  he  soon  fled  to  Holland,  where  he  prided 
himself  on  being  in  correspondence  with  the  Holy  See.  In 
a  letter  to  Cardinal  Corsini  he  assured  him  of  his  attachment 
to  the  Catholic  religion  ;  it  was  only  anxiety  for  his  personal 
safety  that  had  driven  him  to  Holland.  He  then  asked  for 
money,  on  the  ground  that  heretics  would  be  scandalized  at 
seeing  a  man  who  had  sacrificed  himself  for  the  Church  forced 
to  beg.  The  Pope  replied  to  the  Cardinal  that  he  regarded  the 
monk  as  an  apostate  but  that  he  would  extend  to  him  his 
charity  if  Norbert  would  choose  a  convent  in  a  Catholic 
country  for  a  permanent  residence. 

In  a  further  letter  the  fugitive  described  his  efforts  to  bring 
the  Dutch  Jansenists  back  to  the  Church. ^  Benedict  rephed 
to  Cardinal  Corsini  that  the  offers  made  by  the  Jansenists 
did  not  go  far  enough,  that  Pater  Norbert  was  not  the  right 
man  for  such  negotiations,  and  that  he  ought  to  leave  Holland  ; 
his  association  with  the  Jansenists  there  was  giving  scandal.^ 
Further,  he  said,  Norbert,  on  the  strength  of  Corsini's  letters, 

parte  officii  testimonium  eidem  praebeat."  The  Pope  desires  to 
be  informed  of  Carbone's  reply.    In  Jesuit  possession. 

'  "  *Sara  molto  lodevole  I'opera  e  I'industria  di  V.  S.  111.,  se 
arrivera  a  far  tacere  i  Gesuiti  rispetto  al  libro  del  Padre  Norberto 
Cappuccino.  Di  grazia,  non  accendino  maggior  foco  e  lasciuo 
alia  Santa  Sede  la  cura  di  mortificare  i  loro  avversari.  In  volar 
difendersi  si  esporranno  a  tutte  quelle  ripartitc,  che  con  tanto 
buon  giudizio  ha  V.  S.  111.  posto  loro  in  considerazione.  Non 
h  piccola  disapprovazione  del  libro  I'esiglio  date  al  Padre  e  la 
condannazione  seguita  ultimamcnte  del  medesimo  libro."  The 
Secretary  of  State  to  Durini,  April  14,  1745,  Nunziat.  di  Francia, 
442,  f.  151^  Papal  Secret  Archives. 

*  Cf.  above,  pp.  289  seq. 

'  Benedict  to  Crivelli,  loc.  cit.,  514  seq.  ;  to  Tencin,  October  16, 
and  November  27,  1748,  I.,  435,  445. 


norbert's  eclipse  475 

had  succeeded  in  making  the  Brussels  nuncio  beheve  that 
everything  was  being  done  in  the  name  of  the  Pope,  who 
wanted  to  keep  in  the  background.  Finally,  he  said,  if  the 
Dutch  authorities  had  driven  Pater  Norbert  out  as  an  impostor, 
the  mission  would  be  well  rid  of  the  pest.^ 

The  further  vicissitudes  of  the  wayward  adventurer  scarcely 
deserve  to  be  mentioned  in  a  history  of  the  Popes.  Driven  out 
of  Holland,  Pater  Norbert  tried  his  fortune  in  England,  as  a 
director  of  a  carpet  factory,^  negotiated  with  the  French 
Minister  D'Argenson  for  his  entry  into  France,  caused  attempts 
to  be  made  in  Rome  to  bring  about  his  reconciliation  with  the 
Church,^  and  published  a  further  volume  of  his  memoirs, 
which  attacked  the  Jesuits  even  more  bitterly  than  his 
previous  one.*  Probably  on  account  of  the  outbreak  of  the 
Seven  Years'   War,  he  left   England  for  Germany,   residing 

'  To  Tencin,  I.,  445  ;    cf.  II.,  234. 

*  Heeckeren,  II.,  429  n.  Cf.  *Gualtieri  to  Valenti,  July  8, 
1754  (Nunziat.  di  Francia,  492,  Papal  Secret  Archives)  :  "Mi 
h  state  riferito,  che  il  rinomato  P.  Norberto  Cappuccino  seguita 
a  dimorare  a  Londra,  assistendo  ad  una  manifattura  di  quella 
citta,  che  ha  seco  una  nipote  o  sorella,  ch'egli  e  ben  veduto 
da  quel  Duca  di  Courbelland  [Cumberland],  e  che  mesi  sono 
non  gU  fu  permesso  di  dire  la  messa,  com'  egli  voleva,  nella  capella 
di  quel  ministro  di  Toscana  per  mancanza  di  dimissorie  ;  e  qual- 
cuno  venuto  di  fresco  di  cola  mi  ha  detto,  che  non  vive  con  gran 
reputazione  di  esatezza,  talmente  che  a  taluno  si  rende  sospetta 
la  sua  religione."  A  *Letter  of  Norbert's  to  Benedict  XIV., 
towards  the  end  of  1750,  in  the  antiquarian  catalogue,  336,  by 

HlERSEMANN,  No.   217I. 

*  Extract  from  three  letters  from  Norbert  to  D'Argenson 
(January  12,  February  9,  June  19,  1755)  in  Heeckeren,  II., 
429  n.  Benedict  XIV.  was  not  disinclined  to  grant  him  permission 
to  transfer  to  a  less  strict  Order  (to  Tencin,  July  30,  I755,  II., 
428  seq.).  It  was  about  this  period  that  Norbert  wrote  his  Lettre 
d  Msgr.  le  Prince  de  .  .  .  an  sujei  des  giierres  presentes,  Anvers,  1757. 
It  includes  a  commendatory  letter  sent  him  by  Benedict  XIV.  ; 
see  the  Hist.  Vierteljahrschrift,  1930,  467  seq. 

*  Thus,  he  accuses  the  Jesuits  of  having  tried  to  poison 
Toumon ;     Mem.    hist,    apolog.,    III.,    Lisbonne,    1766,    99-149 


476  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

in  Wolfenbiittel  and  Berlin,  and  while  in  Germany  in  1759  he 
received  permission  from  Clement  XIII.  to  live  as  a  secular 
priest. 1  After  a  short  stay  in  France,  he  betook  himself,  now 
known  as  the  Abbe  Platel,  to  Portugal,  in  1 760,  to  enter  the 
service  of  Pombal  as  a  pay  clerk. ^  In  1763,  however,  he 
deemed  it  better  to  return  to  France,  where  he  published  an 
enlarged  edition  of  his  memoirs.  Towards  the  end  of  his  hfe 
he  resumed  the  habit  of  his  Order  but  is  said  to  have  again 
laid  it  aside.  In  July  1769  the  unhappy  man  died  at  Commercy 
in  Lorraine. 

(Angelita's  account,  extract  in  Thomas,  Hist,  de  la  Mission  de 
Pikin,  Paris,  1923,  186  seq.).    Cf.  Duhr,  Jesuitenfabeln*,  776  seq. 

1  Lettera  del  Sign.  Abate  Curel  Parisot  detto  per  I'innanzi 
11  P.  Norberto,  con  cui  indirizza  all'  Ordine  de'  Cappuccini  il  Breve 
di  Clemente  XIII.  che  gli  permette  passare  alio  state  di  prete 
secolare,  Venetia,  1760,  4.  Ibid.,  p.  12,  he  calls  himself  "  con- 
siliarius  actualis  ser.  Duels  Brunsvicensis  et  Luneburgensis  ". 
The  permission  had  been  obtained  for  him  by  Cardinals  Passional 
and  Corsini.  *Passionei  to  Foggini,  July  31,  1759,  Bibl.  Corsini 
in  Rome,  2054. 

"  *Acciaioli  to  Torrigiani,  Badajoz,  August  29,  1760,  Nunziat. 
di  Portogallo,  117,  Papal  Secret  Archives  ;  Duhr,  Pombal,  25-8. 
Norbert  is  suspected  of  having  written  the  lives  of  St.  Anne  and 
Antichrist  for  which  Malagrida  was  condemned.  Murr,  Gesch., 
11..  256. 


APPENDIX 

OF 

UNPUBLISHED   DOCUMENTS 

AND 

EXTRACTS  FROM  ARCHIVES 


APPENDIX 

1.     Pope   Benedict   XIV  to   King   John   of   Portugal.^ 

(«) 

Rome,  11  April,  1744. 

Ci  e  sempre  dispiaciuto  di  non  avere  la  santita  del  gran 
Leone  Magno,  o  dell'altro  gran  Pontefice  S.  Gregorio  nostri 
Antecessor!  per  poter  governare  la  chiesa  e  la  Santa  Sede  nella 
maniera  con  cui  essi  la  governarono  in  tempi  infelici  e  simili 
ai  nostri,  ma  ora  siamo  necessitati  ad  aggiungerva  un  nuovo 
dispiacere  che  e  quello  di  non  avere  I'eloquenza  di  S.  Leone  e  la 
propriety  di  S.  Gregorio  nello  scrivere  perche  volentieri  ce  ne 
prevaleressimo  per  rendere  a  V.  M.  le  dovute  grazie  per  il 
generoso  impegno  preso  da  essa,  ed  anche  dalla  Maest^  dclla 
regina  sua  consorte,  appresso  la  regina  d'Ungheria  per  accomo- 
dare  colla  sua  autorevole  interposizione  le  differenze  che 
vertono  fra  la  detta  regina  d'Ungheria  e  questa  Santa  Sede, 
che  in  verita  ci  sono  una  spina  in  mezzo  al  cuore,  vedendoci 
oppressi  senza  una  nostra  minima  colpa,  e  ridotti  in  miseria 
i  nostri  poveri  sudditi  senza  un  loro  peccato  veniale.  Nei 
favori  che  ci  comparte  la  M.  V.  non  sappiamo  quale  sia  quello 
che  maggiormente  ci  rende  obbligati,  dovendo  Noi  molto 
valutare  la  prontezza  nell'accudire  alle  nostre  richieste, 
I'efficacia  dei  dispacci  spediti  per  la  regina  d'Ungheria,  che 
sono  tali  quali  Noi  stessi  avressimo  potuto  fare  componendoli 
per  Noi,  e  per  il  Nostro  affare,  e  la  prontezza  del  Commenda- 
tore  Sampajo  suo  ministro  nello  spedire  con  tutta  sollecitudine 
un  corricre  a  Vienna  con  tutte  le  opportune  istruzioni.  In  tale 
stato  di  cose  il  miglior  partito  ci  sembra  di  rendere  alia  M.  V. 
cordialissime  grazie  d'ogni  e  qualunque  cosa  fatta  per  Noi  in 
questa  contingenza,  riconoscendo  in  ciascheduna  d'esse  un 
animo  agio,  un  cuore  pieno  di  affetto  verso  la  Santa  Sede  e 
verso  la  Nostra  persona,  assicurandola  che  di  tutto  conser- 
veremo  eterna  reminiscenza  ;  e  giache  si  e  entrato  ncl  punto 
dei  ringraziamenti  si  contenti  la  M.  V.  che  pure  le  rendiamo 
grazie  delle  beneficenze  anche  ultimamente  usate  verso  il 
Commendator  Sampajo,  cio  e  della  qualificazione  di  ftdalgo, 

^  Cf.  p.  I02,  n.  4. 

479 


480  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

della  nuova  Commenda  e  del  regalo  straordinario  dei  sei  mila 
ducati,  non  potendo  dissimulare  il  vivo  interesse  che  ci  pren- 
diamo  per  ogni  vantaggio  del  detto  suo  ministro,  che  cosi 
degnamente  accoppia  al  dovere  del  ministero,  e  di  suddito  un 
particolare  affetto  alia  Nostra  persona,  e  qui  intanto  tenera- 
mente  abbracciando  la  M.  V.  con  paterno  affetto  le  diamo 
I'Apostolica  Benedizione,  Datum  Romae  apud  S.  Mariam 
Maiorem  die  11  Aprilis  1744,   Pontificatus  Nostri  Anno  quarto. 

[Epist.  ad.  princ.  173,  200,  Papal  Secret  Archives.] 

Rome,  24  October.  1744. 
II  corriere  arrivato  giorni  sono  a  questa  cittk,  spedito  da 
Vostra  Maesta  al  suo  ministro  il  Commendatore  Sampajo,  ci 
porta  una  di  lei  lettera  ripiena  delle  piu  gentili  espressioni 
verso  di  Noi  e  di  questa  Santa  Sede,  che  sarebbero  capaci  di 
accrescere  la  nostra  stima  ed  il  nostro  affetto  verso  la  M.  V., 
se  la  nostra  stima  ed  il  nostro  affetto  non  fossero  gia  ante- 
cedentemente  arrivati  a  quell 'ultimo  grado  che  non  e  capace 
d'aumento,  Nella  stessa  lettera  leggiamo  la  spedizione  che 
ella  fa  del  suo  abile  e  valente  ministro  D.  Sebastiano  de 
Caravaglio  a  Vienna  per  trattare  con  quella  corte  la  sospirata 
composizione  dei  nostri  affari.  Siamo  confusi  per  tante  grazie, 
siamo  ripieni  di  riconoscenza,  ci  protestiamo  sempre  pronti 
a  fare  per  V.  M.  quanto  potremo,  cosi  esigendo  le  nostre 
obbhgazioni.  Non  passa  giorno  in  cui  nelle  Nostre  benche 
tiepide  orazioni,  e  nei  Nostri  sacriiizi  non  ci  ricordiamo  di  lei 
pregando  il  grande  Iddio  per  la  sua  conservazione,  che  e  di 
tanto  giovamento  alia  Religione  Cattolica,  alia  Santa  Sede,  ed 
a  Noi.  Ed  intanto  abbracciandola  con  pienezza  di  cuore  le 
diamo  I'Apostolica  Benedizione.  Datum  Romae  apud  S. 
Mariam  Maiorem  die  24  Octobris  1744  ;  Pontificatus  Nostri 
Anno  Quinto. 

[Ibid.  216.] 

2.    Pope  Benedict  XIV  to  Queen  Elizabeth  of  Spain.^ 

Rome,  7  November,  1744. 
L'unico    giorno    di    consolazione,    che    abbiamo    avuto    in 
quattro  c  piii  anni  di  questo  Nostro  troppo  scabroso  Pontifi- 
cato,  fu  quelle  di  martedi  prossimo  passato  3  del  corrente,  in 

»  Cf.  p.  109. 


APPENDIX  481 

cui  avemmo  la  gran  sorte  d'abbracciare  il  Re  delle  due  Sicilie 
figlio  di  Vostra  Maest^.  Entro  esso  a  cavallo  con  una  nobile 
comitiva  di  cinquecento  persone  pure  a  cavallo.  Fu  servito 
colle  guardie  de'  Nostri  Suizzeri  e  colle  Nostre  mute.  Nelle 
piazze  della  cittk  erano  disposte  le  Nostre  soldatesche,  e  dai 
canoni  che  sono  nel  bastione  del  Nostro  palazzo  di  Monte 
Cavallo,  nel  quale  abitiamo,  e  da  quelli  che  sono  nel  castel 
S.  Angelo  fu  piu  volte  con  salve  reali  salutato,  e  non  mancarono 
per  le  stradc  le  acclamazioni  giulive  del  popolo.  I  primi  suoi 
passi  furono  di  venire  a  ritrovarci  ;  onde  sempre  a  cavallo 
colla  sua  nobile  comitiva  e  colle  nostre  guardie,  vide  le  piu 
belle  piazze  di  Roma,  prosegui  il  suo  viaggio  alia  Basilica  di 
S.  Pietro,  nel  coro  della  quale  s'abbocco  col  Re  d'Inghilterra, 
e  dopo  aver  dati  segni  pubblici  della  sua  gran  pietk  e  divozione 
nella  Basilica,  uscitone  entro  nel  Palazzo  Vaticano,  vide  le 
cose  piu  riguardevoli,  ed  ebbe  la  bontk  di  lasciarsi  servire  al 
pranzo  in  una  camera  del  detto  Palazzo,  essendo  stata  pure 
servita  nel  medesimo  tempo  tutta  la  di  lui  corte  ;  dopo  le 
quali  cose  immediatamente  entro  in  muta,  si  porto  alia  chiesa 
di  S.  Giovanni  Laterano  ;  e  susseguentemente  intraprese  col 
seguito  di  cinquanta  persone  a  cavallo  il  viaggio  per  Velletri, 
ove  felicemente  giunse  la  stessa  sera,  dovendo  passare  la 
mattina  seguente  a  Gaeta  per  riveder  la  regina  moglie,  e  susse- 
guentemente a  Napoli,  ove  a  quest'ora  sari  certamente  arri- 
vato.  Esso  e  stato  il  primo  Re  che  sia  venuto  a  Roma  dopo 
rimperator  Carlo  Quinto,  e  benche  sia  venuto  in  una  forma 
d'incognito,  e  ci  abbia  in  una  tal  qual  maniera  sorpresi,  perche 
secondo  il  concertato  col  Cardinale  Acquaviva  non  doveva 
arrivare  che  tre  giorni  dopo  I'arrivo  degli  Austriaci,  siamo 
sicuri  d'averlo  trattato  nello  stesso  modo,  con  cui  fu  trattato 
Carlo  Quinto,  e  ci  lusinghiamo,  ch'esso  sia  partito  contento 
di  Noi.  Fu  con  Noi  un'ora  e  mezza  ;  e  con  protesta  di  non 
adulare,  non  essendo  in  verity  questo  mai  stato  il  nostro 
costume,  assicuriamo  Vostra  Maesti  d'averlo  ritrovato  un 
Principe  pio,  timorato  di  Dio,  rimesso  perfettamente  nelle  sue 
mani,  amante  della  giustizia  e  de'  suoi  sudditi,  in  tal  maniera 
che  avendoci  descritta  la  sorpresa  di  Velletri,  ed  il  pericolo 
in  cui  era  stato,  e  la  fiducia  che  ebbe  nella  intercessione  di' 
Maria  Vergine  in  quella  gran  congiuntura,  ci  mosse  a  tenerezza. 
A  queste  doti,  che  sono  le  piu  riguardevoli,  altre  succedono  di 
gran  pregio  da  Noi  in  esso  riconosciute.     Non  manca  il  Re 

VOL.  XXXV.  li 


482  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

assolutamente  di  coraggio,  non  manca  di  bella  apertura  di 
testa,  di  vivacity  d'ingegno,  d'un  ottimo  giudizio,  esscndovi 
stata  maniera  in  un'ora  e  mezza  di  discorso  di  toccar  vari 
tasti,  entrar  in  diversi  punti  ed  in  qucsto  modo  riconoscere  le 
qualita  poc'anzi  esposte,  che  non  saranno  riconosciute  ...  o  da 
chi  non  le  sa  ben  distinguere,  essendo  come  sono  nel  Re 
rivestite  d'una  eroica  modestia.  Compatisca  Vostra  Maest^ 
la  lunghezza  della  lettera  ;  avendo  Noi  creduto,  che  avressimo 
mancato  al  Nostro  dovere,  se  non  avessimo  dato  alia  Rcgina 
Madre  un  distinto  ragguaglio  d'un  Re  suo  figlio.  Per  non 
accrescere  gl'incomodi  intendiamo,  che  questa  Nostra  sia 
comune  al  Re  marito  e  padre  rispettivamente  dando  Noi  ad 
ambedue  con  pienezza  di  cuore  I'Apostolica  Benedizione. 
Datum  Romae  apud  S.  ]\Iariam  Maiorem  die  7  Novembris 
1744.  Pontificatus  Nostri  Anno  Quinto. 

[Ibid.  \1A,  485.] 


3,     Pope  Benedict  XIV  to  Emperor  Charles  VI I. ^ 

Rome,  28  November,  1744. 

fVbbiamo  avuto  continue  prove  della  generosa  compassione, 
con  cui  Vostra  Maest^  ha  mai  sempre  avuta  la  bont^  di 
riguardare  la  Nostra  infelice  situazione  nella  guerra  d'ltalia. 
Sono  piu  di  tre  anni,  che  vediamo  passeggiare  in  questo 
Nostro  Principato  due  eserciti ;  sono  piu  di  tre  anni,  che 
sentiamo  le  grida  de'Nostri  poveri  sudditi  innocenti,  rubbati 
e  maltrattati  da  chi  vive  colla  forza,  e  nulla  d&  alia  ragione  ; 
e  sono  ormai  piu  di  tre  anni,  che  I'Erario  Apostolico  vien 
gravato  da  sborsi  e  spese  esorbitanti,  in  tal  maniera  che  reso 
ormai  esausto,  non  e  piu  in  grado  di  dare  il  conveniente 
mantenimento  al  capo  della  Chiesa  e  suoi  Ministri,  non  che 
di  sovvcnire  siccome  sin  ora  ha  fatto,  ai  poveri  fedeli,  che  da 
tutte  lo  parti  del  Mondo  vengono  a  Roma,  ed  a  somministrare, 
occorrendo  ai  Principi  Cristiani,  come  tante  volte  k.  convenuto 
di  fare,  e  si  e  fatto,  somme  riguardevoli,  per  difenderli  dalle 
opprcssioni  degl'Infedcli.  Quando  a  Noi  non  premesse  come 
a  Vicario  di  Gesu  Cristo  in  terra,  senza  pero  vcrun  nostro 
merito  c  come  a  capo  visibile,  benche  indcgno,  della  sua  Chiesa, 

*  Cf.  p.  no,  n.  3. 


APPENDIX  483 

la  Pace  universale  fra  Principi  Cristiani  sopra  il  qual  punto  il 
grande  Iddio  sk  se  di  continue  I'abbiamo  pregato  e  fatto 
pregare  ed  attualmente  preghiamo  con  private  e  pubbliche 
preci,  non  crediamo  potervi  essere  persona  cosi  maligna  nel 
mondo  che  non  ce  ne  creda  sommamente  ansiosi,  se  non  altro, 
pel  Nostro  particolare  interesse  ;  non  essendo  molte  settimane, 
che  fra  una  porta  e  I'altra  di  questa  Cittci  di  Roma  abbiamo 
veduti  accampati  due  eserciti  nemici  opposti  I'uno  all'altro,  ma 
sempre  pero  concordi  nel  danneggiarci  ed  insultarci,  ed  in 
abusarsi  della  Nostra  neutrality  disarmata.  Abbiamo  creduto 
di  dover  e  poter  fare  questo  sfogo,  scrivendo  a  V.  M.  che 
essendo  stata  collocata  da  Dio  nell'alta  e  sublime  Dignity 
Imperiale,  ed  avendo  nelle  vene  un  sangue  puro,  netto,  e  non 
mai  contaminato  e  sempre  inclinato  a  pro  della  cattolica 
Religione  e  della  Santa  Sede,  e  vero  avvocato  e  vero  difensore 
dell'una  e  dell'altra.  Scriviamo  a  tutti  i  Principi  Cattolici, 
animandoli  con  ogni  possibile  efficacia  a  pensar  seriamente  in 
quest'inverno  alia  Pace  universale ;  essendoci  sembrato, 
esser  finita  la  passata  campagna  in  un  modo,  che  pronostica 
proseguimento  di  guerra  nella  ventura  primavera  per  I'ultima 
rovina  dell'Europa.  Scrivendo  agli  altri,  ci  saressimo  resi 
meritevoli  di  riprensione,  se  non  avessimo  anche  scritto  a 
V.  M.  cosi  esigendo  il  subHme  suo  grado,  cosi  volendo  il  nostro 
sincere  paterno  affetto  verso  di  Lei  ;  ma  non  cosi  certamente 
esigendo  il  contegno  della  M.  V.,  che  sappiamo  quanto  ha  fatto 
per  dare  la  Pace  alia  Germania,  Pace  troppo  connessa  colla 
Pace  universale.  A  Noi  dunque  altro  non  resta,  che  pregaria 
per  le  viscere  di  Gesu  Cristo  a  proseguire  nel  far  quanto  potr^ 
per  la  Pace,  che  ci  protestiamo  di  desiderare  unita  con  tutte 
le  sue  Imperiali  convenienze.  Al  valore  militare  della  M.  V. 
gia  noto  per  tutto  il  mondo,  se  unir^,  come  vogliamo  sperare, 
una  Pace  gloriosa,  non  solo  lascier^  ai  posted  la  fama  d'un 
Imperatore,  a  cui  nulla  sar^  mancato  delle  doti  necessarie  per 
farlo  tale,  ma,  cio  che  piu  importera,  si  fara  un  gran  merito 
appresso  il  Signer  Iddio,  che  e  quel  beato  line,  a  cui  dobbiamo 
aspirare,  ed  a  cui  sappiamo  che  V.  M.  ha  diretti  tutti  i  suei 
pensieri.  Ed  intante  con  viscere  di  vero  padre  abbracciandola 
diamo  a  V.  M.  ed  a  tutta  la  sua  Imperiale  Famiglia  I'Apostolica 
Benedizione.  Datum  Romae  apud  S.  Mariam  Maiorem  die 
28  Novembris  1744.    Pontificatus  Nestri  Anne  Quinte. 

[Ibid.  175,  10.] 


484  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

4.     Pope  Benedict  XIV  to  King  John  of  Portugal. ^ 

Rome,  6  June,  1744. 

E  ritornato  da  Vienna  il  corriere  spedito  dal  Commendatore 
Sampajo,  die  ci  ha  communicato  la  risposta  della  Regina 
d'Ungheria  a  V.  Maesta.  Ne  siamo  restati  molto  sorpresi, 
riconoscendo  continuarsi  nell'asprezza,  e  ripulsa  di  prima,  non 
ostante  I'interposizione  di  un  Monarca  seco  congiunto  di 
sangue  e  di  tanta  importanza  nel  mondo  cattolico,  non  ostante 
che  Tarmata  della  detta  Regina,  che  si  porta  alia  conquista 
delle  due  Sicilie,  sia  qui  assistita  con  tale  puntualita,  che  il 
Principe  di  Lobkovitz,  che  la  conduce,  se  ne  chiama  molto 
soddisfatto,  non  ostante  che  gl'incomodi  che  attualmente 
soffrono  i  Nostri  sudditi  vicini  a  Roma,  siano  indicibili,  non 
ostante  che  dopo  aver  questa  armata  preso  il  quartiere 
d'inverno  tirato  avanti  sino  a  tutto  Aprile  nelle  Legazioni  di 
Bologna,  Ferrara  e  Romagna,  abbia  avuto  il  coraggio  di 
prendere  da  quel  poveri  paesi  cento  mila  scudi  il  mese,  non 
ostante  che  ora  stando  nella  campagna  Romana,  viva  per  la 
maggior  parte  sui  nostri  generi,  e  su  il  nostro  contante  senza 
speranza  di  riceverne  un  soldo,  come  I'esperienza  pur  troppo 
ci  ha  fatto  vedere,  mentre  essendo  restato  debitore  I'lmpera- 
dore  suo  padre  defunto  di  settecento  mila  scudi  e  piu  al  povero 
Stato  Pontificio  per  I'accantonamento  che  otto  anni  fa  presero 
in  esso  le  sue  truppe,  non  si  e  infino  ad  ora  veduto  un  minimo 
soldo  di  rimborso,  anchorche  il  debito  fosse  da  esso  ricono- 
sciuto  ed  esso  ancora  promettesse  di  pagarlo. 

Cio  sia  detto  alia  M.  V.  per  uno  sfogo  della  nostra  disgrazia  : 
e  dopo  cio  proseguendo  il  filo  dell'affare  che  e  sul  tavoliere, 
essendo  il  Commendatore  Sampajo  ben  pratico  di  tutto,  non 
solo  per  essere  ben  informato  di  quanto  passa,  ma  ancora  per 
la  plena  confidenza  che  abbiamo  nella  sua  persona,  ci  ha  esso 
mostrato  una  copia  del  dispaccio  che  scrive  a  cotesto  Segretario 
di  Stato,  in  cui  a  capo  per  capo  risponde  ad  ogni  punto  delle 
querele.  Questo  dispaccio  e  da  Noi  ben  volentieri  approvato, 
e  preghiamo  V.  M.  a  prevalersi  dei  lumi  in  esso  esposti,  e  Noi, 
trattandosi  d'un  affare  di  molta  importanza,  crechamo  per  una 
Nostra  forse  superflua  delicatezza  opportune  I'aggiungere  per 
plena  notizia  del  tutto  a  V.  M'^  le  seguenti  circostanze. 

Circa  la  promozione  di  Mons.  Mellini,  il  Card.  Kollonitz,  che 

*  Cf.  pp.  102,  106. 


APPENDIX  485 

ne  tratto  con  Noi  in  Roma,  quando  viveva  I'lmperadore,  e  che 
con  poco  buona  fede  ha  consegnate  alia  Regina  le  Nostre  lettere 
scrittegli  su  tal  proposito,  rimproverato  da  Noi,  risponde  di 
non  aver  mai  detto,  ne  poter  dire,  che  gH  abbiamo  promesso 
cosa  veruna,  e  che  I'assertiva  della  promessa  e  una  falsa  illa- 
zione  dei  ministri  della  corte  di  Vienna,  e  non  potendo  Mon- 
signor  di  Thunn  negare,  ne  negando  d'averci  detto,  che  la 
Regina  desiderava  Cardinale  Mons.  Mellini  per  farlo  suo 
ininistro  in  Roma,  quando  vi  fossero  state  per  impossibile 
cento  promesse,  la  predctta  assertiva  sarebbe  stata  bastante 
a  distruggerle. 

Circa  il  non  aver  Noi  risposto  alle  lettere  della  Regina  essa 
e  quella  che  non  si  e  degnata  di  rispondere  alle  nostre  lettere, 
nelle  quali  le  raccomandavamo  I'indennita  dei  nostri  poveri 
Stati,  quando  nel  prossimo  passato  Agosto  le  sue  truppe 
v'entrarono  sotto  il  comando  del  Conte  Maresciallo  di  Traun  ; 
essa  e  quella  che  nemmeno  ha  risposto  ai  nostri  Brevi,  ne' 
quali  le  raccomandavamo  la  Religione  Cattolica  che  va  a 
precipizio  nella  Silesia. 

Ma  rispondendo  direttamente  alia  querela,  Sua  Maesti  ci 
scrisse,  che  rimetteva  tutto  nel  re  di  Sardegna,  informandolo 
del  tutto.  Noi  non  lasciammo  d'aderire  all'istanza,  mandammo 
a  quella  corte  tutte  le  nostre  giustificazioni,  e  dopo  avere 
i  ministri  del  regno  tardato  piu  mesi  ad  abboccarsi  col  marchese 
d'Ormea  Segretario  di  Stato,  finalmente  comparvero,  dando 
un  foglio  pieno  di  ciarle,  ed  avendogli  il  marchese  risposto,  che 
per  parte  Nostra  si  portavano  i  documenti,  e  per  parte  loro 
non  si  portavano  che  invettive  e  parole,  termino  tutto  il 
trattato  colla  sentenza  proferita  dai  detti  ministri,  che  la  loro 
corte  non  trattava  che  nella  detta  maniera  ;  per  lo  che  la 
corte  di  Torino  ci  scrisse  che  ne  lasciava  I'ingcrenza. 

Circa  alcune  lettere  intercettate  dell'Imperadore  che  scriveva 
a  Noi,  non  ci  possiamo  figurare,  che  siano  state  altrc,  che  di 
ringraziamento  per  I'elezione  seguita  del  duca  Teodoro  suo 
fratello  in  vescovo  di  Liegi,  ed  il  fatto  e  11  seguente. 

Un  anno  prima  della  vacanza  fece  I'lmperadore  istanza  per 
il  Breve  d'elegibilita  a  pro  di  suo  fratello,  e  gli  fu  risposto,  che 
avevamo  difficolta  a  concedere  simili  Brevi.  Essendo  immi- 
nente  la  vacanza,  la  Regina  d'Ungheria  fece  istanze  per  un 
Breve  d'elegibilita  a  pro  del  vescovo  d'Augusta.  Per  non  darle 
occasione  di  nuove  querele,  si  prese  risoluzione  di  darlo,  e  nello 


486  HISTORY   OF   THE   POPES 

stesso  tempo  anche  di  darlo  al  fratello  dell'Imperadore.  Si 
diede  contentezza  di  tutto  il  fatto  non  meno  alia  Regina  che 
airimperadore.  Essa  s'e  data  per  disgustata  ;  e  I'lmperadore 
rispose  ringraziando  non  meno  del  Breve  dato  a  suo  fratello, 
che  dell'altro  dato  al  vescovo  d'Augusta. 

Circa  finalmente  la  lettera  scritta  da  Noi  a  Mons.  Galiani, 
il  Commendatore  Sampajo  dice  molto  ben  che  e  apocrifa,  non 
avendo  Noi  mai  scritta  simile  lettera  ed  essendo  una  com- 
passione  come  la  regina  e  mal  servita  da'  suoi  ministri,  essendo 
questa  la  decima  contingenza,  in  cui  le  hanno  fatto  scrivere 
d'aver  nelle  mani  le  tali  e  tali  lettere  originaH,  facendole  poi 
negare  di  volerle  produrre,  quando  e  stata  pregata  di  farlo. 

Ecco  la  pura  e  sincera  verita,  che  autentichiamo  anche  col 
nostro  giuramento,  quando  ve  ne  sia  di  bisogno.  Ora  V.  M. 
e  instrutta  del  tutto  :  Tunica  fiducia  che  abbiamo  in  questo 
mondo,  e  in  lei.  Vivamente  dunque  la  preghiamo  di  non 
abbandonarci,  ed  a  fare  per  Noi  quanto  la  sua  ben  conosciuta 
prudenza  sapra  suggerirle.  Se  Noi  non  lo  meritiamo,  lo 
merita  certamente  questa  povera  Santa  Sede  bersagliata  da 
quelli  stessi,  ai  quali  in  tante  occasioni  ha  somministrati  tanti 
e  tanti  aiuti.  Dopo  quattro  anni  di  tempesta  dcsideriamo  di 
vedere  un  poco  di  sereno,  per  non  esser  poi  anche  posti  al 
cimento  di  dover  rivoltarci  agli  annali  della  Chiesa,  e  prender 
esempio  dai  nostri  Santi  Predecessori,  non  meno  circa  la 
misura  del  sopportare,  che  circa  il  contegno  da  tenersi  dopo 
che  I'affare  e  giunto  all'insopportabile.  Speriamo  in  Dio, 
speriamo  nella  M.  V.  di  non  dover  essere  strascinati  a  questi 
duri  cimenti  :  E  con  pienezza  di  cuore  abbracciandola  le 
diamo  I'Apostolica  Benedizione.  Datum  Romae  apud  S. 
Mariam  Maiorem  die  6.  lunii  1744.  Pontificatus  Nostri  Anno 
Quarto. 

[Ibid.  173,  211.] 


5.    The  Correspondence  between  Voltaire  and 
Pope  Benedict  XIV.^ 

Voltaire's  letter  to  Benedict  XIV,  of  August  17th,  1745,  and 
the  Pope's  reply,  dated  September  15th,  1745,  are  printed  in 
Voltaire's  works.  The  original  of  the  letter  of  August  17th  is  in 

•  Cf.  pp.  205  seqq. 


APPENDIX  487 

the  Papal  Secret  Archives  but  its  text  is  quite  different  from 
that  of  the  printed  letter.^ 

Alia  Santit^,  di  nostro  Signore, 

Parigi,  17  agosto  1745. 
Beatissimo  Padre,  ho  ricevuto  co-i  Sensi  della  piu  profonda 
venerazione  e  della  gratitudine  piu  viva,  j  Sacri  medaglioni 
di  quali  Vostra  Santita  s'e  degnata  honorar  mi.  Sono  degni 
d'  el  bcl'  Secolo  de'  j  Traiani  ed  Antonini  ;  ed  e  ben'  giusto  che 
un  Sovrano  amato  e  riverito  al  par'  di  loro,  habbia  le  sue 
medaglie  perfettamente  come  le  loro,  lavorate  ;  teneva  e 
riveriva  io  nel  mio  cabinetto  una  Stampa  di  vostra  Beatitudine, 
sotto  la  quale  ho  preso  I'ardire  di  scrivere 

Lambertinus  hie  est  Romae  decus,  et  pater  orbis, 
Qui  Scriptis  mundum  edocuit,  virtutibus  ornat. 

Quella  iscripzione  che  almeno  e  giusta  fu  il  frutto  della  lettura 
che  havevo  fatto  del  libro  con  cui  Vostra  Beatitudine  ha 
illustrata  la  chiesa  e  la  letteratura  ed  ammiravo  come  il  nobil 
fiume  di  tanta  erudizione  non  fosse  stato  turbato  dal  tanto 
turbine  degli  affari. 

Mi  sia  lecito  Beatissimo  padre  di  porgere  j  miei  voti  con 
tutta  la  cristianita,  e  di  domandare  al  cielo  che  Vostra  Santita 
sia  tardissimamente  ricevuta  tra  quegli  Santi  dei  quali  clla 
con  si  gran  fatica  e  successo,  ha  investigato  la  canonizatione. 
Mi  conceda  di  bacciare  umilissimamente  j  Sacri  suoi  piedi, 
e  di  domandar  le  col  piu'  profondo  rispetto  la  Sua  benedizione 
Di  vostra  beatitudine 
il  devotissimo  umilissimo  ed  obligatissimo 
servitore 

Voltaire 

Original,  with  remains  of  the  seal,  in  the  Papal  Secret 
Archives,  Epist.  ad  princ.  239,  327.  Spelling  and  punctuation 
as  in  the  original. 

The  Pope's  reply,  which  is  also  in  the  Papal  Secret  Archives 

^  The  only  point  in  common  between  the  letter  in  the  Vatican 
Archives  and  that  which  precedes  Mahomet  is  the  date, 
August  17th,  1745.  The  latter  states  that  the  author  dedicates  his 
drama  to  the  Pope  and  humbly  requests  his  protection  and 
blessing.    Tr. 


488  HISTORY   OF    THE    POPES 

and  is  written  in  the  hand  of  the  Papal  Secretary,  Nicola 
Antonelli,  created  Cardinal  in  1757,  also  differs  from  that 
printed  in  Voltaire's  works. ^ 

Roma,  15  settembre  1745. 

Dilecto  filio  Voltaire  (Parisios). 

Benedictus  PP.  XIV.  Dilecte  tili  etc.  Settimane  sono  il 
Cardinale  Passionei  ci  present©  in  di  lei  nome  il  suo  bellissimo 
ultimo  Poema.  Monsig.  Leprotti  ci  diede  poscia  parte  del 
distico  fatto  da  Lei  sotto  il  Nostro  ritratto.  leri  mattina  poi 
il  Cardinale  Acquaviva  ci  presento  la  di  Lei  lettera  del  17 
d'Agosto.  In  questa  serie  d'azioni  si  contengono  molti  capi, 
per  ciascheduno  de'  quali  ci  riconosciamo  in  obbligo  di 
ringraziarla.  Noi  gli  uniamo  tutti  assieme  e  rendiamo  a  Lei 
le  dovute  grazie  per  cosi  singolare  bonta  verso  di  Noi,  assicu- 
randola,  che  abbiamo  tutta  la  dovuta  stima  del  suo  applaudito 
valore  nelle  Lettere.  Pubblicato  il  di  Lei  distico  sopradetto,  ci 
fu  riferito  esservi  stato  un  suo  paesano  Letterato,  che  in  una 
pubblica  conversazione  aveva  detto,  peccare  in  una  sillaba, 
avendo  fatta  la  parola  hie  breve,  quando  sempre  deve  esser 
lunga.  In  contanti  rispondemmo,  che  sbagliava  ;  potendo 
essere  la  parola  e  breve  e  lunga,  conforme  vuole  il  poeta, 
avendola  Virgilio  fatta  breve  in  quel  verso  :  Solus  hie  inflexit 
sensus  animumque  labentem,  avendola  fatta  lunga  in  un 
altro  verso  :  Haec  finis  Priami,  fatorum  hie  exitus  ilium  sorte 
tulit.  Ci  sembra  d'aver  risposto  bene  e  presto,  anchorche 
siano  piu  di  cinquant'anni  che  non  abbiamo  letto  Virgilio. 
Benche  la  causa  sia  propria  della  sua  persona,  abbiamo  tanta 
buona  idea  della  sua  probity,  che  facciamo  Lei  stessa  giudice 
sopra  il  punto  della  ragione  a  chi  assista,  se  a  Noi,  o  al  suo 
oppositore.  Ed  intanto  restiamo  col  dare  a  Lei  I'Apostolica 
Benedizionc.    Datum  Romae  ecc. 

Die  15  Septembris  1745. 

Original  draft,  in  the  hand  of  Nicola  Antonelli,  ibid.  230,  330. 

1  The  latter  is  dated  September  19  and  acknowledges  the 
presentation  of  "la  sua  bellissima  tragedia  di  Maliomet  ".  It 
says  that  Cardinal  Valenti  (not  Acquaviva)  presented  Voltaire's 
letter  of  August  17  and  that  Passionei  presented  "  il  suo  eccellente 
poema  di  Fontenoi  ".  Otherwise  the  two  letters  are  substantially 
the  same.   Tr. 


APPENDIX  489 

In  the  same  archives  is  a  second  letter  from  Voltaire,  in  the 
original,  dated  October  10th,  1745.  The  text  is  as  follows  :  ^ 

I'arigi,  10  ottobre  1745. 

Beatissimo  Padre,  non  vengono  meglio  figurate  le  fatezze 
di  vostra  Santita  su  i  Suoi  medaglioni,  di  quelle  che  si  vedono 
espressi  lingegno,  lanimo  e  '1  gusto  suo  nella  lettera  della  quale 
S'e  degnata  donorar  mi,  ne  porgo  ai  Suoi  piedi  le  piu  vive  ed 
umilissime  grazie. 

Veramente  sono  in  obligo  di  riconoscere  la  Sua  infaillibilla 
nelle  decizioni  di  letteratura  si  come  ne  altre  cose  piu 
riverende  ;  vostra  Santita  e  piu  prattica  del  latino  che  quel' 
critico  franceze,  il  di  cui  sbaglio  s'e  degnata  di  corregere.  mi 
maraviglio  come  si  ha  ricordato  cosi  appuntino  del  suo  virgilio. 
tra  i  litterati  Monarchi,  i  piu  dotti  furono  sempre  i  sommi 
pontifici,  ma  tra  loro  credo  che  non  sene  trovasse  mai  uno 
uno  [sic]  che  adornasse  tanta  dottrina  di  tanti  fregi  di  lette- 
ratura. 

Agnosco  rerum  dominos  gentem  que  togatam  Se  il  franceze 
che  sbaglio  ne'  1  reprehendere  questo  hie,  avesse  tenuto  a 
mente  virgilio  come  fa  vostra  beatitudine,  havrebbe  potuto 
citare  un  verso  (ben'addattato  al  prcsentc  tempo),  nel  quale  la 
parola  hie  e  breve  e  longa  insieme,  quel  bel  verso  mi  parve 
un  presagio  dei  favori  a  me  conferiti  dalla  Sua  beneficenza, 
eccolo  hie  vir  hie  est,  tibi  quem  promitti  sepius 
audis  cosi  Roma  doveva  gridare  quando  fu  esaltato 
Benedetto  decimo  quarto. 

le  baccio  con  ogni  humilita  e  riconoscimento  i  santissimi 
piedi 

di  vostra  Santita 

humiP°  devof^" 
ed  osseq™° 

Servo  Voltaire 

Original,  ibid.  239,  331. 


The  Pope's  letter  to  Cardinal  Tencin,  of  February  Oth,  1746 
(Heeckeren,  I,  246),  calls  for  comment,  principally  with 
regard  to  the  Brief  of  September  15th,  1745,  in  which  Passionei 

1  The  letter  printed  in  Voltaire's  works  differs  in  minor  details 
only  and  it  is  undated.   Tr. 


490  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

is  mentioned  as  having  presented  the  copy  of  Mahomet.  It  is 
doubtful  that  another  letter  was  presented  by  Passionei  along 
with  the  Mahomet.  There  is  no  trace  of  it  in  the  archives. 
The  words  may  refer  to  the  letter  of  August  17th  or  to  a  letter 
which  has  been  lost  and  whose  tenor  was  the  same  as  that 
cited  by  Heeckeren.    The  Pope  may  have  given  it  away. 

6.     Documents  Relating  to  the  Malabar  Rites. ^ 
(a)  Attestation  of  the  Archbishop  of  Cranganore. 

loannes  [Luiz]  Episcopus,  Archiepiscopus  electus  Cran- 
ganorensis,  per  praesentes  literas,  fidem  facimus,  et  attestamur, 
quatenus,  iuxta  iuramentum  a  nobis  emissum  ante  nostram 
consecrationem,  curavimus,  an  omnes  Missionarii,  qui  nostra 
in  Dioeeesi  sunt,  observarent,  necne,  Decreta  Apostolica  circa 
Ritus  Malabaricos,  ad  Nos  misisse  Missionarios  iuramenta 
uniuscuiusque  manu  propria  subscripta,  quae  cum  hac  nostra 
attestatione  per  manus  Rmi  D.  Praepositi  Generalis  Societatis 
lesu,  Patri  Nostri  transmittimus,  et  offerimus  Sacrae  Congre- 
gationi  de  Propaganda  Fide,  ad  affectum  praesentandi  Ss"^® 

Cum  autem  specialiter  circa  cuiuslibet  Decreti  observan- 
tiam  Sanctitati  suae  rationem  reddere  necessum  sit,  acceptis 
testimoniis  Catechistarum,  et  aliorum  in  Missionibus,  Madu- 
rensi,  et  Mayssurensi  nostrae  Dioecesis,  etiam  determinate 
attestamur  sequentia.  1.  In  collatione  Baptismi  tarn  pueris, 
quam  adultis  nullum  Missionariorum  omittere  Sacramentaha, 
palamque  adhibere  salivam,  salem,  et  insufflationem,  ac  in 
casu  aliquo  pronunc  non  uti  Dispensatione.  Necnon  semper 
imponi  baptisando  nomen  alicuius  Sancti,  ac  nunquam  nomen 
Idoli,  vel  falsi  Paenitentis.  Neque  etiam  Crucis,  Sanctorum  et 
rerum  sacrarum  nomina  immutare,  et  explicare,  nisi  Latinae 
significationi  liquido  respondeant,  vel  etiam  latino  idiomate. 
Utuntur  autem  ab  initio  Missionis  nomine  Chaldaico,  nempe 
"  zeliva  "  et  dicunt  "  xilivei  "  pro  Crucc.  Siincuria  parentum 
infantes  intra  praefixum  a  Missionariis  tempus  ad  ecclesiam 
non  deferant  baptisandos,  illos  aliqua  poena  afiicere.  2.  Ma- 
trimonia  ante  aetatem  a  Sacro  Concilio  Tridentino  prae- 
scriptam  Missionarios  fieri  non  permittere,  si  quaedam,  ipsis 

'  Cf.  p.  461  seqq. 


APPENDIX  491 

insciis,  fuerint,  cohabitationem  prohibere,  donee  completa 
legitima  aetate,  et  explorato  consensu,  in  faciem  ecclesiae, 
matrimonium  validum  contrahant.  Christianas  mulieres, 
reiecto  priori  Tally,  tesseram  nuptialcm  signo  Sanctissimae 
Crucis  ornatam,  absque  funiculo  centum  et  octo  filis  com- 
posito,  collo  appendere  ;  si  aliquod  dubium  circa  Tally  inter- 
venerit,  a  Missionariis  ab  ingressu  ecclesiae  prohiberi,  donee 
dubium  cum  fractione  Tally  deponatur.  Caeremonias  nup- 
tiales  superstitione  maculatas,  adhibita  diligentia,  omnino 
prohiberi  cum  assistentia  aUcuius  Catechistae  ;  nee  fructum 
vulgo  Cocco,  neque  secreto,  neque  publice  frangi,  et  a  Christia- 
norum  nuptiis  omnino  reiectum.  Si  Catechista  alter,  circa 
praescriptum  in  aliquo  deficiat,  ab  officio  arccri.  3.  Missionarios 
omnes,  nee  per  se  ipsos,  nee  per  Catechistas,  nee  per  alios 
quoseumque  mulieribus  menstruali  morbo  laborantibus 
prohibere  accessum  ad  eeelesiam,  vel  ad  Confessarium,  vel  ad 
Sacram  Communionem,  neque  etiam  permittere  festum  etc. 
pro  prima  purgatione  puelHs  contingente  sub  titulo  menstrui. 
4.  Suffieientem  numerum  Missionariorum  pro  Pareis  deputa- 
tum  esse,  eosque  eorundem  domos,  ubi  aegrotant,  petere, 
Sacramentisque  munire.  Sunt  alii  infimi  generis  homines  dicti 
"  Paler  "  qui  in  Missione  Mayssurensi  nullo  modo  se  immi- 
scent  cum  Pareis  :  fere  duo  millia  sunt  huius  sortis  Christiani, 
qui  a  Missionariis  pro  Pareis,  horum  ministerio  utentibus, 
facta  omni  possibili  diligentia,  nolunt  adhuc  reeipere  Sacra- 
menta,  a  Nobilium  vero  Missionariis  prompto  animo  accipere 
statuunt  ;  ne  illos  omni  spe  privatos  relinquere  sinamus. 
Antecessor  noster  sanxit  nobilium  Missionarios  illorum  curam 
agere,  donee  Sancta  Sedes,  quam  de  hae  re  eertiorem  reddidit, 
aliter  eorum  Saluti  provideat.  5.  Christianos  tibieines,  et 
alios,  si  operam  pracstent  in  idolorum  pagodis  et  festivitatibus, 
ab  ecclesia  expelli,  donee  ex  eorde  resipiscant,  et  poenitentiam 
agant.  6.  Missionarios  omnes  non  uti  lavacris,  nisi  ad  corporis 
munditiem,  et  sanitatem,  non  statutis  horis.  7.  Christianos 
non  uti  cineribus  ex  vaccae  stercore  eonfectis,  nee  signis 
superstitiosis,  neque  Missionarios  eineres  benedieere,  nisi  feria 
quarta  Cinerum.  8.  Cura  Missionariorum,  Christianos  fabulosos 
gentilium  Libros  non  retinere,  illorumque  leetionem  audire 
prohiberi. 

Haee   omnia   ex  testimoniis  aceeptis,   quae   cum   veridica 
absque   ulla   formidine   iudicemus,   praeterquam   quod,   cum 


492  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

etiam  per  nosmetipsos  lingua  eorum  discriminatim  inquirentes, 
post  Constitutionem  Ss*"'  D"'  N"  Benedicti  XIV.  quae 
incipit  "  Omnium  sollicitudinum  "  pro  tunc  Visitatoris  munus 
agentes  in  Missione  Madurensi,  atque  etiam  per  Missionem 
Mayssurensem  iter  facientes,  ita  custodiri  inspexerimus,  et 
cognoverimus,  in  praesentiarum  supradictis  in  Missionibus 
observare  attestamur. 

Datis    Malabariae    apud    Nostram    ecclesiam    Syriacam 
Puttencherensem,  die  4^  Novembris  Anno  Millesimo  Septin- 
gentesimo  quinquagesimo  tertio.    Sub  nostro  signo,  et  sigillo. 
loannes  Ep.  Archiep.  el.  Cranganoren. 
Alvarus  Cardoso  Secretarius. 

In  Jesuit  possession,  Goa  52  seq.,  264. 

(6)  Attestation   of  the  Jesuit  Missionary  Gaston    Cceurdoux.^ 

Missam  a  Paternitate  vestra  novam  constitutionem  "  Om- 
nium sollicitudinum  "  omnimoda  submissione  et  veneratione 
accepimus.  Optandum  foret  ut  tandem  via  Episcoporum 
legitima,  post  scilicet  duos  annos  a  quibus  Romae  aedita  fuit, 
ad  nos  perveniret.  Praesens  bellum,  locorum  distantia, 
difficultas  itinerum  his  regionibus  maxima,  mors  Episcopi 
Mailapurensis,  obstitere  quatenus  nobis  intimaretur  ab 
Episcopis,  quod  tamen  post  breve  tempus  fiet  ut  aiunt,  quod 
non  impedivit  quin  eius  executioni  incumberemus,  faciendo 
etiam  plus  quam  iubetur,  nostro  more. 

lo  Etiam  si  non  spectet  ad  banc  urbem  Gallicam  Pondi- 
cherry,  utpote  sitam  extra  tres  celebres  Missiones  Carnatensem, 
Mayssurensem,  Madurensem,  sic  egimus  respective  ad  Pareas  : 
conveniunt  scilicet  hie  in  magna  Ecclesiae  capella  iuxta  altare 
maius,  ita  ut  capella  ilia  sit  pars  Ecclesiae,  imo  et  Sanctuarii. 
Capella  ilia  separatur  a  reliqua  Ecclesia  mensa  Communionis 
simi)lici  in  uno  latere,  ex  alio  clathris  quibusdam  ad  normam 
mensae  Communionis  cum  porta  qua  daretur  transitus  ex  hac 
Capella  in  reliquam  Ecclesiae  partem,  eo  scilicet  modo  quo 
Cardinalis  Turnonius,  dum  in  ilia  domo  versaretur,  fieri  cura- 
verat,  ut  testantur  eius  litterae  typis  mandatae  :  haec  ultima 
clathra  eorumque  portam  aufcrri  mandavi.  Quae  licet  paulatim 
facta  sint,  non  leve   tamen  damnum  secutum   est,  defectio 

^  For  Coeurdoux  cf.  Max  Muller,  Die  Wissenschaft  der 
Sprache,  I,  Leipzig,  1892,  209  seq. 


APPENDIX  493 

catechumenorum,  Christianorum  Xutrum  Rebellio,  conventus, 
absentia  ab  Ecclesia,  aliaque  innumera  scandala,  quibus 
mederi  non  potuerunt  nee  exhortationes  nostrae  et  preces,  nee 
minae  ncc  ipsa  Gubernatoris  authoritas,  a  quo,  me  insinuante, 
praecipui  tumiiltus  authores  in  carcerem  missi  sunt.  Pacati 
tamen  sunt  animi  post  duos  menses,  hac  unica  de  causa  quod 
Parei  ex  seipsis,  semper  ut  antea,  in  locum  sibi  destinatum 
convenirent,  si  paucos  excipias,  idque  tum  ex  consuetudine 
turn  ut  gratum  facerent  nobilioribus  quorum  auxilio,  protec- 
tione,  eleemosinis  indigent.  Hoc  autem  unum  Xutros  exas- 
perat,  quod  a  Gentibus  tum  consanguineis,  tum  superioribus 
sibi,  quorum  ope  perpetuo  indigent,  exprobraretur,  Christianos 
a  legibus  paternis,  a  patria,  a  casta  sive  tribu  defecisse,  factos 
esse  Pareas,  atque  sic  habendos  esse  in  usu  vitae  civilis,  et 
reipsa  sic  haberentur.  Numerus  autem  illorum  Xutrorum 
istius  Parochiae  accedere  videtur  ad  quatuor  millia.  Res 
autem  nota  est,  in  ista  Francide  [?]  Ecclesia  prae  caeteris 
istius  orae,  vigere  pietatem  morumque  innocentiam,  et 
caeteris  afferri  in  exemplum.  Verum  suarum  legum,  con- 
suetudinum,  nobilitatisque  tenaces  sunt,  ut  nos  nostrarum. 
Debuissem,  inquiet  Paternitas  vestra,  expectare  publicationem 
ab  Ordinario  faciendam  !  Tales  moras  non  passa  est  obedientia 
nostra,  cum  autem  ex  se  ipsis  Parei  in  locum  sibi  a  Cardinale 
Turnonio  destinatum  conveniant  et  a  nullo  arceantur  ab 
Ecclesiae  caeteris  partibus,  id  tamen  adhuc  displicet  invidis  : 
quapropter  facta  dicta  publicatione  rem  omnem  vicario 
Generali  dioecesis  (mortuus  est  enim  Episcopus)  exponam 
fuse,  et  quidquid  ille  iusserit,  mandabitur  executioni  ;  sive 
iubeat  ut  absque  levissima  separatione,  omnes  promiscue 
sedeant,  sive  iubeat,  ut  vel  in  urbe  Gallica  ad  normam  ultimi 
decreti,  aliquis  specialiter  procurandis  Pareis  destinetur.  Ab 
aemulis  autem  scribetur  Romam  supradictum  scandalum 
nobis  authoribus  secretoque  procurantibus  ortum  fuisse  : 
verum  procul  dubio  tacebunt  se  mendacii  et  calumniae  in 
faciem  convictos  fuisse. 

2°  Quod  spectat  ad  Missionem,  scripsi  olim  eam  esse 
bipartitam,  partem  a  lingua  Tamulicam  dici,  aliam  ultra 
montes  positam,  dici  Telougou  a  linguae  nomine.  In  priori 
parte  plurimi  sunt  Pareas  ;  in  altera  rari.  Ut  igitur  executioni 
mandaretur  nova  constitutio,  etiam  ante  eius  tum  promulga- 
tionem    tum   intimationem    faciendam    ab   Episcopis    (quod 


494  HISTORY    OF   THE    POPES 

tamen  in  postenim  non  fiet  si  nova  supervenirent  mandata) 
convenimus  quotquot  adcrant  patres  ;  lecta  et  relecta  attente 
quae  de  novo  iubentur  circa  Pareas  ;  praecipue  deliberatum 
de  modo  quo  facilius  ct  absque  tumultu  et  scandalo  res  posset 
fieri  :  in  hoc  consilium  plurimi  devenere,  caeteris  minus 
probantibus,  ut  scilicet  duo  simul  iungerentur  Missionarii  ; 
unus  qui  Xutris,  alter  qui  Pareis  operam  daret,  uterque 
Missionarius  eadem  domo  et  mensa  uteretur,  alter  in  solito 
templo  functiones  suas  exerceret,  alter  idem  praestaret  pro 
Pareis  in  alio  loco  iis  solis  destinato  et  in  Ecclesiam  convex  so. 
Tentatum  est,  verum  nondum  absoluta  media  parte  visita- 
tionis  Tamulicarum  Ecclesiarum,  revocandi  fuerunt  Mis- 
sionarii duo  ad  banc  visitationem  deputati  ob  inconvenientia 
et  incommoda  prius  [?]  agendae  rationis.  Supersedimus  igitur 
per  aliquod  tempus,  sperantes,  nobis  ab  Episcopis  locorum 
tutam  nobis  certamque  viam  ostendendam  esse,  qua  inoffenso 
pede  incederemus.  Cum  autem  nondum  ad  Episcopatum 
Mailapurensem  nova  pervenerit  Constitutio,  iterum  a  nobis 
initum  consilium  novusque  initus  agendi  modus.  Tres  erant 
Xutris  destinati  Missionarii  iu.xta  novum  systema.  Missionarii 
in  regione  Tamulica,  duo  Pareis  destinati,  quorum  unus  dictus 
P.  loannes  Bapt.  Martin,  alter  loannes  Pelissier,  imo  et 
tertius  addetur  fortasse  prout  aderunt  tum  pecuniae,  turn 
Missionarii.  luxta  novum  systema  Missionariis  quibusque 
suus  locus,  suae  domus,  suae  Ecclesiae  separatae.  Difficultas 
maxima,  ex  superbis  et  inimicis  Gentilibus  aut  Mahomet anis 
nova  loca  ad  novas  Ecclesias,  praecipue  Pareis  aedificandas, 
obtinere  :  res  enim  illis  videtur  ridicula  et  mala.  Hinc  ex  una 
parte  optima  Ecclesiarum  Pareis  concessa,  obtenta  prius 
Gentilis  Principis  facultate  non  nisi  difiicultate  et  probris, 
alibique  aedificata  Ecclesia  pro  Xutris.  In  quibusdam  locis 
facultas  omnino  denegata,  in  alio  concessa,  alibi  concessa  et 
postea  revocata  :  sic  non  sine  angustiis  et  difficultatibus 
undique  exurgentibus  nova  mandata  exequimur,  fidentes,  tum 
Summi  Pontificis  precibus  tum  Paternitatis  Vestrae  totiusque 
Societatis.  Spcs  est,  antequam  annus  integer  elabatur,  opus 
consummandum  esse.  Verum  de  illius  stabilitate,  eiusque  ad 
faciliorem  populorum  conversionem  utilitate  sponsor  nolim 
esse.  lubemur,  obtemperamus,  hoc  nobis  sufficiat,  imo  plus 
quam  iubemur,  praestamus  pro  nostro  more.  Praeterquam 
quod  enim   duo   supra   appellati   Missionarii  domos   publice 


APPENDIX  495 

Pareorum  ingrediantur  etc.,  statutum  est  idem  etiam  prae- 
standum  ab  aliis,  qui  Xutris  solis  destinati  sunt,  quando  Parei 
aegrotarent  graviter  et  abesset  Missionarius  Pareorum.  Quod 
tamen  praestabunt  quando  aliter  fieri  non  possit  absque 
aegrotantis  incommodo,  idque  secreto,  si  fieri  possit,  publice 
autem,  si  aliter  fieri  non  possit  :  tandem  si  aliquoties  sacra- 
menta  administranda  essent  Pareis  ad  Ecclesiam  Christianorum 
accedentibus,  iussum  est,  ut  iuxta  Sanctuarium  brevis  aliqua 
Capella  construatur,  ubi  supradicti  Parei  recipiant  sacramenta 
vel  in  Xutrorum  Ecclesia,  idque  factum  inhaerendo  vestigiis 
Cardinalis  Turnonii,  ut  supra  dictum  est. 

Talia  autem  nee  tanta  praescribit  nova  constitutio.  Haec 
de  Missione  Tamulica  sola  intelligenda. 

3°  Nunc  sermo  sit  de  regione  dicta  Telougou.  Vix  ad  illam 
spectant  nova  de  Pareis  mandata  ;  ratio  est,  quia  Parei  vel 
etiam  Gentiles  rari  sunt  in  dicta  regione,  in  una  Ecclesia  duo, 
in  alia  quatuor,  in  alia  viginti,  in  plerisque  ne  unus  quidem, 
idque  in  plerisque  locis  absque  spe  novos  ad  fidem  conver- 
tendi.  Vanum  igitur,  imo  malum  foret,  eiusmodi  paucissimis 
hominibus  peculiares  Missionaries  destinare.  Verum  hie  etiam 
plus  quam  iubet  Summus  Pontifex  quodque  summe  expectat 
faciemus.  In  eodem  temple  coniungentur  cum  Christianis 
nobilioribus,  eodem,  quo  supra  diximus,  modo  iussum  et 
factum  ^  a  Cardinale  ipso  Turnonio.  Sacramenta  autem  iisdem 
graviter  aegrotantibus  Pareis  administrabuntur  a  Christia- 
norum Missionariis  in  Pareorum  domibus  quando  nccessitas 
id  exiget,  fietque  secreto,  si  potest,  et  publice,  si  non  potest. 
Speramusque  tum  ex  divina  bonitate  turn  ex  eo  quod  tam 
despecti  non  sint  in  dicta  regione  Parei,  quam  in  aliis  regioni- 
bus,  nullam  inde  eventuram  persecutionem.  Verum  fateri 
necesse  est,  non  parum  et  a  nobis  et  a  religione  alienos  fieri 
Gentiles  ubique,  dum  mores  et  leges  regionis  a  nobis  tam 
parvi  fieri  intelligunt.  Hinc  etiam  intelliget  Paternitas  ^'estra, 
quam  difficile  sit  Romae  statuere  leges  universas  pro  totis 
Indiis,  cum  regio  sit  vasta  moresque  diversi  et  diversae 
linguae. 

4°  De  usu  salivae  in  Baptismo  :  fere  omnibus  administratur 
istud  sacramentale,  et  post  breve  tempus  omnibus  administra- 
bitur.  Claram  petiere  responsionem  Episcopi,  advenit,  sufficit. 
Si  inde   probra   in   religionem   recidant,   indeque   Gentilibus 

*  Read  :   iusso  et  facto  ? 


496  HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES 

ridicula  et  immunda  videatur,  ut  quibusdam  in  locis  fieri 
coepta  est  ista  occasione,  eademque  occasione  si  catechumeno- 
nim  numenis  minuatur,  iam  ad  nos  non  pertinet.  Metus 
autem  iniectus  Romae  ne  forte  neophyti  haberent  salivam 
tanquam  materiam  ineptam  Sacramentali  baptismi,  nuUo 
modo  nos  afficit,  scientes  istorum  hominum  fidem  et  ingenium  ; 
talem  cogitationem  cuiquam  illorum  menti  inhaerere  ne  levis 
quidem  nobis  suspicandi  locus  est. 

Horrorcm  salivae  ab  illorum  animis  eripere  in  baptismi 
administratione,  iniungitur  :  res  est  confecta  iam  diu,  si, 
quando  agitur  in  nova  constitutione  de  ista  materia,  haec 
verba  "  Gentes  ",  "  Populi  "  de  neophitis  intelligantur,  ut 
credibile  est.  Si  autem,  quod  non  videtur,  intelligantur  de 
ipsis  etiam  gentilibus,  fateor  hoc  et  Missionariorum  omnium 
vires  et  meas  superare,  nee  a  nobis  nee  decem  nee  viginti 
annorum  spatio  praestandum  tale  prodigium.  Eodem  iure 
nobis  iniungeretur,  ut  omnes  isti  ethnici  decem  annorum 
spatio  a  nobis  ad  fidem  convertantur. 

50  lamvero  venio  ad  accusationes  contra  nos  intentatas. 
1*  est  superbiae,  qua  tumentes  veriti  sumus,  ignobilium  casas 
subire.  Tantamne  in  Italis  Jesuitis  experiuntur  Romac,  ut 
idem  de  Gallis  istis  crederent  nobisque  publice  exprobraretur  ? 
di  istis  superbis  haec  pauca  accipiat  Paternitas  vestra.  a)  Qui 
heri  cum  Brachmanibus  aHisque  regionis  nobilioribus  versa- 
batur  familiariter,  eras  ad  oram  maritimam  accedens  adit 
Pareos,  subit  illorum  domos,  hortatur,  administrat  Sacramento 
etc.  b)  Novis  auditis  mandatis,  ut  scilicet  specialiter  deputa- 
rentur  aliqui  Pareis  procurandis,  non  solum  omnes  qui  adcrant 
verbo,  et  qui  aberant  scripto  se  ad  id  munus  obtulere,  sed  orta 
etiam  contentio,  illo  aetatem,  isto  vires,  alio  aliam  afferente 
rationem  ut  caeteris  in  hoc  munere  praeferretur.  c)  Longe 
maior  pars  Christianorum  in  missione  Tamulica  est  ex  gente 
Pareorum  licet  a  dominis  eorum  Gentilibus  ex  aliis  causis 
magnae  difiicultates  sese  opponant  illorum  ad  fidem  conver- 
sioni.  d)  Ouam  multae  aliae  fiunt  impensae  tum  pro  Pareorum 
pauperrimorum  sustentatione,  tum  pro  educandis  alendisque 
plurimis  catechistis  allorum  tum  conversioni,  tum  conversorum 
instructioni  destinatis  ?  in  hoc  Pondicherii  brevi  territorio 
septem  a  nobis  aluntur.  e)  Ouoties  evenit  ut  ad  duos  vel  tres 
dies  itineris  pergerent  Missionarii  ut  aegrotis  sacramenta 
ministrarent.  Haec  sunt  nostrae  superbiae  signa,  hie  est  noster 


APPENDIX  497 

gentis  Pareorum  contemptus.  Quod  autem  Christianos  minus 
bene  affici  videantur  erga  Pareos,  hoc  unum  dicam  :  utinam 
in  Europa  servi  a  Dominis,  plebeii  a  proceribus,  ruricolae 
a  nobilibus  tarn  bene  tractarentur  quam  illi  ab  illis  !  Hie  ut 
in  Europa  variis  inter  se  gradibus  distinguuntur  homines. 

6°  Tria  aha  sunt,  quae  ut  vera  non  afferuntur  a  Summo 
Pontitice,  sed  quae  sibi  ab  ahis  Missionariis  scripta  sunt,  ut 
fert  nova  constitutio  p.  41.  Factum  bene,  quod  iam  non 
possimus  accusari  nisi  evidentibus  calumniis.  Prodeant  si 
audent  e  tenebris,  qui  aifirmarunt,  Muheres  quodam  morbo 
laborantes  et  a  templo  et  a  sacramentis  a  nobis  arceri :  dicant 
a  quo,  cui  muheri,  quo  in  loco  istud  evenerit.  Non  facient 
certe  sordidi  simul  et  impudentissimi  calumniatores  ilh  :  nos 
vero  quotquot  sumus,  parati  sumus  contrarium  iuramento 
affirmare.  Idem  dicendum  de  fructu  Coco,  quern  ad  vana 
auguria  sumenda  frangere  dicuntur  Christiani  nostri  matri- 
monii tempore.  Ubi  etiam  sic  factum  fuerit  ab  istis  Christianis, 
dicant  ilh  et  probent.  Ego  vero  paratus  sum  etiam  iuramento 
affirmare  me  quindecim  annorum  spatio  non  modo  id  permissum 
aut  toleratum  a  Missionariis,  sed  etiam  a  Christianis  ipsis 
patratum  ne  semel  quidem,  investigatione  facta,  audivisse  aut 
deprehendisse.  Et  hoc  igitur  putidum  est  commentum.  Quod 
autem  etiam  delatum  est,  nos  permittere  Christianis  mulieribus 
gestationem  Taly  a  Cardinale  Turnonio  prohibiti :  haec 
calumnia  olim  coram  loci  Ordinario  intentata  et  ab  eodem 
pubhce  lata  sententia  diluta  est  anno  1712.  Qua  fronte  iterum 
renovatur  ?  Nedum  permittamus  monile  illud,  si  deprehen- 
datur  aliqua  mulier  cum  dicta  tessera  nuptiali,  illi  eripitur, 
alio  modo  fieri  curatur  vel  nostris  impensis,  ne  se  paupertatis 
titulo  excusent,  fitque  iuxta  typum  ab  ipso  Cardinale  Turnonio 
datum.  Adde  et  estud  factum  :  occasione  istius  accusationis 
duobus  Missionariis  praecepi,  ut  disquisitionem  facerent  circa 
Taty.  Inter  octo  millia  Christianorum  quot  repertae  sunt 
tesserae  reliciendae,  quae  certe  Matrimonii  die  datae  non 
fuerant  ?  duae  tantum.  Certe  si  in  tali  numero  tot  in  adul- 
terium  aut  idolatriam  ipsam  incidisse  deprehenderentur, 
num  Missionariorum  vitio  merito  vertatur  ?  Porro  etiam  si  de 
Missionariis  Gallis  Carnatensibus  tantum  loquar,  utpote  mihi 
subiectis,  iudicari  potest  alios  Missionarios  esse  ab  illis  calum- 
niis immunes.  Nos  enim  sumus,  nos  inquam  Galli,  quos 
praecipue  impetunt  plures  Norberti  :    nam  inter  adversaries 

VOL.  XXXV.  Kk 


498  HISTORY   OF   THE    POPES 

nostros    alii    adhuc    reperiuntur    libellorum    calumniosorum 
artifices. 

70  Minae  autem  intentatae,  nos  scilicet  post  certum  tempus 
Europam  revocandos,  parum  afficiunt  plerosque  Missionaries 
plurimum  affectos  taedio  erga  Missionem,  et  in  ea  precibus 
retinendos.  Absque  tumultu  igitur  relinquetur,  si  necessitas 
aliquando  incubuerit.  Verum  Missiones  istae  fundatorem 
habent  Regem  Christianissimum,  illiusque  liberalitate  susten- 
tentur  Missionarii  ;  utrum  illo  inscio  tunc  deserendae  sint 
nccne,  monebit  Paternitas  Vestra,  tunc  enim  silere  aut  loqui  par 
videtur  esse  periculum.  Derelictis  autem  Missionibus  tribus 
Indicis  num  etiam  Goa  a  Lusitanis  aut  ista  urbs  Gallica  Pondi- 
cherri,  aliaeque  coloniae  Gallicae,  ubi  more  Europeo  vivimus, 
ubi  litteris  patentibus  regiis  id  praecipiendibus  domos  Eccle- 
siasque  aedificavimus,  ubi  ex  eiusdem  Regis  nominatione 
Parochias  administramus,  an  inquam  ista  omnia  statim  derelin- 
quenda  Europaque  repetenda  ?  hoc  enim  non  leves  difficul- 
tates  patitur.  Si  casus,  evenerit,  Paternitati  Vestrae  incumbit 
rebus  omnibus  rite  perpensis  monere  quid  a  nobis  agendum. 

8°  Quod  autem  spectat  ad  usus  indicos  hoc  de  me  possum 
praedicare,  me  erga  illos  severiorem  esse  quam  laxiorem. 
Hinc  a)  etiam  ante  ultimae  constitutionis  adventum  nonnullae 
disquisitiones  a  me  factae  sunt  et  reformationes  ;  b)  in  rebus 
a  decretis  praescriptis  plura  a  nobis  quam  ab  ilHs  proliibentur, 
nee  utimur  facultatibus  nonnullis  ab  iisdem  decretis  concessis  ; 
c)  plura  tum  a  meis  praedecessoribus  reformata  et  a  me,  quam 
a  decretis  quibuscunque,  meaque  vel  ab  ipsis  adversariis 
laudata  est  ut  aiunt  vigilantia.  Num  tandem  silebunt  illi  aut 
calumniari  cessabunt  ?  Non  certe  :  testis  est  novus,  qui 
manuscriptus  hie  prodiit,  libellus,  tum  in  me,  tum  in  Mis- 
sionarios,  tum  in  ipsam  Societatem,  quem  libellum  tribunal 
saeculare  a  tortore  publico  lacerari  et  flammis  dari  iussit 
edicto,  ut  reipsa  factum  est.  Adeo  pessimus  et  calumniosus 
visus  est  vel  saecularibus  ipsis,  cuius  auctor  eiusdem  instituti 
ac  famosus  Norbertus.  Quid  effutiisse  iudicandus  est,  nisi 
quod  a  suis  fratribus  centies  audierat,  eo  quo  est  ingenio 
praeditus  ?  Caeteri  isto  minus  stulti  ac  pariter  affecti,  non 
publice,  ut  ille,  sed  consultius  secrete  calumniantur  ut  olim 
ipsis  asserentibus,  etiamsi  cygnis  candidiores  corvis  ipsis 
nigriores  iudicabimur.  Quod  sane  satis  lubenter  tolorandum 
foret,  nisi  ipse  Summus  Pontifex  erga  nos  male  affectus  forct, 


APPENDIX  499 

aut  si  superbia  aliaquc  eiusmodi  exprobrarentur.  Verum  dum 
satis  clare  publica  constitutione  tanquam  refractarii  arguimur 
aut  etiam  ut  idololatriae  fautorcs,  ne  dicam  ut  idololatrae, 
tunc  silere  aequumne  esset,  an  non  potius  scandalosum  ? 
Dicam  igitur  vel  coram  Summo  Pontifice  tria  in  nos  impacta 
et  imposita  in  quibus  etiamnum  parum  dicto  audientes  pro- 
nuntiamur  decretis  Apostolicis.  Asserunt  illi,  nos  negamus. 
Quibus  credendum  ?  credatur  probationibus  ;  illas  igitur 
praeferant,  detur  responsionibus  locus,  plectamur  si  rei  sumus, 
si  minus,  in  aeternum  obturentur  ora  loquentium  iniqua. 
Quamdiu  nos,  qui  rcipsa  portamus  pondus  diei  et  aestus, 
gravius  increpabimur,  dum  indulgetur  diem  integrum  sterten- 
tibus  ?  Si  Missionarii  sunt,  ex  operibus  probent  ;  fuci  mel 
apum  comedere  norunt,  conficere  non  norunt.  Habemus 
quandam  Ecclesiam  dictam  Pinnepondy  a  loci  nomine  :  in 
quodam  alio  loco  dicto  Alamparre  a  supradicta  Ecclesia 
septem  leucas  distante  RR.  PP.  Capucini  novam  Ecclesiam 
aedificant,  licet  cautum  sit,  ne  in  tanta  vicinia  alterius  ordinis 
Missionarii  sedem  figant.  Videmus  et  silemus  ;  licet  satis 
praevidcamus  nostros  Christianos  ad  dictam  Ecclesiam 
advocandos,  indeque  novis  dissidiis  locum  dandum  esse  postea. 
Ex  quibus  omnibus  plane  intelligct  Patcrnitas  Vestra,  quan- 
tum Societatis  integrae  precum  subsidio  indigeamus,  quibus, 
et  praecipue  Paternitatis  Vestrae  SS.  SS.  me  et  omnes 
Missionarios  Carnatenses  commendo 
Pondicherrii  20  oct.  1746. 

Paternitatis  \'estrae 

Humillimus  et  obsequentissimus  Servus 

Gasto  Laurentius  Cceurdoux. 

In  Jesuit  possession,  Goa  52  seq.,  201  scqq. 


Kk* 


INDEX   OF  NAMES   IN   VOLUME  XXXV 


AcQUAViVA,  Cardinal  Frances- 
co, 6,  8,  12,  15,  17,  21,  43, 
51-3.  58-9,  61-2,  77-8,  87, 
loq,  120,  175,  206. 

Acquaviva,  Rudolph  [Blessed], 
320. 

Acri,  Angelo  d'  [Blessed], 
306  n. 

Agemi,  Anna  (Lebanese  vision- 
ary), 398-400. 

Agnesi,  Maria  Gaetana  (mathe- 
matician), 192. 

Agreda,  Maria  of,  317. 

Aguero,  Juan  Vazquez  de,  414. 

Aguesseau,  d'  (French  Chan- 
cellor), 239. 

Aguirre,  Cardinal,  317. 

Albani,  Cardinal  Alessandro, 
7-8,  48,   105,    112,   121-2, 

125. 

Albani,  Cardinal  Annibale 
(Cardinal  Camerlengo),  5, 
7,  8.  10,  13,  14  n.,  15,  17- 
20,  87,  90,  145,  297,  394. 

Albani,  Cardinal  Gian  Fran- 
cesco, 339. 

Albergati,  Niccolo  d'  [Blessed], 

163,  315. . 
Alberoni,       Cardinal       Giulio 

(legate  at  Bologna),  43. 
Alberti,  Leandro,  198. 
Aldovrandi,  Cardinal  Pompeo, 

9,    14-15.    17-21,    42,    45. 

52-3.  76,  90,  142. 
Aldunate,    Bartolome   de.    Go- 
vernor of  Paraguay,  415- 

16. 
Alexander  VIII.,  Pope,  4,  223. 
Alexandre,  Noel,  359. 
Algarotti,     Count     Francesco, 

209. 
Almeida,     Cardinal     Tommaso 

di,  4  n. 
Altamirano,  Luis  (Jesuit),  418. 
Altemps,        Duke        Giovanni 

Aiigelo,  223. 


Altieri,  Cardinal  Giambattista, 

4".,  14.  ■ 
Altieri,  Cardinal  Lorenzo,  4  n. 
Alvaro   of   Cordova    [Blessed], 

316. 
Amadori,  Cardinal,  163. 
Amanni,  Marcolino  [BL],  316. 
Amato,  Gaetano  (Secretary  of 

the  Briefs),  43  n. 
Amort,  Eusebius  August,  211, 

317.  377- 

Andrade,  Gomez  Freire  de 
(Governor  of  Rio  de  Jan- 
eiro), 420. 

Antonelli,  Niccolo,  Cardinal, 
183. 

Antonius,  Alexius  (Jesuit,  Rec- 
tor of  Para),  421. 

Appiani  (missionarj'  in  China), 

437- 
Aranda,  Count,  374. 
Archinto,     Cardinal     Alberico 

(Secretary  of  State),  46-7, 

276,  278,  343,  346. 
Ardzivian,     Abraham     (Arch- 
bishop of  Aleppo),  401-2. 
Argenvilliers,    Cardinal    Clem- 

ente    (Uditore),    45,     142, 

189,  343-4- 
Assemani,  Joseph  Aluisius,  184, 

186. 
Assemani,     Joseph     Simonius, 

II,  184,  186,  225. 
Assemani,     Stephen     Evodius, 

225. 
Atalaia,  Cardinal  Jose  Manuel 

d'  (Archbishop  of  Lisbon), 

339. 
Attar-Muradian  (Armenian 

monk),  402. 
Atti,  Ugo  dcgli  [Blessed],  315. 
Augustus  (King  of  Poland  and 

Elector    of    Saxony),    see 

Frederick  Augustus  II. 


500 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


501 


Avad,   Simon   (Maronite  Arch- 
bishop      of       Damascus), 

,       397^- 
Avila,     Juan    de     (Apostle    of 

Andalusia),  319. 
Awocati,  V.  M.,   195  n. 
Azevedo,  Emanuel  de  (Jesuit), 

184,  311. 
Azevedo,  Ignatius  de  [Blessed], 

320. 
Azua,  Pedro  Felipe  de  (Suftra- 

gan  Bishop  of  Concepci6n), 

426. 
Azzolini,  Cardinal  Decio,  391  n. 


Bakafa  (Negus  of  Abyssinia), 
396. 

Baldani,  Antonio  (Papal  chap- 
lain), 146,  183. 

Baldini,  Gian  Francesco 
(Somaschan),  184. 

Ballerini,  Girolamo,  186. 

Ballerini,  Pietro,  186. 

Banchieri,  Cardinal  Gian  Fran- 
cesco, 343. 

Bandel,  Joseph  Anton  von 
(Professor  of  law,  Con- 
stance), 210. 

Bandini,  A.  M.,  195  n. 

Barbarigo,  Cardinal,  391. 

Barbarigo,  Luca  (envoy  to 
Santorin),  406. 

Barberini,  Bonaventura  (Ca.pu- 
chin.  Archbishop  of 
Ferrara),  305,  324. 

Barchman  (Jansenist  bishop), 
288. 

Bardi,  Cardinal  Girolamo,  337. 

Baretta  (Jesuit),  423. 

Barigioni,  Filippo,  166. 

Barni,  Cardinal,  46  n.,  60. 

Barral,  Jean  S.  de  (Bishop  of 
Castres),  261. 

Barthel,  Johann  Kaspar  (Pro- 
fessor of  Canon  Law),  356. 

Bartuska,  Anton  (Franciscan 
missionary),  406. 

Barua,  415-16. 

Bassi,  Canon,  377-8. 


Bassi,  Laura  Caterina  (phi- 
losopher),  192. 

Batoni  (painter),  167,  i8r. 

Beaumont  de  Repayre,  Chris- 
tophe  de  (Archbishop  of 
Paris),  236,  238-249,  258, 
277-8,  282,  285,  287,  360, 
428. 

Beccari,  B.,  30,   195  n. 

Bellarmine,  Cardinal  [St.] 
Robert,  43,  217,  320-2. 

Bellelli  (Augustinian),  235,  363. 

Bellori,  175. 

Belluga,  Cardinal  Luis,  59, 
60,  333- 

Belsunce  (Archbishop  of  Mar- 
seilles), 205,  226. 

Benaglia,  Fr.  (writer),  204. 

Benedict  "  the  Moor  "  [St.],  316. 

Benedict  XIII.,  Pope,  4,  7,  28, 
43.  50,  73.  134.  312. 

Benedict  XIV.  (Prospero  Lam- 
bertini),  passim  9-476. 

Bennetat,  Edmund  (Vicar 
Coadjutor  of  Cochin 
China),  431-2. 

Bentivoglio,  Count  Luigi,  23. 

Bentivoglio,  Marchese  Caniillo 
Caprara,  109. 

Bentivoglio,  Mart.  Cornelio, 
Cardinal,  10. 

Benveuuti  (Jesuit),  380. 

Benzi,  Bernardino,  349-350. 

Berchmans,  John  [St.],  320. 

Berger  de  Charancy  (Bishop  of 
Montpellier),   226,   230. 

Bernardini,  Count  Bernardino 
(Prior   of    the    Caporioni), 

145- 
Bernardo  of  Naples,  224. 
Berni,   Cardinal   Giambattista, 

334- 
Bemis,  Cardinal,  287. 
Berruyer,  Isaac  Joseph  (French 

Jesuit),    359-362. 
Berti,    Lorenzo    (Augustinian), 

184.  233-5,  352.  363- 
Besozzi,    Cardinal    Gioacchino, 

174  n.,  266,  302,  336. 


502 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Besozzi,  Raimondo  (Cistercian, 
Abbot  of  S.  Croce),  162. 

Bettinelli  (publisher),  391. 

Bianchi,  Pietro  (Minorite),  184. 

Bianchi,  Pietro  (painter),  165. 

Bianchini,  Francesco  (archaeo- 
logist), 203,  219. 

Bianchini,  Giuseppe  (Ora- 
torian),  149,  183,  196-7, 
221. 

Bijlevelt,  Bartholomaeus 

Johannes  (Jansenist 

Bishop  of  Deventer),  288. 

Bobola,  Andrew  [St.],  316,  320. 

Boccage,  Madame  du,  384. 

Boccapaduli,  Teodoro  (Ele- 
mosiniere),  42. 

Bock,  Hieronymus  de  (Jan- 
senist Bishop  of  Haarlem), 
288-^. 

Bolaiios,  Archbishop,  372. 

Boldetti,  Marcantonio,  219, 

Bolognetti,  Cardinal  Mario 
(Tesoriere),  42,  337. 

Bona,  Cardinal  Francesco  Giro- 
lamo,  376  n.,  403. 

Bona  (Regular  Cleric),  326  n. 

Bonavisa,  Paolo  (Bishop  of 
Spoleto),  331. 

Boniface  VIII.,  Pope,  192. 

Bonifaz,  Manuel  Quintano 
(Grand    Inquisitor),    369. 

Borghese,  Cardinal,  96  n. 

Borromei,  Cardinal  Alessio 
Gilberto,  3. 

Bortoli,  G.  B.,  195  n. 

Boscovich,  Ruggero  I.  (Jesuit, 
mathematician),  44-5,  164, 
I 90-1. 

Bossu,  Arnolph  (Lazarist  mis- 
sionary), 427. 

Bottari,  Giovanni  Gaetano 
(archaeologist),  39,  182, 
184,  220-1. 

Bottari,  Guido,  178,  180,  386, 
387.  390. 

Bouettin,  P^re,  240,  242-4,  248. 

Bouget  (philologist),  39. 

Boussu  (Archbishop  of  Malines) , 
282. 


Boyer,  Jean  Fran9ois  (Thea- 
tine.  Bishop  of  Mirepoix), 
229,  231-2.  254,  321. 

Bracci,  Pietro  (sculptor),  34  n., 
158-9,  166,   181. 

Brancas  (Bishop  of  Aix),  236. 

Brandolini  (Jesuit),  464. 

Braschi,  Gianangelo  (later 
Pius  VI.),  57. 

Brito,  John  de  [Blessed],  320. 

Broedersen,  Nikolaus  (Dean  of 
Utrecht),  290-1. 

Brosses,  President  Charles  de, 
20  n.,  40  n.,  171. 

Briihl  (Saxon  minister),  113, 
310. 

Budrioli  (Jesuit),  310. 

Bufalini,  Leonardo  (topo- 
grapher),  146. 

Bulgarini,  Lucrezia  (mother  of 
Benedict  XIV.),  23. 

Buonamici,   184. 

Buonaroti,  Filippo  (Florentine 
senator),  219. 

Burali,    Paolo    [Blessed],    316. 

Bus,  Cesar  de  (founder  of 
Doctrinarians),  232. 

Buttari,  Prospero  (Orator ian), 
390 

Caissoti,   Count    (President  of 

senate  in  Turin),  49. 
Calasanza,    Giuseppe   da    [St.], 

314- 
Calcagnini,  Cardinal  Carlo  Leo- 

poldo,   335. 
Camillus  de  Lellis,  St.,  313. 
Campomanes,  Pedro  Rodriguez 

(Fiscal  of  the   Council   of 

Castile),  374. 
Canillac  (French  ambassador  to 

Rome),    114  n.,   208,   229, 

338.  472. 
Capponi  (Maggiordomo),  43  n. 
Capponi,      Marchese      Antonio 

Gregorio     (antiquarian), 

223. 
Caprara,    Cardinal    Alessandro 

(Auditor     of     Rota),     24, 

312. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


503 


Caracciolo,    Cardinal    Giovanni 

Costanzio,  336  n. 
Carafa,    Cardinal    Pier    Luigi, 

19,  394- 
Carafa,  Giovanni  (Professor  of 

Church  history),  190. 
Carasco  (Jesuit),  363  n. 
Caravita    (Jesuit),    310. 
Carli,  Tomniaso  (Jesuit),  326  n. 
Carlo      Emanuele      III.,      see 

Emanuele  III. 
Carlo  Maria  da  Perugia  (Fran- 
ciscan),   471. 
Carlos  III.,  King  of  Spain,  421. 
Carpegna,     Cardinal     Gaspare, 

2ig. 
Carpi,  Cardinal  Pio  da,  179. 
Carrara,  Bartolomeo  (Theatine, 
biographer    of    Paul    IV.), 
185. 
Carrieri,  Matteo  [Blessed],  316. 
Carvajal     (Spanish     minister), 

351.  419- 
Carvalho     e     Melho,     Marquis 
Sebastiao     Jose     de,     see 
Pombal. 
Casabasciana,     Desiderio      da, 

39S-9. 
Casalini,  Pier  Maria  da,  236  n. 
Casalius,  Lucas,  317. 
Casanata,  Cardinal  Gir.,  391  n. 
Casani  (Jesuit),  365  n. 
Casimir  of  Nieswitz,  Duke,  395. 
Castellini  (Jesuit),  350. 
Castorano,     Carlo     Orazio     of 

(Franciscan),  443. 
Caterina  de'  Ricci,  St.,  313-14. 
Catherine    (Vigri)    of    Bologna, 

St.,  23,  25,  312. 
Cattaneo,  G.  de,  195  n. 
Cavalchini,  Cardinal  Carlo  Al- 
berto Guidoboni,  335-6. 
Caylus    (Bishop    of    Auxerre), 

352-3- 

Ceballos,  Pedro  (general  of 
troops  in  Paraguay),  420. 

Ceillier,  Remy  (Benedictine), 
205. 

Celaya,  Thomas  (Jesuit  mis- 
sionary), 467. 


Cenci,  Cardinal  Serafino,  4  n.,  15, 

16. 
Cenni,  Gaetano,   184. 
Ceredano,  Pacifico  da  [Blessed], 

316. 
Certain,     Abbe     (secretary     to 

Duke  St.-Aignan),  32. 
Champttour    (Bishop   of   Mire- 

poix),  351. 
Chantal,   Jeanne   Fran9oise  de 

[St.],  314. 
Charles   III.,   King  of  Naples, 

52,   54-5.   57.    104.    107-9. 

176.  373- 
Charles   VI.,    Emperor,    lo-ii, 

19,  76.  90,  95- 
Charles  VII.,  Emperor,  88-90, 

93.  95-100,   no,   112. 
Charles      Albert,      Elector     of 

Bavaria  (later  Charles  VII., 

Emperor,  q.v.),  76,  81,  84, 

86. 
Charles  Theodore,  Elector  Pala- 
tine and  of  Bavaria,   116, 

135- 

Chelucci,  P.,  195  n. 

Chiavasso,  Angelo  da  [Blessed], 
316. 

Chiesa,  Bernardino  della,  Bi- 
shop of  Peking,  438. 

Chigi,  Cardinal  Flavio,  343. 

Chionio,  Professor,  51. 

Chizzola,     Leonardo     (Jesuit), 

303- 
Choiseul,    Duke   of,    262,    265, 

267-281,  287,  321,  345. 
Christina,    Queen    of    Sweden, 

166,    223. 
Ciampini,  183. 
Cibo,  Cardinal  Camillo,   19. 
Clement,  Augustin,  286  n. 
Clement  VI IL,  Pope,  43. 
Clement  X.,  Pope,  171,  473. 
Clement   XL,   Pope,   4,   7,   27, 

43.  90,  94.   134.   171.  312, 

443- 
Clement  XII.,  Pope,    i,   7,   29, 

31-2,  43,  48,  54,  57,   134, 

158,    163,    166,    173,    178, 

220.  312,  366.  372,  434. 


504 


INDEX   OF    NAMES 


Clement  XIII.,  379,  476. 
Clement  Augustus,   Elector  of 

Cologne,  80,  98,  116. 
Coeurdoux,      Gaston      Laurent 

(Jesuit   superintendent   in 

South  India),  466,  492. 
Coifin,      Charles       (Jansenist), 

240-1. 
Coletta  [St.],  315. 
Colonia,  Dominique  de  (Jesuit), 

235.  350-1.  364. 
Colonna,  Cardinal  Ascanio,  223. 
Colonna,     Cardinal     Girolamo 

(Maggiordomo),     42,     182, 

337- 

Colonna,  Lorenzo  (Gran  Cones- 
tabile),  183. 

Colonna  di  Savoia,  Cardinal 
Prospero,  333. 

Colonna  di  Sciarra,  Cardinal 
Prospero  (Maestro  di 
Camera),  42,   337. 

Combes  (Superior  of  Paris  Mis- 
sionary Seminary),  454  n. 

Concina,  Daniele  (Dominican), 
200-2,  350. 

Condorcet  (Bishop  of  Auxerre). 
258,  278  n.,  282. 

Contucci  (Jesuit),  145,  184. 

Copertino,  Jo.seph  of  [St.],  314. 

Cordara,  310,  353,  379,  386. 

Cori,  Cardinal  Marcellino,  15. 

Cornaro,  Flaminio  (Venetian 
senator),    195. 

Corradini,  Cardinal  Pietro  Mar- 
cellino,  9,    II,    18,   53,  90. 

Corsini,  Agostino  (sculptor), 
158. 

Corsini,  Cardinal  Neri,  7,  8, 
10,  13-15,  17-20,  41,  90, 
290-1,  321,  347,  354,  390, 

472-3- 
Corsini,  Ed.,  195  n. 
Coscia,  Cardinal  Niccolo,   4-5, 

41.   73.   144- 
Costa,   Hilarius  a   Jesu   (Vicar 

Apostolic    of    East    Tong- 

king),  431,  461. 
Cougniou    (Canon   of  Orleans), 

256. 


Cravo,  Lucas  da  Costa  (Vicar- 
General  of  Meliapur),  468. 
Crescentia  of  Kaufbeuren,  316- 

17- 

Crescenzi,  Cardinal  Marcello, 
46  n.,  334-5- 

Crespi,  Giuseppe  Maria  (pain- 
ter),  181. 

Crispino  of  Viterbo  [Blessed], 
306  n. 

Crivelli,  Ignazio  (nuncio  in 
Brussels),  290-1. 

Croon,  Theodore  van  der  (Jan- 
senist Bishop  of  Utrecht), 
288. 

Cruz,  Theodore  da  (Jesuit  mis- 
sionary), ^22. 

Cuneo,  Carlo  Innocenzo  da 
(Franciscan),  400. 

Cunha,  Cardinal  de  Atay  de 
Nuno  da,  4  n. 

Cyril  VI.  Tanas  (Greek  Mel- 
chite  Patriarch  of  Anti- 
och),  400-1. 


Damian  a  Leone  (Capuchin  mis- 

sionar\'),  403. 
Damiens,  Robert  Fran9ois,  285. 
Danei,   Paolo,  see  Paul  of  the 

Cross. 
Danzetta,  F.,  195  n. 
Davia,  Cardinal,  3,  166. 
Delfino,         Cardinal        Daniel 

(Patriarch     of     Aquileia), 

339-340- 

Denha,  Elias  (Chaldean  pat- 
riarch), 404. 

Doria,  Cardinal  Giorgio,  79-84, 
89.  97.  99.  100,  116,  334-5. 

Doria,  Cardinal  Sinibaldo,46n., 
47  n. 

Dugad,  Louis  Marie  (Jesuit 
missionary),  453. 

Duhamel  (Jesuit),  360. 

Durini,  Cardinal  Carlo  Fran- 
cesco (nuncio  in  Paris), 
113,  115.  237,  247,  253, 
264,  338,  342,  473- 

Durup,  Rajah,  429. 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


505 


Elce,  Cardinal  Scipione  d',  15, 

16,  267. 
Elizabeth     of     Portugal.     St., 

314- 
Elizabeth,     Queen     of     Spain, 

76,  109,  126,  130. 
El-Khazen,    Joseph    (Maronite 

patriarch),  397. 
EI-Khazen,    Tobias    (Maronite 

Archbishop     of     Cyprus), 

397.  400- 
Emanuele    III.,    King   of   Sar- 
dinia, 48-9,  107,  135,  339, 

341.  344- 

Enriquez,  Cardinal  Enrico 
(nuncio  at  Madrid),  60-1, 
63,  65,   72,  322,  342. 

Ensenada,  Marquis  de  la 
(Spanish    minister),    68. 

Esser,  Thomas,  O.P.,  237. 

Estouteville,  Cardinal,  158. 

Eugene  III.,  Pope,  157. 

Eugenio  da  Bassano  (Francis- 
can missionary),  435. 

Eva,  Gabriel  (Maronite  Arch- 
bishop of  Cyprus),  396. 

Farnese,  Cardinal  Alessandro, 

175- 
Fassani,     Francesco     Antonio, 

324- 

Faure  (Jesuit),  184,  350,  353-4. 

Federich,  Gil  [Blessed] 

(Dominican   martyr),   460. 

Felix  of  Assori  (Capuchin,  pro- 
Vicar  of  Tunis),  428. 

Felix  of  Bologna  (Capuchin), 
408  n. 

Fenelon,  Fran9ois  de  Salignac 
de  la  Mothe  (Archbishop  of 
Cambrai),  385. 

Ferdinand  VI.  (King  of  Spain), 
66,  69,  71-2.  75.  368,  374. 
416,  418,  421. 

Fernandez,  Michael  (mission- 
ary), 465. 

Fernandez  de  Cordova,  Car- 
dinal Luis,  345. 

Ferrari,  Tommaso  (Dominican), 
24,   306. 


Ferrere,    Francesco    Maria    da 

(Franciscan),  436. 
Ferretti,  Gabriel  [Blessed],  316. 
Ficoroni,       Francesco       (anti- 
quary), 219. 
Fidelis    of    Sigmaringen,     St., 

313- 
Figueroa,       Manuel       Ventura 

(auditor  of  Rota),  68-9. 
Firrao,   Cardinal   Giuseppe,    9, 

15,   16. 
Fitzjame?  (Bishop  of  Soissons), 

226. 
Fleury,    Cardinal    Andre    Her- 

cule,   4  n.,   5,   81,   89,   91, 

227,  230-1. 
Fleury,  Joly  de,  361. 
Foggini,  Niccol6,  178,  354. 
Foggini,    Pier    Francesco,    178, 

387.  390. 
Folch  de  Cardona,  Francisco  de 

Solis        (Archbishop        of 

Seville),  345-6. 
Fonseca,  Antonio,  185. 
Fonseca     (Jesuit     missionary), 

421. 
Fontenilles,  A.  R.  de  (Bi.shop  of 

Meaux),  279. 
Forgach  de  Ghymes  (Bishop  of 

Oradea  Mare),  409. 
Foscarini,  Marco  (Venetian  am- 
bassador), 33,  41  n.,   144, 

204. 
Fouchet  (missionary  in  China), 

224. 
Fouquet  (Jesuit),  436-7. 
Franceschi,  Angelo  de'  (Visitor 

to       Malabar      missions), 

467. 
Francesco      da      lesi      (Vicar- 
General     of     Capuchins), 

306  n. 
Francis  I.,  Emperor,   118-121, 

123,  125,  135. 
Francis  III.,  Duke  of  Modena, 

174- 

Francis  del  Pilar  (Franciscan 
missionary-),  414. 

Francis  of  St.  Joseph  (Fran- 
ciscan missionary),  414. 


5o6 


INDEX  OF  NAMES 


Francis  of  Sales,  St.,  192. 

Francis  Stephen  of  Lorraine 
(Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
later  Emperor  Francis  I., 
q.v.),  76,  78-9,  112,  114- 
15.  118. 

Franciscus  dc  Hieronymo  [St.], 
320. 

Frederick  II.,  King  of  Prussia, 
79-81,  83-4,  86,  97,  100, 
118,  209,  213. 

Frederick  Augustus  II.,  Elector 
of  Saxony  (King  Augustus 
III.  of  Poland),  85,113-14, 
116,  402. 

Fridelli,  443. 

Fuga,  Ferdinando  (Papal  archi- 
tect), 43  n.,  158,  164,  170, 


Gabriel  of  Turin   (Franciscan 

missionary),  454. 
Gages  (Spanish  General),  103. 
Galeazzo,  30. 
Galeotti  (Servite),  326  n. 
Galiani,      Abate      Ferdinando, 

52-3.  3M- 
Galletti,  P.  L.,  195  n. 
Galli,  Cardinal  Antonio  Andrea, 

25,  266-7,  274,  277,  343. 
Garampi,  Giuseppe,  184-5,  224. 
Gascon,    Blasco    (secretary    to 

Valdelirios),  420. 
Genovesi,     Antonio      (philo.so- 

pher),  210. 
Gentili,        Cardinal       Antonio 

Saverio,    14,    15,    90,    302, 

394- 
George   II.,   King  of  England, 

85,  130  n. 
Gerard  [Blessed],  315. 
Gerard  Majella  [St.],  324. 
Gerberon  (Maurist),  386  n. 
Gerdil,  Cardinal,  186  n. 
Gesvres,  Cardinal  £tienne  Rene 

de    (Bishop   of   Beauvais), 

346- 
Gesvres,  Cardinal  Leon  Potier 

de    (Archbishop   of   Bour- 

ges).  4  n. 


Ghezzi,  Pier  Leone  (artist), 
36  n., 148-9,  165,  224. 

Giacomelli,   Michelangelo,    184. 

Giambattista  Maria  of  S.  Teresa 
(Vicar-Apostolic  of  Vera- 
pol}-),  461,  468. 

Gianpiriamo,  Niccolo  (Jesuit), 
438. 

Giaquinto,  Corrado  (painter), 
161. 

Giardoni,  Francesco  (sculptor), 
169. 

Gigault  de  Bellefonds  (Arch- 
bishop of  Paris),  238. 

Gioja     (Augustinian     General), 

365- 

Giorgi,  Domenico  (Augustin- 
ian), 184,  185,  187. 

Giovanna  of  Orvieto  [Blessed], 
316. 

Giraldi,  Luigi  Filippo  (chemist), 
190. 

Girio  [Blessed],  315. 

Girolami,  Cardinal  Raffaello 
Cosimo,  335,  337  n. 

Giudice,  Cardinal  Niccolo,  6,  8, 
10,  13,  112,  333. 

Giuli,  Egidio  Maria  de'  (Jesuit), 
310. 

Glandorff,  Franz  Hermann 
(Jesuit  missionary),  426-7. 

Gonzaga,  Cardinal  Silvio  Valenti 
(Secretary  of  State),  42-6, 
48,  53.  59,  62-5,  68,  69, 
72-3,  76,  80,  83,  88,  90, 
94-5.  98-9,  111-18,  120, 
122-4,  136-8,  178,  182, 
189,  265-6,  274,  276,  302. 

Gonzalez  (Jesuit  General),  322. 

Gotti,  Cardinal  Vincenzo 
Ludovico,  9,  15,  42-3,  49, 

53- 

Goujet    (Janscnist),    385 

Grazioli,  P.,  195  n. 

Gregorini,  Domenico  (archi- 
tect), 161-2,  164. 

Gregory  XIII.,  Pope,  176,  185. 

Gresset  (bookseller),  385. 

Guadagni,  Cardinal  Antonio 
(Pope's  Vicar-General),  173. 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


507 


Gualtieri,    Ludovico     (nuncio), 

272,  346  n. 
Guarchi,    Ludovico    (Visitor  to 

Greek  islands),  407. 
Guarnacci,  Mario  (biographer), 

187. 
Guenet,    Paul    A.     (Bishop    of 

Saint-Pons),  278  n.,  282. 
Guerrero  (Jesuit),  365  n. 
Guglielmo,     R.    G.     (assessor), 

67  n. 
Guigues  (missionary  in  China), 

437- 

Hallerstein,  Augustin  (mis- 
sionary in  China),  457-8, 
460. 

Heinrich    of    Bozen    [Blessed], 

315- 

Renault,  President,  205. 

Hernandez  (Dominican  mis- 
sionary), 431. 

Hovsepian,  Jacob,  402. 

Hrebnicki  (Ruthenian  Metro- 
politan), 409. 

Hundertpfund,  Rochus  (Jesuit 
missionary),  422. 

IcKSTATT,  T.  A.  von,  204  n. 
Imperiali,      Cardinal      Cosmo, 

342-3- 
Innocent  XL,  Pope,  322. 
Innocent  XIL,  Pope,  24,  43. 
Innocent    XIIL,    Pope,    4,    27, 

134.  145- 

lommella,  Nicola  (musical 
director  of  St.  Peter's),  181. 

Lse  de  Saleon,  Jean  (Arch- 
bishop of  Vienne),  352. 

Jacquet,  Pier  Luigi  (Vicar- 
General  of  Liege),  127-130, 
133-5,    136-8. 

Jacquier,  Fran9ois  (Minim),  45, 
164,  184,   190. 

James  III.  (Pretender  to 
English  throne),  135,  165, 
339,   346. 

Jesse  (Catholicos  of  Armenia), 
404,  429. 


John  v..  King  of  Portugal, 
34T,  442,  444-6,  449-450- 

John  Theodore,  Duke,  Cardinal 
(Bishop  of  Liege),  334, 
338. 

Joly  de  Fleury  (French  Attor- 
ney-General), 361. 

Joseph,  Anthony  (Jesuit  mis- 
sionary), 422. 

Joseph,  Archduke  of  Austria 
(later  Emp.  Joseph  IL),  88. 

Joseph  I.,  King  of  Portugal, 
412. 

Joseph,  Landgrave  of  Hesse- 
Darmstadt  (Prince-Bishop 
of  Augsburg),  316,  378. 

Joseph  of  Leonissa,  St.,  313. 

Kaunitz,  Count  Wenzel  Anton 
von,  88,  129. 

Kogler,  Ignatius  (Jesuit  mis- 
sionary), 442,  457  n. 

Kollonitsch,  Count  Sigismond 
von.  Cardinal  (Archbishop 
of  Vienna),   13,  32,  88  n., 

337- 
Kulikan,  King  of  Georgia,  403. 

Labre,  Benedict  [St.],  340. 
Laderchi,      Giacomo      (Church 

historian),  366  n. 
Ladislas  of  Gielniow  [Blessed], 

316. 
La      Fare,      Itiennc      Joseph 

(Bishop  of  Laon),  226. 
Lafitau,    Fran9ois    (Bishop    of 

Sisteron),  226. 
Lagomarsini,  G.  (Jesuit),  i<)3  n. 
Lambertini,  Bl.  Giovanna,  23. 
Lambcrtini,   Bl.   Imelda,   23. 
Lambertini,  Cardinal  Prospcio 

(Benedict  XIV.),  9,  17  n., 

23-32,   73.   310,   312,   320. 

and  see  Benedict  XIV. 
Lambertini,  Egano  (brother  of 

Benedict  XIV.),   41. 
Lambcrtini,  Marcello  (father  of 

Benedict  XIV.),  23. 
La  Marmora  (Savoyard  envoy 

in  France),  375. 


5o8 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


Lamettrie,     Julian    Offray    de 

(French  philosopher),  371. 

Lami,     Giovanni     (Jansenist), 

391. 

Landi,  Cardinal  Francesco,  46 
n.,  183,  267,  274,  277,  336, 
338. 

Lanfredini,  Cardinal,  163. 

Languet  de  Gergy  (Archbishop 
of  Sens),  234,  236-7,  264. 

Lante,  Cardinal  Federigo  Mar- 
cello,  334. 

Lanze,  Cardinal  Carlo  Vittorio 
Amadeo  delle,  339-340. 

La  Rochefoucauld  de  Roye, 
Cardinal  Frederic  Jerome 
de  (Archbishop  of  Bour- 
ges),  120,  226,  234,  256, 
259,  273,  338-9- 

Lassala  (Augustinian),  387. 

La  Tour,  Cardinal  Henri 
Oswald  de,  13. 

La  Tour,  de  (Superior  of 
Oratorians),    231. 

Laurenti,  Marcantonio  (Papal 
physician),  38. 

Laurino,  Cajetan  a  (Theatine 
General),  454  n. 

Laval  Montmorency,  L.  J.  de. 
Cardinal  (Bishop  of  Or- 
leans and  Metz,  282. 

Laverdy  (French  Comptroller- 
General),  286. 

Lazzeri  (Jesuit),  184,  203,  311, 

352-3- 
Leclerc  (Calvinist),  362. 
Le  F^vre   (Jesuit,  confessor  of 

Philip  v.),  63-6,  310. 
Lemere,  Pere,  243-4. 
Leonardi,  John  [Blessed],  319. 
Leonardo    da    Porto    Maurizio 

[St.],    30,    77,     173,    307, 

324-6,  335. 
Leoni,  Felix  (Augustinian  Gen- 
eral), 454  n. 
Leonis.sa,  Joseph  of  [St.],  313. 
Lcprotti,        Antonio        (Papal 

physician),  38,  39,  205. 
Lercari,        Cardinal       Niccol6 

Maria,  9,  90,  211  n.,  291. 


Le    Roux   d'    Esneval,    Count, 

396. 
Le  Seur,  Thomas  (Minim),  45, 

164,  184. 
Lesley,  A.  (Jesuit),  186. 
Leziniana,    Matthias    [Blessed] 

(Dominican  martyr),  460. 
Liccio,      Giovanni      [Blessed], 

316. 
Liguori,   Alphonsus   [St.],   311, 

324,  360- 

Lipski,  Cardinal  John  Alex- 
ander, 4  n.,  409. 

Lironi,  Giuseppe  (sculptor),  158. 

Livizzani,    Cardinal    Giuseppe, 

4.  42,  343- 

Lobkowitz,  Prince,  103-8. 

Locatelli,  Marchese  Giovanni 
Pietro  (keeper  of  Capito- 
line  Museum),  176,  184. 

Loliere-Puycontat,  de  (Vicar- 
Apostolic  of  Siam),  462. 

Lombardi,  G.  (Jesuit),  195  n., 
310. 

Lori  (Bavarian  Court  coun- 
cillor),  377. 

Louis  XIV.,  King  of  France, 
271. 

Louis  XV.,  King  of  France, 
133,  228-9,  239,  passim 
241-287,  401-2. 

Louis  XVIII.,  King  of  France, 
261. 

Louseau,  Fran9ois  Philibert, 
207. 

Lucagnano,  Raphael  a  (Minis- 
ter General  of  the  Holy 
Land),  405. 

Lucca,  Giacomo  da  (Franciscan, 
Custodian  of  the  Holy 
Land),  398. 

Lucchesini,  Gian  Vincenzo 
(Secretary  of  Briefs),  42. 

Lucini,  Cardinal  Ludovico 
Maria  (Dominican),  336. 

Lugo,  Antonio  de  (Somaschan), 
184. 

Luis,  Cardinal  Infante  of  Spain, 
4  n..  58.  59  n..  345- 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


509 


Luis  de  Ponte,  Ven.,  320. 
Luynes,  Cardinal  Paul  d'  Albert 

de    (Archbishop   of   Sens), 

346. 

Mabillon,  382. 

MacCaughwell,    Franciscan, 
Archbishop,  349. 

Machado  (Jesuit  missionary), 
421. 

Machault  (French  Comptroller- 
General),  239,  245. 

Maffa,  Antonio  (Franciscan), 
306  n. 

Maffei,  Giampietro  (Jesuit  his- 
torian), 185. 

Maffei,  Scipione,  200-3,  220. 

Maini,  Giambattista  (sculptor), 
34  n.,  158,  166. 

Maire  (Jesuit),  44,  191. 

Malagrida,  G.  (Jesuit),  476  n. 

Malvezzi,  Cardinal  Vincenzo 
(Archbishop   of   Bologna), 

156,    193.  342-3- 
Mamachi,      Tommaso      Maria 

(Dominican  historian),  184, 

187. 
Mancini,  Isidore   (Minim),  343, 

399. 

Mandeville,  Bernard  de,  371. 

Manfredi,  Eustachio  (engineer), 
30. 

Mansi,  Stefano  Maria(  Domini- 
can), 471. 

Manuel  de  Jesus  Maria  (Bishop 
of  Nanking),  437. 

Marangoni,  Giuseppe,  170, 
185. 

Marcellus  II.,  Pope,  185,  223. 

Marchionni,  Carlo  (sculptor), 
34  n.,  158. 

Marechal,  J.  P.  (architect),  44, 

154- 

Marescotti,    185. 

Maria,  Queen-Mother  of  Portu- 
gal, 423  n. 

Maria  Theresa,  Empress,  76-7, 
80-5,  90,  93-5,  99,  102, 
104,  107,  111-12,  114,  118, 
122,  342,  406. 


Marianne,   Queen  of  Portugal, 

123. 
Marie    Leszczinska,    Queen    of 

France,  239,  254. 
Marini,  Cardinal  Maria,  22. 
Maro    (founder   of   Maronites), 

317,  400. 
Marotti,    Francesco    (botanist), 

190. 
Martillat,     Joachim     Enjobert 

de       (Vicar-Apostolic       of 

Yunnan),  453. 
Marturi,      Arturo      (Capuchin, 

Vicar-Apostolic    of    Greek 

islands),  406. 
Massei,    Cardinal    Bartolomeo, 

15- 

Massi,  G.  (engraver),  36  n. 

Matilda  of  Tuscany,  166. 

Matiussi,  Odorico,  da  Porde- 
none  [Blessed],  315. 

Mattei,  Cardinal  Luigi,  343. 

Maupertuis,  Pierre  Lx)uis  (Presi- 
dent of  Berlin  Academy), 
209. 

Max  Joseph  (Elector  of 
Bavaria),  114,  116,  354. 

Mayans,   Gregorio,  61. 

Mazzucchelli,  Giovan  Maria, 
203. 

Meindaerts  (Jansenist  Bishop 
of  Utrecht),   288-9. 

Melara,  Count,  42. 

Mellini,  Cardinal  Mario,  122, 
124,  337,  339,  341-2. 
346. 

Mendonca  de  Furtado,  Francis 
Xavier  (Governor  of  Para- 
guay), 421-2,  425. 

Mendoza,  Cardinal  Alvaro  de, 

339-340- 

Mengs,  Anton  Raphael  (pain- 
ter), 47  n.,  156,  182. 

Merassian,  Athanasius  (Vicar- 
Apostolic  of  Armenians, 
Constantinople),  404. 

Merati,  Gaetano  (Thcatine),307. 

Merlini,  Ludovico,  Cardinal 
(Titular  Archbishop  of 
Athens),  42, 49-51, 34 1, 344. 


510 


INDEX   OF    NAMES 


Mesmer,  Cardinal  Gianibattista, 

339-340- 
Metastasin,  Pictro  (poet),  204. 
Mezzabarba,    Carlo    Ambrogio 
(legate  in  China),  430,  433- 
5.  445-6,  449. 
Miani,  Girolamo  [St.],  314. 
Michael  de  Sanctis  [St.],  319. 
Michael    of    the    Annunciation 

(Bishop  of  Coimbra),  451. 
Migazzi,        Cardinal         Count 
Christoph  Anton   (Auditor 
of  Rota),  122,  125-6. 
Mignoni,  Ubaldo  (Piarist),  471. 
Milante  (Dominican),  356. 
Millo,   Cardinal  Gian   Giacomo 

(Datarius),  45,  342-3. 
Miralta,  Arcangelo  (missionary 

in  China),  434-5,  457. 
Mochasseb,      Elias      (Maronite 

Archbishop  of  Arka),  397. 
Moisan,  Mme.,  242. 
Molina  y  Oviedo,  Cardinal  Gas- 
par,  4  n.,  60-1 . 
Molinelli   (Professor  of  Surgery 

at  Bologna),  193. 
Monaldi,        Carlo        (sculptor), 

158. 
Monosili  (painter),  170. 
Montealegre,  Duke  of  (Spanish 

Ambassador     to     Venice), 

386  n. 
Montelupo,  RafEsello  da  (sculp- 
tor),  169. 
Montemar,    Duke    of    (Spanish 

Commander-in-Chief),  87. 
Montesquieu,  Charles  de  Secon- 

dat,    Baron   de,    225,   371, 

384- 
Montfaucon  (Maurist),  27,  382. 
Monti,  Cardinal  Filippo  Maria, 

193.    194.    212,    302,    335, 

Moraes  Sarmento,  Jose  de,  395. 

Moriot,  F.  N.  (Bishop  of  Tours), 
278  n. 

Morosini  (Venetian  ambassador 
to  Rome),  3  n.,  5  n. 

Motta  y  Silva,  Cardinal  Gio- 
vanni de,  4  n. 


Mouly  (Apostolic  Administra- 
tor of  Peking),  455  n. 

MuUener  (Vicar-Apostolic  of 
Suchuen),  439,  ^41,  452. 

Muratori,  Ludovico  Antonio 
(historian),  196-200,  215, 
233.     324,     362,     366-7. 

Nadir,  Shah  of  Persia,  428. 
Nava    del     Rio     (Freemason), 

374- 
Neez,     Louis     (Vicar-Apostolic 

of  West  Tongking),  461. 
Nerini,   Paolo   (Vicar-Apostolic 

of  Ava),  430-1. 
Niccolini,    Antonio,    290,    292, 

390. 
Nieswitz,  Duke  Casimirof,  395. 
Noailles,  Cardinal  Louis  Antoine 

de,  240. 
Noailles,  Marshal  de,  239,  245, 

247. 
Nogueira,  Bernardo  Rodriguez 

(Bishop     of     Sao     Paulo), 

412. 
Nolli,  Giovanni  Battista  (archi- 
tect), 145-6. 
Norbert     (Abbot    of    Wilten), 

224. 
Norbert,    Pater    (ex-Capuchin), 

see  Parisot. 
Noris,     Cardinal     Enrico,     67, 

198,    232,    235,    351,    352. 

363-9. 
Nuiiez,  Anton,  454  n. 

Oddi,  Cardinal  Giacomo  (nun- 
cio in  Lisbon),  46  n.,  334. 

Odescalchi,  Cardinal  Bene- 
detto, 4  n. 

Odorico  da  Pordenone,  see 
Matiussi. 

Olivieri,  Domenico  Francesco 
(founder    of    Baptistines), 

311- 
Olivieri,  Mgr.  A.,  163,  195  n. 
Olmeda,    Gabriel   de    (fiscal   of 

Council  of  Castile),  59,  61. 
Olmeda,  Juan  Pablo  de  (Bishop 

of  Santa  Cruz  de  la  Sierra), 

413-14- 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


511 


Orleans  de  la  Motte,  Louis  F.  G. 

de  (Bishop  of  Amiens),  239, 

246,    248,    258,    261,    262, 

278  n.,  281,  282. 
Ormea,  Vincenzo  Ferrari,  Mar- 

chese  d'  (Piedmontese  min- 
ister), 48-9. 
Ormeo,  344. 
Orsi,  Cardinal  Giuseppe  Agos- 

tino  (Dominican),  184,  212, 

353.  357,  386. 
Orsi     (Theatine,     professor    of 

physics),    190. 
Orsini     d'Aragona,      Duke     of 

Gravina,   Cardinal    Dome- 

nico.  337,  389  n. 
Ossorio     (Sardinian     minister), 

51- 
Ostein,  John  Charles  of  (Elector 

of  Maj'ence),  1 15-16,   118, 

123,  125. 
Ostervvald,  Peter  von  (Bavarian 

Court  councillor),  377. 
Ostini,  Pietro  (architect),  164. 
Ottieri,  F.  M.,   195  n. 
Ottoboni,  Cardinal  Pietro,  223. 
Ottoboni-Minotti,    Cardinal,    4 

n.,  I  r,  13. 

Paciaudi  (Theatine),  184. 
Pagi,    Antonio    (Minorite,    his- 

•torian),  187. 
Palafox,  322. 
Paleotto,  Cardinal,  216. 
Pallavicini,    Cardinal    Lazarus 

Opitius        (Secretary       of 

State),  334,  337. 
Palma,    Giuseppe    (Archbishop 

of  Lucca),  471. 
Palmi,  B.  (Jesuit),  306  n. 
Pales,     Jose     de     (Bishop     of 

Asuncion),  416. 
Pamfili,  Cardinal  Benedetto,  24. 
Pannini,  Gian  Paolo  (painter), 

35  n,  44,  167,  181. 
Panzuti,   Niccolo,    183. 
Paolo  Buono,  324. 
Paolucci,       Cardinal       Camillo 

(nuncio  at  Vienna),  91  n., 

121.  334- 


Paolucci,     Cardinal     Fabrizio, 

46  n. 
Paris,  Deacon  (Jansenist),  230, 

236. 
Paris,   Nicolas  Joseph    (Bishop 

of  Orleans),  250,  256. 
Parisot,     Pierre    Curel     (Pater 

Norbert,         ex-Capuchin), 

469-476. 
Parma,     Agostino    da     (Capu- 
chin), 470  n. 
Pasi,  Paolo,  24. 
Passalacqua,  Pietro  (architect), 

161. 
Passionei,  Cardinal  Domenico, 

42,  76,  90,  loi  n.,  205,  212, 

218-19,    267,    271,    321-2, 

353.  382-7. 
Patouillet    (Jesuit),    235,    237, 

350-1- 
Patrizi,     Francesco     [Blessed], 

315- 
Paul  of  the  Cross  [St.],  311,  324: 
Pazzi,  Maddalena  de',  314. 
Pedrini  (Missionary  in  China), 

437-9,  454- 
Peggi,   Pier   Francesco    (Canon 

of  Bologna),  200,  203,  464. 
Pegna,  Da  (Carmelite),  306  n. 
Pellegiini,  P.,  306  n. 
Penna,  Orazio  della  (missionary 

in  Tibet),  429-430. 
Pepe  (Jesuit),  373  n. 
Peralta,      J.     de      (Bishop     of 

Buenos  Aires),  416. 
PerejTa  (Jesuit),  457  n. 
Perpetua,      Sister      (Jansenist 

nun),  249-250. 
Perroni  (missionary  in  China), 

437,  443  n. 
Peter  Claver  [St.],  320. 
Petra,  Cardinal  Vincenzo,  18  n., 

394- 
Petrus    IL,    Jacob    (Patriarch 

of  Uniate  Armenians),  402. 
Petrus  IIL,  Michael  (Patriarch 

of      Uniate      Armenians), 

402. 
Philip  v..   King  of  Spain,   58, 

63,  66,  415-16. 


512 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


Philip  (Infante  of  Spain),  Duke 
of  Parma,  76,  86,  130,  132, 

133- 
Philip  Charles  (Elector  of  May- 

ence),  84. 
Pho-Iha-nas    (King    of   Tibet), 

430. 
Pichon,    Jean    (Jesuit),    236-7, 

353-4- 
Pico  della  Mirandola,  Cardinal 

Ludovico,  II. 
Pieri,     Cardinal     Pier     Maria, 

4  "•.  333- 
Piloti,  Eugenio  (Vicar-Apostolic 
of    Shan-si    and    Shen-si), 

454- 

Pimentel,  Antonio  Manuel 
(Archbishop  of  Cranganor), 
461-3,  468. 

Pinheiro,  Domingo  (Jesuit  Vice- 
Provincial,   South   China), 

447- 
Pinheiro,     Joseph     (Bishop    of 

Meliapur),  443  n.,  463. 
Pio  da  Carpi,    Cardinal,    179- 

180. 
Piranesi,  Giovanni  Battista  (en- 
graver),  I 50-1,    172  n. 
Pirelli,  Filippo  (jurist),   189. 
Pius      v..       Pope      [St.],      25, 

312. 
Pius    VI.,    Pope,    see    Braschi, 

Gianangelo. 
Pius  IX.,  Pope,  117  n. 
Platel,  Abbe,  see  Parisot. 
Polanco    y   Amendariz,    A.    de 

Paredes     de      (Bi.shop     of 

Quito).  413. 
Pole,  Cardinal,  212,  216. 
Poleni,  Giovanni   (Professor  of 

Mathematics,  Padua), 

164,  171  n. 
Polignac,  Cardinal  Melchior  de, 

4  n. 
Polini,  G.,  195  n. 
Politi,  A.,  195  n. 
Pollidorus,   185. 
Pombal,    Sebastiao     Jose     de 

Carvalho  y  Melho,  Marquis 

of,  123-4,  423-5- 


Pompadour,  Madame  de,  239, 
245.  253.  287. 

Poncet  de  la  Riviere,  Matthieu 
(Bishop  of  Troves),  257, 
278  n.,  282. 

Pontcallier,  Marquis  of  (Im- 
perial envoy),  120. 

Pontchateau  (Jansenist),  379. 

Ponte,  Luis  de,  320. 

Portocarrero,  Cardinal  Joaquin 
Fernando,  47  n.,  67-8,  183, 

334.  367- 
Porzia,  Cardinal  Leander,  4  n., 

14-15- 
Posi,  Paolo  (architect),  162. 
Potier  (mis.sionary  to  Hurons), 

427. 
Pozzobonelli,      Cardinal      Giu- 
seppe       (Archbishop       of 

Milan),  102,  336. 
Prades,  Jean  Martin  de,  383. 
Prado     y     Cuesta,     Perez     de 

(Grand  Inquisitor),  365. 
Prie,     Marquis     de     (Austrian 

ambassador),  95. 
Priestley,     Joseph     (scientist), 

191  n. 
Provana  (Jesuit),  438. 

QuADRio,   Fr.    (ex-Jesuit),    195 

n.,  215. 
Querci,  Giuseppe,   178. 
Querini        (Jesuit,        King    of 

Saxony's  confessor),  310. 
Quesnel,   Pasquier   (Jansenist), 

186,  230,  238,  376,  382. 
Quintano    (Grand    Inquisitor), 

369. 
Quinzanis,    Stepliana   de    [Bl.], 

316. 
Quirini,  Cardinal  Angelo  Maria, 

157  n.,  202  n.,  2 II -1 8,  303, 

324,  357- 

Rabago,  Francesco  (Jesuit 
confessor  to  Ferdinand 
VI.),  66,  68,  351,  368.  371. 

Racine,  Louis  de  (French  poet), 
208. 


INDEX  OF   NAMES 


513 


Rastignac,    Louis    Jacques    de 
(Archbishop  of  Tours), 

237-8- 
Ravalli   (Minorite).   18. 
Raynaud  (Jesuit),  348-9. 
Razzolini  (Bishop  of  Santorin), 

407. 
Reboul,    P.    F.    X.    (Bishop   of 

St.    Paul-Trois-Chateaux), 

278  n. 
Regalato,  Pedro  [St.],  313. 
Rei£Een.stuel  (Franciscan),  356. 
Renaudot,  382. 
Rani,  Guido,  180. 
Retz,         Franciscus         (Jesuit 

General),     308-310,     418, 

442-4,  446,  451. 
Revillagigedo,      de       (Spanish 

Viceroy),  426. 
Rezzonico,  Cardinal  Carlo 

(Clement  XIII.),  163,  394. 
Ricchini,     Tommaso     Agostino 

(Dominican,    Secretary    of 

Index),  211,  271,  305,  352, 

359,  384- 
Ricci,       Cardinal       Francesco 

(Governor  of  Rome),  336. 
Ricci,  Caterinade'  [St.], 3 13-14. 
Ricci,  Lorenzo  (Jesuit  General), 

388. 
Ricci,  Matteo,  439. 
Ricci,  Scipione  de',  390. 
Richardie,  de  la  (missionary  to 

Hurons),  427. 
Rienzo,  Cola  di,  176. 
Ringhieri,  O.  (Bishop  of  Assisi), 

394  n- 
Rinn,  Andreas  of  [Bl.],  315. 
Ripoll,  Tommaso    (Dominican, 

General),  188,  454  n. 
Rivera,     Cardinal     Domenico, 

12,  90. 
Rivera,        Count        (Sardinian 

diplomat),  48. 
Roche,  de  (Jesuit  missionary), 

425  n. 
Roche-Aymon,  Cardinal,  C.  A. 

de   la    (Bishop  of   Rheims 

and  Narbonne),  256. 


Rochechouart        (Bishop        of 

Laon),  287. 
Roda  (Spanish  envoy),  387-8. 
Rodota,  Felix  Samuel,  396. 
Rohan,    de    Soubise,    Cardinal 

Armand    Ga.ston    de,     13, 

256,  259,  339. 
Roman  us  of  Paris  (Capuchin), 

407. 
Ronconi   (Prefect  of  the  Vati- 

cana),  224  n. 
Roschmann,     Anton     (archaeo- 
logist), 204. 
Rossi,        Ferdinando        (Vice- 

gerente),  172. 
Rossi,    Giov.    Batt.    de    [St.], 

324-5- 
Rota,    Antonio    (Secretary    of 

Cipher),  42,  46. 
Rothfischer,    F.     (Benedictine, 

convert  to  Protestantism), 

215- 
Rouille       (French       minister), 

266-8. 
Rousseau,   Jean  Jacques,  369. 
Roveda,  438. 
Rovero,  Cardinal  Giambattista 

(Archbishop  of  Turin),  51, 

346- 
Ruffo,  Cardinal  Antonio,  336. 
Ruffo,  Cardinal  Tommaso,  10- 

13.  90. 
Ruggieri,  Costantino,  171,  192, 
194,  223  n.,  311  n.,  327  n. 


Sacchetti,  Alessandro,  180. 

Sacchetti,  Cardinal  Giulio 
(legate  in  Ferrara  and 
13ologna),  180. 

Sacchetti,  Marcello,  180. 

Sadoleto,  Cardinal,  216. 

Saint-Albin  (Bishop  of  Cam- 
brai),  226. 

Saint-Contest  (French  min- 
ister), 247. 

Saint-Severin,  Count  (French 
envoy  to  Congress  of  Aix), 
129,  132,  136-7. 


514 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


Saldanha  da  Cama,  Francisco 
de  (Patriarch  of  Lisbon), 
346. 

Saleon,  Ize  de  (Bishop  of 
Rodez,  later  Archbishop  of 
Vienne),  234. 

Salvi,  Nicola  (sculptor),  164, 199. 

Sanctis,  Michael  de  [St.],  319. 

San  Severo,  Prince,  373. 

Santa  Croce,  Scipione  di  (Im- 
perial envoy),  3  n.,  13,  32. 

Santos  (Jesuit  missionary),  421. 

Sanz,  Peter  Martyr  [Blessed] 
(Vicar-Apostolic  of  Fuk- 
ien),  460. 

Saraceni    (Bishop    of    Lorima), 

435- 
Sarti,  Mauro  (historian),   192. 
Sauli,  Alessandro  [Blessed],  314. 
.  Scarlatti    (Ba\'arian    envoy    in 

Rome),  96  n. 
Scarselli,  Fil.,  195  n. 
Schonborn,    Cardinal    Damian 

Hugo   von    (Bishop  of 

Speyer),  4  n. 
Schonborn,    Francis   George  of 

(Prince-Archbishop  of 

Treves),  84,  88,   116. 
Schonborn,    Frederick    Charles 

of  (Prince-Bishop  of  Wijrz- 

burg),  84,  123. 
Scilla,  Saverio,  222. 
Segneri  (Jesuit),  306. 
Serbelloni,     Cardinal    Fabrizio 

(nuncio    in    Vienna,    etc.), 

342- 
Sersale,       Cardinal       Antonio 

(Archbishop  of  Naples),  57, 

344-5- 

Sersale,  Geronimo,  Duke  of 
Serisano  (Neapolitan  am- 
bassador), 56. 

Sforza,  Serafina  [Blessed],  316. 

Siena,  Ludovico  da  (preacher), 
326  n. 

Sigismund  of  St.  Nicholas,  457  n. 

Simonetti,  Cardinal  Raniero 
(Governor  of  Rome),   339. 

Sinzendorf,  Cardinal  Philip 
Louis  von,  13,  87. 


Sirleto,  223. 
Sixtus  v..  Pope,  145. 
Slodtz,  R.  Michelangelo  (sculp- 
tor), 43  n.,  158,  166. 
Sobieski,      Maria      Clementina 

(wife  of  James  IIL),  165-6. 
Solimani,     Giovanna     Battista 

(founder    of    Baptistines), 

311- 
Soubise,  Cardinal,  see  Rohan. 
Souza,  Polycarp  de  (Bishop  of 

Peking),  443,  456. 
Spannochi,     Francesco     Maria 

(Sottodatario),  42. 
Spinazzi,  Innocenzo  (sculptor), 

166. 
Spinelli,      Cardinal      Giuseppe 

(Archbishop     of     Naples), 

46  n.,  55-6,  267,  271,  274, 

281  n.,  353,  386. 
Spinola,   Cardinal  Giorgio,    12, 

15,  143  n. 
Sporer  (Franciscan),  356. 
Stadion  (Auditor  to  the  Rota), 

73  n- 
Stadler,  Daniel         (Jesuit, 

Bavarian  Court  confessor), 

354-5- 

Stancari,  Sante,  24. 

Stay,  Benedetto,  190. 

Steenoven,  Cornelius  (Jansen- 
ist  bishop),  288. 

Stiltinck,  Johannes  (BoUan- 
dist),  196. 

Stiphout,  van  (Jansenist 
Bishop  of  Haarlem),  288. 

Stoppani,  Cardinal  Giovanni 
Francesco  (nuncio  to 
Vienna),  46  n.,  115-17, 
119,  122,  125. 

Storani,  Innocenzo,  103,  143. 

Suarez,  Joseph  (Jesuit  mis- 
sionary in  China),  433. 

Subleyras,  Pierre  (painter), 
35  "-.  165. 

Superunda    (Viceroy  of   Peru), 

413- 
Szembek,  C.  A.  (Archbishop  of 
Gnesen),  409. 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


515 


Tacconi  (Dominican),  326  n. 
Taimuras    (King    of    Georgia), 

429. 
Tamas  Kulikan,  Shah  of  Persia, 

428. 
Tamburini,     Cardinal     Fortu- 

nato,  183,  198,  266-7,  271, 

274,  302,  336,  353,  386. 
Tanara,     Cardinal    Alessandro 

(Auditor    of    Rota),     166, 

337- 

Tanucci,  Bernardo  (Minister  in 
Naples),  52,  56,  372,  377. 

Tavannes,  Cardinal  Nicolas  de 
Saulx  de  (Grand  Almoner 
of  France),  346. 

Tedaldi  (Jesuit  missionary), 
421. 

Telmo,  Pedro  Gonzalez  [Bless- 
ed], 316. 

Tempesta,  Casimiro  (Francis- 
can), 185. 

Tempi,  Cardinal  Luca  Mel- 
chiorre  (Papal  nuncio),  342. 

Tencin,  Cardinal  (Archbishop 
of  Lyons),  4-5,  14,  77-9, 
95.  113.  133.  205,  229, 
234.  236,  332,  372-3,  450. 

Teodoli,  Marchese  Girolamo, 
161. 

Teofilo  da  Corte  [St.],  307. 

Theil,  du,  136. 

Theodore  of  Bavaria,  Cardinal 
(Prince-Bishop    of    Liege), 

127.  334.  338. 

Thun,  Joseph,  Count  (Im- 
perial envoy  in  Rome), 
2  n.,  3,  33,  52,  80,  88.  89, 
91,  94,  99,  102,  104,  III- 
12. 

Tillemont  (historian),  365. 

Toledo,  Francis  da  (Visitor  to 
Paraguay  mission),  422-4. 

Toledo  (Jesuit),  306  n. 

Tomacelli,  Niccol6  Maria  (Cleric 
Minor),  438. 

Tommasi,  Cardinal  Giuseppe 
Maria,  190,  307. 

Torregiani,  Alfonso  (architect), 
156. 


Torres  y  Navarra,  Gabriel  de 
(Administrator  of  Seville), 
58. 

Torrigiani,  Cardinal  Ludovico 
Maria,  343. 

Torring,  Count,  96. 

Tosini,  Abbe,  385  n. 

Tournon  (Freemason),  374. 

Traun,  Gen.,  loi. 

Trautson,  Cardinal  Johannes 
Joseph  (Archbishop  of 
Vienna),   345. 

Trigona  (Jesuit),  360  n. 

Troyer,  Ferdinand  Julius, 
Count,  Cardinal  (Prince- 
Bishop    of    Olmiitz),    339, 

341- 
Tukhi,  Raphael  (liturgist),  301. 
Turano  (Jesuit),  310. 

Urban  VII. ,  Pope,  295. 

Valck,   \an   der    (Archpriest), 

290. 
Valdelirios,   Marques  de,   418- 

420. 
Valenti,  Cardinal,  see  Gonzaga. 
Valesio,  196. 
Valette,     de     la     (Superior   of 

Oratorians),  231. 
Vallarsi,  D.,  195  n. 
Valle,  Filippo  della  (sculptor), 

158,   166. 
Valle  y    Salazar    (Freemason), 

374- 

Valois,  Jeanne  de  [Blessed],  3 15. 

Vanvitelli,  Luigi  (architect), 
155,  163,  164-5,  180. 

Varella  y  Losada,  Juan  (foun- 
der of  Scalzetti),  311. 

Varlet,  Dominic  Mary  (Jan- 
senist  bishop),  288. 

Vasi,  Giuseppe  (engraver),  149- 
150,   178. 

Vasquez,  Francis  Xavier 
(Augustinian  General), 

387-8.  390- 
Vasquez     de     Aguero,     Juan, 

415- 


5i6 


INDEX    OF   NAMES 


Vattel,  N.  (writer  on  inter- 
national law),  154. 

Vaucel,  Du  (Janscnist),  379. 

Vecchi,  Niccol6  de'  (jurist), 
189. 

Veiga,  Francis  da  (Jesuit  mis- 
sionary), 422. 

Venier,  Francesco  (Venetian 
ambassador),  34. 

Venuti,  Ridolfino  (commis- 
sioner of  Papal  antiqui- 
ties), 44  n.,  176,  185,  187. 

Verschaffelt,  Peter  (sculptor), 
35  n.,  158,  162  n.,  169,  179, 
181. 

Verthamon  (Bishop  of  Lu9on), 
288  n. 

Verthamon  de  Chavagnac,  Mi- 
chel de  (Bishop  of  Mont- 
auban),  255. 

Vestigne,  Michael  Angelus  de 
(Franciscan  missionary), 
396. 

Vettori,  Francesco  (Director  of 
Vatican  Museum),  185, 
219,  220,  222. 

Vezzosi,  Francesco  (Theatine), 
184,  190. 

Vigri,  Catherine,  of  Bologna 
[St.],  23,  25,  312. 

Villacretius,  Petrus,  313. 

Villena,  Juan  de  (Franciscan 
missionary),  435. 

Vintimille  du  Luc,  Charles  de 
(Archbishop  of  Paris),  238. 

Viou  (Jansenist),  235-6. 

Visconti  (General  of  Jesuits), 
380,  381   n.,   418,  422. 


Visdelou     (Jesuit,     Bishop     of 

Claudianopolis),   437,   470. 
Vita,  G.,  195  n. 

Vitali,  Francesco  Antonio,  184. 
Vladagni,  Lazarus  (Archbishop 

of  Antivari),  406. 
Volpi,  Giuseppe  Rocca  (Jesuit), 

184. 
Voltaire,  205-8,  213,  369-371, 

384. 

Wall,  Richard  (Spanish 
minister),  323,  419-420. 

Ward,  Mary,  304. 

Widman,  Adam  (missionary  in 
S.  America),   413. 

Winckelmann,  Johann  Joachim 
(art    historian),     45,     149, 

177.  3^5- 
Wohnsiedler,     Rochus     (Fran- 
ciscan       missionary        in 
China),  435. 

Xavier, Francis  [St.],  320,  460. 

Yasu    IL,    King  of  Abyssinia, 

396. 
York,  Henr}',  Cardinal  Duke  of, 

184,   321,  340-1. 

Zaccaria  (Jesuit),  362-3. 
Zaije     Ranagita    Malla     Deva 

(Nepale.se  rajah),  429. 
Zannotti,  Francesco,  30,  181. 
Zondadari,     Cardinal    Antonio 

Felice,  9. 


-^' 


^-v'v 


I 


HO 


i