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A H1STOEY OF
THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
PART II
ETHICS
A HISTORY OF THE
PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
BY
PAUL JANET & GABRIEL SEAILLES
Membre de L'Institut Docteur es Lettres
Professeur a la Faculte des Lettres Maitre de Conferences a la Faculte
de Paris des Lettres de Paris
TRANSLATED BY
ADA MONAHAN
EDITED BY
HENKY JONES, LL.D.
Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Glasgow
VOL. II.
MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1902
GLASGOW : PKINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND CO.
CONTENTS
PART IL— ETHICS.
CHAP. PAGE
I. THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES, 1
II. THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES, 47
PART HI.— METAPHYSICS.
I. SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE, - - 93
II. MATTER, 146
III. MIND, - 180
IV. THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND, - - 214
PART IV.— THEODICY.
I. THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES AND IN THE
MIDDLE AGES, -------- 247
II. THE .RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES, - - - 291
III. THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE, 351
95243
INDEX TO PROPER NAMES
ABELARD (1079-1142). — Ethics, 49, 50 ; the world-soul, 195 (see Scholastics).
^ENESIDEMUS (first century). — Scepticism, 110, 111.
AGRIPPA THE SCEPTIC (first century). — Scepticism, 110, 111.
ALBERTUS MAGNUS (1193-1280 A.D.). — On conscience, 50, 51 ; the soul,
194, 195 ; matter and mind, 229 ; on the existence of God, 275 (see
Scholastics).
ALEXANDER OF APHRODISIAS (flourished circa 200 A.D.). — The soul, 196.
AMALRIC OF BENA (died circa 1206). — Pantheism, 288.
AMMONIUS SACCAs(czVca 175-250 A.D.). — Neo-platonic theory of the soul, 191.
ANAXAGORAS (born circa 500 B.C.). — Scepticism and certitude, 95 ; matter,
149 ; mind, 183 ; matter and mind, 216 ; theology, 250.
ANAXIMANDER (born 611 B.C.). — The Infinite, 147.
ANAXIMENES (disciple of Anaximander). — The "air," 147, 214.
ANSELM, ST., OF CANTERBURY (1033-1109). — Faith and reason, 117 ; proofs
of the existence of God : the ontological argument, 276-278.
ANTIOCHUS OF ASCALON (pupil of Philo of Larissa and a teacher of Cicero).
— Eclecticism, 109.
ANTISTHENES (born 444 B.C.). — Ethics, 29.
AQUINAS, ST. THOMAS (1225-1274). — Ethics, 51 ; faith and reason, 117;
the soul, 195, 196 ; the soul and the body, 229 ; proofs of the exist-
ence of God, 275 ; criticism of the ontological argument, 278 ; proof
a contingentia mundi, 279, 280 ; proof of the first mover, 280 ; proof
of final causes, 280 ; the nature of God : creation and Providence,
281-286.
ARCESILAUS (315-241 B.C.). — Probabilism, 105.
ARISTIPPUS OF GYRENE (born circa 435 B.C.). — Ethics, 24.
ARISTON OF CHIOS (flourished circa 260 B.C.). — Ethics, 32.
ARISTOPHANES (born circa 444 B.C.). — Theogony, 247.
ARISTOTLE (384-322 B.C.). — Ethics : happiness and virtue, 16 ; justice, 20,
21 ; friendship, 21, 22 ; the contemplative life. 22, 23 : impossibility of
proving everything : intuitive certainty of principles, 99 ; theory of
matter, 152-154 ; the soul the formal, efficient, and final cause of the
body, 185 ; matter and form, 219, 220 ; the soul and the body, 221 ;
the irvevfjM, 222 ; the potential and the actual, 258-262 ; proof of the
first mover, 263, 264 ; the future life : impersonal immortality, 255-259.
viii INDEX TO PEOPEB NAMES
AUGUSTINE, ST., or HIPPO (354-430).— Faith, religious and rational, 115,
116 ; theory of the soul, 194 ; the soul and the body, 228 ; Christian
and Platonic theology, 271 ; creation and the Trinity, 272-274.
AVERROES (1125-1198 A.D.). — The active intellect impersonal and im-
mortal, 196.
BACON, FRANCIS, Lord Verulam (1561-1626). — On matter, 159.
BAYLE (1647-1706). — Eeligious scepticism, 171 ; objections against op-
timism, 324-329.
BENTHAM (1747-1832). — Moral arithmetic, 74-76.
BERKELEY, GEORGE (1685-1753). — On sensible certainty, 127-129; denies
the existence of matter, 170.
BERNARD OF CHARTRES (1070-1160).— The world-soul, 194.
BERNARD, SAINT (1091-1153).— Mysticism, 51, 52.
BONNET, CHARLES, of Geneva (1720-1793).— Palingenesia, 330, 369.
BOSSUET (1627-1704).— Proofs of the existence of God, 298, 300.
BROCHARD. — On Pyrrho, 105.
BRUNO, GIORDANO (1548-1600).— Theory of matter, 158.
BUCHNER, Louis (1824-1899). — Force and matter, 178 ; atheism, 338.
CARNEADES (214-129 B.C.). — Probabilism, 105-107.
CARO, E. M. (1826-1887).— His Idte de Dim, 348.
CARRAU, LUDOVIC. — His work on the proofs of the immortality of the
soul in the Phaedo referred to, 354.
C^SALPINUS (1509-1603).— Theory of matter, 196.
CHARRON (1541-1603).— Scepticism, 118.
CHRYSIPPUS (282-209 B.C.)— Natural law, 34 ; the fear of the gods, 36, 37 ;
the human soul, 188; vindication of Providence, 267; immortality,
360.
CICERO (106-43 B.C.).— Quoted 33, 34, 35 ; ethics, 38, 39 ; eclecticism,
109, 110.
CLARKE, SAMUEL (1675-1729). — The proofs of the existence of God, 301.
CLEANTHES (a pupil of Zeno the Stoic). — Ethics : Hymn quoted, 35, 36 ;
the seat of the soul, 224 ; proof of the existence of God, 265 ; reli-
gious feeling, 268 ; immortality, 360.
COMTE, AUGUSTS (1798-1857). — Positivism and certitude, 141 ; the law
of the three states and the religion of humanity, 340, 342 ; future
existence reduced to the worship of great men, 373.
COUSIN, VICTOR (1792-1867). — Spiritualistic theism, 344 ; the immortality
of the soul, 372.
CRATES OF THEBES (pupil of Diogenes the Cynic). — Ethics, 29.
CUDWORTH (1617-1688).— Theory of the Plastic medium, 241.
DAVID OF DINANT (flourished circa 200). — Pantheism, 287, 289.
DEMOCRITUS (born circa 460 B.C.). — Ethics, 3 ; matter, 149, 150 ; mind, 182.
DESCARTES (1596-1650).— Ethics, 52-58 ; theory of certitude, 118-121 ;
matter and extension, 159-162 ; the soul, 196, 197 ; extension and
thought : the soul and the body, 230, 233 ; proofs of the existence of
God, 292-297 ; God the cause of Himself, 307-309 ; God the Creator
INDEX TO PROPER NAMES ix
of the eternal truths, 308 ; doctrine of continuous creation, 309 ; the
Divine veracity, 310, 311 ; the immortality of the soul, 364, 365.
DIDEROT (1713-1784). — Philosophy of the Encyclopedic, 301.
DIOGENES OF APOLLONIA (a contemporary of Anaxagoras). — Theory of
mind, 189 ; matter and mind, 214.
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGiTE (First century). — Theology, 286-287.
Du BOIS-REYMOND. — On matter and mind, 207.
DUNS SCOTUS (died 1308).— Matter and the individual soul, 229 ; im-
possibility of an infinite series of causes, 279.
ECKART, MEISTER (died 1329). — Mystical pantheism, 289, 290.
EMPEDOCLES (born circa 492 B.C.). — Scepticism as regards sensible know-
ledge, 94, 95 ; on matter, 148, 149 ; relation of matter to mind, 216.
ENFANTIN, LE PERE (1796-1864).— The future" life, 373.
EPICTETUS (time of Nero). — Ethics, 40, 41 ; religious feeling of, 268 ;
immortality, 361, 362.
EPICURUS (341-270 B.C.).— Ethics, 25-29 ; the criterion of certainty, 102-
104 ; matter, 154, 155 ; theory of the soul, 187, 188 ; relation of soul
and body, 225 ; arguments against the immortality of the soul, 359-360.
EULER (1707-1783).— Theory of physical influx, 241.
FENELON (1651-1715). — His work on the existence of God referred to,
264, 266.
FEUERBACH, Lunwio A. (1804-1872). — Sensationalism, 177-178.
FICHTE (1762-1814).— Theory of matter, 175, 176; the soul, 209, 210;
unity of substance, 243 ; philosophy of religion, 333, 334.
FOUILLEE, ALFRED (born 1838). — The future life in Plato, 355.
GALEN (131-200 A. D.).— Physiological theory of the pneuraa, 225-227, 229,
230.
GALILEO (1564-1642). — His discoveries draw attention to the problem of
matter, 158.
GASSENDI (1592-1655). — Matter, 159 ; the ontological argument, 297.
GAUNILO (flourished circa 1040).— Criticism of the ontological argument,
277, 278.
GERSON (1363-1429).— Proof of the existence of God, 280.
GIRARD, JULES. — His work Du Sentihient religieux chez les grecs referred
to, 248.
GREGORY, ST., OF NYSSA (331-394).— The soul, 193.
HAMILTON, SIR WILLIAM (1788-1856). — Religious criticism, 339.
HARTMANN, von (born 1842). — Pessimism, 337.
HEGEL (1770-1831).— Theory of matter, 176, 177; theory of mind, 210,
211 ; proofs of the existence of God, 305, 307 ; theology, 336, 337.
HEGESIAS (flourished circa 260 B.C.). — The last of the Cyrenaics, 25.
HELVETIUS (1715-1771). — Ethics, 72-74 ; materialism, 206.
HERACLITUS (born circa 500 B.C.). — Ethics, 3 ; matter, 147 ; the soul, 181 ;
matter and mind, 214-215 ; the future life, 351-352.
HESIOD (flourished circa 735 B.C.). — Ethical notions of, 2, 3 ; his theogony,
249.
x INDEX TO PROPER NAMES
HILARY, ST., OF POITIERS (died 367).— Materialism, 193.
HIPPOCRATES (born circa 460 B.C.). — Theory of the pneuma, 188, 189 ;
222-223.
HOBBES (1588-1679).— Ethics, 71-72 ; materialism, 171.
HOLBACH D' (1723-1789).— His Systeme de la Nature, 172 ; the soul and
the brain, 206 ; atheism, 301.
HOMER.— Ethics of, 2 ; theology, 248 ; the future life, 351.
HUGO OF ST. VICTOR (1097-1141). — Mysticism, 52 ; proofs of the existence
of God, 279, 281.
HUME, DAVID (1711-1776). — Ethics, 77; empirical scepticism: theory of
belief, 129, 133; negation of matter, 170-171, 173; phenomenalism,
242.
HUTCHESON (1694-1746).— Theory of a moral sense, 77.
JOHN, ST., Gospel of. — The trvev/M, 191.
JOUFFROY, THEODORE (1796-1842). — Summary of the ethics of Adam Smith,
79 ; the ego, 212 ; immortality, 372.
KANT (1724-1804).— Ethics, 55, 80-84 ; the criterion of truth, 134-137 ;
scientific certainty, 138 ; metaphysical certainty, 139 ; impossibility
of inferring the soul from the ego, 207-209 ; criticism of the proofs of
the existence of God, 301-305 ; ethical proof of the existence of God,
305 ; nature and attributes of God, 331-333 ; the immortality of the
soul the postulate of morality, 369-371.
LACHELIER (born 1832). — Work on The Foundations of Induction quoted,
144.
LAMENNAIS (1782-1854).— Perfectibilism, 373.
LAMETTRIE, DE (1709-1751). — Materialism, 171 ; relation between sou"! and
body, 206.
LANGE (1828-1875). — His History of Materialism quoted, 150, 158, 171,
178, 179.
LAROMIGUIERE (1756-1837). — On Cudworth and the Plastic medium,
241.
LASSALLE, FERDINAND (1824-1864). — His work Die Philosophic Heracleitos
des Dunklen referred to, 147.
LEIBNITZ (1646-1716). — Ethics, 66-70'; intuitive, demonstrative, and sen-
sible certitude, 125-127 ; theory of matter, 166-170 ; theory of mind,
199-202 ; the pre-established harmony and the soul of the world, 201 ;
intercommunication of substances : their pre-established harmony,
238 ; soul and body, 240 ; the ontological argument, 298-299 ; proofs
a contingentia mundi, 299 ; Providence and optimism, 322-327 ; theory
of moral necessity, 327 ; divine freedom, 329 ; the immortality of the
soul and metamorphosis, 365-367.
LEROUX. — Theory of metempsychosis, 372.
LOCKE (1632-1704).— The nature of mind, 203, 204.
LUCRETIUS (95-52 B.C.).— Ethics, 37, 38 ; matter, 150 ; atomism, 154, 155 ;
the soul, 182 ; matter and mind, 225 ; arguments against the immor-
tality of the soul, 359-360.
INDEX TO PROPER NAMES . xi
MAINE DE BIRAN (1766-1824).— The ego and the soul, 212.
MALEBRANCHE (1638-1715). — Ethics, 58-61 ; certitude and vision in God,
121-123 ; intelligible extension and bodies, 164-166 ; the intercom-
munication of substances : theory of occasional causes, 233-235 ; the
existence of God, 300 ; nature and action of God, 31 1-315 ; Providence
and optimism, 314.
MAMEKTUS, CLAUDIANUS (flourished circa middle of fifth century). — Spiri-
tuality of the soul, 193.
MANSEL (1820-1871).— Religious criticism, 339-340.
MARCUS AURELIUS (121-180 A.D.). — Ethics, 41-42 ; the existence of evil,
267 ; religious feeling, 268 ; immortality of the soul, 362.
MARSILIO FICINO (1433-1499). — Philosophy of the Renaissance, 196.
MARTHA. — Work on Lucretius referred to, 25, 360 ; quoted, 37.
MELANCHTHON (1497-1560).— The soul and the body, 229, 230.
MILL, JOHN STUART (1806-1873). — Utilitarian ethics, 84-87 ; certainty,
133 ; phenomenalism, 205, 206 ; knowledge and religious belief, 340.
MOLESCHOTT, JACOB (born 1822). — Materialism, 178, 206.
MONTAIGNE (1533-1592).— Scepticism, 118.
NEWTON (1642-1727).— Space and the existence of God, 301.
NICOLAUS OF AUTRICURIA (flourished circa middle of 14th century). —
Atomism, 158.
OCKAM, WILLIAM OF (died circa 1349). — Nominalism : faith separated from
knowledge, 117; the soul and the body, 229; impossibility of an
infinite chain of causes, 279.
OLLE^LAPRUNE. — Quoted on Aristotle, 17 ; on the philosophy of Male-
branche, 166.
PANAETIUS (born circa 180 B.C.).— Negation of the immortality of the soul,
360.
PARMENIDES (born circa 515 B.C.). — Antithesis between knowledge and
opinion, 95 ; matter, 148 ; mind, 181 ; the spiritual and the corporeal
not distinguished by, 215.
PAUL, ST. — On charity, 47, 48 ; on faith, 115 ; the spirit, 191.
PHERECYDES OF SYROS (flourished circa 600 B.C.). — Belief in immortality,
351.
PHILO OF LARISSA (flourished circa 75 B.C.). — Theory of certainty : eclec-
ticism, 108.
PHILO THE JEW (born circa 25 B.C.). — Theory of the pneuma, 190-191.
PHOCYLIDES (born 560 B.C.). — Moral reflections of, 3.
PINDAR (born circa 522 B.C.). — Belief in immortality, 351.
PLATO (428-347 B.C.). — Ethics, 10-16 ; the sovereign good, 13-16 ; doctrine
of expiation, 16 ; the Ideas and certainty, 98, 99 ; theory of matter,
150-152 ; the world soul and individual souls, 184, 185 ; matter and
the Idea, 217, 218 ; the soul and the body, 219 ; the idea of the good,
252-254 ; proofs of the existence of God, 254-256 ; Providence, 257 ;
immortality of the soul : doctrine of pre-existence and metempsy-
chosis, 353-355.
xii INDEX TO PROPER NAMES
PLOTINUS (died 269 A.D.). — Ethics, 42-44 ; certitude and ecstasy, 115 ;
matter, 157, 158 ; theory of the soul, 191, 192 ; the soul and the body,
227, 228 ; theology : the Alexandrian Trinity : doctrine of procession
and the return to God, 268-271 ; the future life and metempsychosis,
363.
POMPONATIUS (died 1525). — The soul, 196.
PORPHYRY (flourished circa 260 A.D.). — Ethics, 44, 45.
PRANTL. — Quoted, 158.
PRAXAGORAS (4th century B.C.). — Theory of the pneuma, 223.
PROTAGORAS (born circa 491 B.C.). — Ethics, 5 ; scepticism, 96, 251.
PYRRHO (time of Alexander the Great). — Ethics, 30, 31 ; scepticism, 104,
105.
PYTHAGORAS (born circa 582 B.C.). — Ethics, 3, 4 ; matter, 147, 148 ; mind,
182 ; matter and mind, 215 ; metempsychosis, 382.
RAVAISSON (born 1813). — Theory of the soul, 212 ; on Aristotle's proof of a
first mover, 263-264 ; work on the Metaphysics of Aristotle referred
to, 269 ; spiritualism, 348.
REGIUS(LE ROY), (1632-1707). — The union of soul and body accidental not
essential, 365.
REID, THOMAS (1710-1796). — Common sense doctrine of the soul, 212, 213.
REJJAN, ERNEST (1823-1892). — His work on Averroes referred to, 196 ;
religious criticism, 348.
RENOUVIER (born 1815). — View of religion, 348.
REYNAUD, JEAN (1806-63).— Immortality of the soul, 372, 373.
RICHARD OF ST. VICTOR (died 1173). — Six degrees in contemplation, 52 ;
proof of the existence of God a contingentia mundi, 279.
RITTER (1779-1859).— History of Greek philosophy referred to, 147, 196.
ROUSSEAU J. J. (1712-1778).— Deism, 330, 331 ; a future life, 369.
SAINT-LAMBERT (1716-1803).— Materialism, 206.
SAISSET, EMILE. — Work on ..'Enesidimus referred to, 111 ; work on the
argument of St. Anselm referred to, 278 ; religious philosophy,
344-348.
SCHELLING (1775-1854). — Theory of matter, 176 ; the soul, 210 ; the soul
and the body, 243 ; religious philosophy, 334, 335.
SCHOLASTICS, THE. — Progressive separation of faith and reason, 116-118 ;
theory of the soul, 194-196 ; relations between mind and matter, 228-
230 ; proofs of the existence of God, 275-281.
SCHOPENHAUER (1788-1860).— Pessimism, 337, 338.
SCOTUS ERIGENA (born circa 800 A.D.). — Pantheistical theology, 287-288.
SECRETAN.— Religious philosophy, 348.
SENECA (3-65 A.D.). — Ethics, 33, 35, 36, 39, 40 ; matter and mind, 224 ;
immortality of the soul, 361.
SEXTUS EMPIRICUS (first half of 3rd century). — Scepticism, 112-114.
SHAFTESBURY (1671-1713). — The moral sense, 76, 77.
SIMON, JULES (1814-1896).— Spiritualism, 348.
SMITH, ADAM (1723-1790).— Ethics founded on sympathy, 78-80.
INDEX TO PROPEE NAMES xiii
SOCRATES (born circa 469, died 399 B.C.). — Ethics, theoretical and practical,
6-10 ; certitude, 97-99 ; reaction against materialism, 150 ; the soul,
184 ; matter and mind, 216 ; proofs of the existence of God by final
causes : Providence, 251-252 ; the immortality of the soul, 352, 553.
SOLON (born circa 638 B.C.). — Moral teaching, 3.
SOPHISTS. — Ethics, 4-6 ; character of their scepticism, 96-97 ; religious
scepticism, 251.
SPENCER, HERBERT (born 1820). — Evolutionist ethics, 87-89 ; criterion of
truth, 142, 143 ; evolution and the religion of the Unknowable,
342-344.
SPINOZA (1632-1677).— Ethics, 61-66 ; theory of certainty, 123-125 ; exten-
sion an attribute of God, 162 ; bodies modes of the divine extension,
163, 164 ; the soul of the world, 197, 198 ; the human soul, 199 ;
relation between extension and thought, their parallel development,
235-238 ; the ontological argument, 298 ; the nature and attributes
of God, 315 ; the divine thought, 317 ; the divine extension, 318, 319 ;
the eternal and infinite modes, 319, 320; divine freedom and necessity,
321, 322 ; impersonal immortality, 367-369.
STOICS. — Ethics, general, individual, social, and religious, 31-37 ; cri-
terion of truth, 101, 102 ; matter, 155, 156 ; theory of the pneuma,
188, 189 ; matter and force, 223, 224 ; the soul and the body, 225 ;
theology, 224 ; argument of universal consent, 265 ; proof by final
causes, 265-267 ; Providence and optimism, 267 ; theories of the im-
mortality of the soul, 360-363.
TAINE (born 1828-1893).— His Philosophes Classiques referred to, 372.
TERTULLIAN (160-220 A.D.).— Materialism, 193, 228.
THALES (born circa 640 B.C.). — Matter, 147 ; the humid principle, 214 ;
theology, 249.
THEODORUS THE ATHEIST (disciple of Aristippus of Gyrene). — Ethics, 24-25.
THEOGNIS (flourished circa 548 B.C.). — Moral teaching, 2.
THOMAS, ST. See Aquinas.
TYNDALL (1820-1893). — Relation between physical states and the facts of
consciousness, 242.
UEBERWEG. — History of Philosophy referred to, 50.
VACHEROT. — Theory of God, 348.
WADDINGTON, CHARLES. — His work on Pyrrho referred to, 30.
WILLIAM OF AUVERGNE (died 1249). — The soul, 195.
WILLIAM OF CONCHES (1080-1154).— The soul of the -world, 194.
XENOPHANES (flourished between 540 and 500 B.C.). — Dogmatism, 94 ;
theology, 349, 350.
XENOPHON (born circa 444 B.C.). — His Memorabilia quoted, 7, 8, 9, 10 ;
his Symposium referred to, 30 ; on a future life, 352.
ZELLER (1814). — Quoted, 30, 108, 151-152 ; history of philosophy referred
to, 158, 180, 217, 355, 357.
ZENO THE STOIC (350-258 B.C.). — Ethics, 24, 27, 29 ; the criterion of truth,
102 ; the persistence of the soul after death, 360.
""'^f''-
CHAPTER I
THE history of ethics haSj apart from the light which' it throws-
on philosophy in general, an interest peculiar to itself. For,
whilst metaphysical theories are often the work of men not
in close contact with practical life, the ethical theories of a
philosopher, on the contrary, give nearly always an ideal
interpretation of the customs and moral sentiments of his age.
Moralists are in a sense the legislators of nations, for they
in truth dictate laws to the nobler minds, whose ideal of
conduct is not bounded by the narrow limits of mere legality.
Ethical systems, no less than legal codes, have for their foun-
dations, as Plato says, not " rocks and oaks, but the
customs of the state " (Rep. Book VIII, Chapter II) ; and far
more clearly than philosophy or science, they reveal to us the
character and spirit of the nations to which they belong. The
history of human societies explains, and is in its turn explained
by the history of ethics.
Practical morality which is too often ignored in the
exposition of moral systems, as if it were subordinate and a
matter of detail, really possesses the same historical interest
as theoretical ethics. It is in a way even more instructive,
for it enables us to penetrate more deeply into the life and
thought of past centuries. Practice has often been not only the
starting point, but perhaps also the determining cause of moral
theory. Logic comes later to the support of morality and only
to justify, by means of reasoning, ideas which were originally
simple intuitions. Moral truths gain cogency when they are
presented in the form of deductions, and so afford each other
II. A
2 THE PEOBLEMS .OF PHILOSOPHY
mutual support. Hence moral teachers, who are in any case
anxious to prove that their precepts are based on the authority
of reason, have grouped their ideas systematically, thereby
gratifying the human mind in its love of order.
If the doctrines of philosophers thus express in the most
perfect form the moral conceptions of a people, they may be
taken at the same time as the measure of the progress made by
the human conscience in the different ages. Thus, in addition
to their purely historical interest, these ethical doctrines have a
speculative interest of the highest order, for they prove that
conscience itself obeys the law of evolution.
Nevertheless, we must not fall into the common error of
believing that even those theoretical speculations, which to the
intelligence have been most convincing, have changed the
customary morality of a people. For men's hearts are not
transformed by speculative doctrines, not even by those that
bring most conviction to their minds. If conscience changes
it is only by a slow and gradual progress. Nor is this pro-
gress uniform and continuous. The deviations in its course
give evidence of the diversity of the minds in which, at
different times and in many different ways, it has been
actualized.
Ethical Notions of Pre-philosophic times.
Ethical thought began to manifest itself at the earliest
period of the existence of human societies, and found expres-
sion both in the works of law-givers and of poets. Arising
out of reflections which not only great events but also
the ordinary accidents of life must suggest to all men,
moral science took at first the form of an entirely practical
teaching. In Greece its first expositors were : Homer, in
whose pictures of real life Horace professes to find a lofty
morality (Epistles, 1, 2), Hesiod (Works and Days), the gnomic
poets, Solon, Theognis, and the seven sages whose very names
are uncertain.
Ethics in Homer appears as the courage and tender-
ness of Achilles, the perseverance of Ulysses, the fidelity of
Penelope, the punishment of Paris in the Iliad, and of the
suitors' in the Odyssey. With Hesiod moral reflection proper
begins to appear, but it is still feeble, and only shows
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 3
itself in connection with the poet's individual experiences.
He was thinking of his quarrels with his brother when
he wrote, " there are two kinds of contests, one is odious
and reprehensible, for example lawsuits and trials, the
other is noble and salutary, such is the emulation of
.artists and artisans." The fable of the nightingale and the
hawk was suggested to him by all he had suffered through the
injustice of kings.
Of the poems written between the ninth century (the
supposed time of Hesiod) and the sixth, only a few fragments
have come down to us. The seven sages were not philosophers,
but practical men who endeavoured to inculcate and popularize
moral ideas by means of short maxims and familiar discourses.
They made no attempt at argument or discussion, being con-
tent to set forth clearly truths that were supposed to be either
self-evident or based on some divine authority. The gnomic-
poets, Solon and Phocylides, likewise expressed in their moral
reflections the results of human experience : the dangers of
violence, the necessity of moderation in private as in public life,
and so forth.
The Naturalism of Democritus. Mystic Morality of the Pytha-
goreans. The Sophists ; Nature Opposed to Law.
Heraclitus and Democritus were the first philosophers to set
forth ethical notions as the logical consequences of a philoso-
phical theory. Heraclitus, while teaching that everything is
in a state of flux and that nothing endures, counsels man to
submit to the universal order of things, and to let himself be
gently borne along with the unceasing flow of phenomena.
Democritus derives from sensuous principles the morality of
an intelligent self-interest. He regards happiness as the end
•of life, but he makes it consist in good health, good humour,
and peace of mind, and thus makes temperance its necessary
condition.
The greatest moral teachers amongst pre-Socratic philosophers
were the Pythagoreans. It is difficult to determine precisely the
connection between their practical and their speculative philo-
sophy, but the general tendency of their morality was mystic.
The Pythagoreans taught that human life is in God's hands,
and consequently they condemned suicide as an act of impiety.
4 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
But it was not by describing its delights that they sought to
reconcile man to life ; on the contrary, they maintained that
it would be well for the soul to be delivered from the prison-
house of the body, but she must respect God's commands, and
remain on earth to expiate the sins of a former life. It would
seem that for them the renunciation of happiness is the
necessary condition of virtue. Temperance is the contest
waged by the rational soul against the passions. The idea of
Justice is expressed by the stern law of retaliation, and to define
it the Pythagoreans use an untranslatable term, avTi7re7rov06<?f
— " to suffer from another that which one has done to him."
Friendship, for the Pythagoreans, was a manly virtue, free from
all weakness. " We should help others to take up their
burdens," they said, " but we must not carry them in their
stead." In the rules of the community at Crotona, the
asceticism of their teaching is still more marked. Pythagoras
anticipated all the notions of the founders of monastic orders.
The community of goods, celibacy, the rule of silence, prayer,,
hymns sung in common, and self-examination, are all enjoined
by him.
" Let not thine eyelids yield to slumber, till thou hast submitted to thy
reason all the actions of the day. ' In what have I failed ? What have I
done ? Of what is commanded, have I omitted aught ? ; Having thus
reviewed the first of thine actions, consider them all one by one in the
same way, and if thou hast done wrong, humble thyself. If thou hast
done well, rejoice " (Golden Sayings).
The influence of this austere morality of Pythagoras was.
destined to last long. Its traces are particularly visible in
Platonism. In Pythagoreanism there appears for the first
time the great conception of asceticism, which, broadly speaking,,
consists in sacrificing the natural to the moral.
In connection with this doctrine we may disciiss a view
which was more in accordance with the Greek spirit, and
which found about the same time its first exponents in the
Sophists — that of Naturalism. In ethics, as in politics, the
starting point of the Sophists was the fundamental distinction
made by them between nature (^>wrip) and custom
From this principle was derived their theory of Law
The antithesis between natural and conventional laws, so
eloquently set forth by Hippias (Plato, Protag. 337 c) was adopted
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 5
and expressed in similar terms by all the Sophists. Each,
however, interprets it in his own way. For ' Nature ' is one
of the vaguest of terms, and the Sophists did not define it.
But, beyond doubt, its truest meaning is that which was given
to it later by Socrates and the Stoics, namely, reason ; and
this seems to have been the way in which Protagoras already
understood it, when he said that Nature has given to all men
the knowledge of what is just (diK*}} and of what is unjust
(aSiKos), and when he makes moral justice thus founded on
Nature, the basis of political justice (Protagoras, 322 a-c).
Alcidamus and Lycophron seem also to use the word in that
sense, when they denounce as contrary to nature — the former
. the difference made by the laws between the freeman and the
slave, the latter the distinction drawn by prejudice between
the different classes of citizens. Thus the Law (1/0/^09), in so
far as it is opposed to Nature ((f>v<ris), is unjust and contrary
to reason, and in so far as it is derived from and in accordance
with Nature, it is the expression of reason itself.
But the Sophists did not believe in the validity of Eeason,
and if the masters did not deliberately preach immorality, their
disciples were more bold. The speech which Plato puts into
the mouth of Callicles (Gorgias, 482 e) shows what the result
would be if this antithesis of Nature to custom were logically
carried out. It is the will of Nature that the strong should
rule over the weak. The man who had the intelligence to
despise the conventional justice instituted by men, and the
courage to defy them, would on his part seek to feel the reckless
joy of life, to taste of all life's pleasures ; confiding in his
strength, which would make him feared -by others, he would
give full rein to his passions, and would always find the
means of indulging them. It is in this way, that from time to
time, in the midst of society, life according to Nature is
realized in a few exceptional beings. The natural Laws also
apply to the State, in a more general if less obvious way.
Civil Law, according to Callicles, may be reduced to the will of
the stronger, and according to Thrasymachus (Plato, Hep. I, 338 a)
to the will of the Rulers. As for that purely human justice
which forbids violence, it is a mere convention, a prejudice
fostered by the weak, whose interest it serves : TO Siicaiov KOI
TO aia-^pov ov (bucrei a\Xa
6 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
The Sophists were always ready to assign a conventional
origin to every kind of institution. Thus, their disciple Critias-
discerned in the belief in the Gods a successful artifice, em-
ployed by legislators in order that fear might prevent, or that
remorse might disclose, secret crimes which would otherwise
go unpunished. Such a free interpretation of political and
religious notions was at that time both daring and original.
It was a remarkable innovation in the world of thought that
the law, to which in the beginning all nations ascribed a sacred
character, should be reduced to the level of a natural fact.
The revolutions in Greece had taught their lesson. The
different forms of Government, which men had seen alternately
established by violence and by violence overthrown, had lost
all prestige ; and now philosophy, with its independent criti-
cism, finished the work of making them appear contemptible.
Unfortunately, the Sophists were inclined to exaggerate the
artificial character of laws and institutions. That they should
be regarded as a human, and consequently imperfect product,
was enough, without further representing them as merely
arbitrary, the result of caprice or of a blind force. To see
nothing in the Laws except the inventions of Legislators, to
ignore the natural basis on which they rest, was to be blind
to the order which rules among human affairs. To leave to
the established laws no raison d'etre beyond the fact of their
existence, was to deprive them further of authority and to
justify beforehand those acts of violence which change for
good or evil the character of a state. Thus for all their bold
attacks on prejudice, the moral teaching of the Sophists was
itself a reflection of the opinions of an age, in which the respect
for law had been weakened by the melancholy spectacle of
successive revolutions.
Socrates : Practical Morality ; The Teaching of Virtue.
For the Sophists, the teaching of Wisdom had been merely
an honourable and lucrative profession. For Socrates, it was
the fulfilment of a duty to* his country, and of a divine mission.
He devoted himself to the moral instruction of the youth of
Athens, and, unlike the Sophists, he never thought of procuring
for himself a brilliant position. On the contrary, in order
that he might the better take upon himself the care of souls,
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 7
he ceased to occupy himself with his affairs, and gave no-
thought to any concern of his own (Plato, Apology, 23 V).
His preaching was enforced by the example of his life, of hi&
private virtues and political courage. In truth, his great
reputation for virtue \vas needed if the militant ardour
and indiscretions of his zeal were to be forgiven him.
Socrates adopted a peculiar method of instruction which
reflects a curious feature in Athenian life. The Greeks, whose
private life was led in the market place, under the public gaze,
allowed their philosophers to take a liberty which seem&
surprising to us, — that of choosing as a text for their moral
lessons, the actions and conduct of any private individual
among them. Socrates was the first to exercise jbhis kind of
moral censorship. He tells us himself that he was to all the
citizens like a father or an elder brother, exhorting them to
virtue (Plato, Apol. 31). We find him as virtue's true
" agent " intervening with his advice in the intimate concerns
of private individuals. He helps the young men, Glaucon and
Charmides, in the choice of a profession (Xen. Mem. Ill, 6
and 7) ; he reconciles two brothers, Chaerephon and Chserecrates,
who had quarrelled (Ibid., II, 3) ; he advises Aristarchus,
weighed down by his numerous relations, to escape from his
embarrassments by taking to work (Ibid. II, 7) ; filled with a
touching interest in humble folk, he exhorts Diodorus to give
help to Hermogenes in his poverty (Hid. II, 10); and again,
Eutherus is persuaded by him to accept the honourable yoke of
domestic service, so that his old age may be sheltered from
want (Ibid. II, 8). In a word, wherever there is a good
action to be done or good counsel needed, there Socrates is
always to be found.
In the process of giving moral advice Socrates, incidentally —
if one may so express it — arrived at certain truths outside the
compass of his theoretical scheme. We may not be able to
find in his philosophy precepts condemning slavery or the sub-
jection of women, but, with regard to the latter, he certainly
taught that they should be treated with respect. In woman,
he honours the mother and the wife. He makes gratitude the
basis of filial piety, and exhorts his son Lamprocles to bear
with Xanthippe's trying temper, remembering the devoted care
which she bestowed on him in his childhood (Mem. II, 2).
8 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
In conjugal life he regards woman as the equal of man. He
made no distinction between them except such as springs from
the different tasks in a concern that is common. To man
belongs outdoor work, to women the care of all within, and the
supervision of the house (Xen. (Econ. 1, 7). Good order in the
household will of itself secure the kind treatment of slaves.
The mistress of the house, of whom Socrates gives us an
ideal portrait {Ibid.}, herself takes care of the slaves
when they are ill, preferring this task in fact to any other,
because thereby she insures devoted servants (Hid.} Socrates
makes the position of the slave altogether honourable, when
he declares that he respects him for his services, and when he
points out to free men, who can only " eat "and sleep," that
they should take example by the slaves, whose labour brings
ease and comfort to their employers (Mem. II, 7).
Such precepts, although they appeared in the modest form
of practical advice merely, had nevertheless a very lofty import,
and in order rightly to estimate their value, we must also bear
in mind that they were at that time quite new.
Theoretical Morals : Virtue, Knowledge, and Happiness
identical.
Notwithstanding all this, Socrates would scarcely deserve
the title of philosopher if he had done no more than teach
virtue in Athens ; but, in fact, the noble thoughts communicated
by his word formed in his mind a coherent system. Socrates
has rightly been called the founder of Moral Science, for all his
logical precepts (his yvwQi a-eavrov, irony, maieutic, etc.) have
significance only when applied to practical life. His belief in
his own mission led him to declare that virtue was knowledge,
and could therefore be taught (Plato, Protag.}. When he said
that virtue was knowledge, it was not the commonplace truth
that it is necessary to think correctly in order to act well that
Socrates announced. What he meant was, that one cannot
separate knowledge from action, because he who really knows
the good understands also that it is his interest to do it, con-
sequently he cannot do otherwise than choose it. The will
cannot go against reason, and when it is enlightened it always
makes for the good. Its weaknesses and faults are nothing
but errors of the intelligence. This follows necessarily from
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 9
another principle, namely, that the interests of individuals
always coincide with the general good. For with Socrates the
good is neither pleasure as Aristippus understood it {Mem. II,
1), nor what it might please any casual individual to call the
good, such as wealth or honour. It is that which is esteemed
by all men without exception, that which all men agree in
proclaiming fair and good, KoXoKayaOov, and which is so in fact
universally and at all times, — as are temperance and justice.
Now the good thus understood is the supremely useful ; for
whilst the value of riches, for instance, depends on the use that
is made of them, and they may consequently be as harmful to
one as they are useful to another, justice, on the contrary, is in
itself of so great a worth that its possession is always and
necessarily a good. The man that is guided by his own interest
must always choose the Good, or virtue, and whoever first com-
mitted the error and the crime of separating the Good from the
Useful is consigned by Socrates to the infernal gods.
The good being identical with the useful, it follows that
happiness is the end of virtue. But happiness is itself
reducible to virtue, and finds in virtue its immediate realiza-
tion. For, according to Socrates, reason makes us despise
•external goods, the signs of the uncertain favour of fortune
or of the gods (evrv^id). Reason conceives happiness (euvpaj'ia)
as a holy joy, which implies the renunciation of common
delights. In this high sense of the term it may be truly
said that happiness does not deceive the hopes of those
who put their trust in it, and make themselves worthy to
enjoy it.
The means of attaining a happy life are the virtues, and the
virtues are in their turn different kinds of knowledge. But the
virtue par excellence is wisdom, or the general knowledge of the
Good, while the other virtues are parts of wisdom, each being
the special knowledge of a particular kind of good. Thus,
temperance is knowledge of the true good, as distinguished
from the false good which men call pleasure; courage consists
in the just appreciation of merely apparent evils, such as sick-
ness or death, which are not to be feared, and of true evils,
such as injustice, which should be shunned ; finally, justice is
knowledge of that which is permitted or forbidden by human
or divine law.
10
If happiness and virtue are one, and if, in consequence, no
one is voluntarily evil, it is because the good has for man a
power divine. Hence the good has its origin in reason, and
not, as the Sophists said, in convention. There are two kinds
of laws, the written and the unwritten.
" ' But are you aware, Hippias,' asks Socrates, ' that there are un-
written laws ? ' ' You mean those,' asked Hippias, ' that are in force
about the same points everywhere ? ' ' Can you affirm then that men
made those laws ? ' ' How could they,' said Hippias, ' when they could
not all meet together, and do not all speak the same language ? ' ' "Whom,
then, do you suppose to have made those laws ? ' 'I believe,' said he,
' that it was the gods who made those laws for men, for among all men
the first law is to respect the gods ' " (Mem. IV, 4).
The distinctive characteristic of the unwritten laws is that
they are universal, divinely instituted, and, as Socrates adds^
that they carry with them their own sanction.
" Those who violate the laws made by the gods incur punishment which
it is by no means possible for them to escape . . . many transgressors of
laws made by men escape punishment, some by concealment, others by
open violence" (Ibid.).
Thus, to the distinction, which had been established by the
Sophists, between natural and positive laws, Socrates gave a
new, and, at the same time, a more rational and accurate
meaning. And, while the Sophists only aimed at destroying
the authority of the laws, Socrates restored and strengthened
it by finding in the unwritten laws the source of the written
laws, and by making these participate in the sanctity and
majesty of the divine model of which they are, in his opinion,
an imperfect image (Crito).
Plato : The Virtues ; Their Principle in Wisdom ; Their
Unity in Justice.
Plato adopted the ethical conceptions of Socrates, but as
was always his way, he gave them a wider significance and a
new authority by bringing to light the metaphysical principles
which were implied in them. He distinguishes three parts in
the soul, and assigns to each a special function and a special
excellence. Appetite (emOu/mia), which has to be regulated
and restrained, only gives rise to a negative virtue, temperance.
The spirited passion (Ov/mos), being enlisted in the service of
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN .ANCIENT TIMES II
virtue, becomes courage. Finally, Reason (yov<i), when true to
herself, takes the name of wisdom.
If, on the one hand, the desires and needs of the body must
be satisfied to the extent necessary for its preservation, they
should, 011 the other hand, be fought against as an obstacle to
divine life, and, more especially, to the attainment of truth.
In the highest and most philosophic sense, temperance is, for
Plato, the renunciation of pleasure and the release of the soul
from the body (^cojOt<r/xo? "v^u^? a-jro erooyaaro?, Phaedo, 67 d).
Plato describes it in mystical language as " the practice of
dying."
Appetite (tviftvuiai), which is lawless and blind, can be
conquered only by setting against it the spirited passion
which, of its own impulse, makes for the good. Courage thus
completes the work of temperance ; one is the struggle against
pain, while the other consists in resisting the soft seductions
of pleasure. Both are essential elements of wisdom. By
delivering the soul from the fetters of desire which bind her
to the body, these virtues restore her to herself, and to that
contemplation of true Being, of the Good, which for Plato, as
for Aristotle, is the supreme end of moral life. Wisdom is
not only first among the virtues, it is also the principle of
them all.
" Then all but the philosophers are courageous from fear, and because
they are afraid ; and yet that a man should be courageous from fear, and
because he is a coward, is surely a strange thing. . . . And are not the
temperate exactly in the same case 1 They are temperate because they
are intemperate, which might seem to be a contradiction, but is neverthe-
less the sort of thing that happens with this slavish temperance. For
there are pleasures which they are afraid of losing, and in their desire to
keep them they abstain from some pleasures because they are overcome
by others. . . . Yet the exchange of one fear or pleasure or pain for
another fear or pleasure or pain, and of the greater for the less, as if they
were coins, is not the exchange of virtue. O my dear Simmias, is there
not one true coin for which all things ought to exchange 1 — and that is
wisdom ; and only in exchange for this, and in company with this, is
anything truly bought or sold, whether courage or temperance or justice.
And is not all true virtue the companion of wisdom, no matter what fears
or pleasures, or other similar goods or evils may or may not attend her ?
But the virtue which is made up of these goods, when they are severed
from wisdom and exchanged with one another, is a shadow of virtue only,
nor is there any freedom or health or truth in her " (Phaedo, 68 d}.
12 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Thus the virtues owe their value to the principle of wisdom
from which they flow. Plato's contemptuous disparagement
of interested virtue seems to offer an anticipatory criticism of
Epicureanism.
The different virtues, therefore, are all inspired by the same
spirit of wisdom, and all participate in the same idea of the
Good. Besides their unity of origin, their end is also one,
which they pursue in common, and of which their harmonious
activity is the realization. For although each of these virtues
has an absolute value, and is an end in itself, the particular
ends, named Courage, Temperance, Wisdom, have nevertheless
their place by relation to a still higher end, which is Justice.
By Justice is meant, in Platonic language, an internal virtue,
the peace or harmony established in the soul by the rule of
reason.
The virtues, therefore, are not isolated, but one and whole.
We have already seen that courage and temperance are sisters,
being both the daughters of wisdom ; these sisters, we may add,
go hand in hand. Plato shows clearly the unity of the moral
life, when he makes the law that governs the intellect extend to
the will, and when he further introduces a dialectic of the pas-
sions, and a hierarchy of the virtues. In one sense, temperance
and courage are merely relative virtues, for, in purifying the soul
from passion, they only prepare it for wisdom, which alone has
absolute value. Here Plato seems almost to draw the same
distinction between the practical and the contemplative life, as
that made later by Aristotle. But according to Plato these
two lives are in reality only one. While it ascends from one
degree to another, virtue at the same time preserves the unity
of a movement that is continuous ; under all the variety of
names, it is always the same impulse which carries us towards
the Good.
Transition from justice as the virtue of an individual, to
justice considered as a social virtue, is suggested by the nature
of things. The law which rules the mutual relation of the
faculties of the soul also regulates the relations of men to one
another and of citizens within the state. Pteason, which, in
the state, is represented by its rulers, controls the passions and
the lower appetites, which are in turn represented, the former
by the soldiers, the latter by the artizans and labourers.
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 13
Each class, having in the state its special function, has also its
special virtue, and so Plato, speaking of the state as he would
of the citizen, calls it wise, courageous, temperate, and just
(Rep. IV, Chap. VI). Politics with him were thus merely
Ethics on a larger scale.
The social virtues, on the other hand, depend on individual
morality : in order to live in peace and harmony with his
fellows, the individual has only to make harmony rule in his
own soul. Virtue is in no sense merely a personal thing : its
object is the Good in itself. To attain virtue is, therefore, not
merely to pursue one's private perfection, or a good that is
relative to one's particular nature, as Aristotle says afterwards
(oiKetov epyov) ; it is to make the universal end one's own end,
and thus to join in the harmonious unity of rational wills.
The whole theory of special virtues rests upon the conception
of an absolute Good. It is because the Good has an absolute
value, that we must always practise it, at whatever cost to our
love of ourselves, or our hatred of others. Justice consists,
not as the old maxims said, in doing good to one's friends,
and evil to one's enemies, but in doing good to all men with-
out distinction. " Injustice is always an evil " (Crito, 49 a)
Thus Plato enjoins the forgiveness of injuries. His precepts •',
are in the very terms of Christian charity ; but they were not '
inspired by the same spirit, for he puts them forward as a
metaphysical deduction, as the sublime result of intellectual
insight, rather than of an impulse of the heart.
The Supreme Good and its Constituents ; Pleasure and Know-
ledge ; Virtue and Happiness ; Expiation.
With Plato, as with all the ancients, the object of Ethics
was the determination and explication of the nature of the
Supreme Good, or " Summum Bonum" that is to say of the
good that is self-sufficient (avrdpiceia). " Is the good sufficient ? "
asks Socrates, in the Philebus (20). " Yes, certainly," says
Protarchus, " and in a degree surpassing all other things."
Among the things that men call good, which is it that
fulfils the condition of supreme good ? Is it pleasure ? No,
for pleasure derives its value, not from itself, but from its
union with mind. Pleasure would be nothing did we not
perceive it when it arises, recall it in thought after it has
14 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
disappeared and anticipate it before it comes. Pleasure has
value, only because it is given witb consciousness, with memory
.and reflection, in a word with mind. Moreover, we make a
distinction between pleasures that are real and pleasures that are
false, and as the mind is the only judge of truth, pleasure from
this point of view also, depends on knowledge. Thus pleasure
is indeed a good, but a relative, a subordinate good, in no way
deserving of the title of Supreme Good (Philebus, 21 & et pass.).
Is knowledge, then, the Good, seeing that to it pleasure owes
its worth ?
" I want to know," asks Socrates, " whether any one of us would
consent to live, having wisdom and rnind and knowledge and memory
•of all things, but having no sense of pleasure or pain, and wholly
unaffected by these and the like feelings?" (Ibid. 21 d).
This simple question is substantially the same as that which
is presented in dramatic form in the poem of Faust, and the
answer given by Plato harmonizes also with Goethe's con-
•ception. Wisdom is not the good, and the life of thought is
not happiness. Still, as pleasure and knowledge are the only
goods we know, the supreme good, if it exists, must be in
them ; and as it cannot be in either of them, taken separately,
it follows that it must be in the union of both. The Good
.therefore is a mixture ; it is fed from two sources. " And
.here are two fountains which are flowing at our side ; one,
which is pleasure, may be likened to a fountain of honey : the
•other, wisdom, a sober draught in which no wine mingles, is of
water, unpleasant but healthful " (Ibid. 61 c).
In the mixture of which the Good is composed all the
isciences are included, for they are all good, though in different
^degrees ; between pleasures, on the other hand, a choice has to
be made, for only the pleasures that are true and pure can
-enter into the composition of the Good. Thus Plato does not
.admit that simplification of ethics by which the Supreme Good
is reduced to a single principle, whether this principle be
i-contemplation, as with Aristotle, or common pleasure, as with
;the Cyrenaics. For Plato, the Supreme Good is a mixture in
[proper proportions of pleasure and wisdom.
The notion expressed by the ancients in the term Supreme
•Good is also complex in another sense, and made up of elements
which were later considered to be heterogeneous, namely, Virtue
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 15
and Happiness. What, then, is virtue ? What is happiness ?
And how was their relation to one another conceived by Plato ?
Virtue, as the Pythagoreans had already said, is " the being
made like unto God " (6/xoiW<? Oe<w) ; and God is the One, or
the Good, in contrast to matter, which is the principle of the
many, or the evil. To be like unto God is to escape from the
material or sensible world, which is of necessity the abode of
evil* and to take night towards the world of Ideas (Theaetetus,
176 a). In the less obscure language of psychology, this
metaphysical definition means that virtue, that flight towards
the region of things eternal ((f)vyi\ is detachment from sense
and the cultivation of reason (Phaedo}. Moreover, as God is
the One, virtue, or imitation of God is a kind of participation
in the divine Unity. No doubt, man, inasmuch as he consists
of a body composed of many elements and of a soul possessed
of many faculties, cannot become one; but, in so far as he
keeps his body subject to his soul, and the faculties of his soul
subject to his reason, he realizes such unity as his nature
admits of, — a unity, that is, made up of divers elements, and
which manifests itself in the midst of multiplicity. And thus
Plato could say, following another Pythagorean maxim, "Virtue
is a harmony, and the wise man is a musician."
Virtue brings happiness in its train (Rep. I, 354 a), because
virtue is the natural good of the soul. The just man is
always happy. No doubt he is exposed to the blows of
fortune — he may be shamefully treated by his friends ; he
may, as the victim of a blind hatred or of a base betrayal, be
dragged to prison and scourged ; he may find an end to his
sufferings in death at the stake ; but " stripped of everthing
except Justice," he still possesses true happiness (Rep. 362 a).
For it is when virtue is subjected to humiliating insults that
she emerges, not only worthy of all veneration, but triumphant.
And as the just man is happy, even on the cross, so the
tyrant is miserable and hateful, even on his throne or in the
midst of delights.
From the connection established by Plato between virtue
and the Happy Life, there follows, as a consequence, a
doctrine which appears to us startling, and not at all in
harmony with the Greek spirit : the rehabilitation, and, as it
were, the vindication of pain.
16 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Our moral offences cannot of . themselves be blotted out.
Only by suffering punishment can we atone for them. And from
this idea that expiation is necessary, follows that of suffering
as justified. Pain is not an evil ; the greatest of all evils, on the
contrary, would be not to suffer the punishment our offences
deserve ; and hence, far from fearing punishment, we should
desire it and even seek it. If we have a friend who is guilty
of a crime, our love for him commands us to drag him by
force before the tribunal, to denounce him before the Judge, to
demand and obtain his condemnation. We must see that he
pays the penalty of his crime, and that in this way he is
reconciled to the Good. And with still more reason we
should exercise the utmost severity in dealing with ourselves.
" And if he, or any one about whom he cares, does wrong, he ought of
his own account to go where he will be immediately punished ; he will
run to the judge as he would to the physician. . . . He should even
force himself and others not to shrink, but with closed eyes, like
brave men, to let the physician operate with knife or searing iron, not
regarding the pain, in the hope of attaining the good and the honourable.
Let him who has done things worthy of stripes allow himself to be
scourged, if of bonds to be bound, if of a fint to be fined, if of exile to be
exiled, if of death to die, himself being the first to accuse himself and his
own relations, and using rhetoric to this end, that his and their unjust
actions may be made manifest, and that they themselves may be delivered
from injustice, which is the greatest evil. Then, Polus, rhetoric would
indeed be useful " (Gorgias, 480).
How did so novel a theory suggest itself to Plato ? It
would seem that the philosopher, in giving to it an ethical
meaning, had purified and refined the idea of expiation which
plays so important a part in Greek mythology (e.g. the legends
of Oedipus, Orestes, Nemesis), and that out of a gross supersti-
tion he had brought forth the Christian doctrine of expiation
by suffering.
When he represented the relation of virtue and happi-
ness as necessary, Plato did not mean that this relation
is to be established some day in another life. He held that
it must always be, and that it therefore exists actually, at the
present moment. Moreover, even if the good man were to re-
gard faith in a future life as only a "splendid possibility" (/caXo?
tuvSwas) he would still, like Socrates, face death in a calm, serene
spirit, without murmuring against either justice or the gods.
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 17
Aristotle : The Moral Law ; Virtue and Happiness ; The
Virtues ; Justice and Friendship ; The Contemplative Life.
" Indubitably, Plato the Athenian was a true Greek, but
added to, and mixed with the national qualities so conspicuous
in him, there was, one might almost say, something Christian in
his manner of thinking and speaking. Aristotle, on the other
hand, represents with singular exactness the genius of ancient
Greece. No other moralist has given us an ideal picture,
drawn from life, in which what is most profound and most
enduring in the Greek mind "is so happily expressed" (Olle-
Laprune, Morale d'Aristote, pp. 67-69). The idea of moderation,
of harmonious activity, of happiness through reason (/caret TOV
opOov \6yov), of fitness, and of beauty (TO KO\OV), prevail
throughout all Aristotle's speculations on the moral life.
Practical reason ((frpovtja-i?) differs from wisdom (<ro(£/a).
Ethical questions do not admit of mathematical exact-
ness. We must not expect equal accuracy in all branches
of knowledge, TO jap aKpifies ov% o/xo/w? ev oVao-t TOIS \6yoi$
eTTi^rjTrjreov (1094, B. 12), but only to the extent the subject
studied admits of : TreTraiSev/mevov yap e<ntv CTTI TOCTOVTOV
TO.Kpi/3e$ eTriftjTeiv /caO' eicacrTOv yevos ed>' o<rov rj TOV 7rpa.yju.aTO?
(pv<TL<s eTriSe-^eTai " (24). In short, what Aristotle says con-\
cerning equity as contrasted with justice, would apply to thef
whole of his Ethics. The rule of what is indeterminate must/
itself be indeterminate, TOV yap aopta-Tov aopia-Tos /cat 6 Kavwv
CO-TIV (Nic. Ethics, Bk. V, Ch. 10).
According to Aristotle, experience of life and practice in doing good
actions produce in the soul as it were an eye which is able at first sight to
perceive and discern the true principles by which our conduct should be
governed, the good or evil in any case. We should follow these intuitions
of our inner life with the same confidence as the principles of science.
" And on this account we ought to pay the same respect to the undemon-
strated assertions and opinions of persons of age and experience and
prudence, as to their demonstrations" (Nic. Ethics, Bk. VI, Chap. 11).
Aristotle constantly repeats that the virtuous man is the
rule and measure of the Good (6 (nrovSaios Kavwv /cat /meTpov).
And this rule is universal as well as particular, for in the case
of the virtuous man it is not opinion that decides, but right
reason realized and living in him. Being truly man, he is
II. B
18 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
pleased with what ought to please him, he distinguishes
clearly the good from the evil, he is the rule and measure of
things.
Experience and practical reason show us that the end of
man, his supreme good, is happiness (evSai/movia). But what is
happiness ? Pleasure completes an action, is added to it, as
" to youth its bloom." The being which acts according to its
nature finds pleasure in the very consciousness of its own per-
fection, and when of all the actions of which its nature renders
it capable, that being accomplishes the highest and the most
essential to that nature, then it tastes of the purest and most
intense joy (apicrrov yap KOI ifiitrrov}. Now virtue for any
being consists in performing excellently its special function,
Tracra aperr'} ou av ft apeTrj, TO epyov O.VTOV ev aTroSiSaxriv (Nic.
Etk. II, 6), the virtue of man consists in exercising most fully
the highest functions of man.
Thus happiness is life according to virtue, and according
to the most perfect virtue. Nature actual and ideal, the
End and the Good, Virtue and Happiness, these terms all
imply and explain each other. It is in this sense that
happiness is the principle of all human action (TO apurrov),
the end for whose sake everything else is willed, and which is
itself willed for its own sake only, TO Ka6' auro atperov (1199
a 33). So far everything is clear. Happiness comes from per-
fection and is identical with virtue. But Aristotle, taking into
account the conditions of human life, affirms that external
goods (TO. e/cTo? ayaQa) are necessary to happiness. The""
virtuous man may despise ordinary misfortunes, which are to
him only an opportunity for displaying his courage, but mis-
fortunes such as those of Priam, without making him absolutely
miserable (a9\io$~), still prevent him from being quite happy
(yua/cct^oi09). To be complete, happiness requires that the favour
of the gods be added to merit. In order that there may be
nothing more that he could desire, a man must taste of the joys
of friendship, and of family affection ; he must have political
power, wealth, high birth, beauty ; in short he must lack none
of those useful accessories which are the ornament of life.
This does not mean that we cannot be happy without all
these advantages. The pursuit of happiness entails, on the
contrary, many sacrifices to which reason consents ; but so long
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 19
as those conditions of which fortune disposes remain unfulfilled,
there is still something wanting.
If our happiness depends in part on fortune, it would seem
that virtue, which is a habit whose principle is in the will,
ought to be more independent and more clearly defined. But
virtue itself is no more than a means of attaining happiness,
and therefore it has no intrinsic, or unconditional value. It
is, moreover, relative to the agent, and varies with the indi-
vidual. This follows from its very definition ; it consists in
" finding pleasure and pain in the right objects " (Nic. Eth. II,
3). It is the habit of behaving, with regard to the passions, in
such a manner as to avoid all excess, and always to observe
the due mean (TO pea-ov) : courage, for instance, consists in
keeping at an equal distance from the two extremes of
cowardice and temerity. " And the mean with which we are
here concerned varies in different individuals. If ten pounds
of food is too much for a given man to eat, and two pounds too
little, it does not follow that the trainer will order him six
pounds, for that also may be too much for the man in question
or too little ; too little for Milo, too much for the beginner "
(Nic. Ethics, II, 6). Moral obligations are not the same for
every one. " Temperance (craxp poa-vvrj] is not the same for
woman as for man " (Poht. Ill, 4).
But does not virtue, once it is determined by the particular
nature of the agent, at least depend exclusively on the will of
the latter ? One might be inclined to think so, remembering
that the peculiar and essential characteristic of virtue is that
it involves free choice, intention or preference (-Trpoaipea-is).
But while he asserts that the honour or merit of virtue belongs
to the will, Aristotle is far from holding that volition alone
is of consequence, and that the action is accessory or unimpor-
tant. According to Aristotle, the whole of morality consists
in willing to observe in all things the due mean, and in actually
observing it. We see that in this way Aristotle leaves man at
the mercy of external circumstances. " To be liberal one must
have something to give, to be just one must be able to requite
those who have done us good, etc."
Nor is this all : virtue can only develop in the state. It
is a law of nature that man only becomes virtuous amongst
his fellows. To sum up : virtue, which, by definition, is relative
20 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
and contingent, since it depends on the nature of the individual,
is further subject to two kinds of conditions : the accidental
conditions of fortune, and the better defined and less unstable
conditions of the state.
It is unnecess'ary to examine in detail the virtues that are
enumerated and described in the Nicomachean Ethics. But
among those which Aristotle honours with an analysis we must
note certain exceptional virtues which are altogether Greek and
aristocratic, such as Liberality (Nic. Etli. IV, 1) and Magnifi-
cence (Ibid. IV, 2) which are reserved for the wealthy ; for
they consist, the one in making good use of money in general,
the other in the right use of a large fortune. Magnanimity is
a still more exclusive virtue, for, besides high birth, it implies
a great soul, a cultivated mind, superior talents, in a word,
everything that would justify the highest ambition.
The fact that Aristotle makes a virtue of political capacity
and of the right use of wealth, shows sufficiently the character
of his ethics. The ideal which he proposes is not an abstract
ideal, or one that appears in violent contrast with the customs
of his time. It is an ideal, born, so to speak, of what was
actual, in harmony with Greek life and adapted to its form of
government and classes of society. The virtues of which
he makes the most exhaustive study are accordingly the virtues
of social life : justice and friendship.
The beauty of justice he extols in the following words :
"'Neither evening nor morning star is so lovely " (Nic. Ethics,
V, 1). He adds that, according to the poet Theognis, justice
includes all the other virtues, for it is in truth " a good to
another," aXXoTptov ayaOov. Everything that tends to pro-
duce prosperity in civil life, or to increase it, belongs to justice :
and since everything that concerns morality is part of the
social order, that which virtue requires is also ordered by the
law. Between the political and the moral life there is not
only interdependence, but a perfect analogy.
But Aristotle also gives the name of justice (Ibid. V, 2, 3) to
a special virtue, which consists in observing equality, either in
the distribution of honours, wealth, etc., or in exchange, in social
transactions (selling, buying, lending, salaries, etc.), and the
repression of legal offences and crimes. In this second case, all
that justice demands is that the things exchanged be strictly
THE ETHICAL PKOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 21
equal in value, that the punishment be exactly proportioned
to the wrong. But in the former case justice is not so easily
satisfied ; it demands that the merit of persons be taken into
account, as well as the value of things. Aristotle states in
mathematical terms the different rules belonging to these two
kinds of justice. Distributive justice has for its symbol Geome-
trical proportion, while the rule of exchange and of penalties
is represented by Arithmetical proportion.
Aristotle pays particular attention to political virtue, and
divides it into legal justice, which is conventional and variable,
and natural justice, which depends neither on the decrees nor on
the opinions of men, but has the characteristic of being
universal and immutable. On this important distinction is
based the theory of equity, which consists in appealing to
natural law against the severities and injustices of conventional
law.
"Though what is equitable (TO €7ri€t/<es) is just, it is not identical with,
but a correction of that which is just according to law, «ravo/30w/xa
vofj.ifj.ov SIKCUOU. The reason of this is, that every law is laid down in
general terms . . . and the essence of what is equitable is that it is an
amendment of the law, in those points where it fails through the generality
of its language " (Nic. Eth. V, 10).
Aristotle compares equity to the Lesbian leaden rule, which,
following the outline of the stone, gives a more exact measure
than the iron rule, which is the symbol of mere legal justice.
By means of justice good order is established in the State,
but friendship brings about the true union of the citizens.
Friendship may be extended to all men, and it then becomes
philanthropy (<pi\av6pa)Tria). Thus understood, it involves
justice and surpasses it.
" Friendship is the bond that holds States together. ... If citizens be
friends, they have no need of justice, but though they be just, they need
friendship or love also ; indeed, the cornpletest realization of justice seems
to be the realization of friendship or love also" (TWV SIKO.IWV TO ^aAtcrra
</uAiKoi/ fivai SoKfi) (Nic. Ethics, VIII, 1).
Nowhere does Aristotle's identification of politics and ethics,
of social and private virtue, appear more clearly than in his
theory of friendship.:/ He upholds, for example, in friendship,
the rules of an uncompromising justice, in which the virtues of
both parties are strictly taken into account. Of two friends
22 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the better man should be loved more than he loves. The
rights of moral superiority must be maintained. True friend-
ship has its origin neither in pleasure nor in interest, but
in virtue. Among men we love those who are good, and we
love them because of their goodness. Consequently the only
true friends are good men, who become united with the sole
object of becoming better, and hence more lovable. In fact, in
friendship as in virtue disinterestedness is the essential feature.
Aristotle speaks with contempt of those friendships which are
made and unmade with a view to advantage. Such are the
friendships formed by politicians and the aged. The kind of
friendship he holds up as a model, is that of a benefactor or a
mother's love. He would have us love our friend for his own
sake, and love htm like ourselves (erepos yup avros 6 ^>/\o9
ea-ri, Nic. Ethics, IX, 9). In short, he makes the perfection of
friendship consist in loving rather than in being loved (Soicei §'
i'j <pi\ia ei> TU> (biXeiv /uaXXoi/ »/ ev T(p (ptXeierOai, Nic. Ethics,
VIII, 8).
The object of practical life is not the absolute good, but a
particular or determinate good (oiKelov epyov TrpaitTov ayaOov),
the good that is conformable to the nature of man ; but the life
of contemplation gives us that perfect happiness, which tran-
scends our sensible nature, and belongs to God alone. In
contrast with the intellectual virtues, the moral and political
virtues fade into insignificance, for their worth is not in them-
selves; they are only the auxiliaries of wisdom. By subjecting
the soul to reason, they prepare the way for the divine life.
" As the steward of a great house looks after everything in it, orders
everything, so that the management of domestic affairs may not prevent
the master from attending to his duties as a citizen ; so does prudence, by
restraining and controlling the passions, secure for wisdom the leisure she
requires in order to perform her own functions" (Nagna Moralia, 1,
XXXV, 11986 12).
Moreover, wisdom, once it is born in us, is self-sufficient.
The wise man need not go outside himself to seek happiness.
He finds it in his own contemplation ; and if political life still
has any attraction for him, it is solely because he may be able
to make others share in his thoughts. He need not even
practise the moral virtues any longer. He has only to develop
within himself eternal and divine reason.
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 23
" Nevertheless, instead of listening to those who advise us, as men and
mortals, not to lift our thoughts above what is human and mortal, we
ought rather, as far as possible, to put off our mortality " : e(f>' 6'crov evSe^erat
a#ai>aTt£etv (JVic. JSthics, X, 7).
But how can we enter into the divine life ? God is blessed
in Himself and in virtue of His nature. He is at once pure
intelligence and pure actuality ; He is eternal thought, which
finds its eternal object in itself. Our nature does not itself
provide all that is necessary for contemplation (ou 'yap
avTapKqs rj <pv<ri? irpos TO Oeovpeiv). As human beings,
we need external goods (Nic. Eth. X, 8). Our passions
are an obstacle to perfect happiness, which lies in in-
telligence alone. We have then first to fight against our
sensible nature ; and for this we employ the moral virtues.
But as it is by reason that we are distinguished from all other
beings, so also in reason is found that happiness which is truly
human, although modelled on the divine felicity.
"Happiness, then, extends just as far as contemplation, and the more
contemplation, the more happiness is there in a life — not accidentally, but
as a necessary accompaniment of contemplation ; for contemplation is
precious in itself " (Ibid.).
But could Aristotle represent the moral end, now as human
happiness, and now as divine blessedness ? Could he, without
contradiction, declare, on the one hand, that the virtuous man
is the measure of virtue, and, on the other, that virtue consists
in making one's self immortal ? Certainly he could, for to
him prudence (<ppoi>*](ris) already implies reason, moral life
being thus the promise and manifestation of the intellectual
or divine life (o /caret TOV vovv (3tos). It is true that there is
in each of us a beast and a god, but the aspirations of
the beast tend to nothing less than oneness with the thoughts
of God. Prudence is not different in nature from reason
(i/oy?). Man possesses prudence naturally, he advances
willingly towards reason, and, leaving his animal nature, he
ascends to God. The entrance into immortality is the glorious
goal of his moral life. From action to contemplation there
is no abrupt transition, but a gradual ascent, a continuous
aspiration. And so without inconsistency the practical and
the speculative life may be said to become one.
24 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Character of Post-Aristotelian Ethics : Individualism-.
Post-Aristotelian philosophy is characterized by the sub-
servience of every branch of investigation to ethical ends.
Human thought seems, at the time of Zeno and Epicurus, to
free itself from metaphysical speculation, just as at the time of
Socrates it had lost all interest in hypotheses as to the origin
of the material world.
At the same time, the revolution that had already taken
place in the practical sphere being transferred into the world
of thought, man's individual life was now conceived as having
an intrinsic value, and consequently a destiny and an aim
other than the performance of his functions in the state.
While Plato could find consolation for the unhappiness of the
citizens in the thought that the state is happy, while Aristotle
makes so little distinction between political and moral life
that he regards happiness, if not virtue itself, as the special
privilege of the free, Epicurus, like Zeno, places the end of
man in man himself, frees him morally from his obligations
to the state, and finds a use for his life even when the
political career is closed to him. Thus, from the advent of
Epicureanism and of Stoicism, there dates a new period in
philosophy, that in which the individualistic conception is
introduced into ethics.
The Precursors of Epicurus : the Cyrenaics.
But, as it is in the nature of ethical doctrines not to belong
to any exact date, and often to be in advance of the historical
facts with which we connect them, there is nothing surprising
in the fact that an immediate follower of Socrates, Aristippus
of Gyrene, should be the forerunner of Epicurus. Aristippus
starts from the Socratic principle that happiness is the end of
man. He makes happiness consist in pleasure, and in any
kind of pleasure, provided it is present, and hence felt ; but he
does not adhere to this gross conception, which would be the
negation of all morality. He adds, as corrective, this important
rule, that in the midst of pleasure man should preserve in-
ternal freedom, maintain possession of himself. Thus he says
of himself, " I possess Lais and am not possessed by her," e'x&>
KOI OVK e'xo/jicu. Theodorus the Atheist, a disciple of Aristippus,
finds this internal liberty of which Aristippus speaks, in in-
THE ETHICAL PKOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 25
dependence and intellectual boldness. In ethics, as well as in
religion, he professed opinions which would justify his double
name of adeos and OpacrvraTos (D.L. II. 116). Taking the con-
sequences of an action as the measure of its worth, he held
that robbery, sacrilege, adultery could, in certain cases, be
permitted ; thus he did not shrink from the most extreme
consequences of Hedonism.
A more surprising consequence of the development of this
same doctrine is the pessimism of one of the last of the
Cyrenaics, Hegesias (300 B.C.), surnamed "the advocate of death"
(•7rei<ri9dvaTo$). If pleasure is a fleeting thing that cannot
be seized, how can we set it up as an end ? How are we to
avoid the disgust and satiety that we find in it ? We make
pleasure the object of life, but who can fail to see that this
object will never be attained ? The inference is that we must
renounce life, which is the source of every kind of illusion.
Strange result of a philosophy of pleasure !
Epicurus: Definition of Pleasure; Pleasures of the Mind;
Theory of the Desires ; Virtue.
Epicurus sought to free man from the yoke of passion, and
the tyranny of the gods, and to give him " that impenetrable
rampart of liberty of heart which nothing can force " (Fenelon).
In order to take away the government of the world from the
gods, a materialistic system of physics was needed, and this
physical system involved an empirical logic. Thus the whole
Epicurean philosophy is constructed with a view to their
ethics, for which it prepares the way, and which completes it.
By the doctrine of Atomism, man is delivered from the
chimeras of superstition — the fear of death, the fear of hell,
the fear of the gods. This is the threefold chain broken by
the Epicurean physics. The gratitude of the disciples of
Epicurus (for they almost adored him as a redeemer), their
cult of the master's memory (charms, rites, etc.), show with
how strange an oppression the ancient superstition had weighed
upon them (see Martha, The poem of Lucretius).
When the mind has been purified by the principles of
physics, the initiation into the deepest mysteries of Epicurean
ethics may commence. The gods are so far away that it is
only seldom that some simulacrum, escaping from their glorious
26 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
bodies, traverses space, and reveals to us their existence.
Nature, left to herself by the gods, is all that man has to
deal with. What then in nature is the supreme good which he
should aim at ? Like Aristippus, Epicurus replies, " Pleasure."
For has not the canonic proved that the affections (TO. irdQrf),
the impressions, that is, of pleasure or pain, are the only means
we have of distinguishing good from evil, of knowing what
is to be desired and feared, to be sought and avoided ?
In the second place, observation shows that all animals,
from the moment of their birth, seek pleasure and avoid pain.
This, then, is the first principle of Epicurean ethics : Avoid pain ;
seek pleasure. The next question is, What is pleasure ? We
have to distinguish two kinds of pleasure ; the first, passive
pleasure, is calm and enduring ; the other, active pleasure, is
lively, rapid, fleeting. The first is the freedom from all pain,
all anxiety ; the second is excited in us by a titillation of the
senses, and invites us to satisfy the needs of the body. What
it requires is the tranquil sense of enjoyment that results
from the performance of all one's functions. It is the state of
comfortable existence which good health produces. Not to
suffer in body, to be untroubled in mind, these are the two
conditions of happiness. The pleasures of the body, which
are always mixed with uneasiness and feverishness, only
remove want, and prepare the way for the true pleasure,
which consists in the peaceful slumbering of all pain and
of all passion.
The pleasures of the soul are a thousand times more precious
than those of the body, for the body is only affected by the
present impression, but the mind enjoys the present, the past,
and the future. We must not, however, mistake the sense of
this teaching. As anticipation (7rp6\t]\^if) implies the remem-
brance of past sensations, the pleasure of the mind is in reality
the renewal in memory of sensible pleasures accompanied by
the hope that they will be experienced again.
" ' For I do not know what I can consider good,' Epicurus said, ' if I
put out of sight the pleasures of eating and drinking, of hearing and
seeing, and of love'" (D.L. x, 6). "Metrodorus, the sage colleague of
Epicurus, blamed his brother Timocrates because he would not allow
that everything which had any reference to a happy life was to be
measured by the belly" (Cic. De Natura Deorum, I, 40, 113).
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 27
•
The role of the mind is to anticipate the pleasure that is
to come and to preserve past pleasure. The mind soars
above present, actual pain, and remains in a contented
state, knowing that the good moments of life are more
numerous than the bad, and remembering all the pleasure it
has experienced, or may possibly experience. In this way it
can escape from the present, and enjoy life as a whole, and
this is an enjoyment that cannot be taken from us. Epicurus
also advises us not to think of future evil. An evil does not
become less by being thought on, and it is a foolish (stulta)
meditation that dwells on a future evil which may never come
to pass. " Calamitosus est animus futuri anxius et ante miserias
miser " (apud Sen.).
There is an analogy here between the doctrines of Epicurus
and those of Zeno. Zeno does not find the good in particular
acts, but in the harmony of the whole life. Similarly, for
Epicurus, bodily enjoyments are only the material of the good,
which itself consists in reflection upon pleasures. The reflec-
tion of Epicurus, like the will of the Stoic, overcame the
limitations of time. By staying itself on the memory and on the
hope of a happier state, it is able to offer adequate resistance
to the present evil. The analogy is, however, not complete,
for with the Stoics the object of the will is duty, while with the
Epicureans it is pleasure.
But it is not enough to know that true happiness consists
in freedom from pain and in peace of mind. We must seek
and find the means of realizing this ideal. The swerving
of the atoms becomes free will in man, and it depends on
ourselves alone whether our lives are shaped after the model
of those of the gods, and imitate the serenity of' their
blessed existence. " Better be still in the trammels of the
common superstitions concerning the gods, than bound by the
fatalism of physicists. One might still hope to move the gods
to pity, but necessity is inexorable." In order to attain this
wisdom which is so precious, we must discover exactly what it
is that nature demands, which . are the desires the satisfaction
of which is a law of nature ratified by pain. To this question
Epicurus replies by his theory of the desires.
There are, in the first place, desires that are natural and
necessary. These are. easily satisfied. "Are not bread and
28 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
water an excellent repast when one is hungry and thirsty ? "
But we have to remember that carnal pleasure is merely a
means to an end, that it disappears as soon as the pain caused
by the want has ceased, that to attempt to prolong it is a
folly which would be certain to result in pain ; and we should
recognize the benevolence of nature in that she demands so
little. Then there are desires that are natural but not
necessary : the instinct of reproduction, the love of parents
for their children. These desires are indeed natural, since all
animals share them, but the wise man has no difficulty in
freeing himself from them. Marriage and paternity bring so
many cares that it is more prudent to avoid them. Lastly,
natural appetites, when they become depraved, give rise to
superfluous desires. We long for wealth, power, rank, fame,
and we aspire to reform men and to rule the state ; as if true
riches were not the suppression of cupidity, and as if man
had not enough to do in governing himself.
" I never had any ambition to please the people, for the things that
I am concerned to know, they dislike ; and what they like, I know not "
(ap. Sen. Ep. XXIX, 10).
Since the pursuit of pleasure is the supreme law, virtue has,
in itself, no worth. The good and the beautiful are nothing
without the useful and the agreeable. Apart from pleasure all
the virtues taken together are not worth a brass counter (Plut.
Adv. Col. Ch. 30).
Nevertheless, just as the art of medicine is practised, not for
its own sake, but for the good health which it procures, so we
must practise virtue not for itself, but because of the happiness
which it alone can insure to us. It is prudence that teaches
us to discern the true and the false goods, while temperance
makes us resist the assaults of apparent pleasures, and attain
the supreme delight. And if this virtue is good, it is not
because it purifies the mind, but because it secures for us
more lasting joys. It is the same with courage, which
makes us bear present pain and procures more precious goods
in the future ; and with justice, which is a refined form of
egoism, a mere convention, by which we agree not to attack
our fellow creatures, in order thereby to avoid violence on
their part. There is nothing mysterious in the legal right :
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 29
it is founded on egoistic calculation, and if it has a sacred
character it is on account of its utility. The moment a law
loses its utility it loses its title to respect, in fact it ceases to
exist.
The desire for absolute calm, for repose and silence, lassitude
and disgust with every kind of pleasure, are the prevailing
note in the Epicurean philosophy. Never was an ethical
system less voluptuous and more melancholy than this ascetic
sensualism. Nihil admirari, not to be interested in, or drawn
to anything, to retire altogether into one's self, to play as
small a part in life as possible, this is true wisdom, this is
the only road to happiness. The ideal would even seem to be
to reduce one's whole being, one's whole life, into a point in
space and time, so as to leave to pain no hold or purchase.
Antecedents of Stoicism. — The Cynics ; Gospel of toil (TTOVOS).
Pyrrho ; Absolute Indifference.
The Cynic school is a link between the moral doctrine of
Socrates and that of Zeno. Antisthenes was a disciple of
Socrates, Crates the Cynic was to be the master of Zeno. But
Antisthenes was not a faithful disciple, for he simplified and
impoverished the doctrines of Socrates. He separated Ethics
from Metaphysics, virtue from knowledge ; the good, the sole
object of his philosophy, he regards as a matter of practice
and not of speculation or fine words. Virtue, with the Cynics,
no longer depends on the intellect, but on the will ; it is moral
strength, or self-control, and thus it lies in action, in victorious
contest. The Cynics offer, in opposition to the prejudices of
ancient Greece, the apologia of toil and labour. The model
they set up was Hercules, " the only Greek hero whose
exploits took the form of labours " (Michelet).
Thus Cynicism, which has become synonymous with an
ethics of shamelessness, was in reality a form of asceticism, its
main principle being that pleasure is an evil, pain a good.
But there is, in the teaching of the Cynics, a startling
discordance between their lofty premisses and the frequently
low and coarse nature of their conclusions. To the Cynics
belongs the honour of having laid down the principles out of
which Stoicism arose, but their' interpretation of these
principles was often contrary to all morality. Thus they threw
30 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
away the merit of the great conception that there is no good
but virtue and no evil but vice, and made good fame
(evSo^ia) " the prating of fools " (Epictetus, Discourses, Bk. I,
Chap. 24). In the same way, in the contempt for wealth
which they professed, they did not confine themselves to
praising temperance, but made this contempt the apologia of
poverty and a life of mendicancy (see Xenophon's Sym-
posium).
While the cynic sage soars over the prejudices of the state
and regards the master and the slave as equals, he fails, owing
to another prejudice, to recognize the obligations of the citizen.
He flouts our first duty to our country, which is to defend it.
In derision Diogenes rolls his tub about in Corinth when it was
besieged. When asked which is his country, he replies, " I am
a citizen of the world " (Kocr/moTroXir^ e<prj, Diog. L. VI, 63).
Finally, in his anxiety to be independent and self-sufficing
the Cynic takes care not to burden himself with a family, and
regards marriage as a state of slavery.
What made these paradoxical doctrines dangerous was that
they were presented in the living form of preaching and
example. Zeller calls the Cynics the " Capuchin friars of
antiquity." They were indeed mendicant preachers, and, en-
forcing their precepts by example, carried out all their own
maxims, not excepting the most coarse and shameless. They
said of themselves that they were like the choir masters who
sing a note loudly in order to give it to their pupils. Their
originality lay in their method of teaching, and this also was
their title to fame. Diogenes, for instance, is still " one of the
most popular figures of ancient Greece " (Zeller).
Another strikingly original personality was that of Pyrrho,
who may be given a place between Antisthenes and Zeno. He
had followed the army of Alexander, and appears to have been
much struck by the Indian mystics. Pyrrho despised logic and
science only because he held them to be of no profit to the soul.
His scepticism was linked with his ethical views, being in his
opinion a means of attaining virtue. " To turn doubt into an
instrument of wisdom, of moderation, firmness, and happi-
ness, such was Pyrrho's novel conception, the leading idea
in his system " (Waddington, Etude sur Pyrrhon). No doubt
if we were persuaded that there is for us in life neither
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 31
good nor evil we should indeed become " indifferent to all
things," and be spared the humiliation of superfluous desires
and miserable fears. But Pyrrho omitted to draw the
distinction made later by the Stoics between false goods
(wealth, honour, etc.), which they, too, treated with indifference,
and the only true good, which is virtue. " He used to say
that nothing was honourable or disgraceful, just or unjust.
And on the same principle, he asserted that there was no such
thing as downright truth ; but that men did everything in
consequence of custom and law. For that nothing was more
this thing than that" (D.L. ix).
Pyrrho not only renounced happiness, but did not even
believe in practical virtue. Indifference, which frees us from
all passion, all desire, he held to be wisdom itself. We see in
him a disillusioned man, a Greek turned ascetic.
The Stoics : Nature and Will ; KadfJKOv and
Private Morality ; Wisdom ; Social Morality ; Natural Law ;
Cosmopolitanism ; Religious Morality ; Piety and Resignation.
The maxim which the Stoics adopted sums up the ethics of
Cynicism : " All that is natural is good " (Ravaisson), and
man has only to live in conformity with nature : tyv
6fj.o\oyov/uL€i>(a$ -777 (pvarei. They distinguished, however, two
kinds of lives, one of which is according to nature, and the
other according to reason ; but these two are, and ought to be
interdependent and at one with each other. Life according
to nature is based, not as Epicurus taught, on pleasure, but on
a fundamental instinct from which pleasure takes its rise,
which is the love of a being for itself. In the Stoic physics,
animals, plants, and organic bodies, severally form a whole
composed of material parts, and bound together by a force
(crJo-racrt?, constitutio).
The acts by means of which a being maintains its con-
stitution are its functions (KaOr/Kovra, officia), not virtues, but
duties. The function, or KaOfjicov is merely an instinctive act
which corresponds with the needs of a being, and thus serves
the ends of Nature. In itself it is neither good nor bad ; it is
morally indifferent. To become a virtuous act (KaTopOco/ma) it
needs to be accomplished by reason of, and with a view to the
good. There is a whole class of things which are not connected
32 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
with morality, and are hence indifferent (aSid<popa, indi/erentia).
Such are, for example, health and riches. Still, as they assist
in the conservation or in the development of a being, they are
useful things, advantages (commoda) if not actually goods, and
preferable (Trpo^y/meva, potiora) to sickness and poverty, which
are themselves not evils but inconveniences (incommoda) not
preferable and to be avoided. To sum up : life according to
nature, which is merely the sensible life common to men and
animals, already admits of regularity and order, but the
performance of functions which is its law is spontaneous and
instinctive.
What then does this life according to nature need in order
to have moral value ? That it be ruled not merely by
instinct, but by free will and reason. Let the order amongst
the functions be desired, respected, and maintained by man
himself, and there will then be room for merit and virtue. It
is when human life, instead of being the product of a natural
spontaneity becomes " a work of art " (Ravaisson) that morality
appears. In other words, conduct that is merely in conformity
with nature or order, and is not regulated with a view to
order, cannot be called virtuous. No doubt virtue must have,
as Kant would say, a matter, and this it finds in the natural
functions ; but virtue proper lies in the form, that is, in the will
which, stretching over (TOI/O?) all our acts, constitutes their
unity and their harmony, as the divine force which extends
throughout all the elements constitutes the living unity of the
universe. The formalism that separates virtue and vice from
the actions in which they express themselves, was professed by
Ariston of Chios alone, and in this he breaks away from the
Stoic orthodoxy.
It is true that, with the Stoics, to live according to reason
was to live according to nature, but the principle of this life
in agreement with nature is choice, free will, not a blind and
natural instinct. Hence this school had a double tendency ;
sometimes it was with the will, with the harmony with one's
self, that they were concerned, and then indifference was
exaggerated to the point of Cynicism (e.g. in the paradoxes :
" All error was equally bad ; Who is not wise is mad, etc.").
At other times they approached the Peripatetic doctrine, as
in their theory of KaOijKovTa. and
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 33
And now, what was the practical morality of the Stoics ?
Let us first consider it as it appears in the individual.
The virtue that regulates our conduct as regards our
passions was by the Stoics called not temperance, but apathy
(onrdOeta). For with them passion was not a natural appetite,
legitimate when restrained, but " a movement of the mind
which is irrational and contrary to nature." Aversa a recta
ratione, contra naturam animi commotio (Cic. Tusc. IV, 6).
Passion cannot have its source in nature, from which only
good can flow ; it is therefore reason, but reason ill regulated
and corrupted. Being an act of reason, it is a kind of
judgment, a wrong opinion. It arises in us out of ignorance of
the good ; for if we were imbued with the thought that happi-
ness is in virtue alone, we should be insensible to wealth, to
honours, to all those false goods which ordinarily are the object
of our desires. In order to free ourselves from our passions
we have then only to correct our judgments. Let our mind
refuse its consent (cruy/caTaOecr/f, assensio] to those flattering
images which stimulate our lust, and the guilty desires will then
be suppressed. But are we to close our hearts to every kind
of feeling ? No, we must not understand the Stoics literally
when they speak of insensibility, cnrdQeia. Although they con-
demn pleasure, sadness, desire, and fear (laetitia, aegritudo,
libido, metus) (Cic. Tusc. IV, 6), all of which disturb the mind,
still they allow that, by a fortunate compensation, joy, fore-
sight, and will (gaudium, cautio, voluntas), which do not
deprive the mind of peace and strength (constantia}, may have
a place in the heart of the sage.
" Do you ask wherein to lay the foundation [of a happy life] ? Take no
pleasure in vanities. . . . You think that I deprive you of many plea-
sures when I take away from you all fortuitous things, and advise you
not to indulge even hope itself, the sweetest of all delights ; on the con-
trary, I assure you I would have you always enjoy pleasure, but I would
have it originate at home. . . . Other enjoyments affect not the-niind,
they only smooth the brow . . . unless perhaps you think a man enjoys
pleasure because he laughs. . . . Believe me, true joy is a serious thing "
(Seneca, Epistle XXIII).
So understood, apathy includes all the private virtues.
Courage is a form of apathy, and may be defined as an undis-
turbed attitude in the face of danger, sickness, and death.
II. C
34
The freedom and independence which the Stoics claim for the
sage must belong to a mind that has become insensible to the
favour of fortune and of men. In short, to have reached
perfect apathy is also to possess wisdom, upon which it is
founded. The sole object of wisdom is not, however, to regu-
late our affections by showing us the goods on which exclusively
to fasten our desires. Wisdom is denned by the Stoics as the
knowledge of things human and divine, by which we are to
understand the knowledge of the universal order estab-
lished by divine reason, to which the moral law demands that
we conform our will. It is more especially the knowledge of
duty. All moral activity flows from wisdom ; and the Stoics
who did not separate action from knowledge, or will from
reason, naturally attribute every perfection to the sage. For
by wisdom they meant right reason joined to a good will, and
there is no virtue that does not belong to wisdom when thus
denned.
The Stoic sage being, like God, self-sufficing, ought, one
would think, to retire from society, since he regards it as one
of those indifferent things in which his virtue is not concerned.
But, on the other hand, his activity is extended by social
life, which consequently widens the sphere of his duties, and
affords him the opportunity of practising justice. Hence he
will feel the obligation to give a place in his soul to the
social virtues. The principle upon which society and justice rest
is law. Law has its source in nature, not in opinion or custom
(Cic. De Leg. I, xiv). There is a supreme law which has existed
from all ages, before any legislative enactments were drawn up
in writing (Ibid. Ch. VI). And infractions of this law are
punished by the torments of remorse, symbolically represented
by the Furies of the myths (Ibid. Ch. XIV).
Natural law emanates from divine reason, or rather is
divine reason itself taking the form of a command. Chrysippus
defines it as " the highest reason implanted in nature
which prescribes those things which ought to be done
and forbids the contrary. Lex est ratio summa, insita in
natura, quae jubet ea quae facienda sunt, prohibetque contraria
(De Leg. I, vi).
Religious morality is the consummation of social morality.
Every rational being participates in the divine life. In
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 35
virtue of their reason all men are of the family of the gods :
ut komines deorum agnatione et gente teneantur (De Leg. I, vii),
and in this common origin they find the first cause of their
unity and mutual love.
There exists a natural society, consisting of rational beings,
which stands in the same contrast to civil society, as does the
divine law to the human. This society recognizes neither
Greeks nor barbarians, neither strangers nor enemies, neither
masters nor slaves, but grants the rights of the state, Without
distinction, to all those who participate in reason. Nay more,
reason circulates through the universe, extends to all beings ;
hence the state which is governed by reason is identified with
the world, and justice is the law that expresses the order of
things. From these lofty conceptions springs philanthropy, or
the love of the human race, a virtue hitherto unknown, and
revealed to the world for the first time by the Stoics. Cicero
uses the Christian expression 'charity' (Caritas generis humani).
And Seneca says : " Wherever there is a man there is occasion
for a good deed " (Sen. Ep. XXIV, 3). The Stoics substituted
universal brotherhood for the patriotism which had been
ruined and deprived of its object when the smaller
states disappeared in the empires of Alexander and Rome.
Their cosmopolitanism did not prevent them from being law-
abiding citizens. The laws of the state are a reflection of
natural and divine law. Veri juris germanaeque justitiae
solidam et expressam ejfigiem nullam tenemus, umbra et imaginibus
utimur. Eos ipsas utinam seqiieremur ! (De Off. Ill, XVII).
So long as reason governs, or even makes its voice heard in
the state, the Stoic wise man is glad to take his place and live
in it ; he accepts his share of public offices and performs his
duty as a citizen.
The Stoic formulae of virtue can easily be transformed into
pious maxims. To live according to nature, to obey the law,
what is this but to honour the God invoked by Cleanthes
in these terms : " 0 Lord of Nature, Thou who governest all
things with law ; 0 Jupiter, Hail ! "
Thus morality leads up to religion, and piety was made the
goal of virtue not only by Epictetus or Antoninus, but also by
one of the founders of Stoicism. The religious worship of
the Stoics was primarily homage to the Sovereign Eeason.
36 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
" Thee, O Jupiter, it is lawful for all mortals to address. . . . There-
fore I will forever sing Thee and celebrate Thy power. All this universe
rolling round the earth obeys Thee, and follows willingly at Thy
command. Such a minister hast Thou in Thy invincible hands, the
two-edged, flaming, vivid thunderbolt. . . . By it dost Thou control that
common reason which circulates through all things, and which is in
the great and in the smaller lights of heaven. Such, Thou King Supreme,
is thy mighty rule o'er all things " (Hymn of Cleanthes, trans, by Sir
Alex. Grant).
Knowledge of the order established by God in the world
inclines our will to conform to it. For this order is necessary.
The facts of Nature, the events of history, form an indissoluble
chain whose links were rivetted by Fate, and which chance can-
not break. Ducunt volentem fata, nolentem trahunt (Sen. Trag.}.
But God does not only constrain us by force , He also persuades
us by reason. The reign of necessity is at the same time the
triumph of justice, and destiny does the work of Providence.
So that, while it would be merely unreasonable not to accept
the inflexible law of Fate, it would be impious and sacrilegious
to oppose, if even only by an impotent will, the wise decrees of
Providence. Deo parere libertas est (Sen. De Vita beata). To
be pious is to will what God wills, because we know not only
that His will is always accomplished, but also that it is
always worthy to be accomplished.
" O King, most high, nothing is done without Thee either in heaven or
on earth, or in the sea, except what the wicked do in their foolishness.
Thou makest order out of disorder, and what is worthless becomes precious
in Thy sight ; for Thou hast fitted together good and evil into one, and
hast established one law that exists for ever. But the wicked fly from
Thy law, unhappy ones, and though they desire to possess what is good,
yet they see not, neither do they hear, the universal law of God " (Hymn
of Cleanthes).
The Stoics, however, far from treating virtue as subordinate
to piety, regard the fear even of the gods as contemptible
when it takes in the soul the place of the desire for the good.
Thus religion with them is primarily devotion to duty. Since
justice reigns, the immortality of the soul is a matter of
indifference. "No," says Chrysippus, "it is not through the
fear of the gods that we should try to dissuade men from
acting unjustly. All this talk about divine vengeance is open
to discussion, and involves many difficulties. It is very like
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 37
the stories about Acco and Alphito, by which women prevent
little children from doing wrong."
The Stoics' attitude with regard to the popular religion is a
further proof of the ethical nature of their faith. They would
disturb none of the things that help to preserve morality.
The Stoics used the mythological legends in the same way as
Christianity utilized the pagan temples : they made them
serve their faith. But while they converted ancient religion
into an ethical symbolism, the Stoics were not the belated
apologists of paganism, but, to say the least, the promoters of
a new religion which we have already defined as the "cult
of duty."
Epicureanism in Home ; Lucretius. Roman Stoicism ;
Cicero's Eclecticism ; Seneca ; Direction of Consciences.
In their philosophy the Eomans lacked originality, but not
in their morality. No doubt their ethical doctrines were
borrowed from Greece. But, as is always the case, these
doctrines became modified by contact with the habits and cus-
toms which they were intended to influence. Epicureanism and
Stoicism could only be adopted in Borne by becoming Roman.
Lucretius believed himself to be the respectful disciple, the
faithful expounder of Epicurean teaching ; but, as has been
noticed, Epicureanism with him takes a strong " Eoman tinge,"
becomes " virile, and assumes a stern, haughty, imperious
tone " (Martha). The precepts of Epicurus as uttered by him
take at any rate a fresh accent. Love, ambition, fill him with
a kind of terror unknown to Epicurus. The Athenian sage
found within himself the best remedy for his passions, namely
disenchantment. But Lucretius has none of this calm reason-
ableness ; of love he gives a terrifying picture, describing it in
the same words as the plague and other scourges (St. Beuve).
But even while lifting his voice with all the moralist's
burning zeal against this blameworthy passion, he portrays
it so truly and so forcibly, he renders so well the emotion
belonging to it, that it has been thought he must himself
have suffered from the evils he describes. The Epicurean ethics
were calculated to attract minds that were either unusually
refined or unusually indolent. And so in Eome, with the
exception of the sage and prudent Atticus, it had none but
38 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
unworthy votaries, who borrowed its name to cover their vices
(e.g. Gabinius, Piso, and Caesar). Epicureanism was repugnant
to the Roman temperament, for the Romans were Stoics before
the letter, and as philosophers they became Stoics after the
spirit.
Cicero was as remarkable for his fluctuations between
different schools as Lucretius for the firmness with which
he adhered to one. We cannot say of Cicero that he was a
Stoic, but only that he was inclined to Stoicism. He was a
learned historian of philosophy, rather than a philosopher.
He defended and seemed to adopt different systems in turn,
just as he might in his capacity of a conscientious and honest
advocate plead various causes provided they were honourable.
Thus he is a Stoic in the De Officiis, which is practically
a translation, and in the Tnsculans; he is a Peripatetic,
and the opponent of Epicureanism in the De Finibus;
and he is an Academic throughout all his writings.
Cicero's contribution to philosophy has no unity beyond
that derived from his own personality. His writings
reveal an upright and elevated mind, devoted to law and
justice, and careful of the interests of his Roman fatherland.
He gives evidence of an upright and steadfast conscience,
in the first place, by the manner in which he deals with the
subtle and often treacherous art of casuistry. He denounces
all legal frauds, bad faith in the making of contracts, intrigues
for obtaining legacies. He lays down the principles of the
law of nations, of generosity to the conquered, and observance
of treaties (De Officiis). Again he proves himself a subtle
moralist when he points out the rules of decorum, and
defines those pleasing obligations of good breeding which
are part of an exquisite politeness, and matters rather
of good taste than of conscience. But his is above all
a generous mind, whose sympathy naturally inclines to
the noblest doctrines : hence he speaks with equal admira-
tion of Zeno and of Aristotle, and considers indeed that they
differ only in the language they use : Sentit idem Zeno quod
Xenocrates, quod Aristoteles, loquitur olio modo (De Ley. I, 21).
Why is he so violent in his attack on Epicureanism ? It is
because this doctrine lowers the ethical ideal, because it
would relieve man of his duties as a citizen, as of a heavy
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 39
burden, and this is offensive to Cicero's patriotic feelings. He
even becomes intolerant when dealing with Epicurus. " It is
not a philosopher that is needed to refute this language, but a
censor to condemn it."
Whilst philosophy is for Cicero the occupation of a cultured
leisure (liberate otium), Seneca looks upon it as a profession ;
its object for him is, not to give intellectual pleasure (oblecta-
mentum), but to cure souls (remedium : Epist. CXVII, 33) ; he
preaches philosophy with an ardour that aims less at dogma
than at precept.
"... Here is no room for jesting. You are called upon to succour
the distressed ; you are under an obligation to lend all possible assistance
to the shipwrecked, to the prisoner, to the sick, to the poor and needy,
and to the unhappy under sentence of death " (Epist. XLVIII).
He never loses sight of the conversion and the salvation of
souls. The Treatise on Clemency, dedicated to • Nero, the
Consolations to Helvia, Marcia, and Polybius, are works of direct
moral advice. The Letters to Lucilius are a veritable treatise
on moral direction. The philosopher is seen grappling with
all the diseases of the soul : weariness, hardness, the fashionable
levity which scoffs at virtue and at philosophers : " He may
make me laugh, but perhaps I shall make him weep " (Epist.
XXIX, .7).
Side by side with the director of conscience there is in
Seneca the casuist — witness his justification of the murder of
Agrippina, and his personal apologia in the De Vita Beata.
He came from Spain, the country of casuistry. But what
strikes us most in him, is that he is much more
deeply imbued than Cicero with the humanitarian principles
of the Stoics. In slaves, he sees, not merely ' servants
hired in perpetuity " {De Off. I, 13), but " friends of humble
estate" (Epist. XLVII). They are slaves, but, above all,
they are men. Cicero was not above calling the gladiatorial
games a school for courage : " When it is the guilty that fight,
we might by our ears perhaps, but certainly by our eyes we
could not, have better training to harden us against pain or
death " (Tusc. II, 17). Seneca, on the contrary, does not wish
the people to be taught cruelty : " This man has committed a
theft ; what then, he deserves to be hanged : another slew a
man ; it is but just he be slain himself. And what hast thou
40 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
deserved, oh wretch, who canst take delight in this horrid
spectacle ? " (Epist. VII).
While they condemned pity, the Stoics nevertheless held
that the principle of assisting the poor is founded on natural
right. In this way they connected charity with justice, and
they represent both as a strict obligation. " Why," says
Seneca to the rich man, " are you so sparing of your property
as though it were your own ? You have but the management
of it " (De Benef. VI, 3). There is an element of socialism in
the Stoic ethics ; they do not admit that the rights of property
can be pleaded as exempting us from the duty of alms-giving.
It is by the insight and courage he shows in his opinions that
Seneca appeals to us; his ethical teaching proves that a
veritable revolution had taken place in the minds of men.
EpictetuSt Marcus Aurelius ; Pious Resignation.
Seneca writes for his friend Lucilius, for his mother Helvia,
for his pupil Nero; Epictetus, on the other hand, lectures in
public and addresses the people. This fact in itself shows the
development of ethical preaching in Rome. Philosophy had
now become a profession (Discourses, I, 4) or rather a mission
and priestly function. The conception which Epictetus formed
of it was so .elevated, that he enjoins those who exercise this
function to have neither wife nor child, to give up public life,
in a word, to sacrifice all, for the sake of the unique privilege
of being an instructor of the human race (Discourses, III, 22).
In thus assuming the direction of men's consciences,
Philosophy undertook at the same time the office of consulting
their needs, and responding to their aspirations. So Epictetus,
himself doubly a slave, having as master Epaphroditus and as
Emperor Domitian, holds out to mankind, oppressed by the
yoke of the Ctesars, the proud consolation that despotism has
no power over the liberty of the soul.
" Whether then have you nothing," asks the philosopher of his disciple,
" which is in your own power, which depends on your self only and cannot
be taken from you, or have you anything of the kind ? — I know not. — Is
any man able to make you assent to that which is false ? — No man. — Can
a man force you to desire to move towards that to which you do not
choose ? — He can, for when he threatens me with death or bonds, he com-
pels me to desire to move towards it. — If then you despise death and
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 41
bonds, do you still pay any regard to him ? — No. — Is then the despising
of death an act of your own, or is it not yours ? — It is my act " (Discourses,
IV, 1, trans, by Long).
True liberty consists in controlling our thoughts and
desires, in defending ourselves against external evils, entrenched
in the impregnable fortress of the will. Some things depend
upon ourselves, others do not. (rot e<p' VIMV, TO. owe e<£' ^/MV,
Manuel, I.) What depends on ourselves is our thought,
whereas health, wealth, and all external advantages, are things
we have no control over. Let us only cling to what depends on
ourselves, and nothing can affect us. Liberty of mind is our
most precious possession, not only because it frees us from all
the evils created by opinion, but also because it is one with
reason (TO rjye/moi>iKov\ that divine part of the soul, and there-
fore our dignity (a^/w/xa) rests on it. We should not hesitate
even to sacrifice our lives, in order to maintain this freedom intact.
If we find it hard to renounce all the supposed joys of life,
if we persist in looking upon sickness, poverty, and death, as
evils, it is because we do not remember that what seems to us
the caprice of fortune is part of the scheme of a wise Provi-
dence leading all things by necessary means to the good.
Epictetus' doctrine of resignation loses its austerity as it passes
into respect for the Divine Will, faith in Providence, in short,
a pious submission : he does his duty and leaves the rest to
the gods.
" For what else can I do, a lame old man, than sing hymns to God ? If
I were a nightingale, I would do the part of a nightingale. If I were a
swan, I would do it like a swan. But now I am a rational creature and I
ought to praise God : this is my work ; I do it, nor will I desert this
post, so long as I am allowed to keep it ; and I exhort you to join in the
same song" (Discourses, I, XIII).
Epictetus sums up his moral doctrine in this brief and
negative formula : " Endure and abstain " (ave-^ov KOI cnre-^ov).
Marcus Aurelius, also, but more plaintively, proclaims the
impotency of man. The world pursues its invariable course,
and we can change nothing of its laws. Yet is our destiny
linked to that of the world ; and carried along as we are by
the current of things, we can only exclaim : " I am in harmony
with all that is a part of thy harmony, Great Universe ! "
(Medit. IV, 23).
42 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
The whole of virtue lies in resignation, and we do not even
know that this resignation is of a pious nature, for it may be
submission to a blind necessity, and not to a divine goodness.
In vain does Marcus Aurelius say, " All that happens, happens
aright" (Medit. IV, 9). Doubt still lingers in his mind :
" The world is either a confused mingling of elements which
combine and disperse, or a unity of order and Providence"
(Medit. VI, 10). He concludes, it is true, that in neither case
has the sage anything to fear. Nor is he much more successful
in his vindication of social duties. " What strikes one most in
Marcus Aurelius is, no doubt, his conception of the unity of the
world, the close connection between all its parts, and the con-
sequent obligation upon all men, as members of one body, to
live each for the other " (Eavaisson). But, according to him,
the ideal which philosophers treat of is very far removed from
the reality of things. We have to resign ourselves to the
injustice of men : " Protest till you burst : men will go on
just the same " (Medit. VIII, 4).
One thing alone can console us for the evil done to us, and
that is the selfish reflection that we are not sullied thereby.
" Say men kill you, quarter you, pursue you with execrations,
what has that to do with your understanding remaining
pure, lucid, temperate, just ? " (Medit. VIII, 50).
Marcus Aurelius does not hate men — they are wicked
and should be pitied ; but if he can be said to love them,
it is with a love that knows no illusion and feels itself to
be powerless.
Neo-Platonism : Mystical Ethics ; The Return to God ;
Practical Virtues.
The Alexandrians were disciples of both Aristotle and
Plato, but they introduced into their ethics an element which
was foreign to the Greek spirit, namely, the contempt for action
traditional in the East, which naturally asserted itself, more
especially at a period of oppression and civil disturbances,
such as the beginning of the third century. It is when a life
of action is closed to them that men take refuge in the contem-
plative life. Having no fatherland on earth, they seek to
found one above, and this is the sense in which we must
understand these words of Plotinus :
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 43
" Let us fly to our dear, our true fatherland. . . . Our fatherland i»
there whence we came, and there, too, is our father. Our feet are power-
less to carry us thither ; they can bear us only from end to end of the
earth. Nor will ships serve our need, nor chariots drawn by swift
horses.- Let us leave such vain means aside for seeing our dear fatherland
again ; we have but to close our bodily eyes and open the eyes of the
spirit " (Enneads I, VI, 8).
The ethical doctrine of the Alexandrians was mystical, like
all their philosophy. Evil, they taught, comes to the soul, in
the first place, from its having been born into an individual life,
whereby it was separated from the soul of the universe. For
in its ethical sense the procession (-TrpooSos) of the Alexandrians
is a fall. Again, evil for man is, above all, to love himself a&
an imperfect and finite being and to be content with his
state of degradation ; while the good is the emancipation of the
soul from the sensible world, her withdrawal into herself, her
return towards the universal soul, towards intelligence, towards
the One. Conversion, or the turning of the soul to God,
culminates in union with God, or ecstasy, which is the perfect
good.
Moral life is therefore a continuous progress towards
perfection, an unceasing effort to reach God. The virtues
belonging to it mark the degrees in this ascent of the soul,
which is called conversion. They proceed one from another,
and are developed in dialectic order in the succession of time.
The lowest virtues, which mark the first stage in moral life, are
the practical ones : prudence, courage, temperance, justice.
These have scarcely more than a negative value; they purify the
soul, draw it away from evil and save it from sin ; they bring it
to the threshold of Divine Life, but do not cause it to enter
therein. They are like the virtues of Hercules, by which he
desired to pass from earth to heaven, but are not yet the
virtues of the Gods themselves. They are not the goal, but
they are the steps leading to it.
In the contemplative life, to which the practical virtues
are the means of approach,- there are also various stages.
The object of contemplation is the Beautiful. But there are
two kinds of beauty : sensible beauty, which is the triumph of
form over matter, and moral beauty, which is the triumph of
intellect over the passions and senses. Contrasting one with
44 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the other Plotinus said : " The face of Justice is more beautiful
than the evening Star." The different contemplative virtues
correspond to the different degrees in beauty. While
thought, as pure activity, was regarded by Aristotle as self-
sufficing, it was, for the Alexandrians, a movement towards an
end. Thought tries to get beyond itself, it rises above beauty
in its endeavour to reach an object which is outside and above
itself, namely, the Good. Beauty gives rise to love, but it is
not the principle of love. What renders beauty admirable is
the Good that shines through it ; that is the reason, said
Plotinus, why the face of a man alive is more beautiful than
the face of one dead, and a living animal is more beautiful
than an animal in a picture, even if the latter possesses a more
perfect form.
Contemplation is, therefore, an endless moving towards
God; it does not bring us into the divine life, but prepares us
for it, and leads us thither. We cannot unite ourselves to the
Good, we can only deserve, by our virtues, that it should unite
itself to us. We can only keep our eyes fixed on the horizon
(which was the symbol of contemplation) waiting for the sun
(the symbol of the Good) to rise above the ocean. Plotinus,
continuing this metaphor, represents thought as the wave, on
which we are lifted up and carried along.
Thus all the practical and contemplative virtues are no more
than the initiation into the divine life ; their goal and
their reward is ecstasy, or union with God. In contemplation
the soul is still distinguished from her object, in ecstasy she
becomes one with it.
" They who know nothing of this higher state," says Plotinus, " may
gain some conception of it from the love known to us here below, when
we love passionately and attain that which we love. But the love of this
world has for its object nought but mortal things and shadows. True
love is found only above . . . there nothing remains but that which loves
and that which is loved, and these are no longer two, together they make
but one " (Enneads, VI, IX, 9).
There are no words in which to describe ecstasy, because
ecstasy transcends reason. It is arrived at, says Porphyry, " by
the suspension of all the intellectual faculties, by repose and the
annihilation of thought. As the soul learns to know sleep when
slumbering, so it is in ecstasy or the annihilation of all the
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES 45
faculties of her being, that she knows that which is above
existence and above truth " (Porphy. Sent. Art. 26). In
ecstasy is perfect happiness ; but this happiness which fills the
soul to overflowing lasts but for one instant ; it is part of its-
nature to elude consciousness. " Those reflections which
sometimes accompany our actions, far from making them more
perfect only enfeeble them, and diminish their intensity."
Such then is the supreme Good, a gift of God rather than the
fruit of virtue ; it is fleeting, nay more, it is unfelt.
General Character of Ancient Ethics : The Notion of Duty.
The distinctive character of ancient ethics was the identi-
fication of happiness and virtue ; the end set before man was
always that Supreme Good in which, even here below, these two-
objects were to be reconciled, and to become one. The notion
of duty, in the stricter sense of the word, is a modern one,
though it was not altogether unknown to the ancients ; but
Kant was the first to emphasise this idea, and to found the
whole of morality upon it. Plato and Aristotle speak continu-
ally of the Good (rayaOov), and of virtue ; but we do not find
in their works any expression that corresponds to what we call
duty. The terms (TO o<£eAov, TO oVov) which come nearest
to expressing this conception, are rarely met with in the exact
sense which we give to the word duty.
At a very early period, however, the Greeks had formed the
conception of a moral law, which commands and forbids like
the civil laws, but differs from these in that it is unwritten.
Socrates energetically upholds, in opposition to the Sophist
Hippias, the doctrine of unwritten laws (VO/ULOI aypa(^oi) ; and
this notion must have been already familiar, since Sophocles
put it into the mouth of Antigone in the play. In the Crito,
Plato expresses the idea of absolute obligation which i&
inherent to the moral law. " Neither injury nor retaliation,
nor warding off evil by evil is ever right." But as a rule, Plata
seeks the good and the beautiful rather than the obligatory,
and this characteristic is even more striking in Aristotle.
The Stoics, like Plato and Aristotle, aimed especially at
determining the nature of the good. It was always with the
notions of the good and of virtue, that they concerned them-
selves. Still, the distinction they made between KaOfJKov and
46 THE PBOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
, brought them very near to the modern notion of
duty. The KaOfjicov, as we have seen, expresses every appro-
priate action, or in other words, every action for which one
can give some plausible, natural reason ; as, for example, reasons
of utility or of sentiment, such as the care of one's health, of
children, etc. A higher degree of wisdom or of virtue, con-
stitutes the KaropOdDja-a (Officia perfecta, or strictly, perfectum),
which consists in doing the KaOr/Kovra, but in a different spirit,
namely, as things good in themselves and in harmony with
the universal order. Of all the expressions therefore, in the
ethical terminology of the ancients, KaropOtojma is the one that
corresponds most closely with our idea of absolute duty.
Still, we must remember that KaTopOoD/u-a indicates the ideal
perfection of human wisdom rather than the notion of
obligation in itself.
To sum up : the leading idea in ancient ethics is that of
the Supreme Good, that is, of the harmonious union of virtue
and happiness in the soul of the wise man.
Christian Morality : Faith, Hope, and Charity.
All the pagan philosophers endeavoured to find the principle
of human morality in the intellect : Plato and Aristotle,
Epicurus and the Stoics, even the Sceptics and the Alexandrian
Mystics all regarded the Supreme Good as the reward of
wisdom. But according to Christian teaching, the mainspring
of the moral life is not the intellect but the heart. Love is
the supreme principle in practical life : love brings with it
happiness and virtue, and every other good.
In the first place, faith is now substituted for knowledge.
Faith is an act of the will as well as a conviction, or mental
act. It is an act of self-surrender, of loving and trustful sub-
mission to the word of God, and to His will. The Christian
dies according to the flesh that he may live anew according to
the spirit.
The first effect of faith is a spiritual second birth (7raAiyyev€<ria,
Titus, III, 5). The spirit dwells in regenerated man. "The fruit of
the Spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, kindness, goodness, faith-
fulness " (Gal. V, 22) : all the Christian virtues. The greatest of the
virtues, the principle of all the others, which is both derived from and
contained in faith, for it is the fulfilment of the law, is charity.
TrXrjpwfJia vopov r/ dya.irr] (Rom. XIII, 10) " Faith worketh by love " (Gal.
V, 6) : and charity manifests itself by good works. Charity includes the
love of God and the love of our neighbour as a necessary consequence of
the love of God. " Beloved, let us love one another : for love is of God ;
and every one that loveth is begotten of God, and knoweth God. He
that loveth not knoweth not God ; for God is love. Herein was the love
48 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
of God manifested in us, that God hath sent His only begotten Son into
the world, that we might live through Him. . . . Beloved, if God so
loved us, we also ought to love one another. ... If we love one another,
God abideth in us, and His love is perfected in us" (1 John, V, 7-12).
Love is to Christians what wisdom was to the ancients, the
principle, that is to say, of all the virtues.
" Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not
charity, I am become as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal. And
though I have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries, and all
knowledge ; and though I have all faith so that I did remove mountains
and have not charity, I am nothing. And though I bestow all my goods
to feed the poor, and though I give my body to be burned, and have
not charity, it profiteth me nothing. Charity suffereth long, and is
kind ; charity envieth not . . . beareth all things, hopeth all things,
endureth all things" (1 Cor. XIII, 1-7).
We have seen that the Stoics had formed a conception of
the brotherhood of man (Caritas generis humani) ; all men, in
virtue of reason present in them, were sons of God. But the
charity of the Stoics was a rational sentiment, the result of
reflection, and of the consciousness of human dignity.
Christian charity is deeper, more ardent. It is also de-
rivative and indirect ; for man by his nature is degenerate and
corrupt, and our love for one another is only a consequence of
the love which God bears to us ; it is to please God, to unite
ourselves in intention with Him that we should love our
neighbour. Charity consists in desiring the moral good, the
perfection of our neighbour, and in the alleviation of his
woes. Towards the guilty it is shown in forgiveness and pity.
" He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her "
(John, VIII, 7). "Father, forgive them ; for they know not what they do."
In accordance with this new morality, there arose a new
conception of the Supreme Good, of the good, that is, in which
happiness and virtue are united. All the ancients had
admitted a relation of identity between virtue and happiness.
For Socrates and Plato, for Aristotle and Zeno, to possess
virtue is to possess happiness; while Epicurus holds that he
who is happy is virtuous. But the Christian conception is
quite different. Virtue is Charity ; in other words, it is the
love of God, and the love of man in God and for God.
Happiness is the possession of God. It is true that to love
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 49
God is to possess Him to a certain extent, and to be loved by
Him, but it is not to possess Him fully, and love tends towards
a perfect union. Virtue, though it deserves happiness, is only
the beginning of it, for the Supreme Good is not of this world ;
it is in another life that our destiny will be fulfilled. The
faith that corresponds to this expectation, faith as belief in a
Supreme Good that will in the future be real and necessary, takes
the form of another virtue, namely, hope (eA-rri?), which has for
its object the bliss promised to the elect but not yet possessed
by them. Faith, hope, and charity are the three great
Christian virtues, and they are closely connected, inseparable
indeed, since they all represent the same condition of the soul.
But these virtues do not depend on the human will, because
the condition that makes them possible implies Divine grace,
and this we cannot give to ourselves. The Spirit bloweth
where it listeth. We have already seen the difficulty which
the Christian theologians had in reconciling the doctrines of
free will and grace.
Mediaeval Ethics : Conscience ; Synderesis and Conscientia.
In Ethics, as in the other branches of philosophy, the
scholastic teachers sought no new principles. They adhered to
the traditions of antiquity and of Christianity. But the
practice of a religion in which the attention of the mind is con-
stantly turned to itself, develops in the soul the sense of things
spiritual. By looking into and examining their own minds
during long hours of anxious and solitary introspection, the
mediaeval theologians discovered conscience, of which they
were the first to make an analysis. We find already, in the
writings of Abelard, the part played by conscience in human
morality clearly pointed out.
Christian morality is merely the natural law reformed (reformatio
legis naturalis, quam secutos esse philosophos constat (Theol. Chr. II).
Philosophers, like the gospel, made morality lie in the intention (intentio
animi) ; and they rightly said that good men fly from evil through love
of the good and not through fear of punishment. The Supreme Good in
itself is God. Like Duns Scotus and Descartes later, Abelard makes the
distinction between good and evil depend on the arbitrary will of God :
unde et ea, quae per se videntur pessima et ideo culpanda, cum jussione fiunt
dominica ; constat itaque totam boni vel mali discretionem in divinae dis-
pemationis placito consistere (Comm. in Ep.*ad Rom. II, 869, Migne's ed.).
II. D
50 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
The Supreme Good for man is the love of God, and the way
to this good is virtue, which, by Abelard, is denned as good will
grown into a fixed habit (bona in habitum solidata voluntas).
It is not in the act itself, according to him, but in the intention
that moral good or evil lies. The act itself is indifferent;
even bad inclinations, which are the consequence of original sin,
leave us innocent. It is the consent to evil that constitutes
sin (peccatum).
u Non enim quaefiant, sed quo ammo fiant pensat Deus, nee in opere, sed
in intentione meritum operantis vel laus consistit " (Eth. 3).
" Opera omnia in se indifferentia, nee nisi pro intentione agentis vel bona
vel mala dicenda sunt " (Eth. 7). But the intention depends on conscience,
which distinguishes between good and evil. Man sins only when he acts
contrary to his own conscience. But to be virtuous it is not enough to
obey conscience ; the latter must also be enlightened, and in agreement
with the commands of the law. If conscience errs, the action is culpable,
but less so than in a case where the action though conformable to the law
is contrary to the injunctions of individual conscience. Non est peccatum
nisi contra conscientiam (Eth. 13). Qui persequebantur Christum vel suos,
quos persequendos credebant, per operationem peccasse dicimus, qui tamen
graviorem culpam peccassent, si contra conscientiam eis parcerent {Eth. 14).
Such was the truly elevated and novel doctrine of Abelard.
The analysis of conscience was resumed later by Albertus
Magnus. He makes a distinction between the faculty by
which we discern good from evil, and what we may call the
moral sentiment, or rather the moral disposition.
Conscience, properly so-called, is the law of reason (lex mentis, lex
rationis et intellectus), by which we know what to do, and what to avoid.
This faculty, inasmuch as it implies consciousness of the general
principles of practical life, is innate and inamissible, but as the knowledge
of particular duties it is acquired. Lex mentis habitus naturalis est
quantum ad principia, acquisitus quantum ad scita.
From Conscientia he distinguishes the principle of moral
activity, Synderesis. What is the origin and exact meaning of
this term ? We find it for the first time in St. Jerome, but as
Ueberweg says, it is possible that the word used by the
scholastics was simply derived from a copyist's error, and that
it should be read arvveifirjo-is. However that may be, Synderesis,
scintilla conscientiae, was distinguished by the scholastics from
Conscientia, being, as it were, the original flame of which
conscience is the actual radiance.
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 51
In the moral consciousness there is, then, firstly a mental act,
the distinction of good from evil; secondly, a power inherent in
man which has not been destroyed by original sin and which
inclines us to the good and draws us away from evil. This is
Synderesis, a remnant of Adam's first nature.
"/« singulis viribus manet aliquid rectum quod in judicando et
appetendo concordat rectitudini priinae in qua, creatus est homo. —
Synderesis est rectitudo manens in singulis viribus, concordant rectitudini
primae (Albert. Summ. de Creaturis, p. II, qu. 69)."
According to St. Thomas, Synderesis is not a potentiality in the Aristo-
telian sense, but' a natural possession of practical principles, just as
intellect is a natural possession of speculative principles, habitus
quidam naturalis principiorum operabilium, sicut intellectus habitus est
principiorum speculabilium, et non potentia aliqua (Summa theologiae I, q.
79, 12). Conscience is the act by which we apply our knowledge to our
actions. Conscientia actus est quo scientiam nostram ad ea quae agimus
applicamus (Ibid. 13).
Here again Synderesis is the principle of conscientia. But St.
Thomas conceives it in a more purely intellectual way than his
master, Albertus Magnus. The moral philosophy of Thomas
Aquinas is, in other respects, a combination of Christian and
Aristotelian ethics. He distinguishes the practical from the
contemplative life. He regards the four philosophical virtues,
temperance, fortitude, wisdom, justice, as acquired virtues
(virtutes acquisitae), which lead to natural happiness, while the
theological virtues, faith, hope, and love, are divinely inspired
(virtutes infusae) and lead to supernatural bliss. Our will is
not compelled. It is subject to a moral necessity which does
not destroy its freedom : our choice depends on ourselves.
Here we have the notion of obligation, but St. Thomas hastens
to add that we can do nothing of ourselves. We need the
grace of God and His assistance even for the practice of the
natural virtues, and still more if we are to share in perfect
bliss, which is the vision of God (Visio divinae essentiae).
Mysticism sprang naturally from the depth and ardour of
religious feeling in the Middle Ages. It was a reaction
against the abuse of logical formalism, and then, as always,
resolved itself into the placing of feeling above reason, and
of immediate intuition above discursive thought. " The highest
felicity," says St. Bernard, " is the mysterious flight of the soul
52
to heaven, the sweet return from the domain of the corporeal
to the region of spirits, and fusion in God."
Hugo and Pilchard of St. Victor followed the pseudo-
Dionysius the Areopagite, in his Neo-Platonism ; they dis-
tinguish contemplatio (the immediate intuition of truth) from
cogitatio (sensuous knowledge) and from meditatio (discursive
thought). As regards its object they taught that there are six
stages in contemplation, the lowest, in imaginatione et secundum
imaginationem, consists in contemplating divine beauty in the
beauty of the sensible world ; the highest, supra rationem
et praeter rationem, in penetrating into mysteries that are
inaccessible to reason. From the psychological point of view
there are three stages in contemplatio, of which the lowest is a
dilatatio mentis ; the second an elevation, sublevatio mentis :
the third an alienation, alienatio mentis, an ecstasy in which,
by suppressing all individual consciousness, we lose ourselves in
God. Mediaeval mysticism finds its most poetic and most
popular expression in the celebrated Imitation of Christ.
Descartes Empirical Ethics : the Soul Considered in its
Relation to the Body ; The Life of the Soul ; Knowledge and Good-
will.
With Bacon and Descartes, Ethics as well as philosophy
became more distinct from religion and more independent of
theology. There was a return to the traditions of antiquity,
and an attempt was made to solve the problem of human destiny
through reason alone. The Cartesian Eationalists sought to
find the principles of virtue and happiness in the knowledge
of universal and necessary laws, while the Empiricists would
derive the whole of morality from the observation of human
nature, from such a fact, for example, as egoism or sympathy. It
is to Kant that the merit belongs of having restored Ethics by
fixing its principle elsewhere, and founding it wholly upon the
idea of duty.
Descartes' conception of Ethics was that of the ancients.
He endeavours to define the Supreme Good which comprises
felicity and virtue, and, by proving that these two terms
coincide, to reconcile Epicurus with Zeno. (Letter to the Queen
of Sweden.} Descartes has two ethical systems, one of which
leads to the other. The first is empirical and has to do with
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODEEN TIMES 53
the life of the soul in its relation to the body, its object being
to free us from the passions and thereby make possible the life
of pure intelligence. The second, which is based on good-will
and knowledge, aims at an independent existence for the soul
and a felicity attainable only through its own efforts.
The human body is an automatic machine in which every-
thing is explained by extension and the laws of motion. To
this machine a soul is joined, and what was mechanical action
in the body becomes passion in the soul. All the passions
(admiration, love, hate, etc.) are therefore merely an image of
the body and its internal movements reflected in the soul
(see Vol. I, Chap. VIII). Since self-possession, or the control
of passion, is the condition of wisdom, it is clear that medical
science is most important to the life of the soul; for what
science could be more valuable than the one which, by
enabling us to regulate the course of our animal spirits
and to change their composition, would make us masters of
our passions ? By means of remedies properly proportioned,
we should thus be able to prearrange and fix accurately the
degrees of sadness, of joy or love.
"Descartes thought that nothing would be more certain to produce
temporal felicity than a happy combination of medicine with mathematics"
(Baillet, III, 5). And Descartes himself says, "the preservation of health
is the first good, and the foundation of all other goods ; for our mind
depends so much on our temperament, and on the state of our bodily
organs, that if it were possible to find any means by which men would
become wiser and more ingenious than they have hitherto been, it is in
medicine that these means must be sought " (Disc, de la M&h. 6th part).
Thus the first chapter of the Cartesian Ethics would be a
system of hygiene, giving prescriptions that would ensure to
man complete mastery over his passions.
Notwithstanding all his efforts, Descartes was unable
to formulate this therapeutic of the passions. It might
seem, then, that we must remain the slaves of our bodies.
But what appeared to be our ruin is in reality our salvation,
for the relation between body and soul is a reciprocal relation.
Hence certain passions (correlative modifications) must corre-
spond in the body to the mental acts, and in this fact we
perceive a means of making ourselves free. For if the soul is
free, and if everything that takes place in it affects the body,
54 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
then, by directing and regulating the soul, it is possible to
regulate the body. Medicine enabled us to attack the body
directly, to fight against the passions by physical means ; but
through the indirect action of the soul we recover possession of
ourselves. It is true that the soul is only capable of acting on
itself, but by calling up such and such a thought and
dwelling on it, it may, firstly, suspend the action which
would ensue from the passion (Pass. 146); secondly, it
may alter the motion of the small gland which is its
seat and give a new direction to the animal spirits, and
produce thereby in itself a different or even a contrary
passion (Pass. I, 45) ; thirdly, the soul may sometimes do yet
more, for, without altering the action of the gland, it may
through habit associate with this action thoughts which
it has had the strength to dwell on while the action lasted.
" The connection between our minds and our bodies is of
such a nature that when we have once associated a certain
bodily action with a certain thought, the dne never presents
itself without the other" (Pass. II, 136).
Through habit, therefore, we are able to change the natural
order of the passions and invert the relations between the
physical and moral life. We may act in such a way that to
the motions of the pineal gland, instead of the passions which
would naturally correspond to them, there may correspond
quite opposite thoughts, calculated to make us behave in a
manner befitting rational, independent beings. Thus, since we
cannot act mechanically on the mechanism of the body, we
have recourse to artifice and ingenuity (Pass. I, 47). In this
way we find a moral equivalent to medicine, and a moral
hygiene is substituted for a physical ; the indirect action of
the soul takes the place of the direct action of medicine.
The soul, though joined to the body, is distinct from it, and
has its own separate life. " It may enjoy pleasures apart
from the body " (Pass. Ill, 212). By controlling the passions
it separates itself from the body, and recovers its true
nature, which is to be free and to depend only on itself and
on its thoughts. Thus moral hygiene leads up to true
morality, which is the science of the Supreme Good. What
then is the Good which is to give at once happiness and
virtue ?
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 55
" It consists in the determined will to do right, and in the contentment
which such a will produces. Not only is our free will in itself our highest
possession, inasmuch as it makes us in a manner like to God, and seems to
exempt us from being subject to Him, the proper use of it being con-
sequently the greatest among goods ; but it is also the good that belongs to
us most especially and is for us the most important. From this it follows
that it is only from our free will that our highest satisfactions can
proceed " (Letter to the Queen of Sweden). " It is not necessary that our
reason should be never mistaken, it is enough if our conscience tells us
that we have always had sufficient firmness and virtue to execute all
those things which we have judged to be the best ; and thus virtue alone
suffices to give us contentment in this life" (Letter to Princess Elizabeth,
1st May, 1645).
Having, like Kant later on, placed the end of man in the
good will, Descartes then seems to contradict himself, and,
following Socrates and Plato, to make everything depend on
the intellect.
" When our virtue is not sufficiently enlightened by the understanding
it may be false, and in this case the contentment which it brings is not
real and secure. Man's highest happiness depends on the right use of
reason, and consequently the study that leads to its acquisition is the
most useful occupation he can have, as it is also, without doubt, the most
agreeable and the most delightful " (Letter to the Princess Elizabeth, May,
1 645). How can this be doubted when we remember that " we have only
to judge rightly, and to judge as correctly as possible, in order to acquire
all the virtues and all the advantages and goods attainable ? " (Disc, de la
M&hode, 3rd part). " Omnis peccans est ignorans. If our understanding
never represented to the will as good the things that are the contrary,
the will could never be mistaken in its choice" (Letter, April, 1637).
This being the case, the ethical problem takes the form of a
scientific problem. We must not consent to pursue pleasures
that we perceive confusedly, we must not accept a thing as
good unless we see plainly that it is so ; in a word, we must
be on our guard against confused ideas, and be guided only by
those that are clear. The problem then is how to determine
the order of perfections, how to make a science of the different
kinds of good, and of their relative value. But Descartes
never constructed such a science. He was content to show
that passion exaggerates the worth of the pleasures it seeks,
and to lay down this general rule : Pleasures of the mind
which depend on ourselves, so far surpass those of the body
that they alone are sufficient to our happiness. Science being
56 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
incapable of entering into particulars, cannot take the place of
conscience ; each one of us has independently to strive after
the best, which, like the true, is apprehended on evidence.
And since life allows no delays we must be content to possess
a good will. We have seen that Descartes leads us from good
will to right reason, and now, from right reason, we find
ourselves thrown back on good will.
But the contradiction is only apparent, for knowledge is
closely connected with freedom, since judgment is a voluntary
act, and to affirm or to deny is to will. Knowledge both pre-
supposes and flows from freedom. I owe the truth to myself,
and am to a certain extent responsible for my errors. The
Supreme Good is good will, which alone depends on ourselves ;
but good will is nothing else than the will " to make the best
possible use of our minds in order to know what to do and
what to avoid on every occasion in life " (Letter to the
Princess Elizabeth, 1st May, 1645). Good will is our most
precious possession ; it justifies our actions abundantly to
ourselves and before God, and it insures to us inward content-
ment ; but only through the intellect is true wisdom attained.
Wisdom implies knowledge. Wisdom should be our ideal, which
it is the duty of every man to get as near to as possible ; and
the inward satisfaction which comes from this striving after
the best constitutes our happiness.
This would appear to be a solution of the ethical problem.
But may not the vicissitudes of life throw the soul back again
into the bondage of pain ? Man lives in a world in which
events occur over which he has no control ; how can it be
said that he depends on himself alone ? Descartes tries to
eliminate such unforeseen events from the problem of life, by
considering man in his relation to the world and to God.
Let us remember, he says, that everything in the universe
happens mechanically, according to inflexible laws, and we shall
endeavour to change the nature of our desires rather than the
order of the world. Fortune is " merely a chimera, born of an
error in our understanding" (Pass. II, 145). If we were once
convinced that when we have done all that lies in our power the
advantages we do not possess are all equally beyond our reach,
" we should no more desire health, when ill, or freedom, when
in prison, than we now do bodies as incorruptible as diamonds,
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 57
or wings with which to fly like birds " (Disc, de la Mtth. 3rd
part). The consciousness of a universal necessity delivers us
from all superfluous regrets or desires.
But as evil exists none the less for being necessary, this
submission to the laws of the universe resembles a defeat.
There would appear to be something which evades the good and
the intelligible. Yes, if we forget that everything depends on
God, that everything is arranged by His Providence. We
cannot penetrate into the ways of God, but we know that
they express the highest perfection ; and when we have acted
as we thought best, this knowledge should make us feel con-
tent, whatever our fate may be.
"The true object of love being perfection, when we lift up our minds to
consider God as He is, we feel ourselves naturally so strongly disposed to
love Him that we derive joy even from our afflictions, remembering that,
in all that happens to us His will is fulfilled" (Letter to the Princess
Elizabeth, 13th June, 1645). " Thus it is that man, uniting his will to that
of God, loves Him in so perfect a manner as to desire nothing more in
this world but that the will of God be done. Consequently, he no longer
fears either death, or pain, or disgrace, knowing that nothing can befall
him that has not been appointed by God, and he has so great a love for
the divine ordinance, he deems it so just and so necessary, he knows
himself to be so dependent on it, that even when he is expecting death or
some other evil, if the impossible were to happen, and he found he had
the power to alter this decree, he would not have the desire to do so"
(Letter to M. Chanuf).
Having thus fused our will with that of God, we participate
in His omnipotence, and nothing occurs without our willing
it. Happiness is the reward of virtue; and man's supreme
good depends on man himself.
" It is certain that if a man who is well born, in good health, and in
want of nothing, at the same time is as wise and virtuous as another who
is poor, unhealthy, and deformed, he may enjoy a more complete content-
ment than the poor man. Nevertheless, as a small vessel may be as full
as a large one, though containing less liquid, so also, taking the content-
ment of each individual to lie in the fulness and satisfaction of his desires,
I have no doubt that, when these are regulated according to reason, the
poorest man and the least favoured by fortune and nature may be as
entirely content and satisfied as other men" (Letter to the Princess
Elizabeth, 1st May, 1645). "By the internal felicity which good will
of itself produces, we may hinder all the evils that come from without
58 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
however great, from going any deeper into our souls than does the
sadness excited by actors when they represent some tragic event"
(Letter to the Princess Elizabeth, March, 1646).
Life's external order may be disturbed by accidents, but not
the inward harmony of the soul ; for accidents are necessary, and
since they are part of God's purpose, we should not only accept
but desire them. Hence nothing can happen that is contrary
to our desire. To make our will and our understanding one
with the will and understanding of God — in this lies the whole
of morality.
In this way, then, our soul, which was at first threatened with
bondage, becomes free; the passions which it experiences are no
longer the expression of the affections of the body ; its love being
no longer the effect of the course of the animal spirits, is born
of an act of judgment which disposes the soul to become attached
in will to the things that it deems good (Pass. II, 79). Its joys,
which are purely intellectual, spring from its own activity
alone. Not only is the soul no longer the expression of the
body, but their relations are reversed. It is now the body that
expresses the soul by its movements, and becomes its slave.
There is a passion that corresponds to virtue — true nobility,
which causes a man to form as high an opinion of himself
as he legitimately can. Nobility is the bodily expression of
virtue. It consists of right notions and principles of morality,
enforced by the action of the animal spirits. Even that highest,
most spiritual kind of love, the love of God, may become
a passion, and affect the course of the spirits. Thus the soul
is its own mistress because its thoughts depend on itself
alone, and it is mistress of the body because the body is
the expression of the soul, and only gives back to it, under
the form of passions, its own acts and thoughts. Finally, the
soul is mistress of the world because it is united to God by
love, and participates, therefore, in His will and sovereign
power.
Malebranche : Ratios of Perfection ; Love of the Universal
Order.
A science of goods and of their relative value remained a
desideratum in the ethical system of Descartes, who contented
himself with saying that the Good, as well as the True, is dis-
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 59
covered by the light of evidence. Malebranche in his Ethics
develops this idea, which was merely suggested by Descartes.
There are two kinds of relation between things : a relation of
magnitude and a relation of perfection. The former has to do
with truth, the latter with order ; the former bears on pure
science, the latter on Ethics.
If the human intellect, fashioned diversely by custom and
education, and different at different periods, is able to discover this
immutable order, it is because there is in it a divine impersonal
element, namely, reason, the Eternal "Word by which all minds
are united. Reason is the Divine voice speaking in us, and he
who listens not to it falls into error and disorder. " He who
values his horse more than his coachman, and he who thinks
that a stone has in itself a greater worth than a fly or the
smallest organism, does not perceive what perhaps he imagines
himself to perceive; for it is not universal reason, but individual
reason, that leads him to judge things so" {Morale, I, i, 13).
Again, it is because universal reason is not followed that
morality differs in different countries and at different periods.
" Thus with the Germans it is virtuous to be able to drink. One can
have no intercourse with them if one does not get drunk. It is not
reason but wine that binds society together, and makes settlements and
contracts " (Morale, I, ii, 7).
Love of the order in things is the only virtue. Actions
that are merely in conformity with this order, namely, duties
(the KaQ-fiKoyTo. of the Stoics), are to be distinguished from
those which are inspired by the love of this order, namely,
virtues.
" We must not, owing to the agreement between the terms, confuse
virtues with duties. Men are deceived by this. Some there are who
imagine that they are following virtue when they only follow the natural
inclination which they have to fulfil certain duties ; and as they are by no
means led by reason, they are in fact excessively vicious the while they
imagine themselves heroes of virtue " (Morale, I, ii, 6). " He who gives
his fortune to the poor, either through vanity or natural compassion, is
not liberal, because he is not led by reason ; and his action is not inspired
by love of the order of things, but is the result of pride or of a merely
natural tendency " (Ibid. § i).
Virtue, therefore, is more than submission pure and simple
to the order of things. It is submission through love
60 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
of this order. It is, moreover, not an actual and momentary
obedience, but one that is continuous and has grown into a
habit. " Virtue is a habitual, free, and dominating love of the
immutable order " {Ibid. I, iii, 20).
To love this order is to love beings and things in proportion
to their perfection, and is therefore, in the first place, to love
God, Who is absolute perfection, above all things; and,
secondly, to love all other things only according to their rela-
tion to God ; or, better still, to love only God in them, that is
to say, the perfection in them which makes them worthy of
love. The love of order is therefore union with God, by con-
formity of mind and will.
As God necessarily loves order and all things according to
this order, He loves Himself above everything, and next to
Himself His creatures, in so far as He finds Himself in them,
that is to say, according to the degree of being and perfection
which they possess. There are two kinds of love, the one
kindness or esteem, the other the love of union. The first
consists in loving things only in so far as they are lovable ; the
latter consists in giving oneself wholly, without reserve, to the
beloved object, or, in a word, in uniting oneself with it {Ibid. I,
iii, 8). God alone deserves to be loved in this way, because
He is perfection. He is the Good in itself, and He alone also
is the efficient cause of all the actions of His creatures. It is
therefore in Him only that we must love His creatures. It is
according to His will and His law that we must measure out
to them the love which is benevolence.
This is the principle that governs practical morality. The
law of God and of all things in Him is the sovereign rule of
conduct, as vision in God is the law of knowledge. Man
should only love in himself that which makes him worthy of
love in the eyes of God. Eeason is God present in us. We
are the temples in which His wisdom dwells, and in which He
desires to be adored. We should fight against everything in
us that is an obstacle to reason — against the senses, the
imagination, the passions (Ibid. II, xi, xii, xiii). The
cultivation of reason is homage rendered to God. Attention
is a natural prayer, by means of which we receive illumination
from reason. " Strength and freedom of mind, which consist
in being disposed to seek and follow truth, and to accept it
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 61
solely on evidence, are virtues and cardinal virtues " (Ibid.
I, vi, 5).
Social morality is inspired by the same spirit as private
morality. Our love for others must be regulated by their
relation to God. The sovereign is the man among all others
who has the highest place in our esteem, because he is nothing
less than the representative of God on earth. In his presence,
not only our bodies but our minds should be bowed down in
reverence. We must humble ourselves and respect the
greatness and majesty of God in the power of the prince
(Ibid. II, ix, 2). But the lowest among men is also worthy
of our goodwill and our esteem.
" "We must not only respect and show respect to the lowest among men,
and to the poor, but also to sinners and to those who commit the worst
crimes. Their lives are abominable, their conduct is contemptible, but
their persons are still deserving of respect " (Ibid. II, vii, 4).
And this is because they have never ceased to be the temples
of Jesus Christ and to form with us part of an eternal society
in God. Even the child should be to his parents an object of
respect, no less than of affection. He should not be governed
by force, but his feeble reason should be led by gentle
persuasion.
"Let no father imagine, that as a father, he has an absolute and
independent authority over his son. He only is a father through the
efficacy of God's power, and he should only govern according to His law "
(Ibid. II, x, 18).
Thus all duties have their principle in the love of God>
which is the only virtue, though it takes various forms
corresponding exactly with our various duties.
Spinoza ; Determinism; There is no Absolute Good or Evil ;
The Good for Man ; Theory of Goods ; Bondage and Freedom.
Spinoza a Utilitarian and Mystic.
The consciousness of a universal necessity which is only one
element, or moment, in the Ethics of Descartes, is the first
principle and the end of morality with Spinoza, who makes
no distinction between this consciousness and the love of God.
In this as in other respects Spinoza's doctrine is Cartesianism
made logical, simplified, and impoverished. It is remarkable
62 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
that the principal work of Spinoza should be a theory of
Ethics, seeing that he denies both freedom and the existence
of good and evil. Human actions, according to him, are
governed by an inflexible mechanism. The belief in free will
is an illusion and a folly. Indignation against the wicked is
childishness. A madman is no more bound to live according
to the dictates of reason than the cat is bound to live accord-
ing to the laws of a lion's nature (Theol. Pol. Ch. XVI).
But if we are necessarily subject to the laws of our nature,
may we not lay the blame of our sins and misfortunes on
God ? No.
"Men are in God's power as clay is in the hands of the potter, who from
the same lump makes vessels some to honour some to dishonour " (Rom.
IX, 21). " No one can bring a complaint against God for having given
him a weak nature or infirm spirit. A circle might as well complain
to God of not being endowed with the properties of a sphere, or a child
who is tortured, say, with stone, for not being given a healthy body, as
a man of feeble spirit because God has denied to him fortitude and the
true knowledge and love of the Deity, or because he is endowed with
so weak a nature that he cannot check or moderate his desires " (Letters to
Oldenburg, 23 and 25).
To desire things to be otherwise than they are, to chafe
against nature, is to fail to recognize that all that is is neces-
sary, and is of necessity that which it is.
On the other hand, that which is necessary cannot fail to be
good, and, from the ethical point of view, necessity should be
called God, Providence, or Wisdom. Thus every event is
justified by the very fact of its occurrence which is in imme-
diate connection with the supreme necessity. The distinction
between good and evil has no absolute value : " For we all
admire in animals qualities which we regard with dislike and
aversion in men, such as the pugnacity of bees, the jealousy of
doves " (Letter to BlyenbergJi). The moral sanction is not
founded on responsibility, but is a consequence of the necessary,
fixed order of things.
" He who goes mad from the bite of a dog is assuredly excusable, yet
he is rightly suffocated. Lastly, he who cannot govern his desires and
keep them in check from fear of the laws, though his weakness may
be excusable, cannot, nevertheless, enjoy either peace of soul or the
knowledge and love of God, but necessarily perishes" (Letter to
Oldenburg, 25).
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 63
In one sense, therefore, there is for Spinoza neither good nor
evil ; but it does not follow that because the same explanation
serves for all things, all things are to be regarded as identical
or equal. Tout expliquer n'est pas tout confondre. There
are things that may be called good or useful, bad or harmful,
according as they increase or diminish our perfection, that is to
say, according as they bring us nearer to God or lead us
further away from Him. Thus, in so far as we perceive that a
thing affects us with pleasure or sorrow we call it good or evil
(Ethics IV, Prop. viii). Pantheism, which justifies the existence
of all things, is careful not to despise the lower kinds
of good.
"Therefore to make use of what comes in our way and to enjoy it as
much as possible (not to the point of satiety, for that would not be enjoy-
ment) is the part of a wise man. I say it is the part of a wise man to
refresh and recreate himself with moderate and pleasant food and drink,
and also with perfumes, with the soft beauty of growing plants, with
dress and with music, with many sports, with theatres and the like, such
as every man may make use of without injury to his neighbour" (Ibid.
Prop. XIV, note).
Joy is good, the gloomy meditations of the mystic are
foolishness. " A free man thinks of nothing less than of
death ; and his wisdom is a meditation not of death but of
life" (Ibid. Prop. XLVII). While he approves all kinds of
pleasure, Spinoza does not omit to determine the value of each
one in particular, and to give it a place according to its utility
or, what comes to the same thing, according to its degree of
being or perfection. " There is no small difference between the
joy which actuates, say, a drunkard, and the joy possessed by a
philosopher" (Hid. Ill, Prop. LVII, note). In this way Spinoza
establishes a dialectic, or a hierarchy of goods.
The good is freedom, evil is bondage, and the degrees of
perfection are indicated by the degrees of freedom. Bondage
means subjection to the passions, or life according to appetite.
Appetite, being connected with the imagination and the senses,
has for its object the goods that are present, trivial, and
fleeting. The man who yields to these is swayed by inadequate
and confused ideas. Freedom, on the other hand, consists in
living under the dominion of reason, which conceives things
under the form of eternity (sub specie aeternitatis) and is attracted
64 . THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
by future goods as well as by those which are present and
immediate. Eeason makes known to each one what is in con-
formity to his nature and useful to him. Lastly, reason has
for its object an imperishable good, namely, knowledge, and more
especially knowledge of the eternal truths. But Spinoza can
only show us the means by which man becomes free, that is,
knowledge ; we cannot make ourselves free, we only know how
freedom comes to us.
" An emotion which is a passion ceases to be a passion as soon as we
form a clear and distinct idea thereof" (Ethics, V, Prop. III). " An emotion,
therefore, becomes more under our control, and the mind is less passive in
respect to it, in proportion as it is more known to us" (Ibid. Coroll). "But
what is it to know things if not to understand their necessity ? The mind
has greater power over the emotions and is less subject thereto in so far
as it understands all things as necessary " (Ibid. Prop. VI).
In governing our passions we make our desires as well as
our thoughts conform to the order of the universe. Freedom
is the identification of ourselves with the universal necessity,
for we become free through knowledge, and knowledge is
participation in Being, and as there is only one Being, with
the necessary Being.
With Spinoza, as with Parmenides and Plato, thought is
identical with its object; so that, in so far as it possesses know-
ledge of eternal truth, the mind is itself eternal, and in so far
as it extends this knowledge it also increases its share of
immortality. In like manner, to know God is to participate
in His essence ; and if man, having reached the term of his
moral development, is truly free, it is because, being then
united to God by intellectual intuition, he is himself God, and
forms part of the supreme necessity, which is called freedom
because it develops only according to the law of its own nature.
Freedom for man consists, therefore, in being one with God,
with the Being, that is, who, considered as He is in Himself, is
to be called necessary, but considered in His relation to other
things, which are merely the modes of His activity, is to be
called free.
Spinoza liked to join together contrary terms, such as
freedom and necessity. Following his example, one may say of
him that he was at the same time, and without inconsistency,
both a utilitarian and a mystic; for he gives as the principle of
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 65
his Ethics now the tendency of a being to persevere and to perfect
himself in his being — the love of self; now the intellectual love
of God. The reason of this is that to him these two kinds of
love are only one. It is the nature of man to know, and the
object of knowledge is Being in all its degrees and in all its
forms, but principally in its highest form, which is the Eternal
and the Divine. " Hence the mind's greatest good is the know-
ledge of God, and the mind's highest virtue is to know God "
IV, Prop. XXVIII). But to know God is to love Him, for love
is nothing else than joy accompanied by the idea of its object.
Again, to love God is to love one's self, and to love one's self
the more according as one is in a manner more fully one's self ;
since he who has reached the term of knowledge has . also
reached the highest development of his own nature. Thus the
love of self leads to the love of God, and the love o£-_
only a higher form of self-love.
But having described the Ethical theory of Spinoza as a higher
kind of Utilitarianism, we must now, with apparent self-contra-
diction, show that from another point of view his system is
characterized by a noble disinterestedness. For he repudiates
as servile the virtue that is based merely on the fear of hell or
on the hope of another life. He cannot adequately express his
contempt for the common opinion according to which " piety,
religion, and generally all things attributable to firmness of mind
are burdens which after death men hope to lay aside" (V,
Prop. XLI, note). What an insult to morality is this shameful
fear of the tortures of Hell, which makes so many unfortunate
men bear the " crushing burden of piety ! " and how much
nobler and more pure, according to Spinoza, is the notion which
he would have us form of virtue ! " Even if we did not know
that our mind is eternal, we should still consider as of primary
importance piety and religion, and generally all things which
we have shown to be attributable to courage and high-
mindedness " (V, XLI). Are we to understand by this that,
like Kant, Spinoza regards virtue and happiness as antagonistic,
so that the one requires the sacrifice of the other ? On the
contrary, he holds that the all-wise necessity by which the
world is governed has inseparably linked happiness with
the life that is rational and free, and he finds man's happiness
in perfection and virtue alone,
ir. E
66 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
" Blessedness is not the reward of virtue, but virtue itself ; neither do
we rejoice therein because we control our lusts, but contrariwise, it is
because we rejoice therein that we are able to control our lusts " (V, XLII).
To sum up: the happy life, the free, rational, or divine life — for
all these terms correspond to the different points of view from
which the one and the same thing may be considered — is the
development of the human mind according to its special nature,
its progress towards its end, namely, the knowledge and the love
of God.
We have considered the human mind in its individual
development only ; but it has merely to obey the laws of its own
nature in order to be in harmony with other minds. Where
morality prevails the rules of social life are observed. What
divides men is their appetites, because these are directed
towards objects which cannot be shared, as for example wealth.
In setting the life of reason above the life of appetite, morality,
although occupied solely with the perfection of the individual,
serves by way of reaction the social interest. Eeason unites
men : it is passion that divides them, for the object of reason
is God, who gives Himself to all without reserve, and com-
municates Himself without losing Himself. Nay, it is in the
nature of this Supreme Good, which is called the knowledge
and the love of God, to grow, in a manner, by the common
possession of it.
"This love towards God cannot be stained by the emotion of envy or
jealousy : contrariwise it is the more fostered as we conceive a greater
number of men to be joined to God by the same bond of love " (Part V,
Prop. XX).
Thus the love of God is the binding force in social life, and
therefore the principle on which the whole of morality depends
Ethics of Leibnitz : The Sovereign Good ; The Moral Instinct
and Reason ; Nature and Grace ; Theory of Love.
Leibnitz, like Spinoza and Malebranche, regards perfection
as the end of morality, and intelligence as the principle of per-
fection. According to him, the fact that our actions are
psychologically determined does not deprive them of their
moral character, any more than the fact that our judgments
are psychologically determined prevents them from being true
or false. Just as we need logic for the direction of our under-
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 67
standing, so also do we need an ethical system for the guidance
of our will. The natural good of a being consists .in its
perfection.
" All that elevates the soul I call p&'fection. Perfection consists in the
force of action ; and as there is in every being a certain force, the greater
the force the higher and more free is its essence. Moreover, the greater
a force is the more manifest is plurality in unity in it. Now the one in
the many is nothing else than harmony, and from harmony beauty springs,
and beauty engenders love " ( Ueber die Gliickseligkeit, Erdmann's Edn.
p. 672).
The perfection of a rational being is measured by the sum
of his distinct perceptions (Letter to Wolff). Moral good is
therefore the striving after knowledge, the cultivation of reason,
the continuous progress from confused to distinct perceptions.
Pleasure for a living being is nothing else than its consciousness ,
of perfection, and perfection and happiness are identical terms.
Moral life is therefore the continuous passage from a lesser to
a greater perfection, and hence the progressive conquest of
happiness. There is thus a foundation of good in the nature
of the object itself, and it is the natural good which becomes
moral good when will is added. JSonum naturale quum est
voluntarium est bonum morale (Ibid.).
Nature of itself leads man to his end, that is, to happiness,
for nature inclines us to pursue joy and avoid sorrow (New
Essays, I, II, 1). Now joy is a sign of our free development
and advancement towards perfection. Inclination to pleasure
implies therefore a desire for perfection vaguely and confusedly
felt, but real and effectual ; and nature, whence this desire
comes to us, is found to be virtually moral. So there exists
further a general social instinct, an affection between the male
and female, between father and children, "which are part of
this natural law, or this image of law, which, according to the
Roman juris consulti, nature has taught the animals " (Ibid. 9).
Does morality consist, then, in following Nature ? Rousseau's Nj
doctrine was criticised in advance by Leibnitz. Instinct, being
entirely concerned with the present, is not a safe guide.
" For felicity is only a lasting joy ; our inclination, however, does
not tend to felicity proper, but to joy, that is to say, to the present. It is
reason which prompts to future and enduring welfare " (Ibid. 3).
Moreover, instinct is blind : " the appetitions, called in the schools motits
68 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
primo primi, are like the natural tendency of the stone, which goes by the
most direct, but not always the best path towards the centre of the earth ;
for it is not able to see beforehand that it will meet rocks, upon which
it will break in pieces, while it would approach its end more directly
if it had mind, and the means of turning aside from th^m. Thus it is
that by going straight for present pleasure we sometimes fall over the
precipice of unhappiness " (Ibid. II, XXI, 36).
In short, instinct is confused perception, which should make
way for perception that is distinct. The impressions which
nature has given us are only helps to reason, and should not
take the place of reason. It is not enough for us that we are
prompted to acts of humanity by instinct, or because it pleases us ;
we must further be induced to do them by our reason and
because it is just (New JZssays, I, II, 4). All these innate
principles which we feel and approve even when we have no
proof of them, should be converted into fixed maxims, into
distinct truths.
Leibnitz is not one of those philosophers who see in
instinct the enemy of reason; but he reconciles them although
he also distinguishes between them. The former belongs to
every kind of soul, the latter is the privilege of spirits or
rational souls. One leaves us in the physical realm of
nature, the other admits us into the moral realm of grace.
Instinct has moral value only in so far as it leads to reason ;
in the same way, nature is sanctified by preparing the way for
grace, by contributing through its laws to the triumph of
justice.
" We should also notice here another harmony between the physical
kingdom of nature and the moral kingdom of grace ; that is, between God
considered as the architect of the mechanism of the universe, and God
considered as monarch of the divine city of spirits" (Monadology, 87).
" And therefore sins, by the decree of nature and by virtue even of the
mechanical structure of things, must carry their punishment with them,
and in the same way good actions will obtain their rewards by
mechanical ways through their relation to bodies, although this may not,
and ought not always to happen immediately " (Ibid. 89).
But the harmony between the two realms does not go so
far as to make them identical ; God does not look in the same
way on souls which are merely mirrors of the universe, " and on
spirits which are His own image." To the former, He is only
" what an inventor is to his machines " ; to the latter, He is
THE ETHICAL PKOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 69
" what a prince is to his subjects, or even a father to his
children" (Monadology, 84). Reason is infinitely higher than
nature ; it brings us nearer to God and in a manner makes us
participate in His creative power, for " our soul is architectonic
in its voluntary actions, and, discovering the sciences according
to which God has regulated things (pondere, mensura, numero,
etc.) it imitates in its department and in the little world where
it is permitted to exercise itself, what God does in the large
world " (Principles of Nature and Grace, 14). Again, reason
makes us enter into a " sort of society with God," and places
us under the laws of that perfect government of spirits in
which no good action goes unrewarded, and no wicked action
unpunished.
Finally, reason is both the Absolute Good and our individual
good. Reason constitutes our essence, and morality, whose
object is the development of our individual perfection, is the
same thing as the cultivation of reason in us. We shall have
reached moral perfection when our soul has risen to distinct
perception, for the violent desires of blind passion will always
have less force than the persuasive sweetness of enlightened
reason.
" If a truth has no effect on the mind it is because it has not been given
the degree of distinctness of which it is capable. In spite of appearances
truth is the strongest thing in the world, provided we are not content to
consider it from the outside and merely to call it by its name, but pene-
trate into its recesses and perceive distinctly the logic and harmony
contained in it" (Erdmann's Edn. 269, a).
The more our reason is developed, and the further it
extends, the more also will it unite itself with all that is.
Like every other monad, our mind is a mirror of the uni verse. \
The more it becomes conscious of its own true nature, the
more also will it become conscious of its relation to other
beings. Hence according as it advances towards perfection
it rejoices more and more in the perfection and the joy of
other beings. In other words, the more perfect it becomes, the
more it loves. To love or to cherish, is to rejoice in the
happiness of others, or what comes to the same thing, it is to
make the happiness of another one's own. Amare sive
diligere est felicitate alterius delectare, vel quod eodem redit,felicita-
tem alienam adsciscere in suam (De notione jur. et just. Erdm.
70
p. 118). Love is disinterested, since we feel the happiness
of him whom we love as our own, and consequently we
enjoy his happiness directly, without thinking of any ulterior
advantage. This love is at first bestowed on other men, for
nothing is more natural to us than to take part in their perfec-
tion and their joy, but it is in God that love finds its supreme
object. The love of God is disinterested, for it is caused by
no sensible attraction, and at the same time it is our greatest
good, our nearest interest, for God is our good and our
perfection.
" God being the most perfect, and the most happy, and consequently
the most lovable of substances, and truly pure love consisting in the state
which finds pleasure in the perfections and happiness of the beloved
object, this love ought to give us the greatest pleasure of which we are
capable, when God is its object . . . from the present time on, the law of
God makes us enjoy a foretaste of future felicity ... it gives us perfect
confidence in the goodness of our Author and Master, producing a true
tranquillity of mind, not like the Stoics, who force themselves to patience,
but by a present content which assures us a future happiness " {Principles
of Nature and Grace," §§ 16, 18).
To love God is to rise to the comprehension of His goodness,
to understand that the world, being governed by Him, cannot
be anything but good ; that it is at least the best of all possible
worlds ; and if order has not at the present moment been
realized, everything must finally result for the well being of
the good, that is of those who are not discontented in this great
State, who having done their duty, trust in Providence
(Monadology, 90). Underlying the ethical system of Leibnitz
we recognize his metaphysical optimism. In declaring that
life is good, he only gives expression to the general thesis of
which his whole ethical system is the proof. Life is good
because everything in it has its reason, because, as we have
seen, nature, passion, and the senses, rightly viewed, are not
contrary nor even foreign to morality, because the individual
good, the oliceiov epyov of Aristotle, is not in conflict with the
Absolute Good of which Plato speaks, because enlightened
egoism finds its own advantage in love, because happiness is
not in reality distinct from perfection ; in short, because every-
where we find harmony, that is to say, the regular progress of
all things towards good, towards supreme happiness.
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 71
Utilitarian Systems. Hobbes: Individual Interest. Hdvetius :
Agreement between Individual and General Interest.
All the Cartesians looked for the principle of virtue and
happiness in reason. With them, the supreme good consists in
knowledge of the Absolute, which unites us to God, and makes
our will one with His. The Empirics thought to find in some
particular fact, such as the love of pleasure, or the moral
instinct, or sympathy, the principle which, when followed out,
suffices* for the organization of private and social life. Hobbes
lays down clearly the principle of utilitarianism, and from it
deduces with the utmost riour his main domas. Sensa-
tion he declares to be the criterion of good. Hence the good
is pleasure, and pleasure is a motion " helping vital action "
(jucundum a juvando), a motion which appears in conscious-
ness under the form of desire. The value of things is j
measured by the desire they engender, and their comparative
excellence by the intensity of this desire. Again, it is in „
desire and not in possession that the good lies. In a general
way pleasure does not consist " in the repose of a mind /
satisfied," but " in a continual progress of the desire from one ^
object to another, the attaining to the former being still but
the way to the latter." Actual pleasure is the never-ceasing
renewal of desire in us. Thus Hobbes returns to the Cyrenaic
doctrine : Pleasure lies in motion, it is motion itself. JSonorum
maximun ad fines semper ulteriores minime impcdita progressio.
As he recognized no other good but the physical pleasure
which results from the laws of life, or rather, which is life
itself, he might have said of pleasure what he said of life, that
it is a perpetual motion which, when it cannot advance in a
straight line, becomes a circular motion.
But Hobbes takes a higher point of view than Aristippus,
for, instead of accepting the present pleasure just as it comes,
he takes into consideration the good and evil resulting from it,
and he teaches that conduct should be regulated with a view
to the useful. For a thing may not in itself be good which
yet becomes so because it is conducive to happiness. Thus
power may in itself not be delightful, but it has the effect of
making others peaceably disposed towards us ; it protects us
against envy and malice ; it compels respect ; it wins for us
good will and love, and all these advantages make it desirable
72 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
and good. In the same way, human society, which was in the
beginning merely a state of helium omnium contra omnes,
becomes, when for the blind pursuit of pleasure is substituted the
intelligent pursuit of the useful, a state of peace and order in
which the individual in return for his independence, which he
has forfeited, obtains an advantage that is much more real,
namely, security. Inasmuch as it saves us from the miseries
of a state of nature, society is advantageous and useful, and
therefore good.
At the same time, the interest by which, according to
Hobbes, our actions should be guided, is always individual
interest — homo homini lupus ; and the instinctive hatred which
/ men bear to their fellow-creatures may be veiled by politeness
"N and education but cannot be obliterated, and the proof of it is,
the pleasure in backbiting that prevails in conversation (De
' Give., Pref.). But our hatred for others flows from self-love.
As soon as they serve our interest they become lovable, and as
man hates his fellowmen on account of the injury they have
caused him, he may love them on account of the advantages he
derives from them. We may act benevolently towards others
because it is an egoistical, and therefore a natural satisfaction
to feel that we have the power to make not only our own
happiness but that of others. Pity for others in their mis-
fortunes is the fear we have that the like calamity may befall
ourselves. Finally, when we recognize the superiority of a
person and his power to injure us, it is right to honour him.
Thus Hobbes is far from making benevolence arise out of self-
love, like Bentham ; the general interest has no importance
in his eyes except in so far as it promotes the individual
interest. His doctrine is one of exclusive egoism.
The doctrines of Helvetius were at once a continuation and
a contradiction of Hobbism. He adopted the premisses of
Hobbes and rejected all his conclusions. Self-love was the
only rule he recognized. " The moral universe is as com-
pletely subject to the laws of interest as the physical
universe to the laws of motion " (De I' Esprit, II, 2). But
while to Hobbes the cause of division and hatred was the
interest of the individual, Helvetius discovered, in the working
of the laws of this interest, the principles of tolerance and of
sympathy.
I
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 73
" Men are not wicked, but they are the slaves of their own interests
(Ibid. Ch. II, 5). We must take them as they are ; to be vexed by the
effects of their self-love would be like complaining of an April shower.
. . . Men are what they must be ; all hatred of them is unjust ; fools
bring forth folly as a wilding bears bitter fruit . . . the humane man
is he to whom the sight of another's misfortune is unbearable, and who
to escape from this sight is compelled, so to speak, to succour the
unfortunate."
Benevolence is therefore a matter of nerves. He who )
acts kindly thinks only of his own relief. While obeying
the dictates of his heart he is ruled by his own interest.
This interest may change so as to bring about alternately
virtue and vice, and just as it inspires different courses of
action, it also gives rise to contradictory opinions. In the
eyes of him whom he condemns a judge is always unjust, and
in the opinion of him in whose favour he decides he is always
just. Hence if morality did no more than prescribe regard
to self-interest, there would be no certain rule for it. There
are two paramount interests which conflict with one another :
the individual, and the general interest.
" Hence the main object of moralists should be to determine the proper
use of rewards and punishments, and to discover how these can be employed
in order to connect the personal with the general interest. This union
is the supreme end which the science of Ethics should set before itself. .
If citizens could not attain their own happiness without at the same time
furthering the public good, the only evildoers would be the madmen ; all
men would be compelled to be virtuous, and the felicity of nations would
be a blessing bestowed upon them by moral science " (De VEsp. II, 22).
Thus Helvetius calls upon the law to assist morality. To '.
expect men to practise altruism through disinterested good-
will is only a dream of the mystics, who refuse to see that
self-interest is the only force by which the human machine is
worked. Nothing less than the threats of the law are needed
for the prevention through fear of every action contrary to the
public good, and if it were not for the honour and esteem by
which the public repays services rendered to it, heroism would
.disappear. But if morality cannot do without the support of
the law, the law, on the other hand, must turn to morality for
instruction. According to Hobbes, it is enough if the decrees of
legislation are upheld by force, but Helvetius demands that these
decrees be further justified by reason, that is to say, that they
74 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
be always in accordance with the interests of the people (De
I' Esprit, II, 17). Is not this, moreover, the surest way of
causing force to be on the side of the law ? To sum up :
according to Helvetius, self-interest demands a sanction for all
the rules of morality. .This sanction acts by way of restraint
or of opinion. " Reward, punishment, honour, or disgrace being
all in the dispensation of the legislator, are four kinds of
divinities by which he may always promote the public good "
{Ibid. II, 22). The sanction of opinion differs only in
appearance from the legal sanction, for the decisions of the
former also represent the thought of the legislator, who,
by education, directs and forms men's consciences, and thus
gives to morality its watchword.
Bentham : Moral Arithmetic ; General Happiness.
Bentham, who was a disciple of Hobbes and of Helvetius,
and a jurist as well as a philosopher, gave by his profound
analysis of the different kinds of pleasure, a new development
to utilitarianism, the principles of which he, moreover, applied
to jurisprudence. The maxim, which according to him should
be the starting point in our moral judgments, is derived from
the consideration of the consequences of our actions. Those
actions cannot be called good to wrhich we are moved by a blind
impulse of sympathy, but only those whose pleasurable conse-
quences we know, that is to say, which we foresee will result in
pleasure for us, or at least in more pleasure than pain. There
is, it is true, says Bentham, a strange doctrine, called asceticism,
which represents pleasure as an evil, pain as a good. There
could not be a more absurd paradox. Every pleasure, were
it the most abominable pleasure of the vilest of criminals,
is in itself good, and is bad only owing to a circumstance
external and collateral to it, namely, the risk of painful
consequences which it involves. Although all pleasures are
good, they are not all good in the same degree, and in order
to attain happiness, that is, the largest sum of pleasure possible,
morality teaches us to make a choice between them, and to
regulate this choice according to the quantity of happiness
which each one represents. The determination of the compara-
tive value of pleasures is the object of a science which Bentham
hoped to found, and which he calls moral arithmetic. In this
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 75
science, pleasures are to be considered, in the first place, with
respect to intrinsic circumstances, which add to or diminish
their value ; these are their intensity, duration, certainty,
propinquity, fecundity, purity — a pure pleasure means, with
Bentham, one that is not mixed with pain. His moral system,
in quest of the greatest pleasure, chooses the one that
corresponds to the best combination of these divers, and often
contrary relations. But it is not enough that one pleasure
should in itself be preferable to another, it must further
appear to be so to him who is pursuing it. Views of pleasure
do actually differ, according to climate, temperament, age, sex,
character, habits, the development of the mind, and in general
all those things by which the emotions are modified. These
elements also belong to the data of the problems of moral
arithmetic.
Finally, the social consequences of our acts are, in Bentham's
view, those which it is right to consider most especially ;
because the social interest outweighs individual interests, seeing
that it embraces them all. Now, men seldom measure the
social consequences of actions ; in a theft we only perceive the
wrong that is done to the person robbed and indirectly to his
family; we do riot notice the evil effect of the alarm caused by
the crime, the yet greater evil which will result from the bad
example ; still less do we suspect the disorganization of society
which every act contrary to the law tends to produce. But
if, as Bentham says, the individual interest blends with the
general, if we are to adopt as our ultimate ethical formula the
greatest happiness of the greatest number, what a series of
considerations is involved in the smallest voluntary decision !
For instance, private conduct is bound to be in conformity with
the law of political economy, and Ethics then becomes a vast,
complex science which embraces Sociology. In order to know
our interest and to make our actions conformable to it,
it was found necessary to undertake a psychological study of
the emotions, and thence to deduce rules for the classification
of pleasures ; now we must further dive into the intricate
mechanism of social interests into which the lesser interests of
individuals are merged.
But among political sciences the science of Jurisprudence
is the most closely connected with Ethics. The laws are
76 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
provisions made in order to ensure to citizens the greatest
sum of happiness possible. Like the rules of morality they
refer to the interest of all. It is their utility that constitutes
their justice, and their degree of excellence is measured by the
advantage which the public derives from them. The system
of penalties inflicted by the law is justified by the same reason.
All pain is indeed an evil, but this evil is less than that
which it is intended to prevent. While utilitarianism condemns
as a useless suffering expiation pure and simple, which Plato
advocates in the name of justice, it approves the punishment
which the magistrate dispenses not in order to satisfy a desire
for vengeance, but to prevent or to make less frequent the
recurrence of guilty actions. Moreover, the pain of the
punishment should be less than the pain caused by the offence.
The law is at once based upon and limited by utility. Legislation
serves the ends of morality by so combining the motives which
should determine men's desires, as to make them tend to their
greatest good. But the sphere of action of the law is
narrower than that of morals, and this is the distinction
between them ; for laws as a rule can do nothing to prevent
either those bad actions which are their own punishment, or
those which opinion disapproves, or again those which religion
•condemns. That he may not waste his power in fighting
abuses which he is unable to prevent, the legislator in such
cases should leave everything to custom, to the habits and to the
prevailing religion, all of which are precious auxiliaries, whose
support it is, moreover, his interest to gain. In this practical
and sensible advice we recognize the jurist who, while building
up an ethical system, has in view, above all, the reform of the
law.
Morality of Sentiment : Moral Sense ; Moral Instinct. Adam
Smith : Sympathy.
The doctrine of moral sentiments, in opposition to utilita-
rianism, denies that there is only room in the human mind for
self-love, and takes the sentiment which is the exact opposite of
self-love, namely sympathy, to be the guide of moral life.
Shaftesbury {Inquiry concerning Virtue and Merit}, the first
representative of this doctrine, discovered the existence of a
moral sense which perceives the good and evil in actions, as
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 77
sight perceives whiteness or blackness in objects. This,
delicate sense finds more sweetness in the subtle joys of
self-sacrifice than in the brutal satisfactions of egoism. By
trusting to its guidance we shall find happiness without
seeking it, in the practice of kindness and disinterestedness.
This doctrine of Shaftesbury was developed by Hutcheson
{Inquiry concerning the Original of our Ideas of Virtue: System
of Moral Philosophy}. He maintains that the Good and the
Beautiful are immediately perceived by means of two special
senses, which differ from sight and other senses only in that they
are internal. Laying down as a principle the pre-eminence of
our moral sense, Hutcheson assigns to it the direction of our
faculties. For the rest this sense is with him nothing else,
than the instinct of benevolence. For he only values actions
inspired by disinterestedness ; and although he allows that some
actions dictated by self-love are innocent and may be forgiven,
he never calls them good.
Hume's ethical doctrine (Inquiry into the Principles of
Morals) was original, but was at the same time connected
with the preceding. He refers the perception and the pursuit
of the good to an instinct. This instinct is not the instinct
of self-love, which reveals to us our own good only, but
humanity, which is a " feeling for the happiness of mankind."
According to Hume the good is equivalent to the useful,
not to the private utility of the agents, but to utility in
general. If our benevolent affections have a higher value than
our selfish inclinations, it is not by virtue of their intrinsic
nature, but of their greater utility; for the former tend to the
good of all men, whereas the latter aim only at the good of one
individual. Private virtues have their own worth, and we rightly
esteem skill and prudence, but benevolence and justice should
be preferred to them, so that the lesser utility should not
prevail over the greater. Hume's doctrine would appear to be
merely utilitarian like Bentham's, but the rule of universal
happiness is given by him, not as the result of reason, but on
the faith of an instinct, and in Ethics he would have us follow
the promptings of the heart. It is feeling that draws us to the
general happiness, and it alone can explain moral blame or
approbation.
The theory of moral sentiments appears in its most ingenious
78 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
form in the system of Adam Smith, who founded the rules of
conduct on the psychological laws of sympathy. By sympathy
Adam Smith means the communication to our minds of all the
feelings of others. He remarks, for instance, that it is impossible
to witness the sufferings of others without being affected by
the contagion of this suffering ; that we cannot hear a child's
laughter, or watch the gambols of an animal, without being
instinctively moved to take part in their frolics and games.
Nature has thus joined us in a fellowship with other men, so
that their pleasures and their pains become our pleasures and
pains. Nature has so willed it, moreover, that this feeling of
sympathy should not fail to bring pleasure, and it may be sought
for its own charm. According to Adam Smith this fact in itself
. suffices as a foundation for morality. It might seem, it is true,
that the mind must be affected by the evil as well as by the
good emotions of others, but this is not the case. The heart
when it follows its natural inclinations is always drawn to the
good. We are less moved by the passion of a violent man
than by the gentle and patient resignation of the victim of his
rage ; but if it is a question of virtuous indignation caused
by horror of vice, we are on the side of him who feels it, and
not on the side of him who is the object of it. Speaking
generally, the impulses of sympathy are always towards what
\ we call morality, which is merely the expression of the laws of
sympathy. Consequently the following may be laid down as a
practical maxim : We should have only those sentiments and
should perform only those actions which ought to bring the
approbation of our fellow-creatures and gain their sympathy.
But what is the nature of the sympathy which we ought to
deserve ? What are its characteristics ? It should, in the first
place, be pure. Those actions alone are absolutely good which
excite in us an unreserved or unqualified sympathy. Those
which leave a mixed impression may be regarded with suspicion.
Adam Smith adds that this sympathy should be universal, it is
not enough to win the admiration of a friend, or of a small
circle, we should deserve to be admired by all men. Some-
times even we should act in opposition to prejudice and face
public censure, in order to obtain from posterity, which is
the only equitable judge of conduct, a tardy but universal
sympathy, and one that will last for ever. For the value of
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 79
our actions is in proportion to the amount of approbation we
obtain, and it should be our ambition to extend as far as
possible the circle of those who feel affection for us. Jouffroy
sums up the Ethics of Adam Smith thus :
"The goodness of an action is in direct proportion to the -approbation
which it excites in other human beings, and the best actions are of such a
nature as to obtain the most pure and universal sympathy possible, in
other words a sympathy unmixed with antipathy, and felt not only by
a few men but by the whole of humanity."
If the actions of others did not sometimes excite in us sym-
pathy and sometimes antipathy, we should have no conception
of the moral value of our own actions. A man alone in the
world would remain ignorant of good and evil, for it is after
we have judged others that we judge ourselves. Experience
has taught us what impressions our actions and our thoughts
would make on others if they were known. Our imagination
can always supply witnesses to our actions ; more than this,
we are at once the spectators and the performers of our own
actions, and we sympathize with our own sentiments as we
should with those of others. If we observe our own actions
as disinterested spectators, and if we grant them the same
degree of approval as we should to the actions of others, the
approbation which we feel for ourselves will be equivalent to
that of our fellow-creatures. Let each one of us then be an
impartial spectator of himself, and let him value the goodness
of his actions according to the amount of sympathy that he
finds in his own heart for them.
Adam Smith's critics remark that after all he refers us to
conscience. Nevertheless, even while he substitutes the im-
partial spectator for the sympathy of men in general, Adam
Smith extracts this second criterion from the first ; even what
is called duty he regards as born of sentiment, and the rules
expressing it are only generalizations of particular decisions
made by the sympathetic instinct (Jouffroy, loc. cit.). When
the impartial spectator has once approved of certain con-
duct, what use is there in consulting him in similar cases in
the future 1 We adhere to the rule which embodies our past
experience, and this is called acting according to duty. Thus,
although he practically substituted for sympathy the rule ofj
duty, or, the decision of the impartial spectators, Adam Smith
80 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
still remains in theory true to his principle, for he derives
both of these from sympathy.
Kant : Morality based on the Idea of Duty ; Transition from
the Form of the Law to its Matter ; Autonomy of the Will.
! So far, as we have seen, philosophers have made morality
'rest on the notion of the Supreme Good, which includes both
(virtue and happiness. Kant, while recognizing that the
/ highest good consists of these two elements, makes a dis-
! tinction between the Supreme Good, properly so called, and
-Jbhe moral good. Morality implies absolute disinterested-
ness, and it does not appeal to feeling ; it imposes itself
directly upon the will, and has therefore nothing to do with
the idea of happiness. The Supreme Good is only a
desideratum. Morality implies, indeed, as its postulate, a
future life which would permit of harmony between virtue
and happiness, but this is the consummation of morality, not
[ its foundation. In the second place, before Kant, philosophers
treated the idea of law as subordinate to that of the Good. We
should, they taught, aim at that which our reason reveals to
us as our good. We are determined by a rational ideal, or
an end that is consonant with our sensible nature. The
originality of Kant's ethical doctrine lies in his deduction
of the notion of good from the notion of duty, in his deriva-
tion of the contents of the law from the form of the law.
To him belongs the merit of having first given due clearness
to the current notion of law or duty, and of having founded
on this principle a new conception of the moral life.
The only thing that can be called good without reservation
is, Kant tells us, the Good Will. The best gifts of nature or
fortune may prove useless, or even pernicious, but a will does
not owe its goodness to the end it seeks. It is good in itself,
and shines with its own splendour, like a precious stone which
derives none of its worth from its utility. Nor is a volition
good on account of the natural disposition by which it may
be determined, even if this be in itself good. An action,
however praiseworthy, if it springs from a natural incli-
nation or lively sympathy, is, nevertheless, not a moral
action. It may be worthy of praise ; it is desirable that
such actions should be encouraged ; it may be a beautiful
THE ETHICAL PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 81
action, but it is not morally good. The distinctive characteristic
of the good will does not lie in its end, nor in the merit of the
will itself, but in the principle according to which it acts,
and in its relation to this principle. Now this principle must
not be drawn from feeling, but from reason : it must not be
material but formal ; otherwise, the principle would be identified
with the end, or with the motives of the action, and con-
sequently would still lack the character of being moral. Finally,
this principle should apply not only to every human will, but
to every rational being. In a word, this principle is a priori,
though it still belongs to practical, not to speculative reason.
It is duty, which we shall now proceed to examine more
closely.
If we were to imagine a will that is not necessarily governed 'I
by reason, but is divided, and alternately determined by formal \
principles and material motives, that is, by reason and by sensi-
bility, such a will is not absolutely good. And, as it is not
always or by nature, obedient to reason, the will is in a man-
ner constrained, although only by an entirely moral necessity,
to obey reason. This compulsion of the will by reason is what
Kant calls an imperative. There are several kinds of impera-
tives. Those which demand a certain action, not for the sake of
the action itself, but for the result to be obtained through it,
are hypothetical imperatives: for example, the prescriptions given
by doctors to cure the sick, or those of the poisoner to kill his
victims, are all imperatives, but they are conditional or hypo-
thetical imperatives, that is to say, they are subordinate to
certain ends, and in this respect are all equally good and
useful. In general, the maxims connected with the fulfilment
of our desires, and of the strongest of our desires, which is the
desire for happiness, are hypothetical imperatives. The formula
for this class of imperatives is the well-known maxim, " Who
wills the end wills the means."
But there is an imperative which commands an action, not
for the sake of the result, but for its own sake, and which has
relation only to the principle and the essence of the action ;
this is the categorical imperative, the imperative of morality, and \
its formula is, " Do your duty, come what will." The first kind \
of maxims are, in reality, only counsels or rules ; the categorical
imperatives alone deserve the name of laws or commands. It
II. F
82 THE PKOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
is evident that these rules of skill, the counsels of prudence,
refer always to a certain end, and have value only in so far
as one knows the end and adapts them to it. The practical,
that is, the moral laws, on the contrary, impose themselves
upon us and determine the will to action without regard to
the result. They are immediately evident, so that as soon as
the will perceives these laws, it knows that, as will, it must
obey them. But this implies that these laws impose themselves
on every will, of whatever kind; so that the distinctive charac-
teristic of these laws is their universality, and they may be
resolved into the following formula : " Act on a maxim
which thou canst will to be law universal." Universality
is a sign by which we can infallibly recognize the law of
duty ; for though each one of us, when he violates this
law, is willing that there should be an exception made in
his own case, as not being of great consequence, still he
cannot will that the law should not exist; for he would not
consent to have it violated by others in their dealings with
him, in the same way as he violates it himself : for instance,
he who robs his neighbour willingly allows himself this infrac-
tion of the law, but he would not admit that it is in a universal
and absolute way permissible to take what belongs to another.
So far, however, we have only arrived at a formula which
expresses the law : we do not yet know anything of its
contents. Every action has an end, even those which do
not seem to be done for an end ; but we must distinguish
material ends, or the particular objects of desire, which are
all relative to the particular nature of the faculty of desire,
and the formal or objective ends, which reason sets before every
rational creature as the absolute object of duty. The relative
or subjective ends give rise to the hypothetical imperatives, to
those, that is, which command us to seek means which are
, relative to certain ends, themselves also relative. Objective
ends are expressed in a categorical imperative, which com-
mands an action as having an absolute worth on account of
1 its relation to an absolute end.
Now every rational being is an absolute end, that is to say,
he should never regard himself as a means, but always as an
end. Every time, for instance, that a man follows his inclina-
tions rather than his reason, he treats himself as a means ; but
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 83
to be means is the peculiarity of things. Persons, on the contrary
should never be treated this way; they are things-in-them-\
selves, and on this account inviolable, and should be respected
by every other will, as well as by themselves. This restricts,
indeed, the liberty of each individual, but at the same time
it protects him, and causes man to be respected by his fellows.
The first formula given by Kant is thus transformed
and must be expressed in these terms : " Act so as to treat
humanity, whether in thyself or in another, always as end,
and never as means." According to this formula our actions
should not only not profane humanity by violating its rights,
but should also be in harmony with humanity, that is, should
tend to its perfection and improvement. From this follows
the distinction between acts of perfect and imperfect obligation.
But as long as we regard the principle of morality as an
external law to which the will is subject, it is impossible to
understand why the will should simply obey it without being
determined by some force or attraction, which would destroy
the universality of the law. Hence the universality of the
moral principle is comprehensible only on condition that it is
not only a law of the will, but a law that the will wills and
contains within itself ; in a word, on condition that it is a
voluntary law of rational beings.
Thus Kant conceives a " kingdom of ends," that is to say, a
certain ideal which includes all rational wills, these being ends
in themselves, and treating one another as such ; and they
are ends in themselves only because they have themselves
instituted a law, and at the same time established it for all
rational wills. This is what Kant calls the autonomy of the\
will : it is this privilege of participating in the institution of
the universal laws, and of only being obliged to obey laws
that are universal and that nevertheless the rational being
contains within himself, which alone gives to him an intrinsic
and absolute value. This new characteristic of the moral law
is expressed by a new formula, " Act in such a way that the
will can regard itself as in its maxims imposing universal
laws."
Kant's ethical doctrine is to be summed up in the following
three principles : (1) The categorical imperative, (2) Humanity
considered as an end in itself, (3) the autonomy of the will.
\
84 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
The separation of the idea of duty from all interested
motives ; the absolute obligatoriness of the law, quite apart
from its end ; the universality of this law : man regarded as
inviolable, inasmuch as he is a free and rational being :
finally, the law itself as having its principle in the inner being
and essence of the moral agent, and never as the result of a
force or power that is external and not ratified and confirmed
by the dictamen of conscience : these are the principles con-
taining the essence of his conception of the moral life, which
is entirely built up on the notion of duty, on the form of the
law.
John Stuart Mill : Difference of Quality in Pleasures ; Egoism
and Altruism.
Since Kant the ethical problem has not been neglected ;
for the human mind will never cease to inquire into its own
nature and its own destiny. But however interesting the
more recent enquiries may be, we shall here content ourselves .
with giving an account of the developments which Utilitarian
ethics owe to the work of J. S. Mill and Herbert Spencer.
Mill tries to prove that Utilitarianism can account for the
moral traditions of mankind, that it can satisfy the noblest
minds, and can without inconsistency be made the basis of" a
scheme of social ethics. This is how he formulates the
principle of Utilitarianism :
" The creed which accepts as the foundation of morals utility, or the
Greatest Happiness principle, holds that actions are right in proportion as
they tend to promote happiness, wrong as they tend to produce the reverse
of happiness. By happiness is. intended pleasure and the absence of
pain ; by unhappiness pain and the privation of pleasure " ( Utilitarianism,
p. 9).
We are not told whether it is here a question of the
happiness of the individual or of universal happiness. The
moral ideas revealed to us by conscience are not contrary to
this principle, for it is easy to give such a psychological expla-
nation of these ideas as will prove that they have their origin
in the pursuit of happiness.
" Life would be a poor thing, very ill provided with sources of happi-
ness, if there were not this provision of nature by which things originally
indifferent, but conducive to, or otherwise associated with, the satisfaction
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 85
of our primitive desires, become in themselves sources of pleasure more
valuable than the primitive pleasures, both in permanency, in the space of
human existence that they are capable of covering, and even in intensity.
Virtue, according to the utilitarian conception, is a good of this descrip-
tion. There was no original desire of it or motive to it, save its conducive-
ness to pleasure, and especially to protection from pain. But through the
association thus formed it may be felt a good in itself, and desired as such
with as great an intensity as any other good " ( Utilitarianism, p. 55).
Thus through the laws of association we come to like for \
their own sate things which we originally only liked as /
means to ulterior ends. The miser loves money for its own '
sake, owing to the pleasant notions associated with its
possession. We have come to love virtue as the miser loves
money ; and all our other moral sentiments — remorse, satis-
faction, repentance — though seemingly simple sentiments, are
in reality made up of analogous associations.
Let us see how this theory would affect private and social
life. Mill maintains that Utilitarianism is reconcilable with
the demands of human dignity, and, introducing into the
comparison between pleasures a new element, namely, that of
quality, he substitutes for Bentham's moral arithmetic a kind
of aesthetic of pleasure,
" It would be absurd that while, in estimating all other things, quality
is considered as well as quantity, the estimation of pleasure should be
supposed to depend on quantity alone. If I am asked what I mean by
difference of quality in pleasures, or what makes one pleasure more
valuable than another, merely as a pleasure, except its being greater in
amount, there is but one possible answer. Of two pleasures, if there be
one to which all or almost all who have experience of both give a decided
preference, irrespective of any feeling of moral obligation to prefer it,
that is the more desirable pleasure. . . . Now it is an unquestionable
fact that those who are equally acquainted with and equally capable of
appreciating and enjoying both, do give a most marked preference to the
manner of existence which employs their higher faculties. Few human
creatures would consent to be changed into any of the lower animals, for
a promise of the fullest allowance of the beast's pleasures ; no intelligent
being would consent to be a fool, no instructed person would be an
ignoramus, no person of feeling and conscience would be selfish and base.
... A being of higher faculties requires more to make him happy, is
capable probably of much more acute suffering, and certainly accessible
to it at more points than one of an inferior type ; but in spite of these
liabilities he can never really wish to sink into what he feels to be a
lower grade of existence" (Ibid. p. 11 sq.}.
86 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Thus some pleasures are in fact higher than others, and if
we are to believe Mill, these pleasures are preferred to others
by those who know them, and should consequently be preferred
by all men.
But if our individual happiness is to be our end, is it not
to be feared that the conflict between individual interests will
be detrimental to the peace of society ?
" The utilitarian standard," Mill replies, " is not the agent's own
greatest happiness, but the greatest amount of happiness altogether "
(p. 16). " I must again repeat what the assailants of utilitarianism
seldom have the justice to acknowledge, that the happiness which forms
the utilitarian standard of what is right in conduct is not the agent's
own happiness, but that of all concerned. As between his own happiness
and that of others, utilitarianism requires him to be as strictly impartial
as a disinterested and benevolent spectator. In the golden rule of Jesus
of Nazareth we read the complete spirit of the ethics of utility "
(Ibid. p. 24).
But do we not here come upon the difficulty inherent to
/every form of Utilitarianism ? In the name of what principle
are we to demand this self-sacrifice on the part of the individual?
How can disinterestedness be made to grow out of interested-
ness ? J. S. Mill solves this difficulty in the following way :
Egoism is fundamental in human nature : altruism itself is
only a form of egoism. Altruism as a necessary condition of
social life should be encouraged, and the surest way to do this
is to associate it with self-love. Egoism, as it was the beginning
of altruism, should also develop and complete it. In the first
place, let the idea of crime be associated with the idea of
punishment, through the legal sanction, and the fear of one will
produce horror of the other. In the second place, " education
and opinion, which have so vast a power over human
character, should so use that power as to establish in the mind
of every individual an indissoluble association between his own
happiness and the good of the whole ; especially between his
own happiness and the practice of such modes of conduct,
negative and positive, as regard for the universal happiness
prescribes " ( Utilitarianism, p. 25).
Lastly, and above all, society should be so organized as to
insure a real harmony between the interest of each and the
interest of all. In such a perfect society no one could
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 87
conceive the possibility of personal happiness as a consequence
of a course of conduct that was opposed to the general good.
This golden age, this "issue hors de la civilization," as Fourier
calls it, is the ideal, the last word of Utilitarianism, which can
neither be logical nor sincere unless the individual and the
universal interests are made identical. But how to do this is
just the problem.
Herbert Spencer : Inevitableness of Ethical Evolution.
Mill's Ethics were founded on psychology, and in his system
the individual and society are considered apart from the rest
of Nature. Herbert Spencer, on the other hand, treats Ethics
as a branch of cosmology. Humanity with him is only a part
of a vaster system, and manifests, in its own sphere, laws
which govern the world. It is included in the movement of
things, and the evolution of man is only a part of the universal
evolution. Progress is not an accident but a necessity ;
civilization, far from being a product of art, is merely a phase
of nature like the development of the embryo, or the opening
of the flower.
The opponents of Utilitarianism urge against it the impossi-
bility of reconciling individual interest with the universal good;
but by virtue of the laws of evolution, given the fact of social
life, altruism must necessarily come out of egoism, and, owing
to heredity, the altruistic sentiments must ever predominate
more and more. Most of J. S. Mill's psychological analyses
are, Spencer says, correct, but they must be completed by taking
into account the laws of evolution and by considering the indi-
vidual in the species, and the species in nature.
" Pleasure, somewhere, at some time to some being or beings, is an
inexpugnable element of the conception [of morality]. It is as much a
necessary form of moral intuition, as space is a necessary form of
intellectual intuition " (Data of Ethics, Chapter III, p. 46).
Still pleasure is itself only a sign. Physical pleasure, for
instance, is the sign by which the best adjustment of
the acts of the animal to his vital functions is manifested
in consciousness. Vital activity is the cause of pleasure.
Vital activity, characterized by the pursuit of an end,
is the humble starting point of human conduct. The laws
governing the evolution of life, which is a transition from the
88 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
indefinite to the definite, from the homogeneous to the hetero-
geneous, apply therefore to human conduct. The moral life has
a characteristic unity and coherence, it is in harmony with
itself, sibi constat; whereas immoral conduct is incoherent, that
is to say, it consists in actions that are inconsequent and
contradictory. The life that we call moral is, moreover, varied
in its activity. The life of a married man, which is morally
superior to that of the celibate, is, besides, more heterogeneous and
complex. So also is the life of a generous man or of one who
takes part in politics, as contrasted with that of the egoist or
the private individual (Chap. V). The progress of morality
is therefore merely the progress of the adaptation of human
life to its constitutive laws. The principle of moral actions
consists exclusively in the consideration of their natural and
intrinsic effects. There is no need to appeal to the feeling of
obligation, since, when moral evolution is completed, the good is
realized with pleasure.
" Evidently then, with complete adaptation to the social state, that
element in the human consciousness which is expressed by the word
obligation will disappear. The higher actions required for the harmonious
carrying on of life will be as much matters of course as are those lower
actions which the simpler desires prompt. In their proper times and
places and proportions, the moral sentiments will guide men just as
spontaneously and adequately as now do the sensations " {Ibid. VII, 46)
..." The moral conduct will be the natural conduct " (Ibid. 47).
And as private morality is merely the result of the
development of life and of its progressive adaptation to
necessary conditions, so also will a perfect state of society
eventually be established as the effect solely of natural laws
and cosmic evolution. That agreement between individual and
universal interest, which was the dream of Mill, will be
automatically realized. The pursuit of this remote ideal is
even now our interest. As belonging to the same species, we
should work towards the foundation of the best form of society.
But, in any case, it will come to be, whether we desire it or
not. Good, in time, will come out of the natural laws, just as
evil does at present. Thus egoism is now the first law of
nature, the first duty is self-preservation, and self-love is the
highest virtue ; but when political economy has provided for
the satisfaction of the wants of all, the present conflict of
THE ETHICAL PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 89
interests will no longer be possible. The joys of altruism and
self-sacrifice will then alone have any attraction, and there will
be on all sides rivalry in altruism, each desiring to bear the
burden of self-sacrifice and refusing to reap its advantage.
And so the ethical ideal of which we only dream to-day is in
process of being realized merely through the action of the laws
of nature, for it is the consummation of our evolution. Natural-
istic ethics concludes by harmonizing with the morality of duty;
but its conclusions are the result of a kind of fatalism like the
fatum Mahometanum, according to which things will come to
pass in any case and without human interference. Nothing
could be more convenient to each individual than this theory,
since it allows him to yield to all his passions, knowing that
progress will go on just the same, and that the supremacy
of good will be in any case effected by natural forces.
Conclusion.
Let us now see what conclusions can be drawn from this
long account of the efforts made by the human mind to attain
a knowledge of human destiny. The problem is to discover
the meaning of life, to determine the principles which can
co-ordinate all its acts. And since men can only be satisfied
with that sovereign good which includes both virtue and
happiness, it has ever been the object of moralists to
reconcile these two terms which seem irreconcilable, but
which cannot be separated without violation to the
intelligence. Some philosophers reduce happiness to virtue,
others teach that virtue coincides with happiness. But both
these solutions are perpetually being contradicted by the facts
of life. For man is not an isolated and independent being.
He lives in the midst of society, and is therefore largely
dependent upon his human environment ; he lives in the
bosom of nature, and his acts are only a fragmentary part of
the immense life which surrounds him on all sides, which
extends far beyond his sphere of action, and in which he is
nevertheless included and involved.
Thus when they reflect upon human life, moralists are led
to consider also the universal life. To those who hold that
the physical depend on the moral laws, our present life is
unintelligible only because it is not a whole but a part. The
90 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
other school, as we have seen, regard the moral laws as being
themselves merely physical laws, which by a necessary evolu-
tion, are in process of bringing about human morality, and
therewith the ideal harmony between egoism and altruism,
between happiness and duty. But the question is, whence do
physical laws derive the power of becoming moral laws ? By
what force is egoism transformed into altruism ? Must there
not be some motive power, which impels nature to rise above
herself ? And assuming that, when at last the ideal limit and
the end towards which this progress tends has been reached,
nature and virtue will be one (for even Kant admits that in
the kingdom of ends virtue becomes holiness), still, in the
interval that lies between us and this ideal state, in our
present life in fact, it is through the idea of duty that each
step is won, it is this notion alone that prompts the effort
without which there can be no progress.
PART III
METAPHYSICS
CHAPTER I
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE
THE first inclination of the human rnind is to act without
questioning itself. In the beginning of mental life the
distinction between thought and the object of thought is not
clearly perceived. But man falls into error, and the moment
he becomes conscious of this, his mistrust is awakened. When
later he discovers the contradictions of human opinions, his
confidence is still further shaken. Then thought, which was
at first directed to external things, turns upon itself. And as
soon as we begin to reflect upon our own thought, to speculate
as to its value, we have reached the first period of doubt,
and whether we are to get beyond this stage or not, we
are henceforward obliged to face the most formidable of all
philosophical problems : Is the human mind capable of
attaining certitude ? Have we the right to expect it ?
Every system of philosophy is a direct or an indirect answer
to this question. The Dogmatists in divers ways affirm the
harmony of thought and its object. They recognize, it is true,
the existence of two terms, the ego and the non-ego, matter
and mind, but they are terms between which thought itself
constitutes a natural connection. The Sceptics deny the possi-
bility of knowledge : they either oppose the mind to the
object which it strives to know but can never reach ; or,
imprisoning thought within itself, they seek to discourage it
by the spectacle of its own contradictions. Lastly, seeing the
impossibility of vindicating knowledge if we accept the exist-
ence of an object opposed to the mind and having nothing in
94 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
common with it, or into the essence of which it is, to say the
least, impossible to penetrate, the Idealists derive from the
subject itself the object of knowledge, and admit nothing as
real but the intelligible. Between these extreme theories we
find intermediate solutions, in the history of which we see the
efforts that have been made by the mind not to yield its
dominion altogether, while yet allowing its own place to
scepticism.
Pre-Socratic Philosophy : Antithesis between Sensible and
Rational Knowledge. The Origin of Sophistry. Sophistry and
the Law of Contradiction.
At the first awakening of Greek thought the question did
not yet present itself, so that it can hardly be said that any
solution of it was given. There was, however, an entirely
instinctive, spontaneous, or, so to speak, unconscious solution,
in which we recognize the natural and primitive tendency of
the human mind, and which is implied in the very fact that
the problem did not exist. The mind had before it the world
of nature, and did not yet consider itself as a separate thing.
The Pythagoreans and the Eleatics, Empedocles, Democritus, and
Anaxagoras all attempted an explanation of nature, but never
thought of raising any doubt as to our means of knowing it ;
philosophy, at this first period, was an unconscious dogmatism.
No doubt this dogmatism was not without some reservation.
Xenophanes complains of the difficulty we have in discovering
truth, and he adds, that even, when by chance we ' come upon '
(ru^ot) the true, we are never sure of possessing it ; <5o'/co? §' ejrl
iraa-i TeruKTat. Nevertheless Xenophanes sets forth, with the
most complete conviction, his own views concerning the gods.
We find the same complaint and the same dogmatism in
Empedocles (V, 36 sq.) and in Democritus (Sext. Emp. Adi?.
Math. VII). But we must not attribute to these ancient
philosophers the theories that would seem to be implied in
some of their principles. Because Heraclitus affirms the union
of contraries, we must not, like Aristotle (Metaph. X, c. 5),
accuse him of having denied the law of contradiction, and
hence the possibility of any certitude. He had no idea of the
law of contradiction ; he had not even a clear notion of what
a contradiction is.
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 95
But even in the dogmatism of these early thinkers we can
discern germs, which, when developed, were to give rise to
Sophistry. All the philosophers after Parmenides and Hera-
clitus arrived at the opposition between knowledge and opinion,
between rational and sensible knowledge. The operations of
thought lead to results that are in evident contradiction with
the testimony of our senses; and hence we must decide
between the concrete data and the abstract products of thought.
Heraclitus and Parmenides, Democritus, Bmpedocles, and
Anaxagoras, agree in denying the veracity of our senses (see
Vol. L, Chap. III. The Senses and External Perception). Now,
by rational knowledge all these ancient philosophers understand,
not a priori data, but the operations of thought upon the data
oFsense. Was it not evidently a dangerous process for dogma-
~Esm to establish in this way a difference in value between
rational and sensible knowledge, without distinguishing their
origin ? What right had they to allow to a knowledge that
was derived, an authority they denied to primitive knowledge ?
And this was not the only side on which these systems laid
themselves open to the attacks of the Sceptics. For Greek
philosophy before Socrates was not only a dogmatism, but a
physical dogmatism. Sensible knowledge was therefore not i
only the starting point of the whole of this philosophy, but the \
condition of its existence ; and a philosophy that was led by V
its own results to dispute the worth of this knowledge /
destroyed the very principles on which it rested.
Besides this contradiction, which is inherent in all these
systems, there was another which resulted from the disagree-
ment between the systems themselves. Parmenides denies
Becoming and the Many ; Heraclitus sees in nature an infinite
multiplicity, and a perpetual Becoming; Democritus attributes
perpetual motion to his atoms ; Anaxagoras finds it necessary to
introduce an independent moving cause, namely, intelligence.
The day had to come when the human mind, weary of these end-
less inquiries into the nature of things, would review the results
arrived at by these researches. Then was suggested the oldest
argument of Scepticism, namely, that from the contradictions
among human opinions.
Thus it became an amusement to set the hypotheses of the
different philosophers against one another. Contradictions
96 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
were pointed out on every hand : between Parmenides and
himself ; between Parmenides and Heraclitus ; between both
of them and common sense. This clashing of contradictory
ideas and arguments gave birth to Sophistry. The peculiarity
I of this form of scepticism is that it did not take the trouble to
Wek for any scientific basis. It did not invent its arguments,
out borrowed them from former systems, and was content to
develop them with a certain amount of skill. Some Sophists
/started from thf doctrine of Heraclitus, others from that of the
/ Eleatics, and from such opposite points of view they all arrived
' at the same conclusions.
Protagoras takes up the thesis of Heraclitus : everything is
always in motion. It is only as objects move towards one
another and mingle that they become something determinate ;
therefore it cannot be said that they are something, or even
that they are at all, but only that they are becoming something.
This theory applies as well to our knowledge. We are a
variable term standing in an infinite number of relations to other
objects. Things are to each man only what they appear to him
to be, and they appear to him such as they must appear, given
his peculiar state. " Man is the measure of all things, of
those that exist and of those that do not exist." Upon such a
principle no knowledge is possible ; there is no escape from
a chaos of contradictory opinions.
Gorgias adopts the argument of the Eleatics, but what they
asserted only of multiple and changing being he applies to Being
in general, and arrives at this threefold conclusion : 1st, there
is nothing ; 2nd, if there were anything we could not
know it ; 3rd, and if we could know it, we could not teach
it to others (Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. VII, 77 sq.). This was
more than Scepticism, it was absolute Nihilism.
Sophistry arose out of a dim consciousness of the law of
\ contradiction. Though this principle was first formulated by
I Aristotle, the Sophists at least contributed towards its discovery.
They had a notion of it as the criterion of truth, and in this
way Sophistry was to a certain extent legitimate and fruitful.
It showed the contradictions of the philosophers of the past,
and it imposed on those of the future greater clearness and
coherence in their systems, besides pointing out the necessity
of commencing with a critical inquiry into the possibility of
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 97
knowledge. So far, Sophistry had its raison d'etre ; where it was
wrong was in its hasty conclusions as to our radical incapacity
to reach truth. It brought about its own destruction by
violating the law of contradiction, in the name of which it had
been founded. Sophistry went beyond doubt and negation even,
and professed to maintain at the same time the most contra-
dictory propositions. Thus it lost its hold on contemporary
thought and provoked a reaction. In their dim conception of
the law of contradiction lay the real strength of the Sophists,
and it was by means of this law that Socrates brought about
their ruin.
Socrates : Concepts the Objects of Knowledge ; Subjective
Certainty. Plato : Concepts and Ideas ; Objective Certainty.
While attacking the Sophists, Socrates in a certain sense
carried on and completed their work. Philosophers deceive them-
selves, and we ourselves are deceived by our senses. From this
the Sophists inferred that knowledge is impossible ; but
Socrates, on the other hand, infers only that it was impossible
to reach science by the road hitherto taken, and he seeks a
new method. Sensible knowledge by itself leads to contra-
dictions, because it only shows us one aspect of things, the
changing and fleeting surface. There is no science of the
particular or accidental. Science has for its object the universal
(Arist. Met. XIII, 1078 b, 17). It consists precisely in deter-
mining the concept, which reconciles apparent contradictions,
and brings them to the unity of a single notion (Xenophon,
Mem. IV, ii, 11). The object of the science of courage, for
instance, is not a certain act of courage, but what is common to all
courageous acts ; it is one notion which is in the mind of all
men when they use the word courage ; it is the answer to
the question, TI ea-Tiv *i avSpela (Ibid. IV, vi, 15). Thus it is
on concepts that Socrates re-establishes knowledge ; these for
him contain the principle of certainty, e-rrt rrjv inroOecriv eTravrjye
TTCLVTU TOV \6yov (Ibid. 13).
The criterion of certitude is that it puts an end to sophis-
tical discussions, that it brings a man into harmony with himself
and with others : OTrore 8e cii/ro9 TI T<W Ao-yco fiie^toi Sta TWV
jULaXicrTa. Oju.oXoyovfjt.evow CTropeveTO, vofj-itjav ravTtjv aenpaXeiav
elvat \oyov. " Socrates also thought that those who knew the
II. G
98
nature of things severally would be able to explain them to
-others" (Ibid.).
Socrates gives a reply to the arguments of the Sophists, but
he does not attack the principles of scepticism ; he asks
himself how we can reach knowledge, but not if we can reach
it. He does not question the possibility of arriving at cer-
tainty, but is only concerned in defining the manner in
which it is to be sought. His philosophy implies a full
belief in the possibility of knowledge, a belief which was both
instinctive and profound, and which it did not occur to him to
justify. With him, however, the conception we should form of
knowledge becomes the first problem in philosophy. But his
solution remained incomplete. Knowledge rests on concepts ;
this is enough for subjective, but not for objective certainty.
Are things in themselves such as our concepts represent them
to be ? This postulate of which Socrates had not recognized
the necessity was affirmed by Plato.
It is owing to Plato that certitude acquired an objective
value. Our concepts exist outside ourselves. The true reality
dwells in our objectified concepts, in notions, in the Ideas. Our
concepts are, then, not only the principles of knowledge, but of
existence itself. The ideal theory is a theory of certainty. To
the question, how our concepts can be at once the types and
images of reality, Plato replies by his theory of innate ideas.
It is evidently not our concepts themselves, considered from the
point of view of the individual, that determine reality. The Ideas,
the principles of being, are not general ideas abstracted from the
manifold phenomena (Phil. 16c, Eep. 596 a), but they are dis-
covered by an immediate intuition which is not the result of
the mere elaboration of experience, but the ultimate term of a
dialectic method (Rep. Bk. VII). The question remains, how does
our soul originally obtain these concepts, which are at once the
types and the images of reality ? To this question Plato
answers by his theory of Reminiscence (Phaedrus, 246 sq.).
We must observe that the possibility of knowledge is not a
subject of doubt to Plato any more than to Socrates. What
he discusses is the conception that should be formed of true
knowledge, never its possibility. The possibility of knowledge
is in fact the principle on which the whole ideal theory de-
pends. That knowledge is possible, and that true knowledge
SCEPTICISM AND CEETITUDE 99
is founded on concepts, was the postulate of Socrates, and Plato
deduces its logical consequences. To say that concepts alone
constitute true knowledge, or represent that which is, is
to say that our concepts correspond to objective reality ; in
other words, what is intelligible exists, what is not intelligible
does not exist, and reality is in direct proportion to intelli-
gibility.
Aristotle : Impossibility of Proving Everything ; Intuitive
Certainty of the Principles of Knowledge.
Aristotle does not, any more than his predecessors, question
the possibility of knowledge. For him as for Plato knowledge
deals with concepts, and is a certain knowledge of that which
is general and universal TO KaOoXov. So full was the con-
fidence of these philosophers in the validity of thought, that
Aristotle, who expressly attacks the Sceptics, does not even
refer to the problem of certainty.
Science is the knowledge of the universal, and according to
Aristotle the universal exists only through the particular. It
is given to us in sensible reality (De Anirna, III, viii, 432 a, 2),
whence it must be abstracted ; and this is the function of
induction. When once the universal is known, if our induction
has not misled us, we should be able to deduce the particular
from it. True knowledge is therefore demonstrative, and
demonstration is the criterion of certainty. But will this
criterion always be necessary ? Demonstration is a syllogism
starting from established premisses : will these premisses
themselves always require to be proved ? To prove everything
is impossible (Met. 1006 a, 9), for we should have to go on to
infinity (etV ajreipov yap OLV /SdSt'tov}. The series of inter-
mediate terms is not infinite, and where these intermediate
terms end there appears an immediate knowledge, the
knowledge of principles. These principles have the double
characteristic of being incapable of proof and of not requiring
proof (An. Post. II, 100 b, 8). They are known with a
greater certainty than anything that can be deduced from
them. They are the source of the certainty of which
deduction is only the channel. The faculty by which they
are known is reason (vovs), and according to Aristotle this
faculty never deceives us (De Anima, 429 a, 15-27 ; 430 a, 2).
100
This theory of Aristotle is the best answer to a famous
argument of the Sceptics — the impossibility of proving every-
thing (An. Post. I, 3). But it pre-supposes precisely that which
scepticism called in question, namely, the possibility of
knowledge. If everything had to be proved, says Aristotle,
knowledge would be impossible ; what do I care, the Sceptic
replies, it is precisely the possibility of knowledge that I
dispute, and you answer me by starting from this assumption
just as if it were a necessary principle. In fact, Aristotle's
whole doctrine is inspired by the idea that certainty is and
must be possible. He merely affirms the infallibility of our
reason, and this is indeed all that can be done by those who
wish to resist scepticism. If we are to find certainty, we
must first of all believe in it.
Aristotle was not aware of the difficulty of his position, he
was aware only of its strength, for he had that natural faith
which is lacking in the sceptic. In order to defend the
principle of contradiction, he shows that those who deny it
condemn themselves to universal scepticism (Met. 1005 b, 11 sq.).
To him, as to all strong minds, doubt is repugnant ; he has
faith in the veracity of his own faculties. He shows that
scepticism is contradictory and refutes itself in practical life
(Met. 1005 b, 25). He attacks it with all the scorn of one who
is convinced of the soundness of his own reasons. If his mind,
he says of the sceptic, holds to nothing, if he at the same time
believes and does not believe what he says, in what does such
a man differ from a vegetable ? ecrrt S' airoSei^ai eXe-y/crt/cw?
KCU TTCpi TOVTOV OTl CtSvvaTOV O.V /J.OVOV Tl \eyfl 6 a/UI.(hl<T/3t]T(Ji)V.
av Se /jLyOev, ye\oiov TO Yr^Telv \6yov Trpos TOV /uyOevos eyovTa
\6yov, f) /ut] e'^er 0/0.0109 yap (pvTU) 6 TOIOVTOS y TOIOVTOS %8t].
Finally, he says, like Spinoza, that the role of the sceptic
is to be dumb : ov TW TOIOVTW Xo-yo?, OUT' airy irpos CIVTOV,
OUTC TTjOo? aXXov (Ibid.).
After Aristotle the Problem of Certainty is recognized.
Stoicism : Subjective Criterion ; Tension of the Soul. Illogical
Dogmatism of Epicures.
After Aristotle the speculative interest was made sub-
ordinate to the practical. The human intellect, having grown
feeble, began to doubt itself, and the possibility of knowledge
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 101
appeared as a problem demanding solution. To discover an
immutable rule of life and a sure measure of certainty and
knowledge were the two questions with which henceforward
philosophy was to concern itself (Ravaisson, M&t. d'Arist.
Vol. II, p. 65).
But knowledge was only a means to happiness and
Logic prepared the way for Ethics ; and thus the speculative
postulate of Plato and Aristotle became a practical postulate.
It remained to be seen whether the practical interest really
did stand in need of a scientific conception. The Sceptics
tlenied this, and there being no longer any justification or
motive for it, science was declared to be impossible as well as
useless.
Notwithstanding its dogmatic character, Stoicism already
carried within it the germ of scepticism. It already discussed
intellectual certainty, and, if it furnished a foundation for it,
the foundation was too weak to resist the pressing attacks
of the sceptics. This weakness is a result of the gross
materialism which was combined in the Stoic system with
much that was noble and true.
For the Stoics nothing was real that was not a body, therefore nothing
existed that could be known otherwise than by the senses. Sensible percep-
tion, however, was not purely passive : it followed the impression made *
by the object on the soul, and was distinguished from it. Knowledge
begins with the consent we give to a representation when we refer it to
an object (Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. VIII, 397). But what is it that deter-
mines this assent ? In other words, by what signs do we recognize that a
representation is a true one ? There are representations which impose
themselves on us with such force that we cannot refuse our assent to
them, <£av7acriai /caraA^TTTtKat (D.L. vn, 46). These representations
are in conformity with the reality and express the peculiar qualities
(iSioj/AaTa) which distinguish an object from all others (Sext. Emp. Adv.
Math. VII, 250 sq.). For the Stoics maintain, as did Leibnitz later, that
there are not two things in nature perfectly alike ; and from this they
conclude "that there is, for everything, in every circumstance, one single
representation which is infallible and truly comprehensive, and the sole
object of the assent of the wise man" (Ravaisson, Metaph. d'Arist.). The
real object is recognized by the impression, or shock ((^avracrta lvapyi]<s
KCU TrAiy/cTiKr/), which constitutes the evidence of its reality. But by what
means do we measure the shock, the effect of the tension, which is the
special quality perceived ? By the energy of the inner force, the tension
of the perceiving soul. Thus we are brought back from the passivity of
102 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the soul on which the impression is made, to the peculiar activity by
which it apprehends the object perceived. " Mem naturalem vim habet
quam intend.it ad ea quibus movetur" (Cic. Acad. II, 10).
Truth has its source in the force of the immediate conviction
which the (pavTacria KaraA>/7rn/a/ carries with it. This force
belongs originally to internal and external perceptions, and
also to the universal concepts, TrpoXytyeis, KOIVCU evvoiai, which
are unconsciously abstracted from them by the spontaneous
activity of thought. In this way the Stoics could say that
the criteria of the true are the (pavTao-ia KaraXriTTTiKr] and
the TrpoXrj^ris (D.L. vn, 54). On the other hand the exact-
ness of the methodically formed concepts has to be proved
by scientific demonstration. Yet, when once they are proved, —
and this is an insoluble contradiction in the Stoic system, — they
carry with them a certainty, not only equal but superior to
the certainty of perceptions. If all reality is corporeal or
individual, if every concept is only an abstraction, how could
there be more truth in the thought of what is not real, than
in the conception of the corporeal, which is reality itself ? Yet
Zeno compared a simple act of perception to the open hand,
judgment to the closed hand, the concept to the fist, knowledge
to the fist grasped by the other hand. The whole difference
• between these four forms of knowledge lies, as we see, in
the greater or less force of the conviction. Certitude varies
with the tension of the mind ; there are in it differences
of degree, but not of nature. In fact, the real criterion
for the Stoics was neither the <pavTa<rta KaraXrfTrriKYi nor
the 7rpo\t]^/i$, but the force of conviction, the tension of
the mind, et/ rovu> KOI Svvd/u,ei (Stob. Edog. II, 128) — an
entirely subjective criterion. The argument which recurs
perpetually in their lengthy polemics against scepticism
is the practical interest, the impotence of the man who
doubts, the necessity of affirmation in practical life (Pint.
De Stoic repugn. 47, 12 : TO /uu'jre -Trpa-rreiv /ur/re 6p/u.av
The Epicureans, like the Stoics, make the theory of know-
ledge subordinate to ethics. The sensualistic dogmatism of
Epicurus rests on a practical postulate, on the need of
a firmly established conviction in order to avoid the uncer-
tainties of a life left to chance. Since his ethical system rests
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 103-
altogether on the sensations of pleasure and pain, sensation
must be for him the criterion of truth.
" There were," Epicurus said, " three criteria, the senses, the anticipa-
tions or primary notions, and the passions : KpiT^pca. rrjs ctA^eias tiVat
ras aicr^o-ets /ecu rets TT/aoAry^ei? KGU ra iraOrj" (D.L. X, 31). Through
the passions we only know the pleasure and pain caused in us by things.
They are the basis of practical philosophy. Anticipation, that by which
we anticipate or divine sensation, is the impress (TUTTOS, D.L. x, 33) left by a
frequently repeated sensation. One may say then that, for Epicurus, in
the last resort, the only criterion of truth and the principle of all specula-
tive life was sensation. If you resist all the senses you will not even have
anything left to which you can refer (D.L. x, 46). The only way of
escaping from absolute doubt is to admit that sensation is always veracious.
Where we think to find errors of sense there are only errors of judgment.
How can the testimony of sense be contradicted 1 Is it by reason 1 but
rational knowledge is derived from sensible knowledge. Do our senses
contradict one another ? No ; for each one of them has, in its own
domain, an absolute validity. The different kinds of perceptions do not
refer to the same thing (Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. VII, 203, sq.). Thus
sensation itself is evidence (fvapyeia). Error is possible only when we
go beyond sensation. Sensation is the criterion of the abstract concepts
which are valid only in so far as they are confirmed by sensation, and in
some cases only in so far as they are not contradicted by it (D.L. x, 33).
Epicurus does not seem to have seen the difficulties inherent
in this theory. All sensations as such are true ; and this being
the case, we must return to the argument of Protagoras.
Epicurus tries to avoid this sceptical inference by his theory of
the idola. Our senses are affected, not by the objects themselves,,
but by the images, the simulacra, which emanate from them,
Now there are many of these images, and they may, moreover,
become altered during the passage from the object to the sense
which they affect. If, therefore, the same object appears diffe-
rent to different individuals it is not because the sensation is-
deceptive, but because the individuals have in reality perceived
different objects, since they have been affected by different
images.
But this is not a solution ; it merely puts the difficulty
a step further back. How is the faithful image to be
distinguished from the image that does not correspond to the
object 1 We have outside us, as it were, two worlds which do
not mingle though one is derived from the other — the world of
104 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
images, the world of real objects. We only know the former
through perception, and, as there is no constant relation
between them, the latter remains unknowable. Thus science
is deprived of all objective value ; and the sensualistic
subjectivity in which the theory of Epicurus culminates is
not far removed from the scepticism of Pyrrho.
Pyrrho' s Radical Scepticism. The new Academy: Criticism
of the Stoic Dogmatism. Probabilism. Carneades : Theory of
Degrees of Probability.
At this period of Greek philosophy everything seemed
to conduce to scepticism. Even those who attacked it
fostered it at the same time by their empiricism. They
questioned the possibility of knowledge, and could find no
better foundation for it than a practical postulate. If this
postulate were overturned, if it were maintained that our prac-
tical interests do not depend upon knowledge, that, on the
contrary, these interests would be better served by abandoning
a knowledge that is, in any case, unattainable, then we should
have a complete scepticism ; tnd there would be nothing left
to dogmatism wherewith to oppose it. It was the leading idea
of Pyrrho to make the denial of knowledge the condition of the
Sovereign Good.
Pyrrho lays down three propositions : 1st, that we can know
nothing of the nature of things ; 2nd, that we must con-
sequently suspend our judgment concerning them; 3rd, that
the result of this suspension is ctTctpa^ia, which is at once
virtue and happiness.
We can know nothing of the nature of things, for how could we
obtain certain knowledge ? Through our senses ? Through them we
know things, not as they are in themselves, but as they appear to us.
Through reason ? But reason, even where it seems to have most
authority, that is, in the moral sphere, rests on mere custom and habit
(D.L. ix, 61). All we can do is to suspend our judgment ; ^re^eiv r>)i/
o-vyKaTadfcriv ; a thing is not more this than that, ov8fv /zaAAov (D.L.
ix, 74). The doubt of the Sceptics does not refer to appearances, to
phenomena (<^aivop.f.va\ which are evident (evapyrj), but to the reality
which we are incapable of attaining (D.L. ix, 103). " But what is
evidently seen prevails wherever it may be," says Timon (A p. D.L. ix,
105). The moment we try to get beyond it we find ourselves confronted
by contradictory and equipollent reasons which prevent all affirmation
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 105
(D.L. ix, 106). In practical life apathy and indifference (d8ia(f>opia,
uTraOfia) correspond to doubt (eVo^, a^acria) in theoretical life (Aristo-
cles ap. Euseb. Praep. Evang. XIV, 13, 2). Cicero speaks of Pyrrho as of
one who was before all things a moralist (De Fin. VII, 16, 43). To him
(Pyrrho) scepticism was not an end but a means. He cared nothing for dia-
lectics or subtle discussions : it was solely with the moral life that he was
occupied. "As Pyrrho had left a great example, as he was venerated
almost as much as Socrates, the Sceptics thought it well, when their
doctrine had been completely elaborated, to invoke his name, and to place
themselves as it were under his patronage. It was a good answer to those
who so often accused him of abolishing virtue and making life impossible.
In short, Pyrrho was a kind of saint under whose patronage Scepticism
placed itself ; but the father of Pyrrhonism appears to have been very
little of a Pyrrhonian " (Brochard, Revue philosopkique, May, 1885).
Scepticism was taught by Pyrrho as an introduction to
Ethics , the Academy taught it for its own sake, and com-
menced against the Stoic dogmatism a polemic in which, with
an interval of nearly a century between them, Arcesilaus took
part against Zeno, and Carneades against Chrysippus.
Arcesilaus proposes his theory as a refutation of the Stoic
dogmatism. He appears to regard the doctrine of <pavTa<ria
AcaraX^TTTt/o/ as the only possible theory of knowledge, and by
proving it to be false he believes that he has proved the
impossibility of knowledge. The Stoic criterion was the force
of conviction which the (pavraa-ia /caTaA»?7rT//a/ carries with it.
Arcesilaus replies that this conviction may belong to a false as
well as to a true perception, nullum tale esse visum a vero ut
non ejusmodi etiam afalso possit (Cic. Acad. II, 24, 77). Since all
our cognitions have their origin in the (^avracria KaTaXrjTniKrj,
when the latter disappears science disappears also, and the
philosopher cannot give his assent to nothing. To the Stoics'
objection that scepticism makes life impossible, Arcesilaus
replies that probability is the only rule of practical life. He
taught the doctrine of Probabilism.
A century after Arcesilaus the scepticism of the Academy
had in Carneades its most famous representative. There is
abundant testimony as to the acuteness and eloquence of this
philosopher, and the admiration he inspired not only in his
disciples but in his antagonists (Cic. De Orat. II, 38, 161 ; D.L.
iv, 62, 63). This great thinker not only gave a firmer basis to the
negative side of scepticism, he also defined the resources which
106 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
this theory allows to the human mind. He gave precision to
the doctrine of probability, and indicated its conditions and
different degrees. He was the great teacher of ancient
scepticism.
Carneades does not confine himself to refuting the Stoic
doctrines, he also attacks those of all the previous philosophers
(Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. VII, 159). He denies both the formal
possibility and the results of science. x
Knowledge is impossible, for there is, in truth, no kind of conviction
which has not at some time or another proved false, or which consequently
may be regarded as the guarantee of the possession of truth (Sext. Emp. Adv.
Math. VII, 159). An examination of our mental representations leads
to the same conclusion. These representations are merely subjective
modifications, and before they could provide the elements of knowledge it
would be necessary that in manifesting themselves to us they should at
the same time reveal the external objects which are their cause (Ibid.
160 sq.). And how many are the errors of the senses which might be
mentioned ! There might still remain the possibility of establishing a
criterion in order to distinguish the true perceptions from the false ; but
how could this be done seeing that all have the same origin and bear the
same mark ? Think of the images we see in dreams, of the madman's
hallucinations (Ibid. ; Cic. Acad. II, 15, 47). Many false perceptions are so
like the true as to be indistinguishable from them. There are objects
which are so similar that we confound them (for instance, two eggs) : this
is the denial of the Stoic principle of indiscernibles (Ibid. 164 ; Cic. Acad.
II, 13, 40). Moreover, the transition from the true to the false usually
takes place by insensible degrees, and consequently the distinction
between them escapes us. Carneades applies this observation not only to
sensations, but to the concepts of our understanding. His triumph was
most complete when he applied it to the quantitative notions, reviving the
Sorites, and all the Megaric logical subtleties (Ibid. 416 sq. ; Cic.
Acad. II, 29, 92 sq.). To sum up, knowledge is impossible because we
have no criterion, because error carries with it the same conviction as
truth.
As regards the results of knowledge, the criticisms of
Carneades were principally directed against the views of the
Stoics. He refuted, by means of arguments which are still
current, the Stoic teleology (Cic. De Nat. Deor. Ill, 26, 65-70),
the idea of a divine personality (Cic. Ibid. Ill, 13, 32 sq.-;
Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. IX, 139 sq.}, and intelligence (Sext.
Emp. Adv. Math. IX, 152, 175), the proof of the existence of
God by general consent (Cic. De Nat. Deor. Ill, 4, 11), the theory
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 107
of determinism (Cic. De Fato, 11, 23 sq.), and lastly, without much
difficulty, divination, and the other ancient superstitions (Cic.
De Divinitat. I, II).
From this twofold criticism of dogmatism Carneades con-
cludes that it is impossible to know anything. The wise man
affirms nothing, not even that he knows nothing (Cic. Acad.
II, 9, 28).
All our representations have by no means the same value. We are
obliged to act, and must therefore attribute to certain representations an
authority sufficient to allow of our being determined by them. We must
attribute to them, not indeed truth, which is beyond our grasp, but at
least the appearance of truth. TO aXrjOfj (f>aiv€<r6at. e/jLffxxria. (appearance),
TTitfavorr/s (probability). Truth implies agreement with the object and
does not depend on ourselves. We can only judge of that which appears
to us to be true (Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. XII, 166 sq.). In this adherence
or belief there are degrees which correspond to the degrees of probability.
A representation which appears to be true when taken by itself, but is
not in agreement with the rest of our representations, has only the lowest
degree of probability (Ibid. 173). To the degree immediately above this
belongs a representation whose probability is confirmed by its agree-
ment with concomitant representations (Ibid. 176) ; the highest degree
of probability is reached when these concomitant representations are
themselves corroborated in the same manner (Ibid. 182) ; and since the
series of possible experiences is indefinite, we may in this way get
nearer and nearer to certainty without ever attaining it. A representa-
tion belonging to the first degree is merely probable, but when it belongs to
the second it has the additional advantage of not being contradicted. In
the third degree the representation is not only not contradicted, it has
also been tested, is at once TriOavr] KCU aTrfpt'o-Trao-ros KCU Trepna8ev/j.€vr)
(Ibid. 184). Thus the further we carry our inquiries the more probable is
our knowledge, and the nearer we get to certainty. Carneades also applies
this theory to ethical life. He does not pronounce on the question of the
sovereign good, but merely determines the relative value of different
kinds of good. In ethics the theory of irporj-y(j.€va or desirable things,
corresponds to the theory of probability.
It is impossible to deny the philosophical value of this
theory. If we are denied absolute certainty, at least all effort
of the mind is not stultified, it still has some meaning, some
significance ; the mind may adhere freely to a probability
which is brought nearer and nearer to certainty by the mutual
agreement of representations and ideas within the unity of a
coherent thought.
108 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Eclecticism: Evidence the Criterion of Truth. Antiochus.
Cicero.
The theory of probability prepared the way for a return to
dogmatism. The Sceptics had rejected all the philosophic
systems as false, the Eclectics admitted that not one of them
was true ; but, advancing a step further in the direction
marked out by Carneades, they thought that from all the
systems taken together, they might be able to find the truth,
provided these systems were critically examined. What was to
be the criterion of truth ? If \ve are to depend on the proposi-
tions in which philosophers agree, we should only arrive at very
vague and general notions. Shall we fall back on the practical
value of doctrines ? But what is the destiny of man ? Even
this is one of the problems concerning which philosophers are
most divided ; so that the only measure of truth left is
individual consciousness. But here again the Eclectics only
develop the theory of Carneades, who, for truth in itself,
substituted that which appears to be true. They accept with
the Sceptics the subjective character of evidence, but they
affirm that man possesses as it were a measure of the true and
the false, that he may fully trust to what is immediately
given in his consciousness, to what appears to him as certain,
apart from scientific inquiry. Eclecticism is the common-sense
school of antiquity. As Zeller remarks, the Eclectics were to
the Sceptics who went before them what in modern times the
Scottish school has been to Hume.
It was very natural that the first appearance of eclecticism should
have been in the Academy. The theory of Philo of Larissa, the pupil and
successor of Clitomachus, who was himself a disciple of Carneades, is
somewhat vague. He professes to remain faithful to the spirit of his
masters, maintaining that there is no sure sign of the true and the false
(Acad. II, 6, 18), nevertheless he does not deny the possibility of cer-
tainty. We must, he says, distinguish inter incertum et id quod percipi
non possit (Cic. Acad. II, 10, 32). There is a certainty which is founded
on evidence, and there are truths impressed on our minds which are
evident and which yet cannot be perceived and comprehended as the Stoics
supposed ; esse aliquid perspicui (tVapyes) verum illud quidem impressum
in animo atque mente, neque tamen id percipi ac comprehendi posse (Acad.
II, 11, 34).
In order to attain certitude it was necessary to break
altogether from the theory of Carneades, and this was done
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 109-
by Antiochus of Ascalon. His eclectic dogmatism was founded
on the postulate which served as basis to the Stoic dogmatism,
namely, on the necessity of fixed opinions in order to act.
Probability alone is not enough for practical life, and even
supposing it were enough, the principles of Carneades would
destroy it. Probability and certainty disappear together. If
the true as such cannot be known, how can anything have
the appearance to us of being true ? (Cic. Acad. II, 11, 33).
Antiochus, indeed, reasserts the possibility of certainty. He examines
and refutes Carneades' criticisms. As regards the senses his arguments re-
solve themselves into the following : because our senses sometimes deceive
us, we have no right to infer that they deceive us always (Cic. Acad. II,
7, 19). As against general concepts, Carneades used to bring forward the
illusions of dreams or of madness. But these do not bear the evidence
peculiar to true concepts (Ibid. II, 15, 47). Carneades tried to reduce
these concepts to nothing by such arguments as the Sorites, but if two
things resemble one another it does not follow that they are indis-
tinguishable. The only conclusion is that truth is difficult to discover.
Finally, scepticism is self-contradictory. The Sceptic proceeds by de-
finitions and reasonings, yet he denies that there is any difference
Jbetween error and . truth ; he affirms that there are representations
which are false, and yet believes that there is no difference between the
representations that are true and those that are false (Ibid. II, 9
29-41, 43).
Having thus refuted Scepticism, Antiochus founds an eclectic
dogmatism. He professes to return to the true tradition of
the Academy, which, according to him, had been broken since
the time of Arcesilaus. Plato, Aristotle, and Zeno differ, he
says, more in language than in ideas (Cic. Acad. II, 5, 15), and
here we have another argument against Scepticism. Since it is
possible to reconcile the various systems, the Sceptic can no
longer bring forward the contradictions between them as an
argument in his favour. Arius Didymus and Potamo, con-
temporaries of Augustus, were likewise eclectics.
Cicero had been taught by Philo of Larissa and Antiochus, and he
adopted to a great extent the theories of the new Academy. But if the
contradictions of the great philosophers appeared to him a sufficient
reason for doubting the possibility of speculative truth, he is in reality an
eclectic, and when he speaks of moral truths he forgets Carneades and is
as dogmatic as a Stoic. Every conviction rests ultimately, he says, on an
inner and immediate certainty, on our own natural feeling of truth, on a.
110 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
kind of innate knowledge which precedes experience. Sunt enim ingeniis
nostris semina innata virtutum (Tusc. Ill, 1, 2). Natura homini dedit talem
mentem, quae oranem virtutein accipere posset, ingenuitque sine doctrina
notitias parvas rerum maximarum (De Fin. V, 21, 59). Animum esse
ingeneratum, a Deo (De Leg. I, 8, 24).
Revival of Scepticism. Enesidemus ; Agrippa : the Tropes.
Sextus Empiriciis. Summary of Ancient Scepticism. Criticism
(1) of the Formal Possibility, (2) of the Results of Knowledge.
Eclecticism was the offspring of Scepticism, and partook of
its nature. To refuse to decide between rival systems of philo-
sophy was equivalent to that abstention from judgment which
was recommended by the Sceptics. The observation was soon
made that the meaning of a philosophical proposition is
determined by the system it belongs to, and that consequently
propositions borrowed from different systems are as mutually
exclusive as these systems themselves. Thus Scepticism con-
tinued side by side with Eclecticism, but from this time forth
it showed no originality. All it could do now was to unite,
order, and develop the arguments of Arcesilaus and Carneades.
This was done by the so-called new Sceptics.
Ptolemy of Gyrene, Enesidemus, Agrippa, and Sextus
Empiricus (in the two first centuries of the Christian era)
professed, however, not to belong to the New Academy, while
they borrowed from it most of their arguments. They accuse
this school of inconsistency, of having by its theory of pro-
bability brought about the eclectic dogmatism to which its
later representatives had been converted. Scepticism in its
original purity, that is to say the scepticism of Pyrrho, seemed
to them to be more secure against the attacks of dogmatism ;
but, in truth, it is difficult to say in what they differed from
the Pyrrhonians of the New Academy. The chief merit of
Enesidemus is that he collected all the different reasons for
doubting under ten heads or tropes (D.L. IX, 87 ; Sext. Em-
piricus, Adv. Math. VII, 345).
Four of them refer more especially to the subject, their aim being
to throw doubt upon the veracity of our perceptions by showing that
these contradict one another (Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hypotyp. I, 36-117). In
the first place, the same objects appear different to different animals ;
secondly, even among men there are physical and moral differences, owing
to which the same object is not perceived by all in the same way ;
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 111
thirdly, even in the same man the different senses are not always in
agreement, and sometimes they contradict one another ; fourthly, our
perception of things is affected by our physical and moral inclinations, by
the state of our health, by the fact of our being awake or asleep, at rest
or in motion, sad or joyful, etc. How are we to know whether we are in
a condition to perceive things exactly as they are ? Whatever our
criterion may be, it requires proof ; and in order to know whether this proof
is correct, another criterion is needed, and so on ad infinitum.
Enesidemus' six other tropes may be said to refer to the object. They
show the uncertainty and difficulty which surround our knowledge in its
relation to the object. Firstly, the same thing appears differently to us
according to the different forms it assumes ; the same substance will
appear white as a powder, and yellow or black as a solid mass. A grain
of sand appears to us to be hard, whereas a heap of sand is soft.
Secondly, the result of observations vaiy with circumstances. A square
tower appears to us from a distance to be round. Thirdly, things make
more or less impression on us according as we are more or less accustomed
to them. Fourthly, we cannot know things in themselves on account of
the relativity of all our representations. Fifthly, we perceive things
through a medium (air, liquids, etc.), the influence of which on our
perceptions we are unable to appreciate. Sixthly, the differences in laws
and in customs render impossible any decision as to what is true and
what is false, as to what is good and in conformity to nature (Sext. Emp.
Pyrrh. Hypotyp. I, 117-163).
Most of these arguments bear on our sensible knowledge only, but
Enesidemus adds to this criticism another which concerns our conception
of the true, and especially of causality (Emile Saisset : Enesideme). He
also examines our conceptions of passivity, of birth and destruction, as
being connected with our notion of causality, and he tries to show that
every one of these notions involves a contradiction. As against the
Stoics, he also maintains the impossibility of inferring from phenomena to
substance, from external signs to what is hidden. As we shall see, his
arguments were developed later by Sextus Empiricus. The conclusion
arrived at by Enesidemus is that no one should affirm anything, not even
his own doubt. He wished his philosophy to be called not a doctrine
(di/D€<ris), but a tendency
Agrippa reduces the sceptical arguments or tropes to five :
Firstly, contradictions among human opinions ; secondly, infinite
regress, the necessity of proving everything ; thirdly, relativity of all our
representations, which vary with the subject ; fourthly, every demon-
stration amounts to a petitio principi ; fifthly, diallelos : whatever is used to
prove a proposition stands itself in need of this same proposition in order
to be proved ; for example, the veracity of thought can be proved only
through sensible perception, and vice versa (Sext. Emp. Pyrrh, Hypotyp.
I, 164 sq.).
112 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Finally, at the end of the second century of the Christian
era, we find in Sextus Empiricus a recapitulation of all the
arguments of his forerunners.
He continually returns to the argument of the impossibility of estab-
lishing a criterion of truth, or of proving anything, because every demon-
stration demands another, and so on to infinity. Not even the proposition
that man is able to judge of truth can be maintained. For with
whom would this decision rest ? With one man or with all men ?
In the former case, where is this man to be found ? In the latter, how
is an agreement between all nien to be established ? And even if we
were to grant that man has the power to judge of the truth, which of his
faculties will enable him to do so ? The senses ? but these continually
contradict each other in different men, and in the same man from one
moment to another ; moreover, the senses only give us subjective modi-
fications and never enable us to assert anything as to the nature of things.
Can it be through the understanding ? But how could man's understanding,
which is internal, reach the external ? This last argument contains, as it
were, a presentiment of one of the problems in Kant's Critique : What
proof have we of the objectivity of the categories of human thought ?
(Pyrrh. Hypotyp. II, 18-84 ; Adv. Math. 314-445). Sextus Empiricus also
examines our notions of the true, but on this point his arguments do not
contain much beyond what he had already said concerning the criterion
of truth.
Having examined the formal possibility of knowledge,
Sextus Empiricus proceeds to attack the results arrived at
by the divers dogmatic systems of philosophy ; he develops
the arguments of his forerunners, and more especially those
of Enesidemus.
The Stoics had distinguished two kinds of signs. The first only
recall other phenomena with which by a previous experience we know
them to be associated ; in this sense lightning is the sign of thunder,
smoke of fire ; and these they call signs of things already experienced
(cnfjfj.ela ei/SeiKTiKa). The other kind of sign reveals to us that which
we do not know through any experience ; these are indicative signs
(eKKaXinrriKa). Phenomena, for example, are not only signs that recall
to memory other phenomena, for they also reveal to us substances and
causes. Sextus Empiricus denies the existence of these indicative signs.
The sign and what is signified are, he says, two things which are relative
to one another. Now, of two correlative things one cannot be known
without the other (e.g. right and left) ; therefore we cannot understand a
sign as a sign without understanding the thing it signifies, and consequently
we should know together with it that which it is supposed to reveal to us ;
and hence the sign would be useless. The sign cannot precede in the order
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 113
of knowledge that which it signifies, therefore there are no revealing signs.
How then can we infer substance from phenomena ? The latter can
make nothing known to us that we do not already know at the same time
and in the same way as themselves (Pyrrh. Hypotyp. II, 80-133 ; Adv.
Math. VIII, 141-298).
Not only, according to Sextus Empiricus (Adv. Math. IX,
207), are we unable to arrive at causes through phenomena,
but the very idea of cause involves a contradiction.
For no matter how we try to imagine it, we are unable to conceive
the relation of cause and effect. The cause must precede the effect, but
a cause is a relative thing, for it can have no existence unless in
relation to some effect. Now, correlative things are simultaneous not
only in thought but in existence. And if the cause and the effect are
simultaneous, how are we to distinguish them ? Which is the effect,
which the cause ? And how are we to conceive cause and effect — as
corporeal or incorporeal ? But the corporeal cannot produce the
incorporeal ; and conversely. We are unable to conceive any relation
between these two heterogeneous terms. Again, the corporeal cannot be
produced by the corporeal, nor the incorporeal by the incorporeal, for,
were it so, that which is derived from the active substances would be
already contained in them and consequently would not have had to
become. Finally, either the cause produces its effect alone, or it require*
a matter in which to produce it. In the former case, from being one, the
cause becomes two, and, since it is its nature to produce, from being two
it will become four, and so on to infinity. But is it not absurd to make
infinity come out of unity ? And if the active principle can do nothing
without the co-operation of the passive principle, the cause being defined
as being such that the effect takes place when it is present and does not
take place when it is absent, the passive principle is as much the cause as
the active (Adv. Math. IX, 195-276).
It will be noticed that this lengthy criticism of the con-
ception of causality is an entirely objective one, and that it in
no wise foreshadows the modern psychological method. Sextus
Empiricus endeavours, by means of arguments of the same
kind, to reduce to nothing the conceptions of diminution and
increase, and, with them, those of the transposition of parts, of
change and of motion. He analyses the notions presupposed in
physical science: space, body, rest, motion, mixture; and the proof
of the existence of God, and of the providential attributes
belonging to God which are part of the doctrine of universal
design. His arguments, which are scarcely more than a
development of those of his predecessors, end, like theirs, in the
II. H
114
conclusion that all affirmations are indifferent : la-ocrOeveia TWV
Xoycov. Every affirmation may be contradicted by an affirma-
tion of equal value. We must therefore suspend our
judgment and act in accordance with appearances, custom,
or the need of the moment/
Neo- Platonic Mysticism : Ecstasy.
It seemed as if scepticism was to be the last word of Greek
Philosophy. The Eclectics had attempted to avert the ruin of
philosophy by appealing to our immediate knowledge, to
common sense. But there was no more harmony between the
conceptions of the different members of the eclectic school
than between the systems which they professed to reconcile ;.
and this diversity was another triumph for scepticism. Truth
was not to be found either in the relation of thought to its
object nor in the reflection of thought upon itself. We must
abandon the hope of attaining truth unless we admit that it is
directly communicated to us by Him who is its eternal source,
that is, by God Himself. And this was the extreme solution
adopted by the Neo-Platonists, a solution which scepticism
had rendered necessary. Only the despair of attaining certainty
in scientific thought could have led to this attempt to find truth
in a revelation that was above thought itself.
But how was certainty to be founded on the knowledge of a
God Whose existence it was necessary to prove ? A reply to
this question is found in the system of Plotinus. God is
within us, we are not really distinct from Him. The whole
function of philosophy is, by forcing us to return to our true
being, to make us conscious of our identity with the Divine
Being ; to render possible the ecstasy by which we are absorbed
in the supreme unity. Thus the Neo-Platonists, like the
Eclectics, make an appeal to immediate certainty. But how
could certain knowledge of the object be derived from the mere
reflection of the subject on itself ? To this question the
Eclectics had found no answer ; but it is solved when the reflec-
tion of the subject on itself is ultimately nothing else than the
union of the subject with the Supreme Principle from which
are derived both all existence and all truth.
Aristotle saw clearly that proof is possible only on principles
which themselves do not require proof. If we can find truth
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 115
through dialectic it must be that we possess it already. How
is this possession of the truth to be explained ? The soul in
her higher part dwells always in the intelligence ; she has, in the
intuition of herself, the intuition of the intelligible, of the world
of ideas (Plotinus, Enn. IV, 4, 2). But above this intellectual
intuition, in which there is still consciousness and distinction,
there is the intuition of the One, there is ecstasy, by which we
are lifted above all determinate thought and fused with
God {Ibid. VI, 9, 4). It is only through ecstasy that we
possess the principle and the unity of ideas. So long as we
have not risen to this higher intuition in which we become
•one with the Absolute, there remains a duality of subject and
object, of thought and being, which stands in the way of
knowledge. Thus it is in ecstasy that the ultimate principle of
all certainty is found. But Plotinus himself admits that
ecstasy does not depend on ourselves ; we must wait for it,
we can at most prepare ourselves for it by purification through
knowledge and virtue. Certainty would seem then to be only
the privilege of some elect souls, a gift from heaven.
Christianity introduces into the Theory of Certainty a new
•element : Faith.
In the Neo-Platonic ecstasy we are immediately united to
the Absolute, the intuition of which is above intelligence. But
this ecstasy is an accidental and passing state. Quite other is
the function of Faith (Tr/o-rt?). In Christian philosophy Faith,
according to St. Paul, is not only the act of a mind that assents
to the Evangelical teaching, but a feeling of trust and the need
of loving God. It is, moreover, an act of will by which we
renounce the flesh, in order to live the divine life through
•communion with Christ.
I live ; yet not I, but Christ liveth in me : & 8e OVK en eyw, £17 Se Iv e/Aot
Xptcrros (Gal. II, 20). Thus faith takes possession of the whole soul,
renews, regenerates her, gives her new life. But man is not the author
of his own salvation. Faith comes to him from God, Who, by communi-
cating His spirit to man, brings about the birth of the spiritual man
in him.
While he shows the part played by faith in all our know-
ledge, St. Augustine endeavours to bring about the union of
rational with religious faith.
116 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Scepticism cannot be reconciled with that need of certainty which
allows the human mind no rest without the possession of truth. In the
second place, scepticism involves contradictory elements : even if I doubt
I have the notion of knowledge, for doubt implies a comparison between
actual knowledge and the notion of an ideal knowledge to which the
former does not correspond (De Vera Relig. 73). Finally, doubt implies
the fact that he who doubts thinks and exists (De Trin. X, 14). Here
we have Descartes' Cogito ergo sum. It is impossible to rest satisfied
with scepticism. Now faith (in the most general sense of the word)
and knowledge presuppose one another, for they are joined in every act
of knowledge. What is knowing ? It is apprehending by reason that
which makes a thing necessary ; but before we can become conscious
of this necessity we must admit the existence of the object, we must
rely on the immediate evidence which discursive thought will afterwards
confirm (De Liber Arbit. II, 2). Thus faith, or the act of will which gives
its assent to thought (cum assensione cogitare), is the first step towards
knowledge. That our sensible perceptions are subjectively true there
can be no doubt ; but that there is a real world corresponding to these
perceptions is a truth of which faith alone can give us certainty; and
that this sensible world contains, so to speak, supra-sensible truth is-
another act of faith which precedes thought. It is therefore possible
to have faith without knowledge, but there can be no knowledge
without faith. St Augustine's ideal is neither belief without knowledge
nor knowledge without belief, but the faith which is made complete by
knowledge, or the knowledge which confirms this faith (De Utilitate-
Credendi, II, 25). There is a double analogy between religious faith
and the faith that provides the object of our knowledge. Religious
faith implies an act of will and of love ; to know the good we must
love and will it. Moreover, religious faith also finds outside itself
its object, which consists in the supernatural truths given to us in.
revelation.
The Middle Ages : Gradual Separation of Faith from
Heason results in Scepticism. Montaigne. Charron.
The Mediaeval philosophers, like St. Augustine, regarded
faith as an experience : the experience of an ethical and
spiritual life as opposed to external experience. For the
ancients, moral life depended on knowledge, " man acts as he
thinks." For the great Scholastics, on the contrary, the
experience of the life of the soul, that profound consciousness
of a spiritual nature which is faith, is both the perfection and
the condition of scientific knowledge. Faith is not opposed to
knowledge ; it prepares the way for knowledge. Truth cannot
contradict itself.
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 117
St. Anselm expounds with much force the doctrine : Non quaero
intellegere ut credam, sed credo ut intelligam. I believe in order to under-
stand, quia nisi credidero, non intelligam, for if I did not believe I should
not understand (Proslog. 1). St. Thomas does not go quite so far ; he thinks
that revealed truths such as those of the Trinity, original sin, etc., cannot be
proved by reason, not because they are against reason, but because they
are above it, and that is why they are objects of faith (Sicmma Theol. I,
Quaest. 32, Art. 1). Faith in man pre-supposes the £o-operation of grace,
or, as it were, a call from God (interior instinctus Dei invitantis). It depends
more on the will than on the intellect. The mind adheres to truths
of a supernatural order, not by the force of an irresistible demonstration,
but by obeying the will. Reason can only refute the arguments of the
enemies of the Church by showing that they are false or not necessary
(falsas, non necessarias). Faith, like grace, does not destroy nature but
completes and perfects it. Reason pre-supposes the preambles of faith
(praeambula Jidei), and in this sense is subordinate to faith, naturalis
ratio subsermt Jidei (Summa Theol. II, qu. 2).
Finally, when, with William of Ockam, Nominalism prevailed,
faith was separated from and even opposed to knowledge.
Eealism, by representing the very ideas of God as the objects of
knowledge, was able to find harmony between reason and faith.
Nominalism reduced science to a pure formalism. It was no
longer Divine ideas that were the basis of our reasonings, but
words, nomina, flatus vocis. Kevealed truths were therefore
imposed by faith, and faith had nothing in common with
reason, which had only a relative value. Thus it would seem that
the philosophy of the Middle Ages had failed in its task : it
did not succeed in reconciling faith with reason. But this was
because faith was then identified with the dogmas of a
positive religion. Nevertheless a great truth was brought to
light, namely, that true philosophy, if not science in the
strict sense of the word, cannot be separated from the
experience of our ethical and spiritual life ; that philosophy is
made up of ideas revealed by this experience and reflection.
It became a habit amongst the bold philosophers of the
Renaissance to draw a distinction between theological and
philosophical truths, and to assert that they might co-exist
although opposed to one another. Doctrines submissively
accepted as articles of faith were rejected in the name
of reason. But this separation of reason and faith
divided the human mind against itself. It was inevitable
that thought should openly return to the ancient tradition, and
118 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
that reason should once more be reinstated. This was done
by Descartes. If men are to rest content with the mediaeval
conception, with the antithesis between reason and faith, the
consequence will be a scientific scepticism.
This is the view taken by Montaigne, whose whole work is
a negation of what had been affirmed by the great Scholastics.
His essays, indeed, mark the end of mediaeval thought,
although he merely resumes the arguments of ancient scepticism
concerning the formal possibility of, and the results obtained
by knowledge. Montaigne's friend and disciple Charron thinks
that a very good method of introducing and establishing Chris-
tianity among an unbelieving and infidel people would be to-
make them disciples of Pyrrho. Reason, being then convinced
of its own impotence, would easily submit to revelation, for,
he says, never would a Tyrrhenian or an Academician be a
heretic : they are two opposite things.
Descartes : Clear and Distinct Ideas ; Divine Truthfulness ;
Reconciliation.
Was there then no choice between scepticism and revelation ?
Some sought to escape from this alternative, — Galileo and Coper-
nicus through the natural bent of their scientific genius ;
Telesio and Bacon because they had a presentiment of modern
scientific methods ; Giordano Bruno and Nicholas of Cusa
through their philosophic enthusiasm. It was the spirit of
antiquity come to life again, though not yet fully conscious of
itself. Descartes was the first to attempt, with a full con-
sciousness of what he wanted and of what had to be done, to
re-establish an independent philosophy, and that not only
de facto but de jure.
The introduction to his philosophy is, as it were, a summary
of the whole history of human thought since the Middle Ages.
He puts aside faith and at once finds himself confronted by
scepticism : how was he to escape from it ? By employing
it as a method. We have accepted most of our opinions with-
out reflection from our teachers and our desires, and we must
set them aside (Disc, de la Meth., 2nd Part). Since our senses
sometimes deceive us, we cannot trust them at all. Some
men make mistakes in their reasoning concerning even the
simplest things in geometry, hence we shall reject as false all
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 119
those reasons which we now take to be demonstrative. Lastly,
as a malicious spirit, as cunning and deceitful as it is powerful,
may be making sport of us and using his skill to deceive us,
we shall suspend our judgment on all things (1st Medit.).
In its methodical doubt Cartesian philosophy starts from
scepticism. But out of this very doubt does not an irresistible
truth emerge ? I who doubt, think. / think, therefore I am.
And this is the starting point of modern thought ; it establishes
the thinking subject, and so clearly, that henceforward the
facts of consciousness at least, and the manifestations of
thought, are beyond the reach of the most audacious scepticism.
All that the' latter can now question is the correspondence
between these subjective phenomena and reality, that is to say,
the existence of objective certainty.
How is this objective certainty to be attained ? This is the
most critical point in the Cartesian theory. When I say that
" I think, therefore I am," what is it that assures ine of the
truth of this proposition ? It is that I know clearly that in
order to think I must exist. I may therefore take it as a
truth that those things which I conceive very clearly and
distinctly are all true. The clearness and distinctness of ideas
is therefore the criterion of their truth. Starting from this
principle, Descartes proves the existence of God. But having
done so, he seems to invert the order of his first principles, for
he adds that it is because God exists that what we can see
clearly and distinctly is true.
" The principle which I have already taken as a rule, viz., that all
the things which we clearly and distinctively conceive are true, is certain
only because He is or exists, and because He is a perfect being, and because
all we possess is derived from Him. Whence it follows that our ideas or
notions, which to the extent of their clearness or distinctness are real and
proceed from God, must to that extent be true " (Disc, de la Meth. 4th Pt.).
But is there not here a vicious circle ? Eeason proves the
existence of God, and God guarantees the validity of reason.
Our demonstration of the existence of God is valid only if He
is already shown to exist. God is proved by the natural light
of reason, and without God this natural light could only be a
source of error. In order to understand how Descartes
escapes from this seemingly vicious circle we must observe his
view of certainty. The problem is not to pass from what
120 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
appears to us as true to what is true in itself, but to attain
absolute certainty in the realm of thought. The doubt we
want to get rid of is the doubt of a man who has just done a
sum of addition and asks himself whether he has made a
mistake in it.
" When in thinking we have a clear conception of a certain truth, we are
naturally inclined to believe this truth. And if our belief is so firm that
we can never have any reason to doubt that which we believe in this way,
we require nothing more ; for we have with regard to this matter as much
certainty as one can reasonably desire. For what matters it to us if some
one were to suppose that that of which we are so strongly persuaded is
false in the eyes of God or of the angels, and is therefore, absolutely
speaking, false ? " (Answer to the 2nd Objection).
We must distinguish between an immediate intuition and the
act of memory implied in every deduction that is at all lengthy.
When we fix our mind on an evident truth, such as the cogito
ergo sum, there is no room for doubt. Our intuition, that is
to say, our clear and distinct knowledge of the truth before us
does not require the guarantee of the divine veracity. But
when we make a lengthy deduction, or when we remember
certain conclusions without thinking of the principles by which
they are established, and without going once more through the
reasoning by which they are justified, only the knowledge of
God, who is the warrant of the validity of our thought, can
give us certainty. The knowledge of the atheist is not true
science, because any knowledge on which doubt may be thrown
cannot be called by the name of science (Ibid.).
We have now escaped from the circle in which we seemed
to be imprisoned. The cogito ergo sum is a clear and dis-
tinct truth at the moment when we think it, and as there is
no thought that does not imply the cogito, the latter never falls
into the realm of memory. From the cogito we are led to the
existence of God without going beyond the limits of the
irresistible evidence which leaves no room for doubt. When
we have reached the idea of God, we have the certainty that
our mind is made for truth ; and this certainty extends to the
premisses which have served to prove the existence of God.
" In the first instance, we are sure that God exists, because we give our
attention to the reasons which prove His existence ; but after that, it is
enough for us to remember having conceived a thing clearly in order to be
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 121
sure that this thing is true, which would not be the case if we did not know
that God exists and that He cannot deceive us" (Answer to the 4th
Objection, 2nd Part).
To sum up : God is the principle of knowledge as well as of
existence. In Him is the theoretical basis of certainty ; but
its practical criterion is in the clearness and distinctness of
ideas. By an intuition which leaves no room for doubt we
know the existence of thought and the existence of God, which
is immediately deducible from the existence of thought.
As for the existence of the world it is guaranteed to us by
the divine veracity alone. In the same way the knowledge of
this world is subordinate to the existence of God, for it is
because God exists and because He is perfect that distinct
realities correspond to our clear and distinct ideas.
Malebranche : Certitude and Vision in God.
According to Descartes, the truthfulness of God assures us
that real things correspond to our clear and distinct ideas. We
have thus three terms before us : the ideas of the mind, reality,
and God. Malebranche simplifies Descartes' system by reduc-
ing these three terms to one. The ideas are reality itself, and
our mind, which apprehends them by an immediate intuition,
does not require to be guaranteed by God, since in so far as it
has clear and distinct ideas it sees God Himself.
" If our bodies move in a corporeal world, our minds are constantly
being carried into an ideal world which affects them, and thus becomes
perceptible to them " (Entretiens I, 5). To deny the reality of the ideas
would be to assert that the non-existent can be thought. "All the
things of which I think, are, or at least exist as long as I am thinking of
them. When I think of a circle or a number, of Being, or the Infinite, or
of a certain finite being, I perceive realities, for if the circle of which I
am thinking was nothing, when thinking of it I would be thinking of
nothing ; now the circle of which I am thinking has properties that do not
belong to any other figure, therefore this circle exists at the time I am
thinking it, because the non-existent has no properties, and one non-
existent thing cannot be different from another non-existent thing "
{Ibid. I, 4). All these ideas exist in God, Who is the basis of their
reality. "All our clear ideas are in God as far as their intelligible reality
is concerned. It is only in Him that we see them, only in the universal
reason which through them enlightens all minds. If our ideas are
eternal, immutable, necessary, it must be that they exist in an immutable
122 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Being ; our minds dwell in the Universal Reason in that Intelligible
Substance which contains the ideas of all the truths discovered by us "
(Ibid. I, 10).
Thus the principle of certainty is our union, or rather our
oneness with God. Truth is God present in us, thinking in
us ; the intelligible is the real and the absolute. For Male-
branche, as for Descartes, the practical criterion of truth is
the clearness of our ideas. " In order to know the works of
God we must consult the ideas He gives us ; those which are
clear ; those on which He has formed these works. We run a,
great risk, if we follow any other method " (Ibid. Ill, 12). " All
our clear ideas are in God in so far as they have intelligible
reality. It is only in Him that we see them" (Ibid. I, 18),
What, then, is the use of the material world on this theory ? It
has none. If it did not exist, nothing would be changed in our
knowledge of the intelligible world (Ibid. I, 5). We could even,
absolutely speaking, have the same feelings independently
of objects (Ibid. I, 8 ; VI, 4). And on the other hand, if the
sensible world did exist we should have no means of perceiving
it ; why then affirm its existence ? It cannot be known
immediately, and the feelings which lead us to believe in it
are purely subjective modifications.
" Bodies cannot act on our mind nor be present to it, and our mind can
only know them in the ideas which represent them, and can only perceive
them through the modes and feelings of which they cannot be more than
the occasional cause " (Entr. VI, 5). The external world cannot be proved.
" The volitions of God which refer to the world are not contained in the
notion we have of Him, and since only these volitions can give being to
creatures, it is clear that only those truths can be demonstrated which
have a necessary connection with their principles. Thus, since we
cannot make sure of the existence of bodies through demonstration,
there is no other way of doing so except through the authority of
revelation" (Ibid. 6).
These divers sensations by which we are affected are the
results of the general laws of the union of the soul and the
body, and are nothing else than natural .revelations by which
God informs us that we have a body and that we are
surrounded by other bodies. But our senses sometimes
deceive us ; hence speculative doubt is still possible, and we
must fall back on supernatural revelation.
SCEPTICISM AND CEETITUDE 123
" Faith provides us with a proof which it is impossible to resist.
Whether there are bodies or not, it is certain that we see them, and that
God alone can have given us sensations of them. It is therefore God
who puts before my mind the appearance of the men with whom I
live, of the books I study, of the preachers I hear. . . . Now, faith
tells me that God has created the heavens and the earth, that the
Scriptures are a Divine Book. This Book, as it appears to me, tells me
positively that there are thousands and thousands of creatures and
things. Behold, now, all my appearances changed into reality. Faith
being pre-supposed, the existence of bodies is strictly demonstrated"
Ibid. 8).
To sum up : our soul stands in two relations ; one of these
is immediate and necessary, a relation to the Author of its
being, to the Universal Reason, which is the place of spirits as
space is the place of bodies ; the other relation is mediate and
contingent, though governed by general laws, a relation to the
body and through it to other bodies. The soul can therefore
be only indirectly assured of the existence of bodies, including
its own. It is only to God that the soul is immediately united.
Thus, vision in God, which is the effect of the constant action
of God upon us, or, in other words, of the connection between
our reason and the Universal Eeason, is the foundation of all
certainty.
Spinoza : In so far as it possesses Adequate Ideas the Human
Mind is one with the Divine Mind.
To say : " by substance I mean that which is in itself and
is conceived through itself. ... by mode I mean that
which exists and is perceived through something other than
itself," is to assume that things have existence by reason of
and in proportion to our conception of them ; is in fact to
identify Being with thought. Thus in Spinoza we find once
more the principle of clear ideas. His JZthics, even in its
external form, is the most striking application of this theory.
" A true idea (for we possess a true idea) is something different from its
object (ideatum). Thus a circle is different from the idea of a circle
(On the Improvement of the Understanding, trans, by Elwes, p. 12). A
true idea must correspond with its ideate or object (Eth. Part I, ax. VI).
How are we to know that an idea corresponds with its object ? For such
a distinction to be possible, the true idea must be recognized by intrinsic
marks. That which constitutes the reality of a true thought must be
124 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
sought in the thought itself, and deduced from the nature of the under-
standing. A true idea is distinguished from a false idea not so much by
its extrinsic object as by its intrinsic nature . . . whence it follows that
there is in ideas something real whereby the true are distinguished from
the false " (On the Improvement of the Understanding, pp 25, 26).
The intrinsic quality of a true idea is that it is adequate.
An adequate idea is one that is in God, inasmuch as He consti-
tutes the essence of the human soul. When an idea is in God,
not only inasmuch as He is the essence of the human soul,
but in so far as He has at the same time the idea of another
thing, this idea is only partially in us, in other words it is
inadequate,. It is precisely in this privation of knowledge that
lies the falseness of ideas. All ideas are true and adequate in
God. We recognize an adequate idea in that it is clear and
distinct, and inadequate in that it is mutilated and confused
(Eth. II, 35, 36). As the adequate idea is of itself true, the
criterion of the truth of ideas is their clearness and
distinctness. " Ideas that are clear and distinct can never be
false " ; but this is because ' the human mind is in their
case not distinct from the divine.
The clear and distinct idea not only excludes fiction and
falseness, but doubt.
" In proportion as the understanding is smaller and its experi-
ence multiplex, so will its power of coining fictions be larger, whereas, as
the understanding increases, its capacity for entertaining fictitious ideas
becomes less (On the Improvement of the Understanding, p. 21). If there be
a God or omniscient Being, such an one cannot form fictitious hypotheses.
. . . Fiction cannot be concerned with eternal truths (Ibid. p. 19). . . .
We need therefore be in no fear of forming hypotheses as long as we have
a clear and distinct perception of what is involved " (Ibid. p. 23).
The clear and distinct idea also excludes doubt, because
doubt is merely the result of two confused ideas which contradict
each other. A true idea carries with it immediate certitude.
" He who has a true idea knows at the same time that he has a true
idea, nor can he doubt of the truth of the thing (The Ethics, Prt. II,
Prop. 43). . . . What can there be more clear and more certain than
a true idea as a standard of truth ? Even as light displays both itself
and darkness, so is truth a standard both of itself and of falsity
{Ibid. note). . . . Our mind, in so far as it perceives things truly, is part
of the infinite intellect of God ; therefore, the clear and distinct ideas
of the mind are as necessarily true as the ideas of God (Ibid.). . . .
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 125-
No one can know the nature of the highest certainty unless he possesses
an adequate idea or the subjective essence of a thing ; for certainty is
identical with such subjective essence" (On the Improvement of the Under-
standing, p. 13).
Holding such a theory, Spinoza had naturally no sympathy
with the sceptics. If a clear idea carries certitude along with
it, lack of certitude comes from the absence of any clear idea ;.
and as it is the nature of the understanding to have clear ideas,
the sceptic is by this same fact relegated to the order of brutes.
The sceptic requires proof of proof ad inftnitum.
" To this I make answer that, if b}7 some happy chance anyone had
adopted this method in his investigations of nature — that is, if he had
acquired new ideas in the proper order, according to the standard of
the original true idea, he would never have doubted the truth of his know-
ledge, inasmuch as tfuth, as we have shown, makes itself manifest, and
knowledge of all things would flow as it were spontaneously towards-
him " (Ibid. p. 16).
The Ethics is, in fact, Spinoza's reply to scepticism. It
reproduces the order of nature and thus makes doubt impossible.
"If there yet remains some sceptic who doubts of our primary
truth, and of all the deductions we make, taking such truth as our
standard, he must either be arguing in bad faith, or we must confess
that there are some men in complete mental blindness, either innate
or due to misconceptions. . . . With such persons one should not speak
of sciences. ... If they deny, grant, or gainsay, they know not that
they deny, grant, or gainsay, so that they ought to be regarded as
automatics utterly devoid of intelligence" (Ibid. p. 17).
Leibnitz : Intuitive, Demonstrative, and Sensible Certitude.
Leibnitz distinguishes three kinds of knowledge, the intuitive,
the demonstrative, and the sensible {New Essays, IV, 2),
and he attributes certitude to these three kinds, which he
calls certain knowledge, in contrast to probable knowledge
(Ibid. 14). Thus there are three kinds of certitude, the intuitive,,
the demonstrative, and the sensible.
Intuitive certitude comprises two classes of truths : primary
truths of fact, and primary truths of reason, both of which
are immediately known. Primary truths of fact are the
result of an immediate inner experience : e.g. the general
proposition, I think, therefore I am, or the particular proposi-
tion, / think of such or such an object.
126 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
" The primary truths of reason are those which I call by the general
name of identical. . . . And in this way all adequate definitions contain
primary truths of reason, and consequently intuitive knowledge" {New
Essays, IV, ii, 1). " Now this intuition which makes known our existence to
ourselves makes it known to us with an evidence complete, incapable of
being proved, and having no need of proof : so that even when I attempt to
doubt all things this doubt itself does not allow me to doubt my own
existence " (IV, ix, 3). " Truths of reason are necessary, and those of
fact are contingent. . . . You see by this that all primary truths of
reason or of fact have this in common, that they cannot be proved by any-
thing more certain " (IV, ii, 1). " And I add that the immediate apper-
ception of our existence and of our thoughts furnishes us the first truths
a posteriori, or of fact, i.e. the first experiences ; just as identical proposi-
tions contain the first truths a priori, or of reason, i.e. the first lights (les
premieres lumieres). Both are incapable of proof, and may be called
immediate, the former because of the immediate relation of the under-
standing and its object, the latter because of the knmediate relation of
the subject and the predicate " (IV, ix, 2).
Demonstrative certainty can be reduced to intuitive cer-
tainty. The act by which we draw a conclusion is a simple
act of intuition which involves in a single apperception both
premisses and conclusion. Demonstrative certainty is merely
intuitive certainty applied to the relation between propositions
instead of to a single truth.
There remains sensible certainty. " We know our own
existence by intuition, that of God by demonstration, and
that of other objects through sensation " (Ibid. IV, ix, 2).
That we have in sensation the idea of an object external to
•ourselves is incontestable. The question is whether we have
the right to trust this instinctive belief. According to
Leibnitz, sensible knowledge, as well as the other kinds of
knowledge, gives certainty. But again, a criterion is required
to distinguish real sensible knowledge from the illusions of our
waking hours or of our dreams. This criterion cannot be
the liveliness of the representations.
" Although feelings are wont to be more vivid than imagina-
tions, it is nevertheless a fact that there are cases where imaginative
persons are impressed as much, or perhaps more, by their imaginations
than others are by the truth of things. So that I think the true criterion
concerning the objects of the senses is the connection of the phenomena,
i.e. the connection of that which takes place in different places and times,
and in the experience of different men who are themselves each to the
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 127
others very important phenomena in this respect. And the connection of
the phenomena, which guarantees the truths of fact in respect to sensible
things outside of us, is verified by means of the truths of reason just as
the phenomena of optics are explained by geometry" (Ibid. IV, ii, 14).
Sensible certainty rests then on the primary truths of
reason : it consists of inner direct experiences subjected to
the law of rational truth, and is thus a form of intuitive
certainty. Leibnitz, like all the Cartesians, does not allow any
direct value to sensible certainty. Whether the union of the
soul and the body is due to the laws of occasional causes or to
a pre-established harmony, we must always go back to the
Author of these laws for a guarantee of the existence of a
reality external to ourselves.
"... Our thoughts come to us from the depths of our own nature,
other creatures being unable to have an immediate influence upon the
soul. Besides, the ground of our certitude in regard to universal and
eternal 'truths is in the ideas themselves . . . and the basis of the truth of
contingent and singular things is in the succession, which causes these
phenomena of the senses to be rightly united as the intelligible truths
demand (IV, iv, 5). It must, however, be admitted that none of this
certitude is of the highest degree. . . . For it is not impossible, meta-
physically speaking, that our knowledge may be a continuous dream
lasting as long as life ; but it is a thing as contrary to reason as would be
the idea of a book put together by chance, by throwing the type pell-
mell " (IV, ii, 14).
Sensible certainty rests ultimately on rational certainty,
on the harmony between phenomena and the requirements
of reason. " The truth of sensible things is justified by
their connection, which depends upon the intellectual truths
grounded in reason and upon constant observations of the
sensible things themselves, even when the reasons do not
appear " (Ibid, xi, 10).
Berkeley attempts to re-establish Sensible Certainty.
Berkeley desired to avoid scepticism ; in fact his Idealism
(or rather Immaterialism) was the result of his attempt
to do so.
" That there is no such thing as what philosophers call material substance
I am seriously persuaded ; but if I were made to see anything absurd or
sceptical in this I should then have the same reason to renounce this that
'I imagine I have now to reject the contrary opinion " (1st Dial. Hylas and
Phil ).
128 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
The originality of Berkeley consisted in his denying the
existence of matter, in order to restore to sensible certainty
its full authority.
" When therefore they [sensible things] are actually perceived there
can be no doubt of their existence. Away, then, with all that scepticism,
all those ridiculous philosophical doubts. What a jest is it for a
philosopher to question the existence of sensible things till he hath it
proved from the veracity of God ; or to pretend our knowledge in this
point falls short of intuition or demonstration ! I might as well doubt
of my own being, as of the being of those things I actually see and feel.
... I do therefore assert that I am as certain as of my own being, that
there are bodies or corporal substances (meaning the things I perceive
by my senses) " (3rd Dialogue).
Here Berkeley attacks an opinion which was common to all
Cartesians, namely, that the existence of mind is more certain
than the existence of bodies. The knowledge we acquire
through our senses is as certain and as immediate as that
given to us by consciousness.
Even the existence of God he founds on sensible knowledge,
" To me it is evident for two reasons you allow of, that sensible things
cannot exist otherwise than in a mind or spirit. Whence I conclude, not
that they have no real existence but that, seeing they depend not on my
thought and have an existence distinct from being perceived by me,
there must be some other mind wherein they exist. As sure, therefore, as
the sensible world really exists, so sure is there an infinite omnipresent
Spirit, who contains and supports it " (2nd Dialogue).
Thus Berkeley reverses the order adopted in the Cartesian
school. Sensible certainty is not founded on divine veracity ;
it is, on the contrary, on the veracity of our senses that the
existence of God is founded. We have only two kinds of
certainty : intuitive or immediate certainty, which comprises
the data of sense as well as those of consciousness, and
demonstrative or mediate certainty which is based on the
former. In this way Berkeley reconciles his Idealism (or
Immaterialism) with a firm belief in the veracity of our
senses ; his Idealism is in fact intended to guarantee their
veracity. If he rejects the existence of a material sub-
stance, if he makes the reality of things lie in ideas, it
is because the opposite theory inevitably ends in scepticism.
" Can you produce so much as one argument against the
SCEPTICISM AND CEETITUDE 129
reality of corporeal things, or in behalf of that avowed utter
ignorance of their natures, which does not suppose their
reality to consist in an external absolute existence ? Upon
this supposition, indeed, the objections from the change of
colours in a pigeon's neck or the appearance of the broken
oar in the water, must be allowed to have weight " (3rd Dial.).
Empirical Scepticism of Hume ; Theory of Belief.
Locke had not considered what might be the ultimate
consequences of his empirical theory of human knowledge.
His good sense made all extremes repugnant to him. He
had accepted certainty as a fact, and based it entirely upon
intuitive knowledge.
" This part of knowledge is irresistible, and like bright sunshine forces
itself immediately to be perceived as soon as ever the mind turns its view
that way ; and leaves no room for hesitation, doubt, or examination, but
the mind is presently filled with the clear light of it. It is on this
intuition that depend all the certainty and evidence of all our knowledge,
which certainty everyone finds to be so great that he cannot imagine, and
therefore does not require, a greater ; for a man cannot conceive himself
capable of a greater certainty than to know that any idea in his mind ia
such as he perceives it to be ; and that two ideas, wherein he perceives a
difference, are different and not precisely the same. He that demands a
greater certainty than this, demands he knows not what, and shows only
that he has a mind to be a sceptic, without being able to be so " (Locker
On the Human Understanding, IV, II, 1).
Hume, with the boldness of a true philosopher, draws the
sceptical inferences which are logically implied in empiricism,
He carried on Berkeley's analytic method and founded
modern scepticism. Like Berkeley, he accepts all that is
immediately revealed to us by our senses, and nothing
more. Because our direct experience never makes known to
us a substratum of any kind, he denies the existence of any
substance, either spiritual or material, and reduces to a
collection of sensations, not only the notion of matter, but also-
that of mind. Our internal like our external experience
gives us nothing but perceptions. The idea of an ego is-
therefore reducible to a series of sensations. There is then
only one thing regarding which certainty is possible, namely ,.
our perceptions and the relations between them, and certainty
has only one source, namely, our immediate experience,
ii. i
130 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
"Now since nothing is ever present to the mind but perceptions, and
since all ideas are derived from something antecedently present to the
mind, it follows that 'tis impossible for us so much as to conceive or form
an idea of any thing specifically different from ideas and impressions.
Let us fix our attention out of ourselves as much as possible : let us
chase our imagination to the heavens, or to the utmost limits of the
universe, we never really advance a step beyond ourselves, nor can we
conceive any kind of existence, but those perceptions, which have
appeared in that narrow compass. This is the universe of the imagina-
tion, nor have we any idea but what is there produced" (Treatise of
Human Nature ; Of the Understanding, Part II, Sect. VI).
But, if every object of knowledge can be reduced by critical
reflection into impressions and ideas, or copies of impressions
(see Vol. I, Ch. Ill, Problem of External Perception), it is
certainly not in that form that the human mind appears to
itself. Hume had therefore to explain how thought remains
possible on his hypothesis ; how it is that we do not attribute
existence equally to all our perceptions ; how fact is dis-
tinguished from fancy. All the objects to which we apply
our reason may be divided into two kinds : Relations of Ideas,
and Matters of Fact. To the first class belong the mathematical
sciences — geometry, algebra, etc. Their characteristic is that
judgments concerning them may be formed by the operation of
the mind alone, without regard to what takes place in fact
in the universe. The propositions of Euclid remain true
whether there are triangles or circles in the natural world
or not.
As regards matters of fact, the imagination can always
conceive two contrary phenomena as possible, because such
conceptions are not self -contradictory. The judgment, " the
sun will not rise to-morrow," is as intelligible as the judgment,
" the sun will rise to-morrow." What then, beyond the actual
testimony of our senses, is the nature of the evidence which
shall assure us of the real existence of matters of fact ? All
our reasoning concerning matters of fact is based on the
relation of cause and effect ; but the principle of causality is
nothing else than habit.
"After the constant conjunction of two objects, heat and flame, for
instance, weight and solidity, we are determined by custom alone to
expect the one from the appearance of the other. This hypothesis seems
even the only one, which explains the difficulty why we draw from a
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 131
thousand instances an inference which we are not able to draw from one
instance, that is in no respect different from them. Reason is incapable
of any such variation. The conclusions which it draws from considering
•one circle are the same which it would form upon surveying all the
circles in the universe. . . . Custom, then, is the great guide of human
life. It is that principle alone which renders our experience useful to us
and makes us expect for the future, a similar train of events with those
which have appeared in the past. Without the influence of custom, we
should be entirely ignorant of every matter of fact, beyond what i
immediately present to the memory and senses. . . . Having found, in
many instances, that any two kinds of objects, flame and heat, snow and
cold, have always been conjoined together ; if flame and snow be pre-
sented anew to the senses the mind is carried by custom to expect heat or
cold, and to believe, that such a quality does exist, and will discover itself
upon a nearer approach. ... It is an operation of the soul, when we are
so situated, as iinavoidable as to feel the passion of love when we receive
benefits, or hatred, when we meet with injuries. All these operations
are a species of natural instincts which no reasoning or process of thought
and understanding is able either to produce or to prevent " (Inquiry
concerning the Human Understanding, V, 1).
We are now able to determine the difference between fact
and fiction.
" 'Tis also evident, that the idea of existence is nothing different from
the idea of any object, and that when after the simple conception of
anything, we conceive it as existent, we in reality make no addition to or
alteration on our first idea. . . . But as 'tis certain there is a great
difference betwixt the simple conception of the existence of an object
and the belief of it, and as this difference lies not in the parts or com-
position of the idea which we conceive, it follows that it must lie in the
manner in which we conceive it. ^ . . So that as belief does nothing but
vary the manner in which we conceive any object, it can only bestow on
our ideas an additional force and vivacity" (Treatise of Human Nature,
Bk. I, Pt. Ill, 7).
Fact, then, is only distinguished from fiction by the feeling
which accompanies it. The difference is a purely subjective
one.
" I conclude, by an induction which seems to me very evident, that an
opinion or belief is nothing but an idea, that is different from a fiction,
not in the nature or the order of its parts, but in the manner of its being
conceived. But when I would explain this manner, I scarce find any word
that fully answers the case, but am obliged to have recourse to everyone's
feeling. . . . An idea assented to feels different from a fictitious idea,
that the fancy alone presents to us. And this different feeling I
132 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
endeavour to explain by calling it a superior force, or vivacity, or solidity,
or firmness, or steadiness. This variety of terms, which may seem so-
unphilosophical, is intended only to express that act of the mind, which
renders realities more present to us than fictions, causes them to weigh
more in the thought, and gives them a superior influence on the passions,
and imagination " (Ibid. Appendix).
In the case of an actual sensation, its liveliness, which is
greater than that of images, suffices to distinguish it from a
mere illusion. But in a case where the object is absent am I
incapable of distinguishing the real from the imaginary ? Am
I in such a state of indetermination as to expect that a par-
ticular object may be followed, indifferently, by any other
object ? The future is not indeterminate any more than the
present, nor is it given over to illusion ; for habit and the
feeling by which it is characterized intervene. When I throw
a piece of wood into the fire, I expect to see a flame, and
I believe that there will be one.
" Belief is nothing but a more vivid, lively, forcible, firm, steady con-
ception of an object than what the imagination alone is ever able to attain.
. . . And this manner of conception arises from a customary conjunc-
tion of the object with something present to the memory or senses. . . .
Whenever any object is presented to the memory or senses, it immedi-
ately, by the force of custom, carries the imagination to conceive that
object, which is usually conjoined to it ; and this conception is attended
with a feeling or sentiment, different from the loose reveries of the fancy "
(Inquiry concerning Human Understanding, V, 2).
Thus there is no intrinsic difference between the real and
the fictitious. All that differs is our inward feeling. We
believe some things, we do not believe others : this is all that
can be said. But is this difference of feeling justified by the
nature of things ? We cannot know, for we do not even know
whether there are things. Positive knowledge is based on the
principle of causality, and this principle is only a habit and
merely expresses a subjective necessity ; it does not govern
facts, but is derived from them. This sceptical analysis might
well discourage us, if nature had not given the strength of an
instinct, or of a mechanical tendency, to this belief. " Nature, by
an absolute and uncontrollable necessity has determined us to
judge as well as to breathe and feel. . . . Reasoning and belief
is some sensation or peculiar manner of conception, which 'tis.
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 133
impossible for mere ideas or reflections to destroy " (Treatise,
Bk. I, Part IV, Sect. 1).
We have seen that Hume separates the beliefs founded on
intuition from those based on demonstration, or the relations of
ideas.
" With regard to propositions that are proved by intuition or demon-
stration . . . the person who assents, not only conceives the ideas,
according to the proposition, but is necessarily determined to conceive
them in that particular manner, either immediately, or by the interposi-
tion of other ideas. . . . Nor is it possible for the imagination to conceive
anything contrary to a demonstration " (Ibid. Part III, 7).
Our belief in the relations of ideas is also a subjective feeling,
but it has the peculiar characteristic of necessity. We cannot
conceive the contrary of mathematical truths. Nevertheless,
there are reasons for doubting them.
" Our reason must be considered as a kind of cause, of which truth is
the natural effect ; but such a one as, by the irruption of other causes, and
by the inconstancy of our mental powers, may frequently be prevented.
By this means all knowledge degenerates into probability ; and this
probability is greater or less, according to our experience of the veracity
or deceitfulness of our understanding, and according to the simplicity or
intricacy of the question " (Ibid. IV, 1).
It is not easy to see how Hume, on his own principles, was
justified in making this distinction between mathematical
and other knowledge. For, on the empirical hypothesis, the
former, not less than the latter, is concerned with facts alone.
Stuart Mill had only to show by his theory of inseparable
association that the mathematical definitions and axioms are
arrived at by induction, like all other truths, in order to com-
plete the sceptical work of Hume.
In modern times scepticism has taken the form of Pheno-
menalism. According td this doctrine, certainty is merely a
subjective state of the mind. There is no such thing as a
principle of thought. We have only mental habits. Our
judgments and reasonings are happy accidents, facts which must
not be analysed too closely, lest we reduce them to nothing.
To one who reflects, certainty would be impossible even as a
subjective state, were not the force of nature greater than
that of all the arguments of the sceptics. Knowledge is the
result of our past experience, which, by induction we project
134 THE PKOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
into the future. As for this induction itself, it is an unex-
plained mental operation which is instinctive and natural to us.
But the human mind could never be convinced by any reason-
ing from the principle that, " Cases we have not experienced
must resemble those we have experienced."
Kant : Criterion of Truth ; certitude, Faith and Opinion ;
Scientific Certitude ; Impossibility of Metaphysics ; Moral Faith.
The problem of knowledge seemed now to have gone back to
the point at which Greek Philosophy had left it. Hume, in
fact, alludes to the sages of the Academy as the ideal philo-
sophers. The great Eationalistic systems of Descartes and
Leibnitz seemed, like those of Plato and Aristotle long ago,
to have had no other effect than to provoke a more lively
reaction on the part of scepticism. One thing, however, had,
in modern times, assumed an importance which it did not
possess in antiquity. For two centuries science had been
independent of philosophy, and, while metaphysical systems
were conflicting with and superseding one another, science was
progressing with a continuous development. Here was a fact
which scepticism now found itself obliged to take into account.
The arguments which the ancients and Montaigne based on
our ignorance of natural things, now appeared childish and
superannuated. Hume dared not now advocate the suspension
of judgment, or attack the results of science. Science could
bid defiance to scepticism, for it had success on its side. He
who would offer a defence and a guarantee of science on
philosophical grounds would find himself supported by science
itself. Kant recognized this, and undertook the part. He
desired to escape from Hume's scepticism, and to give science
a sure basis without making it rest on metaphysical dogmatism,
which seemed fated to be for ever* bringing about its own
destruction.
Kant applies to the problem of certitude his distinction
between the subject and the object, the matter and the form
of knowledge. What is the criterion of truth ? Shall we
find it in the object of knowledge ?
"Truth is said to consist in the agreement of knowledge with the
object. . . . Then my knowledge, in order to be true, must agree
with the object. Now, I can only compare the object with my knowledge
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 135
by this means, namely, by taking knowledge of it. My knowledge, then,
is to be verified by itself, which is far from being sufficient for truth. For
as the object is external to me, and the knowledge is in me, I can only
judge whether my knowledge of the object agrees with my knowledge of
the object. Such a circle in explanation was called by the ancients
Diallelos, and the logicians were accused of this fallacy by the sceptics,
who remarked that this account of truth was as if a man before a
judicial tribunal should make a statement and appeal in support of it to
a witness whom no one knows, but who defends his own credibility by
saying that the man who had called him as witness was an honourable
man. The charge was certainly well founded, only the solution of the
problem referred to is absolutely impossible for any man" (Logic,
Introd. trans, by T. K. Abbott).
Kant shows that a universal material criterion of truth is
not only impossible but self -contradictory ; for it would have to
abstract from every difference between the objects, and at the
same time, as a material criterion, serve for their distinction.
A formal, general criterion, on the other hand, immediately
appears as possible.
" For formal truth consists simply in the agreement of the cognition
with itself when we abstract from all objects whatever, and from every
distinction of objects. And hence the universal formal criteria of truth
are nothing but universal logical marks of the agreement of cognitions
with themselves, or what is the same thing, with the general laws of the
understanding and the reason " (Ibid. VII).
Kant sets up three universal and purely formal or logical
criteria of truth : Firstly, the principle of contradiction or of
identity, which determines the inner possibility of knowledge
in problematical judgments. This is a purely negative criterion ;
absence of contradiction is the first condition of the truth
of a statement, but it is not the only condition. Secondly,
the principle of sufficient reason, which serves as a basis of
the (logical) reality of & knowledge, in other "words, which
establishes that the knowledge is well founded as matter of
assertorial judgments. Thirdly, the principle of the excluded
middle, which is the foundation of the logical necessity of a
judgment and which establishes that we must necessarily
judge thus, that is to say, that the contrary is false ; this is the
principle of apodictic judgments.
" Truth is an objective property of knowledge ; but the judgment by
which a thing is thought as true — and which has reference to under-
136 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
standing, and therefore to a special thinking subject — is subjective ; it
is assent (Fiirwahrhalteri). Assent in general is of two kinds — certain or
uncertain. Certain assent, or certainty, is joined with consciousness of
necessity ; the uncertain, on the contrary, or uncertainty, is joined with
the consciousness of contingency, or the possibility of the opposite. The
latter, again, is either subjectively as well as objectively inadequate ; or it
is objectively inadequate, but subjectively adequate. The former must be
called Opinion, the latter Belief. There are, then, three sorts or modes
of assent — Opinion, Belief, and Knowledge. Opinion is a problematical,
Belief an assertorial, and Knowledge an apodictic judging. For what I
hold merely as opinion, this in judging L consciously regard as only
problematical ; what I believe, I regard as assertorial, not, however, as
objectively, but as subjectively necessary (valid only for me) ; finally,
what I know, I regard as apodictically certain, that is as universally and
objectively necessary (valid for all). . . . ;Thus, for instance, our
assent to the immortality of the soul would be merely problematical, in
case we only act as if we were immortal ; assertorial, in case we believe
that we are immortal ; and, lastly, apodictic, in case we all knew that
there is another life after this " {Ibid. IX).
Certainty, that is to say, the belief that flows from a
subjectively and objectively valid principle of knowledge, is
either empirical or rational according as it is founded on
experience or on reason. Rational or a priori certainty is either
mathematical or philosophical. The former is intuitive, the
latter discursive. Rational certitude is distinguished from
empirical by the consciousness of necessity. One is apodictic
and the other assertorial. " We are rationally certain of that
which even without experience we should have discerned
a priori. Hence it is possible that our cognitions may
concern objects of experience, and yet their certainty may be
both empirical and rational, namely, when we discern from
a priori principles the truth of a proposition which is
empirically certain (Ibid. IX).
Let us try to arrive at the meaning of these statements.
If we attempt to compare our knowledge with its object we are
condemned to certain failure, for how can the object known be
separated from the thought that knows it ? Thought must
therefore be its own guarantee. We have no universal mate-
rial criteria, but only formal criteria of truth. The principle
of contradiction is the universal principle of all our analytic
judgments, and it is a fully sufficient one. This principle is,
in the second place, a universal criterion of all truth, though a
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 137
purely negative one, for it is a condition of all our judgments
that they do not contradict themselves. But a judgment may
be free from every contradiction and yet be false and without
any foundation (Transc. Analyt. II, Sect. 1). Here we come
upon a difficulty which appears to be insoluble. We can
understand that a formal criterion, such as the principle of
contradiction, will assure us of the consistency of the mind with
itself, but how can a formal criterion have any objective
value ? But that which we are really concerned with is to
attain knowledge of the world which is presented to us ; and
yet if we hold that our knowledge must adapt itself to objects,
we cannot, without getting outside thought, find the principles
which would make it legitimate.
There remains, however, another hypothesis : let us sup-
pose that objects adapt themselves to our knowledge. The
laws of thought will then be necessary laws of phenomena, and
experience, by its success, continually proves and verifies the
objective value of these laws. For what in the last resort
was our aim ? It was to obtain a knowledge that would have
a universal and necessary value, a knowledge governed by laws
which impose themselves not only on our minds, but on
all minds, and on the objects themselves, so far, at least,
as they are thought ; and this is precisely what the principles
of the understanding give us. The criterion is still a formal
one, but although it is not material it is now objective. In the
first place, it is impossible for us to think objects outside the
categories which are the forms of our understanding and the
conditions of our thought. The criterion that results from their
application to phenomena is therefore subjectively sufficient.
In the second place, the principles of the understanding
express not only the laws of my thought but of all thought ;
they are the forms of all objective knowledge and are
universally and necessarily valid for every thinking being.
Hence arises the agreement between all minds, which consti-
tutes the unity of science and gives an objective value to our
knowledge ; for it is in us the product of thought operating
according to general laws, and not of thought as subjective
and individual.
But this is not all : phenomena are only known inasmuch as
we subject them to the categories of the understanding; and on
138 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the other hand, these a priori forms are, by themselves, empty,
and they must be filled, as it were, by the phenomena to which
they give unity. This is the condition of consciousness itself,
and consequently of thought. Hence our formal criterion
is also an objective criterion. The categories have objective
value because they serve to bind phenomena together, because,
without them, there can be no objects for thought. Thought
is its own guarantee. It justifies itself by reducing the
multiplicity of phenomena to the unity of the world as it
appears to it. Thought is objective because it only exists
as the thought of a world which without it would crumble
away into dust.
" Human reason -. . . begins with principles which, in the course of
experience, it must follow, and which seem sufficiently confirmed by
experience " (Critique of Pure Reason, Preface to 1st Edition.)
"The possibility of experience is then that which gives objective reality
to all our a priori cognitions. . . . Experience has therefore for a founda-
tion, a priori principles of its form, that is to say, general rules of unity
in the synthesis of phenomena, the objective reality of which rules, as
necessary conditions — even of the possibility of experience, can always
be shown in experience" (Grit, of Pure Reason, Analytic of Principles,
Sect. II).
To sum up : Kant wished to provide science with impregnable
principles. He was confronted by two opposing systems :
empiricism, which ends logically in the scepticism of Hume,
and metaphysical dogmatism, which, according to Kant, being
based on a dialectical illusion, and perpetually reversed or modi-
fied in its forms, is unable to furnish a stability it does not itself
possess. In order to escape from scepticism a new method was
needed, namely, the Critical method. Knowledge is objective,
and not, as it was for the empiricists, obtained by an accident
or a lucky chance ; it exists of necessity, and not merely as a
matter of fact. The a priori concepts by themselves are only
a form ; the matter of knowledge is given by experience alone ;
consequently the application of these concepts (cause, substance,
being) to objects supposed to be outside experience only ends
in an empty show, which is Metaphysics. Certitude is only
possible through intuitions, which are either a priori (mathe-
matical) or a posteriori (physical).
Dogmatism is confidence in the power of reason to extend itself
a priori by means of mere concepts without critical examination,
SCEPTICISM AND CEETITUDE 139
a method which can have only apparent success. "In mathematics
and physics scepticism has no place. Only that branch of knowledge
could have given occasion to it, which is neither mathematical nor
empirical — the purely philosophical. Absolute scepticism declares that
everything is semblance. It distinguishes semblance from truth, and
must therefore possess some mark by which it makes the distinction.
Consequently it must pre-suppose a knowledge of truth, and thereby it
contradicts itself" (Log. Introd. X).
Thus the principles of science are secure in their foundations.
It would be misleading to say that Kant was a sceptic. In one
sense his whole work is directed against scepticism, and tends
to defend science from the uncertainties of a capricious and
shifting dogmatism. But it is true, on the other hand, that he
denies us the knowledge of the Absolute, and sees in the
effort to make a science of metaphysics only a natural and ever-
recurring illusion of the human mind.
But if objective certainty belongs to the science of phenomena
alone, for truths of another class we still have faith, that
is to say, a certitude which is subjectively sufficient, though
objectively insufficient. The Critique of Pure Reason prepares
the way for faith by establishing its legitimacy. If we have
a scientific knowledge of phenomena only, we know nothing
whatsoever of things in themselves, of noumena. The principle
of causality, for instance, has no meaning outside the world of
experience ; we may therefore accept at the same time
determinism in the world of phenomena and freedom in the
world of noumena.
" I must therefore abolish knowledge to make room for belief. . . .
Above all it [i.e. a system of metaphysics constructed in accordance with the
Critique] will confer an inestimable benefit on morality and religion, by
showing that all the objections urged against them may be silenced for
ever by the Socratic method, that is, by proving the ignorance of the
objector " (Critique of Pure Reason, Pref. to 2nd Edit.).
Knowledge is valid only of the world of phenomena.
Practical reason establishes the law of duty in an a priori
way ; but this law has consequences, implies postulates, which
cannot be verified in the present world and yet must be
admitted, because we have not the right to give up the notion
of duty. Thus, on the one side we have the wTorld of
knowledge, and on the other the world of moral faith, and
140 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
there is no contradiction between them since they do not
belong to the same order.
"Belief ... is a free assent which is only necessary in a practical
•a priori point of view ; an assent, therefore, to that which I assume
from moral grounds, and so that I am certain that the opposite can
never be proved. ... I see myself compelled by my end, following
laws of freedom, to suppose that a supreme good in the world is possible,
but I cannot compel any others by reasons (belief is free).
" Rational belief, then, can never reach to theoretical knowledge. It
is only a supposition of the reason in a subjective but absolutely neces-
sary practical point of view. The mental disposition which accords
with moral laws leads to an object of elective will, determinable by
pure reason. The assumption of the feasibility of this object, and
therefore also of the actuality of its cause, is a moral or free belief,
and in the moral point of view of the fulfilment of its end it is a
necessary assent. . . . That man is morally unbelieving who does not
accept that which, though impossible to know is morally necessary to
suppose. A want of moral interest always lies at the root of this kind
of unbelief. The higher the moral character of a man the more firm
and vivid will be his belief in everything which he feels himself com-
pelled from moral interest to accept or suppose in a practically neces-
sary point of view. . . . Belief, therefore, on account of its merely
subjective reasons, does not give a conviction that can be communicated
to others, or command universal assent, like the conviction that comes
from knowledge. Only I myself, can be certain of the validity and
unchangeableness of my practical belief ; and my belief in the truth
of a proposition or the actuality of a thing, is that which in relation
to me takes the place of a cognition without being itself a cognition.
Complete assent from subjective reasons which, for practical purposes,
are as valid as objective, is also conviction, only not logical but
practical (I am certain). And this practical conviction, a inoral rational
belief, is often firmer than any knowledge" (Logic, Introd. IX.)
To sum up : objective certitude, according to Kant, is found
only in knowledge that is based on the necessary agreement
of minds with one another and with phenomena. But the
world of noumena, being unknown to us, allows of the
hypotheses which faith supplies. These hypotheses are not
arbitrary, but depend upon subjective necessities ; and are the
consequences of the principle of practical reason, which is
the law of duty. It is no doubt impossible to verify these
hypotheses, to show their realization in facts ; they have
therefore no objective certainty, but we have no more right
to give them up than to give up duty, of which they (free-
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 141
doin, immortality, and God) are the postulates ; and hence
they have a certainty of a peculiar character, — moral faith,
which is as much a thing of will as of intellect.
Positivism luis no Philosophical Value unless it is founded
on Kant's Criticism : Herbert Spencers Inconsistencies.
In opposition to scepticism and dogmatism and with the
result of destroying both in so far as they claimed to be
absolute, Kant founded a new method, namely, the Critical
method. Criticism came between science and metaphysics,
presenting itself as the only possible philosophy, which
ensured certitude for science, and reduced metaphysics to
an empty show. Positivism seized upon this distinction ;.
and in this respect is an offshoot of the Kantian system.
For the Positivists put the theories of Kant into practice,,
saying that science alone is certain, and that it is with
science alone that we should occupy ourselves. We only
know facts and their laws ; metaphysics is an illusion which
criticism has undertaken, once for all, to dispel, or at least
to warn us against, and we cannot again return to it.
Positivism is not only an application of the Kantian idea, but
it could not have existed without the support of the Critique.
It was owing to Kant that Positivism was able to associate
itself with science, while renouncing all Philosophy; before Kant
Positivism might have been possible, but it could not have
justified itself. The human mind may exercise its speculative
activity in three domains : those of metaphysics, criticism, and
positive science ; but metaphysics exists only as an illusion to
be dispelled — a task which Criticism performed, while at the
same time it established the principles of science. The task
of Criticism being completed, there remains to us only positive
science, which has an indefinite province wherein it may ex-
tend its conquests in all security. Hence we must be scepti-
cal as regards metaphysics, dogmatical as regards science.
Thus Positivism is an unconscious development of Kant's
conception ; and it is the only form of scepticism that remains
possible. The ancients confounded philosophy with science.
The sceptics, down to Montaigne, questioned the possibility
of all science ; but gradually science separated itself from
philosophy, and took a place apart. With Descartes and
142 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Leibnitz it was still, at least in its principles, dependent on
metaphysics, but with Kant the separation became complete ;
metaphysics on the one side, and science on the other, were
respectively synonymous with illusion and certitude. Scepticism
invaded one and respected the other, destroying metaphysics
only to make science more secure ; in theory it became
Criticism, in practice Positivism. It was, therefore, only
because it mistook its own interests that Positivism could
ally itself with Empiricism ; for Empiricism deprives it of
every guarantee, and leaves it without any support. Hume
had said the last word of this doctrine. In Criticism
something absolute remains, namely, the laws of the under-
standing ; in Empiricism everything is accidental, probability
takes the place of truth, and this unwarranted probability
destroys itself the moment it begins to reflect on its own
conditions.
But Positivism has not always been content to profit by
the results of the Kantian criticism without questioning them.
In his First Principles Herbert Spencer endeavours to present
knowledge as a whole, in a systematic form, and at the
same time to justify the relinquishment of all metaphysics.
Metaphysics, he says, has the unknowable for its object, and
only exists as a natural disposition ; science is of the knowable
and the certain.
Herbert Spencer's criticism is both formal and material ; on
the one hand he proves, by the relativity of all knowledge,
the formal impossibility of conceiving the Absolute ; on the
other hand, he examines and exposes the nullity of the meta-
physical conceptions. This double criticism is governed by
one principle : That which is logically inconceivable is false ;
the criterion of truth is the inconceivability of the contrary.
This criterion is applied in the positive part of his work (the
sphere of the knowable). All the principles of science are
reduced to one supreme law, the law of the persistence of
force. This principle is undemonstrable, and must be so,
for it is the basis of all scientific demonstration ; but it
cannot be denied without contradiction : it appears to us
as necessary, therefore it is true.
" There must exist some principle which, as being the basis of science,
•cannot be established by science. All reasoned-out conclusions whatever
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 143
must rest on some postulate. As before shown we cannot go on merging
derivative truths in those wider and wider truths from which they are
derived, without reaching at last a widest truth which can be merged in
no other, or derived from no other. And whoever contemplates the
relation in which it stands to the truths of scfence in general, will see
that this truth transcending demonstration is the persistence of force.
" By the persistence of force, we really mean the persistence of some
cause which transcends our knowledge and conception. In asserting it
we assert an unconditioned reality, without beginning or end " {First
Principles, p. 192).
Here Herbert Spencer forgets his own empiricism : no repeti-
tion of experiences, whether of the individual or of the species,
can explain the absolute universality and necessity attributed
by him to this principle. It is a return to the a priorism of
Kant. Spencer establishes determinism a priori !
Another contradiction is implied in Herbert Spencer's
system : if the inconceivability of the contrary is the criterion
of truth, how can science lead to the affirmation of the
existence of an Absolute (i.e. permanent force) when the formal
criterion of knowledge has proved the inconceivability of the
Absolute ? Spencer, it is true, makes a distinction, which he
has borrowed from Kant (Log. Introd. V), between definite and
indefinite consciousness, that is, between the logical and the
psychological ; but the contradiction remains nevertheless.
Are we to refer this Absolute to our definite or to our
indefinite consciousness ? Herbert Spencer does not tell us,
and this indecision deprives his criterion of all value. For,
can both the inconceivability of the Absolute and the necessity
of conceiving it be logically proved at the same time ? The
Absolute was to be inconceivable, and yet we cannot deny
it without affirming it. In its too anxious endeavour to
be profound, Herbert Spencer's positivism, like his empiricism,
falls into self-contradiction. It is at bottom an unconscious
return to dogmatism.
Conclusion.
One thing is certain : the scepticism of ancient times
is now a matter of past history. In our time there are
no Pyrrhonians ; no one dreams of contesting the possibility
of the mathematical or physical sciences ; no one proposes that
man should suspend his judgment concerning all things.
144 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Ancient scepticism has been replaced by two systems, both
of which claim to have marked out the limits of thought,
and to have done so with the object of denning the domain
in which its activity may be exercised with fruitful results.
Empiricism professes to represent science, and to employ in
the study of the phenomena of thought, the methods that have
been so fruitful in the study of natural phenomena. One may
say, it is true, that " scepticism is the natural and ever-
reappearing fruit of empiricism," since all our principles have
in the last resort no better basis than subjective habit. " But
because we have the habit of associating in a certain order
the images of our past sensations, does it follow that our
future sensations must succeed each other in the same
order ? . . . What the empiricists call thought, in opposition
to nature, is only a collection of impressions continued beyond
the moment, and growing ever more faint ; and to look for
the secret of the future in what is only a vain image of the
past, is to undertake to discover in a dream what is to happen
to us when we are awake " (J. Lachelier, Le Fond, de
V Induction, pp. 29, 30). But the empiricists deny that their
doctrine leads to these extreme consequences : it is their
opponents that accuse them of rendering science impossible,
while they pride themselves in being its only authorised
representatives amongst the philosophers.
Criticism provides a reply to the two great arguments of
the ancient sceptics. These attacked logical certitude in the
name of the necessity of proving everything, and objective
certitude in the name of the relativity of all knowledge. To
the former argument, Kant answers, like Aristotle, that every-
thing is not demonstrable, because everything does not require
demonstration ; but he adds to the value of his reply by his
clearer indication of a priori knowledge. To their second
argument Kant replies by making use of their own thesis, the
relativity of knowledge. No doubt our knowledge is relative,
but it is relative to principles that are universal, and necessary,
and valid for every thinking being. In this sense it has all
the objective validity we can require of it. It does not refer
to the nature of things, but only to phenomena and their
' relations. The Absolute eludes us indeed, but if Metaphysics
is given over to scepticism, Science is not.
SCEPTICISM AND CERTITUDE 145
As we have seen by the example of Herbert Spencer, it is
difficult not to go from empiricism to criticism. But can
Criticism itself claim to have said the last word concerning
science ? It would seem not, in view of the fact that out of I
Criticism there arose in Germany the boldest dogmatism the 1
world has yet seen. Kant's great merit is that he transferred
the problem to the" nature and the conditions of thought ; but
the reflection on thought to which this point of view invites
us, at the same time furnishes principles which permit us to
go beyond it (see F. Eavaisson, Rapport sur le prix Victor
Cousin).
ii.
CHAPTER II
MATTER
METAPHYSICS is the science of first principles and of first causes
(Arist. Met. I, 1, Oh. II). It reaches back to principles which
pre-suppose no further principles, and to the cause, or causes,
which have no other cause. Whatever their particular theories
may have been, those philosophers who professed to reduce the
universe to its principles of existence have had to account for
the unity and diversity revealed to us by the observation of
phenomena. The one and the many, activity and passivity,
perfection and limitation, are everywhere found mingled in the
world, which is the object of our thought. Hence arose the
hypothesis of a passive and manifold principle, namely matter,
and of a principle of movement and unity, which is the soul, and
the necessity of explaining the intercommunication and inter-
action of these two principles whose union is apparently contra-
dictory. It is true that some philosophers have denied the
existence of matter, and others the existence of mind, but all
have had nevertheless to explain the apparent dualism which
the observation of things seems to impose on us. We may
therefore consider the different metaphysical systems from the
point of view of the solution they offer to the problems of
matter and of mind, and of the relations between them.
Hylozoism of the First Philosophers. Atomism of Democritus.
We should seek in vain among the first Greek philosophers,
always excepting Democritus and the Atomists, for a clear and
MATTER 147
distinct conception of matter as we understand it. These
philosophers considered all things, as Aristotle puts it, ev v\w
e'iSei, " from the point of view of matter," but the conception
they formed of matter was still confused and involved. The
elements, which they took as constitutive principles of the
physical world, were partly material and partly spiritual, and
the mode according lo which these elements are combined was
with most of them, whatever Bitter may say to the contrary
(see his History of Grreek Philosophy), neither strictly dynamic
nor expressly mechanical.
Take for instance Thales, the first Ionic Philosopher.
According to him the substance of things was water, or in a
general way a humid element (Arist. Metaph. I, iii, 983 6, 20),
but this element was not purely material, it had a soul, ^v^i]
(De Anima, I, v, 41 la, 7). Nor was it, properly speaking,
spiritual, for this soul is, as it were, an undefined attractive and
motor force, something like a magnet (Ibid. I, ii, 405 a, 19).
Thus, Thales' conception was rather a confused kind of hylozoism;
and one may say the same of the " Infinite " of Aiiaximander, of
the " air " of Anaximenes. Anaximenes aera deum statuit . . .
esseque immensum, et infinitum, et semper in motu (Cic. De Nat.
Deorum I, 10).
The conception of Heraclitus shows more originality. Not
that he rises above the purely physical point of view of his
predecessors ; it is a grave historical error to represent him
as the precursor of Hegel, as Lassalle does (Die Philosophic
Heracleitos des Dunklen, 2nd vol.). The universal principle of
being is an ever-living fire, which is ignited and extinguished
in accordance with a fixed rhythm : vrvp aei^wov, airro/jievov
/m.€Tpo) KOI a.Tro<rfievvi>iJ.evov /uLerpw (Frag. 27). Fire becomes
all things, and all things turn into fire (Frag. 49). Fire is
not indeed a determinate sensible existence, but the common
substratum, the substance of all sensible things.
It would seem at first sight that with Pythagoreanism the
principle of the explanation of things becomes decidedly
spiritual, but the Pythagorean Number must be regarded as an
element (a-roi-^elov, Arist. Metaph. I, v, 985 6, 28), as the substance
or material out of which things are made. Numbers are divided
into odd numbers (Trepiarara), even numbers (aprta), and odd-
even numbers (aprioirepia-cra). The odd is identified with the
148 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
limited, the even with the unlimited. The formula, " every-
thing is Number," is then equivalent to the following : Every-
thing is formed either of things limiting or of things unlimited,
or of things that are both limiting and unlihiited. avayKa TO.
eovTa eljuLev TravTa rj TrepaivovTa rj cnreipa, rj TrepaivovTa. re KGU
a-Treipa (Frag, of Philos. 3). These opposite elements are
united in Number. Number is thus a principle of unity and
harmony. The only difference between the Pythagoreans and
the Ionic philosophers is that the former seek the essence of
matter, not in a single more or less subtle or dense material
principle, but in Number, the most abstract principle, which
they conceived as being the synthesis, the harmony, of the two
opposite elements, the limited and the unlimited.
Parmenides attacks the vulgar conception of matter as
multiplicity and motion. Being alone exists : Being that is
one, immovable, full, always like unto itself (V, 60). Par-
menides calls this Being a sphere, not as a mere poetical
comparison, but as being really identical with a sphere (V,
103, 104). Matter and thought are not distinguished by him,
both are contained in the conception of Being in general
(V, 39, 40). The Eleatic philosophy marks, however, an im-
portant stage in the history of the theories of matter, for in it
phenomena, the ephemeral modes, are for the first time dis-
tinguished from the substantial and permanent element. We
shall see how, later on, philosophers returned to the Eleatic
principles, and drew from them new consequences.
Empedocles holds with Parmenides that birth and destruc-
tion are mere appearances (V, 113 sq.). What appears to us
to be a birth or becoming ((^Jcn?), is merely a mixture of
elements (/mifys). What we regard as annihilation (reXeim;)
is merely a separation of elements (&aXXa£t9) (V, 98 sq.) : the
primordial elements, the pity/mara of things are four : water,
air, earth, and fire. How does the mixture take place ? The
particles of a body detach themselves from the group to which
they belong, to penetrate into the pores (iropoi) of another
body. A new substance is not formed, there is only a displace-
ment or re-arrangement of the elementary particles. As for
the action at a distance of one body upon another, it is
explained by what Empedocles calls emanations (anroppoai) :
some infinitely small, invisible particles are detached from one
MATTER 149
body and penetrate into the pores of another (V, 337). This
action takes place more easily according as there is a greater
similarity between the two bodies : for there is an affinity, a
friendship between similar things (Arist. De Gen. et Corr. I, 8).
Anaxagoras, like Empedocles, regards birth and death as a
union and separation (Fr. 17). But the primary substances
(<T7re'|0/ocaTa) are, according to him, infinite in number. These
(nrep/naTa are not indeterminate, like the atoms of Democritus,
they are at once perfectly definite and endlessly various in
qualities (Fr. 3). A bone, for instance, is composed of smaller
bones which have come together and combined (Lucretius, I,
834-39). Aristotle calls those elements " like " (TO. 6/u.oio/jieprj\
whose combination forms the different bodies. (De Gen. et
Corr. I, i, 314 a, 18.)
The clearest expression of the materialistic theory to be found
in philosophy, is the one given by the Atomists Leucippus and
Democritus. They grant to the Eleatics that motion and be-
coming are impossible without Non- being, but instead of infer-
ring from this proposition the impossibility of motion and of
becoming, they deduce from it the reality of Non-being. Non-
being exists by the same right as Being. Being, which the
Atomists, like the Eleatics, identify with the plenum, TO TrXrjpe?,
is composed of atoms, that is to say, of indivisible particles,
which are eternal, qualitatively indeterminate, in number
infinite, and separated from one another by Non-being or the
Void, TO KCVOV. For the cause of the motion of matter Empe-
docles had fallen back upon the mythical forces, love and hate,
while Anaxagoras found this cause in the action of intelligence.
But according to Democritus the principle of motion is not
to be found in any force external to the atoms (Arist. De Caelo,
III, 2), but in a preceding motion, and so on to infinity. This
motion does not, however, occur at random, but in obedience to
necessary and fixed laws : ovSev •^ptjp.a /ULCLT^V yiyveTai, aXAa
TravTa etc \6yov Te KOI VTT' avdyKqs (Frag. 41).
Thus everything is reduced to atoms and motion : the
manner of the grouping and combination of the atoms, the
primary qualities, i.e. extension and weight, constitute the
essence of things. As for the secondary qualities (heat, cold,
taste, smell), they come not from the object itself, but from the
impression it produces on human sensation.
150 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Pre-Socratic philosophy conies to a close in the Atomistic
theory. With Democritus, Greek thought arrived at last at a
clear and distinct conception of matter, and formulated with
precision the great principles which are becoming every day
more important in modern physical science : the indestructi-
bility of matter, and the conservation of force ; nothing comes
from nothing, nothing returns to nothing (Lucretius) ; the
reduction of all phenomena to the single fact of motion, and
the government of the phenomenal world by mechanical laws.
It was a great merit in Democritus that he laid down so
clearly the principles of what we may call the Philosophy of
Appearance.
if Plato : Obscurity of his Theory of Matter.
With Socrates there commenced a reaction against the
Materialism of the Physicists.
" Without having dealt himself with physical science, Socrates had yet
already marked out for it the path in which it was afterwards to travel
with such steady persistence. . . . The world is explained from man, not
man from the universal laws of nature. In the order of natural events, then,
there is presupposed throughout that antithesis of thoughts and acts, of
plan and material execution, which we find in our own consciousness. . . .
We see here how much of a Socratic Aristotle still was at bottom, with
his antithesis of form and matter, and the government of efficient causes
by the final purpose " (Lange, History of Materialism, trans, by E. C.
Thomas, Vox. I, p. 64).
Plato's theory of matter has given rise to much discussion.
What is matter according to him ? Is there even, strictly
speaking, such a thing as matter, a kind of reality that is
different in nature from and irreducible to Ideas, and whose
relation to Ideas yet constituted the world ?
In the Timaeus Plato seems to teach the existence of an
eternal matter (the word v\tj is not used by him in this sense),
that is to say, of an indeterminate something, which is the
source of becoming (eiceivo ev S> yiyverai) ; a kind of receptacle
of generation (TTOO-^? yevea-ew? vTroSo^), which is as it were its
nurse (olov nOr'jvt]) ; difficult of explanation and dimly seen
(•^aXe-TTov KOI cifivSpov et$o?) (Tim. 49 a) ; an element which
underlies all things (e/c/zayefoy yap (pva-et TTOLVTI iceiTai), a soft
substance, the natural recipient of all impressions ; the
MATTER 151
principle out of which all things are formed, and which has
itself no form and no determinate qualities, which is not
accessible, like the Idea, to thought, nor like the sensible, to
sensation (Tim. 52) ; which we can represent to ourselves
only through a mist, and as it were in a dream (irpos o §rj KOI
oveipo7ro\ou/u.€i> /SXeVoj/re?). Again Plato calls this matter " the
place " (x^pa, ToVoy). Such is the obscure principle, the
primitive matter which, according to the Timaeus, exists beside
the Idea as a different and primitive reality, and which by
concurrence with the Idea forms the world.
Does this dualism of the Timaeus represent Plato's final
conception of matter ? Or, shall we not rather look for his
last word on the subject, in the Parmenides and the Sophist, in
which he endeavours to overcome this dualism ? If matter is
eternal, if its substance persists through every change, how
can it be said that being only belongs to the Idea ? Matter,
even in the Timaeus, is known neither by thought nor by
sensation, and for Plato, the intelligible is the measure of the
real, and what is an object neither for thought nor for sensa-
tion does not exist. If, moreover, the sensible participates
both in Being and Non-being, and if all being comes to it from
the Ideas, must there not be a negative principle, a Non-being,
which distinguishes it from the Ideas ? Are we then to attri-
bute Subjective Idealism to Plato, to see in his matter nothing
more than a confused representation of the world of ideas in
the individual mind ? Not to mention other arguments which
might be urged against this solution, it involves a historical
misconstruction, for it ascribes to Plato theories that have as
a matter of fact appeared only in modern times.
The following is the solution which Zeller suggests :
" If, then, the Universal, the basis of sensible existence, is neither a
material substratum nor a mere phantasy of the subjective notion, what
is it ? Plato tells us himself, and Aristotle agrees with him. The
groundwork of all material existence is the Unlimited (cforei/Dov),
Unlimitedness, conceived^ not as predicate, but as subject ; it is the
Great-and-Small, not, however, to be described as corporeal substance :
it is the Non-existent, i.e. Non-being ; it is empty space as the condition
of separation and division. In the place of an external matter we
must therefore suppose the mere form of materiality, the form of existence
in space and of motion ; and when the Timaeus speaks of a matter rest-
lessly moved, before the creation of the world, this only expresses the
\
152 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
thought that separation and becoming are the essential forms of all
sensible existence. These forms Plato would have us regard as some-
thing objective, present in the sensible phenomenon itself, not merely
in our notion. On the other hand, matter can have no reality or sub-
stantiality of its own, for all reality is in Ideas. It remains, therefore,
to explain matter as the negation of the reality supposed in Ideas ; as
the Non-being of the Ideas, into which the latter cannot enter without
dissolving its Unity in multiplicity, its Permanence in the flux of
becoming, its definiteness in the unlimited possibility of augmentation
and diminution, its self-identity in an eternal contradiction, its absolute
Being in a combination of Being and Non-being" (Zeller, trans, by
Alleyne and Goodwin, pp. 311, 312).
This solution certainly involves many difficulties, for it
appears to give being to Non-being, and to make that which
cannot be thought thinkable ; but these difficulties are those of
Platonism itself.
However this may be, the radical difference between Plato's
theory and the pre-Socratic materialism is easily seen. Demo-
critus, depriving reality of all form, of all qualitative deter-
mination, reduces it to matter. Plato occupies himself with
the form, the quality, which he separates from matter, realizing
and hypostatizing it in the Idea. Matter, quantity, and space,
which for Democritus were the whole of reality, are for Plato
only the Non-being, an indeterminate, obscure substratum
underlying sensible existence.
Aristotle: Matter an Indeterminate Potentiality, has no
existence without Form.
Aristotle closely unites the matter and the form which
had been separated by Plato, and he attributes reality to
the form in a higher transcendental world. While Plato
regards the relation of form to matter as that of reality
to Non-being, to Aristotle they are two correlative terms, the
union of which constitutes Being. There is therefore in the
real and concrete world no absolute matter, that is, no matter
that has not some form or quality.
"'H^eis 8f (f>afj.ev p.ev fivai TIVO. vXn]V TWV crto/iaTtov ru>v a'urQrjTwVj
aAAa Tavrrjv ov ^wpicrTTjv, aAA' aet fj-er' evavTiwcreco? e£ 775 yiyverai TO,
KaXovfjifva o-Tot^€ta : We say, indeed, that there is a matter in bodies
which are the objects of sensations ; but this matter never exists by
itself or without one of the contrary forms (heat, cold, heaviness, light-
MATTEE 153
ness), out of which arise what are called the elements " (De Gen. et Corrupt.
II, 1). Matter does not exist of itself or independently of form : TO 8' i>A.i/cov
ov8eiroT€ Ka.6' O.VTU XCKTCOV (Met. 1035). In itself, it is unknowable,
ayvworos Ko.6' avr-^v (1036 a, 8), has neither quality nor quantity nor any
other of those things whereby entity is defined : A.eyo> 8' v\t]v rf Ka6'
avrrjv fj.rjre TI, /Aryre TroVov, /ATJTC aAAo p.^0ev Xeyerat oi's W/DUTTCU TO 6V
(Met. 1029 a, 20).
Thus it is only by mental abstraction that matter can be
separated from form. But what is matter, considered thus in
itself and in the abstract ? Every being or individual object,
before it exists, might have been either what it is or its
opposite ; before being this rather than that, it might have been
indifferently either this or that. And it is precisely from this
indeterminate potentiality that those contraries arise which con-
stitute matter. ecrrt S' fj /u.ev v\t] §vvafji.i$, TO <^' et$o9 erreAe^eta
(De An. II, 41 2 a, 6). The subject of all change. the condition of all
becoming (Phys. I, 190 a, 31 sq.), namely, matter, is non-created
(ayewyros); and as all things that perish dissolve into it
(etV TOUTO a<pi^erat ea-^arov), it is imperishable (a^Qapros)
(Phys. I, 192 a, 28). We must distinguish this primary matter
(Trpwryj v\*)), which, being without quality and existing before
the elements themselves and their differences, escapes our
grasp, from the last or final matter, v\t] ea-^drrj — 'ISios — oiKeia
CKOLO-TOV, which is ready to receive such and such a form, just
as the marble or the bronze is matter in relation to the
statue. The transition from potentiality to actuality or from
matter to form, takes place in the reality through the medium
of motion.
" Motion," says M. Ravaisson, " is Non-being in Being, Non-being
passing into actuality. It is no longer, as in Plato, the logical relation of
the mutual exclusion of two terms, but an intermediate reality which
connects them together as two moments of one existence, and in which
one becomes the other. Motion is neither Being nor Non-being, neither
actuality nor potentiality ; rather it is both at once. It is the indivisible
point of coincidence of these opposite terms, whose intimate relation
to one another can be discovered by careful observation " (Ravaisson,
Metaph. cTAristote, I, 395).
Motion is incomplete actuality, Traera Kivrj<ri9 areXj/?. It
has not its end in itself but tends towards its end, which is its
perfection. Perfection, or, in other words, true Being, is, then,
not in matter nor in the transition from matter to form, but in
154 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the form itself, which is the end of the motion. Matter is an
imperfection, or perhaps rather a latent, possible perfection
which has not yet been actualized through motion.
Aristotle's doctrine was thus different both from the
doctrines of Plato and of the Ionic physicists, but while
attacking these, he at the same time endeavours to reconcile
them. Matter is not with him merely the non-existent. Nor
is it identified with privation or with space, but is already a
reality, and so far the Ionic philosophers were right. But,
on the other hand, matter is an inferior, potential reality,
which is not self-sufficient and cannot be isolated from form,
and in this respect Plato's theory is correct.
Materialism of the Epicureans and Stoics.
After Aristotle Materialism under different forms appeared
once more to triumph.
" Even by the school of Aristotle, the pure actuality of absolute thought,
which was the characteristic idea of his Metaphysics, was gradually
abandoned. The Epicureans did away with all idea of actuality and
potentiality and reduced everything to an inert matter. The Stoics
brought down thought once more to matter, activity to potentiality, and
Metaphysics to a new Physics " (Ravaisson, M&aph. cPArist. Vol. II, p. 26).
With the exception of a few details, Epicurus borrowed
his atomistic explanation of the world from Deuiocritus. Only
bodies exist : TO TTO.V CCTTI a-w/ma (D.L. X, 39). Bodies are
formed of elementary particles, of atoms which are indivisible
(Ibid. 56), and immutable (Ibid. 54), and whose essential pro-
perties are size, figure, weight. The atoms are infinite in
number, and separated from one another by the void, which
alone makes motion possible (Ibid. 42, 44). They are in-
dependent of one another (cnraOei?, Plut. Adv. Colot. 8 ;
aTpeiTTovs KCLI cKTUjULTTaOei^, Ibid. 10), and can have no relations
except those resulting from the accidents of impact and motion.
They have a natural weight, in virtue of which they fall
eternally in the same direction and with the same velocity
(D.L. x, 43).
But, and it is here that Epicurus departs from the doctrine
of Democritus, it is necessary, in order to explain the contact
of the atoms, to attribute to them the power of swerving from
the straight line, and that without cause, in a certain undeter-
MATTEK 155
mined point in space and time (Lucretius, II, 221). This
deviation, this swerving of the atoms, is so slight that our
senses are unable to perceive it, but it is necessary and enough
to explain the formation of the worlds (Ibid. 243). The
universe thus constituted by the fortuitous concourse of atoms
is governed by inflexible necessary laws. Everything can be
explained mechanically by the concourse of atoms and without
the intervention of intelligence or design.
For the Stoics as well as for the Epicureans it was an
axiom that all that is real is corporeal : OVTO. yap ju.6va TO.
a-w/u-aTO. KaXoiXriv (Pint. Adv. Stoic. 30). The body is the
extended, which has three dimensions : crw/ua S' eo-n TO rpi^w^
(WcrTaroV (D.L. vii, 135). Not only are the human soul and
God, or the Providence which pervades the universe of reason
and of harmony, bodies, but so are also all those qualities which
distinguish things from one another. Quality (TTOIOTW) is
explained by the action of a breath, or spiritual fire, which
from the centre of each thing spreads all through it, and,
returning again from the periphery to the centre, embraces,
contains it (a-we^ei), and constitutes the unity and sympathy
of its elements : % TTOIOTIJ^ ea-rt 7rveu/u.a. avTKTTpefpov ed>' eavTO.
And this theory applies not only to physical properties, but
to moral qualities. Virtues and vices are bodies, that is to
say, they are the result of the activity of the soul, and this
activity is the result of the tension of the spiritual fire, which
is the soul itself.
"Placet nostris, quod bonum est esse corpus, quia quod bonum est facit :
quicquid facit corpus est. . . . Sapientiam bonum esse dicunt: sequitur,ut
necesse sit illam corporalem quoque dicere" (Sen. Ep. 117, 2).
Strangely enough, this Materialism was not with the Stoics
the basis of a mechanical explanation of life. They explained
things dynamically, and few philosophers have made greater
use of the theory of final causes. The body, according to them,
possesses more than the mathematical properties attributed to
it by the Epicureans. There are in each thing two closely
related principles : a passive principle which is matter, and an
active one which is force or cause.
" Dicunt ut scis, Stoici nostri, duo esse in rerum natura, ex quibus omnia
fiant, camam et materiam. Materia jacet iners, res ad omnia parata,
156 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
cessatura si nemo moveat. Causa autem, id est ratio, materiam format
et quocumque vult versat, ex ilia varia opera producit. Esse debet
ergo unde aliquid fiat, deinde a quo fiat. Hoc causa est, illud materia."
(Sen. Ep. 65, 2).
Thus matter and force are the two inseparable elements
which constitute each being. The passive or material element
is the substance (ova-id) of the body, is that by which it exists
(D.L. vn, 150). Force or the active element is its quality, its
manner of being (Trotori??). Force makes with matter but one
and the same being. It moves in and with matter, and is
therefore, as it were, a germ, or seed which contains from the
beginning all its determinations and develops them succes-
sively, according to the laws of reason : \6yos (nrep/mariKo?
(Ibid. 136). This force with which matter is informed, and
which contains in itself the cause of all the changes in the
body, is fire — not the coarse fire revealed to us by our senses,
which, far from producing anything, destroys everything, but an
ethereal fire which engenders all things with consummate art
and knowledge : irvp TC^VIKOV oSw /SaSi^ov «? yevea-tv (Ibid.
156). The Stoics' world is not, like that of Epicurus, com-
posed of independent parts having no interaction ; everything
in it, on the contrary, is bound together. One force and one
reason pervades it ; it is in fact a continuous and sympathetic
whole : irav o-ui/e^eV, <Tv/u.7ra6es. Thus, although everything is
body, matter is distinguished from force. Not that the ultimate
result of the system is a dualism : the primitive and divine
fire is the principle of all that is. All the other elements are
only metamorphoses of this fire, and matter is a relaxation
and a degradation of it. And if everything comes from the
divine fire, everything must return to it ; our life is only a
periodical episode in the divine life.
Neo-Platonism : Reaction against Materialism.
With Neo-Pythagoreanism and Neo-Platonism a new re-
action against Materialism began. A doctrine that professed
to explain everything by that which is visible and tangible
could not be otherwise than repulsive to minds trained in the
school of Plato, and already tinged with the spirit of oriental
religious feeling. In the Trinity of Plotinus, the first hypo-
stasis, the One, which is absolutely simple, cannot contain
MATTER 157
anything analogous to matter, but in intelligence there is
already plurality.
" If there are many forms, it is necessary (avay/c?;) that there shall be
something common in them ; and also that there should be something
peculiar to each by which one is distinguished from another. This
something peculiar (iSiov), therefore, this separating difference, is the
appropriate form (fjLop<fy^). But if there is form, there is also that which
is formed (el 8e [j.op<f>rj, «TTI KO.I TO p.op^>ovp.evov\ about which difference
subsists (rrepl o 17 8ia<f>opd). Hence there is matter (in intelligibles)
which receives the form, and is always the subject of it («rrtv apa KOI
vA*; 17 TTJV fj,op(f>rjv 8e\op.evrj KCU del TO viroKeipevov)" (Plotinus, Enneads,
II,iv,4).
Furthermore, our sensible world is an image of the intelli-
gible world, and as it is composed of matter and of form,
there must also be matter in the world above : KOKCI Set
v\rjv elvat (Ibid.}. But the matter that is in the vovs must not
be conceived as resembling what we call matter here below.
Intelligible matter is entirely informed and animated with the
higher principle, while sensible matter shuts out form. The
first is Being, the second is Non-being ; the first is eternal like
the Idea, the second is subject to a perpetual becoming.
" Even when the matter of bodies," says Plotinus, " becomes a definite
thing, it is neither living nor thinking : it is dead in spite of its borrowed
beauty. On the other hand, intelligible matter is truly real, it is living
and thinking " (Enn. II, iv, 5).
It would seem, then, that these two kinds of matter re-
semble each other in name only, but there is a reason for this
common name. With the second hypostasis already com-
mences that procession which continues to go further away
from unity and finds its last limit in matter.
What is concentrated in the intelligible world is, in the
sensible world, divided and dispersed ; unity becomes plurality;
harmony, struggle and opposition ; and eternity, time and
succession. The cause of this lower existence is matter,
and Plotinus returns to Plato's theory of it.
Matter is the universal substratum which persists under the mutation
of the elements into each other (vTroSo^ij, vTroKeip-fvov, Enn. II, iv, 6).
This matter is void of form, absolutely indefinite, void of all quality (airotos,
Ibid. 8). In itself it does not even possess magnitude, which belongs to
it only in so far as the concept magnitude is realized in it (Ibid.). Matter
is, as in the Timaeus, space, the natural recipient of all things. It must not
158 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
be said of matter that it is body (dcrw/Aaros), for body is posterior to it
(y<TTf.pov), and presupposes the synthesis (crw&rov) of a matter and a form
(Enn. Ill, vi, 7). Matter has no reality, but is merely the possibility of
being ; in itself it is the privation of all things, the cause to other things
of their apparent substance ((pr^ia TTCIVTCUV oucra, ctAAa ytyvcrat p.tv curia
aAAois TOV <J>aivf(rdai., Enn. Ill, vi, 15).
Matter, in short, is Non-being (dA?7#ivws /«? ov), that which is void
of all reality, from which the good is absent ; and it is in this sense that
Plotinus calls matter " evil " (irpwTov KCIKOV, Enn. I, viii, 3 ; cf . Zeller,
Vol. V, 2nd ed., p. 486).
It must be admitted that this definition gives us no positive
idea of matter, and that it is difficult to conceive this nothing
which is yet something.
Revival of Science. The Problem of Matter restated. The
Atomism of Gassendi.
In the Middle Ages philosophers were content to follow Plato
and Aristotle, especially the latter in his distinction between
matter and form. We must, however, notice one exception : in
Paris, in 1348, Nicolaus of Autricuria was condemned for hav-
ing said that there was " nothing in the phenomena of nature
beyond the movement of atoms which combines or separates
them " (Prantl, Gesch. der Log. IV, p. 2). It was not till the
16th century that the revival of scientific investigation, and
particularly the great discoveries of Copernicus and Galileo, drew
attention once more to cosmological problems, and consequently
to the question of the essence of matter. The consciousness of
an universal life inspired at first a poetical and somewhat
vague kind of Pantheism.
"The infinity of forms under which nlatter appears, taught Bruno,
it does not receive from another and something external, but produces
them from itself and engenders them from its bosom. Matter is not that
prope nihil which some philosophers have wished to make it, and as to
which they have so much contradicted each other ; not that naked, mere
empty capacity, without efficiency, completeness, and fact. Even though
it has no form of its own it is not at least deprived of it, as ice is of heat,
or as the depths are of light, but it is like the travailing mother as she
expels her offspring from her womb . . . therefore matter is not without
forms — nay, it contains them all ; and since it unfolds what it carries con-
cealed within itself, it is in truth all nature and the mother of all living
things " (Lange, Hist, of Materialism, Vol. I, p. 232 of trans.).
Beside this Pantheism there appeared once more a doctrine
MATTER 159
of Atomism. Among all the ancient philosophers Bacon gives
the highest place to Democritus.
" And therefore the natural philosophy of Democritus, and some others
who did not suppose a mind or reason in the frame of things, but attri-
buted the form thereof able to maintain itself to infinite essays or proofs
of nature which they term fortune, seemeth to me ... in particularities of
physical causes more real and better inquired than that of Aristotle and
Plato" (Advancement of Learning, Bk. II, § vii). Bacon does not however
wish to be " led to the doctrine of atoms, which implies the hypothesis of
a vacuum, and that of the unchangeableness of matter (both false assump-
tions)." " We shall," he says, " be led to real particles such as really exist "
(Nov. Organ. Bk. II).
It was by a French philosopher, Gassendi, that the atomistic
conception of the universe was revived in modern times. As
Lange remarks, " Among all the systems of antiquity he
judiciously chose the one that is most in harmony with modern
empirical tendencies." The rehabilitation of Epicurus " deserves
to be ranked amongst the most original attempts of that time."
In his work the Exercitationes paradoxicae contra Aristotelem
(1624-1645), five books of which he burnt under advice of
his friends, is a defence of the system of Epicurus. Erom a
summary of the lost books we see that Gassendi adopted the
system of Copernicus, and the theory of the world as expounded
by Lucretius. In 1643 'he commenced his polemic against
Descartes with the publication of his Disquisitiones anti-
cartesianae. Most of his writings on Epicurus as well as the
exposition of his own doctrines date from 1646 to 1653. For
him the universe was a coordinate whole, the constitutive
elements of which were atoms. These in their turn were
determinations of a permanent, indestructible principle, which
is matter. No body comes from nothing. The atoms are
identical in substance, but differ in form. The appearance and
disappearance of things is only the reunion and separation of
atoms. Gassendi, unlike the French materialists of the 18th
century, does not deduce atheism from his principles. God
with him is the Creator of matter.
Descartes: the Essence of Matter is Extension; Geometrical
Mechanism.
" It is very evident that all that is true is something,
truth being identical with existence, and I have already fully
160 THE PKOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
demonstrated that whatever is clearly and distinctly known is
true" (5th Meditation). Descartes applies this method to
matter in order to determine its essence. His object is to
make of matter, such as it exists in our thought, an analysis
which shall free it from all its obscurities, from all its sensible
qualities, and to bring out whatever in it is clear and distinct
(Ibid.}.
Any material object, a piece of wax for instance, contains
a confused multitude of properties which are variable and un-
stable, and awaken in the thinking subject so many more or
less confused conceptions. We say of this piece of wax that
it has such a colour, such a form and taste, but do these
expressions reveal the essence of matter ? In no wise. Hold
the piece of wax near the fire, and colour, odour, and taste will
all melt away, and give place to an extended, soft, and flexible
mass, which, however,' we still call wax (2nd Med.} ; con-
sequently all the secondary qualities which the vulgar regard
as so many properties of matter are things that depend on
external circumstances and on the sensibility of the subject,
and do not really constitute the material object. All that
we can expect of our senses is that they may indicate that
which in the object will be useful or injurious to us.
" It will be sufficient to remark that the perceptions of the senses are
merely to be referred to this intimate union of the human body and
mind, and that they usually make us aware of what in external objects
may be useful or adverse to this union, but do not present to us these
objects as they are in themselves. . . . For after this observation we
will without difficulty lay aside the prejudices of the senses and will have
recourse to our understanding alone on this question by reflecting
carefully on the ideas implanted in it by Nature " (Prin. of Phil. II, 3 ;
cf. Med. VI).
Thus none of the secondary qualities are realities. There
is nothing in them for the understanding to take hold of, and
the real is that alone which is clearly perceived by the mind.
The only essential and fundamental property which persists
throughout all modifications, and of which the mind can have
a clear and distinct knowledge, is extension, or the dimensions
of length, breadth, and depth.
" I distinctly imagine that quantity which philosophers commonly call
continuous, or the extension in length, breadth, and depth that is in this
MATTEE 161
quantity, or rather in the object to which it is attributed. Further, I
can enumerate in it many divers parts, and attribute to each of these
all sorts of sizes, figures, situations, and local motions ; and in time I can
assign to each of these motions all degrees of duration. And I not only
know these things when I thus consider them in general ; but besides, by
a little attention, I discover innumerable particulars respecting figures,
numbers, motion, and the like, which are so evidently true, and so
accordant with my nature, that when I discover them, I do not so much
appear to learn anything new, as to call to remembrance what I before
knew " (bth Meditation).
Thus among all the qualities attributed by the vulgar to
matter, only one, which is independent of sensation and clearly
perceived by the mind, is essential to it and possesses objective
reality, and this quality is extension.
" The nature of matter or body, considered in general, does not consist
in its being hard, or ponderous, or coloured, or in that which affects our
senses in any other way, but simply in its being a substance extended in
length, breadth, and depth " (Princ. of Phil. II, 4).
Bodies, whose essence is extension, are not different from
the space in which they are contained.
"After this examination, we will find that nothing remains in the
idea of body, excent that it is something extended in length, breadth,
and depth, and that this something is comprised in our idea of space, not
only of that which is full of body, but even of what is called void
space" (Ibid. 11).
Space and body being identical, it follows that there is
no such thing as a vacuum.
"With regard to a vacuum, in the philosophical sense of the term, that
is, space in which there is no substance, it is evident that such does not
exist, seeing the extension of space or internal place is not different from
that of the body " (Ibid. II, 16).
Nor are there any atoms, that is to say, indivisible particles
of matter. Every extended thing, however small we can
imagine it, may be divided into two or more smaller parts,
ad infinitum (Ibid. II, 20). The world, or the extended matter
of which the universe is made up, is also infinite in magni-
tude, and no limit can be assigned to it in space (Ibid. II. 21).
Space being full, motion is " the transporting of one part of
matter or of one body from the vicinity of those bodies that
are in immediate contact with it, or which we regard as at
II. L
162 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
rest, to the vicinity of other bodies " (Ibid. II, 25). When
one part of matter is moved, another immediately takes its
place ; in other words, every motion is curvilinear or a vortex.
Thus we see that by a subjective method very different
from that of Democritus, Descartes, nevertheless, in the
same way reduces the manifold properties of matter to unity,
that is, to extension. In Descartes' theory, as in that of
Democritus, we have a reduction of quality to quantity ; but
in one it is a discrete quantity, i.e. number (the atoms were
unities), and in the other a continuous quantity, namely,
extension. In the place of the arithmetical mechanism of
Democritus, Descartes proposes a geometrical mechanism.
Spinoza : Extension an Attribute of God ; Bodies are Modes
of this Attribute.
Spinoza, like Descartes, reduces all the properties of matter
to extension ; but, for him, extension is not a substance, but an
attribute of the single substance, God, and the only one of all
the infinite attributes of God, besides thought, that is accessible
to human intelligence. " Extension is an attribute of God ; in
other words, God is an extended thing" (Eth. II, 2). The
divine extension is infinite ; only the different bodies which
are its modes are finite ; God, though an extended thing (res
Extensa) is indivisible.
"Substance absolutely infinite is indivisible (The Ethics, Part I, Prop.
XIII). Proof : If it could be divided, the parts into which it was divided
would either retain the nature of absolutely infinite substance, or they
would not. If the former we should have several substances of the same
nature, which (by Prop. V) is absurd. If the latter, then (by Prop. VII)
substance absolutely infinite would cease to exist, which (by Prop. XI)
is also absurd."
God is thus at once extended and indivisible. This proposi-
tion may appear contradictory to those who, being incapable of
rising above the prejudices of imagination, represent the divine
extension to themselves after the model of such and such a
particular body. But God, though extended, is incorporeal.
" Some assert that God, like a man, consists of body and mind, and is
susceptible of passions .... all who have in any way reflected on the
divine nature, deny that God has a body. Of this they find excellent
proof in the fact that we understand by a body a definite quantity, so
MATTEE 163
long, so broad, so deep, bounded by a certain shape ; and it is the height
of absurdity to predicate such a thing of God, a being absolutely infinite"
(Eth., Part I, Prop. XV note).
Because God cannot be conceived as a body, many think
that extension cannot belong to God, that it is separated from
the divine substance, and created by God Himself.; but they
forget that extension, as it is in God, is not that divisible
and even actually divided extension which is presented to us
by our imagination. The manifold parts, or the different bodies
of which this extension is composed, have only a phenomenal
existence, and are merely the finite modes of the infinite and
divine extension ; but the latter in itself has no parts.
" It is mere foolishness, or even insanity, to say that extended substance
is made up of parts or bodies really distinct from one another. It is as
though we should attempt, by the aggregation and addition of many
circles, to make up a square, or a triangle, or something of totally different
essence. Wherefore the whole heap of arguments by which philosophers
commonly endeavour to show that extended substance is finite falls to the
ground by its own weight. For all such persons suppose that corporeal
substance is made up of parts. In the same way, others, who have per-
suaded themselves that a line is made up of points, have been able to
discover many arguments to show that a line is not infinitely divisible "
(Letter to Lewis Meyer).
Bodies are the modes by which the divine extension
expresses and develops itself. " By ~body I mean a mode
which expresses in a certain determinate manner the essence
of God in so far as He is considered as an extended thing"
(Eth. II, Def. 1).
All bodies have something in common, air imply the con-
cept of one and the same attribute, extension (Eth. II,
Lemma 2). It is, therefore, not in the substance, but in the
modes that the basis and origin of the difference between
bodies is to be sought. Bodies may be divided, in the first
place, into two principal kinds, — into simple and compound
bodies. Simple bodies are distinguished from one another
only by motion and rest, or by the slowness and rapidity of
their motion (Ibid. Lemma 3, ax. 2). Simple bodies are not,
however, atoms. Spinoza does not assert, any more than did
Descartes, the existence of atoms and of the void. The com-
pound bodies he defines in the following way :
164 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
" When any given bodies of the same or different magnitude are com-
pelled by other bodies to remain in contact, or if they be moved at the
same or different rates of speed, so that their mutual movement should
preserve among themselves a certain fixed relation, we say that such
bodies are in union, and that together they compose one body or
individual, which is distinguished from other bodies by this fact of
union " (Ibid. XIII, Def.).
The laws obeyed by the different bodies are all reducible to
mechanical laws. The origin of the motion of a body is to be
found in a previous motion, and so on to infinity. " A body in
motion or at rest must be determined to motion or rest by
another body, which other body has been determined to motion
or rest by a third body, and that third again by a fourth, and
so on to infinity " (Ibid. 13, Lemma 3). To put forth as an
explanation of the motion of body any idea of design is to
show ignorance of the true cause of motion, which is a
mechanical one (Eth. I, Appendix).
Such are the laws obeyed by that part of nature which is
the material universe, and such are its constitutive elements.
Matter, all the properties of which can be reduced to extension,
is, with thought, one of the modes by which the infinite
substance or natura naturans reveals itself. Motion in space
governed by inflexible mechanical laws and forming an
unbroken chain ; thoughts linked together by necessary
relations — these are the two parallel series of facts by which
the single, immovable, infinite substance expresses and
diversifies itself.
Malebranche : Intelligible Extension and Particular Bodies.
Malebranche's theory of matter may be said to form a
connecting link between the theories of Descartes and Spinoza.
While on the one hand he identifies matter with extension, on
the other he endeavours also to establish the dependence of
extended substance on the Divine Substance. In order to
prove that extension is the essence of matter, he is content
to repeat the arguments used by Descartes ; figure, divisibility,
impenetrability, and, in a more general way, extension — of
which the others are only modifications — are the qualities
without which matter cannot be conceived, the qualities which
constitute its essence (Eech. de la Vtritt, III, 2nd Part, VIII, 2).
MATTER 165
Extension, which constitutes the whole reality of matter, is
not the object of mere sensible perception, but is seen by the
human mind in the Divine Intelligence of which it is an idea.
The idea of extension as it dwells in the infinite mind, and as
seen in it by the finite mind, " intelligible extension," is thus,
in the last resort, the cause and veritable substance of material
phenomena, the " archetype of matter." Our perception of
the divers bodies is explained by the determination, in this
intelligible and general extension, of certain coloured portions ;
or, in other words, by the projection into extension of colour,
which is a purely subjective modification of the soul.
" What is called seeing bodies is nothing else than having actually
present to the mind the idea of extension, which affects or modifies the
mind by different colours : for bodies are not seen directly, or immediately,
as they are in themselves. It is therefore certain that bodies are seen
only in the intelligible extension which is made particular and accessible
to our senses by colour ; and that colours are merely sensible perceptions
which the mind has of extension when the latter acts upon and modifies
it " (Answer to Regis. Ch. II).
Intelligible extension is not an abstraction. As infinite,
eternal, and necessary, it can only be an idea of the Infinite
Mind.
What is the relation of this intelligible and divine extension
to particular bodies, as they are presented to us by our sensible
perception ? Do the different bodies already exist with their
individual and definite forms in the intelligible extension ? No.
" We must not imagine the relation between the intelligible and the
material world to be of such a kind that there exists, for instance, an
intelligible sun, or horse, or tree, which is destined to represent to us the
sun, a horse, or a tree, and that all those who see the sun necessarily see
this supposed intelligible sun" (Reck, de la Ver. I0me eclaircissement).
Intelligible extension is, in fact, merely a possibility of
bodies having for its foundation the infinite perfections of
God : a possibility no doubt, but, at the same time, a veritable
reality, since it forms part of the Divine Essence. This
intelligible extension becomes sensible and is particularized
when it acts on the soul of man and awakens in it the
consciousness of such and such a body.
"Any intelligible extension may be conceived as being round or as
having the intelligible form of a horse or a tree ; therefore any intelligible
166
extension may serve to represent the sun, a horse, or a tree, and may
consequently be the sun, horse, or tree of the intelligible world, and even
become the visible and sensible sun, horse, or tree if the soul has on the
occasion of these bodies some feelings to join to these ideas ; in other words,
if these ideas cause sensible perception in the soul " (Ibid).
Thus the world of bodies is intelligible extension divided
up into a multiplicity of particular forms, and acting on the
human soul in such a way as to awaken in it impressions
which are more or less confused. It is a transition from
potentiality to actuality, but from a potentiality which is in
fact a true reality, since it forms part of the Divine Essence.
There are, thus, two stages in Malebranche's theory :
in the first he abstracts from the notion of matter all that is
given to us by our purely subjective sensibility (i.e. the
secondary qualities), retaining in his definition the one
essential and fundamental property of extension. In the
second he rises above this entirely subjective point of view
and reaches the Absolute, the vision of things in God.
Extension then appears to him as an idea in the Divine
Mind, as an intelligible and divine extension ; he thus departs
from the doctrine of Descartes and approaches that of Spinoza.
"Extension is a reality, and in the Infinite all realities are
found. God has therefore extension as well as bodies, since He possesses
all the absolute realities or every perfection ; but God is not extended in
the same way as bodies are, for He has not the limitations and imperfections
of His creatures " (8th Entretien Metaph. 7). " The infinite and divine
extension is God Himself ; not the whole of God, but God seen in His
relation to material creatures, in so far as He thinks these creatures and
can give them being ; in other words, in so far as He Himself is the Being
whence they borrow their reality ; in fact, in so far as He is, so to speak,
their being " (Olle-Laprune, La phil. de Malebranche, I, p. 203).
On Malebranche's hypothesis the real existence of bodies
was superfluous, and indeed was only accepted by him on the
faith of revelation which taught him that God has set forth
intelligible extension in a multitude of different individual
forms.
Leibnitz gives Three definitions of Matter, more and more
Metaphysical.
Leibnitz analyses the idea of extension wThich to the
Cartesians appeared to be so clear and simple, and finds that it
MATTER 167
involves difficulties which had escaped their notice. Extension,
whether we regard it, like the Cartesians, as continuous, or, like
the Atomists, as discontinuous and composed of units separated
by a vacuum, can in no way, according to Leibnitz, constitute
the substance of matter. To regard extension as a being or
substance is self-contradictory. Extension is the manifold, a
compound the constituent elements of which it would be vain
to seek, since it is indefinitely divisible (Erdmann, 123). The
true reality, or substance, is force, the monad. What then is
matter ? Leibnitz distinguishes a materia prima or abstract
matter which is purely passive, and a materia secunda or con-
crete matter endowed with activity. " This distinction, as
the depth of its meaning gradually appears, gives rise
to a theory of matter which is presented to us under
three forms, each jof which is more metaphysical than the
other " (see M. Boutroux's admirable Introduction to the
Monadologie, p. 53 sq.').
By considering extension, in the first place, from the physical,
that is, from Descartes' own point of view, we are able to find
a definition of matter which is more profound and more
complete than the Cartesian.
Regarded from this point of view the materia prima or bare matter
consists of avTiTviria or impenetrability and extension (Erdm. 463).
dvTiTi'iria is the attribute in virtue of which matter is in space. Ulud
attributum per quod materia est in spatio {Ibid.). It is a passive resistance,
what is called impenetrability, inertia. This property cannot be reduced
to extension ; on the contrary, extension is reducible to resistance. " The
primitive, passive power does not consist in extension, but in an exigency
of extension. Non in extensions sed in extensionis exigentia consistit " (Ibid.
436), in the tendency to extend. Extension is a continuation, a diffusion
of dvTiTVTTia in space. It is the realization of the primitive possibility of
being extended. Ita dum antitypia continue per locum diffunditur seu
extenditur, nee aliud quidquam ponitur, oritur materia in se, seu nuda (Ibid.
463). When to this naked matter is added a principle of motion, an
elastic force, we have the second matter, materia secunda seu vestita.
This matter is not, like the other, merely impenetrable and mobile, but
contains a principle of activity (principium activum continef), a super-
added force, vis activa materiae superaddita, which makes it capable of
reaction (repercutit) (Ibid. 466).
So far we have considered matter in its external aspect
only, let us now see what matter is when considered from an
168 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
internal point of view, that is from the point of view of the
monad. The monad is a created and finite spiritual substance,
existing in company and in contact with other monads, which
are finite and created like itself. It is consequently not
susceptible of full development ; all its tendencies do not
attain actuality ; it is arrested, so to speak, in its expansion by
its own finite character on the one hand, and on the other
by its relation with the other finite monads. This passivity of
the monad, this impediment to its development is what,
according to Leibnitz, constitutes the mater ia prima. To this
purely passive element is added in every complete substance
an active principle or entelechy.
" Materia prima propria id est potentia passiva primitiva, ab activa
inseparabilis ipsae Entelechiae (quam complet, ut monada, seu substantiam
completam constituent) concreatur" (Erdm. 456). This purely passive force
inherent in every monad is the principle of antitypia and of ex-
tension ; in other words, of the materia prima of which we have spoken
above. As for the second matter, considered thus from the point of view
of the monad substance, it is an aggregate of monads : " ex pluribus
monadibus resultare materiam secundam (intelligimus) cum viribus derivatis
actionibus, passionibus, quae non sunt, nisi entia per aggregationem " (Erdm.
436).
The materia secunda is formed out of an infinite number of
complete substances, each of them having its entelechy and
materia prima, which are dominated by a central monad ; in a
word, it is an organic body.
The materia secunda, as for instance the body, is not a substance, but
a mass consisting of several substances like a pond full of fish or a flock
of sheep (Erdm. 736). Each portion may be conceived as a garden full of
plants or as a pond filled with fish, but each sprig of the plant, each limb
of the animal, every drop of its humours is in its turn such a garden or
such a pond (Monad. 67, Erdm. 710).
To sum up : the materia secunda, or organic body, is the
external representation, the phenomenon, and, as it were, the
configuration in extension, of a group of monads or simple
substances, presided over by one dominating monad. But
does this representation in extension result immediately from
the grouping of the monads, or does it occur by means of a
mnculum substantiate, an intermediate principle by which the
phenomena are realized ? (Lettre au P. des Bosses). In one
MATTEE 169
or two passages Leibnitz appears to regard the vinculum sub-
stantiate as a reality distinct from the monads, something real
and substantial which is the common subject of attributes and
of modifications : vinculum reale seu substantiate aliquid, quod
sit subjectum communium seu conjungentium praedicatorum et
modificationum (Erd. 741). But his system logically excluded
the existence of a special entity serving to unite the simple
substances, and he expressly affirms that the vintulum sub-
stantiate is no more than the relation of the monads, resulting
from the pre-established harmony between their activity and
their passivity : Vincula ilia, quod habent reale, habebunt in
modificatione cujus-libet monadis, et harmonia seu consensu
monadum inter se (Erd. 713).
But this view of the monad as a substance acted on by
and reacting upon other monads does not take us beyond the
surface of things. The monad is no doubt a substance, but it
is also and above all a centre of perception, an activity which
develops itself spontaneously. Therefore the passive principle
which dwells in every created substance, or, in other words, the
materia prima is not, as at first appeared, an external obstacle,
but an entirely internal impediment to the representation in
the monad of other monads. Substantia agit quantum potest,
nisi impediatur ; impeditur autem, etiam substantia simplex, sed
naturatitur non nisi intus a se ipsa (Erd. 740).
Each monad ought to represent the whole of the universe,
whereas it can only represent it from its own point of view,
which is not a central or absolute point of view. Each monad,
therefore, has in its finite nature a principle of confused per-
ceptions. The materia prima is, in the last resort, this
necessary imperfection, this internal limit of the monad. As
for the materia secunda, or the organism regarded from this
point of view, it is " the grouping and arrangement of the
confused perceptions terminating in a distinct perception.
There is no distinct perception that does not contain in itself
an infinity of inferior perceptions, and so on ad infinitum. The
organism ultimately appears as the working of the mind
organizing its perceptions " (E. Boutroux, Op. cit.}.
Such are the three stages in Leibnitz's theory of matter.
In the first, Leibnitz defines matter by extension after the
manner of Descartes, but he already goes beyond the Cartesian
170 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
definition, by pointing out the passive principle of resistance
antitypia, which is the exigency of extension and anterior to
extension. In the second degree, matter, considered from the
point of view of the monad as substance, appears to him as a
limitation of the finite substances by one another. Lastly, no
longer considering the monad as only a substance in communi-
cation with other substances, but as a centre of perception, an
entirely spontaneous activity, he makes matter the internal im-
pediment to the representation in each monad of other monads.
Berkeley and Hume deny the existence of Matter*
Leibnitz, although he reduced extension to an appearance,
a rational entity, had still allowed a certain amount of objec-
tive reality to matter ; the appearance was well founded, bene
fundata. Berkeley goes further and denies that matter has
any reality at all outside the mind. The primary as well as
the secondary qualities are only modifications of the sensitive
subject, and have no existence apart from it. When matter
has thus been stripped of all its primary and secondary
qualities, what remains ? Nothing at all. What is the use of
assuming the existence of an invisible, unknowable substratum
of which we can have no positive idea, which we cannot call
the cause of our impressions because we assume it to be
inactive and passive. Shall we say, then, that it underlies its
attributes ? But in that case it must be defined as extended,
and to do so would be to enter upon an infinite regression.
"Consequently every corporeal substance, being the substratum of
extension, must have in itself another extension by which it is qualified
to be a substratum, and so on to infinity " (1st Dialogue between Hylas and
Philonous, p. 289). We must therefore abandon the notion of the
external existence of a material substance, that is to say, of its existence
distinct from the quality of being perceived.
Hume agrees with Berkeley in his negative conclusions :
" 'Tis evident that . . . colours, sound, heat and cold, as far as
appears to the senses, exist after the same manner with
motion and solidity. . . . Tis also evident that colours,
sound, etc., are originally on the same footing with the pain
that arises from steel, and the pleasure that proceeds from
a fire " (Treatise of Human Nature I, iv. 2).
The very idea of an external world is an illusion, for in
MATTER 171
reality we never get beyond ourselves, beyond our subjective
perceptions. There is, therefore, no material substances distinct
from the mind, but only a very strongly-rooted belief in the
reality of matter, in a " continued and distinct existence."
Every morning we think we see the same sun that we saw
the day before, but " 'tis a gross illusion to suppose that
our resembling perceptions are numerically the same ; and
'tis this illusion, which leads us into the opinion that these
perceptions are uninterrupted, and are still existent even when
they are not present to the senses " (Ibid.).
French Materialism in the 18th Century.
The materialistic movement which arose in France in the
18th century may be traced to various causes. Materialism,
which in England, from Hobbes and Newton to Hartley and
Priestley, was coexisted with religious faith and deism, was
used in France as an instrument against the Catholic beliefs
(see Lange's Hist, of Materialism).
The French Materialists combined Bayle's religious scep-
ticism with a mechanical conception of the world. La Mettrie's
Natural History of the Soul (1745) contained the germ of
theories which he himself was to develop later in his Homme-
machine, and which were destined to make so much noise in
the world. In order to know the properties of the soul which
is unknown to us in its essence, we must study the properties
of the body of whose essential nature we are also ignorant.
Eeal and concrete matter is never without motion : motion is
one of its essential properties, and even when it is not perceived
it exists as a possibility. Matter possesses also the faculty of
feeling ; the hypothesis of a soul distinct from matter, having
its seat either in a particular point or in some particular part
of the body, is inadmissible. La Mettrie was more clear
and more categorical in his famous work V Homme-machine
(1748). "Leibnitz," he said, "spiritualized matter instead of
materializing the soul." Descartes too was wrong in his dis-
tinction of two substances. The errors of the metaphysicians
arose out of their a priori methods ; for the complicated
machine, which is man, can only be known a posteriori through
the senses and by experience. La Mettrie investigates the
effect of environment, of food and education on the temperament,
172 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
and the eS'ect of temperament on moral conduct. Man is a
material machine, the soul is merely the principle of motion, a
spring in the machine. " Thought is so far from being incom-
patible with matter that it would seem to be a property of
matter, like electricity, mobility, impenetrability, and extension.
In a word, man is a machine, and in the whole of the universe
there is only the one substance, which is modified in divers
ways."
The most important monument of the French Materialism
of the 18th century is Baron d'Holbach's Syst&me de la
Nature. In the first part of this work he sets forth the
general principles of his system ; his ideas concerning nature,
matter, motion and its laws. Then follow the study of man,
an inquiry into the supposed differences between man as a
physical being and man as a moral being, and lastly, an
investigation of his origin.
The second part is devoted to the discussion and refutation
of the principal arguments for the existence of God. Nature
is an immense material and physical whole which contains all
beings, and among them man, a purely physical and material
being. Of what is this nature, this sole existing reality, com-
posed ? Of matter and motion. " The universe, that vast
assemblage of all that exists, presents everywhere nothing but
matter and motion. Seen as a whole it is an immense and
unbroken chain of causes and effects " (p. 8).
Motion is a universal and constant fact in nature : absolute
rest does not exist. But there are two kinds of motion : the
motion that is communicated, or impressed on a body from out-
side and perceptible to us ; and the internal and hidden move-
ments which take place inside the body between its different
molecules and which cannot be immediately apprehended by
our senses. To this last category belong, for example, the
motion which is brought about by the fermentation in the
molecules of flour, the growth of a plant or an animal, and
lastly, what are called the intellectual faculties of man, his
thoughts, passions, volitions. In his theory of matter,
d'Holbach was not strictly speaking an atomist. He admits,
indeed, the existence of elementary molecules, but he maintains
that the essence of these elements is unknown. We only
know some of their properties, which we discern through
MATTER ]73
the effects of changes produced in our sensations (p. 25).
All the modifications of matter are due to motion (p. 26).
In what is called the three kingdoms of nature there is a
perpetual exchange and circulation of the molecules of matter.
" From the stone which is formed in the bowels of the earth by the
close combination of analogous and similar molecules which have
come together, to the sun, that vast reservoir of inflamed particles which
illumines the firmament ; from the torpid oyster, to man active and
thinking, we see an unbroken progression, a perpetual chain of com-
binations and motions, resulting in beings different only in the variety
of their elementary substances, and in the proportions of these same
elements out of which arise their infinitely various modes of existence
and of action" (p. 31).
Kant : Definition of Matter ; An Expansive and Eepellent
Force.
While Hume, denying the existence of anything outside of
mind, found in the mind, that is to say, in the association of
impressions brought about by habit and imagination, the
origin of our belief in the reality of matter, Kant also
seeks the principle of the formation of a world of objective
phenomena in the mind, not, however, in its empirical habits
and contingent impressions, but in its necessary and a priori
laws. Not that Kant, like Hume, rejects the hypothesis of
a world external to the mind ; he only declares it to be
inaccessible. In the construction of the external world, the
mind supplies the form only, the material element comes to
it from elsewhere, from the things-in-themselves.
His theory of matter falls into three parts or stages : What
is matter in itself, considered as a reality external to the
mind ? This is the metaphysical problem, and it is insoluble.
How does the mind, with its forms, and its categories, arrive
at the construction of an objective world set over against
itself ? This is the point of view of Criticism. The Trans-
cendental Aesthetic and part of the Transcendental Logic are
devoted to the solution of this second question. Thirdly, having
assumed the existence of an external objective world formed
by the combined action of the a priori laws of the mind
which furnishes the formal element, and of that external
reality which supplies the material element, what are we
to understand by matter ? To this purely scientific question
174 ?HE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Kant replies in a work entitled : Metaphysische Anfangsgrunde
der Naturwissenschaft (Ed. Schubert & Rosenkranz, Vol. V).
In a general way matter is a something which affects our
senses, and as our senses can only be affected by motion, the
first determination of matter is motion. Matter is, then, in
the first place, that which is moveable in space, das Beweglwhe
im Raume (Ibid. p. 320).
Having thus defined matter, Kant considers the laws of
the communication of motion : this is the object of the
Phoronomics, thence he proceeds to what he calls Dynamics, and
it is here that he completes his definition of matter. Con-
sidered no longer as a mere quantity, but as a quality, matter
is the moveable which fills a space. To fill a space is to
resist everything that could penetrate into that space, to
oppose all motion coming from without by a contrary motion.
As all resistance presupposes force of resistance, and all
motion a motor force, matter can only fill space through a
motor force (durch eine besondere bewegende Kraft, p. 343),
which must consist in a sort of original elasticity and in
a force of attraction and repulsion (Zuruckstossungskraft,
A nziehungskraft).
In virtue of this primordial force, matter is susceptible of
indefinite compression and cannot be penetrated by another
matter. By its repulsive force matter expands in space until
it finds an obstacle in the resistance of another body. There
is, therefore, no such thing as a vacuum, and matter is infinitely
divisible. The repulsive force by itself would cause universal
dissolution, and the attractive force by itself would reduce all
the parts of matter to a mathematical point. The repulsive
force only acts in contact, and the attractive force only at a
distance.
Kant's philosophy of Nature is thus a dynamism : his chief
objection to the atomistic and mechanical theory is the hypo-
thesis of a void. In his Mechanics (the third part of the work
mentioned above) Kant establishes the laws of motion, which
correspond to the laws of thought laid down in the Critique
of Pure Reason, or rather which are the same laws applied to
matter.
Firstly : the Laws of conservation of matter and of motion — " In all the
•changes of natural bodies the total quantity of matter remains the same,
MATTER 175
is neither increased nor diminished." Secondly : Law of inertia — " Every
change in matter has an external cause." Thirdly : Law of the equality of
action and reaction — "Whenever motion is communicated, action and
reaction are equal." Fourthly : Law of continuity — " In no body can the
state of rest or motion — nor in this latter state, the degree of rapidity
or direction — be instantaneously modified by impact : this can only take
place in a determined time, and through a continuous and infinite series of
intermediate terms."
We must remember, however, that these laws are not the
laws of an absolute reality, of a material substance existing
outside the mind, but necessary and constant relations between
phenomena in space and time which are the a priori forms of
human sensibility. The mind, by means of its forms and its
categories, and by means of a material element furnished by an
unknowable reality, constructs a world of phenomena, an
objective world, governed by the laws enumerated above.
Fichte, Schelling, Hegel : What is Matter for the Idealists ?
Kant's successors, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel suppress
that unknowable reality external to the mind, which Kant had
allowed to subsist. The Kantian dualism is thus resolved into
an Idealistic Pantheism, in which the mind not only constructs
the external world by imposing on it its form, as Kant had
said, but creates and evolves it entirely out of its own activity.
Fichte rejects the existence of the noumenon, that thing-in-
itself, whose relation to the mind it is impossible to explain.
The things-in-themselves being abolished, there now remains
as the principle of phenomena only the Ego. The mind fur-
nishes not only the form, but the matter of knowledge. The
Ego alone is, and it is all ; but it can posit itself in conscious-
ness only in opposition to the Non-ego. The world is reduced
to the different decrees of the Ego, to the shocks which the Ego
suffers, or rather gives itself in the development of its essence.
The Ego presents itself as determined by the Non-ego, it must
therefore attribute to itself only a partial reality, refer to the
Non-ego all the reality which it does not attribute to itself, and
admit a reciprocal action of the Ego and the Non-ego. It is
because the Ego is determined, and appears to be passive, that
we attribute reality and activity to the Non-ego. The Non-ego
appears as the cause of this passivity in the Ego, and it is in
this way that the category of causality is formed.
176 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
But how can a passive modification of the Ego be derived
from the causality of the Non-ego, when the Ego is the principle
of all activity, when the activity of the Non-ego and the
passivity of the Ego are implied in the Ego's own activity ? In
order to solve this difficulty, Fichte assumes the existence in the
Ego of an independent activity (undbhangige Thatigkeit), whose
essence consists precisely in this limitation by the object of the
infinite activity of the Ego. This activity is the prodiwtive
imagination (die productive Eiribildungskraft}, which by an un-
conscious action creates the object, or rather a representation of
the object, and owing to the very fact that its action is
unconscious, makes the object appear as a thing external
to, and independent of us.
Schelling begins by developing Fichte's theory (Ideen zu
einer Philosophic der NaMr, 1797). He defines matter by
starting from the nature of intuition, but soon abandons this
Subjective Idealism, and for the Ego substitutes the Absolute,
which is neither subject nor object, but comprises and precedes
both terms. Philosophy must turn alternately from thought
to Nature and from Nature to thought, in order to reproduce
the life of the Absolute, which is the identity of subject and
object, of Being and thought. Considered as objective, the
Absolute is Nature, whose original identity with what is given
to us as intelligence and consciousness is to be made every
day more clear by speculative physics. The first manifestation
of the Absolute in its objective form is matter. Here Schelling
reproduces Kant's conception; matter comprises a positive
force which resists all limitation by an infinite effort, namely,
repulsive force ; and a negative force which is opposed to the
former, namely, attractive force. Eepulsive force, which tends
to infinity, when it is limited by the attractive gives us space
filled and defined, or matter. The repulsive and attractive forces
are reduced to weight, which, as the supreme principle of the
reality of the forces involved in matter, is itself the Absolute.
Thus Schelling's philosophy of Nature, like that of Kant, is a
dynamism, but a dynamism endowed with intelligence and
reason to a fantastical degree.
The Absolute for Hegel is the Idea, and the universe is
merely the dialectical evolution of the Idea. Take away from
an object its rational element and nothing remains; therefore
MATTER 177
this rational element is what constitutes true reality. Nature is
the Idea becoming external, other than itself (die Idee in der form
des Andersseins). The Idea, in so far as it is sundered, negates,
itself, sets itself in opposition to itself, and becomes other or
an external object. For the very reason that it finds in
nature only an imperfect and inadequate expression, the Idea
tends to recover itself, to return to itself. Thus it is that
nature, with all her potentialities, throughout all her trans-
formations tends towards Spirit, a higher form of the Idea, in
which it becomes conscious of itself. Nature is then a system
of moments which proceed necessarily one from the other, and
each of which is the truth of the one from which it results.
The starting-point of this evolution is the sundered existence
which has the principle of its form and its unity outside itself ;
in other words, it is the material and mechanical world.
To deduce matter a priori, to make it depend on the logical
movement of the Idea, was no easy task, and, indeed, Hegel's-
abstractions become at this point somewhat unintelligible.
Space is ideal contiguity ; it is pure and abstract exter-
nality. Time is ideal succession, pure becoming. Time and
Space are the most abstract categories of nature ; with them
Hegel constructs according to the process of his dialectic, place,
motion, and finally matter, which is their immediate unity.
Matter comprises a repulsive and an attractive force ; the
identity of repulsion and attraction constitutes weight, in
which the notion of material substance is completed and
realized.
Materialism in Germany : Feuerbach, Bilchner, and Moleschott*
The great Idealistic systems of Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel
were followed in Germany by a materialistic reaction, the
causes of which are to be found chiefly in the progress of
the natural sciences and of commerce. A small portion of
the Hegelian school itself inclined, if not towards Materialism,
at least towards a Sensationalism which would inevitably lead
to it. The principal representative of this tendency is Ludwig
Feuerbach. " Truth, reality, the world of sense are identical.
The sensible thing alone is true, real ; the world of sense alone
is truth, reality. Body forms part of my being, nay more,
my whole body is my self, my very being " (Grundsatze der
II. M
178 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Philosophic der Zukunft, 1849). Feuerbach, however, deduces
from these principles a sensationalism which was idealistic
rather than materialistic.
Two philosophers in particular have contributed to this
revival of Materialism — Moleschott and Biichner. Moleschott,
in his Xreislauf des Lebens (1852), sets out, like Feuerbach,
from sensationalism, whence he deduces a materialistic theory.
Matter is inseparably united to force. Both are eternal, and
there is a perpetual exchange or circulation of force and
matter. He waxes poetic when he considers the metamor-
phoses of this indestructible and ever-moving substance :
The exchange of the forms of matter is an everlasting force, " an ever-
flowing fountain of youth. . . . What is there ignoble in a theory which
makes us regard every repast as a sacrament (Abendmahl), in which we con-
vert unthinking matter into thinking beings, in which we truly partake
of the flesh and blood of the Spirit, and thus through our children's
children diffuse spirit into every part of the world and throughout
every age ?" (Kreislauf des Lebens, pp. 437, 439).
Buchner (Force and Matter, 1855) also makes empiricism his
starting point. Experience alone can lead us to truth ; ex-
perience excludes all supersensible knowledge, and through it
we apprehend relations only, things existing only in their
relation to one another. Force and matter are inseparable;
both are eternal. Thought, however, is inclined to separate
them, and even to regard them as opposed to each other.
We are unable to define mind and force otherwise than as immaterial,
as excluding matter, or as antithetical to it. " The words, mind, spirit,
thought, sensibility, volition, life, designate no entities and nothing real,
but only properties, capacities, actions of the living substance, or results
of entities which are based upon the material form of existence. He
compares this result to that of a steam-engine, the force of which is in-
visible, inodorous, and intangible, while the steam it emits is a secondary
thing, and has nothing to do with the •' be-all and end-all of the machine.' "
(Lange's Hist, of Materialism II, 115).
As we see, Biichner's theory provides no distinct definition
of either matter or force. The ancient materialists were more
consistent and more intelligible when they reduced all force to
motion, to the pressure and impact of matter.
As was to be expected in the country that had given birth
to Kant, many German thinkers protested against Materialism
MATTER 179
on the ground of the nature and limits of our knowledge.
Dubois-Reymond (Limits of our Knowledge of Nature) maintains
that the materialistic theory which is so convenient for the
explanation of phenomena is far from being an ultimate
explanation of things. In reality, what we possess as regards
nature is not knowledge but a show of explanation or a sub-
stitute for knowledge. Materialism has to confront two
insoluble difficulties. (1) We are unable to understand the
atoms ; we cannot represent to ourselves a thing entirely with-
out sensible qualities, while at the same time all our know-
ledge tends to convert these qualities into mathematical
relations. (2) We cannot explain any single one of the
phenomena of consciousness by means of atoms and motion.
Lange (History of Materialism}, adopting the point of view,
of Critical Idealism, admits that Materialism is an excellent
formula for the study of nature, and in fact the only true
and scientific form an explanation of natural phenomena can
take ; but to imagine that it is an ultimate and definitive
solution of the metaphysical problem is a naive illusion, arising
out of that other illusion which consists in taking the
phenomenal world of space and time as the type of true
reality. The study of the objective world as governed by the
laws of determinism is not the sole function of thought : it
has another and higher task to perform. Owing to its power
of poetic creation, the mind is able to conceive the existence,
alongside of the objective world, of an ideal world, more
beautiful, more harmonious, better adapted than the other to
its true needs, to its secret tendencies — a world in which it
enjoys full independence and a complete autonomy..
CHAPTER III
MIND
THOSE philosophers who deny the existence of matter yet find
themselves obliged to give some explanation of the phenomenon
which awakens the idea of matter in the human mind ; even the
most uncompromising Idealists have had to assume a principle of
limitation and of passivity : thus the problem of matter forces
itself upon every system of philosophy, including those which
deny that there is any such thing as matter. And the case is
the same with the problem of mind. An explanation must be
found for the activity and relative order which seem to be
the conditions of existence in the world, and for the will and
self-conscious intelligence found in man. In this wide sense,
the problem of mind has had to be faced by every school and
every system, for it enters as a necessary element into every
philosophy of nature and of thought.
Progressive Distinction between the Corporeal and Spiritual,
from Tholes to Socrates.
The distinction between soul and body was, with primitive
man, the result of the experience of death : a man was alive,
he dies, and his body, which has still the same appearance, has
lost all power of motion and feeling. The idea of the soul
contained at first no elements except those which could be
directly deduced from this experience (Zeller, Pre-Socratic
Philosophy, Eng. tr. I, p. 124). The soul was like a breath of
air, it was a subtle body, sometimes conceived in the likeness
of the phantoms seen in dreams. For Homer, however, the
MIND 181
soul is a kind of image in the form of the body, and it escapes
at the moment of death through the mouth or through an open
wound. When separated from the physical organism it is only
a shade (ei§<a\ov) without strength, or consciousness, or recollec-
tion (Odyss. X, 490 sq.; XI, 34, 151, 215, etc.). The world is con-
ceived on the analogy of man, and all nature is supposed to be
full of souls like that which man believes he possesses himself.
We recognize the influence of these primitive conceptions in
the first period of philosophy. The distinction between soul
and body was not as yet a distinction between material and
spiritual elements. The old Ionic philosophers sought the first
principles of things in a living matter which was transformed
in a progressive evolution (Doctrine of Hylozoism). Whether
this matter be water, air, or fire, or an indeterminate Infinite
(as with Anaximander), it is always identified with the force
that moves and animates it. When, with the progress of
reflection, a place was given amongst the principles of nature,
not only to force, but to intelligence, reason was conceived
as merely another attribute of the primary matter (e.g. the
" thinking air " of Diogenes of Apollonia).
The fire of Heraclitus is a Eeason which mingles with
everything, and which out of the strife of contraries brings
forth harmony. The human soul is made of warm and
dry vapours. The purer the fire, the more perfect the soul.
" The soul that is the most dry is the best and most pure" (Frag.
54). " If the drunken man cannot contain himself, it is because
his soul is soiled by moisture " (Frag. 53). The soul, like every-
thing else, is subject to the law of change, and must therefore
nourish itself with the external fire in order not to be exhausted.
Eeason, which is identical with fire, enters into our bodies through
the organs of sensation, and through respiration. When the
organs of sense close in sleep, the flame of reason darkens ; when
they open again on our awakening, it lights up once more. But
it is extinguished for ever when man loses connection through
respiration with the external world.
Parmenides, who taught the absolute unity of Being, and
denied all becoming, did not need any principle to explain
the apparent motion and order in things. For him the
multiplicity of souls is only an illusion. His philosophy of
nature is a concession to the demands of common sense ; that
182 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
is to say, it rests upon what seems to him to be the most
plausible theory. Far from setting up any antithesis between
the spiritual and the corporeal, he explains all psychological
phenomena by the mixture of substances in the body.
The Pythagoreans thought they had found an adequate
explanation of the cosmic order when they made Number the
substance of things. Harmony was placed above Number, as a
kind of soul of the world governing the cosmos; if there was
harmony in the universe, it was because the essential con-
stituent of things, namely, Number, was itself harmony. How
did the first Pythagoreans conceive the human soul ? Aristotle,
in his review of the opinions of his predecessors concerning the
soul, merely says of the Pythagoreans that " some among them
sought the soul in particles that are in motion : TIJV ^rvyyv
elvai TCI ev T<a aepi ^ucr/xara, 01 $e TO TO.VTO. KIVOVV " (Zte
Anima, I, 2, 404 a, '1-6). To the Pythagoreans the opinion is
also attributed that the soul is a harmony. But as everything
with them was number and harmony, this does not imply any
distinction between human souls and other things. Did they
regard the soul as the harmony of the body, as we are told in
the Phaedo ? It is difficult to reconcile this opinion with the
doctrine of the immortality and transmigration of souls taught
by the Pythagoreans.
In Democritus we find a frankly materialistic theory of the
.soul. Motion being eternal, there is no need to distinguish
matter from the force that moves it. The soul is corporeal,
and its substance must correspond to its functions. Now, the soul
is a vivifying and moving force. But all motion arises out of
an impact ; therefore the soul must be composed of the most
mobile substance, of atoms that are subtile, smooth, and round ;
in other words, of fire (Arist. De Anima, I, 2, 403 b, 29). The
universe is full of fiery atoms. The soiil is therefore not a
force that organizes the world, but a part of matter, and it is
formed out of the multitude of fiery atoms which engender
motion and life. In man .the soul pervades the whole body;
between every two corporeal atoms a psychical atom is
inserted (Lucr. Ill, 370). It might be supposed that the
fiery atoms would be driven out of the body by the
surrounding air, but. this danger is averted by respiration
which introduces new fiery elements, and above all forms an
MIND 183
opposite current, which prevents the psychical atoms in the
body from escaping.
Heraclitus' theory of the soul, the substitution in the Eleatic
and Pythagorean systems of an abstract principle for a
material element, the general progress of Greek thought, all
helped to prepare the way for the distinction between the
material and the spiritual. Anaxagoras was the first of the
Greek philosophers to formulate clearly this distinction, and, for
this, Aristotle greatly honours him : " he was like a sober
man amongst men who spoke at random " : olov viicjxav ecpavtj
Trap eiKfl Ae-yoi/ra? (Meta. I, 3, 984 b, 16). In the beginning,
all the elementary substances are mixed up together. The
distinction and combination of like particles are the ' work of
an organizing and motor force, namely, Nou?, intelligence :
•jrdvra f/v o/uwf, 6 Noi/9 e\6wv iravra Si€Kocr/Li.t](re.
Anaxagoras distinctly separates matter from the force by
which it is moved and governed ; but the attributes by which
he characterizes intelligence, show that his notion of it was
not yet very clear.
The Novs is simple, and not like all other things, composed of hetero-
geneous elements. Mixing with nothing it exists alone and of itself,
" fj.ovvos avxbs e<£' etovTou «TTIV " (Frag. 8). It is infinite (aTret/DOv),
independent (avTo/cpares), never passive (aTrafles), it has unlimited
knowledge, "knows what is mixed, what is distinct, and what is
separate" (Simpl. De Gael. 271 a, 20). Lastly, it has absolute power
over matter, to which it alone can communicate motion : " yvoj/iiyv irepl
Tracrav tercet KCU icr^i'€6 p.fjurTov " (Frag. 8).
Such is the spiritual element in the conception which
Anaxagoras formed of the Nou9. But, on the other hand, his
Now? is described as the most subtile of all things : XexToVaroK
(Frag. 8) ; its quality does not change, but its quantity varies.
The souls of other beings are parts of it ; and these parts may
be either greater or smaller. " In everything there are parts
of everything except perhaps of intelligence, but in some
beings there is also intelligence " (Frag. 7). The Not/? was
thus a kind of world-soul, an intermediate substance, which
was akin to the spiritual in so far as it was simple, inde-
pendent, and intelligent, and to what is corporeal, in so far
as it possessed quantity, and perhaps also extension.
184 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Socrates himself tells us (Phaedo, 97 b) that he was delighted
with the theory of Anaxagoras ; but he would seem to have
merely enlarged the province of an intelligence that loved the
good. His God is a kind of world-soul (rj eV TO) Travri (pp6vr]<ris),
& wisdom which pervaded all things. The soul of man is
only a small part of the universal intelligence, just as his
body only contains a very small portion of the material
elements (Mem. I, 4). This soul, although invisible, exists and
is the sovereign ruler of the body ({Saa-iXevei ev qjjttur); and, as
reason, it, more than anything else in man, participates in the
divine.
Plato : the Soul of the World and Individual Souls.
It is not easy to disengage Plato's theory of the soul from
the symbolic form in which he clothes it. The world is an
animated, living whole, which has a body and a soul. The
soul of the world, fashioned directly by the demiurgus, in
proportions that are mathematical and musical (Timaeus, 35 b
sq.), is a middle term between the intelligible and the sensible.
God puts intelligence into the soul and the soul into the body
{Tim. 30 b). To fulfil its rdle of medium, the soul must possess
something of each of the two opposite natures which are recon-
ciled in it. In the soul are blended the one and the many
(Tim. 35 a). What moves itself must exist before that which
is moved by something else. The soul possesses in itself the
principle of its own movement. It moves the body according
to numerical and harmonical relations ; it makes the world
into a wise mixture of the Limit and the Unlimited (Trepas,
aireipov). This soul, this principle of harmony, is a reality
(oucr/a), a substance extended throughout the world by the
demiurgus and divided according to harmonical relations
which correspond to the laws followed by the motion of the
stars (Tim. 34 b sq.\ The soul is not only the principle of
the visible order in things, it is also the principle of all
knowledge ; and this is another reason why it combines in
its nature the same (rcti/roV) and the other (TO erepov), the
intelligible and the sensible; for in Plato's theory like can
only be known by like (Tim. 37 a). This account of the
soul is evidently partly symbolical, and not meant to be taken
literally. According to Aristotle, it is TO. /maOtj/maTiKa, the
MIND 185
mathematical elements, that are the middle term between the
sensible and the intelligible, and they perform the same
function as the world-soul in the Timaeus (Met. I, 6 ;
987 a, 14). The mathematical forms are eternal, not subject
to becoming, and are distinguished from the Idea in that each
Idea is one, whereas there are several similar mathematical
forms. Since matter, as such, is Non-being, we may say that
what is real in the world-soul, as in the mathematical forms,
is the Idea, and that, consequently, the Idea is the ultimate
principle of order and motion in the world of bodies (see Zeller,
II, I, p. 568, Germ. ed.).
The individual souls appear to be parts of the world-soul, as
the elements of the body were parts of the universe (Philebus,
30 a). The stars are the highest among the beings that have an
individual soul, and next to them are men. The soul cannot
be regarded as a collective unity, as the harmony of the body
(Phaedo, 92 b sq.) ; it is incorporeal, simple, invisible, and
existed before the body which it governs. TU> /u.ev #e/o> KOI
aBavaTU) KCU vorjTw KCU juovoeiSei KCJU a$ia\VT(i) /ecu aei oxrairra>9
teat KCITO, TOUT" e^ovTi eavTti) o/jLOioTCLTOv elvai \|/-in£>/j/ (Phaedo,
806).
There are three parts in the soul ; the first, the vovs, is
divine ; the second, which is fleeting and mortal, is desire,
e-mOviuLia ; the third, whose function it is to unite these two
extremes, is the QV/J.OS, which has something of the nature of
each of the two others. These three parts of the soul
represent the three classes of living beings. To the e7nOu/x/a
correspond plants ; to the 6v/u.6$, animals ; to the i>ov$, men.
Aristotle : the Soul, the Formal, Efficient, and Final Cause of
the Body.
Aristotle finds no unity in the world except that which
results from a universal tendency towards the same perfection,
that is, towards God ; in his system, therefore, a world-soul is
not required. In the sphere of change every being is the
product of the union of matter and form : ova-la <rvvo\ov e£ vXrjs
teat ei'^ou? (Meta. VIII, 2). Matter is the substratum (VTTOK€I-
/jievov}, which becomes this or the other, or is the subject of
change. The form (ef^o?, /mopcfrrji) is that which makes of
matter a particular, determinate, or real thing ; it is the per-
186 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
fection, the activity, the soul of the thing. Since everything
that becomes has its formal cause, which is its principle (oOev
% **PX*1 T*7? Kivijcrews) and its end (reXo?, TO ou CVCKO), one may
say that there is in every being a principle analogous to the
soul. The soul is in the proper sense of the word the first
entelechy J (ei/reXe^em Trpwrr]} of an organized body potentially
possessing life (De An. II, 1 ; 412 a, 15); the entelechy of the
eye is the action of looking at something at a given moment,
(opaari?). Suppose the eye were by itself a complete living
thing, its soul would be o-vj/-t?, the faculty of vision. The o\J/-*?
is the essence, the form of the eye. The soul is to the body
what the o\J/-t?, vision, is to the eye, and in this sense it has
something of the body (rt o-<o/xa-ro9) ; but this something is
neither figure nor motion, but the peculiar activity which
gives to the body figure and motion, the cause of the agreement
and harmony between all its parts (De An. II, 4 ; 415 b, 7). In
a living being the body is the material cause ; the soul stands
to it jn the relation of its entelechy, of its formal, efficient, and
final cause. The soul is the end of the body, an end which is
real, immanent, and not a mere regulative idea external to it&
functions. This end is the immovable cause of all the move-
ments directed towards itself ; therefore, we must not say with
Plato, that the soul moves itself, for it moves as a sailor moves
on his ship (De An. 404 a).
The soul, being the end of the body, cannot be a material,
indeterminate thing ; it must be a finished, defined being,
not merely any substance in general, but the form of a special
body, whose life, individuality, and organization it con-
stitutes (De An. 41 4 a, 21). The soul, the final and formal
cause of the body, is also its efficient cause, since it gives
rise to, and directs all its movements and is the real, the first
entelechy, which realizes throughout the body all the con-
ditions of life. The soul is therefore, with regard to its divisible
and material body, the indivisible unity of the three causes^
1 The first entelechy is to the second what science is to actual thought.
The geometer is not always occupied with geometry. If the eye were a
living thing, vision would be the soul of the eye. The faculty of seeing
(first entelechy) can be distinguished from the act itself of seeing any
particular object (second entelechy). The eye is always adapted for vision^
even when it is covered.
MIND 187
the efficient, formal, and final. The two terms presuppose
or imply one another. The soul is not in the body as in a
dwelling, which it may abandon ; it ca'nttoit/ travel/ frpm
body to body, being able to exist only in the' body/ tfc^t
corresponds to its essence, and whioh by this very7 faet it
creates (De An. 407 b, 13).
There are three kinds of souls corresponding to the three
forms of life found in Nature : these are the vegetable,the animal,
and the human soul. The soul of plants is TO Qpe-jrriKov, nutritive,
(De An. 4135,7), and its functions are nutrition and genera-
tion. The soul of the animal is anrQijTiat, sensitive (De An.
4136, 1); sensation gives rise to desire, and desire to motion.
The human soul is characterized by reason. The vegetable
soul has a special, independent existence in the plant, and in
the animal it blends with the sensitive soul ; the rational soul
in its higher life comprises and unifies the two inferior souls
and their functions.
After Aristotle the notion of the Spiritual disappears. The
Epicureans : Elements of the Soul. The Stoics : the -n-vevna.
After Plato and Aristotle the conception of the spiritual
became very obscure. The Epicureans returned to Atomism and
to the conception of a material soul. Nothing was incorporeal
except the void, which was neither active nor passive. The soul
was composed of very subtle elements ; and they gave two proofs
of this subtlety : in the first place, the promptitude with, which
the will moves the body ; in the second place, the fact that a
man when dead weighs as much as when alive (Lucretius, III,
178, 231 et seq). What were the elements of the Epicurean soul ?
Lucretius distinguishes in it a light breath (aura), heat, (calor),
and air (aer). To these three elements is added a fourth, omnino
nominis expers (III, 243), which is the most subtile of all, and is
composed of the smallest and smoothest atoms. It is this fourth
element that communicates motion and sensibility, first to the
aura, the calor, and the aer, then to the blood, then to the
viscera, and finally to the bones and muscles. These four
elements, closely united, mixed, and, as it were, fused together,
are present in every part of the body. Thought corresponds
to the most subtile of them ; and to each of , the others
there corresponds a special quality : Heat is the principle of
188 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
courage ; the aura, of fear ; the air, of calmness and indifference.
Heat predominates in the lion, aura in the stag, aer in the ox.
In man all throe kinds of temperament are found.
, % \ \ The Stoics also, on their part, said that all that is real is
corporeal, but they endowed matter with attributes which
belong properly only to a spiritual substance. The ideas of the
spiritual and the corporeal, which since Plato and Aristotle
had seemed to be clearly distinguished, were now once more con-
founded. The world, on the Stoic system, is a living thing, an
immense animal ; matter is its body, force its soul. But this force
is not incorporeal ; it is a subtle fire, a principle homogeneous
and co-extensive with its effects ; it pervades matter in a
material way, gives it form and embraces and contains it.
This corporeal soul, this burning and thinking breath (7rvei//xa),
this organizing fire is God Himself (Stob. Ed. I, 56). " God
flows through the world like honey in the honeycomb "
(Tertull. De An. 44). His supreme intelligence manifests
itself in the order of the world and in human thought. God,
a material soul infused into the vast body, which it animates
and in which it moves, is the seminal reason (Xo'yo?
(nrep/maTiKo?) of the universe (D.L. VII, 136). All activity can
be reduced to motion in space, therefore all activity is physical,
and hence necessary. The soul of the world is at once Fate
and Providence.
The human soul is a fragment of God, cnr6(nra(Tfj.a TOV Qeov
(Epict. Diss. I, 14, 6), a part of the divine breath immersed in
the human body (in corpus humanum pars divini spiritus mersa)
(Sen. Ep. LXVI, 11). The soul, says Chrysippus (ap. Galen,
Hippoc. and Plat. Ill, 1), is an innate breath in us which
pervades the whole body and contains it. fj -^vyy Trvev/ma ecrrt
<rv/u.d)VTOV fifj.lv (Twe^es TravTi TW <TU>/JLO.TI SiiJKOv. This Trvev/uLu is
composed of air and fire (ex aere et igne). The soul is thus a
material principle of the nature of air, and of fire. The Stoics
proved the materiality of the soul directly, by its sympathy with
the body, by its presence throughout the organism, and lastly,
by the moral resemblance between children and their parents.
The soul supports the elements of the body (e£i?), presides
over its development ((fivcris), and is the principle of intellectual
life ("vf'i'X1?)- This hierarchy of functions does not affect the
unity of the soul, which is always one and the same divine
MIND 189-
fire, fulfilling divers functions in the different material sub-
stances. The soul proper comprises eight parts : the r/ye/moviicov
or ruling part, the five senses, the faculty of speech and the
faculty of reproduction.
The Soul and the Trvev^a, Influence of Hebrew Theology;-
Philo; the New Testament,
The theory of the Trvev/ma is not peculiar to Stoicism; on the
contrary, it played a most important part in physiology, and
dominated the whole of medical psychology, till the date of the-
discovery of the circulation of the blood. The Trvev/ua. in a.
material sense was sometimes regarded as the soul itself,,
sometimes as the chief organ of the soul, the medium between
mind and body. For primitive man the soul was a breath,
a subtle air. According to Diogenes of Apollonia, thought is.
born of the air which flows with the blood through the veins,
all over the body. Eespiration, says Heraclitus, nourishes the-
soul with the surrounding air, without which there is neither-
life nor reason. In the physiological explanation offered by-
Hippocrates, the air, inhaled and mixed with the internal
heat, plays the part of a dynamic principle. Most of the
physicians, even while belonging to different philosophical
schools, regarded the Trvevfta. not only as the vital force which
organizes and sustains the body, but as the soul itself. The
illustrious Galen, who gave a definite form to the physiological
and medical theory of the Trvev/ma, was not decided as to-
whether it is the soul itself or the chief organ of the soul.
For the Stoics, the irvevfjia was corporeal, but had never-
theless all the attributes of the mind. This involved a contra-
diction, in consequence of which the theory of the Trvevna
gradually came to resemble the Platonic theory of an im-
material soul. This transformation was chiefly due to contact
with Hebrew theology. The Hebrew expression which corre-
sponds to the Greek word Trvev/ma (Ruach) had at the beginning a
material meaning. It was the air, the wind — in living beings
respiration, the vital breath which circulated with the blood..
But the Biblical conception of God led to a spiritualizing of
the TTvevfjLa. Jehovah is distinguished from His work ; He
creates the world by an act of His will. The irvev^a could
not therefore be, as with the Greeks, a material element which
190 THE PKOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
acted upon matter in a mechanical way. It was a principle
distinct from the body, like the principle of force and life.
Still the Old Testament always speaks of the TTVCUJULU as of a
semi-physical force : e.g. God's spirit leaves Him and is diffused
like a breath. In the Book of Wisdom which is attributed to
Solomon, but appears to have been written about the time of
Augustus, wisdom, that is God's power, which fills the world,
is a TTj/eu/xa, a breath which fuses together the attributes
of matter and rnind ( TroXu/xe^oe? — XCTTTOI^ — 6£y — Sia Travrwv
•^wpovv Trvev/uLOLTtav, all of these being characteristics which
remind us of the Stoic Materialism).
Philo was the most renowned of the Alexandrian Jews
who endeavoured to reconcile Judaism with Hellenism. With
him the theory of the -jrvevna takes a decidedly spiritual form,
although in his writings we find more than one contradiction,
in which we discern the influence of the Stoics and of the
Greek physicians. Jehovah, the unknowable God, cannot act
directly on matter ; it is therefore through intermediaries that
He governs the world. All those divine forces, all those
powers by which the world is bound to God, are comprised in
Wisdom or the Word. Philo's AO'T-O? is a more or less
coherent synthesis of the Hebrew Wisdom, the Aristotelian
Not/9 and the Platonic world of ideas. The divine Trvev/na is
nothing but a form of the activity of the Word ; it is the Word
in so far as the latter not only represents the Ideas, the eternal
exemplars in God's mind, but in so far as it realizes them in
the world. Like the Trvev/jia itself, the Aoyo? is spiritual, and
yet Philo adopts the Stoic materialistic definition of quality:
efy$ TTV6V/U.O. ai>Tt(TTp€<poV €(J)' €O.VTO.
Philo's psychology presents the same spiritual character and
the same contradictions. Space is full of souls. The pure souls
which have not been tempted by the false seductions of the
sensible life, are the messengers of God, the demi-gods, the
Greek heroes, the angels of Moses. Taken by itself and as
•distinct from the sensible elements which result from its
union with the body, the soul is a divine force. Man is
united to God by his spiritual nature, is His image, and
even a part of Him (aTro'crTracr/xa). The vegetable and sensi-
tive soul is made up of the aeriform elements of the seed ;
reason comes from without, is the breath of God in man. As
MIND 191
a mere vital force the soul has its seat in the blood; bub the
TTvev/ua, in which alone the essence of man consists, is the Divine
breath : TOV XoyiKov TO Oeiov Trveu/ma ovcrla — you? O.TT ovpavov
KaTcnrveva-Oels avwQev. Philo, however, is not always con-
sistent, for he makes air the universal principle of life and of
the soul ; and he even says of the rational soul that it
emanates from that Ether of which heaven and the stars are
formed.
In the New Testament the Tri/eu/xa assumes an entirely
spiritual signification. Traces of the analogy between the
material air and the Trvev/uia are only to be found in such
similes as " I saw the spirit descending from heaven like a
dove" (John I, 32); "The wind bloweth where it listeth "
(John III, 8). But the Revealer, the Witness, the living
Eternal Principle of knowledge and belief for the faithful is the
immaterial, Divine Spirit (see John XIV, 16, 26). This mystical
meaning of the term Trvev/ma. is most striking in the writings
of Paul. With him there is no question of its being any
longer a physiological, organic force ; it is an entirely spiritual
force. The Spirit gives us faith, the knowledge of divine
things ; by it we enter into communion with God. " But he
that is joined unto the Lord is one spirit, ev Trveu/na" (1 Cor.
VI, 17). The TTvev/ma is no longer a vital force that organizes
the living body, but the principle of an entirely new life,
which is a dying to the life of sin and to the works of the
flesh.
Neo-Platonism : The notion of the Spiritual re-appears in
the Theories of the World-soul and of the Soul of Man.
In the Neo-Platonic system Metaphysics were once more
based on the notion of the spiritual.
" That which is incorporeal, according toAmmonius Saccas, the teacher
of Plotinus, is of such a nature that it unites itself to everything that is
capable of receiving it, as closely as those things which mutually alter and
destroy each other by being united, and at the same time it remains in
this union, entirely as it was before, as things remain which are only in
juxtaposition" (Eavaisson, Essai sur la M&aph. cPArist. II, 374-5).
This possibility of self-bestowal without loss, of being
divided without ceasing to be one, is in fact the principle of
192 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the theory of Emanation. From the Absolute Unity, as it were
by radiation, the Now, which is both intelligence and the intelli-
gible, proceeds, and from the Now proceeds the universal soul.
The soul of the world is the God of the Stoics, the principle of
unity in the cosmos which it pervades and contains. Between
the world of intelligible entities and the world as it appears
to us, it evolves a multitude of distinct powers out of the
forms which the intelligence comprises in its own unity. In
this evolution the world- soul, proceeding from one thing to
another, creates time and extension, which are the conditions
necessary to the fulfilment of its task. Thus it is from the
soul that all that is real in matter proceeds.
This universal soul embraces a multitude of individual
souls ; these, being desirous of making for themselves . an
independent existence in some separate body, enamoured of
their own image, separate themselves from the soul, which is
their common principle, and fall into the body. Not that the
individual souls are merely parts into which the universal
soul is divided : the universal soul is whole and entire in each
one of the particular souls, is everywhere present with-
out division : /u.evov(Ttjs /u.ev 0X179, Trotoucn;? <^e Trap' aur>79
ovSev rjTTov 7roXXa9 (Enn. IV, ix, 4). It gives and yet
preserves itself, is multiplied and yet remains one. This
soul, ever similar to itself, which penetrates and brings
harmony into all the parts of the world, as into the organs
of our body, cannot be a material thing. In the first place,
what is extended and divisible is unable to impart unity to
anything, it must itself receive unity from some spiritual
principle, so that a material soul would require another soul,
and so on ad infinitum. In the second place, if the soul is
composed of parts, how are we to explain the sympathy and
harmony between its actions, how are we to account for the
unity of perception, of comparison, and of memory 1
Not only is the human soul closely united to the universal
soul, but it is not separated from the Now in which it is
represented, nor from the One from which it emanates like
everything else. Its task is to rise gradually once more
into the world of intelligibles, to return through ecstasy
to its true home, which is the Absolute Unity, the Supreme
Good.
MIND 193
Different Views concerning the Nature of the Soul held by
the Earlier Christian Philosophers.
The immortality of the soul would seem to follow as a
consequence from its spirituality : if the soul is indivisible it
is indissoluble. The spirituality of the soul as a condition
of its survival must, one might think, necessarily be a
dogma of Christianity ; nevertheless, among early Christian
philosophers there was some hesitation on this point. The
apologist Tertullian (born A.D. 160) was a materialist after
the manner of the Stoics ; he denied the existence of any-
thing immaterial, asserting that the soul and even God
were corporeal ; Omne quod est, corpus est sui generis : nihil
est incorporate nisi quod non est (De An. 7). He adopted
the theory of the Trvev/ma ; the soul is subtle, luminous,
ethereal, a breath animating the body, penetrating all its
elements : it is extended, and those who are in a state of
ecstasy can see it with their eyes as it sees itself.
In opposition to Tertullian, Gregory of Nyssa (331-394) rejects
all the definitions of the soul except that of Plato. Aristotle's
definition he disputes, saying that a body that potentially
possesses life before it is alive is inconceivable. The soul is
an ova-la airroreXjfr, a self-sufficient substance, which is always
in motion, and to which rest would be annihilation. It fills the
body, not materially, but dynamically, as light penetrates the
air. It is not, properly speaking, in the body, the body is in
it (De Opif. Horn. 11).
In the middle of the fourth century, Hilary, Bishop of
Poitiers, revived the doctrine of the materiality of the soul.
He maintained that every created thing, even the human soul,
is material, that God alone is outside the categories of space
and time. This doctrine was refuted by Claudianus Mamertus,
Bishop of Vienne in Dauphine (died 477) ; he proves, that
in order to distinguish the soul from God, it is not necessary
to assume its materiality. The soul does not come under
the categories of space and quantity ; and in this it
resembles God ; but it is created and moves in time, and in
this its resembles the body, and is something distinct from God
Who is eternal and uncreated. The soul is, therefore, spiritual ;
as Gregory of Nyssa had said, it is not contained in the
body ; it is the soul that contains the body, for it is the soul
II. N
194 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
that constitutes and preserves the unity of the body (De Statu
Animae).
The Christian doctrine of the soul was established once
for all by St. Augustine, who also advanced arguments
which were to be repeated by most of his successors. The
soul is spiritual, because it is the subject of thought (De
Trin. X, 10, 15). It is impossible to regard thought as an
attribute of that which does not think. The soul perceives
directly in itself only spiritual functions, such as thought,
knowledge, volition, recollection (De Trin. X, 13). If it
were corporeal it would perceive immediately in itself
something corporeal (De Quant. An. 17, 30). The soul is
finally characterized and distinguished by the faculty of
reflection. A body has only one figure, one form ; it cannot
become the figure and the form of another body ; the mind
can know and love both itself and all other things (De Trin.
IX, 4). In a word, the soul is conscious of itself as an
unextended substance whose activities bear no relation to the
properties of matter.
The Middle Ages and the Renaissance.
The Middle Ages produced no new method and no new
solutions, but the doctrines of Plato and of Aristotle prevailed
alternately ; and it did not occur to the philosophers of this period
to make a study of reality and observe facts. Some among them
returned to the hypothesis of a world-soul, which would appear
to have been somewhat superfluous in any system that held
the creation of the universe by a God Who was also its Pro-
vidence. Bene Plato Spiritum Sanctum animam mundi quasi
vitam universitatis posuit, says Abelard (Theol. Chr. I, 1013).
Bernard of Chartres and William of Conches (during the first
half of the twelfth century), who were both fervent Platonists,
also adopted the theory of a world-soul. Bernard of Chartres
indeed finally arrived at a kind of Pantheism : mundus quidem
est animal, verum sine anima substantiam non invenias animalis
(Megacosmos). Above all things, he said, there is God, the
Ineffable One ; the Nou? is the mind of God, wherein dwell
the eternal ideas, the archetypes of all that exists. From
the Now? flows the world-soul, as it were, by emanation (velut
vmanatione de/tuxit), which gives to the world its form and its
MIND 195
unity (naturam informavit). The Nou? is the Word ; the soul
of the world is the Holy Ghost (Oeuvres ine"d. d'Abelard, De
Mundi Universit. See V. Cousin, Vol. I, p. 628 et seq.).
When the works of Aristotle had become known in the
West through the medium of the Arabs and the Jews, Scholastic
philosophy became Peripatetic — about the beginning of Xlllth
century. The writings of William of Auvergne (died 1249)
mark this transition. In his treatise, called De Anima, which,
considering its period was a remarkable work, and which was
written under the inspiration of St. Augustine, he foreshadows
the cogito ergo sum of Descartes. It is contradictory to deny
the existence of the soul, he says, for he who denies the soul
knows that even while he denies, he thinks, and that if there
is thought there must be a thinking being. Moreover, we have
an immediate perception of our soul per dispositions intel-
ligibiles, queue sunt scientiae, dubitationes et omnino cogitationes.
On the other hand, we know the souls of others only through
their bodies, that is, through signs or symbols. How, is it
then, that some men deny the existence of the soul ? It is
because they are accustomed to think under the condition of
space, of figure, sequi signa sensibilia ad excogitandas vd potius
ad imaginandas res. But let us imagine a man suspended in
the air, and so muffled up that he can use none of his senses,
this man will think, therefore he thinks himself (cogitat et
intelligit ergo se cogitat et intelligit). He negates his body, he
affirms that which he has and which he feels (sentit) himself
to have, and this implies the existence of a soul which is
distinct from the body.
Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas adopted the doctrines
of Aristotle, and made them harmonize with Christian dogma.
According to St. Thomas, the embryo, from the beginning of
its life, possesses an individual soul which is, however, only a
vegetable soul (Summa Th. I, qu. 118, a. 2). This soul
disappears to make room for another, which is at once
vegetable and sensitive ; finally, the latter, in its ' turn, yields
its place to an intellectual soul which comprises within itself
the two other faculties : and it is not till then that the animal
becomes man. The human soul is thus a form without matter
forma separata), and the entelechy of the body. The organ-
izing principle of the body, of the motor and sensitive soul, and
196 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
finally of the rational soul, is one and the same substance. The
vegetable and sensitive souls are present in the embryo before
the appearance of the rational soul. The latter is created
immediately (Sum. Cont. Gent. II, 86, 1), comes from without,
and is so closely fused with the two others that they are
entirely absorbed in it. This complicated doctrine was adopted
by the Council of Vienne, A.D. 1311
The Renaissance prepared the way for modern philosophy.
Platonists, such as Ficino, and Aristotelians such as Ctesalpinus,
all agreed in regarding extension as the essential attribute of
matter, and thought as the essential attribute of mind. Matter
was now no longer, as with Aristotle, an indeterminate potenti-
ality ; it had a positive attribute, namely, extension. Thus the
historical continuity was not broken, for this theory of the
philosophers of the Renaissance brings us by a natural transi-
tion to the doctrines of Descartes (see Ritter, Hist, of Philos.
Part IX ; Chr. Philos. Vol. II ; Geschichte der Psychologic, by K
Harms, p. 225).
We must mention, however, the influence exercised by
Averroes in the school of Padua, and the disputes between
the Averroists and the followers of Alexander of Aphro-
disias. The Averroists held that the active intellect was
impersonal, the same in all men ; but that, for this very
reason, it was immortal, and after the death of the individual
returned to God. Pomponatius, in his De Immortalitate
Animae, attacks the doctrine of the unity of souls, and after a
lengthy examination of the arguments of philosophers concludes
that the soul is mortal. Owing, however, to the distinction
which was then current between matters of faith and matters
of philosophy, a distinction which we find existing even in
Pascal's time, Pomponatius was able, in spite of this doctrine,
to continue on good terms with the Church (E. Renan,
Averroes, 3rd ed. p. 322 et seq.).
Descartes: the Soul defined l>y Thought; its Separate Existence.
Descartes discovered in the very fact of doubt a funda-
mental truth : I who doubt, think ; I think, therefore I am ;
I may imagine that I have no body, but as long as I think
I still continue to exist. The idea of thought is therefore
distinct from the idea of extension, and my own thought
MIND 197
is the only thing which it is impossible for me to doubt.
I am res cogitans, that is to say, res dubitans, intelligent,
affirmans, negans, volens, nolens, imaginans quoque et sentiens
(2nd Meditation). The 2nd Meditation, however, only estab-
lishes an ideal distinction between mind and body ; a distinction
which exists only for the thought which knows them by different
means. But is this distinction in dbstracto a real, concrete dis-
tinction ? This objection was made against Descartes after the
publication of his Discours de la Mtthode. It was argued that,
from the fact that the soul knows itself as a thinking thing, it
does not follow that the soul is nothing but a thought. Could
not extension be a property of soul, of which we are not aware ?
Descartes replies that, in the 2nd Meditation, as in the
Discours de la Mtthode, he has postponed the question of the
real distinction. It is- not till the 6th Meditation that he
attacks this problem. To ideas that are clear and distinctly
conceived, distinct realities correspond, because God cannot
deceive us, and His omnipotence can realize everything that
we conceive. Descartes had need of the divine veracity and
omnipotence in order to establish that every clear and distinct
idea must correspond to a distinct reality ; and this is why he
waits until the 6th Meditation to prove the real distinction
between the soul and the body. The 2nd Meditation proves
by the Cogito ergo sum, that thought is an ultimate notion ;
the 4:th Meditation establishes the divine veracity and power;
the 6th Meditation concludes :
" Since, on the one hand, I have a clear and distinct idea of myself, in
so far as I am only a thinking and unextended thing, and as, on the other
hand, I possess a distinct idea of bod}7, in so far as it is only an extended
and unthinking thing, it is certain that I, that is my mind, by which I
am what I am, is entirely and truly distinct from my body and may exist
without it " (6th Meditation).
Spinoza : The Soul of the World is the Idea of Extension ;
The Human Soul is the Idea of the Human Body.
One of Descartes' disciples, Eegius (Leroy) had said to him :
Thought and extension are ultimate attributes, no doubt, but
why should not one and the same substance underlie two
different attributes ? And this question contains the principle
of Spinoza's philosophy. " God, or substance, consisting of
198 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
infinite attributes, each one of which expresses eternal and
infinite essence, necessarily exists " (The Ethic, Part I, Prop. XI).
The great difficulty was to pass from this sole substance to
the finite beings revealed to us by our ordinary experience.
Spinoza seems to have sought for this transition from unity
to plurality, in what he calls the infinite and eternal modes.
That which results from the essence of a divine attribute, can
only be an eternal and infinite mode. The idea of God, for
instance, is an eternal and infinite mode, by which the
attribute of the divine Thought reveals itself : the idea of God
is the representation in thought of all the divine attributes.
Thought, being by nature representative, expresses all the
forms of Being. Therefore the idea of God embraces the idea
of extension and also that of thought, and these ideas are
eternal and infinite modes of the second degree.
Let us consider things in the same way, from the point of
view of extension. Motion and rest are eternal and infinite
modes of the first degree ; the fades totius universi is an
eternal and infinite mode of the second degree ; in other words,
it is deduced from a mode of the first degree (Letter to
L. Meyer). This aspect, this 'fades' of the universe, though
varied by the infinity of its successive modes, remains the
same, because the proportion of rest to motion does not
change.
" If the parts composing an individual become greater or less, but in
such proportion that they all preserve the same mutual relations of motion
and rest, the individual will still preserve its original nature, and its
actuality will not be changed" (The Ethics, Part II, lemma V).
Corporeal individuality is defined as a system of related
parts. There is nothing to prevent several individuals from
fitting into one another and thereby forming a more complex
individuality. From this point of view, the whole world is
one immense individual : its body is all the modes corre-
sponding to the attribute of extension, deduced, however, from
those eternal and infinite modes which constitute their unity;
its soul is the idea of extension. The idea of extension
embraces the ideas of all the separate modes of extension.
Now, a soul for Spinoza is nothing else than the idea of a mode
of extension. The idea of extension therefore embraces all souls :
is, in fact, the universal soul (see CEuvres de Spinoza, trad.
MIND 199
Saisset, IntrocL p. 86 et seq.). But in Spinoza's system the
difficulty is not so much to attain unity as to account for the
many, to break up this unity into the multiple appearances.
We can, perhaps, conceive how it is that the eternal and infinite
modes of the first and second degree allow of a reconciliation
between the unity of the attributes, and consequently, of
substance and the infinite succession of the given modes ; but
what is not at all clear is how we are to pass from those
eternal and infinite modes to the finite modes which vary the
fades totius universi.
Spinoza deduces from his system a theory of the human
soul. Extension and thought are not, as Descartes supposed,
distinct substances, but ultimate attributes of one and the
same substance. The human soul is the idea of the human
body, as the soul of the world is, the idea of extension. Thus
reduced to the idea of the body to which it belongs, the soul
does not exist, but is in a state of perpetual change like the
body itself. Its thoughts and actions follow each other
according to the affections of the body, and it is merely a
series of thoughts and volitions determined from without. The
soul is thus a sum, a totality, or rather a sequence that has no
real unity or identity. The individuality of the human soul is
only a reflection of the individuality of the human body, all of
whose parts are maintained in an unchanging relation by a
constant law. How is this theory of the soul to be reconciled
with the possibility of adequate knowledge, which is the raison
d'etre of Spinoza's Ethics ? How is it that the soul which is defined
as the " idea of a body" can go beyond the individual, leave the
particular body, and possess the universe in contemplating
things under the form of eternity ? It is because the human
soul, although, on the one hand, only as it were a reflection of
the body, is, on the other hand, connected with God ; there is
in God an " idea of the soul," which is united to the soul, as
the soul, or " idea of the body," is united to the body (Eth
II, Prop. XXI).
Leibnitz : Theory of Monads ; the Pre-established Harmony
takes the place of the Soul of the World.
Descartes would not admit the existence of any soul
except the human soul ; Spinoza maintained the distinction
200 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
between thought and extension, and in his system there was,
if I may so speak, as much soul as extension. Leibnitz
reduces extension itself to soul ; so that his world consists of
nothing but an infinite number of souls which possess infinitely
various degrees of perfection. Leibnitz had, at first, adopted
the Cartesian mechanical theory, but, while seeking the
ultimate principles of the laws of motion, he was much
surprised to perceive that it was impossible to find these laws
in mathematics alone, and that it was necessary to return once
more to metaphysics (Erdm. 720). Moreover, matter is com-
pound, divisible, and hence pure multiplicity. But multiplicity
can derive reality only from real units. " And there must be
simple substances, since there are compounds ; for a compound
is nothing but a collection or aggregatum, of simple things"
(Monad. 2, Latta's trans, p. 217).
From extension and matter, we are, therefore, brought back
to entirely immaterial units ; in other words, to the formal atoms,
atoms of substance, metaphysical points which differ from the
atoms of Epicurus in that they are unextended ; for extension
is only a phenomenon, and not, as the Cartesians taught, the
essence of bodies.
What constitutes the reality of these immaterial atoms is
force.
" Active force differs from the bare potency commonly recognized in
the Schools. For the active potency, or faculty of the Scholastics, is
nothing but a mere possibility of acting, which, nevertheless, requires
an outer excitation or stimulus, that it may be turned into activity.
But active force contains in itself a certain activity [actus], and is a mean
between the faculty of acting and action itself. It includes effort, and
thus passes into operation by itself, requiring no aids, but only the
removal of hindrance. This may be illustrated by the example of a
heavy hanging body stretching the rope which holds it up, or by that
of a drawn bow" (Erdmann's En. 1226).
But can we not get beyond this merely external notion of
force ?
" Force, you say, we only know through its effects, and not as it is
in itself. My answer is, that this would be true, if we did not possess
a soul, and if we did not know our soul."
Our inner experience reveals to us an active, real force,
which is the only force we know, namely, our soul (Ibid.
MIND 201
1855). We must, therefore, conceive the metaphysical atoms
after the image of our souls (Ibid. 124 a). Substances can
only be souls in the most general sense of the term. Their
unity is ultimately found to consist in perception and thought,
their force in tendency and appetition.
"Thus the world is not a machine as Descartes and Hobbes would
have it. Everything in it is force, soul, life, thought, desire ; what we
see is the machine, but we only see the outside of Being. Being is that
which itself sees " (Boutroux. 6d. de la Monad.).
Perception explains both the unity of each monad, and the
infinite diversity of the monads. Perception involves multi-
plicity in unity. Perceptio nihil est quam, multorum in uno
expressio (Erdm. 438). What do the monads perceive ? The
entire universe, but each from a point of view that is
peculiar to itself ; and it is its point of view that constitutes
the individual monad. There are degrees in perception : below
apperception, or conscious and distinct perception, there is
unconscious perception, and the two terms are joined by a
continuous series of stages. The degree of distinction in
perceptions constitutes the degree of perfection in the monads,
not one of which is identical with another (this is the principle
of indiscernibles). Since the monad is a created thing and
subject to change, and since its nature is perception, any
change in it can only be the transition from one perception
to another. Appetition is the effort made by the monad
to pass from one internal state to another. The law which
governs this effort is the law of final causes, to which con-
sequently the law of efficient causes is subordinate, since
material mechanism is ultimately found to be the expression
and symbol of this effort of the monads. As our will is
always directed towards the good, so the appetition of the
monad is an effort towards a more perfect internal state
than the preceding one ; in other words, it is a tendency
towards more distinct perceptions (Erdm. 706).
If there are nothing but souls, how are beings distinguished
from one another ? As we have said, by the differences of
these perceptions. There is an infinite number of degrees in
perceptions, and hence an infinite number of degrees in living
things (Ibid. 676). Leibnitz, however, distinguishes three
kinds : beings having merely life, animals, and men.
202 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
The merely living thing is the monad joined to an appropriate body.
Its perception is unconscious and both perish together. Omne corpus
mens est momentanea. The second degree is that of the monad endowed
with a more distinct perception, i.e. with feeling ; such a monad may be
called a soul ; when united to its proper body it is an animal. The third
degree is that of the soul endowed with reason and reflection, or minds
(spirits). The spirits are characterized by knowledge properly so-called,
by self-knowledge, by the possession of universal truths, and consequently,
the possibility of demonstrative knowledge.
The monads, being simple, cannot act upon one another.
How then can these beings which are not directly related, but
independent of one another, form a whole, or cosmos ? And
how, amidst this universal harmony, are the partial harmonies
to be explained? "Some moderns have not seen any objection
to this theory of a single and universal soul which absorbs all the
others. The doctrine of pre-established harmony is the most
effective way to remedy this evil" (Thtod., Disc, de la Conform,
de la liaison et de la Foi, § 10).
All the monads are in reciprocal agreement. All the acts
of any monad whatever are, in their infinite series, in relation
to all the acts of all the other monads. He who could open
out, as it were, the folds of a monad, would read therein the-
history of the world : Dum Deus calculat Jit mundus. In this
way the unity of the world is explained : each monad acts
spontaneously, on its own account, but out of all these inde-
pendent acts arises the universal harmony which was the
reason of its being. The law governing this harmony is the
Good, the subordination of that which is less good to what is
better. In this way the partial harmonies as well as the total
harmony become conceivable ; one monad is more perfect than
another in so far as in it is found that which serves to account
a priori for all that takes place in the other. All the monads
of the human body, for example, are independent, but in the
series of their acts they harmonize with the monad soul, and
this explains both the visible harmony of the human body and
its relations with thought.
The Empiricists : Materialism of Hobbes; Locke's indecision ;
Phenomenalism of Hume and Stuart Mill.
A development parallel with that of the Idealism which
began with Descartes, took place in the Empirical School
MIND 203
founded by Bacoii. Hobbes was a bold and consistent
Materialist. Like the Stoics, he identifies substance with
body : the spiritual is the non-existent, a mere abstraction ;
and all phenomena are reducible to movements, to changes of
position in space. There can be no causality except a mechani-
cal causality, and sensation is merely the motion of corporeal
parts produced by the external motion of things. The mind is a
body, all the phenomena of which can be reduced to motions.
" Spirits are thin, aerial, invisible bodies. Spirit and incorporeal are
words of contradictory signification. If men give to God such a title (i.e.
the title of ' Spirit incorporeal') it is piously to honour Him with attri-
butes of significations as remote as they can from the grossness of bodies
visible " (Leviathan, I, Ch. II).
Locke holds with Descartes that an inner feeling gives me
the consciousness of myself.
"Self is that conscious thinking thing, whatever substance made up of
(whether spiritual or material, simple or compounded, it matters not),
which is sensible or conscious of pleasure and pain, capable of happiness
or misery, and so is concerned for itself, as far as that consciousness
extends" (On the Human Understanding, II, xxvii, § 17).
My Ego is characterized by consciousness and identity ; it
extends, in a way, as far as my memory. But what is the sub-
stance of the soul ? On this point Locke is very cautious.
No one has any idea of substance, but only the supposition of " he
knows not what support of such qualities which are capable of producing
simple ideas in us (Ch. 23, § 2) ... having no other idea or notion of
matter, but something wherein those many sensible qualities which affect
our senses do subsist ; by supposing a substance wherein thinking, know-
ing, doubting, and a power of moving, etc., do subsist, we have as clear a
notion of the substance of spirit as we have of body ; the one being
supposed to be (without knowing what it is) the substratum of those
simple ideas we have from without, and the other supposed (with a like
ignorance of what it is) to be the substratum of the operations we
experience it in ourselves within . . . and therefore, from our not having
any notion of the substance of spirit we can no more conclude its non-
existence than we can for the same reason deny the existence of body "
(Ibid. § 5).
In each .case we assume an x, an unknown quantity ; and
hence, while, on the one hand, we have no reason to deny
the existence of spiritual substances, it is not impossible on the
204 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
other hand that God has endowed matter with the faculty of
thought.
" We have the ideas of matter and thinking, but possibly shall never be
able to know whether any mere material being thinks or no ; it being
impossible for us, by the contemplation of our own ideas, without revela-
tion, to discover whether Omnipotency has not given to some systems of
matter, fitly disposed, a power to perceive and think, or else joined and
fixed to matter so disposed a thinking, immaterial substance " {Ibid. IV,
iii, § 6).
Locke's Empiricism was carried to its ultimate logical con-
sequences by Hume. There must be always some impression
to give rise to a real idea, but there is no impression corre-
sponding to the idea of substance ; we have therefore no
knowledge of any substance, of bodies no more than of souls.
The Ego is neither simple nor identical, but merely an ever-
changing series, a complex collection of representations.
" If anyone, upon serious and unprejudiced reflection, thinks he has a
different notion of himself, I must confess I can reason no longer with
him" (Treatise of Human Nature, I, iv, 6).
And yet we commonly believe in the identity and simplicity
of the self. Whence arises this illusion ? Since each one of our
perceptions is distinct and separate from the others, how is it
that they are joined together in such a way as to give us the
idea of a self -identical Egol This subjective appearance is
explained by the laws of association. Images of our past
sensations are unceasingly being presented to us by memory.
These images form a chain ; and through habit our imagination
goes so rapidly from one link of this chain to another, that the
series of distinct elements, joined as it were end to end, finally
appears to us as a solid, continuous whole. Thus memory not
only reveals to us our identity, but takes part in its production.
The relation of cause and effect completes the work of determining
the notion of the Ego by binding together its elements. Impres-
sions give rise to ideas corresponding to them, and ideas in their
turn produce other impressions. Our mental states are thus
linked together according to the laws of a determinism by
which thought is led from one state to another. My present
pleasure or pain leads me to reflect on an action already done;
and, similarly, in forming a resolution in the present, I foresee
MIND 205
the future pleasure which I expect to derive from it. Thus,
the law of causality gives to the Ego at once an extension and
a unity which it could not derive from memory alone.
" But having once acquired this notion of causation from the memory,
we can extend the same chain of causes, and, consequently, the identity of
our persons, beyond our memory ; and can comprehend times, and circum-
stances, and actions, which we have entirely forgot, but suppose in general
to have existed. How few of our past actions are there of which we have
any memory ? Who can tell me, for instance, what were his thoughts and
actions on the 1st of January, 1715, the llth of March, 1719, and the 3rd
of August, 1733? Or will he affirm, because he has entirely forgot the
incidents of those days, that the present self is not the same person with
the self of that time ; and by that means overturn all the most established
notions of personal identity ? In this view, therefore, memory does not
so much produce as discover personal identity by showing us the relation
of cause and effect among our different perceptions " (Ibid.}.
Our belief in the real simplicity of the self is explained in
the same way as our belief in its real identity. An object, the
different co-existing parts of which are closely joined together,
appears to the imagination as a perfectly simple and indivisible
object. In a word, mind is a collection of internal phenomena,
which, given, the laws of imagination, necessarily appears as a
simple and identical substance.
Stuart Mill adopts Hume's theory :
" Our notion of mind, as well as of matter, is the notion of a permanent
something, contrasted with the perpetual flux of the sensations and other
feelings, or mental states, which we refer to it ; a something which we
figure as remaining the same, while the particular feelings through which
it reveals its existence change. . . . The belief I entertain that my mind
exists when it is not feeling, nor thinking, nor conscious of its own exis-
tence, resolves itself into the belief of the Permanent Possibilit}7 of the
state. . . . Thus far, there seems no hindrance to our regarding mind as
nothing but the series of our sensations (to which must now be added our
internal feelings) as they actually occur, with the addition of infinite possi-
bilities of feeling, requiring for their actual realization conditions which
may or may not take place, but which, as possibilities, are always in exis-
tence, and in many of them present" (Mill, Exam, of Hamilton, Ch. XII,
pp. 205, 206).
But Stuart Mill perceives in his own theory a difficulty
which he admits to be insurmountable.
" If therefore we speak of the mind as a series of feelings, we are obliged
to complete the statement, by calling it a series of feelings which is aware
206
of itself as past and future ; and we are reduced to the alternative of
believing that the Mind, or Ego, is something different from any series
of feelings, or of possibilities of them, or of accepting the paradox, that
something which, ex hypothesi, is but a series of feelings, can be aware of
itself as a series" (Ibid. pp. 212, 213).
French Materialism in the 18th Century, and German
Materialism in the 19th Century.
The doctrine of Materialism is not, as some suppose, an
empirical doctrine. Locke, Hume, and all the Empiricists
recognize the impossibility of reaching substance. Science
does not require any metaphysical system, since it only deals
with phenomena ; and it is a mere illusion on the part of the
materialists, when they believe themselves to speak in the
name of science. De la Mettrie (ffistoire Naturelle de I'Ame,
I' Homme-machine) dwells on the relations between the soul and
the organism, and on their parallel development, and in this
way he tries to reduce mind to body. Helvetius and Saint-
Lambert shared his views. D'Holbach identifies matter with
force : everything is material and everything is active. This
doctrine ends in a sort of Dynamical Materialism, in which the
Epicurean Atomism is combined with the Hylozoism of the
earliest Greek philosophers. The soul is not distinguishable
from the brain ; thought consists in the hidden, imperceptible
movements of the finest fibres of the brain. It is the differ-
ence in brains that causes the difference in minds : the soul
is merely the resultant of the organic mechanism.
The remarkable progress which has been made in our time
in the physiology of the nervous system, has not unnaturally
brought about a revival of Materialism. But, though
physiology continues to determine with increasing precision
the relations between physical and mental facts, between the
organism and thought, the materialistic theory of the soul has
not changed, and depends entirely on the same aphorisms :
" Spiritual activities are merely the functions of the brain,
that is, of a material substance " (Karl Vogt, Kohlerglaube
und Wissen, 1854). "Thought is to the brain what bile is to
the liver, or urine to the kidneys" (Moleschott, Kreislauf des
Lcbens, 1852).
Now the facts which have been collected by physiology
and pathology are most interesting, but they in no way prove
MIND 207
the theory of Materialism. To Karl Vogt's na'ive assertion
" that physiology is categorically opposed to an individual
immortality, and in general to all the hypotheses referring
to the existence of a distinct soul " (Ibid.), it is enough to reply
in the modest and profound words of Dubois Eeymond; "As
regards the enigma : what is force ? what is matter ? and how
are they capable of thought ? Naturalism must resign itself
once for all to the decree : Ignorabimus."
Kant : Paralogisms of Pure Reason ; Impossibility of Passing
from the Unity and Identity of the Ego to the Unity and Identity
of a Spiritual Substance.
The hypothesis of a world-soul was suggested to philosophers
by the unity of the universe, as the hypothesis of a human soul
is suggested by the unity of thought. According to Kant,
thought and the world are interdependent (see Vol. I, Ch. IV,
Problem of Reason); the unity of thought constitutes the unity of
the world, which alone renders thought possible. In knowledge,
we must distinguish the matter and the form. The matter is
given by sense and consists of all phenomena ; the form is the
subjective laws, which out of this chaos of elements make a
coherent whole. Thus, instead of a world-soul, we have in Kant
the categories of the understanding, which, being applied to
phenomena, form the inflexible determinism which makes
knowledge possible, and gives reality to the universe. In the
same way, in the Critique of Pure Reason the human soul also
resolves itself into laws of thought.
We can no more infer from the Ego of which I am conscious,
from the one and identical thought, the existence of a soul which
is a substance, than we can from the unity of the universe infer
a soul of the world.
" In this process of rational psychology, there lurks a paralogism which
may be represented by the following syllogism : That which cannot be
conceived otherwise than as a subject, does not exist otherwise than as a
subject, and is therefore a substance. A thinking being, considered as
such, cannot be considered otherwise than as a subject. Therefore it
exists also as such — only, that is, as a substance. The thinking is taken in
each of the two premises in a totally different meaning. In the major,
it refers to an object in general (and therefore also as it may be given
in intuition), but in the minor, only as it exists in its relation to self-
consciousness, where no object is thought of, but where we only represent
208 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the relation to the self as the subject (as the form of thought). In the
former, things are spoken of that cannot be conceived otherwise than as
subjects ; while in the second we do not speak of things but of the
thinking (abstraction being made of all objects), wherein the Ego always
serves as the subject of consciousness " (Critique of Pure Reason, Transc.
Dialectic, Bk. II, Ch. I).
Thought appears to itself as one and identical ; this is the
condition of its very existence. From this we learn nothing new;
he who says " thought," says " subject perceiving itself, and
knowing itself in the series of its successive ideas"; the judg-
ment is an analytic judgment. This general unity of thought,
this transcendental apperception is the first condition which
determines all the categories, all the forms of thought. These
have meaning and value only because they are the means
which co-operate in producing the unity of consciousness. But
it is only by a paralogism, by a sophistical use of the principle
of substance, that rational psychology professes to pass from
the Ego of consciousness to the soul, from the phenomenal to
the noumenal Ego, and to transform an analytic judgment which
merely unfolds the concept of thought, into a synthetic judg-
ment which presents the Ego I am conscious of as a single and
self -identical substance.
" Thus if Materialism was inadequate to explain my existence, Spiritual-
ism is equally insufficient for that purpose, and the conclusion is, that, in
no way whatsoever can we know anything of the nature of our soul, so
far as the possibility of its separate existence is concerned. And how
indeed should it be possible by means of that unity of consciousness which
we only know because it is indispensable to us for the very possibility of
experience, to get beyond experience (our existence in life) and even
to extend our knowledge to the nature of all thinking beings in general,
by the empirical, but, with reference to every kind of intuition, undeter-
mined proposition, " I think." . . . We see from all this, that rational
psychology owes its origin to a mere misunderstanding. The unity of
consciousness, on which the categories are founded, is mistaken for an
intuition of the subject as object, and the category of substance applied
to it. But that unity is only the unity in thought, by which alone no
object is given, and to which, therefore, the category of substance, which
always presupposes a given intuition, cannot be applied, and, therefore,
the subject cannot be known " (Ibid.).
Are we, then, condemned to know nothing of our own
nature ? Science inevitably leaves us in the world of pheno-
mena ; but if we turn from pure reason to practical reason,
MIND 209
from the faculty of thought to the faculty of action, moral
faith will throw new light on our nature. The idea of duty
implies the freedom of the will. As a moral being subject to
the law of duty, man is independent of the mechanical laws of
nature ; he is a person, and belongs to the kingdom of ends-in-
themselves, of noumena. The mind which feels and thinks
perceives itself only as a phenomenon, the mind which wills
and acts knows itself as a noumenon. For pure reason,
the mind is merely the phenomenon of an unknown thing-in-
itself; for practical reason, the mind is an autonomous and
free being.
Return to Metaphysics. Fichte, Schilling, and Hegel : Absolute
Spirit.
Kant had closed the world of noumena against intelligence;
yet out of his philosophy arose the boldest Idealism. Fichte
abolishes these unknown and unknowable things-in-themselves.
What remains ? The mind, the Ego. From this single
principle all things must be deduced. But this absolute Ego, the
starting point of philosophic deduction, is not to be confounded
with the individual empirical Ego, revealed to us by conscious-
ness. The absolute Ego is known by an intellectual intuition
which is the immediate consciousness of action. " The will is
the very essence of reason, the practical power is the deepest
root of the Ego." The mind is activity, energy, and this
activity is reality itself. " The conscious subject and the
principle of reality are identical." The mind makes all that it
knows ; it knows because it acts, and in every act of cognition
it knows itself, in all knowledge it knows something concerning
itself. As the Ego alone exists, the science of the mind is the
science of reality. The sensible world is an illusion born of the
play of the forms and categories, which opposes to the Ego, and
yet within the Ego, something that seems external to it. But
the illusion is a necessary one, and springs from the nature of
spirit and its ends. In the same way, from the absolute Ego, as
a necessary moment in its development, and from the Non-ego
posited by the Ego, the real plurality of the individual Egos is
deduced. Thus for Fichte the only reality is the spiritual
reality, the Absolute Ego, the universal soul whose essence is
•activity and which in its development sets opposite to itself
II. 0
210 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
an external and illusory world, and divides itself into a
plurality of free and active beings.
Fichte, being concerned solely with the moral life, admitted
the actuality of spiritual reality alone. Schelling, who was
well versed in natural science, endeavoured to escape from this
subjectivity, and to restore reality .to the world without
separating it from the mind. The real and the ideal, the
objective and subjective, are, as it were, the two poles of the
Absolute. The task of philosophy is to evolve alternately
Nature from intelligence, and intelligence from Nature, and thus
to establish the identity of the two terms ; philosophy is com-
pleted by the science of the Beautiful which is created by the
simultaneous operation of the conscious and the unconscious,
blended in the inspiration of genius. The unity and pro-
gress of the world can only be explained by a world-soul
{Weltseele), a plastic principle which organizes the universe.
This world-soul, this Absolute, which in its indifference embraces
and reconciles the subject and the object, is apprehended by
us in an intellectual intuition (intellectuelle Anschauung), of our
deepest being. That which in our ininds arrives at self-
consciousness is the very activity which in Nature created
the universe. Matter is spirit with its fire extinguished.
Reality is the evolution of the Absolute, the life of the universal
soul ; and philosophy is the history of God. Mind can only be
understood by a construction of the universe : the plurality of
souls is only a means employed by the Absolute to develop
itself by becoming more and more conscious of itself and of its
freedom.
Hegel holds with Schelling that all things come from the
Absolute, but he reproaches his predecessor with having posited
the Absolute without defining it : das Absolute sei wie aus der
Pistole geschossen, (his Absolute was, as it were, shot out of a
pistol). For Hegel the Absolute is the Idea, reality is the
Truth. Consciousness is only a moment in the evolution of
Being. To absolute knowledge, being and thought are identical ;
the rational is the real, the real is the rational. Metaphysics
is a system of Logic. Hegel's Logic develops the system of the
concepts which express all the developments of nature and of
spirit. His method is a dialectic, proceeding by thesis,
antithesis, and synthesis, and thus advancing from contra-
MIND 211
dictions to ever fuller and more complex reconciliations; a real
dialectic which is not created by consciousness, but whose
movement is the same as the movement of the evolution of
things. The Logic, in an unbroken dialectical chain, leads to the
Philosophy of Nature, that is to say to the Idea estranged, as it
were, from itself; and this again leads to the Philosophy of
Spirit, or to the Idea which has returned from nature to itself,
and assumes, along with possession of itself, an existence that
is independent.
The development of Spirit is the logical process which
leads it from dependence on nature to freedom, which is its
essence. The moments of this progress are the Subjective-
Spirit, the Objective Spirit and the Absolute Spirit. The Sub-
jective Spirit as depending on nature and on the body (human
temperament, sleep, etc.) is the object of Anthropology. Pheno-
menology deals with the Subjective Spirit in its progressive
elevation towards reason; Psychology considers it in its specula-
tive and practical powers. Intelligence emancipates itself
speculatively when it recognizes that all is reason realized ;
practically, when its content is determined by will.
The unity of will and thought is the active energy of a
freedom that determines itself. The essence of morality is
will taking reason as its end ; which means that the mind is
free when it. recognizes that it creates everything, when, con-
sequently, it wills everything that it creates ; in other words,
when the Idea, conscious of itself and of its products, recognizes
itself as God in the spirit. Objective Spirit consists in the pro-
ducts of the will : customs, laws, states. Absolute Spirit is Art,
which is the Idea appearing in a determinate form ; Religion,
which is the form under which the Absolute appears to imagin-
ation and to feeling ; Philosophy, which is the idea thinking
itself, truth knowing itself, conscious reason. The divine Spirit
finds itself again and comes to rest in Hegel's mind and in
that of his disciples. The truth, which is now the soul, is God
Himself.
Scottish and French Spiritualism.
In the meantime a less ambitious philosophy was being
developed in Scotland and France. Reid, the founder of the
Scottish school, appealed to common sense as a means of
212 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
escape from the scepticism of Hume. " I take it for granted
that all the thoughts that I am conscious of or remember, are
the thoughts of one and the same thinking principle, which I
call myself, or my mind " (On the Intell. Powers, I, Ch. II). He
endeavours, nevertheless, to prove by logic the existence of the
soul which he had begun by assuming without discussion.
Starting from a common-sense principle,, he says : " Every
action or operation therefore supposes an agent ; every
quality supposes a subject. . . . We do not give the name of
mind to thought, reason, or desire, but to that being which
thinks, which reasons, which desires " (Ibid.}. In order to
• determine the nature of the soul he reasons from phenomena
to an underlying substance. " My personal identity therefore
implies the continued existence of that indivisible thing which
I call myself."
Eoyer-Collard accepted the doctrines of Beid. Maine
de Biran insists strongly on the difference between the
knowledge of self which is immediate and direct, and our
knowledge of external things which is mediate and indirect.
The soul considered in its substance is an unknown quantity,
but, through reflection on itself, the subject knows itself as a
cause, and distinguishes itself from all its phenomena. In the
primitive fact of effort, the Ego already apprehends itself in its
antithesis to the Non-ego, and consequently posits itself in its
opposition to that which is not itself. Jouffroy, who at first
followed Eeid in his inference of substance from phenomena,
finally associated himself with this theory, according to which,
it is through intuitive reflection alone that we reach the Eyo.
M. Eavaisson, developing Maine de Biran's ideas, maintains
that reflection does not give us, besides itself, some unknown
substance ; but that it apprehends that very essence of the soul
which is, in the first place, force, and finally love, since force
presupposes a tendency. At the same time he insists on the
incessant passage of life into thought, and he abandons the
Cartesian dualism for a doctrine which approaches the theories
of Leibnitz and Schelling.
Conclusion.
The hypothesis of a soul is suggested by the necessity
of finding a reason both for the unity of the universe and
MIND 213
for the unity of the body and of thought. Hence the hypo-
thesis of a universal soul and of individual souls. The theory
of a world-soul is apt to reappear whenever men have tried to
dispense with a creative and providential God. Materialism,
Empiricism, Criticism, Spiritualism are, as we have seen, the
chief solutions which have been proposed. Materialism, evading
the question, leaves us only a principle of division and multi-
plicity, which it has not even succeeded in defining. Empiricism,
by developing in its analyses the data of the problem — which
it refuses to attack — has assisted in making the problem stand
out more clearly. Criticism, in the a priori forms of thought,
provides an explanation of both the concatenation of phenomena
and the unity of the mind. The different metaphysical
hypotheses are the result of repeated efforts to find for the
harmony of the universe, as for the unity of the body and
the human mind, a real principle which would be their
sufficient reason.
CHAPTER IV
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND
THOSE systems of philosophy which exclude dualism are yet
obliged to account in some way for the appearances which
have suggested the hypothesis of two ultimate substances.
Every metaphysical theory admits the existence of an active
and a passive principle, and seeks in the relations of these
two terms an explanation of nature and of human life. What
we have then to look for in History are the solutions succes-
sively proposed for the problem which in its acute form, so to
speak, becomes the problem of the intercommunication of
substances. In this way we shall complete our summary of
the essential elements in the great metaphysical theories
concerning nature and man.
Pre-Socratic Philosophy : Confusion between Active and
Passive Principles.
As we have seen, the first Greek philosophers had no clear
conception of the distinction between matter and mind. The
element whose evolution constituted the world, was at once
matter and force. Thales' fluid principle was a living, divine
thing (Arist. De Anim. 411 a, 7). The air of Anaximenes was
in perpetual motion, and was God (Cic. De Nat. Deor. 1, 10).
Diogenes of Apollonius, to explain the order of the world,
contents himself with making intelligence an attribute of the
material element (air), which, according to him, constitutes
the substance of things (Simplic, In Phys. 36&). With
Heraclitus, fire is at once the primary element of things, the
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 215
principle of motion by its incessant transformation and
by the law of the union of contraries immanent in it, and
the principle of harmony. In man, body and mind are
distinguished, but this distinction does not go so far as to
represent them as opposite substances. Body is fire densifie"d :
spirit is the primitive fire in its purity (Arist. De Anima.
1, 2, 405 a, 25).
The distinction between the corporeal and the incorporeal
was unknown to the Eleatics also. Parmenides describes
Being as a continuous, homogeneous, limited mass, extending
in every direction equally from its centre (V, 102 sq.*).
Thought, to him, was not distinct from Being ; outside of
Being there was nothing, and all thought was thought of
Being (V, 94).
The Pythagorean cosmology was based on the principle of
order and harmony. The earth was not the centre of the
universe, because of itself it is without light. The central fire
was luminous and motionless, because light and rest stand in the
series of things that are good. Are we to understand from
this that for the Pythagoreans the principle of harmony was
something distinct from the matter which it governs ? Certainly
not. What we find in the world is the quality of the elements
which constitute it. If all things are made of Numbers it is
because Number is the substance of things. " Undoubtedly,"
says Aristotle, " they appear to consider Number to be a first
principle, and, as it were, a material cause of things, and of
their divers modifications and habits " (Aristotle, Metaph. Book
V, 5, 986 a, 15).
In the doctrine of Democritus, motion was eternal, and
therefore the hypothesis of any motor cause distinct from
matter was superfluous. The soul consisted of atoms which
were connected with its moving and life-giving power, and
filled the whole universe. The air contained a great deal
of soul and of reason, because it contained a great many
psychical atoms : ev yap rip aepi moXw apiO/mov etvat TU)V
TOIOVTWV, a KaXel eiceivos vovv KOI ^v^jv (Arist. De Resp.
c. 4). Ignited atoms engendered motion and life through
their physical properties, and when accumulated in a great
mass they produced thought, which was merely a kind of
motion. The human soul being an extended thing, there
216 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
was no difficulty in placing it in the body ; it, in fact, per-
vaded the whole body.
Empedocles distinguishes from his four material elements,
two moving forces, love and hate; the former joins and
combines the elements, while the latter separates them
(V, 80 sq.). However, he treats these two forces at one
time as mythological beings, at another as corporeal elements
mixed with things.
Anaxagoras was the first to distinguish the force which
moves, from the matter which is moved. He sets above
the elements the Intelligence which governs them, but his
Not!? has still something of a natural or impersonal cor-
poreal force. It is the purest, the most subtle of things :
AeTTTOTaToi' re TTOLVTWV ^p^jmaTtav KOI KaQapwTa-rov (Fr. 6),
and seems to penetrate all things like an extended fluid.
Indeed, Socrates (Phaedo, 98 &) and Aristotle (Met. 1, 4, 985 a,
18) reproach Anaxagoras with having made no use of the
principle which he invented, with having only made intelligence
intervene when he was unable to discover the mechanical
causes of a phenomenon.
To sum up : the distinction between matter and force
was not perceived either by the old Ionic philosophers, or the
Pythagoreans, or the Eleatics. Democritus got rid of the
problem by boldly carrying back the origin of motion to
infinity. With Empedocles, and, more clearly still, with
Anaxagoras, the notions of matter and force began to be
distinguished, but the notion of force itself was still very
vague, and its action on matter could only be explained by
mixing it with the latter, as if it were a kind of extended
fluid.
It is not easy to say what was Socrates' conception
of matter and of its relation to mind ; for though he
willingly dwelt on the proofs of design in nature, he did
not trouble himself much with the greater metaphysical
problems. The universe, he said, was a work of art
which presupposed a Divine Artist ; and as for God's
relation to the world, we have a kind of experience of it
in the relation of our soul to our body (Mem. I, iv, 17).
This was not a solution of the problem, but merely another
way of expressing it.
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 217
Plato : Matter is Non-being ; the Bodily Mechanism is sub-
ordinate to the Ends of the Soul.
Matter for Plato was Non-being. In his system there
is, consequently, only one reality, one substance, which is
the Idea ; phenomena are " rays of the Ideas, broken
up in the void and obscurity of infinite space " (Zeller).
But whence are we to derive Non- being ? From the
Idea ? But this would be to deduce Non-being from Being.
If the Idea alone is real all the reality of the sensible world
must be in the Idea. On the other hand, if the Idea is
immutable and eternal, if it is above plurality, above becoming,
what is sensible cannot flow from it. Now, we seem to
be logically brought back to dualism. Matter is not absolute
Non-being, for it limits the being of the Idea in the sensible
world. Plato appears to oppose matter to the Idea, as if it
were an obstacle, or limit, as something which is external
to the idea, and into which the idea never entirely penetrates.
And if it is difficult to understand how the sensible world is
derived from the world of Ideas, the question of the actual
relation between these two worlds is not less obscure in
Plato.
In the existence of the Ideas, there is nothing surprising,
since, by their very' definition, these Ideas constitute the whole
of reality ; but what is the use of the sensible world which
exists alongside of the ideal one, and what is this other reality
which is not reality ? Plato thinks he solves this problem
by his theory of Participation (yueOe£*?). Sensible things
exist only in so far as they participate in the Ideas. But how
does this /xe'Oe^t? take place ? How is it possible ? How can
the One and the Many, the immutable and the becoming, Being
and Non-being, what is in space and what is above space, —
how can these contradictory terms be joined together and
combined in the unity of appearance ; and how is their
relation to one another in this unity to be conceived ? (see
Zeller).
In the Timaeus, cosmology prepares the way for psychology.
The cosmos, which is a system of spheres in rotation, is a
living thing ; it possesses a soul and a body. The cosmic
soul is endowed with spontaneous motion and with know-
ledge ; extending throughout the world from its centre to its
218 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
extremities, this soul moves the world in moving itself. It
is quite certain that Plato does not mean this theory to
be taken literally, and that in it many mythical notions
are interwoven with the philosopher's true conception. In
man the soul is higher than the body, and can exist with-
out it, since it existed before it. The soul fulfils without
the intervention of the body, its highest function, which
is pure thought. On the other hand, the two terms are
not altogether unconnected.
In the first place, the body is to be regarded as the instrument of
the soul, which existed before the body, and therefore cannot be its
harmony. Far from being its effect, the soul is rather the cause of the
organization of the body, and it is in the needs, in the functions of the
soul, that we are to look for the reason of the bodily mechanism. The
soul is divided into three parts : vous, #u/xos, etnBvfua. The vovs
is situated in the head ; the seat of the rational soul is the brain (Tim.
73 d) ; this higher soul is composed of the same elements as the cosmic
soul, is endowed with the same properties of spontaneous motion and
knowledge, and performs in the head, which is a kind of microcosm, the
same harmonic evolutions. The dvpos is placed in the breast, between
the VOTJS and the firidvpia, in order to carry out more properly the
orders of the vous, and at the same time be able to restrain the desires
(Tim. 70 a). The tiridvuia has its seat below the diaphragm, in the
abdominal region (Tim. 70 e). But both these latter parts are connected
with the spinal marrow, and in this way the unity of the three souls is
represented in the bodily organism (Tim. 73 V). The heart, which is the
starting-point of the veins, is the physiological centre of the Ovfj.6s : it
takes orders from the vows and transmits them through the blood-vessels
to all parts of the body ( Tim. 70 6). Impressions from without travel by
the same paths, only in an opposite sense. Thus the blood-vessels are made
to play the part of conductors, a function which we now ascribe to the nerves
(Tim. 65 c). The vous is connected with the eTri6v/Ma by the liver. The
eiridvpia cannot obey Reason directly, it can only be guided by images.
On the polished and brilliant surface of the liver, as in a mirror, the
vovs causes images that are either fearful or delightful, to appear,
changes the natural sweetness of this organ into bitterness by the secre-
tion of bile, or, on the contrary, restores it to its original condition by
terrifying or soothing the part of the soul which dwells in that region
of the body (Tim. 71 b).
In these assertions the important point is that the bodily
organism has a psychical purpose, that the body is to be
understood through the soul and is its instrument. This does
not mean that the body does not react upon the soul. The
body is the source of the errors and passions by which most
men are so strongly bound to sensible life.
A movement caused in the body by an external impression communi-
cates itself to the movement of the soul (Tim. 61 d). When these external
impressions are too violent, exact knowledge is impossible. The health of
the body is necessary to the health of the soul (Tim. 86-90), and vice versa
( Tim. 66 e). The best relation between these two terms is that of harmony
and proportion (avpfurpia.). This intimate relation between the organism
and the mind explains the importance attached by Plato to genera-
tion. The qualities and defects of parents are transmitted by heredity
to their children ; the legislator should therefore possess the art of uniting
temperaments in their most favourable proportions (Polit. 310).
We must confess that it is not clear how the condition of
the bodies of the parents at the time of conception could so affect
a soul which pre-exists the body it animates. Here we have
in another form the problem of the transition from the
intelligible to the sensible.
Aristotle : Matter and Form ; Relation of Matter to Form ;
Correspondence between the Soul and the Body ; The Trvevfia.
In Aristotle's teaching, matter is that which can become
either this or the other, which, considered in the abstract, is
indifferent to any determination, and is the permanent subject
of all change. Form is the evepyeia, the realization of the
potential and its completion, evreXe^em. Form and matter
therefore require no intermediate term to unite them ; when
the potential becomes the real, two substances are not
combined, for matter is the thing as it exists potentially, and
form is the same thing become real (Met. 1045 J, 17).
Matter is not Non-being or a mere logical possibility : eyyvs
KOI ovcriav 7r&>9 Trjs v\n<5 (Phys. I, 9). It contains as a
tendency, that of which the form is the reality : m/ro? yap
TiJ/o? Oeiov KOI ayaOov KOI e<p€TOu, TO /uej/ evavTiov avTia (ba/mev
elvai, TO oe o 7re(hvKev €<pi€<r9a.i KOI opeyevQai avrov KUTU Tr/v
eavTov <pvcriv (Phys. I, 9). Matter aspires to attain form, which
excites it to motion and makes it complete.
Matter without determination is a pure potentiality, and can
never therefore be a reality.
Matter is always given in a determinate form : ov ^wpia-Trj, dXX' del
ptT evavTidxreeos (De Gen. et Cor. II, 1). The same thing may be in one
220
sense matter and in another form. Marble is matter with relation to the
statue, and form inasmuch as it is marble. Thus matter arises from form
to form in a progressive evolution. The first indeterminate matter, which
we can only know by analogy, would in the last resort be found to under-
lie all reality ; but, on the other hand, each thing has its own last and
special matter (e(r^aT>;, Kios, otxeia eKacrrov). The marble, for instance,
is the last matter of the statue, and between these two extremes as inter-
mediate terms, are all the forms successively taken by the first matter,
before it became this last, determinate matter, to which this highest form
is immediately united.
Between the TrpwTt] v\tj and pure form, or God, we are to
conceive a series of progressive forms, a hierarchy the terms of
which presuppose one another. A continuous movement of the
potential towards an ever-higher reality under the impulse of
the desire which Divine Perfection awakens in nature, evolu-
tion and continuity, herein lies the solution of the whole
problem : matter is no longer opposed to form as the non-
existent to Being ; the potential is the necessary antecedent of
the actual ; there is no opposition between the two terms,
except in the sense that matter, according to the stage of
development at which we take it, is only adapted to receive
such and such a determinate form.
Aristotle appears in this way to avoid the difficulties which
the Platonic conception involves. But the form, with him, is
the universal, the object of knowledge ; on the other hand, the
universal only exists in particular beings, and the real is the
individual which implies matter as well as form. This being
the case, how could he say that matter is pure potentiality ? If
form is the true reality, and if, as such, it is opposed to matter,
and to the compound of matter and form, how are we to
reconcile the two statements that the form is the universal,
and that the particular alone is real ? Aristotle does not, in
fact, succeed in harmonizing the Platonic and Empirical elements
in his doctrine, according to which the universal is the real,
and yet it is in the individual alone that the universal is
found.
The union of soul and body is merely a particular case of
the problem of the union of matter and form. The form has
no existence outside of or apart from the matter of which it is
the realization ; the soul is the form of the body (eiSo?). Life is
not to be conceived as a combination of heterogeneous elements,
THE EELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 221
(Meta. 1045). The soul is the active force
in the body ; the body is the natural instrument of the soul :
•wavTa TO. <pv<TiKa (ru)ju.a.Ta Trjs ^wxfj? opyava (De An. II, 4). In
a word, soul and body are correlative terms, logically separable
but actually inseparable.
The soul can neither be without the body, nor be itself a body of any
kind (II^T avev o-w/xaros etvcu /-t^re crw/m TI rj foxy), for it is not a body,
but is yet something of the body (crw/iaros 8e TI), and, therefore, present
innately in the body, and in a body peculiarly constituted: KCU Sta TOVTO
ev o-oj/Aart virdp\fi, KO.L ei/ o-cu^ari roiovrif (De An. II, 2). Not that we
are to regard the soul as the resultant of two forces ; as its formal and
final cause, it is rather the principle, the reason of the organism : «TTI 8' -rj
fox*i r°v <^VTOS <T(ap.a.TO<s airta KCU ap^ (De An. II, 4). The soul is the
realization (evreAe^tta) of that which, in the body, only exists potentially.
All the actions and passions of a living being have therefore
two aspects — one of which is formal and of the soul, and
the other material and of the body. When an animal or a
man is angry, his emotion is at once a mental and a bodily
fact. Eegarded as a fact of the soul, it may be called a desire
to injure one who has injured us ; regarded as a fact of the
body, it may be called an ebullition of the blood and a warmth
in the region of the heart (De An. 1, 1 ; see Alex. Bain, Psychology
of Aristotle). These two aspects of the same emotion, though
they may be logically distinct, are, in fact, correlative, and
imply one another. In the same way, all our acts are at once
physical and psychical ; and health of the soul implies health
of the body. The superiority of our organism is due to the
fact that it is the instrument of a superior kind of soul ; man
does not think because he has hands, he has hands because he
thinks (De An. II, 4). Aristotle, however, makes one exception.
The active intellect, the vov<; TTOIIJTIKO^, has no bodily organ ;
it comes from without (OvpaOev), is separable (xoywro? /cat
a-TraOfjs /cat a/uny^\ and alone eternal and immortal : aQdvaTov
/cat ai'Siov (De An. III. 5).
But is it not possible to determine more precisely the
element in which the soul dwells, and with which it is com-
municated from one being to another in the act of generation 1
Every kind of heat, according to Aristotle, the. heat of the sun as well
as that of organisms, is a principle of life (^WTIKT) ap^r;). The living body
and all its parts must have a material, innate warmth : oay
THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
(f>vcriK-ijv (De Vit. 4), the principle of which is in the heart,
where the psychical fire, so to speak, burns (rr/s ^\^s wo-Tre/a e^iTreTrupev-
yu.ei/^s). The higher animals are those which possess more abundantly
the dep/Aov (De liespir. 13). Life is extinguished at the same time as the
flame of the heart. The warmth communicates itself to the inner air,
which, in this way, participates in the vital force. The seed is rendered
fertile by the warmth that is in it (TO Ka.\ovp.evov Btppov). This warmth
is not a fire but the Trvev/j.a which is contained in the male and the
female seed, or rather, the nature contained in this Trvev^a (fj ev T£
7rvfVfMa.TL <£iVis), a nature which resembles that of the stars : dvdXoyov
ovara TO> r(av curjyxov (rroiytiw — Oeiorepov r(av KaXovp-evwv OTOIY^ICOV
(De Gen. Anim. II, 3). In short, the vital heat is the Tryev/za, and the
principle of the Trveu/m is in the heart.
From this it seems probable that for Aristotle the vital heat
is connected with air, but. its primary principle is heat, since the
pneuma is merely heated air, and participates in the properties
of heat, which it spreads all over the body.
Theory of the 7rvevju.a before Aristotle. Theory of the 7ri>ev/u.a
with ike Stoics. God and the World. The Soul and the Body,
a Physical Mixture. The Epicureans: Animal and Rational
Souls.
The theory of the Trvev/u-a, of air mingled with the vital heat
which refines and subtilizes it, played a most important part in
the physiology of the ancients. This hypothesis was generally
accepted as an explanation both of physical life itself and of
the relation of soul to body. Even after the pneuma had
become one of the most elevated conceptions of Christian
theology (i.e. that of the Holy Ghost), all through the Middle
Ages and until the discovery of the circulation of the
blood, the physiological theory of the pneuma lost none of its
importance. Descartes' theory of the animal spirits is the
form in which it appears for the last time (see Herm. Siebeck,
Gesch. der Psych.}.
According to Heraclitus, it is from the outer air that, partly
through respiration and partly through the organs of sensation,
we derive the warmth which is the principle of life and of
intelligence. Hippocrates, in his treatise, De Aere, Aquis, et
Locis, ascribes to the nature of the surrounding air a great
influence on the organism and on the characters of races.
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 223
After Hippocrates the theory of the Trveu/ma became current
in the physiology of the ancients. Physicians were agreed in
finding a close relation between the two facts of animal heat
and respiration. Air, they said, enters into the organism by
means of respiration and becomes heated ; the Trvev/jia is also
formed by the evaporation of the humid elements through the
action of the organic heat of the animal elements contained in
the food introduced into the stomach. It circulates with the
blood and flows all over the body ; it acts at once mechanically
according to its density and to its own motion, and dynamically
as the principle of organization, or as a vital force. " The
pneuma comes from the air, and flows through the veins,
reaching thus the internal cavities of the body, and especially
the brain, whence it determines our thought and the movement
of our limbs " (Hipp. De Morb. sacr.).
The physician Praxagoras, who lived at the time of Alex-
ander, distinguished the arteries from the veins. The veins
were full of blood, and the arteries, which in a corpse are
empty, only serve for the circulation of the air, or of the
pneuma; and they play in sensation the part which we
attribute to the nerves. As numerous anastomoses were found
between the veins and the arteries, a whole theory of disease
was based on the invasion of the arteries by the blood.
The Stoics, in their explanations of the relations between
the soul and the body, followed their predecessors in most of
their ideas concerning the Trvev/ma, but they developed this
theory, and in their turn exercised a real influence on ancient
physiology. According to them, the union of soul and body is
only a particular case of the union of matter and force. All
things are corporeal, all are derived from the primitive fire, and
must return to it some day. In the actual state of the
universe, however, in consequence of the relaxation which is
gradually extinguishing the primitive substance, it is possible
to distinguish the active from the passive, and inert matter
from the rational and active cause. Not that matter and form
are, as in Aristotle, principles that have a different origin
although eternally bound together. Matter is derived from
fire ; form is corporeal, and is itself the irvev/jLa. TrupoeiSe?
KOI rexvoeiSes, the fiery, organizing breath or spirit. Form
being corporeal, its union with matter cannot be anything but
224 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
a physical mixture, and since the essential quality of a body is
present in all its elements, it follows that one body can
penetrate the parts of another body, or, to use Plutarch's
expression, that a body may be the place of a body (Plut.
Comm. Not, 37, 2).
Thus the Stoics were led to deny impenetrability. They
went so far as to say that a smaller body mixed with a larger
one will become the same size as the latter : one drop of wine
will make the sea red (D.L. vn, 151). In this way there is a
mixture of all parts, icpacris §i oXcov, of form with matter, of
God with the world : Divinus spiritus per omnia maxima ac
minima aequali intentione diffusus (Sen. Consol. ad Helv. 8, 3).
The harmony between all the parts of the universe can only be
explained by this- tension of the Divine Creator : haec ita fieri
omnibus inter se concinentibus mitndi partibus profecto won
possent, nisi ea uno divino et continuato spiritu continerentur
(Cic. De Nat. Deor. II, 7, 19).
The Stoics, who regarded the universe as an animal, used to
speculate as to the seat of its soul, i.e. as to the centre whence
the active forces radiated and extended throughout the world.
Most of them placed the riye/noviKov in the higher regions, in
the ether. Clean thes held that it was in the sun (Cic. Acad.
II, 41, 126). The human soul is a fragment of the universal
soul, and is to the organism what God is to the world ; for it
extends throughout the body, and maintains all its elements in
a state of mutual sympathy.
The relations of the soul to the body sufficed to prove that
the former is corporeal, since only a body can act upon a body.
Thus the union of soul and body was explained by a physical
mixture. The soul was a Trvev/u.a, a fiery breath, fed by the
vapours of the blood, as the stars are fed by vapours of the
earth. The seat of the soul is not in the brain but in the
heart; for does not the air we breathe penetrate into our chest ?
Does not speech, that first manifestation of thought, proceed
from the chest ? In generation a part of the soul of the parents
is transmitted to the embryo, which, as long as it is in the
womb, has only a vegetable soul. It is after birth, and
under the action of the external air, that, by a sort of con-
densation, the animal soul is formed (Plut. De Stoic, repugn.
41,1,8). The seven parts of the soul (the five senses, faculty of
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 225
speech, and the reproductive faculty) extend throughout the
body, starting from the ^efj-oviKov, that is, from the central
and higher force, like the arms of a polypus (Pint. De Plac.
Ph. IV, 4, 2).
To the Epicureans, as to the Stoics, the reciprocal action of
the body and the soul was a sufficient proof of the corporeality
of the latter (Lucr. III. 61 sq.). The soul was composed of fire,
of air, of pneuma, and of a fourth more mobile, more subtle
element, which was the principle of sensation (Lucr. Ill, 231
sq.). The irrational soul (anima) extended throughout the
body, of which it was the vivifying force. The rational soul
(animus, mens, Lucr.) is situated in the breast, and it alone
possesses sensation and motion (D.L. x, 66). These two souls,
although they constitute one and the same being, may yet not
be both in the same condition, and hence the mind may be
serene, whilst the animal soul is in pain.
Galen gives a definite form to the Physiology of the
Functions of the Brain, the Marrow and the Nerves.
In the meantime, the physiological theory of the 7ri>ev/j.a was
being developed on corresponding lines by physicians. For
many centuries a school of medicine nourished at Alexandria,
in which experiments and vivisection were practised, the nerves
and the brain were studied, and discoveries were made which
were to be revived in our days — for example, the distinction
between the sensitive and motor nerves. Galen, the greatest
of these physicians, adopted the theory of the Trvev/ma, but
endeavoured to give it more unity and coherence. His theory
was that the heart and the arteries receive air in the diastole
of the pulse, and eject the air that has become impure, in the
systole. The heart, which is the focus of the organic heat,
provides the lungs with blood, and receives from the lungs and
the arteries the Trveu/xa, which returns through the left ventricle
of the heart into the arteries, and flows through the latter all
over the body. Air when inhaled undergoes in the organism
modifications which refine and subtilize it. In the lungs it
mingles with the pneuma that is present at birth, irvev/jia
vv/u.(f)vTov ; in the heart and in the arteries, and afterwards in
the ventricles of the brain, it is elaborated and refined, and, in this
way, it becomes the Trvev/j.a fyrrtKov, the vital breath, in which
ii. P
226 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
form it is found especially in the heart and arteries, and
presides over the functions of the vegetable life (digestion and
respiration). A psychical breath, which is more subtle still,
is formed out of the Trvev^a fyriKov in the ventricles of the
brain.
As to whether this psychical pneuma is the soul itself or
merely its highest organ, Galen deliberately abstains from
giving an opinion. It was enough for his purpose that the
pneuma was the necessary condition of life, and that the
alterations in this vital breath were the cause of the diseases
of the body, of disturbances of the soul, of death itself.
But, if Galen does not affirm that the soul is material he
draws attention to the connection between our physical
and moral states. The faculties of the soul develop simul-
taneously with the organs of the body ; the perfection of
human thought can be traced to a happy blending of the
elements which enter into the composition of the brain, and
to the subtlety of the pneuma in man. The divers states of
the soul depend on temperament, that is to say, on the propor-
tions according to which are combined the corporeal elements,
the principles of heat and cold, of dry ness and humidity
(evicpaa-la — $v(TKpa.(ria). Assuming that there is in the soul a
higher spiritual part, the mortal part can be nothing else than
this temperament, this combination of the organic principles.
Do we not see how the union of the soul and body is severed
by fever and poisons ; how the character of nations is modified
by differences in climate ; and madness is produced by the
presence of black bile in the brain ?
After the time of Aristotle two opinions were current con-
cerning the seat of the soul : the Peripatetics and the Stoics
insisted that it was in the heart, while the physicians declared
that it was in the brain. As against Aristotle, Galen cites the
experiments made on living animals ; vivisection, he says, proves
that the principle of sensation, of speech, and of voluntary
motion, is not the heart, but the brain. The heart is only
the seat of the passions and involuntary movements ; on the
other hand, the principle of vegetable' life is found in the liver.
The spinal marrow serves to connect the brain with the nerves
which are not directly joined to it ; when a section of the spinal
marrow is entirely cut off from the rest, in the part of the
body situated below that section sensation and motion disappear.
The substance of the nerves is the same as that of the brain,
but harder and thicker ; they are the conductors of the pneuma,
.and transmit the motor impulses from the centre to the
periphery, and sensations from the periphery to the centre. The
nerves have three functions : through their connections with
the organs of sense they produce sensation ; being joined to the
muscles they produce voluntary motion ; and, finally, they de-
velop in other organs consciousness of dangerous modifications.
Obscurity of the Neo-Platonic Doctrine concerning the Relation
<of Matter to Mind.
Plotinus returned to the Platonic conception of matter.
Matter, for him, was not the body ; it was without qualities,
was the indeterminate, or Non-being. At the end of the Neo-
Platonic procession, the soul, which is the third hypostasis,
required something extended wherein it might develop, in
•order to disperse that which is concentrated in the world
of ideas. The soul itself creates its own place : Trpoievai Se
ei /xe'XXot yevvrfaei eavry TOTTOV, W<TT€ KOI <ra>ma (Enn. IV, 3, 9).
Plotinus does not succeed in explaining how it is that matter
can proceed from the soul, Non-being come out of Being, or that
which is in no way spiritual, out of the spiritual. The pheno-
menal world is the result of the union of the soul with matter;
but how is this union to be conceived ? As the image of Being
in Non-being. The sensible world may be compared to the
.appearance of an object reflected in a mirror. Just as a face
may be reproduced in several mirrors without losing its unity,
so the soul and the intelligible form preserve their unity, and
remain in themselves whole and entire, even when they seem
to be divided and multiplied in sensible things. Matter, like
Non-being, participates, and at the same time does not partici-
pate in Being. In the same way the soul is in matter and
yet not in it, and is present in the multitude of sensible things
without going out of itself, or ceasing to be immutable.
The individual soul, which is at first contained in the uni-
versal soul, yields to the desire of acquiring an independent
life in a separate body. But in falling into this body it does
not lose its purely spiritual nature, but remains united to the
world-soul and to the vovs. How is a living whole to be
228 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
formed out of this supra-sensible Being and the body ? The
soul, Plotinus replies, does not dwell in the body in the same
way as the body dwells in space, nor as a part in the whole,
but as the active force in its natural organ, as fire is present
in the air and penetrates it without mixing with it. We must
not say that the soul is in the body, but rather that the body
is in the soul ; because it is the latter which in its sphere of
action contains the bodily organs.
The Fathers of the Church and the Scholastics.
The Apologists and the fathers of the Church adopted in
turn the different theories of the Greeks ; even the Stoic
Materialism had its partisans (e.g. in Tertullian). On the
question of the origin of the soul there were two opposite
doctrines : creation and tradiiction. According to the former, God
creates the soul in a special act, and adds it to the body ; on the
latter theory the soul is produced by the parents like the body
and in the same extent. Part of the Trvev/j-a of the progeni-
tors is transmitted in the act of generation.
St. Augustine, however, finds difficulties in both these theories
and refuses to make any assertion on the subject. His concep-
tion of the relation of the soul to the body recalls those of the
Xeo-Platonists. The soul is a simple substance, and cannot be
conceived as extended. It is, however, present all over the
body, and it fills the latter, not locali diffusione sed vitali inten-
sione ; the soul is whole and entire in all the parts of the
body and in each one of them, in singulis tota et in omnibus tola
(Epist. 166, 2, 4).
According to these principles, the whole soul feels an
impression made on any part of the body without requiring to*
move to the point where this impression is produced (De Imm.
An. 16, 25). St. Augustine admits indeed that the union of
soul and body cannot be scientifically explained — man is, as it
were, a third substance formed out of two heterogeneous sub-
stances. He does not hold that the body acts on the soul ; it
is the soul, he says, which in the body acts on itself. It is
not clear how on this hypothesis he could adopt Galen's view
of the nerves and Trvev/ma, the brain and the heart, as inter-
mediaries between the soul and the body.
In the Middle Ages, we find once more the theory of matter
THE EELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 229
and form : the traditions of Greek philosophy had not been
broken. Aristotle did not explain how form, which is
universal, can, out of matter that is completely indeterminate,
make an individual being. The Scholastic Peripatetics, Albertus
Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas, imagine they avoid this pre-
dicament by making matter itself the principle of individua-
tion. Principium diversitat'is individuorum ejusdem speciei est
divisio materiae secundum quantitatem (De Princip. Individ, Fol.
597). But, if the individuality of man depends on the division
of matter, on the distribution of its elements in space, and if
the soul in itself is an immaterial form, would it not follow
that the individuality of the human soul must be denied ?
Duns Scotus, the antagonist of St. Thomas, denied that form
was identical with the universal, and that matter was the
principle of individuation. The individual, he said, is the
ultima realitas (In 2™ Sent. D. 3, 9, 6). Individual existence
is not a decadence but a perfection, for it presupposes the
addition of positive determinations to the universal, and the
general essence (quidditas) is completed by the individual
nature (haecceitas). Furthermore, everything that is not God,
even created spirits, consists of matter and form (De Her. Princ.
9, 7). The matter which implies the existence of the human
soul and of angels, is quite different from corporeal matter, by
which is to be understood the matter immediately created by
God, the universal basis of all finite existence, what Duns
Scotus calls matter primo prima (Ibid. 9, 8).
Ockam, wrho at the beginning of the 14th century brought
Nominalism once more into favour, refused to accept the theory
that the vegetable and sensitive souls (forma corporis, anima
sensitiva) were identical with the thinking soul, the anima
intellectiva. The sensitive soul was extended and joined, so to
speak, in a corporeal manner to the body, all parts of which it
fills (circumscriptive). The thinking soul is another soul, a
separable substance, which is united to the body in such a way
that it exists whole and entire (definitive) in each of its parts.
"... Galen's theory of the psychial and animal spiritus in con-
nection with the doctrine of the four humours and the temperaments
was, very early in the middle ages, fused with the Aristotelian
psychology. According to this doctrine, which may be found at full
length even in Melanchthon's psychology, the four fundamental humours
230
are prepared in the liver (the second organic process, after the first has takeir
place in the stomach) ; out of the noblest humour, the blood, the spiritvs
vitalis is prepared by a new process in the heart ; and this is finally (the
fourth and last process) in the cavities of the brain refined into the
spiritus animalis. This theory probably owed the deep hold which it
obtained chiefly to the fact that it seemed to superficial thought a suffi-
cient bridging over of the gulf between the sensible and the super-
sensible " (Lange's Hist, of Materialism, Eng. trans., Vol. I, p. 337).
Here are Melanchthon's own words :
" Galen says of the human soul : ' These spirits are either the soul or an
immediate instrument of the soul.' This is certainly true ; and their
brightness surpasses the brightness of the sun and of all the stars.
What is most wonderful is that in godly men the divine Spirit itself
mingles with these same spirits, and with His divine light makes them
still more bright, so that their knowledge of God may be yet more
luminous, their attachment to Him more solid, and their aspirations
towards Him more ardent. But if devils dwell in the heart, they blow
upon the spirits, and bringing the heart and the brain into confusion,
interfere with judgment, give rise to open madness, and induce the heart
and other members to commit the most cruel acts" (Melanchtkon, quoted
by Lange).
By the discovery of the circulation of the blood, which we
owe to the genius of Harvey, the old physiology was entirely
overturned. The theory of the Trvev/ma had been, as it were, its
keystone, and this explains the opposition which was brought
to bear on the new discovery. Descartes, enlightened by
anatomical observations of his own, adopted the theories of
Charles the First's physician, and invented a physiological
theory which was entirely mechanical, but, at the same time,
preserved something of the doctrine of Galen. His doctrine of
animal spirits may be regarded as the form in which the old
theory of the Trvev/ma, which dated from the earliest Greek
physicians, appeared for the last time. The blood flow's in the
arteries as well as in the veins, but the more subtle parts of
the blood which are elaborated in the heart ascend continually
towards the brain, and serve to explain the reciprocal action of
body and stnil.
Descartes : Antithesis between Extension and Thought ; Union
and Reciprocal Action of Body and Soul.
For Descartes the essence of matter is extension, because
extension is the only thing in body of which we have a clear
THE EELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 231
and distinct idea, and without which we are unable to conceive
it (Princ. II, 4). The living body is a marvellous machine,
and animals are automata, without feeling or will. Descartes
was a determined opponent of animism.
"Men have thought without any reason that our natural heat and
all the movements of our body depend on the soul. The body of a
living man is as different from that of one who is dead as a watch or
any other automaton (that is to say, any other- machine that moves of
itself) when it is wound up and has within itself the material principles
of the movements for which it has been made and is provided
with everything necessary for its action, and the same watch or other
machine when it is broken and the principle of its motion has ceased
to act " (Pass. a. 5 and 6).
Thus the body is something finished, a complete thing, an
automatic machine, the springs of which require no impulse
from without. As a body, man is an automaton like any
other animal, and, so far, everything in the universe can be
explained mechanically. But in man there appears some-
thing entirely new, namely, thought. Body and thought
have nothing in common, how then are we to conceive the
union and the relations of these two heterogeneous substances ?
Descartes does not attempt to explain the union of soul
and body by any metaphysical hypothesis : he merely accepts
it, and states it as a fact. Our notion of thought is rendered
clear through metaphysics and that of the extended through
mathematics ; but " in order to know what the union of the
soul and body is, one must live and refrain from speculation ""
(Letter to Princess Elizabeth, Cousin's Ed. Vol. IX, pp. 123-129).
"That the mind, which is incorporeal, is able to move the body, we
know neither by reasoning nor by any comparison with other things ;
nevertheless, we cannot doubt it, since we are too clearly informed of
it by experiences which are too certain and too evident. And we must
keep in mind that this is one of the things that are known by them-
selves, and that we render these more obscure whenever we try to
explain them by other things " (Ibid. IX, 161).
The union of soul and body is then sui generis ; in order to
understand it we must proceed neither from the notion of
extension nor from that of thought, but from life itself, and
from the notions which correspond to this union (such as
hunger, thirst, pain, etc.). This union is of the closest kind.
Descartes goes so far as to say that the body is substantially
232 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
{substantiellement} united to the soul (Response au quatri&me
objection}. The mind is distinct from the body, just as the
arm is distinct from the whole body ; that is to say, although
strictly speaking it can be separated from the body, it forms
part of the whole.
"I had after this described the reasonable soul, and shown that it
could by no means be educed from the power of matter . . . but
that it must be expressly created ; and that it is not sufficient that it
be lodged in the human body exactly like a pilot in a ship, unless
perhaps to move its members, but that it is necessary for it to be joined
and united more closely to the body, in order to have sensations and
appetites similar to ours, and thus constitute a real man " (Discourse on
Method, Part V, translated by Veitch). " Nature, likewise, teaches us by
these sensations of pain, hunger, thirst, etc., that I am not only lodged
in my body as a pilot in a vessel, but that I am besides so intimately
conjoined, and, as it were, intermixed with it that my mind and body
compose a certain unity. For if this were not the case, I should not
feel pain when my body is hurt, seeing I am merely a thinking thing,
but should perceive the wound by the understanding alone, just as a
pilot perceives by sight when any part of his vessel is damaged"
(Meditation, VI).
This being the manner in which soul and body are united,
how does the reciprocal action between them take place ?
The soul is joined to the whole of the body, but has its
principal seat and performs its functions more particularly in
the small pineal gland, towards which the animal spirits
unceasingly ascend.
" This small gland, which is the principal seat of the soul, is suspended
between the cavities containing these spirits, in such a manner that it
can be moved by them in as many different ways as there are sensible
differences in objects ; and at the same time it can be moved in
divers ways by the soul, which is of such a nature tha't it receives as
many different impressions within itself, or, in other words, has as many
different perceptions, as there are different movements of the gland ;
and conversely, the bodily machine being so constituted that, by the
very fact of this gland being moved in divers ways by the soul or by
any other cause, it impels the surrounding spirits towards the pores of
the brain, through which they are conducted by the nerves into the
muscles, by means of which the soul causes them to move our limbs"
(Pass. a. 54).
Thus Descartes holds that the soul can act directly on the
body. No doubt the soul cannot increase or diminish the
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 233
quantity of motion in the body, since this quantity is constant,
but it can by its will alone change the direction of the
motion of the animal spirits and modify their course. Descartes
is, however, in spite of himself, brought by his own dualism
near to the doctrine of occasional causes and of pre-established
harmony. Why has the soul as many different perceptions as
there are different movements in the pineal gland ?
Because these movements are given by nature for the purpose of
making the soul feel them, because they give it the occasion to feel
(Dioptrique, Vol. V, pp. 54-100). "The spirits, merely by entering the
pores, excite a particular movement in the gland, which is instituted by
nature, that the soul may feel this passion " (Pass. a. 36).
Similarly, in his explanation of this action of the soul on
the body, Descartes is led to a kind of Occasionalism ; it is
always by acting on itself and on its own ideas that the soul
acts on the body.
" The passions cannot be directly excited or removed by the action of
our will ; but they can indirectly, through the representation of those
things which are usually joined with the passions we wish to have and
which are contrary to those we wish to reject " (Pass. a. 45). " Although
each movement of the gland appears to have been joined by nature to each
one of our thoughts since the beginning of our life, it is nevertheless
possible, through habit, to join them to other thoughts" (a. 50). "And such
is the connection between soul and body that when we have once joined
a certain bodily act to a certain thought, the one will in future never
occur without the other " (a. 136).
Malebranche : Intercommunication of Matter and Mind ;
Theory of Occasional Cannes.
On the question of the union of the soul and the body,
Malebranche separates himself from Descartes. He denies any
direct and reciprocal action between the two substances, and
will admit only a correspondence between their phenomena.
This theory of the union of the soul and the body is, however,
a corollary of his general theory of the intercommunication of
substances, and is only comprehensible through it. If, he says,
we were to accept the existence in nature of real powers, if we
were to believe that the sun endows all things with movement
and life, we should have to return to paganism, and we should
have to adore these beneficent or terrible forces (Rcch. de la V6r.
VI, 2nd Part, c. iii).
234 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
" There is only one true cause, because there is only one true God. The
nature or force of each thing is merely the will of God ; natural causes
are not real causes, but only occasional causes which determine the
Author of nature to act in such or such a way, at such or such a
conjunction" (Ibid.).
It is not the sun that makes the plants grow, but God, Who,
on the occasion of the sun's radiance, of which He is the
principle, determines according to universal laws all the
movements that have for their effect the growth of plants.
A general proof of the impotency of created things may he
given :
"There is a contradiction in the statement that one body can move
another, nay, further, it is contradictory to say that you can move your
own chair ; nor is this all, it is contradictory to say that all the angels
and devils together could stir a piece of straw. The proof of this is clear,
for no power, however great we may imagine it to be, can surpass or even
equal the power of God. Now it would be a contradiction if God were to
will that a thing should be, without wishing it to exist in some place, and
without, through the efficaciousness of His will, putting it in that place,
i.e. without creating it there ; therefore, no power can transport this chair
to any place if God does not carry it there, nor set and fix it there where
God does not fix it, unless God suits the efficaciousness of His actions to
the inefficacious action of His creatures" (~e Entr. met. § 10). "There is
nothing more easily moved than a sphere on a plane, but not all the forces
imaginable can set it in motion unless God intervenes. For, once more,
as long as God wills to create and keep this ball at a point A, or any
other point you please — and it is a necessity for Him to put it in some
place — no force can move it from that place. . . . The moving force of a
body is therefore merely the efficacy of the Will of God " (~e Ent. met. § 11).
These general laws apply to all created things. If you
analyse the notion of extension, you will not find in it the idea
of a moving force. When a moving ball comes in contact with
another ball and sets it in motion, it is God, Who on the
occasion of the motion of the first ball, produces motion in the
second. The noblest minds are in a similar state of impotence.
They can know nothing, if God does not enlighten them; they
can feel nothing, if God does not cause them to be affected.
They are incapable of willing anything, if God does not move
them towards the good in general, that is to say, towards
Himself. A fortiori, mind and body, being heterogeneous
substances, cannot act on one another.
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 235
" The body of itself cannot be united to mind, nor mind to body ; there is
no connection between them " (Morale, Part I, Ch. 10). " It is evident that
a body, that what is extended and a purely passive substance, cannot by
its own efficacy act on a mind, that is, on a being that is of a different and
infinitely higher nature than itself " (4" Entr. met. § 1 1). " By yourself you
are not able to move your arm, to change your situation, position, posture,
or to cause the slightest change in the universe" (7* Entr. met. § 13).
How then can we explain the connection between the soul
and the body, which experience reveals to us at every instant ?
Only one hypothesis is left to us, that of Occasional Causes.
On the occurrence of a particular movement of the body God
is prompted to produce a certain movement in the soul, and,
conversely, a particular sensation or a particular thought will
prompt God to produce in the body a certain movement; so
that God does everything, is the sole active force.
" Since, as you see clearly, there can be no necessary relation or
connection between the modifications in the brain and certain feelings of
the soul, it is evident that we must fall back upon a power that is not to
be found in either of these two " (4e Entr. met. § 8). " Thus it is clear that
the union of the soul and the body consists of no other bond than the
efficacy of the divine decrees, decrees which are immutable and which
never fail in their effect" (Ibid. § 11). "God alone can move the animal
spirits. He alone is able, and knows how to make them flow from the
brain into the nerves and from the nerves into the muscles, all of which
things are required to move the limbs. . . . God has willed that I should
have certain feelings, certain emotions, when there were in my brain
certain traces, certain disturbances of the animal spirits. In a word, He
has willed and unceasingly wills that the modes of the mind and of the
body should be reciprocal. Herein consists the union and the natural
interdependence of the two parts of which we are composed" (7e Entr.
m<%. §13).
Spinoza : the Unity of Substance explains the Parallel
Development of Extension and Thought.
The Cartesian dualism had made it very difficult to under-
stand the substantial union and the reciprocal action of the
soul and the body. Spinoza, like Malebranche, separated
himself from Descartes.
" What does he understand, T ask, by the union of the mind and
body ? What clear and distinct conception has he of thought inti-
mately connected with a small portion of matter? I wish that he
had explained the union by its proximate cause. But he conceived
236 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the mind to be so distinct from the body that he was able to assign
no single cause of this union nor of the mind itself, but was obliged to
have recourse to the cause of the whole universe, that is to say, to God.
Again, I should like to know how many degrees of motion the mind can
give to that pineal gland, and with how great a power the mind can hold it
suspended. . . . Indeed, since there is no relation between the will and
motion, so there is no comparison between the power or strength of the
body and that of the mind, and consequently the strength of the body
can never be determined by the strength of the mind" (Ethic, 5th Part,
Preface).
By tracing to God and to the efficacy of His will everything
that js real in the union of the soul and body, Malebranche
had reduced this union to a mere appearance ; but, like
Descartes, he admitted the existence of no other soul besides
the human soul. Spinoza, on the other hand, had not only to
explain the union of extension and thought in man, but also
the union of the Divine thought and extension in all that is.
Since in his system there is only one single substance, there
must be a correspondence between all the attributes of this
substance, which are the divers expressions of one and the
same existence. Therefore, to each mode of the divine exten-
sion there must correspond a mode of the divine thought ;
the order and connection of ideas is the same as the order and
connection of things (Eth. II, Prop. VII.).
". . . Substance thinking and substance extended are one and the same
substance, which is now comprehended under this attribute, and now
under that. Thus also, a mode of extension and the idea of that mode
are one and the same thing expressed in two different ways. . . . For
example, a circle existing in nature and the idea that is in God of an
existing circle are one and the same thing, which are explained by
different attributes ; and, therefore, whether we think of nature under
the attribute of extension, or under the attribute of thought, or under
any attribute whatever, we shall discover one and the same order, or one
and the same connection of causes ; that is to say, in every case the same
sequence of things" (Ibid. note).
It is, therefore, not only in the case of man that the
problem of the relation of extension to thought arises. All
bodies are modes of extension ; each mode of extension corre-
sponds so closely to a mode of thought that the two are in
fact one and the same thing ; therefore all bodies have life.
". . . For those things which we have proved hitherto are altogether
general, nor do they refer more to man than to other individuals, all of
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 237
which are animate, although in different degrees. For of everything there
necessarily exists in God an idea of which He is the cause in the same
way as the idea of the human body exists in Him. . . . We cannot, how-
ever, deny that ideas, like objects themselves, differ from one another,
and that one is more excellent and contains more reality than another,
just as the object of one idea is more excellent and contains more reality
than another ... in proportion as one body is better adapted than
another to do and to suffer many things, in the same proportion will the
mind at the same time be better adapted to perceive many things"
(Ibid. Prop. XIII, note).
Just as the universal life is a development which is
parallel and, in a certain sense, identical with that of the divine
attributes, so is human life a development of the modes of
extension which constitute the human body, parallel to the
development of the modes of thought, which correspond to these
modes of extension. Being, in fact, identical in substance, the
mind and body must correspond throughout the course of life.
There is no direct or reciprocal action between them ; the
mind develops in a sequence of thoughts without the co-
operation of the body. " The soul is a spiritual automaton."
The body develops in a sequence of movements without the
co-operation of the mind ; the body of the artist paints pictures
and his mind has no part in the act (Etli. Ill, Prop. II, note).
But between the two sequences there is a parallelism, a neces-
sary harmony. The mind expresses by inadequate and confused
thoughts all that takes place in its body, and is through its
body related to the whole of the extended universe. We shall
find the same conception in Leibnitz, who owed a great deal
to Spinoza.
"... The mind and the body are one and the same thing, conceived
at one time under the attribute of thought, and at another under that of
extension. For this reason the order and concatenation of things is one
whether nature be conceived under this or that attribute, and conse-
quently the order of the actions and passions of our body is coincident
in nature with the order of the actions and passions of the mind. . . .
Although these things are so, and no ground for doubting remains, I
scarcely believe, nevertheless, that, without a proof derived from experi-
ence, men will be induced calmly to weigh what has been said, so firmly
are they persuaded that solely at the bidding of the mind the body moves
or rests, and does a number of things which depend upon the will of the
mind alone and upon the power of thought. For what the body can do
no one has hitherto determined, that is to say, experience has taught u»
238
hitherto what the body, without being determined by the mind, can do
and what it cannot do from the laws of nature alone, in so far as nature
is considered merely as corporeal . . . not to mention the fact that many
things are observed in brutes which far surpass human sagacity, and that
sleep-walkers in their sleep do very many things which they dare not do
when awake ; all this showing that the body itself can do many things
from the laws of its own nature alone, at which the mind belonging to
that body is amazed" (Ibid.}.
In short, there is, according to Spinoza, no connection
between extension and thought, but there is a constant
parallelism in the development of these two divine attributes,
whose harmony is due to the unity of the substance which
they reveal.
Leibnitz : Theory of Pre-established Harmony.
In his New System of the Nature of Substances, and of the
Communication between them, Leibnitz tells us that it was the
problem of the union of the soul and body that led him to
consider the general problem of the intercommunication of
substances.
" Having settled these things, I thought I had gained my haven, but
when I set myself to meditate upon the union of soul and body I was, as
it were, driven back into the deep sea. For I found no way of explaining
how the body transmits anything to the soul or vice versa, nor how one
substance can communicate with another created substance " (New System,
Latta's trans, p. 311).
In accordance with his usual progressive method, Leibnitz
gives a solution of this problem, by which we are led ever
further from the external to the internal, from the compound
to the simple, from appearance to being. Starting from
Descartes' hypothesis of two heterogeneous substances, how are
we to conceive their union and the relations between them ?
" Suppose two clocks or two watches which perfectly keep time together
(s? accordant). Now that may happen in three ways. The first way
consists in the mutual influence of each clock upon the other ; the second,
in the care of a man who looks after them ; the third, in their own
accuracy. . . . Now put the soul and the body in place of the two clocks.
Their agreement (accord) or sympathy will also arise in one of these three
ways. The way of influence is that of the common philosophy, but as we
cannot conceive material particles or immaterial species or qualities
which can pass from one of these substances into the other, we are obliged
THE EELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 239
to give up this opinion. The way of assistance is that of the system of
occasional causes ; but I hold that this is to introduce Deus ex machina in
a natural and ordinary matter, in which it is reasonable that God should
intervene only in the way in which He supports (concourt a) all the other'
things of nature. Thus there remains only my hypothesis, that is to say,
the way of the harmony pre-established by a contrivance of the Divine
foresight, which has from the beginning formed each of these substances
in so perfect, so regular, and accurate a manner that by merely following
its own laws which were given to it when it came into being, each
substance is yet in harmony with the other, just as if there were a mutual
influence-between them, or as if God were continually putting His hand
upon them, in addition to His general support (concurrence)" (Ibid.
p. 332).
Thus the soul and the body, regarded from this first point
of view, are like two clocks, which, without acting one on the
other, always point to the same hour and strike at the same
time.
But this is only an external and superficial point of view,
for it is in the nature and universal laws of Being that we
must look for the reason of appearances. Pre-established
harmony was for Leibnitz not only a theory of the union of
soul and body ; one might almost say that it contained his
whole philosophy. As they are simple, substances cannot act
on one another from without. " The monads have no windows
through which anything could come in or go out " (Monad.
§ 7). On this hypothesis, which seems to break up being
into an infinity of isolated individuals, how is the unity of
the world as it appears to us, and the harmony between the
phenomena which constitute it, to be explained ?
" It is thus — that God at first so created the soul, or any other real unity,
that everything must arise in it from its own inner nature (fonds) with a
perfect spontaneity as regards itself, and yet with a perfect conformity to
things outside of it. ... And accordingly, since each of these substances
accurately represents the whole universe in its own way and from a
certain point of view, and the perceptions or expressions of external
things come into the soul at their appropriate time, in virtue of its own
laws, as in a world by itself, and as if there existed nothing but God and
the soul (to adopt the phrase of a certain person of high intellectual
power, renowned for his piety), there will be a perfect agreement between
all these substances, which will have the same result as would be observed
if they had communication with one another by a transmission of species
or of qualities, such as the mass of ordinary philosophers suppose " (New
System). The true relation between them is an ideal influence which
240 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
resembles in its effects a real influence, but is altogether internal. Thus
each monad has within itself the principle of all its own development.
Its perceptions come to it from itself alone, and the monad for Leibnitz,
as for Spinoza, is a " spiritual automaton " (New System) ; but there is
at the same time a pre-established harmony between its acts and the acts
of all the other monads, and, in this way, the monad is " a perpetual
living mirror of the universe" (Monad. § 56).
It is in these general laws that the explanation of the imion
of soul and body is to be found.
" Thus, although each created monad represents the whole universe,
it represents more distinctly the t»ody which specially pertains to it, and
of which it is the entelechy " (Ibid. § 62). " These principles have given
me a way of explaining naturally the union or rather the mutual agree-
ment (conformite) of the soul and the organic body. The soul follows its
own laws, and the body likewise follows its own laws ; and they agree
with each other in virtue of the pre-established harmony between all sub-
stances, since they are all representations of one and the same universe "
(S 78).
When Leibnitz says that the soul is united more especially
to a particular body, he means that God, in ordering the
sequence of the acts of the monad which constitutes the body,
has had regard to the soul, and vice versa. In the same way,
in order rightly to understand the reciprocal action between
the soul and the body, we must bear in mind what Leibnitz
really means by acting and suffering.
" A created thing is said to act outwardly in so far as it has perfection,
and to suffer (or be passive, patir) in relation to another, in so far as it is
imperfect. Thus activity (action) is attributed to a monad in so far as it
has distinct perceptions, and passivity (passion) in so far as its percep-
tions are confused. And one created thing is more perfect than another
in this, that there is found in the more perfect that which serves to
explain a pinori what takes place in the less perfect, and it is on this
account that the former is said to act upon the latter. But in simple sub-
stances the influence of one monad upon another is only ideal, and it can
have its effect only through the mediation of God, in so far as in the
ideas of God any monad rightly claims that God in regulating the others
from the beginning of things should have regard to it" (Monad. §§ 49,
50, 51).
The interaction between the soul and the body is thus, like
their union, entirely ideal. The body is impelled to carry out
the commands of the soul, in so far as the latter has distinct per-
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 241
ceptions, and the soul submits to be moved by the passions
which arise out of bodily representations. In a word, the soul
is a higher kind of monad, and the entelechy of the body. It
is in this sense that in the soul is found the reason of the acts
of the numberless monads which constitute the body, and of the
harmony between them ; again, the soul acts on the body, in
so far as in the soul is found the reason of what takes place
in the monads, which she ideally binds together. The body
acts on the soul, in so far as in the body a reason for the
modifications of the soul is found.
Conclusion : Since the Cartesian attempts Philosophers have
endeavoured to avoid the Difficulty.
It may be said that, since the attempts made by the Car-
tesian school, philosophers have endeavoured to avoid rather
than to solve the problem of the union of the soul and the
body, as well as the more general problem of the intercom-
munication of substances. The doctrine of physical influx,
which is sometimes attributed to Euler, but was really the
traditional theory of the Schools, offers no solution of the
problem. Physical influx merely means natural influence,1 and
this doctrine consists in accepting as a fact that two sub-
stances naturally re-act on one another, but it presents no
hypothesis that would explain the how of this union.
Scientific men and phenomenalists of the school of Hume are
" From whatever point of view," says Euler, " we consider that close
union between body and soul which constitutes the essence of a living
man, it will always remain inexplicable by philosophy " (Letter to a Ger-
man Princess, 2nd Part, I, 13).
1 In this account of the different hypotheses offered in explanation of the
union of soul and body, we have not thought it necessary to speak of the so-
called theory of a Plastic medium which in some handbooks of Philosophy is
(on the authority of Laromiguiere) ascribed to Cudworth, the well-known
author of the Systema intellectuale. We have shown in our Latin thesis (De
Natura Plastica Apud Cudivorthum, 1848, translated into French 1860) that
there is nothing of the kind in Cudworth. His Plastic Nature does not serve to
explain the union of soul and body but the production of organisation and of life.
It is a kind of instinct, a kind of plastic life in nature analogous to what is now
called the Unconscious ; and Cudworth uses it further as a world soul, which
under God's commands is charged with the organizing of things, and is respon-
sible for the irregularities and errors in nature. This semi-spiritual, semi-material
principle could not (as was supposed) have been employed as an explanation of
the union of soul and body. It is a hypothesis as puerile as it is contradictory.
II. Q
242
content to state that we cannot lay hold of the connection
between a bodily modification and a state of consciousness,
and that, consequently, we have before us two series of
irreducible phenomena. In Tyndall's words :
" Were our minds and senses so expanded, strengthened, and illumi-
nated as to enable us to see and feel the very molecules of the brain, were we
capable of following all their motions, all their groupings, all their electric
discharges — if such there be, and were we intimately acquainted with
the corresponding states of thought and feeling, we should be as far as
ever from the solution of the problem : how are these physical processes
connected with the facts of consciousness ? The chasm between the two
classes of phenomena would still remain intellectually impassable."
Kant regards it as one of the advantages of his Critique of
Pure Reason that it relieves us of the insoluble problem of the
union of soul and body. Something of the Cartesian dualism
yet remains in his theory : the underlying substance of things
is neither matter nor mind, but an unknown thing-in-itself,
which is revealed to us in body and thought under the different
forms of space and time. The Materialists and the Idealists
were both equally wrong: we do not perceive mind immediately
as a substance, much less as the substance of all things ; mind is
not a mode or a phenomenon of matter, there is no way of pass-
ing from the one to another. Body and thought are two different
phenomena ; it is possible that the thing-in-itself is a single
substance, which under the form of space is body, and under
the form of time is thought. Although we cannot escape from
this antithesis of the two orders of phenomena, we are delivered
by the Critique from an insoluble problem.
" The difficulty which lies in the execution of this task consists, as is
well known, in the presupposed heterogeneity of the object of the internal
sense (the soul) and the objects of the external senses, inasmuch as the
formal condition of the intuition of the one is time, and of that of the
other space also. But if we consider that both kinds of objects do not differ
internally, but only in so far as the one appears externally to the other • —
consequently that what lies at the basis of phenomena, as a thing-in-itself,
may not be heterogeneous, this difficulty disappears. There then remains
no other difficulty than is to be found in the question — how a community
of substances is possible ; a question which lies out of the region of
psychology, and which the reader, after what in our analytic has been
said of primitive forces and faculties, will easily judge to be also beyond
the region of human cognition " (Critique of Pure Reason, Transc.
Dialectic, Bk. II, Ch. I).
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MATTER AND MIND 243
For Fichte there is only one substance, the infinite Ego. On
the other hand, Schelling's Absolute is the identity of subject
-and object, of the real and the ideal.
" Nature not only in herself, as being the integral and absolute act of
the divine manifestation, but also in her visible existence, is essentially
one, and contains no inner diversity. In all things Nature is the same
life, the same power, the same fusion through ideas. In Nature there is
no pure corporeal existence, but everywhere souls symbolically trans-
formed into body. . . . Psychology rests on the hypothesis of the
antithesis between soul and body, and it is easy to imagine what may
come of inquiries into what does not exist, namely, a soul in opposition
to the body. Any true science of man must be sought in the essential
and absolute unity of soul and body, that is, in the idea of man, and con-
sequently not in general in the real and empirical man, who is merely a
relative manifestation of the former. ... A true science of Nature must
start from the identity of soul and body in all existence ; so that between
physics and psychology no real antithesis should be conceived to exist "
( Vorlesungen iiber die Methode des Akademischen Studiums, VI and XI).
Materialists affirm the identity of matter and force : " there is
no matter without force, they say, and no force without matter,"
but they do not trouble themselves to define either matter
•or force, nor the how of their union. The Spiritualists who
still uphold the Cartesian dualism, regard the union of the two
heterogeneous substances, mind and body, as a fact which
•experience compels us to accept, and which science is incapable
of explaining.
It would seem, however, that there is a growing tendency
to admit that substance is one, after the manner either of
Leibnitz or of Spinoza, and in this way to avoid the insoluble
problem of the union of soul and body. But at the same
time, we must remark that it is not much easier to under-
stand how two substances of the same nature can act on
one another. As Cuvier observes, the communication of motion
appears to us to be adequately explained, only because we are
accustomed to find it everywhere. It would seem as if, in
accordance with Schelling's conception, the interaction between
all the individuals which make up the universe can, in the last
resort, be comprehensible only through the hypothesis of the
unity of the principles of which they are the manifestation.
The drawback to this hypothesis is, that in explaining the unity
of things it imperils their individuality.
PART IV
CHAPTER I
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN ANCIENT TIMES AND IN
THE MIDDLE AGES
IT may be said that, broadly speaking, all philosophy grew
out of mythology ; but this is especially true of that branch
of philosophy which deals with the questions of the existence
and the attributes of God. It is evident that these problems
arose out of reflections suggested to the human mind by the
popular beliefs which lie at the root of every religion. Logi-
cally, then, the history of religion should have preceded the
history of philosophy ; but we shall not go so far back ; we
shall merely give a brief account of the earliest religious
conceptions of the Greeks, as far as they can be discovered
through the works of their earliest poets, through the Theogony
of Hesiod and the poems of Homer.
Greek Theology : The Poets ; Hesiod and Homer.
Hesiod taught that the world came out of chaos through the
operation of Love.
"... Foremost sprang Chaos and next broad-bosomed Earth ever
secure seat of all Immortals . . . and dark dim Tartarus in a recess of
Earth having broad ways, and Love who is most beautiful among im-
mortal gods, Love that relaxes the limbs. . . . But from Chaos were born
Erebus and black Night, and from Night again sprang forth Aether and
Day, whom she bare after having conceived by union with Erebus in love "
(Theog. 116 et seq.).
We find the same theogony in the myth of the birds
related by Aristophanes in his comedy of that name (Birds,
248 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
V, 191). This appears to have been the most ancient form of
Greek theology, and it corresponds to a certain extent with
what we can learn of the theology of the Phoenicians from the
testimony of Sanchuniathon (Philo Byblius op. Eusebius,Praepar.
JEvang. I, c, VI). It is, as we see, a kind of pantheistic
naturalism, in which everything comes out of chaos, through
the operation of forces which lay dormant within it and by
which it is transformed.
In Homer's theology we find quite a different tone and a
different spirit. This pantheistical and naturalistic cosmogony
becomes an anthropomorphism that is not far removed from
theism. Jupiter is the supreme ruler (i/Traro? /mija-Tuip), who
arranges and directs all things ; all the forces of the universe
are subject to his authority. In the highest place in the
empire of the gods, Jupiter stands alone as the ideal of
supreme power and absolute intelligence. He presides over
the assemblies of the gods, and he holds communion with
man. He is the father of Ate, who leads the guilty astray ; of
Eemorse, by which offences are wiped out ; of Pity, the avenger
of the oppressed. He is the protector of the rights on which
rest the relations between men, the supreme God of oaths and
of the family. He watches over the habitations of men, is the
patron of guests and suppliants, and even of beggars (see Jules
Girard, Du Sentiment religieiix chez les Grecs, pp. 71, 72).
Notwithstanding the many noble thoughts which are to be
found in the poetry of Homer and Hesiod, the religion of the
Greeks never rose much above mythology, and never became
exactly what we call a religion. For the marks of a religion
are three : firstly, a revealer ; secondly, a sacred book ; thirdly,
a system of metaphysics and of ethics. The Greeks had no
revealer : no man ever professed to be or was accepted among
them as a sacred and privileged intermediary between God and
man ; they had no Manu, no Zoroaster, no Buddha. Nor had they
any sacred book such as the Zend-Avesta or the Vedas, or the
Koran. Lastly, they had no theology, that is, no metaphysical
and moral doctrine evolved by a learned priesthood and regarded
as above the private judgment of individuals. In Greece the
poets were the theologians. To them alone was due the
development of the religious and moral ideas implied in the
popular beliefs. Some attempts at religious organization were,
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 249
however, made, and these give us an idea of what the Greek
religion might have become. Such were the mysteries of
Orpheus and, one might even add, the Pythagorean Brother-
hood. (See Jules Girard.) All these attempts, however, led
to nothing, and the Greek religion remained a religion of the
imagination, in which philosophers and poets took the place of
metaphysicians and moralists.
Let us now see how the religious notions of the poets were
developed through philosophy.
The Cosmogony of the First Greek Philosophers : The Ionic
School ; Xenophanes : Criticism of Polytheism ; Pantheism of
Xenophanes ; Religious Scepticism ; The Sophists.
Before it grew into a theology, the earliest Greek philo-
sophic system, that of the Ionic school, was a cosmogony ; and
it may be regarded as the translation into an abstract and
scientific form of the mythological cosmogony. Aristotle traces
the doctrine of Thales, who derived everything from water, to
the ancient myth, according to which Ocean is " the father
•of Gods and men " (Arist. Metaph. I, 3). But the cosmogony
•of Thales, though apparently materialistic, was inspired by a
pantheistical conception. He said that all things were full of
God, Trdvra TrXripri Oetov (Arist. De Anima, I, 5). He also thought
the loadstone had a soul (Arist. I, 2, 405 a, 19).
The first thinker who raised the conception of God to a
philosophic plane, whether by combating popular superstitions
or by defining the peculiar marks and attributes of Divinity,
was Xenophanes, the founder of the Eleatic school. Xeno-
phanes ridicules the polytheistic anthropomorphism. Men,
he says, make gods in their own image.
" Negroes imagine them as black and with flattened noses ; the
Thracians, with blue eyes and red hair ; if oxen and horses could paint,
they would represent their gods as horses and oxen " (Xenoph. Frag.
6 and 7 ; Cic. De Nat. Deor. I, 24).
Homer and Hesiod represent the Gods as committing all the
acts that are considered most disgraceful in men, such as theft
.and adultery (Cic. De Nat. Deor. I, 24).
Xenophanes gave, according to Aristotle {De Xenoph. 3), an
a priori proof of the unity of God : " If God is the most
250
powerful of beings, He must be One ; for if He were two or
several, He would not be the most powerful, since in that case
He could not accomplish His will in all things " ; and he
proved the eternity of God in the same way. Finally, he
ascribes to Him the highest of all attributes, namely, intelli-
gence : " Without effort," he says, " He directs all things by
the omnipotence of mind ; cnrdvevOe TTOVOIO voov (fipevl iravra.
KpaSaivei " (Frag. 3). It may, however, be questioned whether
these words are to be understood in a theistical or pantheis-
tical sense (see V. Cousin, Frag. philosopJiiques, art. Xenophane).
Aristotle tells us that it was while contemplating the whole
heaven that Xenophanes reached the conception of the Divine
unity : «V TOJ> o\ov ovpavov a7ro/3Ae\^ct9 (Metaph. I, 5) ; and
it would seem also that it is to the whole universe that the
following lofty conception applies : " Whole and entire He
sees, conceives, and hears : QvXos opa, ovXos Se voei, ovAo? Se
T oiKovei " (Frag. 2).
Thus, it was not Xenophanes but Anaxagoras who first
separated mind from matter, and saw in Intelligence the source
of all things. This we gather from the following passage in
Aristotle :
" For of the excellent and beautiful order of some things, and of the
production of others of the entities, it is not natural to assign, perhaps,
either earth or anything of this kind as a cause . . . nor was it seemlyT
on the other hand, to attribute so important a part to chance and
fortune. Now, whosoever affirmed mind, as in animals, so also in nature,
to be the cause of the system of the world, and of the entire harmony
of it, the same appeared, as it were, of sober temperament, in comparison
with the vain theorists of earlier ages (oTov v^w €<fximr) Trap €IKTJ
Aeyofras TOVS irporepov). Now, we know that Anaxagoras openly
adopted these principles" (Metaph. 1, 3).
The following are the fragments from Anaxagoras which we
still possess, and which go to prove the above theory :
" In the beginning there was an infinite number of things, all mixed up
together, then mind came and separated them and arranged them all in
distinct order : 6p.ov iravra xP^aTct ty, Novs irdvra 81 e* 007x770-6 " :
(D.L. u, 6). " Mind is independent (avTOKpdrrjs) ', is not mixed with
anything else, is entire in itself, p.ovvo<; avrbs «<£' eavrov eo-ri. Mind is-
1 The word SteKoo-yur/ere signifies both the act of separating (did) and the act of
putting order into things (KOOT^W).
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 251
the most subtle and the purest of things, TO XeirroTarov, TO
(Frag. 8). " It has a supreme power over all things : ur\vft
iravTwv vovs KpaTffi." Lastly, " mind possesses unlimited knowledge :
irepl TravTos to"^€t, 7ravTa lyvw" (Simplicius, 271 a, 30).
With the Sophists, scepticism as regards religious matters
appears for the first time. Protagoras said :
" I know nothing about the Gods, whether they are or are not.
ovd' ws eto-t, ovd' u>s OVK fieri" (D.L. ix, 51). Thrasymachus is supposed to
have suggested doubts concerning Divine Providence. He said that the
Gods did not trouble themselves about human affairs : on. 01 Oeol ov\
opwcri TO.
Finally, to Critias, one of the thirty tyrants, and a pupil of
the Sophists and of Socrates, a passage is attributed in which,
like the philosophers of the eighteenth century, he ascribes
the invention of the Gods to the law makers.
" In the beginning," he says, " men lived like animals, without law or
order. Penal laws were established, but as the laws only reached crimes
that were openly committed, a clever, ingenious man came forward, who,
with a view to preventing hidden crimes, spoke of the immortal gods,
and gave out that heaven was their dwelling-place " (Sext. Emp. Adv.
Math. IX, 54).
Philosophic Theism : Socrates ; final Causes ; Providence.
The irreligious tendency of the Sophists' teaching called forth
a defender of the moral and religious conceptions of mankind.
Although we have found, it is true, in previous thinkers the
germs of philosophic theism, they were still so feeble and so
vague that we are justified in regarding Socrates as its true
founder, as the first philosopher who had the conception of a
Divine Personality, and as the discoverer of that proof of the
existence of God which was known in the Schools as the proof
by final causes. We have in the speech of Socrates in Plato's
Phaedo, and again in the conversation carried on between
Socrates, Euthydemus and Aristodenius, as reported by
Xenophon, the clearest statement of the above doctrines.
Like his predecessors, Socrates had at first occupied himself
with physics and cosmogony, but he could not rest content
with their explanation of things. Even Anaxagoras, who,
indeed, introduced intelligence into his system but made no
use of it, failed to satisfy him. For Socrates, on the contrary,
252 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
conceived the universe as the product of a moral cause, of a bene-
ficent will. He said that phenomena came to be not because
they must, but because it was good that they should exist.
This is the substance of his speech in the Pha.edo (96, 199).
Xenophon gives a similar but more popular account of the
doctrine of Socrates in the Memorabilia. There he points out
to Aristodemus (Mem. I, 4) the happy combinations found in
the human body, the harmonious concatenation of causes and
effects, and of means and ends. In nature he finds not only
traces of intelligence, but proofs of a beneficent power which
watches over man (IV, 3). He believes in the constant
presence and unerring action of this power in the universe.
He believes that God observes the actions of men, and that
He knows their secret thoughts and feelings.
Thus Socrates acknowledges the existence, not only of God,
but of Providence, and not only of that universal Providence
which watches over the whole world, but of a particular Pro-
vidence which is interested in the fate of individuals. He
recommends men to pray, and to pray only for the good of
their souls, and not for temporal goods. Speaking from the
philosophical point of view, we may say that it was Socrates
who revealed the God of the West. Whilst, with the exception
of Judea, the whole of the East adored nature under the name
of God, and whilst the Greek religion was still no more than a
religion of nature in an anthropomorphic form, Socrates was the
first to make known the moral God, such as He has since been
acknowledged and adored by all civilized nations.
Plato s Religious Doctrine : the Idea of the Good : the
Life of God; Proofs of the Existence of God; Providence;
The Existence of Evil; Optimism.
Plato gave to the conceptions of Socrates a fuller de-
velopment and a more scientific form. It is with him that
the history of the philosophy of religion really begins.
Indeed, it might be said with truth that his whole philosophy,
that is to say, his theory of Ideas, was nothing else than a
theodicy.
What are we to understand by the term Idea (ISea, ef<5o?) in
Plato's doctrine ? It was the universal and essential element
in all things, that which is fixed and permanent in them.
But the Idea is superior to individuals, not only in quantity
as being the one in the many, but also in quality. It is not
only the universal, it is also the ideal (see our Essai sur la
dialectique de Platon, p. 249). No doubt these two points of
view were often confounded by Plato, so that Aristotle was-
led to regard his theory as a tissue of abstractions, but the
whole spirit of Plato's teaching contradicts this interpreta-
tion. For Plato, the measure of Being was not only the
generality and extension of the concept, it was at the
same time and more especially its perfection. For, among
all the different Ideas, to which does Plato give the highest
rank, and to which does he always unhesitatingly and with the
most entire conviction ascribe existence ? Is it not to the
Ideas of what is most perfect, the Ideas of the Just, the Fair,,
and the Good ?
"... There is an absolute beauty and goodness, an absolute essence
of all things. . . . For there is nothing which, to my mind, is so patent
as that beauty, goodness . . . have a most real and absolute existence ""
(Phaedo, 77).
In a word, all the Ideas Plato here discusses have the char-
acteristics of existence, and are regarded by him as being
beyond all doubt, and, although he places them in a lower
rank, it is the same with the mathematical notions, equality,,
number and measure, all that constitutes the principle of order
and harmony in sensible things. Finally, but with some
hesitation, Plato teaches the existence of the Ideas of sensible
things, that is to say, the essential principle of each genus
and each species, such as the Idea of man (Farm. 130), the
Idea of fire (Tim. 51 c), and even the Idea of the sensible world
in general, which he calls TO avroQaov.
But, can it be that these ideal types, these bases of the
visible and sensible reality, are, as has been asserted, merely
modes without substance, or do they not rather themselves depend
upon a higher Idea, which is no other than the Idea of God ?
On this point Plato's own words are decisive. It is impossible
to separate the Ideas from God. For does not Plato say in
the Republic, " All intelligible beings derive their being and their
essence from the good, TO elvai KOI Tr)v ova-lav VTT' eiceivov airrof?
Trpocreivai " (Rep. 509 &). And does not this mean that all the
254
Ideas have their substance in the Idea of the Good, which
is, in fact, God Himself ? This we also infer from another
passage in the Republic :
" In the world of knowledge the Idea of Good appears last of all, and
is seen only with an effort ; and when seen is also referred to the
universal author of all things beautiful and right, parent of light and
of the lord of light in this visible world, and the immediate source of
reason and truth in the intellectual" (Hep. VII, 517 a).
Can it be said that what Plato calls the Idea of the Good is
not God Himself ? What, then, is it ? What principle, other
than God, could be the source of truth and of intelligence, the
cause of all that is beautiful and good in things ?
" This [the Idea of Good] you will deem to be the cause of science and of
truth . . . beautiful, too, as are both truth and knowledge, you will be
right in esteeming this other nature as more beautiful than either . . .
science and truth may be like the Good, but they are not the Good ;
true Good has a place of honour yet higher " (Rep. VI, 508 e).
Again, it is this same principle that, according to Plato, is
the object, not only of dialectic, but of love. Love pursues the
Beautiful, as science pursues the True, and virtue the Good. Love
rises from the body to the spirit, from beauty of form to beauty
of feeling, from beauty of feeling to beauty of knowledge, until
it reaches the Beautiful as it is in itself.
" But what," says Diotima of Mantineia to Socrates, in the Symposium,
*' what if man had eyes to see the true beauty — the divine beauty, I mean,
— pure and clear and unalloyed, not clogged with the pollutions of mor-
tality and all the colours and vanities of human life — thither looking, and
holding converse with the true beauty, simple and divine?" (Symp.
210 sqq.).
And this God, this supreme term of dialectic and of love, is
not a logical entity without consciousness and without per-
sonality, but a living God.
" And, O Heavens," says Plato in the Sophist, " can we ever be made to
believe that motion and life and soul and mind are not present with per-
fect being 1 Can we imagine that being is devoid of life and mind, and
•exists in awful unmeaningness, an everlasting fixture " (Sophist, 249 e).
Plato, while he ascends to God spontaneously in the upward
movement of dialectic and of love, at the same time endeavours
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PEOBLEMS 255
to establish His existence by arguments ; and, with him, begins
the history of what are called the proofs of the existence of
God.
Istly. The proof by efficient cause. — All that is born, or
comes into being, necessarily proceeds from some cause. The
cause is the same as that which produces. That which
produces precedes, and the thing produced follows (Phil. 7).
There exists, therefore, a power capable of causing things to
become other than they were before (Sophist, 205 b).
2ndly. What is in the effect exists ideally in the cause.
" Soc. May our body be said to have a soul ? — Pro. Clearly. — Soc. And
whence comes that soul, my dear Protarchus, unless the body of the
universe, which contains elements like those in our bodies, but in every
way fairer, had also a soul ? . . . and wisdom and mind cannot exist with-
out soul . . . and in the divine nature of Zeus would you not say that there
is the soul and the mind of a king, because there is in him the power of
the cause 1" (Phil. 30).
3rdly. Proof from the motor cause. — Plato, forestalling Aris-
totle, gave a proof of the existence of God by motion, which is the
subject of a lengthy demonstration in the 10th book of the
Laws. It is true that, in this passage, he speaks of the world-
soul, rather than of God, but this world-soul was created by
God.
There are two kinds of motion ; " there is a motion able to move other
things, but not to move itself," and there is a motion that "can move itself
as well as other things." The substance that can move itself is, therefore,
the cause of motion in substances that cannot move themselves. The soul
is, then, prior to the body, and, consequently, its " character, and manners,
and wishes, and reasonings, and true opinions, and reflections, and recollec-
tions are prior to length, and breadth, and strength of bodies." Plato
finds further proof in the celestial order and harmony. " If, my friend,
we say that the whole path and movement of heaven, and of all that is
therein, is by nature akin to the movement, and revolution, and calcula-
tion of mind, and proceeds by kindred laws, then, as is plain, we must
say that the best soul takes care of the world, and guides it along the
good path " (Laws X).
4thly. Proof by final causes. — Plato was a faithful follower of
the Socratic tradition. We cannot say whether it is Socrates
himself, or Plato in the name of Socrates, who opposes the
method of final causes to that of physical causes. It is
certain, however, that this well-known passage in the Phaedo
256 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
expresses a doctrine which they held in common. Socrates
laughs at those who explain the universe by air, water, aether,
etc. :
" I might compare him to a person who began by maintaining generally
that mind is the cause of the actions of Socrates, but who, when he
endeavoured to explain the causes of my several actions in detail, went
on to show that I sit here because my body is made up of bones and
muscles ; and that as the bones, as he would say, are hard, I have joints
which divide them, and the muscles are elastic and they cover the bones,
etc. . . . and he would have a similar explanation of my talking to you,
which he would attribute to sound, and air, and hearing, and he would
assign a thousand other causes of the same sort, forgetting to mention
the true cause, which is that the Athenians have thought fit to condemn
me, and accordingly I have thought it better and more right to remain
here and undergo my sentence " (Pkaedo, 989 sqq.). ... " The second and
co-operative causes . . . are thought by most men not to be the second
but the prime causes of all things, because they freeze and heat, contract
and dilate, and the like ; but they are not so, for they are incapable of
reason or intellect. . . . The lover of intellect and knowledge ought to-
explore causes of intelligent nature first of all, and, secondly, of those things,
which, being moved by others, are impelled to move others" (Tim. 46).
Plato says elsewhere that " the intelligence is of the same
family as the cause." " Let us remember, then, that the
intelligence has affinity with the cause, and is of the same
kind." Further, the intelligence is the same as the truth.
It is the lover of measure and proportion ; it is what has
most affinity with the Good (Phil. 65 a).
From these principles, Plato deduces a teleological theory,
which (if it is not intended to be partly mythical) appears to
us arbitrary and somewhat childish, but which may neverthe-
less be regarded as the first attempt at what has been called
in modern times physical theology. Thus he tells us that :
" God placed water and air in the mean between fire and earth . . .
and for these reasons . . . the body of the world was created, and it was
harmonized by proportion, and therefore has the spirit of friendship"
(Tim. 32). "He made the world in the form of a globe . . . the most
perfect and the most like itself of all figures ; for he considered that the
like is infinitely fairer than the unlike " (Ibid. 33). Sight is given to us " to
the end that we might behold the courses of the intelligence in the
heavens and that we might imitate the absolutely unerring causes of good
and regulate our vagaries." The same may be affirmed of speech and
hearing, which are meant to " correct any discord which may have arisen
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL EELIGIOUS PEOBLEMS 257
in the courses of the soul, and to be our ally in bringing her into
harmony and agreement with herself. The body was provided as its
vehicle and means of locomotion " (Ibid. 44).
For Plato, the existence of God implied Divine Providence,
since the attributes of God can scarcely be separated from His
existence. If, however, we follow this division, which is the
one accepted in modern works on the nature of God, the
question arises, what was Plato's view of the metaphysical and
moral attributes of the Divinity ? (see Fouillee, IX, Ch. vi).
God is one ; for He is not such or such a good, but the Good.
He is simple, not because He possesses one single quality, but
because He possesses them all. He is immutable, for the more
perfect a being is, the less it is subject to change. He is eternal,
for past and future are only fleeting forms of being ; one thing
only can be said of the eternal substance : that it is. As for the
moral attributes of God, they are all implied in His very
definition, namely, that He is the Good. God created the
world because He was good.
" Let me tell you, then, why the Creator made this world of generation.
He was good, and the good can never have any jealousy of anything.
And being free from jealousy He desired that all things should be as
like Himself as they could be" (Tim. 29 e).
The result of this view is a theory of optimism, according to
which, evil must be an accident in the universe, and has no
reality, no effective existence.
. " Now the deeds of the best could never be, or have been, other than the
fairest ; and the Creator, reflecting on the things which are by nature
visible, found that no unintelligent nature taken as a whole was fairer
than an intelligent taken as a whole ; and that intelligence could not be
present in anything which was devoid of soul. For which reason He put
intelligence in soul and soul in body that He might be the Creator of a
work which was by nature fairest and best " ( Tim. 30).
We find the same doctrine in the 10th book of the Laws.
" He (the king) contrived so to place each of the parts
that their position might in the easiest and best manner
procure the victory of good and the defeat of evil in the
whole " (Laws, X, 904).
Not only did God's goodness preside over the origin of the
universe, it also follows the world in its development, and
II. R
258 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
continues to watch over it, and to protect it, even in the
smallest details, and may therefore be called Providence.
" Let us not, then, deem God inferior to human workmen, who, in
proportion to their skill, finish and perfect their works, small as well as
great, by one and the same art ; or that God, the wisest of beings, who is
both willing and able to take care, is like a lazy good-for-nothing, or a
coward who turns his back upon labour and gives no thought to smaller
and easier matters, but to the great only " (Laws, 902).
Thus regarded, the objection of the existence of evil dis-
appears ; what we have to consider is the whole, and not its
parts.
" And one of these portions of the universe is thine own, unhappy man,
which, however little, contributes to the whole, and you do not seem to be
aware that this, and every other creation, is for the sake of the whole, and
that you are created for the sake of the whole, and not the whole for the
sake of you. For every physician, and every skilled artist, does all things
for the sake of the whole, directs his efforts towards the common good,
executing the part for the sake of the whole, and not the whole for the
sake of the part. And you are annoyed because you are ignorant how
what is best for you happens to you and to the universe, as far as the
laws of the common creation admit " (Laws, 903).
Thus we see how strong is the resemblance between Plato's
theological conceptions and those of Christianity. This re-
semblance was so striking that some of the Fathers of the
Church thought he must have had access to the Scriptures,
but this theory is very improbable and is now no longer
accepted by anyone. Plato merely developed the thoughts of
Socrates, who is, as we have said, the true founder of philosophic
theism. But while we recognize the analogy between the
Platonic and Christian philosophies, we must, however, notice
an essential difference in them, namely, that the God of Plato
is not a God who creates, but a God who is an architect, an
organizer, a dcmiurgus who manipulates a necessary and pre-
existing matter : we shall return to this point when we come
to Christian theodicy.
The Theology of Aristotle : The Potential and the Actual ;
Pure Actuality ; The Thought of Thought ; The Argument of a
First Mover,
It may be said that Aristotle's theodicy is substantially the
same as Plato's ; but Aristotle goes deeper into the subject, and
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PEOBLEMS 259
treats it with more scientific rigour. They both place the
essence of God in the perfection of being ; and both identify
the supreme reality with the supreme ideal. But, whereas
Plato never clearly distinguished the ideal from the universal,
and thus left room for the supposition that he placed the
highest perfection in the highest degree of universality,
Aristotle, on the other hand, was impressed with the idea that
perfection is proportionate to determination, and that the
highest perfection is contained in the highest determination.
Again, while Plato rises up to God by means of a dialectic,
which carried him from one degree in the Ideas to another
(sensible, mathematical, and absolute Ideas), Aristotle reaches
the notion of God by the ascent of nature, which from stage to
stage, from form to form, from type to type, travels over the
whole scale of perfections. In a word, Plato's formula is : the
One and the Many (TO eV /ecu TU xoXXa) ; and that of Aristotle
is matter and form, or, more particularly, potentiality and
actuality (v\*j, /u.6p(prj ; Swa/uts, evepyeta).
Aristotle arrived at the distinction between potentiality and
actuality by his analysis of motion and change. In every being
that changes there is implied two elements : in the first place,
the capacity of change, of assuming such and such a character,
•of becoming this or the other ; secondly, the realization of this
•capacity, the acquisition of this character, the very fact of
having become this or that. On one side, we have the acorn
which is capable of becoming an oak, the child who will
become a man: on the other, we have the oak itself, man
realized. Thus, its form or actuality is the very essence of a
being, that which constitutes it, determines and distinguishes
it from other things. The form of the marble when in the
hands of the sculptor is Hercules or Apollo ; that of a plant is
to live ; of an animal, to feel ; of man, to think. Poten-
tiality aspires after actuality.
This movement of potentiality towards actuality is desire,
and desire is the universal law of nature. Every being desires
the degree of perfection which it is capable of attaining, the
degree of reality of which it is susceptible ; in other words, its
own actuality. Actuality is therefore the end to which it aspires
(TO ov ei/e/ca). This end is identical with the good, for the good
of each being is to realize its own potentiality, to pass from
260 THE PROBLEMS X)F PHILOSOPHY
potentiality to actuality ; and, therefore, the supremely perfect
being must be the being whose whole potentiality has been
converted into actuality. Nature is a vast workshop, in which
each being is working towards this transformation, and
endeavouring to destroy in itself what is imperfect, incomplete,
and indeterminate, in order to increase the amount of actuality
of which it is capable ; and above nature is that pure, immov-
able actuality which does not require to pass from potentiality
to actuality since it is already all actuality, all reality, and all
perfection.
" But here," says Aristotle, " a difficulty arises, for it would seem that
what energizes must subsist entirely in a state of potentiality ; but that
everything that is endowed with capacity does not always energize.
Wherefore we may assume that potentiality is a thing that is antecedent to-
energy. But surely, if this be the case, no one of the entities would be in
existence ; for it is possible that a thing possesses a capacity of existence
and yet not be in existence. And whether we share the opinions of the
theologians, who are for generating all things out of night, or of the
natural philosophers, who say that all things came into being simul-
taneously, there is the same impossibility. For how can matter be put in
motion if nothing that subsists in energy is a cause ? for the matter of a
house, at least, will not move itself, but the builder's art will ; nor does the
earth move itself, but the seeds. Thus we see that motion must have a
cause, and also that the primary principle is superior as a cause, otherwise
we should be obliged to say that all things came out of night or chaos or
non-being" (Metaph. XII, 1071 6, 22). "Nor does he form his opinions
correctly who would assimilate the first principle of the universe to the
principle belonging to animals and plants, saying that from things
that are indefinite and unfinished there arise always things that are
more perfect. . . . For . . . the first principles are perfect from which
these objects derive their original ; man begets man" (Metaph. XIV, Ch. V),
" Those, however, who adopt the supposition (such as the Pythagoreans
and Speusippus), that what is best and most fair is not to be found in the
principle of things, from the fact that though the first principles both of
the plants and animals are causes, yet that what is fair and perfect resides-
in created things as results from these — persons, I say, who entertain
these sentiments do not form their opinions correctly. For seed arises
from other natures that are antecedent and perfect, and seed is not the
first thing, whereas that which is perfect is ; as, for example, the man is
antecedent to the seed " (Metaph. XII, 1072 b, 30).
Thus it is a fundamental principle with Aristotle, and one
which Metaphysics owes to him, that the perfect does not
come from the imperfect, but the imperfect from the perfect.
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 261
Mythology had always made the world come out of Night,
and the principle of love (ejoeo?) appears suddenly without any
reason ; whereas it is love that came before Night, the active
before the passive principle, form before matter, actuality
before potentiality.
In Aristotle's philosophy, there are, then, two ultimate
principles. On the one hand, the matter that is nothing but
matter, and on the other, the form that is nothing but form.
The former, the materia prima (Trpwrrj v\y), is a pure
abstraction, and is all potentiality without any admixture of
actuality. The latter is altogether actuality without any
potentiality ; it is pure actuality, God.
It is impossible to form any conception of this materia prima,
which of itself is nothing, has no form, no determination, and
which yet is something, since, in its successive transforma-
tions, it constitutes the substance of the world ; but the
ancient philosophers never succeeded in getting rid of this
notion of a materia prima and of the dualism which results
from it ; and yet this matter is nothing in itself ; all that
it is, all that it becomes, any order and harmony and any
beauty it possesses, is due to the action of God, that is to say,
to the pure actuality, to the absolute perfection.
What is the mode of operation of the pure actuality on
matter ? How does it produce motion ? As we have already
said, through desire (ope^t^. The pure form does not act
directly on matter, like Plato's demiurgus, but only in its
character of final cause, of the supremely desirable.
" This is the way it imparts motion — that which is desirable and that
which is intelligible impart motion, whereas they are not moved them-
selves. But the originals of these are the same ; for the object of a desire
is that which appeal's fair, and a thing which is originally selected from
volition actually is fair. Now we desire a thing because it appears fair,
rather than that a thing appears fair because we desire it. ... Both
that which is fair and that which is desirable for its own sake belong to
the same co-ordinate series, and that which is first is always the most
excellent. . . . Now that which first imparts motion, does so as a thing
that is loved. . . . From a principle, then, of this kind . . . hath
depended (r//3Tr;Tou) the Heaven and Nature" (Met. XII, 1072 a, 25).
But this principle upon which the whole of nature depends,
and which moves it by means of desire — what is it in itself ?
262 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Evidently it must be that which is the best in itself, and for
Aristotle what is best in itself is thought.
"Now, essential thought is the thought of that which is essentially
the most excellent . . . the mind thinks itself . . . becomes an object of
thought by contact, and by an act of intellectual apprehension. So that
the mind, and that which is an object of thought for the mind are the
same ; for the faculty of perceiving the intelligible, or substance, is what
constitutes mind, and the actuality of the mind is the possession of th&
intelligible. It is a Divine prerogative which the mind appears to-
possess, and which seems to belong to the First Mover rather than to-
the mind of man ; and contemplation constitutes what is most agree-
able and pleasant. If, therefore, God possesses eternally this felicity
which we only know for a short period, the Divine Nature is admirable ;
and if He possesses it in a more eminent degree, still more admirable
will be the Divine Nature. Now, His happiness is in effect greater than
ours. In Him is the principle of life, for the energy or active exercise
of mind constitutes life, and God is this activity, and essential activity
belongs to God as His best and everlasting life. Now, our statement
is this, — that the Deity is an animal that is everlasting and most
excellent in nature ; so that with the Deity life and duration are un-
interrupted and eternal ; for this is the very essence of God " (Ibid.
XII, 7).
If God is intelligence, and if life is thought — what does
He think ? What are the objects of the intelligence ?
" For if He thought of nothing but was like one who sleeps, where, I
ask, would be the dignity of such a condition ? " On the other hand,
the object of Divine thought cannot be inferior things, for "it would
be better not to see some things than to see them." Moreover, if
the object of thought were something different from itself, the mind
would be subordinate to this external object, which would con-
sequently be more excellent than itself. Thus it is evident that God
cannot think anything else than Himself. And what is He Himself?
As we have se'en, He is thought ; therefore, in thinking Himself, He
thinks thought, and this is, in fact, His true definition : He is " the
thought of thought, «TTIV rj VOT^CTIS vorytrews vorjms" (XII, 9).
This formula appears at first to be either contradictory or
tautologous, but it becomes explicable if we regard thought
as having two aspects, an objective and a subjective ; on
the one hand, thought is the intelligible, and on the other,
it is intelligence. It is the identity of the intelligible and
intelligence ; this is what Aristotle means by the thought
of thought.
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 263
We have considered it necessary to dwell upon this great
theological system of Aristotle, which was, and still may be
said to be, the basis of every theodicy, in spite of the
additions made to it by modern philosophy. But besides
this vast synthesis of speculations in which God is, as
it were, the result of an entire system, the Thought which
inspires and animates, and, at the same time, comprehends
the whole, we must also draw attention to the fact that to
Aristotle we owe the first complete and scientific proof of
the existence of God, that known in the schools by the
name of the Proof of the First Mover. This proof was implied
in the preceding, but Aristotle gave it special treatment and
development in the eighth book of his Physics, which is entirely
taken up with it. As summed up by M. Ravaisson (Essai
sur la Mdtaph. I, 459), this proof runs as follows :
" Everything that is in motion is moved, either by something else, or
by itself. Let us suppose the former to be the case. Given these three
terms : the thing that is moved, the mover, and the medium by which
the mover moves the thing moved : TO Kivovpevov, TO KIVOVV, /cat
TO <5 Kivet. The medium is a mover, since it sets the thing moved in
motion ; but it is also a movable body, since it only communicates
motion ; therefore, the medium is only a middle term. Now, between
the movable body and the mover, there cannot be an infinite number
of middle terms, for the series of causes cannot be infinite ; therefore,
by following the series of media we must arrive at a term which is
not moved by any other. The first characteristic of the first mover
is, therefore, that it is immovable, at least with regard to anything
else but itself. If, therefore, the first mover were in motion, it could
only be set in motion by itself. But a thing that moves itself cannot
do so entirely, in the same instant, and in the same manner, for motion
is given and received in the same indivisible point of time. If, therefore,
a thing moved itself entirely, one thing woiild be giving and receiving,
acting and suffering the same thing at the same time, and there would be
two contradictories existing at one time and at the same instant. The
thing moved is in a state of potentiality ; the mover is actual and
cannot, therefore, be at the same moment and in the same sense both
potential and actual. Thus, a thing that moves itself must consist of
something that moves and something that is moved, and each of these
two elements cannot be at one time the thing moved and at another
time the thing that moves the other, for this would be a circle
Therefore, the mover as mover must itself necessarily be immovable.
Consequently there are three kinds of movers : Firstly, the mover that
imparts motion and is moved (natural things) ; secondly, the mover.
264 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
that is movable in itself, but immovable with regard to the rest (the
fixed star, the first heaven) ; lastly, the mover that is immovable, both
with regard to itself, and with regard to all other things, and this is
God. The absolutely immovable mover only moves things by the inter-
mediary of the relatively immovable mover, the fii-st heaven, and this
it is that moves the rest of the world."
Such is the celebrated proof from the First Mover. It
may have changed in form in the schools, but nevertheless it
remains in substance a valid proof, since the truth remains
that motion does not suffice to itself, otherwise it would
devour itself as in the theory of Heraclitus, and that its
cause must lie in some other being which does not move.
Stoic Theology : Materialistic Pantheism ; The Argument of
Universal Assent; Final Causes; The Difficulty of the Exist-
ence of Evil ; Doctrine of the e-n-iyevvtjimaTa. Piety of the Stoics.
The Stoic theology, as compared with that of Plato and
Aristotle, gives evidence at once of progress and of retro-
gression. It was inferior in this sense, that Plato and
Aristotle placed the Divine above -the universe, higher than
nature, and that Metaphysics with them was distinct from
Physics, whilst with the Stoics Metaphysics is reduced to
Physics : God is identified with Nature. But, on the other
hand, their theology was an improvement, in that, leaving
aside this confusion, the various theological questions were
treated much more fully and more accurately by the Stoics than
by any of their predecessors. Most of the conceptions which
we find in modern works on the metaphysics of religion (e.g. in
Fenelon's Existence of God, and the Theodicy of Leibnitz) are in
direct descent from the Stoic doctrine.
For the Stoics, Nature herself is God : Quid aliud est natura
quam Deus ? (Senec. De Benefic. IV, 7) ; Vis Deum naturam
vocare ? non peccabis (Quaest. Natur. II, 45) ; Tanquam natura
sit Deus tmmdo permixtus (Lactant, Div. Instit. VII, 3). The
God of the Stoics is not, like the God of Aristotle, the
immovable mover. He is Himself the primum mobile (TO
God is a soul, a spirit, which pervades the whole world, and
fills every part of it : Trvev/ma Sia TTOLVTWV SteXyXvOos (Origen,
Cont. Cels. VI, 71). He is, as Heraclitus said, fire, that is to
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 265
say, the true cause of motion, but He is also an organizing
fire which proceeds methodically to production : -jrvp TC-^VIKOV
6§u) /3a^i^ov €19 yeveviv (D.L. vii, 156). The Stoic doctrine
was thus a Pantheism, or, to be more precise, a Cosmotheism,
that is to say, a doctrine which deifies the world. It was,
moreover, a Materialistic Pantheism, for the Stoics said that
all things are body, and that nothing exists except bodies.
This doctrine of the Stoics shows us how Metaphysics
had degenerated since the time of Aristotle, and yet it is true
that we find in the works of the school not only a remarkable
development of the proofs of the existence of God and of
Providence, but also in some of them (e.g. Cleanthes, Epictetus,
Marcus Aurelius) evidences of a religious feeling of the most
elevated kind.
The Stoics appear to have been the first to make use of the
argument of universal assent, or at least to recognize its
full worth. All men, all nations, says Cicero, agree in
acknowledging the existence of the Gods. It is a feeling
innate in man : Omnibus innatum et in animo quasi insculptum
esse Deos (De Nat. Deor. II, 5). The Stoics also gave a fuller
development to the proof of final causes and of the order
of nature. It was they who pointed out the chief facts
upon which this argument rests, and they were also guilty
of many of the exaggerations with which it has been
reproached. The strongest of the proofs given by Cle-
anthes, says Cicero, is that of the ordered movement of
the heavens, the distinctness, variety, and beauty of the
arrangement of the sun, the moon, and all the stars. One need
only look at the heavens to see that they were not produced
by chance : Quarum rerum aspectus satis indicat non esse ea
fortuita {De Nat. Deor. II, 5). It is the Stoics who appear
to have invented also the argument that if the twenty-four
letters of the alphabet were thrown at random upon the ground
they could not fall into such order as to form the Annals of
Ennius (De Nat. Deor. II, 37). Again, it was they who
discovered the examples which have been so often used to
prove that what has order must be the product of intelligence.
" As when we enter a house or school or court, and observe the exact
order and discipline and method of it, we cannot suppose that it is so
regulated without a cause, but must conclude that there is someone who
266 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
commands and to whom obedience is paid ; it is impossible for us to avoid
thinking that the wonderful motions, revolutions, and order of those many
great bodies, no part of which is impaired by the infinite succession of
ages, must be governed by some superior intelligent being" (Ibid. II,
Ch. V).
They cited, too, the principle that what is most perfect
cannot come out of the less perfect, that if a whole has
no feeling, the parts cannot have any feeling either.
"... If the plane tree could produce harmonious lutes, surely you would
infer that music was embalmed in the plane tree. Why, then, should we
not believe that the world is a living and wise being, since it produces
living and wise beings out of itself ?" (Ibid. II, 8).
It is true that this reasoning is applied to the divinity of
the world and not to the existence of a God distinct from
it, but it was none the less the origin of that celebrated
argument of Montesquieu : " What could be more absurd than
to suppose that a blind fate could have produced intelligent
beings ! " (Esprit des Lois, I, 1).
The same arguments served the Stoics to prove the Providence
as well as the existence of God, who is the divina providentia
(Trpovoia) (see De Nat. Deor. II, 29, 38). For said they, " His first
care is to provide so that the world may persist as long as
possible." Providit ut mundus sit aptissimus ad permanendum,
and the strongest proof of this divine action is again to be
found in the order which exists in nature and in particular in
final causes.
"... As the case is made for the buckler, and the scabbard for the sword,
so all things, except the universe, were made for the sake of something
else. As for instance all those crops and fruits which the earth produces
were made for the sake of animals, and animals for man ; as the horse
for carrying, the ox for the plough. . . . But man himself was born to
contemplate and imitate the world " (Ibid. II, 14).
Like Fenelon later they reviewed all parts of the universe
(Ibid. II, 39 et seq.) : the earth with all its beauties, the sea in its
immensity, the numberless species of animals, the heavens and
their wonders, the plants with their exquisitely ordered parts.
"... They have roots to sustain their stems. . . . They are clothed
with a rind of bark to secure them more thoroughly from heat or cold.
. . . The animals are covered, some with hides, some with fleeces,
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 267
sonie with bristles, some with feathers. . . . All their interior
parts are so framed and so disposed that there is nothing superfluous "
(II, 47).
They likewise dwelt on the marvellous operations of instinct,
as for example the case of the tortoises, who scarce are horn
but that they of themselves go to seek the water they require.
They mentioned details similar to those which are given in
treatises on Natural Theology in the 18th century (Cic. De Nat.
Deor. II, 49). They argued also from the faculty of repro-
duction and from the precautions which nature has taken to
ensure the nourishment and the preservation of the young,
and cite with admiration the wonders of maternal love.
Finally, it was they who first developed a thesis which has
since heen much criticised, but in which there is nevertheless
some truth, namely, that everything was made for man, and
that he is one of the chief ends of nature ; for, they said,
everything was made for man and the gods, and certainly not
for plants and animals. Ita jit credibile deoncm et hominum
causa factum esse mundum, quaeque in eo sunt omnia (De Nat.
Deor. II, 62 et seq.).
But, like all philosophers, the Stoics could not avoid seeing
that there was a formidable objection to their vindication of
the ways of Providence, the objection, that is, of the existence
of evil. And, here again, they were the first, if not to
state the objection (for Plato had already done so), at least to
suggest a means of solving it ; and their solution is still accepted
in philosophy. Chryssipus attempted to justify Providence in
a work entitled : That there is nothing to find fault with or to
blame in the universe : Trepl TOV /z^ey eyK\rjTov eivai juiySe
/me/uLTTTov ev TW KOO-/ULM (Plut. De Repug. Stoic. 37, 1). He main-
tained that natural evil was only an accident and had only
supervened subsequently, ex consecutione, /cara TrapaKoXovQ^iv
per quasdam sequelas (Aulus Gellius, Nodes Atticae, VII, 1, 7).
Marcus Aurelius (VI, 36) said similarly that evils were
€Triy€vvTi]iJ.aTa rcov a-ejmvwv KCU Ka\S)v ; sort of excrescences of
good and evil :
" It was not," said the Stoics, " nature's intention that men should be
subject to diseases, but while creating a large number of things beautiful
or useful, it was found that a certain number were attached to them.
Alia simul agnata incommoda" (Aulus Gellius, Ibid.).
268 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
This is very much what Leibnitz says when he affirms that
God permitted evil not by an antecedent volition, but by a
consequent volition.
Notwithstanding their Pantheism, it is among the Stoics
that we find the most beautiful examples of religious feeling
and true piety in antiquity. As an example of this, nothing
could be finer than the Hymn of Clean thes to Zeus.
" In this Hymn Zeus is addressed as highest of the gods, having many
names, always omnipotent . . . governing all things by law. ' Thee,'
continues the poet, ' it is lawful for all mortals to address, for we are thy
offspring and alone of all living creatures possess a voice which is the
image of reason. Therefore, I will forever sing thee and celebrate thy
power, etc.'" (The Ancient Stoics, by Sir Alex. Grant. Oxford Essays,
1858).
With the later Stoics, as for example Epictetus and Marcus
Aurelius, this piety appears in a form that touches us even
more, and comes near to the highest religious feeling :
" Deal with me, Lord, according to Thy will. ... I am resigned to Thy
laws and Thy will is my will. In all things I will praise Thy works and
Thy benefits. ... If my daily good should fail me I shall know that my
General commands me to sound the retreat. Him will I obey ; Him will
I follow ; His will I shall approve and praise, for when I came here it
was because He willed it ; I have glorified His name, for such was my
function towards myself, towards each man and all men."
The Alexandrian Theology : The Three Hypostases ; The
Doctrine of Procession ; Descent and Return ; Ecstasy.
The Stoic school had identified God with life or the world-
soul ; Aristotle had defined God by intelligence, and placed Him
above the world ; Plotinus, the founder of the last great Greek
school, the Neo- Platonic or Alexandrian school, combined and
adopted the conceptions of both the Stoics and Aristotle, but
above them all, he set a principle borrowed from Plato, that
of the One who is higher than intelligence and higher than the
soul. Thus the school of Alexandria accepted a threefold God,
a God composed of three principles or hypostases ; in a word, a
Trinity. But there is a fundamental difference between their
Trinity and the Christian Trinity. In the latter the three
Persons (who are also called in Greek hypostases) are equal to
one another, and form one and the same God in three
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL KELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 269
Persons. In the Alexandrian Trinity the hypostases are not
equal ; there is a fall, a descent from the One to Mind, from
Mind to Soul. God is one, indeed, but He is composed of
different elements which represent a progressive diminution in
His excellence. In the Christian doctrine God is; in the
Alexandrian doctrine God radiates and develops, not in
the sense of the less perfect becoming more perfect, but in an
inverse sense, in an unbroken descent from absolute excellence
to the lowest degree of being.
The Neo-Platonic principle of divine development is thus the
principle of procession (TrpooSos), or of the descent from higher
to lower principles ; but the essential characteristic of this
procession is that the higher principle flows into the lower
without losing anything of its own essence.
" God does not, as the Stoics said, pass into things. He does
not give them part of Himself, He communicates Himself to them,
and, at the same time, He Himself preserves His original integrity.
What comes from God is not the result of separation, but of exten-
sion. He gives, for instance, knowledge, which may be communicated
without being exhausted, which is used by him who receives it, with-
out leaving Him who gives it, the torch which kindles another without
losing its own light. It is characteristic of spiritual existence that
it can be communicated without being diminished. In short, Neo-
Platonism has a threefold basis : the theory of the three divine principles
or archical hypostases; the One, the Intelligence, the Soul, — three
principles which are connected with one another by the conception of
incorporeal communication. Of these three principles, the lowest, or
world-soul, is God as the Stoics had conceived Him. The second,
Intelligence, is the God of Aristotle ; finally, the supreme principle, the
One, is the God of Plato. Here we have the three principles of the
three great doctrines of Greek philosophy, in the self-same order as that
in which these principles succeed each other in history " (Ravaisson, Essai
our la Mdt. cPAristote, Vol. II, p. 382).
In short, three hypostases, each of which is to the one
below it what unity is to multiplicity, and the highest of which
is the One itself, the absolute One ; hypostases which are so
connected that each stands to the one that follows in the same
relation as a centre to its radii ; a divine centre, which is
multiplied, in a manner, in its radii, but, at the same time,
never ceases to remain whole in itself — such is the general
plan of the doctrine of Plotinus (Ibid. p. 429).
270
This doctrine is a form of Pantheism, for Plotinus accepts
no existence except that of God ; but it is not a Pantheism in
which God is absorbed in the world, since each principle,
while it develops downward, remains in itself unalterable.
Thus, the soul remains distinct from the body, although it is
the essence of the body ; the universal soul remains distinct
from individual souls, although the latter are merely emana-
tions of the former. In the same way, Intelligence does
not become identical with the Soul, nor the Soul with
Intelligence.
This being the case, in what sense is the Alexandrian
doctrine a Pantheism ? In this, that in it God evolves
naturally, and not by His own will. For, to suppose that the
procession of the highest principle was the effect of will, and
not of nature, would be to suppose the existence in God
of desire, and hence of deficiency ; and how could perfection
itself lack anything ? In the second place, will implies
motion, but the One is immovable, therefore it is not by a free
act of will that the first principle gives birth to the second,
but by its very essence (Enneads, III, ii, 2). So an odorous
substance sheds its perfume ; so fire emits heat, and the snow
cold; so the sun sends forth rays of light, and the cup being
too full overflows (Enneads, V, i, 6 ; ii, 1 — see Ravaisson, p. 434).
Just as all things come from the One, so do all things
return to it. Descent and return are the two laws of the
divine movement. This double movement explains every-
thing and is itself the alternation of expansion and concentra-
tion, from absolute unity to infinite multiplicity and from
multiplicity to unity. This return to the divine is brought
about in the soul by unification with God (eV&xrtf) ; by ecstasy
(eWrao-f?), that is to say, by its being transported out of self
and absorbed in God.
This, then, was the end of ancient theology. Having started
from a world that was the All, it reached a God Who was the
All. From the Cosmic Pantheism of the Ionics it rose to the
Idealistic Pantheism of Plato, and then returned to the Stoic
Hylozoism, only to become finally engulfed in the Mystical
Pantheism of Plotinus. Now it was that Christian theology,
boldly separating God from the world in the doctrine of the
creation CM nikilo, gave Him an immutable place above nature,
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 271
and allowing no necessary existence to nature, assigned
God's will and freedom as the cause of the development of the
universe which the Alexandrians had ascribed to the Divine
essence and to the nature of things.
The Religious Problem in the Middle Ayes.
Mediaeval philosophy sprang from two sources : on the one
hand, the philosophy of Aristotle ; on the other hand, Christian
philosophy, whose chief representative is St. Augustine.
Christian philosophy in its turn consists of two elements —
Platonism and Christianity. The groundwork of Christian
theodicy is borrowed from Plato, but two new doctrines were
added — the doctrine of Creation and of the Trinity.
St. Augustine : Analogy between Platonism and Christianity;
Features Peculiar to Christian Theology; The Trinity and the
Creation ex nihilo.
"We shall begin by pointing out the points of resemblance
between St. Augustine and Plato (see Emile Saisset, Intr. to the
CiU de Dieu). (1) The world is the result of God's goodness.
Plato said, " Being free from jealousy He desired that all
things should be as like Himself as they could be." St.
Augustine quotes in the same sense the text in Genesis — " God
saw that it was good." " God made all things by his word,
and he made them because they were good " (Civ. Dei, IX, 20).
(2) To St. Augustine as to Plato, time is an image of eternity :
" All Thy years, 0 Lord, are but as one day," and according
to Plato also, " God makes of eternity, which rests in unity,
that eternal but divisible image, which we call time." (3)
Plato taught that time and the world were created at the same
time. So also St. Augustine : " It cannot be denied that time
itself was created." (4) Plato as well as St. Augustine con-
siders that evil is merely the negation of good, and that it
disappears entirely when things are regarded as a whole (Civ.
Dei, XI, xxii ; XII, iv). (5) Both hold the supreme Good to
be the imitation of God. " Let all philosophers yield to the
Platonists who teach that happiness lies not in the pleasures
of body or mind, but in the enjoyment of God " (Civ. Dei, VIII
viii). (6) The theory of expiation, in which happiness is con-
nected with virtue, and misery with vice, is also common to
272 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
both philosophers. Evil came from man, God foreseeing it,
permitted it, and by His Providence turns evil into good (Plato,
Laws, Bk. X ; St. Aug. Civ. Dei, XII, vi ; V, i and x ; VIII).
These are the principles common to Platonism and Christian
Philosophy ; let us now see in what they differ.
Firstly the creation ex nihilo. At the dawn of Greek
Philosophy, the world was first considered as existing of itself.
Philosophers began to look about for the material principle
out of whicli it was evolved (water, air, fire). Then a distinc-
tion was made between matter and a motor principle (love and
hate). Next an organizing principle was invented (the vow of
Anaxagoras).
With Socrates and Plato the principle of intelligence became
more and more distinct from matter, and with Aristotle is
entirely separated from it. Matter, however, continued to exist
conjointly with the organizing principle ; but this matter
became less and less significant. Instead of being chaos or a
complete mixture of all corporeal substances, it wTas now no
more than the passive principle of the universe, the purely
potential, the indefinite, indeterminate, TO aopicrrov. Plato
had even called it the Non-being, and appeared sometimes
to identify it with space, or the void. To arrive at the
doctrine of creation, it only remained to make of this relative
Non-being an absolute Non-being, in fact to make it disappear.
The God of the Timaeus was still a demiurgus, or a God who
was architect or organizer ; the Christian God is a creating God.
" How didst Thou make heaven and earth ? " says St. Augustine,
". . . it was not as a human worker fashioning body from
body . . . nor didst Thou hold anything in Thy hand where-
with to make heaven and earth. For whence couldst Thou
have what Thou hadst not made whereof to make anything ?
Therefore Thou didst speak and they were made, and in Thy
Word Thou madest these things " (Conf. XI, v).
And as God creates the world out of nothing, so also did
He create it directly and without intermediate agents. On
this point St. Augustine separates himself from Plato, who in
the Timaeus relates that the world was created by secondary
gods, under the direction of the sovereign God, as if it were
beneath His dignity to put His own hand to the task. The
gods and the angels are not the creators of animals any more
than the labourers are the creators of the crops and the trees
(De Civ. Dei, XII, xxiii). Finally, God creates out of good-
ness and munificence, and not because He has need of creatures.
Before He created things He wanted nothing, and in creating
them He added nothing to His nature.
" What, therefore, could there be wanting unto Thy good, which Thou
Thyself art, although these things had never been . . . the which
Thou madest not out of any want, but out of the plenitude of Thy good-
ness ? . . . For to Thee, being perfect, their imperfection is displeasing,
and therefore were they perfected by Thee, and were pleasing unto
Thee ; but not as if Thou wert imperfect, and wert to be perfected in
their perfection " (Confessions, XIII, iv).
The theory of creation involves a serious difficulty. Since
God is eternal and immutable, His acts must be eternal and
immutable, and it would seem to follow that the creation
must have existed from all eternity ; but does not a creation
that is eternal appear to contradict the very idea of creation ?
On the other hand, does not creation in time appear to
presuppose the existence in God of two wills, one by which
He did not create the world, and the other by which He
did ? Furthermore, in the indefinite series of centuries, why
should He have created the world at one time rather than at
another, and what was God doing before He created ? To these
objections St. Augustine replies by boldly propounding a new
theory — that of the creation of time.
" Although we believe that at the beginning of time God made heaven
and earth, we must nevertheless know that before the beginning of time
there was no time. . . . For God is also the maker of all times. . . .
For how could there be a time that was not made by God, since He
Himself is the maker of all time ? And if time began to be with heaven
and earth we cannot find a time when God had not yet made heaven and
earth. . . . Time is not eternal as God is eternal " (De Genesi, contra
Manichaeos, I, ii). "Who can fail to perceive that time would not be
unless there were some created things whose successive movements, which
could not exist simultaneously, make intervals of different lengths ? And
this is what constitutes time. . . . Now before the world was, there
can have been no time, because there was then no created thing by
whose movements time could have been measured. Therefore the
world was created with time since motion was created with the world"
(De Civ. Dei, XI, vi).
The second doctrine peculiar to Christian theodicy is that of
II. S
-™-*^^
274 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the Trinity. No doubt the Trinity is a mystery and a dogma,
and as such belongs rather to theology proper, but the Fathers
of the Church and St. Augustine himself frequently made use
of philosophical and metaphysical considerations in order to
facilitate the comprehension of this mysterious dogma. Thus
St. Augustine finds an image of the Trinity in all created
things, and especially in the human soul.
"All the created things which divine art has produced manifest in them-
selves a certain unity, and form, and order. For every created thing has
a kind of unity, so bodies have their nature and the soul has spirit ; every
created thing, moreover, adapts itself to a certain form, so bodies adapt
themselves to figures and qualities, and souls, to sciences and arts ; and
thus it is that we find in bodies weight and situation, and in souls love
and joy. There is no nature, no substance, but we see in it at once these
three things : first, that it is ; secondly, that it is in such or such a
manner ; thirdly, that it exists inasmuch as God is in it. The first quality
manifests the very cause of nature whence all things spring ; the second
manifests the form according to which all things are disposed and
organized ; the third manifests a permanence in the bosom of which all
things dwell. Now, being comes from the Father ; form from the Son ;
and permanence from the Holy Ghost."
In the soul these three qualities are revealed in another
form, but are still an image of the Trinity.
" I could wish that men would consider these three things that are in
themselves. These three are far other than the Trinity ; but I speak of
things in which the many exercise and prove themselves, and feel how far
other they be. But the three things I speak of are, to Be, to Know, and
to Will. For I Am, I Know, and I Will ; I Am Knowing and Willing ;
and I Know myself to Be and to Will ; and I Will to Be and to Know. In
these three, therefore, let him who can see how inseparable a life there
is, — even one life, one mind, and one essence ; finally, how inseparable is
the distinction, and yet it is a distinction" (Conf. XIII, xi)»
This mediaeval theodicy was formed, then, out of some
elements which were not new, since they were derived
from Aristotle and Plato, and other elements, which were
furnished principally by St. Augustine. We shall, as is
usual in treatises on natural theology, divide the subject
into two parts : firstly, the proofs of the existence of God ;
secondly, the nature of God ; and we shall trace the history
of these two questions separately.
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 275
Proofs of the Existence of God given in the Middle Ages :
" Via Eminentiae " ; " Via Aseitatis " ; A Priori Argument
or the Argument of St. Anselm ; Objections made by Gaunilo.
In the Middle Ages the proofs of the existence of God were
classed under two heads, and the methods employed reduced
to two, the first of which was called the via eminentiae, and
the second, the via aseitatis. The first method consists in
reasoning from the evidences of perfection to be found in the
world to absolute perfection. This was a semi -empirical
method. In the second, the essence of God Himself was
made the starting point whence His existence was inferred,
and this was a purely rational or a priori method. These two
proofs were presented in their most perfect and impressive
form by the celebrated Anselm of Canterbury, who borrowed
the first from Plato, but was himself the author of the second.
" Even as what is just is so only through the presence of justice, so
what is good is so only because of the presence of goodness. Now,
who can doubt that that through which things are good is the
Supreme Good ? It is, therefore, necessary that there exists a Being
supremely great and supremely good, that is to say the summum of
all existing things, maximum et optimum, id est summum omnium quae
sunt" (Monologium, ch. I).
The same idea is more precisely expressed by Albertus
Magnus and Thomas Aquinas (Compend. Theologic. Verit. c. 1).
" All creatures," says Albertus, " cry out to us that there is a God ;
for the beauties of the world bear witness to a supreme beauty, its
sweets to a supreme sweetness, what is highest in it to something
higher than all, what is pure to purity itself. Pulchra pulcherrimum,
dulcia dulcissimum, sublimia altissimum, pura purissimiim"
Aquinas dwells on the fact of comparison and degrees in
things, and shows that, for this comparison to be possible, there
must be an absolute as unit of measure.
" Things," he says, " are good, and true, and noble in a greater or
lesser degree. But that they have more or less can only be said of things
according as they are nearer or further from something that is absolute.
There exists, therefore, some Being which is in regard to all things the
cause of their beauty and perfection, and this is what we call God"
(Summa Theolog. I, q. 2").
Again, Alexander of Hales says: "If there were no Sovereign
Good, no Absolute Good, there might still be black and white,
276 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
but there would be no such thing as good" (Summa Tlieoloy. I,
q. 3, a. 9).
These conceptions were all derived from Plato through the
medium of St. Augustine, but there is a celebrated proof
which belongs peculiarly to the Middle Ages, the so-called
a priori proof of the existence of God, or the Ontological
argument.
In the construction of this argument which bears his name,
St. Anselm sets out from the idea that in order to prove the
existence of God to atheists, one must meet them on a common
ground, that is, one must start from a principle which is
accepted on all sides. This principle is the mere conception
of God ; for what atheists deny is not the conception of God,
but His existence, and they must be able to conceive what
they deny. The idea of God, or the definition of God, may
then be admitted with common consent, both by those who
believe in God and by those who do not. If, therefore, from
this idea itself it were possible by pure reasoning to deduce
existence, we should have a truly necessary demonstration of
the existence of God.
Having laid down this postulate, Anselm takes for granted
the following definition : God is a being of such a nature that
it is impossible to conceive any greater. From this definition
he draws the following conclusion :
"This good, which is such that it is impossible to conceive any
greater, cannot exist in the mind only ; for were it so, it would be
possible to conceive a good that was yet greater, namely, one which
would exist not only in the mind, but in reality. If we can conceive
a good which we are unable to conceive as being without existence, this
good would be greater than one we are able to conceive as being without
existence, therefore the latter, contrary to our definition, would not be the
greatest good conceivable " (Proslogium, Ch. II).
Even in the Middle Ages, there were many who opposed this
argument. The monk Gaunilo wrote a work against St.
Anselm's theory which contains the germs of all the criticisms
made in modern times by Gassendi and Kant (Gaunilo, Liber
pro insipiente). He begins by questioning whether we have
within us the idea of God. in other words, whether God exists
in the mind, — which was the major premiss of the argument ;
then he asks whether, because we have the idea of God, it is
permissible to infer from this that God exists objectively and in
reality. These two objections cover the whole argument. As
regards the first point, his dilemma runs thus : Either God
exists in the mind after the manner of other things which may
be true, or false, or doubtful, or He exists in the mind in such
a way that it is impossible to conceive Him without conceiving
Him at the same time as existing. In the first case nothing can
be inferred as to His existence ; since ex hypothesi it would be the
same with Him as with other things, which may or may not
exist. In the second case, what had to be proved is assumed
in the principle, and the distinction which was our starting
point, that is, the distinction between God and His existence,
has been abandoned.
He then proceeds to attack directly the major premiss of
the argument, and affirms that we have not the idea of God :
" For," says he, " the thing which is God I cannot know in
itself, and I cannot form an idea of it from analogy, since
it is precisely its essence that there is nothing analogous
to it." He even goes so far as to say that God is merely a
sound, litterarium sonitum.
As regards the argument itself, Gaunilo, using an ingenious
comparison, brings forward the following objection :
" Truth is one thing and thought is another. Hence, although it is true
that I can conceive something which is such that I cannot conceive any-
thing greater, this truth heard and understood is so far merely like a
picture not yet painted, which only exists in the mind of the painter."
" I conceive," says he, " a happy isle full of delights, such an island that
one cannot conceive one more beautiful. What follows from this ? That
the island exists in reality since it exists in the mind ; for if such an island
(which is such that I cannot conceive one more beautiful) did not exist in
reality, I could conceive another that was more beautiful still, an island,
that is, which did really exist."
It is to be regretted that St. Anselm did not think fit to
refute this ingenious objection. He only replied to the first,
namely, that we have not the idea of God. " Do you mean
that we have not a complete knowledge of God as He is ? This
I grant, but what follows ? Because we cannot look at the sun
does it follow that we are blind ? Every imperfect thing implies
something that is more perfect ; there must therefore be some-
thing which is absolutely perfect, so that there is nothing more
278 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
perfect." St. Anselm complains, moreover, that Gaunilo altered
his argument when he accused him of a petitio principii which
only exists in his opponent's proof and not in his own (Em.
Saisset, De varia argumenti Anselmi fortund).
But it was not only a more or less recusant monk who
pronounced against St. Anselm's argument ; some of the
greatest authorities in scholastic philosophy were opposed to
it, the first in importance among these being Thomas Aquinas.
" Granted," he says, " that a person understands this word God to signify
something so great that it is impossible to conceive anything greater, it
does not follow that by this he understands that what this word signifies
exists in reality, for as yet it only exists in the apprehension of his
understanding."
And, laying hold of the weak point in Anselm's argument,
he makes the following profound remark :
" Since God is His own real being, and since His essence is hidden from
us (cum quod sit nos lateat), the proposition ' God is ' is no doubt known
of itself, but it is known in itself, and not in any relation to us."
Thomas Aquinas, carrying the same idea further, says, even
more clearly (Summa contra Gentiles I, 11):
" Just as to us it is evident that the whole is greater than its parts, so
to those who see the Divine essence as it is, the truth is self-evident that
God is, seeing that His essence is His existence. But as we are not able to
see the essence, we can never succeed in knowing Him in His essence,
but only through His effects."
We may say, then, that in general the Schools were against
the Ontological argument. Gerson even says, Nescio quis
insipientior sit, an is qui putat hoc sequi (Deum, si est in
intellectu, esse et in re) an insipie-ns qui dixit in corde suo : Non
est Deus (see Saisset, p. 34). Duns Scotus also pronounces against
the argument (D. Scoti, Opera IV, Quaest. supra Metaph. I, 9, 12).
On the other hand, it was defended by Bonaventura and Henry
of Ghent (see Saisset, p. 35).
Other Proofs of the Existence of God : Impossibility of an
Infinite Chain of Causes ; Proof " a contingentia mundi " ; Proof
of a First Mover ; Proof from Final Causes; Proof by the Idea
of Perfection.
Generally speaking, most of the other known proofs of the
existence of God are to be found in mediaeval works.
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PEOBLEMS 279
1. The impossibility of an infinite chain of causes :
Given a thing that is caused, it must have been caused either by noth-
ing, or by itself, or some other thing. That it was caused by nothing is
impossible, for nothing causes nothing, therefore it must be caused by
some other thing. Let us call this term A ; if A is not first cause it must
be an efficient second cause, that is to say, a cause which is only efficient by
virtue of some other thing. Let this other efficient cause be B. We
shall reason about B in the same way as about A, and so on ad infinitum.
But an infinite regression is impossible ; therefore there must be a first
necessary cause, which, having no antecedent, can at no time be posterior
to itself ; for that there should be a circle in the series of causes is contra-
dictory (Duns Scotus, Sentent. I, dist. 2, q. 2).
Ockam upholds the same argument, but in his demonstration
there is one important point to be noticed : in order to avoid
an infinite regression, he dwells, like Descartes, more on
the conservation of the Universe by God than on its production,
because while the one conception requires an actual cause, the
other, strictly speaking, does not.
" It would seem," he says (Sentent. dist. 2, q. 10), " that the priority of
the efficient cause can be proved with more evidence with respect to the
conservation of a thing by its cause than with respect to its production
thereby. The reason of which may, perhaps, be that it is difficult, if not
impossible, to prove that there is not an infinite progression in causes of
this kind (i.e. in producing causes). But there is no infinite progression in
preserving causes, for if it is possible to conceive producing causes as
not being actually infinite, one cannot conceive preserving causes without
actual infinitude." l
2. The proof a contingentia mundi is also to be found in
Scholastic works.
It is evident that there is something which exists of itself, and has
existed from all eternity. Otherwise there must have been a time when
nothing existed, not even that which belonged to the future, since He who
was able to give existence to Himself as well as to others, was not (Richard
of St. Victor, De Trinitate, I, Ch. viii). What is mutable cannot have
existed always, for what could not remain fixed as long as it was present,
shows that the moment before it was, it was not. It is thus that nature
proclaims her Maker (Hugh of St. Victor, De Sacramen. Pars III, 1,
Chap. x). That which may not be has not always been. If all things are
such that it is possible for them not to be, there must have been a time
1 See Descartes (3rd Medit.) : " And it is very manifest that we have here to
do not so much with the cause that once gave me being, as with the cause that
preserves me now in being."
280 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
when nothing existed. But if this were the case, then, even now nothing
would exist ; for what is not, only begins to be through what is. There-
fore, all beings are not purely possible, and there is something which is
necessary (Thorn. Aq. Summa Theologiae, I, qu. 2, a. 3).
3. In a more particular sense the proof a contingentia
mundi is the same as Aristotle's proof of a first mover, which
is reproduced almost word for word by Thomas Aquinas.
" What is moved is moved by something. To impart motion is nothing
else than to cause something to pass from potentiality to actuality. Now
a thing can be changed from potentiality to actuality only by something
which is actual. But this cannot be carried back ad infinitum, for the
secondary movers only impart motion because they are themselves moved
by the first mover, just as a stick only moves a thing through the motion
of the hand."
4. The proof to which the Scholastics appear to have given
least attention is that of final causes, no doubt because this
proof rests largely on experience, which they were always
inclined to sacrifice to reason. Still St. Bonaventura says :
" He who is not illumined by the splendour of created things is blind.
He who is not awakened by nature's many voices is deaf. He who is not
led by all these things to praise God is dumb."
Thomas Aquinas expresses the same thought in a more
scientific way when he says :
" We see that certain things which do not possess reason, for example,
natural bodies, yet act towards their end, since they often and frequently
act in the same way so as to fulfil their end. Whence it follows that it is
not through chance, but through intention that they attain their end. But
things that are unconscious cannot tend to an end unless they are directed
by an intelligent and conscious cause. There is therefore an intelligent
Being by whom all things are directed towards their end, and this Being
we call God " (Summa Theol. I, qu. 2, a. 3).
5. Lastly, the Scholastics were not ignorant of the proof
which was expounded with such eloquence by Bossuet, the
proof namely which rests on the thesis that imperfection pre-
supposes perfection.
" O my soul," says Gerson, in a passage which Bossuet appears to have
imitated, "I cannot know thee without knowing thy being and thine
essence ; and I cannot know what is imperfect as thou art without know-
ing what is perfect ; I can therefore know nothing without knowing
God, at least as it were in His shadow " (Gerson, Opera, 1728, I, p. 104).
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 281
As might be expected, we also find in the works of
mediaeval philosophers, and especially in those of the mystics,
the proof by feeling, which rests on the yearning of the human
soul after the Infinite.
" Wisdom (sapientia) is to know and to follow God in such a manner
that we relish naught (nihil sapiat) but Him alone. He who loses not this
relish is happy " (Hugh of Saint Victor, De Finibus ffominis, Ch. LXVII).
" Go, poor humanity, leave thy concerns ; far from tumultuous thoughts
humbly hide thyself. Throw off the burden of these laborious discussions,
descend into the innermost depths of thy soul ; shut out all things else
but God. O God, if not there, where shall I find thee ? " (Anselm,
Proslogium, Ch. I).
Theories held in the Middle Ages concerning the Nature
of God ; Theism and Pantheism ; The Theodicy of Thomas
Aquinas.
Having examined the proofs of the existence of God, we
now pass on to Theodicy proper, that is to say, to the science
•of the nature of God, and of His relation to the world. On
this subject we find in the Middle Ages two currents of opinion.
Firstly, the orthodox theodicy which was based on the doc-
trines of Aristotle and St. Augustine. Secondly, an irregular
and pantheistic theodicy derived from the schools of Alexandria
.and of the Areopagite. The first, which was approved by the
Church, prevailed in the schools, and was the only one openly
taught ; the second, which flowed parallel with, or rather,
beneath the other, was taught more or less secretly by the
heretical sects and in the Arab schools. The one found its
greatest representative and highest authority in Thomas
Aquinas ; the other was given a systematic and complete
development by two writers only, who belonged to different
ages — Scotus Erigena and Eckart. The first of these theo-
dicies was to be the foundation of the religious philosophy of
the seventeenth century, and the second, that of the German
philosophy of religion in the nineteenth century.
Let us first give a summary of the doctrine of St. Thomas
Aquinas.
We have already seen that, according to Aquinas, the essence
•of God is not known to us in itself,. but only by its effects
(Summa Theol I, Ia, q. 12, art. 1, ad 1 ; and I, I", q. 3, a. 4,
282 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
ad 2).1 God's being is identical with His essence (I, P,
q. 3, a. 4). Whence it follows, as St. Anselm saw, that His
existence must be deducible from His essence ; but although
this proposition is true in itself, it is not true for us, who only
know this essence in its effects. Thus we cannot know what
God is in Himself (I, P, q. 1, a. 7, ad 1); but we are never-
theless able to affirm that, for the very reason that He is the
Being which subsists of itself, His being is different from that
of creatures (I, P, q. 3, a. 2, ad 3, and a. 4, ad 1) ; and at
the same time one may also say that He is the being of
creatures, not as their form and matter, but as their efficient
cause (I, P, q. 3, a. 8). In Himself, God, as Aristotle said, is
pure actuality ; in other words, absolute perfection (I, P, q. 4,
a. 1, concl., and q. 3, a. 1, concl.), and because He is pure
actuality, pure form without matter (q. 3, a. 3, concl.), He is
not the form of the body (q. 3, a. 8), nor the soul of the world
(Ibid, concl.).
He Himself is not body (q. 3, a. 1) : He possesses no senses,
except by analogy (q. 3, a. 1, ad 1). He is absolutely simple
(q. 3, a. 1, and q. 9, a. 1, concl.). Since he is pure actuality, in
Him substance becomes identical with form (q. 3, a. 3, I), and
even the term substance is only appropriate to Him in so far as it
indicates that which subsists in itself (q. 29, a. 3, ad 4). God
contains within Himself all the perfection there is in creatures,
but in a more eminent way. Oportet omnium rerum perfec-
tiones residere in Deo secundum eminentiorem modum (q. 4, a. 2,
concl.). Although God is distinct from His creatures, these have
not a being that is commensurable with God, for God and the
created thing taken together do not form something that is
greater than God by Himself (II, P, q. 103, a. 3, ad 1 and 3
and 2). God is infinite, not with a material infinitude, but
with a formal infinitude, inasmuch as in Him form is not
limited by matter. Being pure actuality, He is of Himself
infinite form (q. 7, a. 1).
From the consideration of the essence of God in itself, we
now pass to His divers attributes, and we shall begin by
examining the question of divine knowledge. God possesses
knowledge (q. 14, art. 1) ; for beings that know are superior to
1 The following is the meaning of these abbreviations : the prima primae, first
part of the first part ; question 3 ; article 4, answer to the second argument.
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PEOBLEMS 283
beings that do not know, because they possess not only their
own form, but also the forms of other beings. God, being pure
form, contains the form of every form, and consequently
possesses knowledge in the highest degree ; but, as the perfec-
tions of creatures exist in God in an eminent way, God's
knowledge is not of the same kind as human knowledge, being
neither a quality nor a habit, but a substance and a pure
activity. Hence God's comprehension is always actual, and
He needs neither to combine nor to divide ; in other words, His
knowledge does not proceed either by analysis or by synthesis
(q. 14, a. 14, concl.). God's knowledge is not discursive, but
intuitive and simultaneous (Ibid. a. 7). But what are the
objects of the divine knowledge ? In the first place, God
knows and understands Himself (q. 14, a. 2 and 3). Secondly,
God knows other things besides Himself (Ibid. a. 5), and not
only in a general and abstract way, but in an eminent and
higher manner, inasmuch as He contains within Himself the
perfection of all beings (Ibid. a. 6). He knows individual
things as such, and by the same act as general things. In the
divine understanding the universal idea is not arrived at by
abstraction, but is the principle of particular things, and it is
in the general that God sees the particular (Ibid. art. 11). He
does not, as Aristotle thought, lower Himself by knowing
things inferior to Himself (q. 22, a. 3, ad 3). There are in
God two kinds of knowledge. The knowledge of vision and
the knowledge of simple or mere intelligence1 (q. 14, a. 9,
concl.). God possesses not only intelligence, but will (q. 19,
a. 1). For will is a consequence of intelligence ; inclination
towards the good being nothing else than appetite, and appetite,
when its object is sensible, is called sensible appetite, and
when its object is intelligible, is called intelligible appetite, and
is will. In reality, will is the very being of God, though it
can be distinguished from it rationally or by abstraction (q. 19,
a. 2, ad 1). Thomas Aquinas asserts that God is free, but he
does not clearly explain how he conceives this freedom. He
makes a distinction between an absolute and a hypothetical
aBy knowledge of vision St. Thomas means knowledge of things which exist
or which, without actually existing, have existed or will exist ; and by know-
ledge of simple intelligence, he means knowledge of things which will never
exist, but which might exist on a certain hypothesis.
284 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
necessity. Absolute necessity is intelligible of itself ; hypothe-
tical necessity is the necessity in virtue of which a thing is, if
it is. For example, the proposition Socrates is seated, is
necessary hypothetically ; for, assuming that he is seated, then
he is not standing ; but this is not absolutely necessary. So
it is with the will of God in its relation to finite things.
He wills them necessarily, if He does will them ; but He
does not will them by an absolute necessity, because they
do not form part of His essence (q. 19, a. 3, concl.). God is
therefore free (Ibid. a. 10). His will is perfect (q. 14, a. 2, ad 3).
Its special object is the essence of God, that is to say, goodness
(q. 19, a. 1, ad 3). But although God, in the first place, essen-
tially wills Himself, He may also will other things besides
Himself, for it is in the essence of the will to communicate
as much as possible to others the good it possesses. The
divine will is therefore disposed to communicate His goodness
to creatures by reflecting His image in them (q. 19, a. 2,
concl.).
Aquinas distinguishes in God an antecedent and a consequent
will (q. 19, a. 6, ad 1). The antecedent will is that which
wills a thing absolutely, independently of circumstances ; and
the consequent will is the one which wills a thing with
reference to certain circumstances. For example, the judge
wills by an antecedent will that every man should live ; but
with a consequent will that the homicide should be hung. In
the same way, God wills with an antecedent will that all men
be saved, but with a consequent will that sinners be punished.
There is another distinction between voluntas bene placiti and
voluntas signi. The former is the inner will of God, the latter,
His will as manifested by signs1 (q. 19, a. 12).
On the doctrine of the divine will depends the doctrine of the
love of God. Aquinas proves that there is love in God ; for
the first movement of will and of the appetitive part in general
is love (q. 20, a. 1, concl.). The object of love being the good,
God loves all beings in proportion as they are good (Ibid. a. 2).
As regards the question, whether God loves anything else
besides Himself, it is the^ same question as whether He knows
anything else besides Himself, and is solved in the same way.
According to St. Thomas there are five signs: Prohibition, Persuasion,
Precept, Counsel, and Operation (q. 19, a. 12).
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL EELIGIOUS PEOBLEMS 285-
God possesses not only will, but power (q. 25, a. 1) ; but
powrer is not in itself a special attribute, it is part of His
essence (q. 25, a. 1, ad 2); for every being acts in proportion
to the amount of actuality it possesses (Ibid.), and it is active
power only that belongs to God and not passive power (q. 25>
a. 1). God being all actuality is omnipotence (q. 25, a. 5),.
and can do anything that does not imply contradiction (q. 7>
a. 2, ad 1, and q. 25, a. 3 and 4). He may alter the order
He has Himself established (II, P, q. 105, a. 6, concl.), but He
can do nothing that is not in accordance with His wisdom and
His goodness (I, P, q. 21, a. 4, concl.).
To proceed to the attributes of God and to His relation to
the world : God's fundamental attribute is that of a Creator ;.
in other words, He can make something out of nothing (q. 45,
a. 1, concl.), and He alone can create (Ibid. a. 5). There
is no creation in the works of nature and of art, for these
works always presuppose some pre-existing matter (Ibid. a. 8).
Creation is the work of mind and of will, and consequently of
a person (q. 29, a. 4 and 45, a. 6, concl.). If God is a creator,
if He creates by His intelligence and His will, it follows that
the universe as a whole has not always existed (q. 46, a. 1).
At this point Aquinas replies to the arguments given by
Aristotle in proof of the eternity of the world, and he appears to
think that Aristotle did not seriously uphold this thesis. At
the same time, the doctrine that the world had a beginning
cannot be proved by reason, and 6an only be established by
faith (q. 46, a. 2).
God is not only the Creator, He is also Providence (q. 22, a. 1).
For all that is good in creatures comes from God ; He is the
cause of the order by which all things are led to their end
(Ibid, concl.). Providence comprises two things — the concep^
tion of the universal order and the production of this order
(q. 22, a. 3, concl.). The Atheists (Democritus, Epicurus)
denied providence altogether, and believed that everything was
subject to chance. Others believe that providence only
extends to incorruptible beings, to the heavens. But Divine
Providence embraces all creatures (q. 22, a. 2, concl.), and, more-
over, it acts on them directly and without any intermediary
(Ibid. a. 3).
Although Aquinas affirms that God can do nothing contrary
286 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
to His wisdom and goodness, he is not an optimist after
the manner of Leibnitz and Malebranche, who taught that God
could not do otherwise than choose the best of all possible
worlds. On the contrary, according to St. Thomas, God can
always make better things than those which he has made
(q. 25, a. 6). For the divine goodness is infinite, and conse-
quently far greater than the number of His creatures, however
great that may be ; and for this same reason it is in His
power to create things other than and superior to those He
has made.
At the same time, God's divine omnipotence does not permit
of His committing sin ; God is impeccable (q. 25, a. 3, ad 2).
But if God is the creative and providential cause of the world,
why does evil exist ? Evil is not real being (q. 48, a. 2, ad 2),
and yet it is not a pure negation. Evil is the privation of
good (Ibid, ad 1). It can only be conceived through the good
(q. 14, a. 10, ad 4). If evil exists, absolute evil does not
(q. 49, a. 3). Evil is either natural (physical) or moral.
Aquinas says very little about natural evil, which is not real,
since it is only a privation. The true evil is the moral, which
is divided into two kinds — the malum culpae and the malum
poenae (q. 48, a. 5). In any case, God is only the cause of
evil by an accident, and, moreover, He is the cause of the
malum poenae only and not at all of the malum culpae (q. 49,
a. 2, concl.).
In a word, God is the efficient, exemplary, and final cause
of all things (q. 44). This formula embraces and expresses the
whole of the theodicy of St. Thomas.
Irregular Theology in the Middle Ages : Pantheistical Doc-
trines; Dionysius the Areopagite ; Scotus Erigena ; Amalric
of Bena, and David of Dinant ; Eckart.
Besides the orthodox theology, of which Aquinas was the
chief representative, there existed throughout the Middle Ages
a covert system of Pantheism which was characterized by two
fundamental ideas : (1) God reduced to absolute unity, above
all difference and all comprehension. (2) God, as not only
the cause, but the substance and essence of individual beings.
This philosophy, which was derived from the school of
Alexandria, had as its principal representatives Dionysius the
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS 287
Areopagite, Scotus Erigena, Amalric of Bena, David of
Dinant, and lastly, Meister Eckart and the German mystics
of the 14th century. Mention must also be made of the
Arab and Hebrew ramifications, such as, for instance, the
doctrine of Averroes and Avicebron, etc. We shall do
no more than point out the general features of these
doctrines.
In his mystic theology and in his Treatise on Divine Names,
Dionysius the Areopagite, or the pseudo-Dionysius, remarks that
there are two kinds of theology : affirmative theology, which
proceeds from God to finite things, and represents God as having
every name ; and an abstractive theology, which rises above all
positive or negative determinations and considers God as being
without name. He teaches that God is not goodness, but the
super-goodness, the super-divinity, the super-essence. He has
no name, corresponds to no essence ; nothing can give us a
conception of super-divinity (Of the Divine Names, Oh. 11
and 13).
Scotus Erigena, in his De Divisione naturae develops the
pantheistical doctrine in a much more scientific and complete
manner. He divides beings or nature into four species : 1st,
that which creates and is not created, creans non creata ;
2nd, that which is created and creates, creata et creans; 3rd,
that which is created and does not create, creata et non creans ;
4th, that which neither creates nor is created, non creans, non
creata. To the first of these species belongs God Himself, for
He alone creates and is not created. He also constitutes the
uncreated and non-creative essence, but from a different aspect,
that is to say, as end ; for, regarded as the end of beings, God
is not a creator. The second species, that which creates and
is created, embraces all the divine models and prototypes, is
the Word (Plato's avro^wov). Lastly, the third nature, which is
created and does not create, is the world, and here it is that the
pantheistic character of Erigena's teaching appears more especi-
ally. To him creation was only a procession (III, 25, Processio)
from God. All that God saw, He always made, for with Him
vision does not come before operation, but is co-eternal with
it. He sees in acting, and He acts in seeing : videt operando
et videndo operatur (III, 17). God is the substance of all
finite things and these cannot exist outside Him. He is the
288 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
true and only essence of all things, and there is truly and
properly speaking nothing that is not this essence itself (ipsam
solam esse vere ac proprie in omnibus et nihil est vere ac proprie
esse, quod ipsa non sit).
God and His creature are to be considered not as two things,
but as one single thing, and that is God Himself (sed unum
et id ipsum). For the creature which really exists in God
appears in an ineffable and miraculous manner in creation,
thereby becoming manifest : the invisible making itself visible,
the incomprehensible comprehensible, the hidden discovered,
the unknown known, what is without form and figure becoming
determinate, the super-essential essential, the super-natural
natural ; in a word, creating and created, making and made
in all things : Invisibilis visibilem, incognitus cognitum, forma
et specie carens formosum et speciosum ; super-essentialis
essentialem, super-naturalis naturalem, omnia creans in omnibus
creatum, et omnium factor factum in omnibus (Ibid.). Our
life is God's life (I, 78). Se ipsam sancta trinitas in nobis et
in se ipsa amat, videt, movet (Ibid.). Man's knowledge of God
is a revelation, the appearance of God in him a theophany
(Oeocpavla) (I, 7).
In short, according to Scotus Erigena, God is all that is,
Deus est omne quod vere est ; what we feel and understand is
only the appearance of Him Who, in Himself, does not appear,
non apparentis apparitio, the manifestation of Him who is
hidden, occulti manifestatio, the affirmation of Him who is in
Himself only a negation, negati affirmatio. God is the essence
of all things ; creation is not accidental but essential, non
est Deo accidens universalitatem condere ; creation is therefore
eternal, universalitas in sua causa aeterna est. Before He
created God was not. God and His actions are not two
things, but one. If all things come from God, all must return
to Him. For it is He Himself who returns to Himself, bring-
ing back all things to Himself. In se ipsum redit revocans
in se omnia.
This same doctrine of immanence was held in the 12th
century by two philosophers whose writings have been de-
stroyed— Amalric of Bena and David of Dinant. The following,
according to Gerson (De Concordia metaphys. cum logica), was
their theory ;
ANCIENT AND MEDIAEVAL RELIGIOUS PEOBLEMS. 289
All things are God, and God is all things : omnia sunt Deus et Deus est
omnia. God is at once creator and creature, creator et creatura, idem Deus.
As God is the source and principle of all things, so is He also their end,
and all must return to Him in order to be immutable and at rest, and to
form an indivisible unity : et ita unuin individum et immutabile. All is
one, in other words, all is God : omnia unum esse quod idem est omnia esse
Deum. According to Albertus Magnus, David of Dinant, in his book De
Divisonibus, endeavoured to prove that Nous or intelligence was identical
with the materia prima, and that this identity corresponded with the
highest conception of thought. If they are regarded as distinct, it
is necessary to pre-suppose a common higher concept in which they are
reunited, and this concept would be precisely the identity of God with
the materia prima ( Albert Mag. Summa Theolog. I, 4, 20).
Among the mystic and pantheistic doctrines of the middle
ages, that of Master Eckart (14th century) was the most
profound and also the most audacious. He not only, like
Scotus Erigena, reproduced Alexandrian ideas, but he also
foreshadowed and prepared the way for modern German
theology. God, he says, is above being ; He is the identity of
being and non-being (Gott ist ein nicht und Gott ist ein Icht).
God is neither this nor the other ; He is in all things, in the
stone, in the piece of wood, etc. (des Gottes leben und wesen sey
in eym Steine, in eym Holz). The term " to be " (das Wort sum}
can be said of God alone. But God is not separable from
thought ; in Him being and thought are identical (sein Wesen
ist sein Bekennen}. God must be distinguished from His divinity ;
divinity is God's hidden substance, the eternal and profound dark-
ness in which God is unknown to Himself (es ist die verborgeu
Finsternusz der ewigen Gottheif). God, on the other hand, is
divinity manifesting itself and conscious of itself in its external
activity. Before the existence of creatures God was not yet
God (ee die Creaturen warent, do was nit Gott). God's manifes-
tation of Himself is necessary. He speaks eternally and with-
out interruption ; He must act whether He wills it or not (er
woll oder er woll nit, es musz disz sprechen). God thereby
engenders Himself, that is to say, He engenders His Son
(Sein wurcken ist seinen sun geberen), and all things in Him
(er spricht alle Ding in im). All creatures are a word of
God ; what my mouth speaks, the stone speaks also ; each
creature is full of God, each bears the impress of the divine
nature, is a book of God (ein yegliche Creatur ist voll Gottes, und
II. T
290 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
ist ein Buck). The thirsty man would not desire to drink
were there not something of God in what he drinks (er begerte
es nit, were nit etwas Gottes darinn). . . . (See M. Ch. Schmidt's
Mysticisme allemand au giiatorzieme siecle : Mdmoires de
I'Acad^mie des Sciences Morales, Savants Strangers, Vol. II,
1846.)
CHAPTER II
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES
1. PROOFS OF THE EXISTENCE OF GOD
IN modern philosophy, we have always to return to Descartes
if we wish to trace the history of the different problems from
their origin. Descartes' theology contains, it is true, many
elements that were borrowed from mediaeval and ancient
Philosophy ; but his method was quite peculiar to himself, and
entirely original. This method, which is the philosophical
method par excellence, makes doubt its starting point, with self-
evidence as the criterion of truth. To refuse to admit anything
that is not absolutely proved, and to accept as proved only
that which is self-evident : this is the Cartesian method.
It is true that this method had been followed implicitly
in every system of Philosophy, including those of the Middle
Ages ; for when Thomas Aquinas in his Summa theologiae
begins by asking the question : An Deus sit, and unhesi-
tatingly replies, Dico quod non, it is evident that he intends
to question every truth, even that of the existence of God,
and to accept this truth only when he has answered
his own objections, and established it on proofs that are
self-evident. But this method, without which, indeed, there
can be no philosophy, was employed without reflexion by
Aquinas and the rest. With Descartes, on the other hand,
it was a conscious method. He also was the first to formulate
it, and for this reason he may be regarded as the father of
modern Philosophy.
Another original feature in the Cartesian method is that it
292 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
starts from the existence of thought, and consequently of the
thinking subject, as from a primary truth. Whatever the
ideas may be which are to be established by Philosophy, one
thing will always remain true, and absolutely so, and this is
the consciousness of self. I may doubt the existence of bodies
and of God, and even of mathematical truths, but I cannot
doubt my own thought ; for my doubt itself is a thought, and
to think or to doubt is to exist, since that which has no existence
cannot think. I who think am, therefore, something, and I
am only inasmuch as I think; therefore, I am a thing whose
essence it is to think : I am a thinking thing, in other words,
I am a spirit.
Thus Descartes establishes not only the method of modern
philosophy, but its very principle, namely, the conception of
the subjective — the subject as opposed to object, the ego as the
identity of subject and object.
Descartes. — The Three Proofs of the Existence of God : the
Proof " A Contingentia Mentis"; the Proof derived from the Idea
of the Infinite, and from the Necessity of an Adequate Cause of
this Idea ; the A Priori Proof that Existence is involved in the
Idea of Perfection.
From the above principles, Descartes sets out to establish
the existence of God. He does not make use of physical
proofs, nor of what is called the cosmological argument, nor
of the proof by final causes ; because he has not as yet proved
the existence of the world and of material things, and, more-
over, he requires the existence of God in order to prove the
existence of these things. It is, therefore, in the human mind,
and in the human mind alone that he seeks and finds proofs
of the existence of God.
These proofs he finds both in the existence of the ego
and in the ideas of the ego. What is usually called the proof
a contingentia mundi becomes with him the proof a con-
tingentia mentis. As for the ideas of the ego which lead up
to God, there is in reality only one, namely, the idea of God or
of perfection ; but regarded from two different points of view,
this idea affords two different proofs. Hence, in Descartes,
there are three distinct proofs of the existence of God ; and
since the one we have named a contingentia mentis itself implies
THE RELIGIOUS PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 293
the idea of God, it follows that it is upon this idea that all
Descartes' proofs are founded.
First Proof. — Descartes' first proof may be stated as follows :
The idea of God implies the existence of God, for the effect
presupposes the cause. We have, no doubt, illusory ideas
which, without presupposing the existence of their object, can be
explained by the combination or amplification or abstraction
of real elements ; but the question precisely is, whether amongst
our ideas there is not one whose existence can only be explained
by admitting the existence of its object ; and this peculiar
privilege belongs to the idea of God, which can be proved
either a, posteriori by the principle of causality or a priori by
simply analysing the idea of God.
In the first place then, what is this idea ?
" By the name God I understand a substance infinite, eternal, inynut-
able, independent, all-knowing, all-powerful ; by which I myself and
every other thing (if any such does in truth exist) have been produced "
(Med, III).
Whence can such an idea have come to my mind ? For, as
an existing idea, its origin requires an explanation, and it must
have had a cause. Can I have given it to myself ? It is true,
that being myself a substance I can give myself the notion of
a substance different from myself, but how is it that I, a finite
being, am able to conceive the notion of an infinite substance ?
Here Descartes lays down a principle which he borrows
from the Scholastics, namely, " That there must be as much
reality in the efficient and total cause as in the effect " (Cousin,
I, p. 273). The cause of the idea of the Infinite must there-
fore contain at least as much reality as this idea itself. No
doubt bur ideas, regarded as modes or states of our think-
ing faculty, have all the same value and all flow from the
nature of our mind, which is a thinking thing. They are
implied in the ego as a mode is implied in substance ; but as
representations of certain objects, as ideas, they possess
another kind of reality, a reality relative to that of the object :
this Descartes calls the objective. l reality of the idea. Ideas
1 In scholastic language the term objective is not used in quite the same
sense as by modern philosophers. The objective is opposed to the real and
is a part of the subjective ; it is that which in the subject is representative
of the object. In other words, it is the idea in its relation to the object.
294 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
have more or less objective reality, according as their objects
have more or less formal or essential reality : thus the idea
of plant has more objective reality than the idea of stone,
because the plant possesses more attributes than the stone ;
and " however imperfect this manner of being may be in which
a thing exists objectively or by representation as an idea in the
understanding, it certainly cannot be said that this fashion or
manner of being is nothing, and that consequently this idea
derives its origin from nothing" (Ibid. p. 274).
And now, since, speaking generally, every cause must have
as much reality as its effect, we are able to draw therefrom
another principle, namely, that " for an idea to contain such or
such an objective reality rather than another, it must owe this
to some cause in which there is at least as much formal reality
as there is objective reality x in the idea." To explain the
reality of the idea of the Infinite in thought, there must then,
be a cause which possesses within itself an actually infinite
reality.
Let us, however, see whether it is not possible to account
for this idea in some other way. Descartes examines three
explanations which are given by the Empiricists: (1) Negation
(Ibid. p. 282) ; (2) Multiplication (p. 288) ; (3) Infinite addition
(p. 280).
(1) That the Infinite is merely a negation, the negation of
the finite, and the idea of infinitude a negative idea. On
the contrary, Descartes replies, there is more reality in an
infinite substance than in a finite one, and thus the notion of
the Infinite is in my mind before that of the finite. Moreover,
it cannot be said that this idea, being materially false, is
derived from the non-existent, since it has more reality than
any other idea.
(2) Several causes may have co-operated simultaneously
towards the production of this idea ; from one of these I may
have received the idea of some one of the perfections which I
attribute to God, and to another cause I may owe the idea of
some other perfection ; so that all these perfections may well
exist in some part or other of the world, but do not exist all
collected and combined together in a single being, which would
1That is, objective reality in the sense given by modern philosophers to
the word objective.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 295
be God. On the contrary, says Descartes, the unity, simplicity,
and inseparability of all the things which are in God constitute
one of His chief perfections ; and the idea of the unity of
these perfections cannot have been put into my mind by
any cause whatsoever.
(3) But it may be that I am something more than I
imagine, and that all the perfections which I conceive to be in
God exist potentially in myself. Would not this faculty
which I possess of increasing these perfections indefinitely be
sufficient to reproduce the ideas of them in my mind ? Reply :
It is a certain proof of the imperfection of my knowledge
that it grows gradually, and continues to increase. God I
know to be, on the contrary, actually infinite in such a degree
that He cannot add anything to His own supreme perfection.
Now, the objective existence of an idea (i.e. the idea of an
actually infinite being) cannot be caused by a being that has
only a potential existence.
If the idea of the infinite cannot be explained in any way
by the existence of the finite, it must be that this idea has a
cause which is at least equal to itself, and which contains
actually what is ideally possessed by the mind.
Second Proof. — What is known as Descartes' second proof,
was in reality for him only part of the first proof. However,
although merely an expansion of the latter, it may be con-
sidered apart.
Descartes puts the question — Would I, who possess the idea of
God, exist if there were no God (Ibid. p. 284) and he replies that
this would be impossible ; for, since I possess the idea of God,
if I had given myself existence I should have at the same time
given myself all the perfections of which I have the idea, in a
word, I should be God ; but I am not God. I must, therefore,
owe my origin to some other cause ; but as the same reasoning
applies to this other cause, I must go on until I find the cause
which actually possesses all the perfections of which I have
the idea, and which, consequently is God.
Thus expressed, this proof appears somewhat strange ; for
Descartes seems to assume that if the ego is self-existent it
must have voluntarily given existence to itself, and conse-
quently must have existed before it was, which is contradictory.
If we take it in this sense, the argument appears, strictly
296
speaking, to be sophistical ; but, on the other hand, he who
says that God exists through Himself, that He is the self-
existent, at the same time affirms that He has within Himself
the cause of His own existence, and Descartes, to explain his
meaning, says, that in God essence is identical with cause (the
formal cause, as he says, with the efficient cause), that the
essence stands to Him, therefore, in the relation of an efficient
cause l (R6p. a Caterus, p. 382). The essence of God, viz., self-
existence, has, therefore, in a manner the same relation to Him
as cause to effect. The being, therefore, which possessed this
supreme power of self-existence would by that very fact
possess the power of endowing itself with every perfection,
which is the same as saying that absolute existence implies
absolute perfection.
We must draw attention to an important point in this argu-
ment of Descartes, namely, that the preservation of a substance
is identical with its creation, and that consequently the ques-
tion is not so much, who created me at first, as, to whom do
I owe my preservation at this moment ? Now, this I can
attribute neither to myself, nor to my parents, nor to any other
cause, unless it be to one which possesses in itself all the perfec-
tions of which I have the idea.
In this way, according to Descartes, we avoid the objection
of an infinite regression, an objection which might, strictly
speaking, be brought against the theory of a creative cause,
since we might go on ascending from cause to cause in the
series of time ; but it is not so with the preserving cause, which,
if it explains my actual existence, must itself be actual.
Third Proof. — Lastly, we find in Descartes a celebrated
proof, which we have already met in the middle ages. This
proof is generally known as that of St. Anselm, and is called
by Kant the ontological argument. Descartes states it as
follows :
" It is certain that I no less find the idea of God in ray consciousness,
that is, the idea of a being supremely perfect, than that of any
1 Descartes compares this process of reasoning, by which we pass from
the formal to the efficient cause, to the geometrical reasoning which pro-
ceeds from the circle to the polygon (Rep. aux objections cTArnauld,
Cousin, II, p. 68).
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 297
figure or number whatsoever ; and I know with not less clearness and
distinctness that an actual and eternal existence pertains to His nature,
than that all which is demonstrable of any figure or number really
belongs to the nature of that figure or number" (Med. V).
This reasoning, says Descartes, has a somewhat sophistical
appearance ; for in all things a distinction is made between
essence and existence, and I conceive likewise that the
existence of God may be separated from His essence. But on
reflection I see that in God existence cannot be separated
from essence. For every time it happens that I think on a
first and supreme being, I am obliged to attribute to Him
every perfection : now existence is a perfection, therefore I am
able most clearly to infer that this supreme being does exist.
This proof has justly been named the a priori proof, and is the
only one of its kind. For in all the other so-called meta-
physical proofs there enters, to some extent, considerations
borrowed from contingent things, and the process is always
from effect to cause. Here, on the contrary, we do not go
beyond the consideration of the idea, and it is from the
essence of the being itself that the existence of that being
is inferred. Thus, it is an entirely a priori proof. This
proof has been much disputed, and even in Descartes' own
time Gassendi brought forcible objections against it, the
most important of which, or, at least, the only objection
which really went to the heart of the question, was that
existence is not a property of a thing, and consequently
not a perfection.
" Existence, says Gassendi, is not a perfection, but a form or an
activity without which there can be no perfection, and truly that which
does not exist has neither perfection nor imperfection. It is not said
of a thing which does not exist that it is imperfect, but that it is null "
(S. obj. Cousin, II, p. 202).
To which Descartes replies :
" I do not see to what kind of things you would have existence to
belong, nor why it cannot also be a property like omnipotence, taking the
word property to -mean any kind of attribute. Much more, in God,
necessary existence is truly a property in the narrowest sense (proprium),
because existence is proper to Him alone, and it is only in Him that
existence is part of essence " (Ibid. p. 291).
298 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Divers other Proofs : Spinoza ; Leibnitz ; Malebranche ;
Bossuet : Proof by the Eternal Truths.
Descartes' proofs of the existence of God were, in general,
used as the basis of all the demonstrations proposed in the
17th century. They were, however, modified or transformed
by each of the great philosophers of this period, accord-
ing to his particular cast of mind. Spinoza, for example,
gives the a priori or ontological argument of St. Anselm and
Descartes, under a new form, in the following words :
" For since ability to exist is power, it follows that the more reality
belongs to the nature of anything the greater is the power for existence
it derives from itself ; and it also follows, therefore, that the being absolutely
infinite, or God, has from Himself an absolutely infinite power of existence,
and that He therefore necessarily exists. . . . Whatever perfection or
reality those things may have which are produced by external causes,
whether they consist of many parts or of few, they owe it all to the virtue
of an external cause, and, therefore, their existence springs from the per-
fection of an external cause alone and not from their own. On the other
hand, whatever perfection substance has is due to no external cause. There-
fore, its existence must follow from its nature alone, and is, therefore,
nothing else than its essence. Perfection consequently does not prevent
the existence of a thing, but establishes it ; * imperfection, on the other
hand, prevents existence " (Ethics, I, Prop. XI, note).
Leibnitz likewise attempted to develop Descartes' argument,
and to make it complete by remedying a flaw which he thought
he discovered in it.2
" I was led," he says, " to examine this question more closely
by an argument which was for a long time well known in the
schools, and which has been once more employed by Descartes
to prove the existence of God. The argument runs thus :
Everything which follows from the idea or the definition of a
thing may be affirmed of that thing. Existence follows from
the idea of God, or of the most perfect being that can be con-
ceived. Therefore, existence may be affirmed of God. But
1 Bossuet coincides with Spinoza when he says ^l^e Elevation): "Is
perfection an obstacle to being ? On the contrary it is the reason of
being."
2 Leibnitz appears not to have known that the difficulty he mentions in
the a priori proof had already been noticed in the second of the Objections,
and that Descartes had given the same reply as himself, but with more
profound reasoning.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 299>
the truth is, the only inference we can draw is the following :
If God is possible, it follows that He exists. For we can find
in our definitions no solid foundation for our inference until we
know that these definitions are real and imply no contradic-
tion. Thus it is not enough for us to have the thought of
God in order to be sure that we have the idea of Him, and
in the demonstration we have just set forth the possibility
of this very perfect being must be proved or assumed if we
are to infer legitimately" (Meditations sur les id6es ; see
Janet's edition, p. 516).
Thus in Descartes' argument it is assumed that God is
possible, and there is a suppressed premiss, according to which
God is possible, and the idea of Him does not imply contradic-
tion. " I grant," says Leibnitz, " that the demonstration is
imperfect, because it assumes that the perfect being is possible
in Himself. If anyone could prove this, we would then have
a truly mathematical proof of the existence of God." He
gives a proof of this himself by the way, implicitly and
without reasoning it out clearly.
" And," he says, " as nothing can interfere with the possi-
bility of that which involves no limits, no negation, and
consequently no contradiction, this [i.e. this possibility] is suffi-
cient of itself to make known the existence of God a priori "
(Monad. 45). But Leibnitz does not sufficiently explain how
it is that what does not contain negation does not imply con-
tradiction ; for, to take his own example, the idea of most
rapid motion does not appear to contain a negation, and yet
it is contradictory. In addition to this correction of Descartes'
proof, Leibnitz introduced a proof of his own, which is in fact
the same as that known as the proof a contingentia mundi, or,
to use Kant's expression, the cosmological argument. Leibnitz,
however, derives this proof from a principle which is peculiar
to himself, the .principle, namely, of Sufficient Reason :
" And as all this detail [of contingent things] again involves other prior
or more detailed contingent things, each of which still needs a similar
analysis to yield its reason, we are no further forward ; and the sufficient
or final reason must be outside the sequence or series of particular con-
tingent things, however infinite this series may be. Thus the final reason
of things must be in a necessary substance, in which the variety of
particular changes exist only eminently, as in its source, and this sub-
stance we call God " (Monad. §§ 37 and 38).
300 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Malebrauche does not give any special proof of the existence
of God, for he teaches that all things are seen in God, and
that God is seen in Himself, and he thinks that we have
no other idea of God besides this vision. To think God
and to see Him are one and the same thing, and consequently
there is no need to pass by means of reasoning from the idea
of God to His being, since the soul is immediately united to His
being itself.
" By Divinity, says he, we understand the Infinite, the being that is with-
out restriction, the infinitely perfect being. Now, nothing finite can
represent the Infinite. Therefore, it is enough to think of God in order
to know that He is. — Ariste. Yes, Theotimus, I am convinced that nothing
can have sufficient reality to represent the Infinite. But I am certain
that I see the Infinite ; therefore, the Infinite exists since I see it and can
only see it in itself."
The arguments of Bossuet must be included in this account
of the proofs of the existence of God. In the first place (see
note on p. 298), he expresses in a forcible and profound
manner the a priori proof, saying, with Spinoza, that
perfection is not an obstacle to being ; on the contrary,
it is the reason of being. He also re-introduces, under
a new and characteristic form, the Platonic ideal argument ;
i.e. he proves the existence of God through the existence of
eternal truths. There are laws which are necessary and
eternal, and these laws would not cease to be true even
if none of the things subject to them had existence. For
example, even if there were no triangles in reality, it
would still remain true that in all triangles the three angles
are equal to two right angles. On the other hand again, it
is not necessary that the human understanding should exist to
know these truths, for they would still be true if there was
not a man in the world. Thus, we have here eternal truths,
which depend neither on the world nor on the human mind.
Nevertheless these truths must exist somewhere and depend
on some being.
" If now I seek to discover in what subject these truths reside, eternal
and immutable as they are, I am obliged to admit the existence of a being
in whom truth eternally subsists and by whom it is for ever comprehended ;
and this being must be truth itself, and must be all truth, and it is from
Him that the truth is derived in all that is and is comprehended outside
of Him " (Connaissance de Dieu et de sot-mtme, Ch. IV).
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 301
In order to complete this history of the proofs of the existence
of God which were advanced in the 17th century, we might
further cite Newton's proof which is founded on the existence
of space, and that of Clarke, who attempted to unite in one
single demonstration all the separate proofs that, taken indivi-
dually, only prove a single attribute of God, and are conse-
quently insufficient, being in reality only parts of one and the
same demonstration. But our space is limited, and we must
pass on to the 18th century.
The 18th century has the reputation of being the century of
atheism, on account of the noise made in the world by the
philosophy of the Encyclopaedia, the philosophy, that is, of
Holbach and of Diderot ; but it would be more true to say
that it was the century of deism, for at no other period was
a larger number of books written on the subject of the
existence of God. In this century there arose a new science
which had not been known before, and was chiefly due to the
progress made at this time in physical and natural knowledge :
the science, that is, of physical theology which derives proofs of
the existence of God from the wonders of nature.
Kant's Criticism: The Ontoloyical Argument ; The Cosmological
Argument; The Physico- Theological Argument; The Three reduced,
to One ; Kant's Proof ~by Morality.
A more important stage in the history of the proofs of the
existence of God is marked by Kant's criticism in the Critique
of Pure Reason. The third part of the Transcendental Dialectic
is devoted to the theory and discussion of these proofs.
Kant begins by examining the definition of God as laid
down by the Cartesians, and in particular by Leibnitz. God
is the most real of all beings (ens realissimum, omnituda
realitatis), the whole of reality. This whole of reality contains
within itself all possible attributes of things, all that can be-
known as real and excludes all negation.
'* Now a negation cannot be cogitated as determined without cogitating
at the same time the opposite affirmation. The man born blind has not
the least notion of darkness, because he has none of light ; the vagabond
knows nothing of poverty, because he has never known what it is to be
in comfort ; the ignorant man has no conception of his ignorance, because
he has no [conception of knowledge. All conceptions of negatives are
302 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
accordingly derived or deduced conceptions ; and realities contain the data,
and, so to speak, the material or transcendental contents of the possibility
and complete determination of all things. . . . We shall find ourselves
authorized to determine our notion of the Supreme Being by means of
the right conception of a highest reality, as one, simple, all-sufficient,
eternal, and so on — in one word, to determine it in its unconditioned
•completeness by the aid of every possible predicate. The conception of
.such a being is the conception of God in its transcendental sense, and thus
the ideal of pure reason is the object-matter of a transcendental theology"
(Critiqiie of Pure Reason, English trans., pp. 354, 359).
That this concept does exist in the human mind and that it
there plays an important part are facts which Kant never for
an instant doubts. But what remains doubtful is whether this
concept corresponds to a positive reality, to an existence ; for
it is possible for us to have an idea that corresponds to no
•object. To prove the objective reality of this concept is what
we are concerned with in the demonstrations of the existence
of God ; and the examination of these demonstrations is the
object of Kant's criticism.
Kant reduces the possible proofs of the existence of God to
three : Either, he says, we start from determinate experience
and from the peculiar constitution of the sensible world (for
•example, from the order and harmony of this world), and from
this order infer a cause — this is what is known as the proof
by final causes, which Kant calls the physico-theological proof :
or, we begin from a purely indeterminate experience, or from
any existence (considered as contingent and not self-sufficient)
in the sensible world — this is the proof a contingentia mundi or
cosmological proof ; or, we abstract from all experience, and
reason a priori from the concept to existence — this is St.
Anselm's argument, and is called by Kant the ontological
proof.
Such are the only three possible ways of proving the existence
of God, and Kant subjects them successively to his criticism,
-commencing with the ontological argument, to which he reduces
the other two.
This argument, as we know, is based on the definition of
God : God is the perfect being (a definition which Kant
accepts), and from this definition existence is inferred. For,
.says Descartes, God, who possesses every perfection, must
possess existence, which is a perfection ; therefore God exists.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 303
1. Invalidity of the ontological proof. — To this reasoning
Kant makes the following objections : In an analytic pro-
position, if I suppress the predicate (or attribute) and retain
the subject, or suppress the subject and retain the attribute,
the result would no doubt be a contradiction. But if I
suppress at once both subject and attribute, there is no longer
any contradiction. Consequently, if, in the proposition, God
exists, I suppress the attribute (that is, existence), I at the
same time suppress the subject. Where is then the contradic-
tion ? Again, existence is not a real attribute, that is to say, it
is not a thing which can be added to the concept of a thing,
but simply the position of the thing. Otherwise there would
be one attribute more in the being that exists than in the
being that is thought, which is impossible, for in that case
thought would not be adequate. A hundred real crowns has
no more content than a hundred crowns in the mind. Lastly,
the proposition, " God exists," is either an analytic or a
synthetic proposition. If the former, the attribute adds nothing
to the subject; and, consequently, the existence of the thing
adds nothing to the thought of the thing. Therefore, the
thing is already assumed as existing and real, and we have only
a tautology ; so that the argument is useless. If, on the other
hand, the proposition is a synthetic one, how can it be main-
tained that the attribute cannot be suppressed without con-
tradiction, since this is only true of analytic propositions ?
2. Invalidity of the cosmological proof. — This proof, instead
of reasoning from the supreme reality to existence, infers, from
the existence of any being, the supreme reality. It consists in
saying : if anything exists there must exist a being which is
absolutely necessary; now I exist, therefore, etc. But this
proof goes further, for from this absolutely necessary existence,
it infers a being supremely real (ens realissimum), that is to say,
in the language of Descartes and Leibnitz, a perfect being. It
is the second part of the argument which, strictly speaking,
constitutes a proof of the existence of God, for a being
which would only be necessary without being perfect might
as well be matter or the world. It is, therefore, assumed
that only a being which is supremely real, that is to say,
perfect, can correspond to the concept of necessary existence,
and is contained in it. But this is precisely what the
304 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
ontological argument affirms : therefore, this second argument
presupposes the first.
Besides this fundamental defect in the cosniological argu-
ment, Kant finds the following flaws : (1) the inference from
a contingent thing to a cause is only valid in the sensible
world, and has no significance outside it ; (2) the impossi-
bility of an infinite series has not been proved ; (3) it is
believed that the idea of necessity excludes any conditional
element, whereas, on the contrary, every necessity presupposes
a condition ; (4) a logical possibility (the supremely real
being which has nothing impossible in itself, but which has
only a logical possibility) is confounded with a real possibility
which has meaning in experience only.
3. Invalidity of the physico-theological proof. — The title
given by Kant to his discussion of this proof is inaccurate, for
in this third discussion he claims to prove, not the impossi-
bility, but the insufficiency of the proof by final causes. This
proof is incomplete, but not null, and in this it differs from
the two others. It consists of the following four points : 1st,
there are in the world manifest signs of design ; 2nd, the order
in things is contingent, that is to say, it is not derived from
the nature of things themselves ; 3rd, there exists, therefore,
either one or several intelligent causes which have produced
this harmony; 4th, the unity of this cause is inferred from the
interdependence of all the things that go to make up the world.
This proof gives rise to the following objections : 1st, it
proves that the form of the world is contingent, but not its
matter. It would lead us, therefore, to infer, at most, an
architect of the world, but not a creator; 2nd, from the indica-
tions of design found in the world we can only reason to a
cause that is proportionate to the number and value of these
indications. This proof would lead us, therefore, to infer a cause
that was most wise, but not to an absolutely wise cause, since
our experience makes known to us nothing absolute, and since,
moreover, besides these signs of wisdom, experience shows us
irregularities and imperfections which we are unable to explain.
If, therefore, we conceive this cause as perfect and infinite, it
is because we implicitly assume that necessary existence
involves perfection ; but in so doing we once more assume the
truth of the ontological argument.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 305
In lieu of these speculative proofs of the existence of God,
which, together with all metaphysical theories, Kant regards as.
chimerical, he proposes the only proof that appears to him
conclusive ; this is what he calls the practical or moral proof.
Briefly, this proof runs thus : The notion of morality is
inseparably joined to that of happiness. For the moral law
may be stated as follows : Act so as to be deserving of
happiness. But, though it depends upon ourselves to perform
actions which will make us deserving of happiness, that this
consequence should follow does not depend upon us ; for happi-
ness depends 011 external things, and on the will of other men.
And yet, if the moral law is not a chimera the sovereign good
must be possible; in other words, the harmony between virtue
and happiness must be realized. For this there is needed a
will higher than nature, and higher than man ; and this cause
is God, for only a Supreme and Infinite Being is capable of
establishing this coincidence. We must add that at times
Kant himself leads us to understand that this proof, which he
prefers to the others, represents nevertheless no more than a
point of view of the human mind, an ideal satisfaction
of our craving for justice; in a word, it is an argument which
rests upon faith rather than demonstration.
Hegel : — Defence of the Ontological Argument.
Since Kant's masterly and profound disquisition, nothing
of importance has been contributed to this subject, if
we except indeed the criticism of Kant's criticism made
by Hegel. Hegel admits that it is not possible to pass
from the sensible world to God by means of any argu-
ment. Experience, indeed, affords no solid ground from
which we might rise to the Absolute. But, all the same, the
cosmological argument is not void. The mistake was to give
it the form of a syllogism, whereas, in reality this proof is
nothing else than the expression of thought itself, which
cannot be satisfied by the finite and is absolutely unable to do
without the idea of the infinite. Here are Hegel's own words :
" Man is a being that thinks, and, therefore, sound common sense, as.
well as philosophy, will not yield up their will of rising to God from and
out of the empirical view of the world. The only basis on which this rise
is possible lies in the study of the world, which is made by thought, as
II. U
306 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
distinguished from the senses and the animal nature. Thought and
thought alone can compass the essence, substance, universal power, and
ultimate design of the world. And what men call the proofs of God's
existence are seen to be ways of describing and analysing the inward
movement of the mind, which is the great thinker that thinks the data of
the senses. The rise of thought beyond the world of sense, its passage
from the finite to the infinite, the leap into the super-sensible which it
takes when it snaps asunder the links of the chain of sense, all this
transition is thought and nothing but thought. Say there must be no
such passage, and you say there is to be no thinking ; and in sooth
animals make no such transition. They never get further than sensation
and the perception of the senses, and in consequence they have no
religion.
"And it is because they do not, with sufficient prominence, express the
negative features implied in the exaltation of the mind from the world to
God, that the metaphysical proofs of the being of God are defective inter-
pretations and descriptions of the process. That upward spring of the
mind signifies that the being which the world has is only a semblance, no
real being, no absolute truth ; it signifies that beyond and above that
apparent being, truth abides in God, so that true being is another name
for God. The process of exaltation might thus appear to be transition,
and to involve a mean, but it is no less equally true that every trace of
transition and means is absorbed, since the world, which might have
seemed to be the means of reaching God, is explained to be a nonentity "
(Logic, "Wallace's trans, pp. 87, 88).
Besides thus vindicating the proofs of the existence of God
in general, Hegel also attacks with much force Kant's reason-
ing against the ontological proof, and adopts, from his own
point of view, the a priori argument.
"The unexampled favour and acceptance which attended Kant's
criticism of the ontological proof was undoubtedly due to the illustration
which he made use of. To mark the difference between thought and
being he took the instance of an hundred sovereigns, which, for anything
it matters to the notion, are the same hundred, Avhether they are
real or only possible, though the difference of the two cases is very per-
ceptible in their effect on a man's purse. Nothing can be more obvious
than that anything we only think or fancy is not on that account actual,
and everybody is aware that a conception and even a notion is no
match for being. Still it may not unfairly be styled a barbarism in
language when the name of notion is given to things like a hundred
sovereigns. . . . Above all, it is well to remember when we speak of God
that we have an object of another kind than any hundred sovereigns, and
unlike any particular notion, conceit, or whatever else it may be styled.
The very nature of everything finite is expressed by saying that its
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 307
being in time and space is discrepant from its notion. God, on
the contrary, ought to be what can only be 'thought as existing.'
His notion involves Being. It is this unity of the notion and being that
constitutes the notion of God. . . . Besides, the paltry strictures which
separate being from thought, can at best disturb the process of the mind
from the thought of God to the certainty that He is ; it cannot take it
away. It is this process of transition, depending on the absolute insepara-
bility of the thought of God from His Being, for which its proper
authority has been vindicated in the theory of faith or immediate know-
ledge " (Ibid., p. 91).
We have nothing further to add to our account of the
development of this problem, in which Hegel's view appears to
us to mark the culminating point, and the true philosophic
method. We need merely mention that the French spiritual-
istic school wholly adopted Hegel's theory on this subject, and
that it has always maintained that the different proofs of the
existence of God, as given in the logical and scholastic form,
are only the external side, the formal exposition of the imme-
diate movement by which we reason from the finite to the
infinite, think the infinite in the finite, and by which God is
made the centre and the foundation of thought.
" All knowledge of truth," says Cousin, " is knowledge of
God, and the direct perception of truth implies an indirect
and obscure perception of God. . . . Knowledge is by
nature divine. . . , Religion is essential to reason. . . .
As there is being in all thought, all thought is religious. . . .
Every thought, every word, is an act of faith, a religion in
itself " (Cousin, Premiers Fragments, p. 291).
2. THEORIES CONCERNING THE NATURE OF GOD.
Descartes' Theodicy ; God Cause of Himself ' ; God Creator of
the Eternal Truths ; Theory of Continuous Creation ; The
Divine Veracity.
We now pass from the question of the existence of God to
that of His nature ; and we shall begin, as always when deal-
ing with modern philosophy, by examining the theodicy of
Descartes. The fundamental principle of this theodicy is that
God is cause of Himself (causa sui), which is already under-
stood in the statement that He is the self-existent Being.
Descartes certainly appears to have used these expressions
308 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
literally, for he says : " From the very fact that I am
imperfect, it follows, in the first place, that I do not owe niy
existence to myself ; for if I had given myself being I should
a fortiori have given myself every perfection," an argument,
says Arnaulcl, which appears to imply that a thing may give
itself being before it exists. It was objected to Descartes that
this expression, " self -existent being," whiqh is always applied to
God, can only be understood negatively, and simply signifies
that a thing does not exist through any other being ; and that
it cannot be understood in a positive and affirmative way, that
is to say, as if owing existence to itself as cause.
But Descartes replied that, on the contrary, the expression
was to be taken in a positive and not in a negative sense ;
otherwise God would be without a cause, without any ratio
essemli. If a thing could exist without a cause, what would
become of the axiom of causality, without which it is
impossible to prove the existence of God ? This axiom should
be stated thus : Everything has a cause ; therefore, God Him-
self must have a cause, and that cause is His own essence. No
doubt God is not, strictly speaking, His own efficient cause, but
in Him the formal cause or essence plays the part of the
efficient cause and is analogous to the efficient cause, just as the
polygon is analogous to the circle. In God His essence is the
cause of His existence. It is because He is supremely perfect
that He exists, and it is in this sense that He is His own
cause. Thus, as we see, this theory finally takes us back to-
the ontological proof ; for it is because in God existence is con-
ditioned by His essence, that His essence can be employed to
prove His existence (see the whole of the discussion with
Arnaulcl, Cousin's ed. Vol. II, p. 60, et seq.).
This theory of a God who is the Cause of Himself attributes
the greatest possible power to what is divine (Rep. 5me* Obj. pp.
448-455). Thus we find Descartes exalts the omnipotence of
God, and teaches not only, as is taught in every form of Chris-
tianity, that He created the world, but also that He created the
eternal truths. Descartes says that God would still be subject
to some other power, as Jupiter was to the Styx, if there
existed outside and above Him any class of truths which He
had not created ; he, therefore, does not hesitate to state that,
if the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right angles,
THE EELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 309
and if there are no mountains without valleys, it is because God
has willed it so — a doctrine which would appear to violate the
principle of contradiction, if it were not possible to take it in
another sense, and say with Descartes himself, that " God
creates not only existences, but also essences " ; for this implies
that, with these essences, He created the truths and relations
that result from them. Thus, God created space, and in space
the triangle, and in the triangle the geometrical laws which
arise out of its essence, as, for example, the equality of its
three angles to two right angles. God creates the father and
the son, and with them the moral relations which spring from
their respective essences.
For the rest, Descartes makes his doctrine appear much
more plausible than at first sight, by saying that, in God, will
and intelligence are one — a doctrine which is after all not so
opposed to the common one, since Thomas Aquinas himself
taught that in God all attributes together are one, because He
is pure actuality. According to the doctrine of the unity of
will and intelligence, it would not be by will alone, by God's
free choice, that truth was created, but by a will that is
identical with intelligence, that is to say, something quite
other than what we ordinarily call will.
Another consequence of the Cartesian theory of divine
omnipotence is the doctrine of a continuous creation. This
doctrine was not peculiar to Descartes, for it really belonged to
the scholastics, as he himself mentions. Descartes teaches that
of itself the creation would not only not have begun to exist,
but that it could not even continue to so exist ; for, he says,
the moments of time are independent of one another ; therefore,
at each moment of a being's existence the cause which gave it
this existence must continue to give it every instant. Con-
servation is nothing else than creation ; and Descartes, as we
have seen, made use of this principle in order to prove the
existence of God, without, as he said, having to face the diffi-
culty of a processus in infinitum ; for the question is not so
much who created me formerly, as, to whom do I owe my
present conservation, and since I am an actual thing, there
must be an actual cause which maintains my existence.
Those adversaries of Descartes who considered his physics
only, without regard to his metaphysics, accused him of atheism,
310
because he endeavoured to explain the universe through the
laws of motion alone. " Descartes," says Pascal, " would
willingly have done without God, but he made God give a
fillip to the world, and after that had no further use for Him."
But the folly of this reproach appears when we consider that
if God created the laws of logic, if each act by which the world
is preserved is a moment of the act of creation in general, the
world in its logical and mechanical development is just as
much the work of God as if He manifested His existence by
acts that were purely arbitrary.
Leibnitz, it is true, reproached Descartes with having done
away with final causes under the pretext that we cannot know
the Creator's intentions : but Descartes, while he upholds no
final cause in particular, still, in a general way, proves the
existence of design in all things " by relying on no other
principle than that of the infinite perfections " {Discourse
on Method, V), and by deducing from the divine immutability,
which is a consequence of the divine perfection, that funda-
mental law of nature, the conservation of the quantity of
motion : a lawr which, though it has been to a certain extent
modified in later times as regards the terms of its expres-
sion, has remained none the less the basis of science. This
discovery of a certain immutable quantity in nature, whatever
the formula of this quantity,1 is one of Descartes' great achieve-
ments. And, far from excluding God from the world, this
law, according to him, is a certain proof of the divine presence.
Further, Descartes makes his theodicy complete by the
doctrine of the divine veracity (Mtdit. IV). This principle,
which is also derived from the idea of perfection, serves as
ultimate basis to the certitude which was already founded on
the criterion of self -evidence. The divine veracity is logically
deducible from the conception of a Perfect Being, for it is
impossible that such a Being could deceive iis.
It is true that it might be questioned whether the theory of
an omnipotence that is above truth itself, is not somewhat
prejudicial to the foregoing conclusion; for if God creates truth,
why should He not create a truth that was relative to us, but
1 Descartes called it quantity of motion, Leibnitz the quantity of vital
force. Now we say the conservation of energy (see Poincarre, appendices
Em. Boutroux's ed. of the Monadology).
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 311
at the same time not the real truth? And might it not be that
our mind, by its own constitution, conceives veracity as a per-
fection, whilst indifference to truth was the characteristic of a
higher nature ? However this may be, and Descartes does not
go into the question, it is, as we know, upon the divine veracity
that he founds the existence of bodies, for, he says, we have an
invincible inclination to believe in this existence. Now, this
inclination has been given to us by God ; He would, therefore,
be deceiving us if there were in reality no bodies.
Finally, God is the basis of certainty : not that Descartes
expressly says that the criterion of self -evidence is insufficient ;
but, as we cannot always go through the same reasoning, we are
obliged to refer to our memory in order to be sure that we have
formerly taken such or such a thing to be self-evident ; and it
is the divine veracity that is our warrant of the truthfulness of
our faculties, and consequently of our memory. Lastly, as has
been said, if self -evidence suffices as a logical test of certainty,
the divine veracity serves to confirm this certainty ontologically.
To sum up : God, the cause of Himself ; — His essence the
cause of His existence; — continuous creation; — God as the creator
of eternal truths ; — the divine immutability as the foundation of
physics ; — divine veracity : these are the essential points in the
theodicy of Descartes. "We shall now proceed to examine
that of Malebranche.
Malebranche : The Immediate Vision of God ; Vision in
God ; Theory of Occasional Causes ; Optimism ; Simplicity of
Ways or Methods ; The Infinite Motive of Creation.
Malebranche, as we have already seen, simplified Descartes'
proof of the existence of God by his doctrine of the idea of the
Infinite. Instead of, like Descartes, reasoning from the idea
to its object as from an effect to its cause, he holds that the
idea of the Infinite and God are one and the same thing.
God is known not through an idea, but He is it in Himself :
" if He is thought, He is." But what are we to understand by
this term God ? For Malebranche, as for Descartes, God is the
infinitely perfect Being, but Malebranche insists more than
Descartes on God's character as Being. It appears to him super-
fluous to add the idea of perfection to that of being. For him
God is " the universal Being, the Being of Beings." " In order to
312 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
know what being is we must always remove from the idea of
being the notion of such and such beings " (Entr. Mttaph. 2 and
8). He is neither body nor spirit ; spirit is not to be attributed
in the same sense to God and man. " God is Being without
restriction" (21). "The Infinite simply" (12, 17). "The
indeterminate being " (23), that is to say, " being that is
in no sense limited." Malebranche tells us further that God
is incomprehensible. " When I speak to you of God," he says,
" if you understand what I say, it must be that I speak
wrongly."
Having decided this, the next question is : while God is
our immediate object when we address Him, do we see* God in
His substance or in His effects and by participation ? Male-
branche replies :
" I do not deny that the substance of God is seen in itself. We see it
in itself in this sense, that we do not see it through something finite that
represents it ; but not in the sense that we reach it in its simplicity, and
that we discover in it His perfections (P. 22). You do not discover that
property, which is essential to the Infinite, of being at the same time one
and all things, and so simple that, in Him each perfection contains all the
others without any real distinction" (P. 21).
However imperfect this vision of God may be, yet He is the
only being we perceive in itself. All other beings (at least all
bodies) we only perceive in God — such is the celebrated theory
known as Vision in God. Furthermore, beings are not only
not known in themselves, but are also, of themselves, incapable
of action. They are merely the occasions which determine
God to act. This is the theory of occasional causes which
forms the second part of Malebranche's system. God, since
He is the sole being, is also alone intelligible and the only
agent.
In the first place, what is the meaning of this strange
expression, " We see all thinys in God " ?
We have to distinguish two kinds of beings — the soul and
the body. Properly sneaking, we do not know the soul, we
have no idea, but only a confused consciousness of it, and so
Malebranche does not say that we see souls in God, but
reserves this expression for bodies. And why is this ?
Because bodies alone can be the object of rational cognition.
They alone can be known in their essence. Only in the case
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 313
of bodies are we able to deduce their properties from their
essence, which is extension. The science of bodies is geometry ;
but there is no geometry of souls, of these we only have an
empirical knowledge. This is what Malebranche means when
he says that the soul is not known to us in its idea, whereas
bodie& are known to us in their ideas, that is to say, in their
essence.
But what is this essence ? It is a part of the substance of
God which represents to us the bodies created by Him
(whether these bodies exist really or not). God creates beings
by participation in His substance. There is therefore in Him
something which is an a priori representation of these beings,
and it is this representation itself that we see when we think
we see bodies. To know bodies is thus to knowr God as repre-
sentative of bodies. This doctrine becomes still clearer if we
assume in God an intelligible extension which differs from
corporeal and sensible extension, being pure and immutable,
the ideal of extension rather than a concrete and definite
extension. Thence it follows that vision in God is but the
vision of the divine extension in which we draw geometrical
figures which are the essential elements in bodies.
Malebranche further explains that we see in the same
manner not only bodies, but the universal and necessary
truths, that is to say, mathematical and moral truths. Both
are ratios, but the former are ratios of quantity and the latter
ratios of perfection (see The Ethical Problem, Chap. I). When-
ever we contemplate these two kind of ratios, God reveals
and communicates to us His substance.
As God is the sole intelligible being, so is He also the sole agent,
the sole cause ; in other words, finite beings are merely passive,
and in them only phenomena occur ; but these phenomena are
for God an occasion of action. For example, the movements
of our body are for God the occasion on which He creates
sensations in our souls, while the desires of the soul are an
occasion for Him to create movements in the body. But why
is this the case ? Because the action of cause implies a
necessary relation with its effect, and we never find anything
of the kind either in our internal or external experience.
Thus Malebranche had, before Hume, perceived the difficulty
involved in the problem of causality. We see, he said, like
314 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Hume, only successions of phenomena, and not the inner
connection by which two terms are joined. Why does this
connection escape our perception ? Because it is something
divine, something to which there is nothing analogous in
creatures (Me'd. Ghrtt. IX, 2).
" If we come to consider our notion of cause or of the power of action,
we cannot doubt that this idea represents something divine " (Reck, de la
Ver. VI, iii). " To assume efficiency in creatures is to divinize them, for
all efficiency is something divine and infinite " (Me'd. Chre't. IX, 7). " It is a
contradiction to say all the angels and devils together could move a bit
of straw " (Entr. Metaphys. VII, 10).
In these two theories (Vision in God and Occasional Causes)
Malebranche's theodicy may be summed up. We must further
mention three characteristic doctrines of his : (1) his optimism ;
(2) the principle of the simplicity of means ; (3) the infinite
motive of creation.
As regards Malebranche's doctrine of optimism a passage
from Fenelon supplies us with a summary of it :
"The following are the principal conceptions which go to make up
his system : 1st, God, as an infinitely perfect being, can accomplish
nothing that does not bear the mark of His infinite perfection ; so
among all the works He might perform, His wisdom always determines
Him to choose the most perfect. It is true that He is free to act or not
act outside Himself, but supposing He does act He must produce what-
ever is most perfect, being thereto invincibly determined by the order
of things. It were unworthy of Him not to conform to this order"
(Refutation du systeme de Malebrancke, Ch. 1).
This is a correct account of Malebranche's optimism, which
is identical with that of Leibnitz. To this general principle
Malebranche adds two others which are peculiar to himself :
1st, the principle of the simplicity of ways or of general volitions ;
2nd, the necessity of Incarnation in order that the universe
may be worthy of God.
" The first," continues Fenelon, "consists in that God produced the most
perf ect work by the simplest means. He might have added many apparent
beauties to His works, but He could not do so without derogating from this,
simplicity of method. But what is this simplicity of ways or of method ?
God, knowing all the different ways of doing His work, will choose the
one that will cost Him the smallest number of particular volitions, the
way in which He sees that general volitions would be most fruitful. He
THE EELIGIOUS PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 315
might by a particular volition have prevented the rain from falling use-
lessly on to the sea, but it is more perfect in God to spare Himself particular
volitions than to add this perfection to His work."
Here is the third principle :
" But in order that the work of God might have the mark of infinite per-
fection, the author (i.e. Malebranche) adds to the principle of the simplicity
of means a second principle, which is, that the world would be a work
unworthy of God if Jesus Christ had not formed part of the plan of
creation. God could only create the world in view of the incarnation of
the Word. Even if man had never sinned, the birth of Jesus Christ
would have been an absolute necessity."
Thus the infinite motive of creation was the birth and
incarnation of Jesus Christ. In this way Malebranche's meta-
physics merges into theology.
As we see, God in Malebranche's system, is all. He is the
sole light and the sole cause. He is all that is real and
intelligible in things, and He, as the Word incarnate, is further
a member and a part of the world. Were it not for the
Christian piety by which it is inspired this theory would
scarcely be distinguishable from that of Spinoza.
Theology of Spinoza : Unity of Substance ; The Attributes of
God ; Thought and Extension ; Divine Freedom and Universal
Necessity.
Spinoza's theodicy, if we may use the term, cannot
easily be distinguished from his metaphysics. We shall, how-
ever, endeavour to limit our account by confining ourselves to
his doctrine of the nature of God and by recalling what has
been said in the preceding chapter concerning his proof of the
existence of God.
Spinoza's theory of God may be brought under three heads :
1st, God is the only substance ; 2nd, the only attributes we
know of Him are extension and thought ; 3rd, He evolves
Himself necessarily according to the law of His essence.
It is generally believed that Spinoza's doctrine of the unity
of substance is merely a necessary consequence of the definition
borrowed from Descartes : " Substance is that which is in itself
and is conceived through itself " (Ethics I, Def. 3). Hence it is
said, " Since substance, by its definition, is being in itself, it
follows evidently that there can only be one substance, for there
316 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
can only exist one being in itself and through itself." But that
Spinoza's doctrine is not essentially connected with this defini-
tion is proved by the fact that in the book which gives his first
sketch of the Ethics, that is, in the De Deo et Homine, Spinoza
asserts the unity of substance without making use of the
Cartesian definition. Even in the Ethics he does not employ
this definition to prove the unity of substance, but proves it
by the theorem that a substance cannot be produced (I, VI).
" For," he says, " it could be produced only by a substance
having different attributes or by a substance having attri-
butes in common with it " ; but he shows that both of these
ways are alike impossible. Since a substance cannot be
produced, it follows that every substance is uncreated, or,
in other words, that every substance is self-existent.
This being the case, it only remains for him to prove, like
all metaphysicians, that there can only be one being that exists
of itself. There cannot be several uncreated substances, for the
reason that there cannot be several infinities. In short,
Spinoza's definition has not at all the meaning generally attri-
buted to it ; for he does not say that substance is being
through itself, but only that it is a being in itself, which is a
very different statement, since it expresses, not the antithesis
between the contingent and the necessary, but the antithesis
between mode and substance. Modes and attributes always
exist in some other thing, and thus Spinoza calls them
inhaerentm ; and in scholastic language inherence is the law by
which the mode or attribute is united to the substance. Sub-
stance, on the contrary, is not inherent in anything, does not
exist in another thing, and since it does not exist in another
thing it exists in itself, is in itself.1 Similarly, it is known of
itself, that is to say, it does not require any other thing in
order to be known, unless it be in its origin ; but as far as I
know it as existing, I can think it without thinking any other
thing. These are indeed the true characteristics of substance,
and it is hard to see what other definition could be given of it.
1 It will be noticed that in this definition Spinoza does not by any
means say that substance exists through itself, but only that it exists
in itself, and is known through itself, which is quite a different thing.
It is by the previous argument that Spinoza proves that every substance
exists through itself, and consequently that there can be only one substance.
THE RELIGIOUS PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 317
But it remains to be known if such a being can exist and yet
not be just the uncreated being, and this is Spinoza's proposition.
This he proves by saying, that if such a substance were created,
either it would have attributes in commom with the creating
substance, and in that case it would be identical with it, because
substances only differ in their attributes ; or it would possess
different attributes, in which case one could not be the cause
of the other, since there must always be something common in
cause and effect. (The effect must involve the concept of the
cause.)
Having proved God to be the only substance, and hav-
ing, like Descartes, defined Him as the being whose essence
involves existence, Spinoza now proceeds to the determination
of His attributes. God possesses an infinite number of infinite
attributes. Of these we only know two — extension and
thought. Before he tells us what are the attributes possessed
by God, Spinoza sets forth those which He does not possess.
Indeed, it is only in the second part of the Ethics (De Mente)
that Spinoza proves the existence of the two attributes in God
which we do know, namely, extension and thought. But
in the first Part (I, 31, 32, and Schol. of Prop. 17) he proves
that God has neither understanding nor will. However,
although the two attributes of God are not proved in the first
part, they are implied in it. For Spinoza proves, (Schol. of
Prop. 15), firstly that God can be extended without being
divisible ; secondly, that understanding and will, without being
divine attributes are modes of the divine thought (Props. 31
and 32).
In order to prove the existence of thought in God, Spinoza
lays down this axiom : man thinks (II, ax. 2). There are, there-
fore, individual thoughts, that is to say, modes which presuppose
an attribute without which they cannot be conceived. But as
all things are in God, since He is the only substance, it follows
that these modes are in God and conceived by God, therefore
the attribute whose concept they imply is an attribute of God.
The same demonstration serves to prove the existence of
divine extension (II, Props. 1 and 2).
Thus Spinoza attributes to God thought, but neither
understanding nor will (I, Prop. 17, Schol.). The great
difficulty is to see what the distinction is which Spinoza makes
318
between understanding and thought. This he does not tell us
expressly ; but either the term thought has no meaning, or it
signifies knowledge pure and absolute ; and in this case under-
standing must signify discursive and relative knowledge.
Spinoza denies that understanding pertains to the nature of
God, because there can be nothing common to human nature
and the divine, and because the divine understanding would
only have the same resemblance to human understanding
as the dog, sign of the Zodiac, has to the dog, the barking
animal. ,
But if this reasoning be accepted, the same would have to be
said of thought; and how then would the divine thought be
proved ? Is it, as Spinoza said, merely by the fact that man
thinks ? How can divine thought be the cause of human
thought, since the effect must involve the concept of the cause ?
We must then say that if understanding is not in God, it is
because it is a finite mode of thought (discursive understanding) ;
on the other hand it presupposes pure thought or what we
ourselves would call intuitive understanding.
It is, indeed, quite evident that by thought Spinoza does
not understand merely objective thought or the logical and
rational laws of things, but also subjective thought, or the act
of cognition. This follows from the proposition (II, 1, Schol.),
where he says, " The more things a thinking being can think,
the more reality or perfection we conceive it to possess, and,
therefore, the being which can think an infinitude of things in
infinite ways is necessarily infinite by his power of thinking."
Again, Spinoza says (II, Prop. 3, Schol.), " God understands
Himself." And is it possible to understand without knowing ?
The divine thought is therefore the act of cognition in its pure
and absolute essence.
We now proceed to the question of the divine essence, and
it is here especially that we perceive the influence of Descartes
•on Spinoza. Descartes' philosophy is dominated by one funda-
mental doctrine, the dualism of thought and extension ;
Spinoza also holds this dualism. For him, as for Descartes, the
only clear and distinct ideas we have are the ideas of thought
and of extension ; for him also these two ideas, though always in
correspondence, are heterogeneous, and, like all Cartesians, he
held that there could be no relation between them. Finally,
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 319
for Spinoza again the whole material world is explained by
extension : but these two things, instead of being, as 011 the
view of Descartes, two substances, are attributes of one and
the same substance.
And now, how is the principle of the unity or indivisibility of
substance (I, Prop. 13) to be reconciled with the doctrine of the
divine extension ? In order to solve this difficulty, Spinoza
draws a distinction between quantity as it exists in the imagin-
ation and senses, and quantity as it exists in the under-
standing (Ibid. Prop. 15, Schol.). It is only the surface of things,
or body, that is divided and divisible ; the real substratum or
substance is indivisible; for in substance, or in the extended
in itself, there is no separation of parts. All the arguments
brought against the divine extension spring from regarding
extension as composed of finite parts ; but those who thus make
up the infinite out of the finite fall into inextricable contradic-
tions. Again, the divine perfection is adduced as an objection
to this doctrine ; but the extended in itself, being indivisible,
in no way diminishes the perfection of God ; and, moreover, as
He alone exists, and as nothing exists outside Him, He is not
capable of suffering or receiving any modification from without.
In connection with his theory of the divine nature, we find
in Spinoza another theory which is obscure but important —
that of the eternal and infinite modes. Spinoza holds the
existence, between the attribute and the mode proper, of inter-
mediate states, which are not attributes but modes, although
not finite modes like modes properly so called. " They were,"
says Emile Saisset, " emanations, as it were, which served to fill
the chasm and form the transition between the natura naturans
and the natura naturata, that is to say, between God and the
world." The existence of these modes is proved by, the
argument (I, 21) that what is immediately derived from the
absolute nature of a divine attribute must participate in the
absolute nature of this attribute ; it must, in some manner,
express this absolute nature, and to do this must itself be
infinite and eternal (see Part III, Ch. Ill, Mind}.
Of these eternal and infinite modes, Spinoza in the Ethics
only names one — the idea of God. God thinks, says Spinoza,1
and the more perfect a being is the more numerous are the
objects he thinks. God, being infinite, thinks an infinity of
320 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
infinitely modified beings. Now an infinity of infinitely modified
beings is God Himself. Therefore God thinks God ; therefore
He has the idea of God (II, 3). Hence it follows, in Spinoza's
doctrine, that God has the idea of Himself, that He thinks,
understands Himself. But what is a being's thought of himself
if not self -consciousness. And if consciousness be attributed
to God must not we also attribute to Him personality, at least
in a certain degree ?
Can one call a God who thinks God, impersonal ? It is
true that Spinoza places the idea of God, not in the natura
naturans or divine substance itself, but like all modes, in the
natura naturata (I, Prop. 29, Scholium, and Prop. 31). But
this is a purely abstract distinction notwithstanding which
Spinoza certainly admits a divine consciousness. It would,
however, be to strain Spinoza's meaning, and to give to his
doctrine of God an Alexandrian and agnostic sense scarcely
in harmony with his system if we regarded his idea of God as
a kind of hypostasis or fall from God, a thought which would
contemplate God from without, or, from below, without itself
being God ; for there is nothing in his writings to warrant
such an interpretation. Nor would it be more rational to suppose
that, as with Hegel, the idea of God had existence only in human
thought. This doctrine would be even more inconsistent with
the spirit of Spinoza's philosophy, for it would lead to the
supposition that the more perfect is posterior to the less
perfect, which is utterly opposed to Spinoza's principles. The
only remaining view is, then, that on Spinoza's doctrine God is
conscious of Himself, that this consciousness follows from the
absolute nature of thought, and hence that it is God.
There remains to be considered Spinoza's doctrine of the
necessary evolution of God and of the divine freedom.
Spinoza lays it down as a principle that God is a, free cause,
and that He is, moreover, the only free cause (I, Prop. 17,
Coroll.). " God acts from the laws of His own nature only,
and is compelled by no one," and, indeed, since nothing can
either be or be conceived without God (Ibid. Prop. 15), it
follows that He can be determined by nothing except Himself.
Therefore He is free ; and He is, moreover, the only free
cause, since He is the only being that is determined by
itself.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 321
But of what kind of freedom does Spinoza here speak ? Is
it what is generally understood by the term " freedom of will,"
the power that is possessed by a being of doing something
different from what he does ? No ! for in the first place, God
has not will any more than understanding. Will, as well as
understanding, belong to the natura naturata or the world,
and not to the natura naturans or God. Moreover, to attri-
bute freedom to God would be to say that things might have
been different from what they are, and that God might have
had a nature other than that which He has; in other words,
that He is not supremely perfect (I, 33, Schol. 2) ; that He
might have had a different understanding, a different will.
Everyone grants that in God understanding is actual, and that
the will cannot be separated from the intellect.
Now, if God had been able to act otherwise than He did, He
must have possessed another actual intellect, a different will, a
different essence. In this discussion Spinoza has evidently in
his mind Descartes' doctrine of the absolute freedom of God ;
he adds, however, that he prefers the doctrine in which the will
is made subordinate to the intelligence, to the one in which
the intelligence is made subordinate to the will. He much
prefers the " good pleasure " theory to that of the optimists.
To say that God is obliged to conform to the model of the
good is to suppose the existence of a something outside and
above Himself to which He " looks while He is at work as to
a model " and which He is obliged to realize ; and thus to con-
ceive Him as subject to a fatum, as deprived of all freedom
(I, Prop. 33, Schol. 2).
Thus Spinoza's doctrine is that of universal determinism.
Hence the following propositions :
" A thing which has been determined to any action was necessarily so
determined by God, and that which has not been thus determined by
God cannot determine itself to action" (I, 26). "A thing which has been
determined by God to any action cannot render itself indeterminate" (1,27).
" No individual thing . . . can exist or be determined to action unless it
be determined to existence and action by another cause . . . and again,
this cause cannot exist or be determined to action unless by another
cause, and so on ad infinitum " (I, 28). " The will cannot be called a free
cause, but can only be called necessary" (I, 32). " Things could have been
produced by God in no other manner nor in any other order than that in
which they have been produced" (I, 33).
II. X
322 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Finally, in the Appendix to the first book of the Ethics,
Spinoza refutes the doctrine of final causes, which is connected
with that of the divine freedom. He finds in this doctrine
two grave errors : 1st, that of giving priority to what is
posterior, of regarding, for example, vision as the cause of the
eye, whereas it is in reality its effect ; 2nd, that of reversing
the order of perfection : for the cause is in itself more perfect,
being nearer to God, whereas the upholders of final causes
regard the effect as more perfect than the cause.
To sum up, the essential points in Spinoza's teaching con-
cerning God are : His existence, with absolute perfection as
His essence ; the unity of substance ; the duality of its attri-
butes, which are thought and extension ; universal determinism.
After such an exposition, he felt that he might conclude with
the words : " I have now explained the nature of God."
Leibnitz : Optimism ; Metaphysical, Physical, and Moral
Evil ; Bayle's Objections ; Moral Necessity ; the Divine Freedom.
The doctrine of Leibnitz is fundamentally opposed to that of
Spinoza. It is opposed to both Spinoza's theory of an absolute
necessity and Descartes' theory of absolute freedom. Leibnitz
proposes as a solution the intermediate theory of a moral
necessity: He represents God as obliged to conform to the
principle of the best (optimum). This is what is called the
doctrine of optimism.
Theory of Optimism. — " God is the first reason or cause of
things." He must be " absolutely perfect in power, in wisdom,
and in goodness" (Theod. §7). This supreme wisdom joined
to an infinite goodness " could not fail to choose the best."
For " if this were not the best of all possible worlds, God
would not have chosen any world . . . since He never acts
unless in accordance with supreme reason " (Ibid. 8).
Such is the theory of optimism. It is based on Leibnitz's
celebrated principle of sufficient reason. God cannot act
without some, reason, and since He is perfection itself this
reason can only be the choice of the best ; " for if He had
chosen one less good, there would be something which might
be improved in His work."
Thus the doctrine of optimism is proved by Leibnitz a
priori, and since it is based on the idea of perfection itself, this
THE RELIGIOUS PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 323
doctrine cannot be disputed on the ground of experience.
The existence of evil, of sin and pain, is urged as an objection
to optimism. But if these were abolished, then, indeed, this
would not be the best of possible worlds.
All things are connected (9). The conception of a world without
suffering and without evil is " a romance, an Utopia " (10). An evil is
frequently the cause of a good, and " two evils make a good, as
two liquids make a dry body" (10). "A little bitterness is often more
pleasing than sugar" (12). Men say that the evil exceeds the good : this
is an error : " It is our want of attention that diminishes our goods" (13).
Moreover, " We must not be too ready to join the malcontents in the
Republic," and "it is a vice to see the bad side of everything" (15). As for
the prosperity of the wicked in this world, there will be " a remedy ready
for that in the next world" (17).
Leibnitz then goes on to examine the more speculative
difficulties concerning the origin of evil. Si Deus est, unde
malum ? Si non est, unde ~bonum ? The primary cause of evil
is to be found, according to him, in the essential limits of the
creature, that is to say, " in his ideal nature in so far as this
nature is included in the eternal truths which are in the
Divine mind." In this sense one may say with Plato, that the
origin of evil is " in matter," provided that by this term is
understood conditions inherent to creatures, in so far as these
are pre-represented in the Divine mind. Evil being merely a
limitation, or a privation, has therefore no efficient cause, but only
a privative (deficient^) cause (20).
There are three kinds of evil : metaphysical evil, which
consists in mere imperfection ; physical evil or suffering; and
moral evil or sin (21).
But still we ask, How is it that God permits evil ? There
are in God two wills — an antecedent will " which regards each
good separately " and in virtue of which " God aims at every
good as a good," and a consequent or final will which, comparing
goods with one another, can only will them in so far as they
are compossible, and when united would produce the greatest
possible good. Now, evil is precisely one of the conditions
of this greatest good. Consequently, " God wills antecedently
the good, and consequently the best " (23).
We must here distinguish between physical and moral evil.
Speaking absolutely, God can never will either the one or
324 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the other. But physical evil He may will, at least relatively,
" as a means " ; whereas moral evil or sin He can will neither
absolutely nor relatively: He can only permit it as " a condition
sine qua non " (26).
What is called physical concurrence gives rise to a difficulty.
Creation implies dependence, this dependence requires that
God be always present for the maintenance of His creatures ;
and some have even said " that the conservation of creatures is
nothing else than a continuous creation." Without going so
far as this, it must be acknowledged that all that is real and
effective in the creature comes to him from God, and that he
is even unable to act without the co-operation of God. This
co-operation is called concurrence, concursus ; and when we
have to do with the substance of an act, with its material
reality apart from its moral worth, it is called physical concur-
rence. This being the case, since God is the real cause of all
that is in creatures, and since He co-operates with them in
their actions, He must be the efficient cause of evil. What
becomes now of the principle causa deficiens, non efficiens ?
In order to explain how it is that God, while He is the real
cause of all that is positive in His creatures, is yet not the
cause of evil, Leibnitz makes use of a comparison which is both
ingenious and profound. Suppose a river which by its current
carries along several ships diversely laden, the current of the
river is the cause of the motion of the ships ; but as these bear
different freights they advance with more or less speed, and the
relative slowness of each is proportionate and due to the
weight it carries. Thus " the current is the cause of the speed
of the ships, but not of the limitations of this speed." In the
same way God is the cause of whatever real or efficient action
there is in sin, but not of the limits of this action, and it is
precisely in these limits that sin consists (30).
Bayle' s objections. — The doctrine of Optimism was invented
by Leibnitz as an answer to the objections which Bayle had
brought forward on the ground of the existence of evil. The
following is a brief account of this controversy.
Bayle assumes as a principle that " benefits bestowed on
men tend only to their happiness." God cannot permit that
they should serve to make them miserable (119).
Leibnitz replies by denying, or at least by narrowing the
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 325
application of the principle assumed. " It is not strictly true
to say that God's benefits tend solely to the happiness of His
creatures. All things in nature are connected. God has more
than one object in view in His projects. The felicity of
rational creatures is one of the ends He aims at, but it is not
His whole end nor even the ultimate end which He has before
Him. The unhappiness of some among them may occur
concomitantly."
Thus, while Bayle considers each thing individually, Leibnitz
on the contrary regards things as a whole, as united, as
acting and reacting upon one another.
Bayle declares that " to give one's enemy a silken cord which one
knows for certain he will use of his own free will to strangle himself, is to
deprive him of his life." Whence he concludes that God is really
responsible for, and the true author of the evils which their freedom brings
upon men, since He knows beforehand the use they will make of it.
Conversely, "A real benefactor gives promptly and does not before giving
wait until those he loves have suffered a prolonged misery."
Also, according to Bayle, God could and ought to bestow His
benefits on us immediately, and not let us buy them so dearly
by trials under which He knows the larger number will
succumb.
" All these propositions," says Leibnitz, " turn on the same sophism.
They alter and distort the facts ; they only tell half the truth, suppress
the chief point, and disguise the fact that it is of God we speak. It
seems as if one were dealing with a mother, a guardian, or a governor,
whose sole care almost is concerned with the happiness of the person in
question. These perpetual anthropomorphisms are a mockery of God.
God could accomplish the good which we wish for ; He even desires it,
taken by itself, but He ought not to accomplish it in preference to other
greater goods" (122). Leibnitz sums up his theory thus : "When things
are taken separately, the parts from their whole, the human race from the
universe, God's attributes from one another, wisdom from power, one may
say that God can cause virtue to exist in the world unmixed with vice.
But since He has permitted vice, it must be that the order of the universe
demands it" (124).
In short, in the whole of this discussion the chief reproach
Leibnitz has to make against his opponent is, that he falls
continually into anthropomorphism, that he measures the
duties of God towards man by what would be the duty of
man himself. God has to consider not only man, but the
326
whole universe ; and what is disorder in the part is order in
the whole. " Incivilc est nisi iota lege inspecta judicare " (128).
The objections found by Bayle on the ground of the
existence of evil led him to discover some probability in
the hypothesis of the two principles of good and of evil, the
Manichaean hypothesis, that is, which he made an attempt to
revive. While acknowledging that it is easy to attack this
hypothesis a priori, or by reasons taken from the nature of
God, he declares that a posteriori, when we come to the
existence of evil, it has the advantage. Therefore he asserts
that if Manichaeism is, speculatively speaking, inferior, it
carries the day in the explanation of phenomena, which is the
first mark of a good system.
Leibnitz maintains, on the contrary, that to assign to it a
principle invented expressly for it is not such a good way of
explaining a phenomenon (152).
It was thus they proceeded in the schools, when they assumed as
many faculties as there are operations — "A chylific, a chimific, a
sanguine," — instead of explaining phenomena by their physical or mechani-
cal causes. Leibnitz denies that there is a principium maleficum any
more than there is a primum frigidum. " Evil comes from privation
only, what is positive only enters into it concomitantly " (153).
At the opposite extreme from the above system is the
opinion of those who, in order to set God free from the fatum,
emancipate Him even from moral necessity, thus setting His
power above His wisdom and His justice (75). Others have
even gone so far as to suppose that God established the
distinction between good and evil by an arbitrary decree.
To say this, is, according to the forcible expression used by Leibnitz,
"to dishonour" God (171). For, if He established justice and goodness
arbitrarily, " He can unmake them, or change their nature, so that one
would have no reason to be assured that He will always observe them
Himself," and the case would be the same, if His justice were radically
different from ours. " If, for instance, it were written in His code that
it is just to make the innocent eternally miserable" (Ibid.) all these
theories, and others similar to them, would " make God act as a tyrant
or an enemy," and, that being so, "why might He not be just as well
the evil principle of the Manichaeans ? " (177).
Among similar objectionable doctrines is the strange opinion
of Descartes (185), which ascribes to the Divine Will not only
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 327
the creation of the good and of justice, but also of truth. No
doubt it is true that truth has its foundation in God, and that,
if God did not exist, not only would nothing be real, but
nothing would be possible. Thus, if it were not for God,
geometry would have no basis. But " it is the divine mind
that makes the reality of the eternal truths." His will has
no part in it (184). In fact Leibnitz could not believe that
Descartes was serious in maintaining this opinion ; this was,
he says, " one of his tricks, one of his philosophical ruses. He
was preparing the way for some quibble, and I suppose he had
in view another extraordinary manner of speaking of his own
invention, according to which affirmations, negations, and, in
general, all internal judgments are operations of the will" (286).
In this case these truths would be for God objects of will, and
not of intellect, and the dispute would be merely a verbal one.
The theory of absolute necessity, on the one hand, and on the
other that of absolute freedom, being thus set aside, there
remained only the doctrine of a moral necessity, or of optimism,
and this, as we have seen, is the doctrine that was adopted
and defended by Leibnitz. The remainder of his Theodicy is
devoted to the discussion of the objections which might be
brought against it.
Optimism may be attacked :
1. On the ground of experience, by pointing out the defects
in the world. But Leibnitz replies : " They who do so
absurdly set themselves up as censors of God's work," like
King Alphonso the Wise, who imagined he criticised the
system of the world, while in reality he was only criticising
Ptolemy's system : " You have only known the world three
days ; you scarcely see beyond your nose. . . . Wait until
you know it better" (194).
2. A priori. There cannot be an absolute optimum. There
is no such thing as a perfect creature ; it is always possible to
produce one that would be more perfect. To this Leibnitz boldly
replies that the world is " an infinite " (1 95). Not indeed that
it is absolute like God, but it is infinite in Pascal's sense ; that
is to say, " that it extends throughout the eternity to
come . . . and that there is an infinity of creatures in the
least particle of matter." Leibnitz does not explain how this
definition of the universe affords a reply to the objection, for,
328 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
since it was now a question of only a finite or created
infinite, it was possible to employ. against his argument one of
the laws of the infinitesimal calculus which he himself dis-
covered, namely, that there are infinities of different orders ;
whence it would follow that the world might be an infinite,
and yet there might be a higher infinite than it. Leibnitz, we
think, gives a better answer a little further on, when he says :
"One might say that the whole infinite series of things might be the
best that is possible, though what exists throughout the universe in each
point of time is not the best. It may be that the universe always goes
on growing better, if the nature of things were such that it is not possible to
attain the best all at once " (202).
3. It is said that if God produced always the best "He
would produce other gods," but this is an error, for, " if they
were gods, it would have been impossible to produce them " ;
moreover, if, to suppose the impossible, each created substance
were perfect, all substances would be equal and similar to one
another, which would not constitute a whole that was in itself
the best. Here again the order and connection in things is
lost sight of. " The best possible system would then not
contain gods. It would be always a system of bodies (that is
to say, of things placed in time and space), and of souls which
represent and perceive these bodies in accordance with which
and by which they are in great part governed " (200).
4. It is said that what is best as a whole is also best in its
parts, just as in geometry any part of a straight line, which is
defined as the shortest way from one point to another, is itself
a shortest way ; but, says Leibnitz, it is not possible to reason
" from quantity to quality."
" If goodness and beauty always consisted in something that was
absolute and uniform, such as extension, matter, and other homogeneous
and similar things, we should have to say that every part of the good and
of the beautiful must be good and beautiful, like the whole ; but this
is not the case with relative things . . . each part of a beautiful thing is
not always beautiful, since it must be detached from the whole or com-
prised in the whole in an irregular manner" (212, 213).
5. To regard God as obliged to choose the best is to limit
His power (218-223). But "the best could not be surpassed in
goodness, and we do not limit God's power by saying that He
THE EELIGIOUS PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 329
could not do the impossible " (226), any more than if we were
to say that He cannot make a line shorter than a straight line.
And to maintain that in fact the world is not the best
possible, since there is evil in it, is to go back to what has been
already so often refuted. If there were a better world, it
would have been preferred.
6. But if God is obliged to choose the best He is then not
free, but subject to a kind of fatuni. This objection has been
already frequently refuted. There is, if you will, a necessity,
but it is a moral necessity.
" To say that one cannot do a thing because one does not will it is an
abuse of terras. The wise man only wills the good ; does this mean that
he is a slave ? . . . M. Bayle calls by odious names what is best in the
world, and reverses notions, by giving the name of slavery to the state of
the greatest and most perfect freedom " (228).
The theory of optimism leads up to the theory of the divine
freedom (337-360).
" The prerogative (avantage) of freedom which is possessed by creatures
exists no doubt pre-eminently in God ; but this must be understood in
the sense that freedom is truly an advantage, and does not presuppose
an • imperfection. To be capable of error and of wrong-doing is a dis-
advantage, and to have control over our passions is an advantage, truly,
but one which presupposes an imperfection, namely, passion itself " (337).
There is therefore an intermediate term between brute
necessity and divine freedom. The laws of nature, and more
especially the laws of motion (340-351), are neither altogether
arbitrary, as Bayle affirmed, nor mathematically necessary.
Leibnitz showed that the principles of mechanics are not
mathematically necessary, and up to the present his opinion
has not been disproved by science. He showed that the
mechanical laws are " beautiful, but not necessary " (347).
Similarly, as regards the union of the soul and the body, he
proves that the " laws which govern this union, though not
necessary, are yet not indifferent, and that there must be a
reason for them in the divine wisdom " (352-357).
With the above theories, it was easy for Leibnitz to
solve the difficulties involved in foreknowledge and providence.
For, if freedom does not exclude determination and certitude,
it is not surprising that God is able to foresee what is deter-
330 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
mined. " He sees all at once the sequence of things in this
world ... in each part He sees the entire universe on
account of the perfect connection between things " (360).
Leibnitz dwells especially (383-400) on the difficulties which
may arise out of the Cartesian doctrine of continuous creation,
a doctrine according to which the conservation of creatures
was merely a continuation of the act of creation. He
indicates (383, 384) that he could raise doubts concerning the
doctrine itself which suggests the great question of the
continuum ; but he does not wish to enter into this labyrinth,
and contents himself with saying that there is in the fact of
creation a continual dependence on God, and that this
dependence we may call creation, if we will, provided we do
not go so far as to make creation an emanation from the
Divine (385). Leibnitz, while he holds the doctrine of a
continuous creation thus understood, teaches that this
doctrine does not abolish human freedom nor the special
individuality of creatures. " The production or action," he
says, " by which God produces, has a nature prior to the
existence of the creature that is produced ; the creature,
taken in itself, with its nature and necessary properties, is
anterior to its accidental affections and to its actions. . . . God
produces the creature in conformity with the requirements of
the preceding instants, according lo the laws of wisdom ; and
the creature acts in conformity with this nature which God
always gives him when He creates him " (385).
The 18th century. — Kant's Theodicy: God the Postulate oj
Morality ; Faith substituted for Knowledge.
After Leibnitz, and throughout the 18th century, we do
not find any original systems of theodicy. On the one hand,
there flourished a crude and materialistic atheism, of which
Holbach's System of Nature was the very mediocre text-book ;
and, on the other hand, the popular deism which was eloquently
but somewhat unphilosophically set forth by J. J. Rousseau in
his Profession de foi du vicaire Savoyard. We may mention,
however, as having a certain character of its own, the philo-
sophy of C. Bonnet of Geneva, which is closely connected with
that of Leibnitz, but which contains a new element in the
theory of palingenesia or metamorphosis and progress, under
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 331
the direction of Providence. Notwithstanding this attempt,
and in spite of the important part played at this period by
natural theology, we must acknowledge that it was not till
Kant and the rise of the German School that a new note was
struck in the philosophy of religion.
Kant's theodicy is virtually that of Leibnitz, with this
difference, that while the system of the latter was speculative
and metaphysical, Kant's was practical and moral. Otherwise,
optimism, Providence, the Divine Personality, personal immortal-
ity are all doctrines that were common to both philosophers.
In Kant we find no trace of the influence of Spinoza : he was
a disciple of Leibnitz and Eousseau. But, as we know, he
regarded the speculative reason as utterly incapable of arriving
at the origin or ends of things. The whole world of noumena,
of things in themselves, is closed to us, and consequently the
existence and Nature of God, as well as the rest. But what
we cannot learn from speculative reason is revealed to us by
practical reason, and thus theodicy is restored as a consequence
and a condition of morality.
For all moral conceptions tend to meet in the one supreme
conception of the Summum Bonum. This sovereign good is
neither the moral good by itself nor the physical good by
itself; neither virtue nor happiness, but the union of both.
Happiness without virtue or virtue without happiness are both
incomplete. Nor can they be joined together in an analytic
proposition, for neither can happiness be reduced to virtue nor
virtue to happiness ; and yet they are necessarily joined together
in our minds, in an a priori synthetic judgment.
Thus the sovereign good is necessary ; it must therefore be
possible. But it is not possible under the conditions of sensible
and phenomenal existence. There must, then, be another
mode of existence in which this supreme good can be realized,
and there must be an agent capable of bringing about this
realization. Hence follow the two postulates of the practical
reason : the existence of God, and the immortality of the soul.
We have here to do with the former postulate only.
" I term the idea of an intelligence in which the morally most perfect
will, united with supreme blessedness, is the cause of all happiness in the
world, so far as happiness stands in strict relation to morality (as the
worthiness of being happy), the Ideal of the Supreme Good. It is only,
332 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
then, in the ideal of the supreme original good that pure reason can find
the ground of the practically necessary connection of both elements of
the highest derivative good, and accordingly of an intelligible, that is,
moral world. Now, since we are necessitated by reason to conceive
ourselves as belonging to such a world, while the senses present to us
nothing but a world of phenomena, we must assume the former as a
consequence of our conduct in the world of sense (since the world of
sense gives us no hint of it), and therefore as future in relation to us.
Thus God and a future life are two hypotheses which, according to the
principles of pure reason, are inseparable from the obligation which this
reason imposes upon us" (Critique of Pure Reason, p. 491, Eng, trans.).
" It may be called Faith, that is to say a pure Rational Faith " (Dialectic
of Pure Practical Reason).
From this principle Kant thought it possible to deduce all
the moral attributes of God, these attributes being the only ones
that really concern mankind.
"This moral theology has the peculiar advantage, in contrast with
speculative theology, of leading inevitably to the conception of a sole,
perfect, and rational First Caus^, whereof speculative theology does not
give us any indication on objective grounds, far less any convincing
evidence. For we find neither in transcendental nor in natural theology,
however far reason may lead us in these, any ground to warrant us in
assuming the existence of one only Being, which stands at the head of all
natural causes, and on which these are entirely dependent. On the other
hand, if we take our stand on moral unity as a necessary law of the
universe, and from this point of view consider what is necessary to give
this law adequate efficiency and, for us, obligatory force, we must come
to the conclusion that there is one only supreme will, which comprehends
all these laws in itself. For how, under different wills, should we find
complete unity of ends ? This will must be omnipotent, that all nature
and its relation to morality in the world may be subject to it : omniscient,
that it may have knowledge of the most secret feelings and thus moral
worth ; omnipresent, that it may be at hand to supply every necessity to
which the highest weal of the world may give rise; eternal, that this
harmony of nature and liberty may never fail " (Ibid., p. 493).
The harmony between virtue and happiness is what has
been named the kingdom of grace. Kant adopts this expres-
sion, and this kingdom of grace, which he calls elsewhere the
kingdom of ends, is nothing else than the intelligible world as
opposed to the sensible world.
We must remember that we have not here a demonstration
addressed to reason, but simply a postulate that is demanded
by practical necessity, an act of faith, but of a faith that is
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 333
" purely rational." It is the consequence of our needs and of
our interests. Speculative reason can only yield hypotheses ;
but the demands of practical reason are postulates. It is a
consequence that flows from 'duty.' The good man can
say : " I will that there be a God." In this instance alone
my judgment is inevitably determined by my interest.
Fichte and Schelling : Different Forms of Pantheism.
Fichte, who was the greatest of Kant's disciples, did
not accept the practical theology of his master, at least as
consequent or dependent upon morality, for he identifies it
with morality itself. Later, he went further than Kant in the
opposite direction, and transformed this moral theology into a
mystic theology which he borrowed from the Alexandrians.
Such are the two phases in Fichte's religious philosophy.
In his first work, on account of which he was accused of
atheism, and which was entitled On the Belief^ in a Divine
Government of the World (1798), Fichte reproduces Kant's
criticism of the proofs of the existence of God. Demonstra-
tion, he says, does not produce faith, it is faith that gives
rise to demonstration. He accepts, above the sensible
and phenomenal world, only an intelligible world or moral
order in which the divine resides. To act as we ought
without thought of the consequences, that is the divine
for us. To act in view only of the happy or unhappy
consequences of our acts is atheism. Faith in the moral order
is the whole of religion. This active and living moral order is
itself God. We need not go beyond this moral order nor
accept a moral being as its cause. This order is in itself
the absolutely first, das dbsolut Erste. Morality and religion
are absolutely identical. Religion without morality is super-
stition. Morality without religion is empty. He who believes
in duty believes in God, and already participates in the life
eternal.
Thus Fichte did away with the last vestiges of moral theo-
logy which still remained in Kant's theory, and put in their
place, as has been said, a kind of moral pantheism or idealistic
Spinozism, in which moral laws take the place of the natural
laws. In his reply to the accusation of atheism, he retorts by
saying that it is his opponents who are atheists. " Our
334 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
idealistic doctrines alone are capable of bringing about a
revival of religious feeling, and of enabling men to penetrate
into the true essence of the Christian religion."
Later, Fichte no longer restricted the notion of God to the
moral order, but, on the contrary, absorbing the moral order in
the Divine Being, made the supreme beatitude lie in the union
of the soul with the absolute One.
" Blessedness consists in union with God, the One and Absolute. We,
however, in our unalterable nature, are but Knowledge, Representation,
Conception ; and even in our union with the Infinite One, this the essential
form of our Being, cannot disappear. Even in our union with him he
does not become our own Being ; but he floats before us as something
foreign to and outside of ourselves, to which we can only devote ourselves
by clinging to him with earnest love. He floats before us, as in himself
without form or substance, without on our part a definite conception or
knowledge of his inward essential nature, but yet as that through which
alone we can think or comprehend either ourselves or our World.
Neither after pur union with God is the world lost to us : it only
assumes a new significance. . . . The Divine Existence is absolutely
through itself, and, of necessity, Light, namely, inward and spiritual
Light. This Light, left to itself, separates and divides itself into an
infinite multiplicity of individual rays ; and in this way, in these
individual rays, becomes estranged from itself and its original source.
But this same Light may also again concentrate itself from out this
separation and conceive and comprehend itself as One, as that which
it is in itself, the Existence and Revelation of God" (Doctrine of Religion,
Lecture V).
Thus, Fichte's Moral pantheism ended in a Metaphysical
pantheism, which bears a strong resemblance to that of
Plotinus. The moral order is merged in the Being of which
the human mind is the consciousness and the revelation ;
the Holy, the Beautiful, and the Good are an immediate
manifestation in us of the essence of God. Fichte thought
that this was the true interpretation of the gospel according
to St. John.
Schelling's theology is, like Fichte's, an Idealistic pantheism,
in which God is all and the world nothing. This pantheism
would seem to be, as was said of Spinoza, and as Fichte said
of himself, acosmism (negation of the world) rather than atheism.
Like every other pantheism, Schelling's doctrine consisted in
transferring to finite things the qualities of the infinite.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 335
But what is peculiar to Schelling is the revival of the old
doctrine of a desceut, which he borrowed from the Alexandrians,
or rather, perhaps, from the Gnostic sects. Schelling asks how
the finite can come out of the infinite, and examines not only
the mystery of creation but even that of the incarnation.
" The finite cannot come out of the infinite by way of degra-
dation and diminution." Between the divine perfection and
the phenomenal world there lies an abyss which is a veritable
non-being. Schelling thinks that the origin of the finite can
only be conceived as a leap (saltus), a complete rupture with
the Absolute (ein Vollkommenes firbrechen), a kind of falling
away or defection from the Absolute (in einer Entfern-
ung, einem Abfall von dem Absoluten),1 and so Schelling tells
us that the phenomenal world has only an indirect relation to
the Absolute. No finite thing can arise immediately out of the
Absolute, and yet this fall is itself absolute and comes from the
Absolute. Who could understand the meaning of such contra-
dictory assertions ? And in what are they more intelligible
than the dogma of creation ?
Thus, if there is evil in the world, it is the world's own
fault, and so much the worse for it. Why did it desire to
become the world instead of remaining in the bosom of God ?
In reality, this doctrine amounts to the dualism of the ancients ;
for if the world separated itself from God, it must have had
already an independent existence in God; for it is not com-
prehensible that God would revolt against Himself and that
one part of His being would aspire after an independent
life and play the part of a sham absolute, instead of remaining
united with the true absolute of which it was an essential part.
In his final philosophical system, which he himself called a
Positive Philosophy, and set forth in two great works, The
Philosophy of Mythology and The Philosophy of Revelation,
Schelling' s chief anxiety is to separate himself from Hegel's
JIt must be clearly understood that this is not a falling on the part of the
Absolute itself, for in that case the genitive would be used in German, des
Absoluten. It is a fall, a leap from the Absolute. But then, what is it that
falls, what is it that leaps away, since it is not the Absolute, and the Absolute
alone exists? It would seem as if it were another absolute which is separated
from the first as its image, without, however, having any reality. The type of
this fall, says Schelling, is Fichte's Ego posiltinrj itself. It is not only a fact
,(Thatsache) but an activity (Thathandlung).
336 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
logical pantheism. He does not go back on his earlier
Philosophy, but he calls it a negative Philosophy, based
only on the principle of the understanding, and he pro-
poses another founded on the principle of the will. He
does not, however, renounce what he calls monism, that is,
the doctrine of the unity of substance, but he re-establishes
the notion of the Divine Personality. Hartmann calls
his system the pantheism of personality, personalistischer
pantheismus.
Hegel's Theology.
Hegel's philosophy of religion is so much an element of his
general system that it is not easy to consider it apart. The
predominating conception in this theodicy, if one may so call
it, is that of God as not only the Universal Being in itself,
Substance, but also and above all, spirit, absolute Spirit. He
objects to Spinoza's conception of God as substance, as being
inferior and inadequate. Substance is a moment of thought,
but not thought in its totality. God is, then, Spirit, but what
is spirit ? It is this that is difficult to determine. As
it has been said of Fichte, that his system is a moral pan-
theism ; so we may call Hegel's system a logical pantheism,
a panlogism. For Hegel, all reality is ideal. All that is
rational is real ; all that is real is rational. But the rational
is the principle of the real. This principle, considered in
itself, prior to any development, is then, neither the One of
the Alexandrians, nor Spinoza's Substance, nor the Monad of
Leibnitz. It is the Idea. The Idea in itself is not God,
but only the first logical reason of all things. But it gets
out of itself, or externalizes itself (a process very difficult to
understand, and which excited ridicule on the part of Schelling,
although his own theory of a fall from the Absolute is not
much more comprehensible) ; the Idea becoming other than
itself is what we call nature ; then, returning from nature to
itself, it becomes what we call spirit. Spirit is thus
the reflected Idea, the return of the Idea upon itself, the
Idea aware of and knowing itself; in a word, the conscious-
ness of the Idea. But God is not only Spirit, but absolute
Spirit. He is therefore the all-knowing Idea, pure and
absolute self-consciousness.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 337
This being Hegel's definition of God, it may be asked in
what does his conception differ from that of the theists,
from a personal God ? For is not consciousness the peculiar
characteristic of the personal God ? But in Hegel's philosophy
this absolute consciousness of God appears - to exist only
in the human mind. It would seem that, for him, God's
consciousness of Himself is nothing more than man's con-
sciousness of God. It is as man that God is conscious of
Himself. For in his Philosophy of Spirit Hegel recognizes
no other form of the Absolute Spirit besides Art, Religion, and
Philosophy, and shows us nothing whatever above these.
Finally, philosophy itself passes through successive phases, of
which the highest is the system of Hegel ; whence it follows
that the highest consciousness of God is Hegel's consciousness :
in fact Hegel is God. This is the only logical conclusion that
can be drawn from this theodicy. It may be asked how the
character of Absolute Spirit can be attributed to a mere
philosophical opinion ; yet it is difficult to see any other
meaning in Hegel's philosophy, and he never gives us reason
to think that the Absolute Spirit exists in itself, independently
of its forms. Thus, in Hegel we find once more a system of
Pantheism, but one that is more idealistic and more abstract
than that of Spinoza.
SchopenJiauer and Hartmann : Pessimism.
After the great period of philosophical evolution in
Germany, which began with Kant and culminated in
Hegel, we have only to notice in connection with theodicy
the rise of pessimism, due to the school of Schopen-
hauer and Hartmann. Like all the Germans, both these
philosophers uphold the doctrine of immanence, which is
pantheism ; but they change its principle. In place of
Hegel's Idea or Schelling's Absolute we have, in Schopenhauer,
the principle of Will ; in Hartmann, the principle of the
Unconscious.
The transition from the absolute to the relative, from the
infinite to the finite, is not any clearer on their theories than
on those of their predecessors. With Hegel the Idea ex-
ternalized itself; with Schopenhauer Will objectivizes itself.
Xhe difference is merely verbal, and it is not here that
II. Y
338 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the originality of Schopenhauer and Hartmann lies, but prin-
cipally in their substitution of pessimism for optimism. Why
does the will objectivize itself ? "Why does it produce the
illusion which we call the world ? Of this we are in com-
plete ignorance. All we know by experience, and for certain,
is that this world is a bad dream, " the worst of all possible
worlds." Optimism, says Schopenhauer, is the greatest
rubbish that has yet been invented by professors of philo-
sophy.1 Not only is the testimony of experience in favour of
pessimism, but so is that of reason also. Will involves effort,
and effort is painful ; to will is to suffer, to will is to be,
therefore the whole of life is suffering.
" The act of willing, and effort, which is its essence, are like
an insatiable thirst. Life is but a struggle for existence with
the certainty of being conquered. To will without motive,
forever suffering, forever striving, then to die, and so on for
century after century, until the crust of this planet of ours
crumbles away, this is Life."
While these pessimistic theories were leading German
thought, not only from theism, but from even the optimistic
pantheism of the great school of Schelling . and Hegel,
Biichner, in his return to the atheistic materialism of the 1 8th
century, represented a complete and abrupt break with these
schools. The author of Force and Matter, like the ancient
Epicureans, attacked the doctrine of final causes : the existence
of irregularities in creation, of useless or harmful organs,
of monstrosities, all seemed to him to prove that the fatal
forces of matter have given birth to innumerable forms,
among which the only ones to survive were those which were
appropriate to their circumstances and to the conditions of their
environment. It seemed as if the great effort of Critical and
Idealistic Philosophy, which lasted from Kant to Hegel, was to
go for nothing, seeing that German thought had ended by
returning purely and simply to Baron Holbach and his System
of Nature (see Janet's Mate"rialisme contemporairi).
1 It is unfortunate for this piece of witticism that the modern inventors of
optimism were Leibnitz and Malebranche, neither of whom was a professor of
Philosophy any more than were Pope, who expresses this doctrine in verse,
and J. J. Rousseau, who defended it against Voltaire.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 339
Scottish Philosophy : Hamilton and Mansel ; Religious
Criticism.
In England and Scotland the philosophy of religion con-
tinued, as in the 18th century, to furnish a large number of
works on natural theology based on the doctrine of final
causes as supported by examples borrowed from science.
These attempts contained nothing new (see Remusat, La
Philosophic rcligicuse en Angleterre).
Of much greater interest is the philosophy of Hamilton, who
aimed at demolishing, by means of the Kantian criticism, all
claims on the part of metaphysics to act as a support of
Christian theology. His was a kind of theological scepticism
not unlike that with which Pascal has been reproached.
According to Hamilton, not only was Kant's criticism
successful in demonstrating the antinomies of rational cos-
mology and the paralogism of rational theology, but this
principle was not carried far enough; for it preserved the idea
of the Absolute as an idea, and as a regulative principle
of reason. Hamilton objects to this concession, and reproaches
Kant with not having completely eliminated the concept of the
Absolute ; and he asserts, as a consequence of the Kantian
critique, the doctrine of a wise ignorance. Cognoscendo ignorare,
et ignorando cognoscere. Quacdam nescire magna pars est
sapientiae. He even applies this doctrine to the idea of God,
and quotes these words of an old philosopher : " a God under-
stood would be no God at all."
Like Kant, but with even more precision, Hamilton points
out the contradictions involved in the ideas of the Absolute
and the Infinite. But while he excludes God from real
knowledge, he regards Him as an object of Faith. " By a
wonderful revelation we are thus in the very consciousness of
our inability to conceive aught above the relative and finite,
inspired with a belief in the existence of something uncon-
ditioned beyond the sphere of all comprehensible reality "
{Discussions: Philosophy of the Unconditioned, p. 15).
Man sell, a disciple of Hamilton, carried his master's
doctrine much further, and made use of it especially in defence
of the mysteries of the Christian religion. His conclusion is,
that we must not measure God's attributes, and above all His
mercy and justice, by human attributes. " It is impossible to
340 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
account for every phenomenon if we represent God to ourselves
according to the standards of our philosophy and merely
human morality. Sin, physical pain, the misfortunes of the good,
the prosperity of the wicked, all these are facts which can no
doubt be reconciled, though we know not how, with God's
infinite goodness, but only on condition that the type of this
goodness is not the goodness of man." Whence he concludes
that God's attributes are not only different in degree, but also
in essence, from our human attributes. If a child may be
mistaken in his judgments of the actions of men, a fortiori
man may be mistaken when he judges the actions of God.
To this theory Stuart Mill replies, with some reason it would
seem, that there may no doubt be limiting conditions of which
we are ignorant ; nevertheless, either we mean nothing when we
speak of the divine goodness or any other divine attribute, or
we understand by this term something that is substantially the
same as that which we call goodness. While it may therefore
be admitted that in all religion, whether natural or revealed,
there is, besides the part attributed to knowledge, a very large
element of belief, at the same time where there is no know-
ledge there can be no belief. For what, Mill truly remarks,
would be belief in something that was absolutely unknown and
incomprehensible, as, for example, if I were told to believe that
Humpty Dumpty is an Abracadabra ? The attempt to found
religious belief upon ignorance is therefore, according to Mill,
as vain as it is dangerous.
Auguste Comte : The Law of the Three Stages ; The JReligion
of Humcfnity.
In the opinion of Auguste Comte, the founder of Positivism,
the religious idea is only one phase of human thought, and it
is the first. The human mind passes through three different
stages : the theological, the metaphysical and the scientific
stage. Hence three methods, and three Philosophies. In the
theological stage the human mind directs its attention wholly to
the inner nature of beings, to first and final causes, and conceives
phenomena as produced by the direct and continuous action of
a larger or smaller number of supernatural agents, by whose
arbitrary intervention all the apparent anomalies in the world
can be explained. The metaphysical stage is the one in which
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 341
the mind replaces the supernatural agents by hypostasized
abstractions, such as causes, substances, essences, soul, God, free
will, etc. The positive stage, finally, consists in abandoning
the search of the Absolute, in putting aside questions of origin,
and in confining ourselves to the observation of phenomena
and of their invariable relations. This last stage is the
final stage of mankind ; consequently, the religious attitude
of mind and also every religious idea must disappear.
Auguste Comte does not ignore the services rendered to the
human mind by religious ideas whether in the theological or
metaphysical form, but he holds that this order of ideas has
passed away and yielded its place to positive science.
Such were the views of Auguste Comte in the first period
of his philosophy, but this philosophy underwent a consider-
able modification, and in its second phase showed itself in a
completely different light. His object now was not to do
away for ever with the religious element, but, on the contrary,
to satisfy this element by a transformation which would bring
it into harmony with modern thought. This second phase is
what Auguste Comte calls the subjective phase of positivism,
and it rests not on reason, but on feeling. Hence a new
religion, the positivist religion, the religion of humanity.
" In the religion of A. Comte (Ravaisson, Philosophie du
dix-neuvieme siecle) there is no God and there is no soul, at least
no immortal soul. Humanity is the Supreme Being. Comte
calls it the Grand fitre. The Grand Eire, has for its origin
the world, the common source of all beings, which Comte calls
the Grand Fetiche. The world is in space, which in its turn is
the Grand Milieu. The great Environment (milieu), the great
Fetiche, the great Being constitute the positivist trinity. The
Grand Fetiche, in order to give birth to the Great Being, reduced,
lowered, and sacrificed itself, and we owe to it a cult of grati-
tude. But it is, above all, humanity that represents divine
perfection, and in humanity it is woman that should be the
object of worship. This cult is the commemoration of the
dead, and more especially of those women who have realized
the ideal of self-devotion and tenderness ; and in this remem-
brance immortality lies.
Such a religion was hardly more than a return to paganism ;
except for the worship of woman, which was borrowed from
342 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
Christianity. But however crude, and however unphilosophical
it may have been, this religion of A. Comte is sufficient to dis-
prove the law according to which the religious idea presents a
lower stage in the evolution of man.
Herbert Spencer : The Doctrine of Evolution ; The Religion
of the Unknowable.
The philosophy of Herbert Spencer, which, though it denied
its origin, was really a branch of positivism — a branch, however,
that was so fully developed as to become itself a stem, one might
almost say a wide-spreading tree — offers, like that of Auguste
Comte, two theories of religion.
According to Herbert Spencer, the realm of existence is
divided into two regions : the knowable and the unknowable.
The knowable is the sole object of science, but beyond the
realm of knowledge there is the unknowable, concerning which
we only know one thing, that it is. There are therefore two
doctrines of religion, one of which starts from the point of
view of the knowable, and the other from the point of view
of the unknowable. From the point of view of the know-
able, religion, like all the facts that go to make up the
universe, must be explained by facts, and made subject to the
law of evolution, according to which all things begin in an
elementary fact, which, by a necessary aggregation of different
elements grouped around it, finally becomes an increasingly
complicated whole. The elementary fact, Herbert Spencer
says, from which religion originally springs is what he calls a
man's " double," the appearance of a thing itself and of its
image — of one who sees himself in the water, or in dreams, or
who sees in dreams people who no longer exist ; the fact that
a person is followed by his shadow, and that the souls of the
dead are represented to us as shades. This same fact was
employed as an explanation of religion by the Epicureans.
This double is what we call a Spirit ; and, by generalization,
everything has its double, and there are spirits everywhere.
Gradually these spirits form hierarchies, groups and series, and
become gods. Finally, they are made subordinate to a single
spirit, which begins by being the highest God, and finally be-
comes the only God. The most spiritual form of monotheism
is only a subtle transformation of the nai've theology of savages.
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 343
It would seem then that on this theory religion is nothing
more than superstition.
But through another aspect of this doctrine, Herbert
Spencer thinks he has found the legitimate basis of the
religious feeling. This feeling is profoundly rooted in human
nature, and is in its essence the veneration, the respect, or
attraction even, which we feel for all that is higher than our-
selves.
"The belief in the omnipresence of something which is beyond our
intelligence is the most abstract of all beliefs and one which all religions
possess in common. This belief has nothing to fear from the most in-
exorable logic. Here then is an ultimate truth of the utmost possible
certainty, a truth upon which all religions are agreed, and which is also
in agreement with science. For the power of which the universe is the
manifestation is impenetrable."
From this elevated standpoint, Herbert Spencer attacks the
religion of the positivists, the worship of great men, the
religion of humanity.
But how can these two theories be reconciled when, accord-
ing to the one, religion is a mere superstition, and, according to
the other, is what is most deeply rooted in the human mind ?
Can a superstition, that is to say a delusion, evolve into a
religion which is true ?
"But how can such a final consciousness of the Unknowable, thus
tacitly alleged to be true, be reached by successive modifications of a
conception which was utterly untrue ? The ghost-theory of the savage
is baseless. ... Is not the developed and purified conception reached
by pushing the process to its limits a fiction also ? Surely if the primitive
belief was absolutely false all derived beliefs must be absolutely false "
{Nineteenth Century Review, Jan. 1887).
Herbert Spencer's reply to this objection is, substantially,
that in his principle the earliest conceptions were not abso-
lutely false, but contained the germ of a truth, namely, that the
force which manifests itself in consciousness is only a different
form of the force that manifests itself outside consciousness.
"Every voluntary act yields to the primitive man proof of a source of
energy within him. . . . That internal energy which in the experiences
of the primitive man was always the immediate antecedent of changes
wrought by him — that energy which, when interpreting external changes,
he thought of along with those attributes of a human personality connected
with it in himself, is the same energy which, freed from anthropomorphic
344
accompaniments it now figured as the cause of all external phenomena.
The last stage reached is recognition of the truth that force, as it exists
beyond consciousness, cannot be like what we know as force within con-
sciousness, and that yet, as either is capable of generating the other, they
must be different modes of the same thing. Consequently, the final out-
come of that speculation commenced by the primitive man, is that the
power manifested throughout the Universe distinguished as material, is
the same power which in ourselves wells up under the form of conscious-
ness" (/fo'd Jan. 1884).
The French Spiritualistic School : Victor Cousin ; Emile
Saisset : Spiritualistic Theism.
The French spiritualistic school of the beginning of the 1 9th
century, being at first especially occupied with a criticism of
sensationalism and the demonstration of the existence of pure
reason, naturally did not devote much attention to theodicy
proper. Indeed we find no theological theories in the writings
of either Royer-Collard or Jouffroy. In Cousin, however, we see
the theory of pure reason pass rapidly from a psychological to a
metaphysical form, carrying away its author more or less un-
consciously in the train of German thought, in the direction
of a pantheistic theism. Hence a certain number of formulae
which have been interpreted in a pantheistic sense : " A God
without a world is as incomprehensible as a world without a
God." " Creation is not only possible, but necessary." " God
is at once God, nature, and humanity."
But on the other hand, following in the footsteps of Kant
and of Maine de Biran, Victor Cousin always adhered to and
strenuously upheld the principle of human personality. How was
this principle to be reconciled with that of universal identity ?
This consideration, together with the fear of the consequences
which the pantheistic conception seemed to involve, induced
Cousin to alter his philosophy in the direction of the Cartesian
spiritualism and Leibnitzian theodicy. But it was by means
of corrections and modifications of the text, rather than by a
genuine development, that this new phase in Cousin's philo-
sophy manifested itself.
The task which Cousin had not time to accomplish himself,
the foundation, that is, of a spiritualistic theodicy forming an
organized system, was undertaken by his disciple, Emil*e
Saisset, in a work entitled Essai de philosophic religieuse (1858).
THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 345
The principal object of this book is to defend theistic against
pantheistic notions, and the doctrine of the divine personality as
opposed to that of the impersonal God of the German philoso-
phers. Emile Saisset, like Descartes, proves 1>he existence of
God by our conception of a perfect being. The imperfect
cannot exist through itself — imperfection being only lack of
existence, how can it contain within itself the cause of exist-
ence ? This cause must lie in the Being in whom nothing is
wanting ; in other words, in the perfect Being.
But might not this notion of a perfect Being be a simple
ideal conceived by the mind ? No ! for where could a finite
mind have found the material of this ideal ? The perfect
Being, or God, is therefore the immediate object of an intuition
which includes at once two correlative terms: the finite and
the infinite, the perfect and the imperfect. The different proofs
of the existence of God are merely analyses of this primitive
intuition.
God being the necessary condition of our existence, the next
question is whether such a Being is comprehensible to human
reason. The answer is, that He both is and is not. In one
sense He is not comprehensible, for to understand is to explain
things by their essence : to understand God would be to explain
God, to know why He is, and that is impossible. No doubt it
is repugnant to our intelligence, given the existence of the
world, to deny God ; but it is not repugnant to it to deny the
existence of both God and the world. I can conceive, says
Saisset, as a possibility, that there may be nothing, absolutely
nothing, no being, nor even an illusion of being. The saying
that God exists through Himself should be understood nega-
tively in the sense that He does not require any cause for His
existence ; but not in the sense that He is properly speaking
cause of Himself, for in that case He would be both cause and
effect. Furthermore, to say, as do Descartes and Bossuet, that
His perfection is His ratio essendi is to assume that an ideal
essence can be the cause of a real existence. Thus Saisset does
not accept the a priori or Ontological proof of the existence of
God. God is a fact, or rather the necessary reason of a fact, of
our own existence, namely ; but the reason of this reason is
above our comprehension.
So much must be admitted as true in the criticisms of Kant
346 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
and Hamilton. But this does not mean that God is absolutely
incomprehensible and entirely beyond our reach, for there is a
link between God and man, seeing that God, whatever may be His
unfathomable essence, nevertheless manifests Himself. " Since
we rise up to Him through the medium of the world," it must be
that He has put something of Himself into the world. There-
fore, at least through the point of contact in which He has
communicated His essence to creatures, the latter are able to
apprehend, to dimly see Him.
Here we come upon a fresh problem : we have asked why
there is a God, and we have now to ask why there is a world ?
Why could not God have remained in contemplation of Him-
self ? There are two hypotheses both equally untenable : Is the
world in relation to God a limit or an extension ? Not a limit,
for then God would be limiting Himself. Nor is it an extension,
for in that case God would have required the world, and would
not be perfect without it. These two hypotheses being set
aside, there remains a third, in which the world is a manifesta-
tion, an expression, an image of God ; it neither adds nor takes
anything away from the Divine Being, but is a reflection of
Him. Time is the image of eternity, Place is the image of
immensity, the Many is the image of the One. What is
scattered and multiplied in the world, is one and concentrated
in the Divine. But why not say with the Pantheists that the
world is God's mode of existence, that it forms part of His
essence ? Saisset confronts pantheism with a dilemma to which,
as far as we know, no answer has yet been found. If the world
and God are one, there are only two alternatives : either God is
absorbed in the world, and then we have no longer pantheism
but atheism ; or the world is absorbed in God, which is not
pantheism either, but mysticism, or the theory of the Nirvana.
In the first case God is nothing, for He is nature ; in the second
case the world, nature, life, the family, the fatherland, freedom,
science, all vanish like shadows in the great universal void.
Moreover, how, without contradiction, can the perfect and
the imperfect, the finite and the infinite, be bound together in
the same essence ? It was considered contradictory that a God
who was good should have created a world that is bad, and to
make the thing clearer, the essence of the Divine Being himself
is attributed to this bad world.
THE RELIGIOUS PEOBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 347
What is then the link which unites God to the world ? It
is the link of love and of freedom. Notwithstanding the pro-
gress made by science in the study of nature, it is not proved that
the laws of nature are mathematically necessary, but rather that
they are laws of agreement and harmony. The principle of
these laws is therefore a principle of agreement and harmony, of
love and freedom; in short, a personality. The formula in which
Saisset, like M. Ravaisson in later times, sums up his doctrine,
and which may be given as the common symbol of all the
spiritualist schools, is this maxim of Maine de Biran : " There
are two poles in human science : the person I, whence all things
radiate, and the person God, where all things meet and end."
But is personality reconcilable with the Absolute and the
Infinite ? No, if by the Infinite we understand the indeter-
minate. Yes, if, on the contrary, we mean the absolutely
determined. Saisset was particularly anxious to refute the
axiom of the Pantheists : omnis determinatio est negatio.
According to him, determination and negation, far from being
identical, are as different as being and non-being. In propor-
tion as a being has more or less determinations, that is to say,
qualities or specific characteristics, the higher or the lower is
the rank it occupies in the scale of existences. For among
beings, which is the" being that is least real, least a being, if not
the one that is most indeterminate ? And which is the most real,
the most a being, the most perfect, if not the being that is most
determinate, or possesses the largest content ? In this sense
God is the only absolutely determinate being, the only
complete being.
Though so strongly opposed to pantheism, Saisset yet retains
some of its elements. Inspired by an idea of Malebranche's,
according to which the Infinite Being must have an infinite
reason for creating, and the Infinite must in some manner
show Himself in His work, Saisset accepts with Leibnitz the
eternity and the infinity of the world, not, however, in the sense
of an absolute eternity and infinity, which belong to God alone,
but in the sense of a series which has neither beginning nor
end in time and space. The finite can express the infinite only
by infinitely multiplying itself. The finite as finite does not
stand to the infinite in a rational relation, and has no intelli-
gible proportions to it. But the finite multiplied to infinity :
3-48 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
spaces beyond spaces, stars beyond stars, worlds beyond worlds,
that is a true expression of the infinite (5th Meditation).
Contemporary Attempts at a Philosophy of Eeligion.
We do not think it necessary to dwell on the work of
contemporary living philosophers. We need merely remark
that M. Jules Simon in his work, Eeligion naturelle (1860),
Caro in his Id6e de Dieu (1866), Eavaisson in his Rapport
sur la philosophic du dix-neuvieme siecle (1868), and finally
we ourselves in our Causes jinales (1876), have all, though
with shades of difference, upheld the fundamental idea of
Spiritualistic Theism, the idea, that is, of a Perfect Being,
who produces the world by an act of love and of freedom.
In a different school, MM. Vacherot and Eenan, the former in
his Mttaphysique et la science, the latter in his various Essais de
critique (religious or ethical) maintain that God is nothing but an
ideal in the human mind, an ideal which is gradually being
realized by the world in its indefinite progress. Hence the
formula, which Diderot had already employed: "Perhaps one day
God may be." We must add, however, that in his last work, Le
nouveau Spiritualisme, M. Vacherot appears to have got beyond
this theory, and while upholding the principle of immanence, to
come nearer to the theistic doctrine ; for he says that " God is at
once the creative and the final cause." Lastly, not to omit any
contemporary doctrines, we must mention that of M. Secretan of
Lauzanne, who chooses the doctrine of Descartes for his starting
point, and teaches that God is absolute freedom ; and that of
M. Eenouvier, who, following in the footsteps of Kant, repudiates
all metaphysical investigation of this matter, and re-establishes
the idea of religion on practical grounds.
Conclusion.
i
Such is the history of modern theodicy. We may now ask,
what is the future of this science ? Speaking generally, the
cause of theodicy is bound up in that of metaphysics. The
science of God is part of the science of Being. If we are not
to concern ourselves any more with causes and ends, we have
no occasion to seek for the ultimate cause or the ultimate end
of things. Eeligion may subsist as a supernatural fact ; it will
no longer have any place in science.
THE KELIGIOUS PROBLEM IN MODERN TIMES 349
But such a complete disappearance of metaphysics is
extremely improbable. Every time that metaphysics has been
attacked and apparently demolished, it has been found to rise
up once more out of its ashes. Greek scepticism was followed
by the school of Alexandria, the scepticism of the sixteenth
century by the vast dogmatic system of Descartes, Voltaire's
scepticism and the criticism of Kant by the great German
school of Idealism of this century. After the restrictions of
the positivists, we have seen grow out of that same school the
great synthetic system of Herbert Spencer, which has only the
outward semblance of positivism, and at bottom differs little
from the ambitious systems of Schelling and Spinoza. Those
who declare that the need for a metaphysic is no longer felt
speak for themselves, and do not perceive that there are still a
great many minds which are less resigned than ever to
ignorance concerning causes and ends.
As for what concerns theodicy proper, we may say that the
progress accomplished in our century consists in that the problem
of the nature of God has been more thoroughly sifted than ever
before, while the antithesis between theism and pantheism has
been for the first time clearly defined. The simplification of
the problem, the accurate estimate of the merits and defects in
both the personalist and impersonalist theories, has been the
task accomplished in our century. The divers individual con-
ceptions which have been brought forward, the theories of the
Ideal, of Evolution, of Absolute Freedom, are particular phases
of the great problem. A science cannot be said to have made
no progress when it has succeeded in formulating more
consciously than hitherto its fundamental problem.
Is it permissible to say that these two supreme forms of the
religious idea, pantheism and theism, may ultimately be
reconciled ? We would not venture to make such an assertion ;
and yet it seems to us that the most eminent upholders of
either doctrine in its highest form, are inclined to employ a
common language. Are not the divine omnipresence which is
accepted by all theists, the Cartesian and even the Scholastic
doctrine of a continuous creation, the concursus divinus of the
theologians, the physical premotion of St. Thomas Aquinas
and Bossuet, Malebranche's vision in God — are not, I say, all
these theories great concessions in the direction of a certain
350 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
divine immanence? And does not St. Paul say: in Deo vivimus,
movemur et sumus? and St. John iravra OLTT' avrov, <$ta avrov /ecu
e£ avrou ? What more could be desired by such pantheists as
are not atheists ? And the pantheists themselves, do they in
their turn identify absolutely and without reservation the two
principles, God and the world ? Does not Spinoza make a
distinction between a natura naturans and a natura naturata?
Does not Schilling's theory of a fall place between the finite and
the infinite a chasm even greater than that made by the theory of
creation ? Is not pantheism brought even nearer to spiritualism
when Hegel mentions his own saying that God is spirit as the
chief progress made by Philosophy, and as the feature which
distinguishes him from Spinoza ; and does not Herbert Spencer
also say that the power which manifests itself outside conscious-
ness is the same as the power which manifests itself in
consciousness ?
It is then not impossible to conceive that, leaving aside the
question of the mode of manifestation, that is to say the origin
of the world, there might be brought about between the two
doctrines a harmony which would consist in that, on the one
hand, it would be acknowledged that the highest conceivable
form of the supreme principle is the spiritual form, while, on
the other hand, the whole of nature is animated and penetrated
by this principle, and that without it and beyond it nothing
exists. When examined closely and more accurately defined,
these doctrines would still be found to be at variance ; but the
limits of the field of discussion would be marked out and
drawn closer, which is the only progress (and it is a real
progress) that can be expected in Philosophy as well as in the
other sciences ; for not one of them has ever yet said the last
word on any of the problems with which it is concerned.
CHAPTER III
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTUKE LIFE
ON the subject of a future life, the beliefs of the ancient
Greeks were extremely vague. It is true that Homer depicts
a kingdom of shades wherein dwell the souls of men after
death. But he describes this kingdom as dark and gloomy :
" I should rather," says Achilles, " till the ground under a
master than rule over the dead."
Pindar's conception of immortality was more definite and
more spiritual : " In the kingdom below the earth there is a
judge who pronounces an irrevocable sentence on the guilty.
For the just, on the other hand, a pleasant life is brightened
by the light of the sun, and those who have faithfully kept
their vows spend a peaceful existence, free from fear "
(Jules Girard, Le Sentiment religieiLX chez les Grecs, p. 528).
The first among sages or philosophers to whom this doctrine
is ascribed is Pherecydes, who is supposed to have been the
master of Pythagoras, " Pherecydes Syrius primus dixit animas
hominum esse sempiternas" (Cic. Tusc. I, 16); and the
Pythagorean school followed his teaching in this. In the
other early schools of Greece, the confusion between the
individual and the universal soul, between mind and matter,
was too great for the question to arise whether the soul had
not a separate destiny. In Heraclitus, however, we find some
vague and obscure utterances which touch on this problem :
" The gods," he said, " are immortal men ; men are mortal
gods ; our life is the death of the gods ; our death is their
life" (Frag. 60). Elsewhere he says: "Death reserves for souls
that which they neither hope for nor believe in" (Frag, 69).
352 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
He promises to those who die a glorious death that they will
be rewarded (Frag. 120). Thus he appears to have held that
those souls which have deserved it return as spirits to a purer
life.
It is, however, beyond doubt that the Pythagoreans
expressly taught the doctrine of a future life, and in particular
that of the transmigration of souls, or metempsychosis.
The soul is shrouded in the body for its faults in the past,
8ia Tiva<? Tiju-wpias fj ~*\rw)(ri TCD crw/xart <rvve(evKTai (Boeck, Frag.).
The soul, when separated from the body, lives an incorporeal
life if it has been found worthy, otherwise the punishment
of Tartarus awaits it (Philol. apud Claudien, De Statu
animae, II, 7).
The Pythagoreans taught, besides, that the soul is destined
to make divers peregrinations through the bodies of men and
animals. This they call TraXXfyej/eor/a (Servius, Eneid, III, 68).
They place the dwelling of the dead under the earth.
For the rest, this metempsychosis appears to have been,
not a philosophical doctrine, but one of the traditions of the
Orphic mysteries (see J. Girard, Le Sentiment reliyieux chez
les Grecs).
Socrates.
We find no text that would positively authorize us to
attribute to Socrates a philosophical doctrine of the im-
mortality of the soul. There is not a word on the subject
in Xenophon's Memorabilia ; still, there are many evidences
which seem to justify, at least indirectly, the hypothesis that
Socrates believed in a future life, a belief, moreover, which
would be most naturally implied in his ethical and religious
doctrines. There is the speech of the dying Cyrus in the
Cyropaedia (VIII, vii), and again the Phaedo. Where could
Xenophon have learnt the doctrine which he puts in the
mouth of Cyrus if not in the school of Socrates ?
" For ray part," says the prince, " I have never been persuaded that
the soul lives only as long as it is in a mortal body, and dies when it is
separated from this body ; for I see that it is the soul which keeps
mortal bodies alive as long as it remains in them." . . . " Reflect, too," he
continues, " that nothing more closely resembles the death of man than
sleep ; but it is in sleep that the soul of man appears most divine. ... If
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 353
therefore these things are as I think, and the soul leaves the body, do
what I request of you from regard to my soul " (Cyropaedia, Bk. VIII.
ch. vii).
These assertions contain, it is true, an element of doubt, but
it was always so with ancient writers. It is the same in the
Phaedo, where the future life is described as a glorious
possibility. And yet the whole dialogue is devoted to proofs
of the immortality of the soul. Without ascribing these subtle
arguments to Socrates himself, may we not suppose that Plato
would not have selected Socrates as the defender of immor-
tality if it were established that he did not believe in it ?
And does it not seem even probable that this last day of
Socrates, given up to a discussion on the destiny of the soul,
was an historical event, and that Socrates did really so occupy
his last moments ?
Plato : the Arguments in the Phaedo ; The Doctrines of Pre-
Existence and of Metempsychosis.
If it may be assumed that, in substance, the doctrine set
forth in the Phaedo belongs to Socrates, it is, on the other
hand, most probable that the arguments given in favour of this
doctrine are not his, but were invented by Plato himself. For,
with Plato, the question of the soul's immortality was part of
his philosophy, and is treated in a scientific manner.
The following are the principal proofs given by Plato : 1.
Proof from the Nature of Virtue. The soul is made for virtue.
But virtue consists in the endeavour to free oneself from the
passions of the body, and is a preliminary severance of soul
from body. The destiny of the soul is, therefore, to live
separate from the body (Phaedo, 60 et seq.). 2. Proof from
Knowledge : Knowledge is the pure essence of thought applied
to the pure essence of each thing in itself. Therefore the
nature of the soul is purely spiritual. The true philosopher is
always pursuing death, and our life should only be the practice
of dying (Phaedo, 67). 3. Proof from the generation of opposites :
Life and death unceasingly alternate and succeed one another.
If death comes after life, it follows that life comes after death ;
an argument which, as has been observed, is only valid if two
things are assumed : that the number of souls is limited and
that this number is always the same, for otherwise all things
n. z
354 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
would end by dying (Phaedo, 72 ; Ludovic Carrau, Sur les
Preuves de V immortality de I'dme dans le Phddori). 4. Proof
from Reminiscence : To learn is but to remember ; hence our
present life implies a former life, and may therefore survive the
present one (Phaedo, 70, 71). 5. Proof from the Nature of Truth:
Truth dwells in our hearts, but truth is eternal ; therefore our
soul must also be eternal (Meno, 86 &). Moreover, the soul is
more in harmony with what is divine than with earthly
things. When the soul in herself beholds things in them-
selves " she is drawn of herself to what is pure, and eternal,
and immortal, and being of the same nature cleaves there-
unto " (Phaedo, 37). Thus the soul resembles what is divine,
simple, and indissoluble, and possesses consequently the same
qualities (Ibid. 80 b). 6. Proof from the Activity of the Soul :
The soul, say those who deny her immortality, is like the
harmony of the lyre, and disappears when the lyre is broken.
No, says Socrates, the soul is not a harmony or a result, for
the lyre precedes the harmony, while the body, on the contrary,
comes after the soul. There must be a lyre before there can
be a harmony, whereas there must be a soul before there can be
a living body (Ibid. 86 a). Again, a harmony has no essence of
its own, whereas the soul has an existence apart (Ibid. 93). If
the soul is a harmony, what is virtue ? The harmony of har-
mony. And what is vice ? A harmony without harmony : two
contradictory formulae. Finally, a harmony is only the result
of the elements of which it is the harmony. The soul, on the
contrary, commands the body, moves it by her will, and can even
destroy it when she wishes (Ibid. 78). 7. Proof from the Essence
of the Soul: The essence of the soul is life. Wherever the soul
is, there also is life. Are not all things what they are through
their relation to their Ideas ? The Idea of the soul is life ;
therefore it is essentially a living thing. 8. Proof from Motion :
Plato borrows this proof from the Pythagoreans (Alcmaeon of
Crotona). The soul is that which moves itself. It can,
therefore, not be deprived of motion, which is its essence.
This argument applies, however, to the soul of the world rather
than to the individual soul. 9. Proof from the Existence of
Evil : Evil is that which destroys ; vice, which is the evil of
the soul, can nevertheless not destroy her : therefore the soul
is indestructible (Rep. X, 608 d). 10. Proof from the Moral
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 355
Sanction. In the Gorgias, the Timaeus, the Phaedrus and the
Republic, usually in a mythical form, and sometimes also as a
philosophical theory, Plato always teaches that souls which
are pure are destined to participate in the Ideas, and to
enjoy with Jupiter an immortal life, and that the corrupt
souls descend once more into mortal bodies, either of
men or of animals. It may be that this doctrine of metem-
psychosis, which was borrowed from the Pythagoreans,
was to Plato merely a myth ; but what certainly was not a
myth was his theory of a moral sanction, of the final harmony
of virtue and happiness, of the punishment of sin by a fall ;
and one may conjecture, like M. Fouillee, that, according to
Plato, evil will in the end be conquered by good.
To sum up: Plato taught not only the immortality of the soul,
but its eternity. The soul existed before the body as it will
survive it, and it would seem that it could neither have a
beginning nor an end. It is true that when Plato speaks of
eternity, he alludes to the soul of the world rather than to the
soul of man. But the human soul participates in the nature of
the world-soul and has the same quality of perpetuity.
Let us now see what kind of immortality Plato attributes to
the soul, or rather to what kind of soul he attributes immor-
tality. For there are two kinds of soul, a mortal and an
immortal soul : a'AAo et$o9 ^w^ris TO OvyTov (Timaeus, 69 c) ;
ra yuev ovv Trepi ^w^ys oarov QvrjTOV ej^ei KOI oarov Oeiov.
This mortal soul is the source of violent affections : of
pleasure and pain, of courage and fear, and it has its seat in
the breast. The immortal soul is the rational soul, TO
SiavorjriKov, which dwells in the head. Thus it is only the
highest parts of man that continue to exist. It would no
doubt be an exaggeration to say that Plato has in view merely
an impersonal immortality ; for what then could become of his
doctrine of the moral sanction ? But, as Zeller observes, it
cannot be denied that Plato did not take much pains to make
the different parts of his doctrine harmonize with one another.
The Future Life in Aristotle : the "^"X^ anc^ ^he Noy? ;
Impersonal Immortality.
One of the questions in the history of Philosophy that has
given rise to most discussion is Aristotle's theory of the immor-
356 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
tality of the soul. In the 16th century, there even arose out
of the subject of the interpretation of the Peripatetic doctrine
on this point, two opposite schools : the Alexandrians and the
Averroists. The former denied altogether that Aristotle taught
a doctrine of immortality, while the latter declared that he
did. We shall confine ourselves to the citation of certain
passages which have an obvious significance.
We know that in Aristotle the soul is the form of the body.
From this definition alone, it would seem to follow clearly that
when the body disappears and is dissolved the form of the
body must disappear also ; but the question is not as simple
as this : for, above the soul, the entelechy of the body,
Aristotle places another kind of soul, ^svxfjs yevos eTepov (De
Anima, II, 2, 413 I, 26), which is the Now, thought, pure
intelligence, the principle by which we think, & Siavoeirai KOI
vTro\a[ji.(3avei (III, 4, 429 a, 32). This Nou? is a true sub-
stance, ova-la Tt? (I, 4, 408 b, 19). It comes to us from without,
through the door, OvpaOev (De Gener. Anim. I, 3, 736 &, 28), is
pure and impassible, cnraQ^ KOI a/miyw (III, 5, 430 a, 19),
does not mix with the body, ov§e yue/xt^Oat TU> crw/iart (III, 4,
429 a, 24), and is the part of the soul that is not the object of
physics (De Partibm Anim.). It is the most divine part of
man : TOV BeioTaTov TO voelv KOI (bpoveiv (De Part. Anim.
IV, 10) ; it is through it that man participates in divinity :
lj.6vov fj.€T€^€i TOV Oelov (II, 10, 656 a, 7).
" But a life which realized this life would be something more than
human ; for it would not be the expression of man's nature, but of some-
thing divine in that nature — the exercise of which is as far superior to
the exercise of the other kind of virtue (i.e. practical or moral virtue) as
this divine element is superior to our compound human nature. . . .
Nevertheless, instead of listening to those who advise us as men and
mortals not to lift our thoughts above what is human and mortal, we
ought rather, as far as possible, to put off our mortality and make every
effort to live in the exercise of the highest of our faculties ; for though it
be but a small part of us, yet in power and value it far surpasses all the
rest. And, indeed, this part would ever seem to constitute our true self
(So£ae 8' av etvai eKaoros TOVTO), since it is the sovereign and the better
part" (Nic. Ethics, X, 7).
Such are the characteristics of the Noy?, or at least of the
Noi/t TToirjTiKW, the active intellect, which Aristotle opposes to
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 357
the Noy? TraOtjTiKos or passive intellect (see Vol. I, Ch. IV,
Problem of Reason).
There is, therefore, no doubt that Aristotle attributes the
quality of immortality to the Nou? TTOUITIKOS. It is a substance,
he says, which was not made to perish, eoixev eyyevea-Tai ov<Tia
r<? ova-a KOI ov (pOetpea-Oai (De Anim. I, 4, 408 b, 19). It is the
only element of our being that can exist apart : TOVTO /J.QVOV
evSe-^erai -^dopicrTov elvai (II, 2, 403 b, 26). This principle alone
stands apart and is divine, not indeed in so far as it is subject
to time, that is to say, in so far as it now thinks and now
does not think, but when it is separate, then it is itself
immortal and eternal : ^(lOpKrOei^ §' €<TTI /novov TOV oirep ecrrt,
KOI TOVTO JJ.QVOV ctOdvaTOv KCU ai'Siov (III, 5, 430 a, 22). Thus,
it is not the whole soul that is separable, but only mind or
reason (/a;? Traa-a ^sw^t?, aXXa Noy?).
In contradiction to these apparently decisive passages in
favour of the theory of immortality, Zeller (III, p. 462, 2nd ed.)
points out, in the first place, what we have already observed,
namely, that the soul, being defined as the form of the body
must disappear with the body ; and he further cites certain
passages in which it is peremptorily asserted that the soul
perishes with the body, and with the soul all the characteristics
of personality and individuality. As the entelechy of the
body the soul cannot be without a body. No doubt the soul
is not a body, but it is something of the body, arw/ma /JLCV yap OVK
ea-Tt, crto/xaro? §e TI (II, 2, 414 a, 12). The soul is to the body
what vision is to the organ of vision ; and, just as the eye
consists of vision and its pupil (Koptj), so an animal consists of
soul and body (413 a, 12). A soul must necessarily be in a
body, and each particular kind of soul in a particular kind of
body, /ecu ev TU> cra>fjLa.Ti TOLOVTU).
Thus it is not possible, as the Pythagoreans imagined, that
any soul might fall into any body (407 b, 22). It is as
impossible for the sensitive and nutritive soul to exist without
a body as that one could walk without feet (De Gener. Anim.
Ill, 376 a, 31). Even thought itself requires images : 6'rav
Occupy avayKrj dfj.a d)aj/Tacr/ixaTf Oecapeiv (De Anim. 432 a, 3) ;
ov§€7roT€ voei aveu (pavTav /xaro? (431 a, 17; De Sensu, I, 449 b, 31).
There is therefore no doubt as to the impossibility of the
soul's surviving the body ; and this is true, not only of the lower
358 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
faculties such as sensation and nutrition, but also of the vov?
TraOtjTiKos, for that also is perishable and can think nothing
without the inferior faculties : o Tra6r]TiKos vov$ (fiOapros, KCU
avev Tovrtav ovOev voel (De Anim. Ill, 5). Now it is in these
that the principle of individuality lies. Reason, love, hate are
not operations of the active intellect (Stavoeca-Oai, KCU cfiiXetv, KOI
fjucreiv OVK ecm eiceivov iraQrj), but of the composite which
receives it, in so far as it does receive it (aXXa rovSe TOV
e^oi'To? eKeivo $ cKetvo e^et). It is for this reason that when
the composite being has perished, the mind ceases to love and to
remember, for these attributes are not its own, but those of the
composite being which has perished (De Anim. Ill, 5). Lastly,
individuality has its origin in the matter and not in the form,
eTepov $e Sia TTJV vXrjv, for all beings are the same in their
essence, essence being indivisible, ravro Se rw eiSet, aro/jiov
yap TO ei§o$.
The inference from this double series of seemingly contra-
dictory passages may seem to be self-evident. It cannot be
denied that Aristotle accepted a kind of immortality, but it was
an immortality without memory, or feeling, or the faculty of
reasoning, and, consequently, without individuality. What
persists is the pure intelligence, which is the same in all men.
There are some who even go so far as to say that this pure
intelligence is not even a part of man, but is God Himself,
Who manifests Himself to man, and Who, when man perishes,
withdraws Himself and returns to Himself ; so that the immor-
tality of the soul would merely be the eternity of God.
But these are extreme interpretations, which take us far be-
yond the sense of the text. For the Now is really a human
faculty and a part of the soul, or rather another soul, one
which no doubt participates in the Divine but is none the
less a part of our human nature. For Aristotle urges
man to give himself up to the contemplative life, and to
make himself immortal as far as it is possible. He even
says that this Now is each one of us (e/rao-TO? rovro).
It must therefore be the source and origin of personality, so
that it may be questioned whether .Aristotle does altogether
deny personal immortality. That parts of the soul perish with
the body is admitted ill every doctrine and by all the up-
holders of immortality : no one would maintain that our souls
THE PEOBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 359
continue to feel heat and cold, that they still have passions,
hatred, etc. It may even be supposed that the soul loses
discursive reason, TO SiavoeiirOai, inasmuch as it is con-
nected with imagination, with the senses, with speech.
But it does not follow that our intelligence loses con-
sciousness of itself, and that consequently it is absolutely
absorbed in God. Aristotle never speaks of absorption in God ;
and if by immortality of the soul he had understood only the
eternity of the Divine, he would have said so. We have seen
that on Plato's theory, as well as on that of Aristotle, there
was an immortal and a mortal soul. That the former ascribes
a larger part to personality cannot be denied ; but in every
philosophy, the question as to how much of the individual
exists after that great change which we call death, will always
be a difficulty.
The Epicureans: Lucretius; Arguments against the Immor-
tality of the Soul.
Among ancient philosophers, it is in the Epicurean school
that we find the most complete negation of immortality. On
this subject, Lucretius advances elaborate arguments, to which
modern materialism has added nothing (De Natura rerum,
III). We see, he says, the soul come to life with the body,
grow with the body, die with it. In old age, judgment falters,
speech and thought both wander. In bodily sickness, the
mind does not follow its usual course. The soul itself may 'be
diseased and may be cured by medical art. How can this
mind, this slave of the body, continue to exist once it is
separated from the body ? Being part of the man, the mind
must be in him as are his organs, which, separated from the
body, are a prey to corruption and death. Without a body the
soul is not able to accomplish any single one of the functions
of life. How could it continue to feel without its five
senses ? If the body is cut in two, the soul will be also
divided, and a thing that is divisible cannot claim to be eternal.
Lucretius attacks the theories of pre-existence and survival,
two conceptions which were bound together in Plato's Philo-
sophy.
" If the soul is incorruptible, why should we not be able to recall the
memory of our previous existences ? . . . The soul must then continue to
360 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
live apart like the bird in its cage. ... If the soul went from one body
to another, as in the doctrine of metempsychosis, the habits of different
animals would become mixed. . . . How does the soul change its habits
and its character ? Why is it that from being wise it has become
foolish ? Why is not the child born prudent and wise ? How can it be
thought that at the moment of sexual union there are millions of
immortal souls ready to enter into mortal bodies ? It is madness. What
could be more disparate than these two substances whose very essences
are contradictory, and which are the slaves one of the other ?"
Lucretius concludes this polemic by declaring that death
need not affect us in any way, because we have found that the
soul is by nature mortal. We wonder at this conclusion,
for it is just this mortality that men dread ; but Lucretius
desires us to understand that we have nothing to fear from
another life, and that we must throw off these superstitious
terrors (see Martha, Le poeme de Lucrece).
The Stoics.
The theories of the Stoics regarding immortality were vague
and uncertain. The materialism of their physics did not favour
this belief, and yet they were not altogether opposed to it.
With the later Stoics, according as the religious character of
their school became more accentuated, we see their teaching
incline more and more in this direction.
" The soul," said Zeno, " is a body and continues to exist
after death." 0-<w/ia eti/ai KO.I juera TOV QO.VO.TOV e7ri/j.eveiv
(Diog. Laert. Zeno, 84). " Nevertheless the soul is by nature
perishable (-^Oap-njv) ; the universal soul, of which individual
souls are only parts, is alone imperishable." Cicero says that
the Stoics accepted the persistence, but not the permanent
existence of the soul. They allow that the soul exists a long
time like the raven, but are against its eternity (Cic. Tusc. I,
31, 32).
In general they held that souls survive until the end of the
world, that is to say until the universal conflagration. There
was, however, some dissension in the school. Cleanthes said
that all men persist, while Chrysippus held that only the souls
of the wise endure (D.L. Zeno, 84). The only Stoic who is
cited as having firmly denied the immortality of the soul
is Panaetius, and Cicero tells us he denied it for two reasons :
the first being, that the resemblance between parents and
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 361
children proves that the soul is engendered ; and the second,
that everything that suffers, everything that is liable to illness,
is mortal, and that souls are liable to suffer and to be sick
(Tusculans, I, LXXII).
In the writings of the Eoman Stoics, and especially in
Seneca, the doctrine of immortality assumes a religious
character and a tone which resembles that of Christianity.
But it was not, however, untouched by doubt. In one of his
letters to Lucilius (102) Seneca appears to regard this belief as
a pleasing dream, out of which he would be sorry to be
awakened. Ddbam mei spei tantae . . . quum subito experrectus
sum et tarn bellum somnium perditi.
But in spite of this alternate wavering between the for and
the against, there are in Seneca's writings utterances which
are exactly like those of Christian authors.
" Consider without fear that decisive hour which will be the last for the
body but not for the soul. . . . That day which you regard as the last of
your days is the day of your birth for eteruity (aeterni natalis est). When
that day will come which is to separate this mixture of divinity and
humanity, I shall leave this body where I found it and return unto the
gods "(102).
In his Consolatio ad Marciam he writes to a mother who has lost her
son : " It is merely the outward semblance of your son that has perished —
his likeness, and that not a very good one. He himself is immortal and
is now in a far better state, set free from the burden of all that was not
his own and left simply by himself." " Death," he says elsewhere (ch. 36),
" interrupts our life but does not destroy it. A day will come which will
bring us once more out into the light. That which seems to perish
merely changes. Bear then thy going away with resignation, since it is
to be followed by a return."
Epictetus is more uncertain. At times he speaks like
Seneca. " And are we not in a manner kinsmen of God, and
did we not come from Him ? Permit us to depart to the place
from which we came : permit us to be released at last from
these fetters by which we are bound and weighed down." But
elsewhere he says, " Go whither ? To nothing terrible, but to
the place from which you came, to your friends and kinsmen,
to the elements ; what there was in you of fire goes to fire ; of
earth, to earth ; of air (spirit), to air ; of water, to water." He
makes no exception in favour of the soul. And again, " Shall I
then no longer exist ? You will not exist, but you will be
362 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
something else of which the world now has need ; for you also
came into existence not when you chose, but when the world
had need of you."
We find a similar uncertainty and vagueness of language in
Marcus Aurelius.
" You embark, you make life's voyage, you come to port : step out. If
for another life, there are gods everywhere, there as here. If out of all
sensation, then pains and pleasures will solicit you no more" (III, 3).
" Just as on earth, after a certain term of survival, change and dissolution
of substance make room for other dead bodies, so too the souls trans-
mitted into air, after a period of survival, change by processes of diffusion
and of ignition, and are resumed into the seminal principle of the
universe" (II, 21). "I consist of two elements, the causal and the
material ; neither of which can perish or cease to exist any more than
they came into being from previous non-existence. It follows, then, that
every part of me will be co-ordinated by change into some other part of
the world-order, and that again into some new part, and so on ad
infinitum" (V, 13).
Lastly, as has been remarked (Courdaveaux, De Immortalitate
apud Stoicos, p. 30), Marcus Aurelius uses against the immor-
tality of the soul an argument which is generally used in support
of it.
" How is it that the gods, who ordered all things well and lovingly,
overlooked this one thing : that some men, elect in virtue, having kept
close covenant with the divine and enjoyed intimate communion there-
with by holy acts and sacred ministries, should not, when once dead,
renew their being, but be utterly extinguished ? If it indeed be so, be
sure, had it been better otherwise, the gods would have had it so. Were
it right, it would be likewise possible ; were it according to nature, nature
would have brought it to pass. From its not being so, if as a fact it is
not so, be assured it ought so to be. Do you not see that in hazarding
such questions you arraign the Justice of God ? " (XII, 4).
The moral theories of the Stoics would indeed have
impelled them rather to deny the ethical proof of immor-
tality. For if it be affirmed that virtue is the only good and
vice the only evil, it follows that virtue is identical with
happiness, that the wise man is necessarily happy, and that he
requires no other reward besides virtue itself, and that evil
requires no other punishment besides itself. As Kant said,
the relation between happiness and virtue is in this doctrine
an analytic judgment ; in other words, one is contained in the
THE PEOBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 363
other. It were therefore useless to add one to the other by a
supernatural act in a life to come. Thus it was from their
principle of the absolute disinterestedness of virtue that the
Stoics deduced the superfluity of a future life. The immor-
tality occasionally referred to in their writings is a physical,
not a spiritual immortality.
The Alexandrians.
It is hardly necessary to say that in the system of the
Alexandrians the greatest prominence is given to the doctrine
of immortality. Plotinus (JZnneads, IV, c. vii, Trepl 'A.0ava<rias
\|/-in£»79) adopts all Plato's arguments and also fully accepts the
doctrine of metempsychosis. Each soul goes where it has
deserved to go in life. Those which have not been able to
free themselves from the body return to human bodies, and
some which have become animal fall once more into the bodies
of animals. Some of the best are allowed to choose themselves
their new bodies, others again rise above the heavens and are
changed into stars, and look down on the world from above
(III, iv, 2, 5). The purest souls, lastly, are merged into God
(III, iv, 6). Punishment takes the form of a kind of retalia-
tion. Unjust masters are born again as slaves ; the rich who
have been wicked live again as poor men ; he who has killed
another becomes a man destined to be slain ; a son who has
killed his mother becomes a mother who is killed by her
son (III, ii, 13).
But how is it that the soul which is free from all stain can
fall into sin ? Plotinus replies that it is not the soul that sins,
but the man who is made up of soul and body, and consequently
it is the compound that is the sinner, and it alone is punished:
Trda"%ei Stj Kara TO o\ov, Koii a/maprdvei TO cruvOeTov KOI TOUTO
€<TTl TO SlSoVV §lKr]V, OVK €KflVO (I, i, 12).
Christianity.
With the introduction of Christianity, the doctrine of the
immortality of the soul received a new and marvellous
impulse. What in the ancient religion had been merely a
confused superstition, and with ancient Philosophers a vague
hope or a doubtful opinion, became in Christianity a fixed,
complete, and organized dogma, an ardent conviction which
364 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
made many martyrs. The great, in fact the only, concern of
the Christians was the salvation of the soul. It was no longer
a question of immortality, but of eternity. The doctrine became
essentially a moral one, which no longer rested on abstract and
metaphysical principles, but on the principle of merit and
demerit. The punishment is as terrible as the reward is magni-
ficent : heaven or hell, eternal reward or eternal suffering —
such are the alternatives to be faced by Christian souls. Every-
thing is to be transfigured: the flesh itself is to share in this
spiritual apotheosis, and in the final consummation of things
each soul is to reassume its body risen again and renewed.
The Catholic Church, knowing well the human heart, and
always ready to soften a dogma in order to render it more
accessible to reason and to sentiment, teaches that there is an
intermediate state between heaven and hell for those who
are neither quite good nor quite wicked. This is Purgatory,
which Protestantism, more rigid and uncompromising, rejected
as a weakening of the Divine Justice. On another very
important point the two Churches were in disagreement :
Catholics, while admitting the action of grace, affirmed the
merit of good works. In the Protestant and especially in the
Calvinist teaching, a kind of predestination made good works
subordinate to faith and left the choice of the elect and of the
damned entirely to God's free Will. But we are not concerned
with the history of theological dogmas ; this brief summary of
the principal points suffices to make the subject clear.
Descartes.
Descartes does not expressly give any theory on this
subject. In one of his letters he says, as has been supposed,
ironically, " As for the future state of our souls I must refer
you to M. Digby." Nevertheless, in the very title of his
Meditations he implied that he intended to treat of this
subject, for he calls it " Meditations on God and on the Immor-
tality of our Souls." This might appear to be merely a
misprint for immateriality. But it is more likely that
Descartes thought that while he gave the most logical proof
yet discovered of the spirituality of the soul, he at the
same time proved its immortality. It would even seem that,
in the eyes of certain theologians, he proved too much ; for
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 365
one of the objections Arnauld made against him was that he
inclined to the error of the Platonists, who represented the
soul as a pure spirit.
One of Descartes' disciples, Regius (Leroy), having fastened
upon the proposition, that man is not a single being, in other
words, that each of the two substances is complete in itself,
and that, consequently, their union is accidental and not
essential, Descartes reproves him with some warmth for his
imprudence ; although such a theory would appear to be
much more favourable to the dogma of immortality than the
Peripatetic doctrine of the soul as the entelechy of the body.
Descartes also endeavoured to dispose of one of the gravest
objections that had been brought forward against the immor-
tality of the human soul, the objection, that is, that animals
have souls, and that if souls are spiritual theirs also must be
immortal. Descartes got rid of this difficulty by absolutely
denying that animals have souls, and by asserting that all
their actions are automatic. Thus we see that Descartes,
without holding, properly speaking, any particular theory of
a future life, yet did as much, and indeed more than any other
modern philosopher, towards providing this belief with a
philosophical and metaphysical basis.
Leibnitz : Doctrine of Metamorphosis.
The establishment of a theory of immortality, which Des-
cartes had omitted in his system, was attempted in turn by
two great philosophers of the 17th century : Leibnitz and
Spinoza. The former was mainly concerned with the
principle of individuality, the latter with the unity of sub-
stance. One constructed the most ingenious hypothesis
bearing on individual immortality, while the other was the
originator of the most powerful conception of impersonal
immortality.
According to Leibnitz " each living body has a dominant
entelechy (the monad), which in the animal is the soul ; but
the members of this living body are full of other living beings,
plants or animals, each of which has also its dominant entelechy
or soul " (Monadology, § 70).
Thus, according to Leibnitz, each animal is made up of
animals, and the soul is the chief monad, of which the body is
366 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
the envelope. The body is as necessary to the soul as the soul
is to the body. Not that the soul needs to be always accom-
panied by the same matter (71). But the soul only changes
its body by continuous degrees. There are no entirely separated
souls, and even death does not interrupt this union and this
process of change. This is the doctrine not of metempsychosis
but of metamorphosis (72). " Something like this is indeed
seen apart from birth, as when grubs become flies and
caterpillars become butterflies " (74). " It also follows from
this that there never is absolute birth nor complete death in
the strict sense, consisting in the separation of the soul from
the body. What we call births are developments and
growths, while what we call death is an involution and a
lessening " (73).
Thus Leibnitz does not accept the theory of spontaneous
generation. He thinks that insects and animals are not born
of putrid matter, but that every animal came out of certain
germs or seeds, in which there was already a certain organiza-
tion (74). But for the same reason that there is no absolute
generation, there is also strictly speaking no such thing as
destruction or death (76). He points out the advantages of
this doctrine thus : " For the difference between one state of the
soul and another (between life and death) never is and never has
been anything but a difference between the more and the less
conscious or sensible, the more and the less perfect, or vice
versa ; and thus the past or the future state of the soul is as
explicable as its present state. The slightest reflexion makes
it sufficiently evident that this is in accordance with reason,
and that a leap from one state to another infinitely different
state could not be natural " (New Essays, Introd.).
This theory, it will be noticed, involves, like that of Plato,
the pre-existence of souls as well as their survival. The sensi-
tive soul has existed since the beginning of things (Theodicy,
397), but it rose to the higher stage of reason when the man to
whom this soul was to belong was conceived, and when an
organized body was so determined as to form the human
body (Ibid.). He does not deny the marvellous work of God :
" still," says he, " I should prefer not to regard the generation
of man as a miracle. For it may be explained by conceiving
that in this great number of souls of animals, only those
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 367
souls which are destined to attain some day to the human
form contain the reason which will some day appear therein."
From this pre-existence of souls it is easy to infer their sur-
vival.
As for the manner of the survival, Leibnitz does not explain
how it will take place, unless it be in other planets or in a
world entirely different from our own. The human soul is a
monad, which is not only like all the other monads, " a mirror
of the universe, of created beings, but also an image of the
Deity " (Principles of Nature and of Grace, § 14). " It is for
this reason that all spirits . . . enter into a kind of
fellowship with God, are members of the City of God, that is
to say of the most perfect state, instituted and governed by
the greatest and best of monarchs " (Ibid. § 15).
" It is true that our happiness (by whatever beatific vision or know-
ledge of God it may be accompanied) can never be complete, because God,
being infinite, cannot be entirely known. Thus our happiness will never
consist (and it is right that it should not consist) in complete enjoyment,
which would leave nothing more to be desired, and would make our mind
stupid ; but it must consist in a perpetual progress to new pleasures and
new perfections" (Ibid. § 18).
We see that Leibnitz introduces into the question of
immortality an entirely new element, namely, the principle
of progress. He applies to the other world, which in his
opinion does not differ essentially from the present world, his
well-known formula : " The present is big with the future, and
the future may be read in the past." Leibnitz believed that
infinity is everywhere in the universe, and consequently in
each Monad ; but the Monad being finite requires an infinite
time for its development.
Spinoza ; Adequate Ideas ; The Idea and the Love of God ;
Impersonal Immortality.
According to Spinoza, " the soul is the idea of the human
body " (II, xiii), and has duration that can be determined in time
only in so far as it expresses the actual existence of the body.
We can therefore ascribe duration to the soul only so long as
the body exists (II, viii). Moreover, "the soul can imagine
nothing nor can it recollect anything that is past, except while
the body continues to exist " (V, xxi).
368 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
From these two propositions, it would seem to follow that
the soul ceases to exist at the same time as the body. But if we
look at things from another point of view, this conclusion must
be modified. If the soul is the idea of the body, and in that
sense joined to the body, there exists, on the other hand, in
God an idea which expresses the essence of this or that human
body under the form of eternity (V, xxii). Now this idea
relates to the essence of the soul (II, xiii). This some-
thing, which pertains to the essence of the soul and is
conceived by God under the form of eternity, is therefore
necessarily eternal (V, xxiii). We feel, we know by experience
that we are eternal, sentimus experimurgue nos aeternos esse
(Ibid. note).
It will be noticed that Spinoza speaks not of immortality,
but of eternity. We are eternal not only after death, but in
life. There is a part of the soul that is eternal, the part that
consists in reason, in demonstrative cognition. This doctrine
bears a strong resemblance to that of Aristotle ; like -Aristotle,
Spinoza allows memory, and all that belongs to our sensible
nature and to our affections and passions to disappear. But he
maintains the persistence of reason, not only inasmuch as it
has an adequate knowledge of God, but also inasmuch as it has
an adequate knowledge of the essence of this or that body ;
and as the idea of the body, that is to say the soul, is always
accompanied by the idea of that idea, or consciousness, we may
infer that Spinoza holds the persistence of consciousness in the
pure intellect, and that not only in the case of the universal
and impersonal ideas, but as regards the idea of this or that
human body in its relation to the essence of God. This kind
of immortality is, one might think, not very desirable, since
it appears to be altogether speculative ; but when we consider
that for Spinoza reason was inseparable from love (V, xxxii),
that the intellectual love of God is eternal (V, xxxiii), and that
the more the mind conceives the less it fears death ; " that the
mind is the more perfect, and has a greater part in eternity in
proportion as the body is more perfect and has more functions,
that is to say, is the more fitted for many things, and the more
consciousness the mind thereby has of itself, of God, and of
objects " ; if we bear in mind all these developments of his
doctrine, Spinoza's theory of immortality will be seen to be not
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 369
so very far removed from the idea of the beatific vision, and,
except for the question of memory (which has been a difficulty
in every doctrine), to be not wanting in grandeur. His theory
is dominated by the idea of impersonality, as that of Leibnitz
is dominated by the idea of individuality. And these are
the two aspects of the problem of immortality (see the thesis
of M. Alexis Bertrand, De Immortalitate pantheistica).
Philosophy of the 18th Century. Charles Bonnet: Doctrine
of Palingenesia. J. J. Rousseau. Kant : The Postulates of
Practical Reason.
If we except the materialists, who merely revived the
arguments of Lucretius, it may be said that the 18th
century only produced (that is, before Kant who has a
place apart) two philosophers whose theories concerning the
immortality of the soul are of any importance : these were
Charles Bonnet of Geneva, and J. J. Eousseau. The former, a
disciple of Leibnitz, developed and added force to the theory of
metamorphosis, which he calls Palingenesia, by making it rest
on Natural History ; the latter defended spiritualism and
deism in an atheistical society, and expanded with greater
eloquence and ardour the moral argument in favour of
immortality — the argument, that is, which is based on the
justice of God. But as we may here deal only with such
doctrines as were really original, we pass on at once to the
Philosophy of Kant.
We have seen that, according to Kant, we can learn from
reason nothing that is trustworthy regarding the nature of the
soul and the existence of God. Consequently the two
arguments usually given in favour of the permanence of the
soul, one of which is based on its immateriality and the other
on the nature of God, are both without force. From the
metaphysical point of view, therefore, the idea of immortality
is but an illusion. Let us see whether we shall not succeed
better from the moral point of view.
Kant establishes that virtue is the supreme good, but
" it does not follow that it is the whole and perfect good
... for this requires happiness also " (Critique of Practical
Reason, II, ii). He shows that the judgment in which
happiness is joined to the good is not an analytic but
II. 2A
370 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
a synthetic judgment ; in other words, that the two terms,
virtue and happiness, are not identical, but two heterogeneous
notions which are necessarily joined in an a priori judgment, or
added to one another, the one not being contained in the other.
On this principle, he refutes the opposite conceptions of
the Epicureans and the Stoics, who identify the two terms —
Epicurus saying that virtue coincides with happiness, while
Zeno says that happiness coincides with virtue. The two
elements must then, according to Kant, be regarded as
different from one another. Virtue is the supreme good, the
condition of which happiness is the consequence ; both together
constitute the sovereign good}
Such being the definition of the sovereign good, Kant tells
us that the moral law commands us to realize it as far as
possible. It seems surprising that Kant, who reduced the
notion of duty to good will, to fulfilment of the law without
any consideration of consequences, should now make it an
obligation for man to bring about the sovereign good, that is
to say, the harmony of happiness and virtue. Yet this is
certainly what follows from a great many passages in his
writings.
" The realization of the summum bonum in the world is the necessary
object of a will determinable by the moral law. . . . Now it was seen to
be a duty for us to promote the summum bonum ; consequently it is not
merely allowable, but it is a necessity connected with duty, a requisite
that we should presuppose the possibility of this summum bonum. . . ,
The moral law commands me to make the highest possible good in the
world the ultimate object of all my conduct. . . . Thus the fact
that respect for the moral law necessarily makes the summum bonum an
object of our endeavours, and the supposition thence resulting of its
objective reality, lead, through the postulates of practical reason, to con-
ceptions which speculative reason might indeed present as problems but
could never solve. . . . For we do not thereby take knowledge of the
nature of our souls, nor of the intelligible world, nor of the Supreme
Being with respect to what they are in themselves, but we have merely
combined the conceptions of them in the practical concept of the summum
bonum as the object of our will. ... In order to extend a pure
cognition practically, there must be an a priori purpose given ; that is, an
end as object (of the will), which independently of all theological principle
1 Here and in what follows there seems to be some confusion between Kant's
bonum supremum and his bonum comummatum. See Critique of Practical
Reason, Book II, Chap. II [Edr.].
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 371
is presented as practically necessary by an imperative which determines
the will directly (a categorical imperative), and in this case that is the
summum bonum."
In whatever way we may explain this singular theory which
imposes upon the will the realization of the sovereign good
(although it was laid down as a principle that the only thing
that depends upon ourselves is the good will), it is certain that
there must be a foundation for this possibility of the supreme
good ; and because we ourselves are unable to bring about the
fulfilment of this Sovereign Good, after which we are yet bound
to strive, Kant infers the necessity of a Being who would make
the Sovereign Good possible, in other words, the existence of God.
It will be noticed that this theory is peculiar, in that Kant,
unlike other philosophers, makes use of the moral proof of the
coincidence of virtue and happiness to prove, not the im-
mortality of the soul, but the existence of God. By so doing he
seems to weaken the argument ; for on the usual reasoning,
given on the one hand a just and good God and on the other
the necessity of a moral sanction and the insufficiency of
earthly sanctions, it is easy to prove the immortality of the
soul. But it is otherwise with the existence of God. For,
because in justice virtue demands a reward, it by no means
follows that there exists One Who will reward. Kant tries
in vain to add force to his proof by telling us that it is our duty
to realize the supreme good, and that consequently the supreme
good must be possible. This argument is invalidated by his
own theory of good will.
It is, however, with Kant's proof of the immortality of the
soul that we are now concerned. This proof runs thus : The
law of duty demands moral perfection or holiness. But this is
impossible in our present life, in this sensible world, and even,
in general, for any creature ; therefore it can only be attained
by an indefinite progress (here we recognize the theory of
Leibnitz), and this progress is only possible under the hypo-
thesis of an existence and a personality that are indefinitely
prolonged. Thus Kant finds the proof of the immortality of
the soul in the necessity of an indefinite time for the attain-
ment of holiness, which is at once an obligation and an impos-
sibility in our present conditions. This being the case, we
wonder why he thought it necessary to found this proof on the
372 THE PROBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
idea of the Sovereign Good (virtue and happiness), since the right
to holiness — for we may so sum up his proof — was immediately
deducible from the law of duty, and distinct from the right to
happiness which belongs to another order of ideas. As for the
obligation to realize the Sovereign Good, it exists not for us, who
are only bound to the good, but for the Creator.
The Problem of Immortality in French Philosophy : The
Spiritualistic and Humanitarian Schools.
The French Spiritualistic schools did not give much promin-
ence to the problem of immortality. We may, however,
mention the Argument du Phddon, by V. Cousin, in which
Plato's conceptions are developed in the direction of an
impersonal rather than of an individual immortality. But in a
later work, Du Vrai, du Beau, du Bien, he makes use of
Eousseau's arguments to defend the personal immortality of the
soul.
To Cousin's best known disciple, Theodore Jouffroy, belongs
the credit of having introduced a new argument which bears a
strong resemblance to that of Kant, and is based on the infinity
of our tendencies, the injustice there would be if death were to
cut short all that exists potentially in us. Another writer has
turned this argument into ridicule by applying it to animals,
and particularly to oxen, which would, he says, have the right to
claim another life in which to satisfy instincts that had been
suppressed in them (Taine, Les Philosophes classiques). But
this philosopher forgets that animals have not the idea or the
feeling of the Infinite, which is the main point in the argument.
This idea of the Infinite and of a progressive movement is quite in
accordance with the beliefs of the perfectionists in our century.
The same idea, only on a larger scale, is to be found in
another school of this century, which more than any other has
occupied itself with the problem of a future life — I mean the
humanitarian school. This school, more or less under the
inspiration of the Leibnitzian theory of unconscious mental
modifications, revived the doctrine of metempsychosis. This
theory was held in common by Pierre Leroux and Jean
Reynaud, the authors of the Encyclop6die nouvelle, but they did
not both understand it in the same manner. In his book,
L'Humanite', Leroux teaches metempsychosis in mankind
THE PEOBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 373
•
itself: the same men are constantly being born again. This
is a theory of individual, but not of personal immortality. The
individual is not absorbed in the absolute substance, but on
entering into another individual body he loses memory and
personality.
Jean Eeynaud could not admit this immortality which is
without consciousness and without recollection; and in order to
preserve personality and responsibility he teaches that the trans-
migration is from one planet to another, with all the moral
consequences exacted from the principle of merit and demerit.
Such is the doctrine expounded in Terre et del, a doctrine which
is further remarkable in another way. Eeviving the theory of
Origen, Keynaud not only rejects eternal punishment, but
believes in a final reconciliation and a final victory of good over
evil. Lamennais in his Esgruisse d'une philosophic, likewise holds
the perfectionist doctrine as applied to a future life. Finally, in
the school of Saint Simon, a personage well known as the P&re
Enfantin, expounds in a book entitled De la Vie dternelle a
doctrine similar to that of Spinoza. We may add that in the
school of Auguste Comte the idea of a future existence is
reduced to the glorification and worship of great men.
Conclusion.
The history of the problem of immortality may be divided
into three periods. In the first, the period of its infancy, the
belief in immortality was vague and uncertain. With the
exception of the Platonic school, where the spiritual element
first appeared, it was more a question of a physical persistence
than of the immortality of the spirit. Aristotle, though he
rises above the theory of a mere physical permanence, does not
give much space to the question of spiritual immortality.
The second period begins with Christianity, which brought
about the fixed and final establishment of the belief in future
life as of a dogma that was absolute, complete, and incontro-
vertible. This belief became the criterion of true spiritualism,
and the slightest doubt regarding it incurred the suspicion of
atheism and materialism. Consequently, we find that, in the
third period, philosophers entered upon this dangerous ground
with caution. A new line was, however, taken, namely, the
inquiry into the possibility of a future life. The Materialists,
374 THE PEOBLEMS OF PHILOSOPHY
on the ground of the dependence of the mind upon the organs,
deny it as absolutely impossible. The Spiritualists have to
choose between two explanations : that of Kant and that of
Leibnitz. Kant starts from the hypothesis that the world
is a phenomenon, an appearance bound up with the human
imagination, whose laws are not applicable to things in them-
selves. This world disappears at death, together with the
imagination ; therefore the soul can subsist in the world of
noumena, whatever may be the destiny of phenomena.
On the hypothesis of Leibnitz, immortality is brought into
harmony with the laws of nature by means of the idea of
transformation, and by the negation of death. Future life is
merely a continuation of our actual life, under other condi-
tions. Of these two hypotheses, that of Leibnitz has found most
favour in our days, while that of Kant borders on mysticism
and is more easily reconciled with religion.
But even amongst those who accept immortality a new
controversy has arisen, which springs from a difficulty that
was vaguely apprehended before, but has been more defined
in our time — the question between individual immortality,
as understood by Leibnitz, and Spinoza's impersonal immor-
tality. On both sides there is a tendency to exaggeration.
For though on the one hand it is impossible, without running
the risk of falling into a gross form of metempsychosis or into
a spiritualism scarcely less crude, to maintain that the
individual persists with all his defects ; on the other hand it is
not permissible to carry the idea of impersonality so far that
it ceases to have anything in common with the idea of
immortality, or so as to identify the eternity of the soul with
the eternity of God, which was not in question.
It is not incumbent on us to settle this dispute ; we shall
merely observe, without professing to solve the problem, that a
solution may be approached through the distinction we have
drawn in our Morale between the individual and the person ;
and herewith we shall conclude our last essay. " Personality
has its root in individuality, but tends unceasingly to free
itself from individuality. The individual is concentrated in
himself; personality aspires to rise beyond itself. The ideal
of individuality is egoism, the whole referred to the ego ; the
ideal of personality is altruism, the ego identifying itself with
THE PROBLEM OF A FUTURE LIFE 375
the whole. Personality is, as it were, consciousness of the
impersonal. It is not in so far as I am capable of sensation
that I am a person, but in so far as I think, love, and will: in
so far as I think the True, as I love the Good, as I will the
True and the Good. What is inviolable in other men is not
their animal feelings nor their vital functions, but the divine
spark that is in them, the capacity of sharing like myself in
what is neither theirs nor mine, in the light that shines on all
minds — in truth, in justice, in freedom, in all that is imper-
sonal. It is this consciousness of the divine in every man that
is immortal, and not this or that fragile or illusory accident
which in vain we would desire to preserve." This kind of
immortality would not be merely speculative ; for in the heart,
as in the mind, there is something that is eternal.
THE END.
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